mm'
^'■.J-7?MiJ'^-'- .:
-;■.;■ i^:N-^'
•■:>.:> ...'.-v-
■ :■};.':
I.'. :'>v ',■;
BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY.
THE
HISTORY OF THE SARACENS.
BY SIMON OCKLEY, B.D.
Jjnfle.
n
^/.
7.'9V/??7,^^//'?
TBZ
HISTORY or THE SARACENS ;
COHPRIStNO THE
LIVES OP MOHAMMED AND HIS SUCCESSORS,
TO THE DEATH OF ABDALMELIK, THE ELEVENTH CALIPH.
WITH AW ACCOUNT OV
fHEIR MOST REMARKABLE BATTLES, SIEGES, REVOLTS, 5te
COLLECTED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES, ESPECIALLY ARABIC MliS.
BY SIMON OCKLEY, B.D..
PROFESSOK OF ARABIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CiMBRID«E.
LOXDDN: GEOEGE BELL & SONS, YOEK STKEET,
COVENT GAEDEN.
1890.
LONDON :
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFOED STREET AND CHAKING CROSS.
ADVEKTISEMENT.
The Publisher of the Standard Library has much
satisfaction in presenting to his subscribers an improved
edition of a book so remarkable for curious, original, and
instructive matter as Ockley's History of the Saracens.
Upon its first publication this work was received by scholars
with marked approbation, as the most complete and authentic
account of the Arabian Prophet and his successors which
had yet been given to the world ; and even at the present
day, after the lapse of nearly a century, i< continues to be
regarded as the standard history of this eventful period.
The establishment of Islamism is undoubtedly to be num-
bered among those stupendous events which have changed
the face of society in the East; and is a subject deserving
not only of the careful study of the statesman and the divin©
U ADTEEIISZMEXT.
but of all who delight to search, patiently and reverently, into
the -ways of Providence. With the Koran in one hand, and
the scimitar in the other, the impetuous and indomitable
Arab achieved a series of splendid victories tmparalleled
in the history of nations : for in the short space of eighty
years that mighty range of Saracenic conquest embraced a
wider extent of territory than Rome had mastered in the
course of eight hundred.
It is evident that a work designed for popular circulation,
and which is intended to allure those whom business or
indolence may prevent from more laborious reading, requires
a nice combination of qualities which do not often meet
together in the same intellect — accuracy, judgment, taste,
and scholarship — all of which, it will be seen, are exhibited
in Ockleys pages.
The most unqualified praise has been awarded to the
author for the laborious research and xm^wearied energy
displayed under peculiar difficulties, which has resulted in
the production of a work at once enriching the literature
of our country, and furnishing materials of the highest
importance to historians and travellers of every age.
Gibbon made considerable use of this work, in his " De-
cline and Fall of the Roman Empire," where he speaks of
Ockley as "a learned and spirited interpreter of Arabian
authorities, whose tales and traditions afford an artless
picture of the men and the times;"' and in his Autobio-
ADVEETISEJIEXT. HI
graphy he describes him as " an original in every sense, who
had opened his eyes." Professor Smyth, also, in his recent
Lectures on Modern History, recommends " Ockley's curious
work as necessary to enable the student to comprehend
the character of the Arabians, which is there displayed by
their own writers in all its singularities." A Nvriter in the
Quarterly Review (No. sxis.) likewise adds, that " the
History of the Saracens is a splendid instance of success
in this most difficult branch of authorship, and will con-
siderably overpay a perusal, by the strong moral painting
and dramatic vivacity with which the vigorous writer diver-
sified and elevated his subjects."
The literary character of the work being so well esta-
blished, and the last edition ha\Tiig become extremely scarce,
the reasons for its republication must be obvious. In pre-
paring the present Edition for the Press, it is confidently
hoped, that the various improvements introduced throughout,
have enhanced its value, and wOl entitle it to a high degree
of popular favour. The entire work is now compressed in a
sirigle volume, printed from the third and best edition of 1757,
which appeared in two volumes, 8vo, and it has been enriched
with considerable additions in the form of Notes, from the
researches of later writers on Arabian History, particularly
Major Price, Burckhardt, MUls, Lane, Dr. Weil, and Don
Pascual de Gayangos. The orthography of the Oriental names,
which in the work as left by Ockley was by no means
uniform, has, as far as possible, been reduced to the standard
ix A.DVEHTISEMENT.
now most g jnerally acceptable to English readers. A Memoir
of the learned Author, a Table of Contents and Index, have
also been added, with Chronological Dates of the Christian
and Mohammedan years, as well as a Synoptical View of the
later portion of Saracenic History not given by Ockley.
H. G. B.
York Street, March, 1847.
CONTENTS.
Page
Advertisement i
Memoir of Ockley vii
Author's Preface . xvi
Introduction xxi
Life OF Mohammed. Bom A.D. 571, died A.D. 632. An. Hej. 11. . I
Ancient Arabs — The Kaaba — Birth and family of Mohammed —
Traditions of his childhood — Marries Kadija — Writes the Koran —
His mission — First converts — Marries Ayesha, Hafsa, &c. — Tradi-
tions of his night-journey to heaven — Persecuted by the Koreish —
Flight to Medina— Victory at Beder— Defeat at Ohud — Prohibits
wine — War of the Ditch — Marries Zainab and Juweirah — Ayesha's
intrigue — Submission of Mecca — Nearly poisoned — Bewitched by
the Jews — His amoiu-s with Mary — Conquest of Arabia — Marches
into Syria — Farewell pilgrimage to Mecca — His death — His person
and character — His wives — The Koran — His miracles — Mohamme-
dan religion — Mohammedan creed and practice.
SUCCESSORS OF MOHAMMED.
Abdbeker. An. Hej. 11— 14. a.b. 632— 634 .... 79
Election of Caliph — General disaffection of the Arabians — Malec
Ebn Noweirah beheaded by Kaled — Moseilama the false prophet
defeated and slain — War with Syria — Kaled, general — Bostra taken
— Siege of Damascus — Battle of Ajnadin — Damascus taken — Abu-
beker's sickness and death — Collected the Koran into one volume —
His person and character.
Omar I. An. Hej. 13— 23. a.d. 634— 643 . . . .141
Sends Abu Obeidah Ebn Masud into Persia — Death of Abu
Obeidah — War with Persia— Slaughter of the Damascenes — Story
of the two lovers— Deposition of Kaled — Fair at Dair Abi'l Kodas
— Siege of Hems or Emesa, raised by Abu Obeidah Ebn Jerahh —
Kiimisrin taken — Siege of Baalbec — Hems taken — Arrestan taken —
Battle of Yermouk — Siege of Jerusalem — Omar's journey — Treaty
with the inhabitants — Victories in Persia — Siege of Aleppo — Suc-
cessful stratagem of Dames— Aazaz taken — Surrender of Antioch —
Omar writes to Heraclius — Plague in Syria — Amrou's conquests in
Egypt — Treacherous surrender of Misrah — Alexandria taken, and
library burnt — Assassination of Omar — His person and character —
His wives.
OiHMAN. An. Hej. 23—35. a.d. 643—655. . . . .271
Chosen Caliph by six commissioners — Deposes Amrou — Moawiyah
invades Cyprus — Death of Yezdejird— Disaffection of the Saracens
— Revolt at Cufah — Merwan's ill-ministration — Othman's palace
besieged — His death and character.
Au, An. Hej. S5— 40. A.D. 655— 661 287
Dissensions among the Arabians — Aii consents to become Caliph
— His embarrassments — Disaffection towards him — Revolt of
n CONTENTS.
Pagfc
Aytslia- Writes to Cufah — Ayesha's letter — Defeat of Ayesha — Dis-
turbances in Syria — Revolt of Moavnyah and Amrou — Skirmishes at
Scffein — Arbitration fruitless — Rebellion of the Separatists — Malec
Alashtar poisoned — Assassination of All, and conspiracy discovered
— Person and character of Ali — His wives — Anecdotes — Shiites and
Sonnites — Sentences of Ali ....... 337
Hasan. An. Hej. 40, 41. a. d. 660, 661 346
Dissensions in the caliphate — Hasan proffers the throne to Moa-
wiyah — Resignation of Hasan — Poisoned An. Hej. 49 — His birth
and character.
DYNASTY OF THE OMMIADES.
An. Hej. 41—132. a.d. 661—750.
1. MoAwiYAH I. An. Hej. 41— 60. A.D. 661— 679 . . .354
Birth and descent of Moawiyah — Death of Amrou — Ziyad, the
Caliph's brother — Story of — Character and anecdotes of — Execution
of Hejer — Siege of Constantinople — Kairwan built — Makes Damas-
cus his capital — Death of Ziyad — Makes the caliphate hereditary —
Death of Ayesha — Death of Moawiyah — His patronage of letters
— Anecdotes of — His character — The first Caliph who formed a
navy.
2. Yezid I. An. Hej. 60—64. a.d. 679—683 387
Hosein endeavours to obtain the caliphate — Disaffection at Cufah
— Destruction of Hosein's party and his melancholy death — His
family — Traditions concerning his head — Anecdotes of — Revolt of
Abdallah, the son of Zobeir— Rebellion at Mecca — Abdallah be-
sieged in Mecca — Death of Yezid — His character.
3. Moawiyah II. An Hej. 64. a.d. 683 430
Deposed after a reign of six weeks — Abdallah the son of Zo-
beir proclaimed Caliph. .... ... 434
4. Merwan I. An. Hej. 64, 65. a.d. 683, 684 . . . 435
Proclaimed in Syria — Defeats Abdallah — Marries Yezid's widow
— Proceedings at Cufah to revenge Hosein's death — The Cufians
march towards Syria — Cut to pieces by Obeidollah Ziyad — Death of
Merwan by poison — His character.
i. Abdalmelik. An. Hej. 65 — 86. a.d. 684 — 705 . . . 45S
Insurrection of Al Moktar — Death of Obeidollah — Death of Al
Moktar — Murder of Amrou, son of Said — Musab assumes the go-
vernment of Cufah — Expedition against him — His death — Hejaj be-
sieges Mecca — Death of Abdallah, the son of Zobeir — Abdalmelik
acknowledged Caliph throughout Arabia — Cruelty of Hejaj — Insur-
rection of Shebib and Salehh at Mosule — Arabian money first
coined — Death of Shebib— Anecdotes of Hejaj — His death — Death
of Abdalmelik — Stories of — His conquests.
End o/ Ockley's History/.
MEMOIR OF SIMON OCKLEY.
At a time when Oriental studies were at their infancy in
this country, Simon Ockley, animated by the illustrious exam-
ple of Pocock, and the laborious diligence of Prideaux,
devoted his life and his fortune to those novel researclies,
which necessarily involved both. With that enthusiasm
which the ancient votary experienced, and with that patient
suffering the modern martyr has endured, he pursued, tiU he
accomplished, the useful object of his labours. He perhaps
was the first who exhibited to us other heroes than those of
Greece and Rome ; sages as contemplative, and a people more
magnificent even than the iron masters of the world.*
Simon Ockley was bom at Exeter in 1678, and was de-
scended from a good family of Great EUingham, in Norfolk,
where his father usually resided. After a proper foundation
laid in school-learning, he was sent, in 1693, to Queen's Col-
lege in Cambridge, where he soon distingmshed himself by
great quickness of parts as well as intense application to
literature ; to the oriental languages more particularly, for
his imcommon skill in which he afterwards became famous.
He took, at the usual time, the degreec in arts, and that of
bachelor in divinity. Having taken orders also, he was, in
1705, through the interest of Simon Patrick, bishop of Ely,
presented by Jesus College, in Cambridge, to the vicarage of
Swavesey, in that county; and, in 1711, chosen Arabic pro-
fessor of the university. These preferments he held to the
day of his death, which happened at Swavesey, Aug. 9, 1720,
iramaturely to himself, but more so to his family.
Ockley had the culture of Oriental learning very much at
heart, and the several publications which he made were
intended solely to promote it. In 1706, he printed, at Cam*
bridge, a usefid little book, entitled, " Introductio ad Linguas
Orientales." Prefixed is a dedication to his friend the bishop
• D'Israeli'8 Calamities of Authort.
Via MEMOIK OF SIMON OCKLET.
of Ely, and a preface, addressed to the Juventus Academica,
whom he labours to excite by various arguments to the pur-
suit of oriental learning; assuring them in general, that no
man ever was, or ever will be. truly great in divinity, without
at least some portion of skill in it. There is a chapter in this
work, relating to the celebrated controversy between Buxtorf
and Capellus, upon the antiquity of the Hebrew points, where
Ockley professes to think with Buxtorf, who contended for it:
but he afterwards changed his opinion, and went over to
Capellus, although he had not any opportunity of publicly
declaring it. And indeed it is plain, from his manner of
closing that chapter upon the points, that he was then far
enough from having any settled persuasion about them.
In 1707, he published in 12mo. from the Italian of Leo
Modena, a Venetian rabbi, " The History of the present Jews
throughout the World; being an ample, though succinct,
account of their customs, ceremonies, and manner of living at
this time :" to which is subjoined a " Supplement concerning
the Carraites and Samaritans, from the French of Father
Simon." In 1708, a little curious book, entitled " The Im-
provement of Human Reason, exhibited in the Life of Hai
Ebn Yokdhan, written above 500 years ago, by Abu Jaafar
Ebn Tophail:" translated from the Arabic, and illustrated
with figures, 8vo. The design of the author, who was a
Mohammedan philosopher, is to show, how human reason may,
by observation and experience, arrive at the knowledo-e of
natural things, and thence to supernatural, and particularly
the knowledge of God and a future state : the design of the
translator, to give those who might be unacquainted with it, a
specimen of the genius of the Arabian philosophers, and to
excite young scholars to the reading of eastern authors. This
was the point our rabbi had constantly in view ; and. there-
fore, in his " Oratio Inauguralis," for the professorship, it was
with no small pleasure, as we imagine, that he insisted upon
the beauty, copiousness, and antiquity, of the Arabic tono-ue
in particular, and upon the use of oriental learning in general ;
and that he dwelt upon the praises of Erpenius, Golius',
Pocock, Herbelot, and all who had in any way contiibuted to
promote the study of it. In 1713, his name appeared to
a little book, with this title " An Account of South- West
Bzrbary, containing what is most remarkable intho territories
MEMOIK OT" SIMON OCKLET, IX
of the king of Fez and Morocco ; written by a penon who had
been a slave there a considerable time, and published from
his authentic manuscript : to which are added, two Letters ;
one from the present king of Morocco to Colonel Kirk ; the
.'>ther to Sir Cloudesly Shovell, with Sir Cloudesly's answer,"
&c., 8vo. While we are enumerating these small publications
of the professor, it will be but proper to mention two sermons :
one, " Upon the Dignity and Authority of the Christian Priest-
hood," preached at Ormond Chapel, London, in 1710 ; another,
" Upon the Necessity of Instructing Children in the Scrip-
tures," at St. Ives, in Huntingdonshire, 1713. To these we
must add a new translation of the second " Apocryphal Book
of Esdras," from the Arabic version of it, as that which we
have in our common Bibles is from the vulgar Latin, 1716.
Mr. Whiston, we are told, was the person who employed him
in this translation, upon a strong suspicion, that it must needs
make for the Arian cause he was then reviving ; and he,
accordingly, published it in one of his volumes of " Primitive
Christianity Revived." Ockley, however, was firmly of
opinion, that it could serve nothing at all to his purpose ; as
appears from a printed letter of his to Mr. (afterwards Dr.)
Thirlby, in which are the following words : " You shall have
my ' Esdras ' in a little time ; two hundi-ed of which I reserved,
when Mr. Whiston reprinted his, purely upon this account,
because I was loath that anything with my name to it should
be extant only in his heretical volumes. I only stay, till the
learned author of the ' History of Montanism ' has finished a
dissertation which he has promised me to prefix to that book."*
A learned letter of Ockley's to Mr. W. Wotton is printed
among the "Miscellaneous Tracts of Mr. Bowyer, 1784."
But the most considerable by far of all the professor's per-
formances is, " The History of the Saracens ;" begun from the
death of Mohammed, the founder of the Saracenic empire,
which happened in 632, and carried down through a succes-
sion of caliphs, to 705. This " History," which illustrates
the religion, rites, customs, and manner of living of that war-
like people, is very curious and entertaining ; and Ockley was
at vast pains in collecting materials from the most authentic
• This letter, dated Oct. the 15th, 1712, is entitled, "An Account of
the authority of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, contro-
verted between Dr. Grabe and Mr. Whiston." 1712. 8vo.
X MEMOIR OF SIMON OCKLET,
Arabic authors, especially manuscripts, not hitherto publieheil
in any European language ; and for that purpose resided a
long time at Oxford, to be near the Bodleian library, where
those manuscripts were reposited. It is in 2 vols. 8vo. ; the
first of which was published in 1708; the second, in 1718:
and both were soon after republished. A third edition was
printed, in the same size, at Cambridge, in 1757 ; to which is
prefixed, " An Account of the Arabians or Saracens, of the
Life of Mohammed, and the Mohammedan Religion, by a
learned hand:" that is, by the learned Dr. Long, master of
Pembroke hall, in Cambridge.
While at Oxford, preparing this work, he sent a letter to
his daughter, part of which is worth transcribing, as charac-
teristic both of him and his labours. " My condition here is
this : one of the most useful and necessary authors I have is
written in such a wretched hand, that the very reading of it is
perfect deciphering. I am forced sometimes to take three or
four lines together, and then pull them all to pieces to find
where the words begin and end : for oftentimes it is so written,
that a word is divided as if the former part of it was the end
of the foregoing word, and the latter part the beginning of
another ; besides innumerable other difficulties kno^vn only to
those that understand the language. Add to this the pains
of abridging, comparing authors, selecting proper materials,
and the like, which in a remote and copious language, abound-
ing with difficulties sometimes insuperable, make it equivalent
at least to the performing of six times so much in Greek and
Latin. So that if I continue in the same course in which I am
engaged at present, that is, from the time I rise in the morn-
ing till I can see no longer at night, I cannot pretend once to
entertain the least thought of seeing home till Michaelmas.
Were it not that there is some satisfaction in answering the
end of my profession, some In making new discoveries, and
some in the hopes of obliging my country with the history of
the greatest empire the Avorld ever yet saw, I would sooner
' do almost anything than submit to the drudgery.
" People imagine, that it is only understanding Arabic, and
then translating a book out of it, and there is an end of the
etory : but if ever learning revives among us, posterity will
judge better. This work of mine (in another way) is almost
of as difierent a nature from translating out of the Greek or
MEMOIK OF SIMON OCKLEY, xi
Latin, as translating a poet from one language to another is
different from prose. One comfort I have, that the authors I
am concerned with are very good in their kind, and afford me
plenty of materials, which will clear up a great many mistakes
of modern travellers, who, passing through the eastern coun-
tries, without the necessary knowledge of the history and
ancient customs of the Mohammedans, pick up little pieces of
tradition from the present inhabitants, and deliver them as
obscurely as they receive them. One thing pleases me much,
that we shall give a very particular account of Ali and Hosein,
who are reckoned saints by the Persians, and whose names
you must have met with both in Herbert and Tavernier ; for
the sake of whom there remains that implacable and irre-
concilable hatred between the Turks and Persians to this
very day, which you may look for in vain in all the English
books that have hitherto appeared. It would be a great satis-
faction to me, if the author I have were complete in all his
volumes, that I might bring the history down five or six
hundred years : but, alas ! of twelve that he wrote, we have
but two at Oxford, which are large quartos, and from whence
I take the chief of my materials.
" I wish that some public spirit would arise among us, and
cause those books to be bought in the east for us which we
want. I should be very willing to lay out my pains for the
service of the public. If we could but procure £500 to be
judiciously laid out in the east, in such books as I could
mention for the public library at Cambridge, it would be the
greatest improvement that could be conceived : but that is a
happiness not to be expected in my time. We are all swal-
lowed up in politics ; there is no room for letters ; and it is to
be feared that the next generation wUl not only inherit but
improve the polite ignorance of the present."
Poor Ockley, always a student, and rarely what is called a
man of the world, once encountered a literary calamity which
frequently occurs when an author finds himself among the
vapid triflers and the polished cynics of the fashionable circle.
Something like a patron he found in Harley, the Earl of
Oxford, and once had the unlucky honour of dining at the
table of my Lord Treasurer. It is probable that Ockley, from
retired habits and severe studies, was not at all accomplished
in the suaviter in modo, of which greater geniuses than Ockley
XU METJOIB OF SIMOX OCKLET.
liave so surlily despaired. How he behaved we cannot narrate ;
probably he delivered himself with as great simplicity at the
table of the Lord Treasurer, as on the wrong side of Cambridge
Castle gate. The embarrassment this simplicity drew him
into, is very fully stated in the following copious apology he
addressed to the Earl of Oxford, which we have transcribed
from the original ; perhaps it may be a useful memorial to
some men of letters as little polished as the learned Ockley : —
" Cambridge, July 15, 1714.
" Mt Lokd,
" I was so struck with horror and amazement two days ago,
that I cannot possibly express it. A friend of mine showed
me a letter, part of the contents of which were, ' That Pro-
fessor Ockley had given such extreme offence by some
uncourtly answers to some gentlemen at my Lord Treasurer's
table, that it would be in vain to make any further application
to him.'
" My Lord, it is impossible for me to recollect, at this dis-
tance of time. All that I can say is this : that, as on the one
side for a man to come to his patron's table with a design to
affront either him or his friends, supposes him a perfect
natural, a mere idiot ; so on the other side it would be ex-
tremely severe, if a person whose education was far distant
from the politeness of a court, should, upon the account of an
unguarded expression, or some little inadvertency in his
beha\'iour, suffer a capital sentence.
"Which is my case, if I have forfeited your Lordship's
favour ; which God forbid ! That man is involved in double
ruin that is not only forsaken by his friend; but, which is the
unavoidable consequence, exposed to the malice and contempt,
not only of enemies, but, what is still more grievous, of all
sorts of fools.
" It is not the talent of every well-meaning man to converse
with his superiors with due decorum; for, either when he
reflects upon the vast distance of their station above his own,
he is struck dumb and almost insensible ; or else their conde-
scension and courtly behaviour encourages him to be too
familiar. To steer exactly between these two extremes re-
?iuires not only a good intention, but presence of mind, and
long custom.
MEMOIR OF SIMON OCKLEY. xrii
" Another article in my friend's letter was, ' That somebody
had informed your lordship, that I was a very sot.' "When
first I had the honour to be known to your lordship, I could
easily foresee that there would be persons enough that would
envj' me upon that account, and do what in them lay to
traduce me. Let Haman enjoy never so much himself, it is
all nothing, it does him no good, till poor Mordecai is hanged
out of his way.
" But I never feared the being censured upon that account.
Here in the University, I converse with none but persons of
the most distinguished reputations both for learning and
virtue, and receive from them daily as great marks of respect
and esteem, which I should not have, if that imputation were
true. It is most certain that I do indulge myself the fi'eedom
of drinking a cheerful cup, at proper seasons, among my
friends ; but no otherwise than is done by thousands of honest
men who never forfeit their character by it. And whoever
doth no more than so, deserves no more to be called a sot,
than a man that eats a hearty meal woidd be willing to be
called a glutton.
" As for those detractors, if I have but the least assurance
of your lordship's favour, I can very easily despise them.
They are nati consumere fruges. They need not trouble
themselves about what other people do ; for whatever they eat
and drink, it is only robbing the poor. Resigning myself
entirely to your Lordship's goodness and pardon, I conclude
this necessary apology -with like provocation, That I xoould he
content he should take my character from any person that had a
good one 0/ his oiv7i.
" I am, with all submission,
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most obedient, &c.
" Simon Ockley."
To the honour of the Earl of Oxford, this unlucky piece of
awkwardness at table, in giving "uncourtly answers," did not
interrupt his regard for the poor oriental student ; for several
) ^ars afterwards the correspondence of Ockley was still accept-
able to the Earl.*
• D'laraeli's Calamities of Authors.
h
XIT MEMOIR OF SIMON OCKLET-
In the meantime, Ockley was one of those unfortunate per-
sons, whom Pierius Valerianus would have recorded, in his
book " De infeUcitate literatorum." In his " Inaugural
Oration," printed in 1 7 11 , he calls fortune venejica and noverca,
speaks of mordaces euros as things long familiar to him ; and,
in Dec. 1717, we find him actually under confinement for
debt. In the introduction to the second volume of the first
edition of his " Saracenic History," he not only teUs us so,
but even stoically dates from Cambridge Castle. His biogra-
pher thus accounts for his unfortunate situation : — Having
married very yoimg, he was encumbered with a family early
in life ; his preferment in the church was not answerable to
his reputation as a scholar ; his patron, the Earl of Oxford,
fell into disgrace when he wanted him most ; and, lastly, he
had some share of that common infirmity among the learned,
which makes them negligent of economy and a prudential
regard to outward things, without which, however, all the
wit, and all the learning, in the world, will but serve to ren-
der a man the more miserable.
If the letters of the widows and children of many of our
eminent authors were collected, they would demonstrate the
great fact, that the man who is a husband or a father ought
not to be an author. They might weary with a monotonous
cry, and usually would be dated from the gaol or the garret.
I have seen an original letter from the widow of Ockley to the
Earl of Oxford, in which she lays before him the deplorable
situation of her affairs ; the debts of the Professor being
beyond what his efiects amounted to, the severity of the cre-
ditors would not even sufier the executor to make the best of
his efiects ; the widow remained destitute of necessaries,
incapable of assisting her children.
Thus students have devoted their days to studies worthy of
a student. They are public benefactors, yet find no friend in
the public, Avho cannot yet appreciate their value — Ministers
of state know it, though they have rarely protected them.
Ockley, by letters I have seen, was frequently employed by
Bolingbroke to translate letters from the sovereign of
Morocco to our court; yet all the debts for which he was
imprisoned in Cambridge Castle did not exceed two hundred
pounds. The public interest is concerned in stimulating such
enthusiasts; they are men who cannot be salaried, who can-
MEMOIE OP SIMON OCKLRY. XV
not be created by letters patent ; for they are men who infuse
their soul into their studies, and breathe their fondness for
them in their last agonies. Yet such are doomed to feel their
life pass away like a painful dream ! *
As to the literary character of Ockley, it is certain that he
was extremely well skilled in all the ancient languages, and
particularly the oriental ; so that the very learned Reland
thought it not too much to declare, that he was " vir, si quis
alius, harum literarum peritus." He was, likewise, very
knowing in modern languages, as in the French, Spanish,
Italian, &c. and, upon the whole, considered as a linguist, we
may presume that very few have exceeded him.f
• D'Israeli'a Calamities of Authors.
t For this biography, which is principally written by Dr. Heathcote, w«
are indebted to Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary and D'Israeli's Calami-
ties of Authors.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
The Arabians, a people but little noticed by the Greek and Roman
authors, notwithstanding the nearness and the extent of their country,
have, since the time of Mohammed, rendered themselves universally
remarkable, both by their arms and learning. The understanding, there-
fore, of their affairs seems no less if not more necessary than a knowledge
of the history of any people whatsoever, who have flourished since the
decline of the Roman empire. Not only have they had as great men, and
performed as considerable actions, as any other nation under heaven ; but,
what is of more concern to us Christians, they were the first ruin of the
eastern church.
It might reasonably have been expected, that the Greeks, who bore the
greatest share of that grievous calamity, and whose vices and divisions, it
is to be feared, brought it upon the Christian world, would have taken
particular care to have given a just account of it. But, on the contrary,
they liave been more jejime and sparing in this particular, than is allowable
in any tolerable historian, even when relating matters at the greatest
distance. Not to enumerate a long catalogue of their defects, I shall content
myself with producing the words of an ingenious author,* who was well
aware of the imperfections of the Greeks with relation to this history, and
fully expresses the true sense of that matter in these words : " This," says he,
" in substance, is the account of those wars, and of the beginning of the
Saracenic empire, which is left us by the Grecian writers of that age, who are
justly accused of brevity and obscurity, in a subject that deserved to be
more copiously handled ; for undoubtedly it must needs have been various
as well as surprising in its circumstances, containing no less than the sub-
duing of whole nations, altering ancient governments, and introducing a
new face of affairs in the world." There is nothing more just than this
observation; and what lame accounts must we then expect from those who
compile histories of the Saracens out of the Byzantine historians ?
I was no sooner convinced of this, but, having, by the study of their
language, fitted myself in some measure for reading their authors, I felt a
great desire to communicate some part of this hitherto unknown history to
the world; being equally affected with wonder and concern, that, consider-
ing the multitude of learned men which the last age produced, it should
have been so long neglected. The reason of this is, I conceive, that the very
few who were masters of the Arabic learning were otherwise employed,
spending their time in publishing such books as were absolutely necessary
to pave the way for posterity to attain a competent skill in that difficult
language. Others, insufficiently acquainted with that nation, have entei-
tained too mean an opinion of them, looking upon them as mere baibarianB*
puid this mistaken notion hindered all further inquiry.
• Echard's Roman History, vol. ii. p. 304.
PBEFACE. XTU
A» for those great men who, in this last age first restorel to us EuiDpeanj
that learned, copious, and elegant language ; I mean Erpenius, Giggeius,
Golius, Sionita, and oxir incomparable Dr. Pocock ; we cannot express how
much we are indebted to them for their learned labours, without which the
Arabic tongue would still have been inaccessible to us. But as there are
other persons of a different taste, who, for want of due information, have
conceived a wrong opinion of the Arabians, it will not be amiss, before we
give a particular account of our present imdertaking, to say something
concerning that people.
Before Mohammed's time they were idolaters. They were always a
warlike people, seldom being at peace either with one another or their
neighbours. They were divided into two classes ; some of them lived in
towns and villages ; others, having no fixed, settled habitations, lived in
tents, and removed from one part of the country to another, according as
their necessities compelled, or conveniences invited them. Their chief
excellence consisted in breeding and managing horses, and the use of bows,
swords, and lances. Their learning lay wholly in their poetry, to which
their genius greatly inclined them. Mohammed and his successors soon
rooted out idolatry, and united those jarring tribes in the profession of that
new superstition, which he pretended to have received by inspiration from
God, delivered to him immediately by the angel Gabriel.
For about two hundred years, little else was cared for but war, except
what concerned the interpretation of the Koran, and the sects and divisions
among themselves which arose therefrom, and daily multiplied. But there
was as yet no curiosity about foreign learning, nor desire of being acquainted
V with the arts and sciences. At last, in Al Mamoim's reign, who was the
twenty-seventh after Mohammed, and was inaugurated caliph in the 108th
year of the Heju-ah,* learning began to be cultivated to a very great degree,
especially mathematics and astronomy. And, in order to promote learning
and science, that noble caliph spared no cost, either to procure such Greek
books as were serviceable to that purpose, or to encourage learned men to
the study of them. Nor did the sagacity and application of that ingenious,
penetrating people in the least disappoint the designs of their munificen'
benefactor ; their progress in learning, after they had once entered upon i^
seeming no less wonderful than that of their conquests ; for in a few years'
time they had plenty of translations out of the Greek, not only of
mathematicians and astronomers, but also of philosophers, naturalists, and
physicians. And this love of learning was not confined to the eastern
parts, but diffused throughout the whole dominions of the Saracens, being
first carried into Africa (where they erected a great many universities), and
from thence into Spain : so that when learning was quite lost in these
western parts, it was restored by the Moors, to whom was owing whatever
of philosophy was understood by the Christians of these times. For Greek
was not understood in this part of the world till the taking of Constantinople
by the Turks, a.d. 1453, when several learned Greeks escaping with their
libraries, and coming westward, that language was restored ; therefore the
philosophers and schoolmen, before this date, were obliged to content
tbenuelves Mrith Latin translations, not only of Averroes, Alfarabius, and
* A.D. 813.
XTUl FBEFACE.
Algazali, and other Mohammedan authors, but alao of Aristotle and other
philosophers, which translations of Greek authors were not made out of the
original Greek, but out of Arabic versions.
Had the Arabians, after having taken the pains to learn the Greek
tongue, applied themselves with as much care to the historians, as they
did to the philosophers, and studied Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenoplion,
and the other masters of correct writing which that language furnished, we
might have expected from them a succession of historians worthy to write
the great actions which were performed among them. But they never
turned their thoughts that way, studying the Greek merely for the sake
of the sciences, and valuing neither that nor any other language as compared
with their own. And, though it must be granted that the Arabic ia
extremely fine and copious, so as to afford words sufficient to express with
elegance and propriety every subject, it is, nevertheless, not sufficient of
itself, any more than any other language, to make a man an author ; there
being a manifest difference between language and style, insomuch that a
man may write the best language in the world, and use the most proper
and significant words, and yet not be worth the reading. For besides
propriety of expression, a certain justness and exactness (not only with
respect to the choice of materials, but to the composition), must shine
through the whole ; and this is not to be attained without being well
acquainted with the best authors.
The great esteem which I have for eastern learning makes me heartily
wish that we had not too much cause in this respect to complain of our
Arabic historians. For in this way they have deprived us of a great deai
of the pleasure, and sometimes profit, which we might otherwise hare
derived from reading them. They have not sufficient regard to the due
qualifications of an historian, but tell things after a careless manner, often
stuffing their works with many trifling matters, at other times jingling upon
words, and, to show the copiousness of their language and variety of
expression, spinning out a trifling incident into a long story. It is, there-
fore, a work of difficulty to follow or compile these authors, and yet the
task, nevertheless, deserves well to be undertaken, and will abundantly
recompense the pains.
For in these authors is contained an account of all the most remarkable
actions done in the east, and other parts, for above one thousand years.
During this period, Asia and Africa were the scene of as great achievements
as ever were performed in the times of the Roman empire, to which that of
the Saracens was, in many respects, equal.
In order to carry out my design, after I had made a draught out of
Elmakin, Abulfaragius, and Eutychius, I went to the Bodleian Library,
which is, without question, the best furnished with oriental manuscripts of
any in Europe. Besides a great number of the best authors, purchased by
the University of Oxford, out of the libraries of Dr. Hyde, Dr. Huntington,
and Dr. Pocock ; not to mention Mr. Samuel Clark's, Gravius's, or Sel-
den's, there is in the Bodleian an invaluable collection given by that
incomparable prelate and martjT of blessed memory. Archbishop Laud ; of
whose great virtues it would be sv^oerfluous to say anything here, they
being so well known and admired b} all that know how to set a just valae
upon learning and piety.
PKEFA.CK, XIX
But this prelate's princely munificence and zeal in restoring oriental
'learning in these northern climates, both by purchasing an excellent collec'
tion of eastern authors, and in encouraging men of abilities to apply them-
selves to that study, cannot, without the greatest ingratitude, be passed
over in silence by any one that has any due regard to oriental learning.
But I especially owe him this acknowledgment, as it was among the manu-
scripts of that reverend prelate that I found the best copy* of that author
which I have here endeavoured to make speak English, and of whom I am
now going to give an account.
His name is Abu Abdollah Mohammed Ebn Omar AI Wakidi. As to
the time in which he lived I have not been able to find any authentic
information, nor could I, by the diligent reading of him, discover any token
by which I could give a probable guess.
Though I cannot precisely fix his age, it is most certain that he lived
above two hundred years after the matter of fact which he relates. For,
page 313, he mentions Al Motasem, the caliph, whose reign began in the
year of our Lord 833; and, if so, it is the same thing as if he had lived six
hundred years after. For that author that lives one thousand years after
any matter of fact, is as much a witness of it as he that lives but at two
hundred years' distance. They are both of them obliged to take upon
trust, and if there be no loss of good authors during that interval, he that
writes latest is as credible an historian as the first.
Besides, the particulars relating to the first rise of kingdoms and empires
are generally obscure. The reason of which is, because arms take rule of
all, and a government must be well established before learning can get
room to breathe in it. Wherefore, in these cases, it is allowed by all, that
those accounts which have been handed down from time to time, and
received by the best judges, ought to be looked upon as authentic. Never
was there any person yet that inquired after the age of Livy, in order to
know how far he might be accounted a competent relator of what was
done in the reigns of Romulus and Numa Pompilius.
In these cases it is, as that excellent author very well observes : Famm
rerum standum est, ubi certain derogat vetustas fidem, " When a long
interval of time has set things at too great a distance, we must be content
with the current report, and rest satisfied mth the best account we can get."
However, that author consults his own reputation, and his readers' satisfac-
tion most, who does not indifferently set do\vn everything he meets with,
but uses as much caution as the circumstances of the matter -will admit.
Our author, Al Wakidi, has not been wanting in this particular. Some-
times he ushers in a story after this manner: " I have been informed by a
credible person." In another place, he says : " We are informed by
Moses Ebn Asem, who had it from Jonas Ebn Abdallah, who had it from
his grandfather Abdarrhaman Ebn Aslam Arrabii, who was in the wars of
Syria." In that place where he gives an account of Derar and some
others, who were put into chests at Arrean, he says : " I was informed by
Ahmed Al Matin Al Jorhami, who had it from Raphaa Ebn Kais Al
Amiri, who had it from Saiph Ebn Jabalah Al Chatgami, who had it from
Thabet Ebn Al Kamah, who said he was present at the action." These
* MSS. Laud. No. A. 118.
XS PREFACE.
expressions (not to insinuate tliat they may afford a trace whicli may le^d
to a guess at the author's age) are most evident proofs that he was as care-
ful as he could, neither to be imposed upon himself, nor to deceive his
reader. And though there are a great many such like expressions dispersed
throughout his whole work, yet 1 have not thought fit to intermix them in
my history, because it is so different from what M-e are used to. Here,
however, I thought it necessary to give a taste of it, for the vindication of
my author. And certain it is, that such things as these, nay of less consi-
deration, were thought a good defence of Herodotus against Plu^-uch's
Bbjections. by no less a person than the learned Harry Stephens.
Al Wakidi's design was not to write the life of any particular caliph, but
to give an account of the conquest of Syria. I should have been very
glad if he had given me an opportunity of comparing him with some noble
Greek or Latin historian, but his manner of writing will not allow it. He
is chiefly valuable for this, that we find materials in him which we have no
where else, and he is not so sparing of them, but there is liberty enough to
pick and choose. How I have succeeded in this performance must be
submitted to the judgment of the learned reader. Only I must take the
liberty to say, that though I have not transcribed my author in every par-
ticular, yet I have done him no injury in anything that I have related;
nor have I taken a liberty of writing carelessly, in hopes of being secure
from discovery (the language not being generally understood), but have
used the same diligence as I would have done were I sure that every one
of my readers would instantly have collated my book with the manuscripts.
The archbishop's copy, which I chiefly used, is two hundred and fifty
years old, being written in the year of the Hejirah 863, of our Lord 1458.
There is another copy of it among Dr. Pocock's MSS. D'Herbelot says
there is one in the library of the king of France; which are all that I
know of in Europe.
•Simon Ocklet.
INTRODUCTION.
Iw our first volume* we have given an account of the wonderful success
of the Saracens in the speedy conquest of Syria, Persia, and Egypt. The
particulars of the sieges of Damascus, Alexandria, Aleppo, Antioch, Jeru-
salem, and several other places of great importance, as delivered by their
own authors ; the foundation of the destruction of the Grecian empire, and
the establishment of that of the Saracens under the government of Abu-
beker, Omar, and Othman, the immediate successors of Mohammed.
But, if the reader expects in this second volume such a particular
account of their foreign conquests as is to be found in the first, he will find
himself deceived. When the Saracens first undertook the conquest of the
universe, everything beyond their own bounds was new to them, and their
achievements were no less matter of surprise to themselves than to their
neighbours. Afterwards, however, when they were grown considerable
enough to quarrel among themselves, and when their foreign enemies were
removed so far from the centre of the government, that, let success prove
which way it would, it was not likely to affect the \itals of the empire;
their historians begin to pass over those distant transactions very cursorily,
seldom descending to particulars, unless there happens to be something
very extraordinary; and, what is more remarkable still, seldom take any
notice of them, unless the bare mentioning of them can be reckoned as
such. Not but that there are in several of their libraries particular accounts
from whence many circumstances might be gathered relating to Africa,
and also entire histories of the conquest of Spain; while, for the eastern
parts of their empire, the Persian historians are the best.
Instead of such exact accounts of foreign affairs, we are in the present
period entertained with a quite different scene. Here their historians dwell
principally upon those terrible di\asions among themselves which, originat-
ing with the succession of Ali and his family, the abdication of his son
Hasan, and the death of Hosein,have laid the foundation of perpetual
discord among the followers of the prophet. For the dissensions between
Ali's followers (of whom the Persians are chief), and the Traditionists (of
whom are the Turks, and whose creed we have inserted at the end of the Life
of Mohammed), seem never likely to be reconciled so long as Mohammed-
anism itself shall exist. Some of the Turks, indeed, interpret that fable of
Mohammed's having divided the moon, and, after holding one half of it for
some time in his sleeve, joining it again to the other, as prefiguring the
division of the professors of Mohammedanism (whose standard is the new
• The edition from which the present is printed is in two volumes, pub-
lished at intervals, in 1757. This introduction was prefixed to the second
volume. — Ed.
XXU INTEODTTCTION.
moon) into those two great sects, and the re-union of them after a certai«
period of years.
These things, together with' the changing of their government from an
elective monarchy as it was left to them by Mohammed, into an hereditary
one, as commenced by Moawiyah, and hrmly settled in the reigns of his
successors ; as well as the account of the immense and rapid extension of
their empire, form the principal contents of the second volume. And
although we have not arrived at the conquest of Spain, nor the learned age
of the Arabians, yet we have brought the Saracen empire to an established
settlement, and written the history of fourscore years, in which the Sara-
cens conquered very much more than the Romans did in four hundred.
I designed, when I first set about the present portion of my work, to take
in the whole of the contemporary affairs of the Christians; but, upon second
thoughts, it appeared to me to be foreign to my purpose. Every one may
satisfy himself, by reading this history, how regardless during its course the
Saracens were of any European powers ; they were wholly taken up with
their domestic quarrels. The proposed way of proceeding must have occa-
sioned a great many discourses to be intermixed through the whole, in order
to reconcile the accoimts of the Greeks and Arabians, which widely dis-
agree both in the facts and the dates. By such discussions the narrative of
Arabian affairs must have been frequently and unseasonably interrupted.
A man might as well undertake to write the history of France for the
present time, out of our newspapers, fvs to give an account of the Arabians
from Christian historians. The Arabians (and it is their historj' we write,
and no other) are the most likely to give the best accoimt of things per-
formed among themselves. Wherefore all that we promise, is, to fix oui
chronology to a day.
Then, as to the Greeks, whom, in the early part of our history, we see
sufficiently broken by the irresistible prowess of the victorious Saracens; it
was not in their power to offer any considerable opposition to such foes.
For so great was their intrepidity that there was not a single deputy-lieute-
nant or general among them that would not have thought himself worthy
to be branded with indelible disgrace, if he should have suffered himself to
have been intimidated even by the united forces of all Europe. And if
any one asks, why the Greeks did not exert themselves more towards the
extirpation of these insolent invaders 1 to say, that Amrou kept his resi-
dence at Alexandria, and Moawiyah at Damascus, is a suflScient answer to
any person that is acquainted wiih the characters of those men.
But what a great many persons, otherwise of no contemptible reading
nor abilities, wonder at, is the vast difference between the occiurences in
our present history and those that are found in others. But whosoever
considers the briskness and activity of the Arabians (the effect of the
warmth of their climate, temperance, and constant exercise), joined to their
enthusiasm, will find an easy solution of those extravagant actions that
seem to distinguish them from the rest of mankind.
For this reason no one ought to wonder if I have accommodated my
style to the humour of the people of whom I write. To write of men in
their circumstances, who were all humorists, bigots, and enthusiasts, in the
•ame style as becomes the sedateness and gravity of the Greeks and
Romans, would be most unsuitable and unnatural. In such a case you put
IKTKODUCTION. XXIU
them in a dress which they would no more thank you for than a Roman
senator would for a long periwig, or Socrates for a pair of silk stockings.
You rob them of all their merit; the very things for which you laugh at
them are what they most value themselves upon ; and it is most certain,
that the nearer you bring a man that is singular to the rest of mankind, ;he
farther you remove him from himself, and destroy the very being of his
singularity. This will, I hope, satisfy the judicious reader, that, if I have
deviated from that way of writing which was first established by the
ancients, and always admired and imitated by the wisest of the modems, I
have done so not of choice, but of necessity. For otherwise I should have
abused both the Arabians and my readers : the former by putting them
into a disguise under a pretence of dressing them ; my readers, by defraud-
ing them of the humour of that enthusiastic nation. Wherefore I have let
them tell their own story their own way; and I have abstained as much aa
possible from intermixing reflections of my own, unless where there
appeared a necessity of illustrating something that might not be obvious to
persons unacquainted with oriental affairs.
I must confesss that some of the particulars seem very odd and ridicu-
lous; but the stranger they are, the more they illustrate the character of
the people of whom we write. Besides, there is a vast deal of difference
between being a reader and a spectator. The things that make us laugh
now, would have made us tremble then. The habit, the manner, the
gravity, sobriety, and activity of that conquering people, are not beneath
the observance of the greatest genius. What we find in them to laugh at
is the difference of their manners. But this is but a childish reason, and
the very same which makes ignorants laugh at scholars; fools, at wise men;
boys, at old ones; atheists and debauchees, at persons of virtue and religion.
However, I do not deny, but that I have here and there inserted a relation
wherein the matter of fact itself contains nothing very extraordinary ;
nevertheless, I could not make up my mind to omit it, because the circum-
stances appeared to be highly characteristic of the humour and genius of
that tragi-comical people.
Who would not rather have the details of a siege omitted, than lose the
description of All's inauguration ? Of the former a man may form some
notion by himself, but he could have no idea of the latter without good
authority. Many cities have been taken under nearly the same circum-
stances, but very few emperors, I believe, were ever proclaimed in such
style as Ali. A great many other little incidents there are, very useful and
entertaining in themselves, that may be properly enough inserted in writing
a life, which would not so well come into a universal history, whose course
goes on like a vast river, sometimes overflowing its banks, sometimes
keeping within its bounds; sometimes with a great, impetuous fall, some-
times with a smooth and almost imperceptible motion. But, in writing the
lives of monarchs, the course of the narrative is frequently interrupted, and
the historian must detail several little particulars pertaining to his particular
person, his humoxu-, friends, enemies, passions, affections, dangers, deliver-
ances, apophthegms, and the like, not properly belonging to the history of
the people. Such is the difference between Suetonius and Livy.
But, to write after the manner of the most celebrated universal histori-
ma, all little circumstances and trivial discourses must be omitted ; th«
XXiv IXTRODTJCTIOX.
language must be all of the same thread, and the whole carried on in a
nervous, eloquent, and flo\ving style; and, when the subject calls for it (as
in any very extraordinary case), proportionable ornament must be added;
the images magnified beyond the life, and embellished to that degree
sometimes, that the historian puts on the orator before he is aware : and
speeches must be made suitable to every occasion, according to the abilities
of the author. Throughout the cadence must be smooth and easy, and the
periods full : nothing must be inserted that falls beneath the dignity of
history; otherwise, between the style and the matter, it must of necessity
oftentimes happen, that a great deal of nature is lost. The whole compo-
sition must be uniform, and managed as regularly as a well-built edifice.
In short, such a round turn must be given to everything, that the facts
shall seem to be made on purpose to embellish the history, rather than the
history for the relation of the facts. He, therefore, that reads for delight,
and loves to be entertained with artful compositions, will choose this way;
he that studies nature, will be better pleased with the other. That is one
reason why persons of the greatest severity and exactest judgment delight
in comedy, not only because it diverts them, but because it lets them into
the humour of mankind, and paints it in all conditions of life as it really is.
Now, why an historian, whose business is truth, should, for the sake of imi-
tation, smother every thing that is characteristic aiid distinguishing of the
people concerning whom he writes, I cannot understand. Wherefore, let
Livy make speeches for his people, and Tacitus invent politics, it is the
glory of our Arabic historians to represent the naked truth as handed down
from their ancestors in its native simplicity. So that, as much as we are
exceeded by other authors in their elaborate expression, and the strength
and artifice of their composition, so much at least do we hope to exceed
them in the unaffected plainness and sincerity of our relation.
Some critics were pleased to object to the first part of my history, that it
was the strangest story they had ever heard since they were bom ! They
never met with such folks in their lives as these Arabians ! They never
heard too, they said, of these things before, which they of course must
have done, if any body else had. A reverend dignitary asked me, if, when
I wrote that book, I had not lately been reading the History of Oliver
Cromwell ! They say that the Arabians are given to romance ; and for
that reason I suppose they are not to be believed (according to Aristotle)
when they speak truth. And above all, that a history will never go down
in this nice age, that contains only a relation of battles, but that the very
quintessence of a history consists in the politics.
Now for my own part I must confess, that I am of such an indolent
disposition, that if I can but fairly get rid of this last grand objection, I
care not one rush for all the rest. I confess that a history without politics
comes into the world in very unfashionable circumstances, especially in a
generation wherein, if fortune had not envied our merit, we should all have
been plenipotentiaries, secretaries of state, or pri^^r-councillor8 ! What
affects me most is, that this objection should be made by these enlightened
gentlemen, whom every body would have supposed to have been so well
skilled in analytics, as upon the first sight of any action to have made an
infallible guess at the springs of it. Besides, I should have run a great
riak on the other side, for it is an insufferable affront in an author to leave
INTBODTTCTIOIf. XX7
nothing to his intelligent reader, but to be always feeding him with a spoon,
and teaching him to read with a fescue ! Who would ever have imagined
but that it was the peculiar talent of these gentlemen, upon first sight of
the event to trace back the springs of the action; and siirely it required no
great discernment to trace the com^e and issue of events, in an enthusiastic
tyrannical government, held by persons entangled in family quarrels entaUed
ipon them from generation to generation, and not extingxiished, whatsoever
fiiey pretended, by their being united in the same profession of Mohamme-
ianism. For it was from these antecedent divisions that arose those terrible
convulsions in the state which, had it not been very well supported ty their
aversion to Christianity on the one side, and to idolatry on the other, must
Boon have rendered them a prey to their common enemies. Add to this,
that those persons who had enjoyed the greatest share of their prophet's
favour when ahve, were treated with proportionable respect after his
decease. To such a height was this carried, that if any person had been
any way familiar with Mohammed, he was reckoned among the companions*
though he was never so young ; and so great was the respect paid to them,
that their authority would tm-n the scale in almost any debate. For the
Saracens preferred to go to a very great extremity, rather than reject the
advice of a companion of the apostle — of course I mean if that counsel
were urged on the prevailing side ; for notwithstanding their allegiance to
their prince, it is evident they were no bigots to indefeasible right.
But if the not having heard of this history before be such a terrible
objection against it, what would the having heard of it before have been ?
I must confess that objection lies strong against the veracity of it to persons
who would take it as an affront to be supposed capable of being ignorant of
such a considerable part of history as this pretends to be. What I wonder
most at is, that those very gentlemen who formerly were better acquainted
with the rivers Jaxartes and Oxus, Indus and the Ganges, than vrith the
Thames itself which they swam in every holiday ; who discoursed of Asia
as if they had been surveyors to Alexander the Great ; who would have
disputed every foot of ancient geography with no less eagerness than if it
had been a paternal inheritance ; and could pronounce concerning the
oracle of Jupiter Ammon with no less certainty than the oracle itself,
should on a sudden prove so indolent as not only to suffer those delicate
provinces to be ravished out of their hands without so much as venturing a
suit about them, but even express an ungrateful displeasure of those who
too officiously proffer their service to restore them gratis. However, these
critics are of the kinder sort ; they neither mean nor do any great hurt ;
they only make themselves a little sport with those things which they do
not very well understand; and, if they carry on the humour upon that foot,
bid fair for the reputation of the merriest company in the world.
I have not omitted to make every use of the learned labours of
Monsieur D'Herbelot, whose Bibliotheque Orientale deserves the highest
esteem from all that have a true taste for oriental learning. After I had
made my collections, I found him so accurate in the life of Ali, in the
history of the Saracens, that I have chosen sometimes to transcribe liim
• Ziyad waa of this number : he was bom in the year of the Hejirah,
and was but eleven years old when Mohammed died. See p. 61.
XXVI INTKODUCTIOK,
paragraph by paragraph, rather than to spoil what waa already well done,
by affecting to make it my own.
To him I owe whatsoever is quoted from the Persian authors. How
often have I endeavoured to perfect myself in that easy and delicate
language ; but my malignant and envious stars have still combined to
frustrate my attempts. However, they shall sooner alter their own courses
than extinguish my resolution of quenching that thirst, which the little taste
I have had of it, hath so hotly excited.
I am as yet ignorant of Turkish ; which I should not be so much
concerned at, were it not for five volxmies in that language in oiu- public
library, which I behold with delight and concern at the same time : with
delight, because they are ours, and so not to be despaired of: with concern,
because I do not myself understand them. They are a translation of the
great Tabari, who is the Livy of the Arabians ; the very father of their
history. As far as I could find by inquiry his original work is given over
for lost in Arabia. I formerly inquired of my predecessor. Dr. Luke,
concerning him, who told me he had never met with him in the east, and
that he believed there was no hope of finding an Arabic copy of his book :
Monsieur D'Herbelot says the same. And there is this good reason for it,
that this being the standard of their history, and upon that accoimt translated
from the very first out of Arabic into Turkish, the value of the Arabic
copy must of necessity have fallen more and more in all those territories
where Turkish is better understood than Arabic ; for it would not be
worth the bookseller's while to be at the charge of transcribing it
However that we might not imagine it lost because of its extreme scarcity
I luckily found a piece of it in folio amongst archbishop Laud's
manuscripts (it is unfortunately imperfect), accurately written and with all
the points, and no doubt for the use of some great person. Without the
assistance of which copy I must oftentimes have been left in the dark.
Had I not been destitute of similar aids ; had I not been forced to
snatch everything that I have, as it were out of the fire ; our history of the
Saracens should have been ushered into the world after a different manner.
Now, gentlemen, though critics and readers, I hold you in very particulai
respect, yet pardon me if I choose rather to point out my own deficiencies
than leave them for you to find out ; for I fear lest, notwithstanding your
candour, a fault should be ascribed to my laziness or negligence that ought
more justly to be attributed to the influence of mexorable necessity.
Wherefore, in the first place, I will confess that could I have been master
of my own time and circumstances, I would never have published anything
of this kind, till I had perfectly finished the first part of it according to
the natural division which the circumstances of the Saracen empire
suggested to the Arabian historians. This era would have extended, from
Mohammed's birth to the ruin of the house of Ommiyah by that of Abbas,
which was effected in that part of the year of the Hejirah one hundred and
thirty two, which answers to part of the year of our Lord seven hundred
and fifty. And this period would consequently have included several other
conquests, besides that of Spain.
But these were things rather to be desired than hoped for ; and if I had
waited till I could have made all this preparation, I should never have
published any of it sa long as I lived. The ancients oftentimes thought a
INTEODUCTION,
xxvi!
life well spent in polishing one single book ; and they certabily were very
much in the right of it, if (as most certainly tliey did) they intended to
perpetuate their memories to posterity, and eke out perishing mortality with
an access of glory. We modems on the contrary can no sooner propose
anything though it requires never so much care and application, but we are
daily importuned to know when it is to come out. This however is our
comfort, that the ancients are in their graves, and though we can, when we find
leisure, read their books, they shall never arise from the dead to read oiu-s.
But that we may not affectedly attribute to the ancients all excellence
exclusively, we must observe that modern taste is not always so corrupt.
Monsieur Petit de la Croix, (that famous oriental interpreter to the late
Louis XIV. of France,) when commanded by the great Colbert to write
the life of Jenkizchan, did not think, as his son acknowledges in the
preface, ten years too much time to employ upon it ; though he
neither wanted books, leisure, abilities, nor encouragement. It is not the
mere following those authors who have made their business to write the
lives of such or such princes that is sufficient ; but it is also necessary to
gather up the scattered remains that occur in other historians ; to consult
the commentators upon the Koran ; to consult the scholiasts of their
poets ; also their medals, inscriptions, and lexicographers. The historian
must also trace the originals of customs, surnames, tribes, and the like ; and
in a word, must dispose all the materials with such judgment that every
part may fall naturally into its proper place, and add a lustre to the
whole.
But my unhappy condition hath always been such as was far from
admitting of such an exactness. Fortune seems only to have given me a
taste of it out of spite, on purpose that I might regret the loss of it.
Though perhaps I might accuse her wrongfully for befriending me with an
excuse for those blemishes that would have admitted of none liad I been
furnished with all those assistances and advantages, the want of which I
now bewail. If that was her meaning, she hath been very tender of my
reputation indeed, and resolved that my adversaries should have very little
reason to accuse me of the loss of time. The first part of my work cost
me two journeys to Oxford, each of them of six weeks only, (inclusive of
the delays upon the road, and the diihculty of finding the books without
any other guide than the catalogue, not always infallible. ) But my chief
business being then with one author,* it was so much the easier to make a
quick despatch ; because it is of no small moment in affairs of this nature
to be once well acquainted with the hand of the manuscript, and the style
of the author.
But in my second undertaking I found the appearance of things quite
different in more respects than one. Either my domestic affairs were grown
much worse, or I less able to bear them, or, what is most probable, both
were the case.-f- What made me easy as to my journey and charges diu-ing
my absence, was the liberality of the worshipful Thomas Freke, Esq. of
• Al Wakidi.
i " Ingenuous confession ! fruits of a life devoted, in its etniggles, to
important literature ! and we murmur when genius is irritable, and erudition
is morose !" — D'lsraelVs Cclurnities of Authors.
XX>'1U INTEODTTCTIOir.
Hannington, Wilts; to whom the world is indebted for whatsoever ii
performed at present in this second work ; I mean with regard to the
expenses : which kindness however would not have answered the end
he designed, if I had not been indulged with all possible conveniences of
study, first by the favour of my much honoured friend, the incomparable
Dr. Halley, who, with the consent of his learned colleague Dr. Keil,
allowed me the keys of the Savilia^^ study. In the next place I have to
express my thanks to the reverend and learned Dr. Hudson, principal
librarian of the Bodleian ; who according to his wonted humanity permitted
me to take out of the library whatsoever books were for my purpose ;
otherwise, though I had fi\e months' time, much could not have been
done, considering the variety and difficulty of the manuscripts. Besides
all which I was forced to talce the advantage of the slumbers of my cares,
that never slept when I was awake ; and if they did not incessantly interrupt
my studies, were sure to succeed them with no less constancy than night
doth the day.* Though it would be the height of ingratitude in me not to
acknowledge that they were daily alleviated by the favours and courtesies
which I received from persons of the greatest dignity and merit in that noble
university ; too num^erous to be all here inserted, and all too worthy
(should I mention any one of them) to be omitted.
Some such apolog}' as this will always be necessary for him that
undertakes a work of this nature upon his own bottom, without proper
encouragement. If any one should pertly ask me, why then do you
trouble the world Avith things that you are not able to bring to perfection ?
let them take this answer of one of our famous Arabian authors ;+ what
cannot totally be known, ought not to be totally neglected; for the
knowledge of a part is better than the ignorance of the whole.
* " This is the cry of agony. He who reads this without sympathy, ought
to reject these volumes (Calamities of Authors) as the idlest he ever read ;
ard honour me with his contempt." — D'lsraeli.
♦ Abulfeda, Praef. ad Geograph.
T
THE
LIFE Oy MOHAMMED.
The Arabians, who are also by the Greek, and in imitation
of them, by Latin writers, called Saracens, are divided by
their historians into three classes : 1. The primitive Arabians,
who inhabited Arabia immediately after the flood : of whom
nothing now remains but the names of their tribes, as Adites,
Thamudites, kc. and some traditional stories of their punish-
ment for not hearkening to the prophets sent to reclaim them ;
which stories, however fabulous, have not only served to fur-
nish the Arabian poets with subjects and allusions, but are
mentioned in a serious manner by Mohammed,* in the Ko-
ran,! i^ order to deter his followers from disbelieving his
mission and rejecting his doctrine. 2. The second class are
the pure Arabians, descended from Kaktan or Joktan the
son of Heber, spoken of Gen. x. 25. The Arab historians
make Joktan the father of two sons, not mentioned in the
Bible, or mentioned under different names : one of them,
called Yaarab, they say was the father of the Arabs who
• Ockley writes Mahomet, but as the name is pronounced in Arabic,
Muhammed, or Mohammed, and the latter is the orthography most gene-
rally adopted, it has been followed here. The name is derived from the past
participle of the verb hamad, signifying " praised," or " most glorious."
t Koran signifies a book, AL is the Arabic article the ; the word Alco
ran was formerly adopted in almost all the Euiopean languages; but wi
Sa'.o, Gibbon, and most of our modem autliors wTite Koran, it is preferred
here.
B
2 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. A. D. 571
inhabited Yeman, or Arabia Felix ; and the other son Jorham
settled in the province of Hejaz ; hither they tell us Abra-
ham, upon Sarah's complaint, carried Ishmael, who married
Ra'ala the daughter of the twelfth king of the Jorhamites :
by whom he had twelve sons. From these, and their posterity
intermarrying with the pure Arabians, sprang the Most-Arabi
or mixt Arabians, called Ishmaelites and Hagarens. This does
not agree with Scripture, which tells us, that the mother of
Tshmael took him a wife out of the land of Egypt, Gen. xxi. 21 .
But here I would have it once for all observed, that we shall
often find the Arab writers give different accounts of persons
and things from what we meet with in sacred history. They
had no ancient writings, their memorials of ancient times
were handed down to them by tradition ;^' they are besides
much given to fable ; no wonder then that they deviate so from
the truth. Thus they tell the most absurd stories of Adam and
Eve : they mention Noah's flood, but instead of eight, as the
Scripture informs us, pretend eighty persons were saved in
the ark : they will have it that it was not Isaac but Ishmael
whom Abraham was about to offer, &c. In general, though
Mohammed professed great regard for the Old and New Testa-
ments, he miserably corrupted the histories of both by fables ;
some borrowed out of the Jewish Talmud, others from
spurious authors, and some probably forged in his own brain,
or that of his assistants.
The Arabs are now, as they were in ancient times, of two
sorts. Some inhabit to^vns, maintaining themselves by their
flocks, agriculture, the fruit of their palm-trees, by trade or
merchandise ; others live in tents, remo\'ing from place to
place, as they find grass and water for their cattle, feeding
chiefly upon the milk and flesh of camels, a diet which is said
by an Arabian physician to dispose them to fierceness and
cruelty. t The latter class, though strictly just among them-
selves, often commit robberies upon merchants and travellers ;
and excuse themselves by alleging the hard usage of their
progenitor Ishmael, and think they have a right to indemnify
themselves, not only upon the posterity of Isaac, but also
upon every body else who falls in their way. The Arabs
were, before the time of Mohammed, divided into several
• Pocock. Specim. Arab. Histor. p. 55. t Idem, p. 08,
«.& ri. THE TEMPLE OF MECCA. 9
tribes ; each tribe had a king or head : and they were often
at war with one another.
The religion of the ancient Arabians, according to their
traditions, was derived from Abraham and Ishmael. These
patriarchs it was pretended built the temple of Mecca, which
from its form, was called the Kaaba or Square ; and was
their kebla, or place towards which they turned their faces
when they prayed, as the Jews turned theirs towards the
temple of Jerusalem. The Kaaba was held by them in great
veneration, as it is also by the present Mohammedans, who
are persuaded it is all but coeval with the world. For they say,
that when Adam was cast out of paradise (which they place
in the seventh heaven), he begged of God that he might be
permitted to erect upon earth a building like that he had seen
the angels go round in heaven ; and that in answer to his
prayer, a representation of that house in curtains of light
was let down, and placed at Mecca, directly under the original,
in a way that he might go round it, and turn his face towards
it when he prayed. After Adam's death, Seth, they tell us,
built the Kaaba of stone and clay, in the same place ; but,
being destroyed by the deluge, it was rebuilt by Abraham
and Ishmael. The Kaaba, which has been several times rebuilt
or repaired,* is a square stone building, the length whereof
from north to south is twenty-four cubits, the breadth from
east to west twenty-three, and the height twenty-seven cubits.
The door, which is on the east side the threshold, has
four cubits above the ground, so that, there being no steps f
adjoining to it, they who come to worship may touch the
threshold with their foreheads, or kiss it. The black stone,
which the Mohammedans hold in great reverence, and believe
to be one of the stones of paradise, which fell down with
Adam from heaven, is a small stone set in silver and fixed
in the south-east corner of the Kaaba, about four feet from
the ground. It is said to be white within, but to have been
turned black on the outside by the sins of the people, or more
" " Ten thousand angels were appointed to guard the structure from acci-
dents; but they seem, from the history of the holy building, to have been
often remiss in their duty." — Burckhardfs Arabia, p. 162.
t There are movable steps to use when the Kaaba is to be cleaned, oi
the lamps therem lighted up.
b2
4 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. a. d C7L
probably by the kisses of the pilgrims.* Upon the ground on
the north-siie of the Kaaba there is a stone called, the sepul-
chre of Ishmael ; there is also another stone called the station
of Abraham, which they say being used by him for a scaflfold
rose higher with him as the walls of the building rose ; and
that, after he had done building, he stood upon it and prayed,
and left on it the prints of his feet. Roimd three sides of
the Kaaba, and at no great distance from it, stands a row of
pUlars, which are joined at the bottom by a low balustrade,
and at the top by bars of silver. Without this enclosure, are
buildings used for oratories, by the different sects of Moham-
medans ; there also is the treasury, and a small edifice raised
over the sacred well Zemzem.f AU these buildings are en-
• " Being in want of a stone to fix into the comer of the building as a
mark from whence the Towaf, or holy walk roxmd it, was to commence,
Ismael went in search of one. On his way he met the angel Gabriel,
holding in his hand the famous black stone. It was then of a refulgent
bright colour, but became black, says El Azraky, in consequence of its
haring suffered repeatedly by fire, before and after the introduction of
Islamism. Others say its colour was changed by the sins of those who touched
it. At the day of judgment, it is to bear witness in favour of all those who
have touched it ivith sincere hearts, and will be endowed with sight and
speech." — Burckhardt's Arabia, p. 163.
+ " The Mohammedans are persuaded that the well Zemzem is the very
spring which gushed out for the relief of Ismael, when Hagar his mother
wandered \rith him in the desert; and some pretend it was so named from
her calling to him, when she spied it, in the Egyptian tongue, ' Zem, zem,
that is, ' stay, stay ;' though it seems rather to have had the name from the
murmuring of its waters. The water of this well is holy, and is highly
reverenced; being not only drunk with particular devotion by the pilgrims,
but also sent in bottles, as a great rarity, to most parts of the Moham-
medan dominions. Abdallah, sumamed Al Hafedh, from his great memor}',
particularly as to the traditions of Mohammed, gave out that he acquired that
faculty by drinking large draughts of Zemzem water, to which I believe it
is about as efficacious as that of Helicon to the inspiring of a poet." —
Sale. Mr. Lane, in his notes to the Arabian Nights, tells us, that " The
water of this well is believed to possess miraculous \irtues, and is there-
fore brought away in bottles or flasks by many of the pilgrims, to be used,
when occasion may require, as medicine, or to be sprinkled on grave-linen.
A bottle of it is a common and acceptable present from a pilgrim, and a
guest is sometimes treated \vith a sip of this holy water." Pitts, an old
English traveller, found the water brackish, and says, the pilgrims drink it
so inordinately that " they are not only much purged, but their flesh
breaks out all in pimples; and this they called the purging of their spirit
u&l corruption."
tum.Bn B.IS BIRTH 0
dosed at a cousiderable distance by a magnificent colonnade
surmounted with small cupolas, and at the four comers there,
are as many steeples adorned like cupolas, with gilded spires
and crescents ; between the pillars of both enclosures hang a
number of lamps, which are constantly lighted up at night.*
The Kaaba is supported by pillars of aloe-wood, between
which hang silver lamps, and a spout of gold carries off the
rain-water from the roof. The walls on the outside are hung
with a rich covering of black damask, adorned with a band
of gold, which is changed every year at the expense of the
Turkish emperor, f The Kaaba is properly the temple, but
the whole territory of Mecca is held sacred, and distinguished
by small turrets, some at seven and others at ten miles' dis-
tance fi'om the city. "Within these precincts it is not lawful
to attack an enemy, or even to hunt or fowl.[
Mohammed was bom at Mecca, an ancient city of Arabia,
about the year of our Lord 571, for historians do not agree about
the precise year.:J: He was of the tribe of Koreish, the noblest
of that part of the country. Arab Avriters make him to be
descended in a right line from Ishmael, the son of Abraham ;
but do not pretend to any certainty in the remote part of his
genealogy ; for our purpose it ■will be enough to commence much
later, but with a well authenticated fact. The great grand-
father of Mohammed was Hashem, whose descendants were
* Burckhardt, in describing the Kaaba at the present day, says, " The
effect of the whole scene, the mysterious drapery, the profiision of gold
and silver, the blaze of lamps, and the kneeling multitude, surpasses any-
thing the imagination could have pictured."
t " A new covering for the Kaaba is sent from Cairo every year with the
great caravan of pilgrims : it is carried in procession through that city, and it
believed to lie one of the chief means of procuring safety to the attendant*
through their arduous and dangerous journey." — Lane's Arab. Nights.
i " The date of the birth of Mohammed is not fixed with precision. It
is only known from Oriental authors that he was bom on a Monday,
the 10th Reby 1st, the third month of the Mohammedan year; the 40th
or 42nd of Cosroes Nushirvam, king of Persia; the year 881 of the Seleu-
cidan ara; the year 13 J 6 of the aera of Nabonnassar. This leaves the
point undecided between the years 569, 570, 571, of Jesus Christ. Seethe
Memoir of M. Silv. de Sacy, on divers events in the History of the Arabs
before Mohammed, Mem. Acad, des Inscripts. vol. xlvii, pp. 527, 531, St.
Martin, vol. ix. p. 59. Dr. Weil decides on A.D. 5/1. Mohammed
died in 632, aged 63; but the Arabs reckoned his life by lunar years,
wiich reduces b's life nearly to 61." — Milmans Gibbon.
6 LIFE OP MOHAMMED. a.h. 571.
from him called Hashemites.* He managed to obtain the pre-
sidency over the Kaaba, and, what went with it, the govern-
ment of Mecca, which had been some time in the tribe of the
Koreishites.f After his death it went to his son Abda'l Motal-
leb, who had thirteen sons, ivhose names I shall here set down,
because we shall meet wi,h some of them in the following
history. Abdallah, Hamza. Al Abbas, Abu Taleb, Abu Laheb,
Al Gidak, Al Hareth, Jahtl, Al Mokawam, Dorar, Al Zobeir,
Kelham, Abdal Kaaba. The eldest of them, Abdallah, who,
on account of the integrity of his character and the comeli-
ness of his person, is said to have been his father's favourite,
married Amina, of the tribe also of the Koreishites, by whom
he had Mohammed. Upon the marriage of AbdaUah, it is
related that no fewer than two hundred young damsels,
who were in love with him, died in despair. We should
here observe, that the Mohammedan historians are often very
extravagant in their accounts of persons and things that have
any relation to their prophet. Thus Abulfeda, one of the
gravest of them, tells us of four miraculous events that hap-
pened at the birth of Mohammed : 1 . That the palace of
Cosroes, king of Persia, was so shaken, that fourteen of its
towers fell to the ground ; 2. That the sacred fires of the
Persians, which had been kept incessantly burning for 1000
years, went out all at once ; 3. That the lake Sawa sank ;
4. That the river Tigris overflowed its banks. By these
prodigies, and by a dream of the high-priest of Persia,
which seemed to forebode some impending calamity from
Arabia, Cosroes being naturally alarmed, sent for a
famous diviner to inform him what they portended ; he
received for answer, that fourteen kings and queens should
* Even to this day the chief magistrate both at Mecca and Medina,
who must always be of the race of Mohammed, is invariably styled " The
Prince of the Hashemites."
f Abulfeda informs us that the custody of the Kaaba and presidency of
Mecca had been formerly in the possession of the tribe of the Kozaites,
till at length they fell into the hands of Abu Gabshan, a weak and silly
man, whom Kosa, the grandfather of Hashem, circumvented while in a
drunken humour, and bought of him the keys of .the temple and the go-
vernment of Mecca for a bottle of wine. A war between the Koreishitea
and Kozaites was the result, which, however, ended in the defeat of the
latter, and the whole possession of Mecca remained to the Koreishites, and
was held by Kosa and his pos erity in a right line down to Mohammed.
*.a381. TRA.DITIONS OF HIS CHILDHOOD. «
reign in Persia, and that then what was to come to pass
would happen. Some legendary writers relate a great many
more wonderful things, enough to shock the belief of the
most credulous. They may be seen in Maracci.* I shall give
only two of them as a sample of the rest : 1 . They assert
that Mohammed came into the world surrounded with a light,
which not only ilkmiinated the chamber wherein he lay, but
also the whole country round about. 2. That as soon as he
was born he fell upon his knees, and bending all except his
two 'fore-fingers, with uplifted hands, and his face turned
towards heaven, pronounced distinctly these words, " Allah
acbar," &c. that is, " God is great: there is no other God
but one, and I am his prophet."
Abdallah dying while Mohammed was an infant, or, ac-
cording to some, before he was born, he was by his mother
put to a wet-nurse named Halima. Here again we have
more miracles, even in Abulfeda. The nurse, who, while
this blessed infant was with her, was in greater affluence
than ever she had been before, was one day put in a great
fright by her own son, who came running out of the field,
and told her that two men in white had just seized Moham-
med, laid him on the ground, and ripped open his belly.
Upon this, she and her husband went out to him, and found
him upon his legs ; but when she asked him. What is the
matter with you, child ? he confirmed the tale of his belly
being cut up. Hearing this, the husband said, I am afraid
he has contracted some bad disease ; and Halima herself,
who had before been very desirous to keep the child, was
now as eager to get rid of him, and carried him home at
once to Amina. On being asked what was the reason she
had thus changed her mind, the nurse said she was afraid the
devil had made some attack upon him ; but the mother re-
plied. " Out upon you, why should the devil hurt my
child ?" Some authors tell us, that when the angels ripped
up Mohammed's belly they took out his heart, and squeezed
out of it the black drop, which they believe is the conse-
quence of original sin, and the source of all sinful thoughts,
being found in the heart of every person descended from
Adam, except only the Virgin Mary and her son Jesus.
* Refutatio Alcorani, fol. 1698,
8 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. *.d. 584.
It is a wonder they did not except Mohammed also, whom
they look upon to be the most perfect creature that God
ever made ; but of whom we shall find in the sequel that his
heart was not entirely cleansed from the black drop.
Mohammed's mother dying when he was six years old,
he was taken care of by his grandfather, Abda'l Motalleb,
who at his death, which happened two years after, left him
under the guardianship of his son Abu Taleb. By this
uncle, whose business was merchandise, Mohammed was
brought up, and at the age of thirteen went with him
into Syria. At fourteen he joined his kinsmen in the im-
pious war,* where the Koreishites gained the victory. With
Abu Taleb he continued till he was twenty-five, when he
became a factor to Kadija, the widow of a rich merchant at
Mecca, who had left her all his wealth. He managed the
affairs of his mistress so well, and so ingratiated himself
into her favour, that after keeping him three years in her
service, she bestowed on him her hand. The legendary
writers, in their account of this circumstance, tell us, Kadija
fell in love with Mohammed owing to the wonderful things
that befell him in his last journey from Bostra in Syria, of
which some were related to her by the slaves who had ac-
companied him, and of some she was herself an eye-witness.
But that which made the greatest impression on her heart
was, that the angel Gabriel carried all the way a cloud
over his head, to screen him from the scorching heat of the
sun, which in that country is very intense. But surely there
was little need of a miracle to induce a widow of forty-five,
who had already buried two husbands, to take for a third a
young man of twenty-eight, possessed, as Mohammed is said
to have been, of a handsome t)erson and agreeable manners. f
From the age of thirteen or fourteen to twenty-five very
* The Arabs had four months in which it was not lawful to go to war;
this war was in one of those months.
+ " The nuptials of the prophet and his bride were celebrated with
great festirity, mirth, music, and dancing ; heaven is said to ha ve been
filled with unwonted joy, and the whole earth intoxicated with delight.
Some Arab writers add, that a voice from the skies pronounced the union
happy; that the boys and girls of Paradise were led out on 1 be joyous
occasion in their bridal robes; that the hills and valleys capered for glad-
ness at the sounds of uneartlily music ; and that fragrance was breathed
through all nature."
A.D. 596. HIS FIKST MAKKIAGE. 9
little is related of Mohammed, except a fabulous story of his
being seen when very young by a monk of Bostra in Syria,
called Babira, who foretold bis future grandeur. Boulain-
villiers, indeed, wbo has left an unfinished account of his
life, has thought fit to fill up the chasm with inventions of
his own. He tells us, that during this interval his uncle
Abu Taleb prepared him for the wars he was afterwards to
be engaged in, by inuring him to hunting and martial exer-
cises. Contrary to all history, he makes him twenty when
he first travelled into Syria, and carries him to Damascus, to
Baalbec, to Elia or Jerusalem, and to the capital of Persia,
places -which no other writer ever mentions him as visiting.
These accounts he pretends to have taken from Arabian
authors, but does not name a single authority. In short,
Boulainvilliers* has given to the world, instead of a history,
a politico-theological romance foimded upon the life of Mo-
hammed, whom he supposes, in these imaginary voyages, to
have made such observations, and to have furnished his
mind with such political ideas as enabled him to form those
great designs he afterwards put in execution.
The following, however, seems to be the truth of the
matter. Raised by his advantageous match with Kadija to
an equality with the principal men of the city, he may very
naturally have conceived the idea of aiming at the govern-
ment of it. And this is the more probable as it belonged to
his family, and in a regidar succession ought to have come to
him; but in consequence of his father and grandfather both
dying when he was a minor, it had fallen to his uncle Abu
Taleb. From his marriage nearly to the time of his pre-
tended revelation, all that we hear of him on authority is,
that by Kadija he had four sons. Upon the birth of the
eldest, who was named Casem, he took, according to the
custom of the Arabians, the surname Abu'l Casem, i. e. the
father of Casem. His sons all died in their inlancy ; but
his daughters, Fatima, Zainab, Rokaia, and 0mm Colthum,
lived to be married, and will be mentioned hereafter, as occa-
sion arises.
* Gagnier says he could find no historians that verify the account given
by BouJainvilliers ; and exposes the bad design he seems to have had in
view, in the encomiums he lav'shes on the impostor and his false religion.—
Pr^. au Vie de Mohammed.
10
LITE OF MOHAMMED. a.d. 609.
It is probable that he employed himself for some years in
the care Df his family, and the prosecution of his trade ; con-
forming all the while to the idolatrous superstition of his
countrymen. By the Christian writers he is said to have
been profligate in his morals ; but nothing of the kind, as
was to be expected, is mentioned by any Mohammedan
author. However this may be, in the thirty-eighth year of
his life he began to affect solitude, retiring frequently into a
cave of mo-unt Hara, near Mecca, to spend his time in fasting,
prayer, and meditation. Here he is supposed to have com-
posed so much of the Koran as he first published. Moham-
med, who, it is agreed on all hands, could neither read nor write,
has evidently borrowed many things from the Old and New Tes-
taments, and from the Jewish Talmud. His assistants in the
work are said to have been Abdia, the son of Salem, who was
a Persian Jew, and a Nestorian monk named Bahira by the
eastern, and Sergius by the western writers. From a state-
ment we shall presently give from Abulfeda. it seems pro-
bable that Waraka was also in the secret, if he did not lend
a helping hand. In his Koran, chap. xvi. the impostor
complains that his enemies charged him with being assisted
by that Persian Jew, but endeavours to clear himself in these
words : " They say, certainly some man teaches him ; he
whom they mean speaks a barbarous language ; but the
Koran is in the Arabic tongue, full of instruction and
eloquence."* As for the monk, he is said to have mur-
dered him, when he had no further occasion for him. No
doubt he took what care he could to conceal his being
assisted.
A' ulfeda, after relating Mohammed's marriage with
Kadija, has a digression, wherein he speaks of the pre-
fecture of the Kaaba going from Nabet, the son of Ishmael, to
the Jorhamites, next to the Kozaites, and from them to the
Koreishites. The last pulled down the temple and began to
rebuild it. But when the walls were raised up to the height
at which the black stone was to be set, a dispute arose as to
which of the tribes should have the honour of placing it.
The Koreishites being unable to settle the question, Moham-
med, who stood by, ordered a garment to be spread upon
• See Sale's Koran, chap. xvi. with the Notes thereon.
k.0 611. HIS FIKST EEVELATION. li
the ground, and the stone to be laid in the middle of it, and
then all the tribes together to take hold of it round the edges
and lift it up. "When they had raised it high enough the
prophet took the stone and put it into its place. From
Abulfeda's manner of relating this transaction, its date is
not fixed to this part of his life ; but an Arab -s^-riter, cited
by Gagnier, says it was done when Mohammed was a little
boy. In all probability it is only a fiction, invented to excite
a high opinion of his wisdom.*
The following account, which is taken verbatim from
Abulfeda, is the statement already alluded to. " When
the apostle of God (whom God blessf ) was forty years old,
* Schlegel mentions the circumstance, and says, that at the time the
honour fell to the lot of Mohammed, he was a stripling of fifteen. He
also states, that at an early age, long before he announced himself as a
prophet, his poetry, which far outshone that of his competitors, had raised
him to a high degree of honom' and consideration. — Phil, of Hiatory. In
reference to this, we annex the following illustration from Herbelot :
Lebid, the most distinguished Arabian poet of the time, and one of the
seven whose verses constituted the Moallakat, a series of prizes suspended
in the Kaaba, was still an idolater when Mohammed commenced pub-
lishing his laws. One of his poems commenced with this verse : " All
praise is vain which does not refer to God: and all good which proceeds
not from him is but a shadow;" and no other poet could be found to com-
pete with it. At length, the chapter of the Koran, entitled Barat, was at-
tached to a gate in the same temple, and Lebid was so overcome
by the verses at the commencement, as to declare that they could only
be produced by the inspiration of God, and he immediately em-
braced Islamism. When Mohammed was apprised of the conversion of
Lebid, the finest genius of his time, he was exceedingly delighted, and re-
quested him to answer the invectives and satires of Amiiicais and other
infidel poets who wrote against the new religion and its followers. Amasi,
however, states, that after he had became a Mussulman, he wrote on no
other sulDJect save the praising of God for his conversion. He is said to
have uttered the following sentence on his death-bed : " I am told that all
that is new is pleasant; but I find it not so in death, even though it be a
novelty." Ben Caschem also attributes to him the follomng, which is the
finest sentence which ever fell from the lips of an Arab: —
" All is vain which is not of God."
Lebid lived to the age of 140 years, and died in the year 141 of the
'loiira.
f In the Koran the followers of the impostor are forbidden, when they
address him, to call him by his name, Mohammed. This was too familiar;
they were therefore commanded to say, 0 prophet, or 0 apoetle of God,
12 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. A. D. 611
God sent him to the black and the red (i. e. to all mankind),
that by a new law he might abolish the ancient laws. His
first entrance upon this prophetic office was by a true night
vision ; for the most high God had inspired him with a love
of retirement and solitude, so that he spent a month every
year in the cave of Mount Hara. When the year of his
mission was come he went, in the month Ramadan, with
some of his family, into the cave. Here, as soon as the night
fell wherein the glorious God very greatly honoured him,
Gabriel (upon whom be peace) came to him and said, ' Read,'
And when the prophet answered, ' I cannot read,' he said
again, ' Read : In the name of the Lord who hath created,'
&c. reciting the words as far as, ' he taught man what he
knew not,' v. 5.* Upon this the prophet, going to the
middle of the mountain, and hearing a voice from heaven
saying, ' O Mohammed, thou art the apostle of God, and I
am Gabriel,' stood still in his place looking upon Gabriel,
till at length Gabriel departed, when the prophet also
went away. Soon after he came to Kadija, and told
her what he had seen ; she said, ' I am very glad of this
good news ; I swear by him in whose hand the soul of
Kadija is, I verily hope you are the prophet of this nation.'
And when she had said this she went to her kinsman,
"Waraka, son of Nawfal. Now Waraka had read the books,
and heard many discourses, of Jews and Christians. To
him, therefore, Kadija related what the apostle of God
had said ; and Waraka replied, ' By the most holy God,
and bv him in whose hand is the soul of Waraka, what
This author never mentions the apostle of God without adding these words,
" whom God bless," or the initial letters of these words, " w. G. b." Ge-
nerally, indeed, Mohammedan writers seldom name an angel, or a person
whom they regard as a prophet, or as eminent for piety, without adding
" peace be to him."
* This is generally believed to be the first passage of the Koran re-
vealed to Mohammed, though it is the beginning of the ninety-sixth
chapter of that book. It runs thus, as divided into verses in Maracci's
edition. " 1, Read in the name of the Lord, who hath created. 2. He
hath created man of coagulated blood. 3. Read by the most beneficent
Lord. 4. Who taught by the pen. 5. Who taught man what he knew
not." The rest of TTie~chapter has no connexion with the beginning, but
is taken up in ujibraiding and threatening one of his enemies, supposed to
be Abu Jehel.
A.D. 611. COXVERSION OF HIS WIPE. 13
you say, Kadija, is true, for the glorious law brought by
Moses, the son of Amram, foretold his coming. No doubt
he is the prophet of this nation.' Then Kadija returned to
the apostle of God, and told him what Waraka had
said ; whereupon the apostle of God said a prayer, and went
to the Kaaba, and, after compassing it seven times, returned
to his own house.*
'' After this, revelations followed thickly one after another.
Kadija was the first of mortals that embraced Islamism,f so
that nobody preceded her. In the book called Al Sahih
there is a tradition, that the apostle of God said, among
men there have been many perfect ; but among women
only four : Asia, the wife of Pharaoh ; Mary, daughter of
Amram; Kadija, daughter of Co walled; and Fatima, daughter
of Mohammed."]:
* Warakah-bin-Nawfal was a cousin of Kadija. In the days of igno-
rance he learned the Christian religion, translated the gospel into Arabic,
gave himself up to devotion, and opposed the worship of idols. He lived
to a great age, and towards the end of his life became bliad. — Notes to
the Mishcat.
t Islam, or Islamism, is said by Prideaux, to signify the Saving religion ;
by Sale, resigning one's self to God; by Pocock, obedience to God and his
prophet. It also means the Mohammedan world. It is, therefore, of the
s:ame acceptation among the Mohammedans, as the words Christianity
and Christendom among Christians. Moslem, or Mussulman, is a
derivation from Eslam or Islam, and is the common name of Moham-
medans, without distinction of sect or opinion. In grammatical accuracy,
Moslem is the singular of the word, Mussulman is the dual, and Mussul-
minn, the plural. But in conformity with the usages of the best writers,
we shall use the words Moslem and Mussulman in the singular, and Mos-
lems and Mussulman* in the plural. Mussulmen is decidedly wrong, and
has never been used by any author of note. — -Mills.
X " The wickedness of women is a subject upon which the stronger sex
among the Arabs, with an affected feeling of superior virtue, often dwell
in common conversation. That women are deficient in judgment or good
sense is held as a fact not to be disputed even by themselves, as it rests on
an assertion of the prophet; but that they possess a superior degree of cun-
ning is pronounced equally certain and notorious. Their general depravity
is declared to be much greater than that of men. ' I stood,' said the
prophet, ' at the gate of Paradise; and, lo, most of its inmates were the
poor : and I stood at the gate of hell; and, lo, most of its inmates were
women.' In allusion to women, the caliph Omar_ said, ' Consult them,
and do the contrary of what they advise.' 'a truly' \drtuous wife is,
of course, excepted in this rule: such a person is as much respected by
M taaulmans, as she is (at least, according to their own account; rarely aiet
I
14 LIFE OF MOHAMMED a.d. 614.
According to this statement, Kadija was the first disciple
of Mohammed. Some authors, however, assert that she did
not come in so readily as is here related, but for some time
rejected the stories he told her as delusions of the devil
Others again say she declared she would not believe except
she also should see Gabriel ; but upon her husband telling
her she had not virtue enough to see an angel, she was satis-
fied, and became a believer. His second convert was his
cousin Ali, who had lived with him some time, and was then
not above ten or eleven years old. The third was his slave
Zaid, to whom he gave his freedom. In imitation of this, it
became a law among the Mohammedans to emancipate those
of their slaves who should turn to their religion. The fourth
convert was Abubeker, one of the most considerable men
in Mecca, and whose example was soon followed by 0th-
man son of AfFan Abdal Rahman son of Aws, Saad son
of Abu Wakas, Zobeir son of Al Awam, and Telha son of
ObcidoUa, and Abu Obeida. These were some of the
principal men of the city, and were afterwards the gene-
rals of Mohammed's army, and assisted him in esta-
blishing his imposture and his empire. Abulfeda says,
" Mohammed made his converts in secret for three years ;
but after this period he was commanded to preach to those of
his tribe. Upon this he ordered Ali to invite his kinsmen,
about forty in number, to an entertainment, and to set before
with by them. When woman was created, the devil, we are told, was de-
lighted, and said, ' Thou art half of my host, and thou art the depository
of my secret, and thou art my arrow, with which I shoot, and miss not.'
What are termed by us affairs of gallantry were very common among the
Pagan Arabs, and are scarcely less so among their Moslem posterity. They
are, however, unfrequent among most tribes of Bedawees, and among the
descendants of those tribes not long settled as cultivators. I remember
being roused from the quiet that I generally enjoyed in an ancient tomb
in which I resided at Thebes, by the cries of a young woman in the neigh-
bourhood, whom an Arab was severely beating for an impudent proposi
that she had made to him." — Lane's Arab- Nights, vol. i. pp. 38, 3ft,
Thon^aa Moore has thus wittily versified the above sentiment of Onar:—
" Whene'er you're in doubt, said a sage I once knew,
'Twixt two Jines of conduct which course to piu^ue,
Ask a woman's advice, and whate'er she advise,
- Do the \ ery reverse and you're sure to be wise."
A. ». 614. HIS FIRST CONA'EBTS. iS
them a lamb and a large vessel of milk. Wlien they had
done eating and drinking, he began to preach ; but being in-
terrupted by Abu Laheb, he invited thesf^to-ftJike feast the
next day, and when it was over, he''1iarangued/them in the
following words : ' I do not know any-maiLi«-^abia can make
you a better present than I now bring you ; I offer you the
good both of this world, and of the other life : the great
God has commanded me to call you to him. Who then will
will be my vizier (i. e. take part of the burden with me), my
brother, my deputy?' When all were silent, Ali said, ' I will;
and I will beat out the teeth, pull out the eyes, rip up the
bellies, and break the legs of all that oppose you, I will
be your vizier over them.' Then the apostle of God em-
bracing Ali about the neck, said, 'This is my brother, mj
ambassador, my deputy, pay him obedience.' At this they
all fell a laughing, and said to Abu Taleb, ' You are now to be
obedient to your son.'
" Mohammed, not at all discouraged by the opposition of
his tribe, continued to upbraid them with their idolatry, and
the perverseness and infidelity of their ancestors and of their
nation. This provoked them to that degree, that they went to
Abu Taleb to complain of his nephew, and desired him to
interpose, who, however, dismissed them with a civil answer.
However, as Mohammed persisted in his purpose, they went
to him a second time, and threatened to use force. Upon
tills, Abu Taleb sent for his nephew and said to him, ' Thus
and thus have your countrymen spoken to me ;' but Moham-
med imagining his uncle to be against him, replied, ' Uncle,
if they could set the sun against me on my right hand, and
the moon on my left, I would never drop the affair.' 'Well,'
says Abu Taleb, ' tell me what answer I shall give them : as
for me,' confirming his words with an oath, 'I will never give
you up.' The whole tribe now consulted about banishing ail
who embraced Islamism ; but Abu Taleb protected his nephew,
though he did not come into his new religion." After this,
Hamza, another of his uncles, resenting an affront that Abu
Jehel, whom he bitterly hated, had offered to Mohammed,
became one of his proselytes, as did also Omar, the son of
Al Ketabi, another of the principal men of Mecca, and Abu-
beker's successor in the Caliphate. Previously to his conver-
sion, Omar was violently set against the prophet. At last hia
16 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. a.i> 617
anger rose to such a height, that having girded on a sword,
he went in search of him with an intent to kill him. By the
.way, he called in at his own sister's, where the twentieth
chapter of the Koran was reading. Omar demanded to see
the book, and upon his sister's refusal, gave her a violent slap
on the face, who then gave it to him, upon his promising to
restore it her again. No sooner had he read a little of it,
when he cried out, "0 how fine is this ! how I reverence it I
I have a great desire to be a believer." He immediately in-
quired where Mohammed was to be found, and, being told,
went to the apostle, who, taking hold of his clothes and pull-
ing him forcibly to him, said, " 0 son of Al Ketabi, what do
you stop at ? Why would you stay till the roof of the house
falls upon your head ?" Upon Omar's replying, " I come hither
that I may believe in God and his apostle," the apostle gave
praise to God, and thus was completed the conversion of
Omar.
And now, finding he made such progress, the Koreishites
cruelly persecuted the followers of Mohammed. On this ac-
count he gave leave to as many of them as had no family to
hinder it, to leave Mecca, which they did, to the number of
eighty-three men and eighteen women, with their little ones.
They fled to the king of Ethiopia, to whom the Koreishites
sent two persons with a present of skins, desiring him to send
back the fugitives. This the king not only refused to do, but,
as the Mohammedan writers assert, embraced Islamism himself.
In the eighth year of Mohammed's mission, the Koreishites
pledged themselves by a written compact not to intermarry
with the Hashemites, or to have any dealings with them.
This deed was placed in the Kaaba, where, it is said, a worm
ate out every word of the deed, except the name of God.
Upon this the whole tribe held a public meeting, and can-
celled the agreement.*
• Some say that the hand of the notary who drew up the writing was dried
up as soon as he had finished it. The Mussulman writers, however, do not
iigree amongst themselves about this miracle. Maracci quotes an account
in which it is asserted that the name of God was eaten out of the instni-
ment, wherever it occurred, every other part of it being perfectly legible ;
upon which, it was observed, that as God had been averse to the drawing
up of the instrument before them, he had taken care that everything re-
lating to him in it should be obliterated, and that everything that was th?
effect of their wickedness tshould remain.
4. a 619. DEATH OP HIS WIPE AND UNCLE. 17
" In the tenth, year of the mission of the prophet died
Abu Taleb. Before his death, whilst he was very ill, the
apostle of God said to him, 'Uncle, make the profes-
sion which will entitle you to happiness at the day of the
resurrection ;' and Abu Taleb answered, ' So I would, nephew,
if it were not for the disgrace ; for if I should do so, the
Koreishites would say I did it for fear of death.' In his last
moments he began to move his lips, and Al Abbas, putting
his ear close to them, said, ' 0 nephew, he has repeated the
words that you exhorted him to say.' Upon hearing this,
the apostle of God said, ' Praised be God who has directed
you, dear uncle.' "
Very soon after Kadija died also.* Whereupon, Moham-
med, meeting with more and more opposition at Mecca,
where Abu Sofian, his mortal enemy, bore the chief sway,
took a journey to Taif, a town about sixty miles east of
Mecca, wherein Al Abbas, another of his uncles, often re-
sided, to try if he could make any converts there ; but
having no success, he returned to Mecca, where his followers
were greatly mortified by the repulse he had met with.
Mohammed, however, continued his preaching, even, says
Abulfeda, at the hazard of his life ; going occasionally
among the pilgrims, and calling to them, " 0 ye of such and
such a tribe (which he named), I am the apostle of God, who
commands you to serve God, and not to associate any other
with him; and to believe and testify that I am a true apostle."
One time, being at a place called Alkaba (a mountain north of
Mecca), where there were some pilgrims from Yathreb, he
addressed them, and made converts of six. These, upon
* Of Mohammed's afFection for his wife Kadija, Abulfeda relates the
following anecdote. His subsequent wife Ayesha one day reproached him
with his grief on her account. " Was she not old 1" said Ayesha, with the
insolence of blooming beauty; "has not God given you a younger, a
better, and a more beautiful ^vife in her place V " More beautiful, truly,"
said the prophet, " and younger, but not better. There cannot be a bet-
ter : she believed in me when men despised me — she relieved my wants
when I was poor and persecuted." Mr. Burckhardt informs us that the
tomb of Kadija is stDl remaining, and is regularly visited by hadjys (pil-
grims), especially on Friday mornings. It is enclosed by a square wall,
and presents no objects of curiosity except the tomb-stone, which has a
fine inscription in Cufic characters, containing a passage from the Koran,
from the chapter entitled, Sourtt el Kursy. — Arabia, p. 172.
18 . LIFE OF MOHAllMED. a.d. 619.
their rel irn to Yathreb, spread his fame there, and propa-
gated Islamism with great success.
The chief points of religion which, besides some moral
duties, Mahommed first insisted upon were, the unity of God,
a resurrection, and a future state of rewards and punishments.
The onlj^ profession necessary to be made in order to be one
of his disciples consisted of these two articles : " There is no
God but one," and " Mohammed is his prophet.'' The former
was in opposition, not only directly to all who worship idols,
or o^ttTi a plurality of gods, but indirectly against Christians
also, as holding the divinity of our blessed Saviour, and the
doctrine of the Trinity. The profession of the second article
was the most essential means he could take to bind his
followers to swallow everything, how absurd soever, that he
should propose to them for belief or practice. Islamism, he
declared, was not a new religion, but a restoration to its
original purity of the ancient religion, taught and practised
by the prophets Adam, Abraham, Moses, David, and Jesus.
He did indeed purge the religion of the Arabians, Avhich in
his time was rank idolatry, from some gross abuses, as Sa-
bseism, or the worship of the host of heaven, the worship of
idols, and divination. In order, however, to make his new
system the more acceptable to his countrpnen, he retained
several of their old superstitious ser\'ices, such as frequent
washing, the pilgrimage to Mecca, with the absurd ceremo-
nies appendant to it, of going seven times round the Kaaba,
throwing stones to drive away the devii, &c.
The fewness of the things he proposed to their profession
and belief certainly made it more easy for him to gain prose-
lytes. And although the paradise he promised them was, as we
shall see hereafter, very gross and sensual, it was nevertheless
very well suited to the taste of the people he had to deal with,
while, on the other hand, the hell with which he threatened
unbelievers was terrible. He may be supposed to have
dwelt much on the latter subject, as it is so frequently
repeated in the Koran. By his artful, insinuating address,
m which he is said to have exceeded all men li'V"lng, be
surmounted all difficulties that lay in his way. At his first
setting out upon his prophetic office, he bore all aflTronts
without seeming to resent them ; and when any of his fol-
lowers were injured he recommended patience to them, and
<K I
*■'
A..V. 610. MAKRIES THRLE WIVES. 19
for that purpose, it is said, proposed the Christian martyrs foi
their imitation. He was obliging to every body ; the ricli
he flattered, the poor he relieved with alms : and by his
behaviour appeared the most humane, friendly person in the
world, so long as he found it necessary to wear the mask,
which we shall hereafter find him, upon occasions, pulling
off and throwing aside.
In the tenth year of his mission, Mohammed gave his
(laughter Fatima, then nine years old, in marriage to Ali
The dowry given by Ali upon that occasion was twelve
ounces of ostrich plumes (a thing of some value in that
country), and a breastplate ; all indeed that he had to give.*
In the same year, according to Elmakin (for authors vary as
to the precise date of many of his most considerable transac-
tions), Mohammed, to strengthen his interest, as well as
perhaps to gratify his inclination, married Ayesha, daughter
of Abubeker, and Sawda, daughter of Sama.f To these two
wives he added, some time after, Hafsa, daughter of Omar.
Ayesha was then but seven years old, and therefore this
marriage was not consummated till two years after, when she
was nine years old, at which age, we are told, women in that
country are ripe for marriage. An Arabian author cited by
Maracci,+ says that Abubeker was very averse to the giving
him his daughter so young, but that Mohammed pretended a
divine command for it ; whereupon he sent her to him with
a basket of dates, and when the girl was alone with him, he
stretched out his blessed hand (these are the author's words),
and rudely took hold of her clothes ; upon which she looked
fiercely at him, and said, " People call you the faithful man,§
but your behaviour to me shows you are a perfidious one.'
And with these words she got out of his hands, and, composing
her clothes, went and com.plained to her father. The old
• It was a custom among the Arabs for the bridegroom to make a pre-
sent to the father of the bride.
t According; to the A/Lv/tca^, Sawda was not a favourite mfe of Mo-
hammed's. Razin says, that once when he proposed to divorce her, she
said, " Keep me witli your wives, and do not divorce me; peradventure I
may be of the number of your wives in Paradise ; and I give up my turs
to Ayesha." — Book xiii. chap. x.
t Marac. Vita Mahometis, p. 23.
§ Abulfeda says he was called Ai Amin, "the faithful ouCj" when h«
ma young.
c2
20 LIFE OF MOHAMMED.
A.D. 621.
gentleman, to calm her resentment, told her she was now
betrothed to Mohammed, and that made him take liberties
with her, as if she had been his wife.
THE STOHY OF MOHAMMED's ASCENT INTO HEAVEN.
The Mohammedan writers are not agreed about the time
of this transaction, nor as to the nature of it, whether it were
only a vision or a real journey. The most received opinion
is, that it was in the twelfth year of his mission ; and the
most orthodox belief is, that it was a real journey.* I ^\•ill
give it in the words of Abnilfeda, who took his relation out
of Al Bokhari. " Hodbaf the son of Kaled said, that Ham-
man son of Jahia said, that Cottada had it from Anas the
son of Malek the son of Sesa, that the prophet of God
gave them a relation of his night-journey to heaven in
these words : As I was Avithin the inclosure of the Kaaba
(or, as he sometimes told the story, as I lay upon a stone),
behold one (Gabriel) came to me with another, and cut me
open from the pit of the throat to the groin ; this done, he
took out my heart, and presently there was brought near me
a golden basin full of the water of faith ; and he washed my
heart, stuffed it, and replaced it. Then was brought to me a
white beast less than a mule but larger than an ass, I
mounted him, and Gabriel went with me till I came to the
first heaven of the world, and when he knocked at the door, it
was said to him, 'Who is there?' he answered, 'Gabriel;' and
' Who is with you?' he answered, ' Mohammed;' then it was
asked, ' Has the apostle had his mission ?' he replied, ' Yes;'
whereupon the wish was uttered, ' May it be fortunate with
him, he will now be very welcome ;' and the door was opened,
and behold, there was Adam. Upon this Gabriel said to me,
' This is your father Adam, greet him ;' and I did so, and he
returned the greeting, saying, ' May my best son and the
best prophet be prosperous.' Then he went up with me to
the second heaven, and as he knocked at the door a voice
demanded, ' Who is there ?' when he had answered, ' Ga-
* According to a tradition from Ayesha, it must have been a dream, for
8he saiil he was in bed with her all that night.
t The author of the book of the most authentic traditions; an account
wiU be given of him liereafter.
Aj). 621. HIS NIGHT-JOUBNEY. 31
briel,' he was further asked, 'And who is with you?' to
which he replied ' Mohammed ;' the voice again inquired,
' Has the apostle had his mission ?' Upon his answering,
' Yes,' I again heard the words, ' May it be fortunate to him,
he will now be very welcome ;' and the door was opened,
and behold there was Jahia (i. e. John) and Isa (Jesus), and
they Avere cousins-german.'* Gabriel said to me, 'These
are Jahia and Isa, greet them,' and I did so, and they greet-
ing me in turn, said, ' May our best brother and the best
piophet be successful.' " It would be nauseous to an English
reader to repeat in the same manne?", as my author does, the
knocking at the doors, the same question and answer, and
the exchange of greeting, through the following five heavens ;
it is sufficient to say that Mohammed being with Gabriel ad-
mitted into the third heaven, found Joseph there, Enoch in
the fourth heaven, Aaron in the fifth, Moses in the sixth, and
Abraham in the seventh ; and that when he was near Moses,
Moses wept, and being asked the reason of his weeping, said
" It was because a young man, whose mission was posterior
to his, would have a greater number of his nation enter into
paradise, than he should of his countrymen." " Then," con-
tinued the prophet, " I was carried up to the tree Sedra,f
beyond which it is not lawful to go. The fruit thereof is as
large as the water-pots of Hadjr, and the leaves as big as
the ears of an elephant. I saw there also four rivers, and
when I asked Gabriel, ' What rivers are these ?' he answered.
Two of them run within paradise, and quite through it, the
other two, which run on the outside of it, are the Nile and the
Euphrates.' Then he took me to the house of visitation,:):
into which seventy thousand angels go every day. Here
there were set before me three vessels, one of wine, another of
milk, and the third of honey. I drank of the milk, whereupon
Gabriel said to me, ' This is the happiest [omen] for thee and
thy nation.' " (Another tradition adds, " If you had chosen
the wine, your nation would have strayed from the right
way.") " Lastly, when I came to the throntf of God, I was
* Here Mohammed was mistaken, the Virgin Mary and Elizabeth were
not sisters.
t Or Lotus tree.
t This house is the original whereof a copy was sent down to Adam, as
is mentiored before, page 3.
22 LIFE or MOMlMMEl*. a.d. 62],
ordered to pray fifty times a day. In my return from thence,
being near Moses, he asked me what I had been commanded
to do ; I told him to pray fifty times a day. ' And are you
able,' said he, ' to pray fifty times a day ?' and with an oath
he declared, ' I have made the experiment among men, for I
have endeavoured to bring the children of Israel to it, but
never could compass it. Go back then to your Lord, and beg
an abatement for your nation.' So I went back, and he took
ofi" ten prayers ; and coming to Moses, he advised me as
before, and I went back again and had ten more abated :
then coming to Moses, he repeated the same advice ; I there-
fore returned, and was commanded to pray ten times a day ;
upon Moses's repeating what he had said before, I went back
again, and was commanded to say prayers five times a day ;
and when Moses was informed of this last order, he would
have had me go back again to my Lord and beg a still
further abatement ; I replied, ' I have so often petitioned my
Lord that I am ashamed ;' and so saying, I took my leave of
him, and prayed for him."
The foregoing account of Mohammed's nigbt-joumey is
modest, in comparison of what some authors give us, who,
from other traditions, add many other wonders. Thus they
tell us, that the beast Alborac would not let Mohammed
mount, till he had promised him a place in paradise ; that
then he took him quietly on his back, and in the twinkling
of an eye, Gabriel leading him all the way by the bridle,
carried him to Jerusalem ; that there a number of the pro-
phets and departed saints appearing at the gate of the
temple, saluted him, and, attending him into the chief oratory,
desired him to pray for them ; that when he came out from
thence, there was a ladder of light ready set for them, on
which Gabriel and Mohammed went up to the heavens, having
first tied Alborac to a ring, where he used to be tied by
the prophets who had formerly ridden him. Besides all
these wonders, in the first heaven, which was made of pure
silver, Mohammed saw the stars hanging from it by chains of
gold, (each star being as la^-ge as Mount Nobo near Mecca,) and
the angels keeping watcn and ward in them, that the devils
might not come near to listen and hear what was doing in
heaven. As he went farther on, he saw a multitude of angels
of every variety of shape, which presided over and interceded
A.D. 621. HIS NIGHT-JOtJKXEY. 23
for the different kinds of birds and beasts in whose shape
they severally appeared. Amongst those of the birds, there
was a cock, the angel of the cocks, so large, that his feet
standing upon the first heaven, his head reached up to the
second, which, at the ordinary rate of travelling upon earth,
was at a distance of a five hundred days' journey. This he
makes the distance of every one of the seven heavens from
the heaven next above it. Other writers are still more extra-
vagant, and say, the head of the cock reached through all
the seven heavens, up to the throne of God : that his wings,
which are large in proportion to his height, are decked with
carbuncles and pearls : that every morning when God sings a
hymn, this cock joins in it, and crows so loud as to be
heard by all the creatures upon the earth, except men and
fairies : and that upon hearing him all the cocks upon earth
crow also. In the second heaven, which was all of pure
gold, he saw an angel so large that his head reached up to
the third heaven. The third heaven was all made of precious
stones. There he found Abraham, who recommended him-
self to his prayers ; and there also, he saw more angels than
in either of the former heavens. One of them was of so
prodigious a stature that the distance between his two eyes
was equal to the length of a journey of 70,000 days.* This,
Gabriel told him was the angel of death, who had a table
before him of an immense bigness, whereon he was con-
tinually writing down the names of those who were to b(;
born, and blotting out the names of those who were to die.
The fourth heaven was all of emerald ; therein he found
Joseph the son of Jacob, who desired him to to pray for
him. In this again the number of angels was greater than
Ln the third heaven, and one of them, whose head reached
to the fifth heaven, was always weeping for the sins of
mankind, and the miseries they thereby bring upon them-
selves. The fifth heaven was made of adamant; hero he
found Moses, who desired his prayers. The sixth heaven
was of carbuncle ; here was John the Baptist, who also
begged his prayers. In the seventh heaven, which was made
' Here Prideaux observes, that the distance between a man's eyes is in
proportion to his height, as one to seventy-two. So tht>i the height of this
angel must have been four times as much as the height of all the sever,
hearens, and therefore he could not stand in onf of them.
24 LIFE OF MOHAMMED.
A.D. 623.
of heavenly light, he found Jesus, whose prayers he desired
for himself. Here, says Prideaux, Mohammed changes his
style, and acknowledges Jesus for his superior ; this Gagnier
thinks improbable, as he taught Jesus to be no more than a
creature, and pretended that he himself was the most perfect
of all creatures. Perhaps it will solve this difficulty to
observe, that this privilege of perfection was not yet granted
to Mohammed. In this heaven were more angels than in all
the rest of the heavens ; and among them one, a very extra-
ordinary angel, who had 70,000 heads, and in every nead
70,000 mouths, in every mouth 70,000 tongues, and every
tongue uttering '/ 0,000 distinct voices, with which he was
day and night incessantly praising God.
Gabriel having brought him thus far, told him he was not
permitted to go any farther, and directed him to ascend
the rest of the way by himself. He did so, going through
water and snow, and other difficulties, till he heard a voice
say, " Mohammed, salute thy Creator." Ascending still
higher, he came into a place of such exceeding brightness
that his eyes could not bear it. Here was placed the throne
of the Almighty, on the right side whereof was written,
" La EUah EUalla, Mohammed resul EUah." " There is no God
but God, Mohammed is the prophet of God." The same in-
scriptien was also inscribed upon all the gates of the seven
heavens. Having approached to the presence of God, as
near as within two bow-shots, he saw him, he said, sitting
'apon his throne, with a covering of 70,000 veils upon his
face. In token of his favour, God put forth his hand and
laid it on him, which was of such exceeding coldness as to
pierce to the very marrow of his back : that, after this, God
talked familiarly with him, taught him many mysteries, in-
structed him in the whole of his law, gave him many things
in charge concerning his teaching it. Moreover, he bestowed
upon him several privileges, as that he should be the most
perfect of all creatures ; that, at the day of judgment, he
should be advanced above all the rest of mankind, and that
he should be the redeemer of all who believed in him. Then,
returning to Gabriel, they both went back the same way they
had come, passing successively through all the heavens.
Upon arriving at Jerusalem, he found Alborac where he had
been left tied, and was brought back by him to Mecca in th»
A.D. 621. MOHAMMEJyAN TRADITIONS. 25
same manner as lie had been carried from thence, and nil
this in the tenth part of a night.
On his relating this extravagant story to the^people the
next morning after the night on which hQ;_pretended^it had
happened, it was received by them, as iT deserved, by a
general shout of derision. Some laughed at it as ridiculous ;
others were moved with indignation at his attempting to im-
pose upon them with so absurd and impudent a lie, and bade
him ascend up to heaven before their eyes, and they would
believe ; while some even of his disciples were so shocked at
so improbable a fiction, that they immediately left him. To
prevent, therefore, further defection from him, Abubeker came
forward and vouched for the truth of all Mohammeiha(L
related ; and upon this account he received from the (impostor^
the title of Assaddick, "• the just man.'' HoweverpasTHis
journey to heaven was a great stumbling-block even to his
friends, Mohammed does not appear to have thought Abube-
ker's asseveration suiRcient, for he in two places of the Koran
brings God himself to bear witness to the truth of the trans-
actions of this night.
How absurd soever this story seems, Mohammed knew
thatt he would be sure to find his account in it, if he could
but once get it believed. It tended to raise his authority
among his followers to that height, that they could never
reject any doctrine he should afterwards advance, nor refuse
obedience to whatever he should think proper to command.
And here, in addition to the Koran, or written law, was laid
a foundation for an oral law of a like kind to that which the
Jews possess, consisting of the traditions of those directions
which they say Moses received at the same time with the
written law, during his forty days' stay upon mount Sinai, and
were by him dictated by word of mouth to those about him.
Accordingly the Mohammedans pay as great a regard to
many traditions of the sayings and actions of Mohammed,
as to the Koran itself.* And as the Jews have several books
in which their oral law is recited and explained, so the
Mohammedans have their Sunnah, or tradition ; in which the
* The Mishcnt-ul-Masabih, or a collection of the most authentic tra-
ditions regarding the actions and sayings of Mohammed, translated from
the original Arabic by Capt. A. N. Mathews, was published at Calcutta in
1809, in two volumes quai'to.
26 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. a.d. 621.
sayings and doings of Mohammed, in any way referring either
to religion or law, are narrated in the manner set do^vn p. 20,
from Al Bokhari,'-' being generally carried up from the col-
lector of the tradition through several hands to one of
Mohammed's intimate companions, who either had the saying
from his own mouth, or was an eye-witness of the recorded
fact. They have also many commentators upon that Sunnah.
We may observe here, that different traditions give different
accounts of the places of the prophets, Abraham, Moses, &c.
Gagnier too,t has a much longer relation of the night-journey
taken from Abu Horaira, one of the six authors of traditions,!
who had every thing from the mouth of Mohammed himself.
The following are some of the principal things mentioned by
him, but not given in the other traditions ; 1. Gabriel is made
to appear in the form he was created in, with a complexion
white as snow, and white hair finely plaited and hanging in
curls about his shoulders, &:c. ; upon his forehead were two
plates, on one was written, " There is no God but God ;'" on
the other, " Mohammed is the apostle of God :" about him he
had also ten thousand little perfume-bags full of musk and
saffron ; five hundred pair of wings ; and from one wing to
the other there was the distance of a journey of five hundred
years. 2. Gagnier gives a fuller description of the beast
Alborac; he had the face of a man, with a mane of fine
pearls, &c., his very eyes two large emeralds, bright as stars,
kc, while his two large wings were enamelled with pearls
and precious stones, and were bordered with light : he had
a human soul, and understood what was said, but could not
speak ; speech, however, was for once given to him, at this
time, to enable him to ask Gabriel to intercede with Moham-
* This famous doctor was, from Bokhara the place of his birth, or his
chief residence, called Al Bokhari. His collection of traditions is of the
greatest authority of all that have ever been made : he called it Al Sahih,
i. e. " genuine," because he separated the spurious ones from those that
were authentic. He says, he has selected 7,275 of the most authentic
traditions out of 10(),006, all of which he looked upon to be true, having
rejected 200,000 as being false.— D' Her belot, Bokhari and Al Sahih.
t Vie de Mohammed.
J The six persons from whom the most authentic traditions come, are,
]. Ayesna, the prophet's wife. 2. Abu Horaira, his particular friend. 3. Abu
Abbas. 4. Ebn t'mar, son of the Caliph Omar. 5. Giaber, son of Abdollas.
5. Anas, son of Malok.
A.B.621. XEADITIONS OF HIS NIGHT-JOURNEY. 27
med, that he might have a place in paradise, which the pro-
phet promised him. 3. Gabriel made the prophet stop and
alight upon Mount Sinai, and pray, after bowing twice ; where-
upon he got up again, and went on till he was over Bethle-
hem ; there he was ordered to alight, and to say the prayer a
second time with two bowings. 4. As he went along, he
twice heard an earnest call to him to stop ; and after this a
young woman finely dressed accosted him, offered her hand,
and told him she was entirely at his service : but Alborac
continued his pace. Gabriel subsequently told him, that if
he had obeyed the first call, his nation would all have become
Jews ; if the second, they would have been Christians : and
that the woman who tempted him Avas the world ; and that
if he had stopped to answer her, his nation would have chosen
the enjoyment of this world in preference to eternal happi-
ness, and so have been cast into hell. 5. He met a fine
looking old man of the most venerable aspect ; he gave the
prophet a tender embrace, by whom it was returned ; Gabriel
told him this was Islam. 6. They went to the temple of
the resurrection (in Jerusalem), and met there a man with
three pitchers, one of water, one of milk, the third of wine ;
Mohammed, being ordered to choose, drank of the milk ; the
consequence of which was that his nation would, to the day
of resurrection, be always directed in the right way ; but
hearing that if he had drunk it all, none of his nation would
ever have gone to hell, he begged he might take the milk
again, and drink it all up : but Gabriel said. It is too late,
the thing is determined. 7. A ladder with steps of gold and
precious stones was placed where Jacob's ladder had been
formerly set, when he saw the angels going up and down ;
on this Gabriel ascended, hugging Mohammed close to his
bosom, and covering him with his wings. 8. In the fifth
heaven he saw an angel so large that he could have swallowed
the seven heavens and seven earths as easily as a pea : and
another angel of a most frightful aspect, who was the governor
of hell, of which also the prophet had a sight. 9. In the
sixth heaven he saw an angel, half snow and half fire ; upon
which he prayed him who could join together things so
contrary to unite his several believers, in obedience to him.
10. In the seventh heaven the impostor has the impudence
to say, he heard God and one of the angels alternately repeat
28 LIFE OF .MOHA-XMED. A. ». 6«1.
the profession, " God is one, and Mohammed is his apostle."
11. Gabriel stopped at the tree Sedra, as it was not per-
mitted to any angel to go any further ; but, upon Mohammed
being frightened at his leaving him. the angel was ordered to
conduct him further ; which he did, till he came to a sea of
light, where he consigned him to the angel who presided
over it : then this angel took him and carried him to another
sea of light, where another angel presided, of such a stature,
that if every thing created in heaven and earth were put into
his hand it would be but as a grain of mustard seed in a
large field.
Then he was carried to a large black sea, and, going a-
shore, passed by several different choirs of angels, till he
came to Asraphel, an angel with a million of wings, and a
million of heads ; in every head a million of mouths, &c.
This angel supported the throne of God on the nape of his
neck. Mohammed, being now commanded to look up, saw
upon the throne everything that is contained in heaven and
earth, in epitome. 12. Besides the angel of the cocks
already mentioned, he also saw angels of such gigantic
stature, that the distance from the centre of the earth to the
seventh heaven would not equal the height of their ancles.
Then he was conducted by a retinue of 70,000 angels within
the 70,000 veils ; and, the last veil of the unity being lifted
up, saw 70.000.000 of angels prostrate, adoring the Supreme
Being ; besides 70,000 more, who had the care of the veils.
Upon this there reigned a profound silence, till a voice ex-
claimed, " Mohammed, approach near to the powerful and
glorious God ;'' upon which he advanced, at one step, a
journey of five hundred years ; and, the same command being
twice repeated, he took two more such steps. At the next
moment the ground he stood upon was lifted up, so that he was
within the light of his Lord, and was quite absorbed by it and
dazzled. Fearing he should be blinded, Mohammed shut his
eyes, but God opened the eyes of his heart : and now, being
within the veil, he saw imutterable things without number. The
Lord then laid one hand on his breast, and the other upon
his shoulder, upon which a cold penetrated into his bowels,
but at the same time he was regaled with an inexpressible
sweetness, and an odour infinitely delightful. And now, the
apostle was admitted to a conversation with his Creator, of
<U
A.D. 621. HIS NIGHT-JOtTRyET DEKIDED. 29'
which I shall notice only the principal points. Seeing a
bloody sword suspended, he prayed it might not hang over
his nation : and was answered, "I send thee with the sword,
but thy nation shall not perish by the sword." Next he begged
that some degree of excellence might be given to him, as had
been done to other prophets, as Abraham, Moses, kc, and
was answered, there are two chapters in the Koran, which
whoever reads shall have everything necessary in this world,
and enter into paradise in the life to come : " As for you
Mohammed, I have written your name in heaven along with
my own : mention is never made of me either in heaven or
earth, but you are mentioned also : no crier shall call to
prayers without saying, ' God is but one, and Mohammed is
the apostle of God ; nor will I accept any prayers if that pro-
fession is not made.' " He further desired pardon for his
nation, and was promised a pardon for seventy thousand of
them ; and upon his beseeching that the number might be in-
creased, God took three handfuls of infinitely small dust, and
scattered it, indicating thereby that so many Mussulmans
would be saved, that none but God alone should be able
to tell their number.
The first person to whom Mohammed related his night-
journey was Al Abbas, who ad-vised him by all means to keep
it to himself ; for, said he, if you speak of it in public you
will be called a liar, and be other^vise insulted. 0mm Hana,
daughter of Abu Taleb, earnestly besought him to the same
purpose, and even laid hold of his vest to detain him ; but
he, angrily breaking from her, went and declared it in a large
company, who received it with much derision. Besides many
other taunts, Abu Jehel called out to him, sapng, "Moham-
med, you say you have been in the temple of Jerusalem, pray
give us some description of it ; as for me, I have been in it
more than once." Upon this, Mohammed whispered in the
ear of Abubeker, that he was quite at a loss what to say ;
because it was in the night that he was there. Hearing this,
Abubeker was in such a consternation that he fell to the
groimd : but Mohammed soon got out of his difficulty by the
help of his friend Gabriel the angel, who, unseen by every
body else, held in his view a model of the temple, which en-
abled him to answer all questions they put to him as to the
umber and situation of the doors, lamps, Sec, so exactly and
30 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. a.d. 622.
acccrding to' the truth, as to strike the hearers with astonish-
ment. So much may suffice from Abu Horaira, whose tra-
dition is accounted of great authority, and by every reader
it -will doabtless be deemed as credible, at least, as the other
from Anas, son of Malek.
In the thirteenth year of Mohammed"s mission, Musaab
son of Omair, with seventy men and eighteen women, be-
lievers, and some others not yet converted, came to Mecca,
and promised the apostle to meet him at night at a place
called Akaba. He went to them accompanied by his uncle
Al Abbas, who, though he favoured his nephew's interest, had
not yet embraced Islamism. Al Abbas made a speech, wherein
he recommended to them to stand by his nephew, whom they
had invited to come among them. Mohammed proposed
that they should take an oath to defend him as they would
their wives and children ; and when they demanded, " What
shall we get, if we be killed upon your account?' he answered,
"Paradise." " Stretch out your hand then," said they. Upon his
complying, they took the oath and returned to Yathreb.
Then the prophet ordered his converts among the people of
Mecca, to get away secretly to Yathreb, while he himself
should stay at Mecca, till he should receive the divine per-
mission to leave it. Abubeker and Ali remained with him.
^ The Koreishites, finding the prophet had thus entered into
a league with those of Yathreb, and that his party at Mecca
stuck close to him, determined to assassinate him.'''' Being
informed of their designs, he made his escape by throwing,
says my author, a handful of dust upon the heads of the in-
fidels ; but first having put his own green vest upon Ali, and
ordered him to lie down in his place, which he did. The
assassins peeped in through a crevice of the door, and seeing
the green vest, thought themselves sure of him, till Ali came
out in the morning ; and then, finding their mistake, sent out
* They agreed that a man should be chosen out of each of the conie-
derated tribes for the execution of their project, and that each man should
have a blow at him with his sword, in order to divide the guilt of the
deed, and to baffle ihe vengeance of the Hashemites ; as it was supposed,
that with their inferior strength they would not dare, in the face of this
powerful union, to attempt to avenge their kinsman's blood. The prophet
declared that the angel Galjriel !had revealed to him this atrocious con-
Bpiracj. — Green's Mohammed.
HEJ. 1.A.D.622. ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE HIM. 31
parties in pursuit of him. Here Mohammed had a narrow
escape. The pursuing party halted before the cave where he
and Abubeker had hid themselves. During the three days
they had lain hid here, a spider, they tell us, had spun its
web over the mouth of the cave, and a pigeon laid two eggs
near it.* The sight of these objects convinced their enemies
that the cave could not lately have been entered by man, and
so they passed on without searching it. As soon as their
pursuers had departed, they came out ; and, by the help of a
guide, got safe to Yathreb. Here they met with a kind
reception, for some of thr helpers, eager to entertain him, laid
hold of the bridle of his camel ; '"Let her go," said he, "she is
obstinate :" at last, when she came to a certain place,! she
knelt, and the prophet alighting, walked on till he met
Abu Ayub one of the helpers, who took his baggage off his
camel, and received him into his house. | He lived with Abu
Ayub till he had built a house of his own, and settled there
till his death. From this event the town lost its ancient
name — Yathreb, and was called Medinatol Nabi, " the town
of the prophet," and at last, Medina, "the town," by way of
eminence ; in the same manner as London is often called the
town. This Hejira, or Flight of Mohammed, is the era from
which the Mohammedans date all their transactions. §
* Others say this was an artful contrivance of a pigeon's nest and a
spider's web, so placed by the fugitives as to induce the supposition that
the cave was empty. — Green's Mohammed.
+ Some Christian writers quoted by Prideaux, say, the groimd be-
longed to two orphans, whom Mohammed violently dispossessed, to build
a mosque thereon, for the exercise of his new religion ; Gagnier, brings
Arab ^vriters that say he bought the ground and paid for it. — Note in Abut-
feda, p. 53.
% " The people of Medina, in offering him an asylum, inquired whether,
if he were recalled by his countrymen, he would not abandon his new
allies \ ' All things,' replied the admirable politician, ' are now common
between us : your blood is as my blood, your ruin as my ruin : we are
bound to each other by the ties of honour and of interest. I am you
friend, and the enemy of your foes.' ' But,' said his trembling disciples,
' if we are killed in your service, what will be our reward V ' Paradise,'
cried Mohammed. The martial spirit of his hearers was roused, their
sensuRi passions were inflamed, and their ftiith was confirmed." — Mills.
i It is the general opinion of our chronologists that the Mussulman era
of'" The Flight" (in Arabic, " el-Hijrah," more correctly translated " Tlie
Eniigration,") was Friday, the 16th of July, a.d. 622. — Lane's Mod-:rn
Et/yplians,
32 LIFE OF M0HAMMT-.T1. hkj. 2. a. o. «£3
Mohammed had hitherto propagated his religion by fair
means only. During his stay at Mecca, he had declared his
business was only to preach and admonish ; and that whether
people believed or not was none of his concern. He had
hitherto confined himself to the arts of persuasion, promising,
on the one hand, the joys of paradise to all who should
believe in him, and who should, for the hopes of them, disre-
gard the things of this world, and even bear persecution with
patience and resignation : and, on the other, deterring his
hearers from what he called infidelity, by setting before them
both the punishments inflicted in this world upon Pharaoh
and others, who despised the warnings of the prophets sent
to reclaim them ; and also the torments of hell, which would
be their portion in the world to come. Now, however, when
he had got a considerable town at his command, and a good
number of followers firmly attached to him, he began to sing
another note. Gabriel now brings him messages from hea-
ven to the efiect, that whereas, other prophets had come with
miracles and been rejected, he was to take different measures,
and propagate Islamismby the sword. And accordingly, within
a year after his arrival at Medina, he began what was called
the holy war. For this purpose, he first of all instituted a
brotherhood, joining his Ansars or helpers, and his Moha-
jerins or refugees together in pairs ; he himself taking Ali
for his brother. It was in allusion to this, that Ali, afterAvards
when preaching at Cufa, said, " I am the servant of God, and
brother to his apostle."
In the second year of the Hejira, Mohammea changed the
Kebla of the Mussulman, which before this time had been to-
wards Jerusalem, ordering them henceforth to turn towards
Mecca, when they prayed.* In the same year, he also ap-
pointed the fast of the month Ramadan.
Moham^med having now a pretty large congregation at
Medina, found it necessary to have some means of calling them
to prayers ; for this purpose he was thinking of employing
a horn, or some instrument of wood, which should be made
to emit a loud sound by being struck upon. But his doubts
• This was partly out of aversion to the Jews, his mortal enemies, and
partly to please the idolatrous Arabs, whose ancient Kebla was Mecca.
Sen Sale's Koran, chap, il
HeJ.2.A.D.623. WAR AT BEBER. 33
were settled this year by a dream of one of his disciples, in
which a man appearing to him in a green vest recommended
as a better way, that the people should be summoned to
prayers by a crier calling out, "Allah acbar, Allah acbar," &;c. ;
" God is great, God is great, there is but one God, Mohammed
is his prophet;* come to prayers, come to prayers." Moham-
med approved of the scheme, and this is the very form in use
to this day among the Mussulmans ; who, however, in the call
to morning prayers, add the words, "Prayer is better than
sleep, prayer is better than sleep ;" a sentiment not unworthy
the consideration of I'iiose who are professors of a better
religion.
The same year, the apostle sent some of his people to
plunder a caravan going to Mecca ; which they did, and
brought back two prisoners to Medina. This was the first act
of hostility committed by the Mussulmans against the idola-
ters. The second, was the battle of Beder. The history of
the battle is thus given by Abulfeda : — " The apostle, hearing
that a caravan of the Meccans was coming home from Syria,
escorted by Abu Sofian at the head of thirty men, placed a
number of soldiers in ambuscade to intercept it. Abu So-
fian, being informed thereof by his spies, sent word im-
mediately to Mecca, whereupon all the principal men, except
Abu Laheb, who, however, sent Al Asum son of Hesham in
his stead, marched out to his assistance, making in all 950
men, whereof 200 were cavalry. The apostle of God
went out against them with 313 men, of whom seventy-
seven were refugees from Mecca, the rest being helpers from
Medina ; they had with them only two horses and seventy
camels, upon which they rode by turns. The apostle en-
camped near a well called Beder, from the name of the
person who was owner of it, and had a hut made where he
and Abubeker sat. As soon as the armies were in sight of
each other, three champions came out from among the idola-
ters, Otha son of Rabia, his brother Shaiba, and Al Walid
son of Otha ; against the first of these, the prophet sent
Obeidah son of Hareth, Hamza against the second, and Ali
against the third : Hamza and Ali slew each his man and
* The Persians add these words, "and Ali is the friend of God:" KouU
Kh;in, having a mind to unite the two different sects, ordered them to Ik3
omitted. — Eraser's Life of KouU Khan, p. 124.
Si LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Ke;. 2. a.u. 623
then went to the assistance of Obeidah, and having killed his
adversary, brought off Obeidah, who, however, soon after died
of a wound in his foot. All this while the apostle continued
in his hut in prayer, beating his breast so violently that his
•iloak fell off his shoulders, and he was suddenly taken with
a palpitation of the heart ; soon recovering, however, he
comforted Abubeker, telling him God's help was come.
Having uttered these Avords, he forthwith ran out of his hut
and encouraged his men, and taking a handful of dust, threw
it towards the Koreishites, and said, ' May their faces be con-
founded ;' and immediately they fled. After the battle,
AbdaUah, the son of Masud, brought the head of Abu Jehel
to the apostle, who gave thanks to God ; Al As, brother to
Abu Jehel, was also killed ; Al Abbas also, the prophet's
uncle, and Ocail son of Abu Taleb, were taken prisoners.
"Upon the news of this defeat, Abu Laheb died of grief within
a week." Of the Mussulmans died fourteen martyrs, (for so
they call all such as die fighting forlslamism.) The number of
idolaters slain was seventy ; among whom my author names
ome of chief note, Hantala son of Abu Sofian, and Nawfal
Drother to Kadija. Ali slew six of the enemy with his owr
hand.
The prophet ordered the dead bodies of the enemy to be
thrown into a pit, and remained three days upon the field of
battle dividing the spoil ; on occasion of which a quarrel
arose between the helpers and the refugees, and to quiet them,
the 8th chapter of the Koran was brought from heaven. It
begins thus, " They will ask thee concerning the spoils : say.
The spoils belong to God and his apostle :'' and again in the
same chapter, " And know that whenever ye gain any, a fifth
part belongeth to God, and to the apostle, and his kindred,
and the orphans, and the poor." The other four-fifths are to
be divided among those who are present at the action. The
apostle, when he returned to Safra in his way to Medina,
ordered Ali to behead two of his prisoners.
The victory at Beder was of great importance to Moham-
med : to encourage his men, and to increase the number of
his followers, he pretended that two miracles were wrought
in his favour, in this, as also in several subsequent battles : —
let, that God sent his angels to fight on his side, and 2nd,
made his army appear to the enemy much greater than it
i
Hej. 2 A.D. 624. WAR WITH THE JEWS. 35
really was. Both these miracles are mentioned in thi Koian,
chap. viii. Al Abbas said, he was taken prisoner by ?. man of
a prodigious size (an angel, of course) ; no wonder, then, he
became a convert.
" Ommia, the son of Abu"l Salat, was one of the chief of the
unbelievers : being one who could read, he had objected
to the mission of the prophet, and was arrived to that
pitch of madness, as to hope to be received for an apostle
himself. He had been in Syria when the battle was fought
and, as he was returning home, he was sho^vn the well intc
which the carcases of the slain, and among these two of his
near relations, had been thrown. In token of grief, he cut
off the ears of his camel ; and, standing by the AveU, recited
a long elegy, of which the follo%\ing lines are a part :
" Have I not wailed th' heroic sons of nobles.
Their wounded bodies and their fractured ribs.
In the thick wood as mourns the lonely dove ?
Like her, with me, lament, ye mourning women,
With sighs and groans, low sitting on the ground.
Alas ! the peers and princes of the people
How fallen, at Beder and Al Kandadi !
All night exposed, lie there both old and young,
Naked and breathless.
Oh, what a change is come to Mecca's vale !
Even sandy desert plains are drenched in tears."*
As soon as the Mussulmans returned to Medina, the Korei-
shites sent to offer a ransom for their prisoners, which was ac-
cepted, and distributed among those who had taken them,
according to the quality of the prisoners. Some had 1000
drachms for their share. Those who had only a small or no
part of the ransom Mohammed rewarded with donations, so
as ro content them all.
The Jews had many a treaty with Mohammed, and lived
peaceably at Medina ; till a Jew, having affronted an Arabian
milk- woman, was killed by a Mussulman. In revenge for this,
the Jews killed the Mussulman, whereupon a general quarrel
ensued. The Jews fled to their castles ; but after a siege of
fifteen days, were forced to surrender at discretion. Moham-
med ordered their hands to be tied ?)ehind them, determined
to put them all to the sword, and svas with great difficulty
• Abulfeda, Vit. Moham.
D 2
36 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. HeJ.3. A.D. C24
prevailed upon to spare their lives, and take all their pro-
perty. Kaab, son of Ashraf, was one of the most violent
among the Jews against Mohammed. He had been at Mecca,
and, with some pathetic verses upon the unhappy fate of those
who had fallen at Beder, excited the Meccans to take up
arms. Upon his return to Medina, he rehearsed the same
verses among the lower sort of people and the women.
Mohammed being told of these under-hand practices, said,
one day, "Who will rid me of the son of Ashraf?" when Mo-
hammed, son of Mosalama, one of the helpers, answered, "I
am the man, O apostle of God, that will do it :" and immedi-
ately took Avith him Salcan son of Salama, and some other
Moslems, who were to lie in ambush. In order to decoy
Kaab out of his castle, which was a very strong one, Salcan,
his foster-brother, went alone to visit him in the dusk of the
evening ; and, entering into conversation, told him some little
stories of Mohammed, which he knew .would please him.
"When he got up to take his leave, Kaab, as he expected,
attended him to the gate ; and, continuing the conversation,
went on A^dth him till he came near the ambuscade, where
IVIohammed and his companions fell upon him and stabbed
him.
Abu Sofian, meditating revenge for the defeat at Beder,
swore he would neither anoint himself nor come near his
women till he was even with Mohammed. Setting out to-
wards Medina with two hundred horse, he posted a party of
them near the town, where one of the helpers fell into their
hands, and was killed. Mohammed, being informed of it,
went out against them, but they all tied ; and. for the greatei
expedition, threw away some sacks of meal, part of their
provision. From which circumstance this was called the
meal-war.
Abu Sofian, resolving to make another and more effectual
effort, got together a body of three thousand men, whereof
seven hundred were cuirassiers and two hundred cavalry ;
his vnie Henda, -with a number of women, followed in the
rear, beating drums, and lamenting the fate of those slain at
Beder, and exciting the idolaters to fight courageously. The
apostle would have waited for them in the town, but as his
people Avere eager to advance against the enemy, he set out
at once with one thousand men : but of tliese one hundred
HeJ. 3. A.D. 624. BATTLE OF OHUJ). 37
turned back, disheartened by the superior numbers of tha
enemy. He encamped at the foot of Mount Ohud, lumng
the mountain in his rear. Of his nine hundred men only
one hundred had armour on ; and as for horses, there was
only one besides that on which he himself rode. Mosaab
carried the prophet's standard ; Kaled, son of Al Walid, led
the right wing of the idolaters ; Acrema, son of Abu Jehel,
the left; the women kept in the rear, beating their drums.
Henda cried out to them, " Courage, ye sons of Abdal Dari ;
courage ! smite with aU your swords."
Mohammed placed fifty archers in his rear, and ordered
them to keep their post. Then Hamza fought stoutly, and
kiUed Arta, the standard-bearer of the idolaters ; and as
Seba, son of Abdal Uzza, came near him, Hamza struck off
his head also ; but was himself immediately after run through
with a spear by Wabsha, a slave, who lurked behind a rock
with that intent. Then Ebn Kamia slew Mosaab, the apostle's
standard-bearer ; and taking him for the prophet cried out,
" I have killed Mohammed." When Mosaab was slain the
standard was given to Ali.
At the beginning of the action, the Mussulmans attacked
the idolaters so furiously that they gave ground, fell back
upon their rear, and threw it into disorder. The archers
seeing this, and expecting a complete "sdctory, left their posts,
contrary to the express orders that had been given them, and
came forward from fear of losing their share of the plunder.
In the meantime, Kaled, advancing with his cavalry, feU
furiously upon the rear of the Mussulmans, crjdng aloud at the
same time, that Mohammed was slain. This cry, and the find-
ing themselves attacked on aU sides, threw the Mussulmans
into such consternation, that the idolaters made great havoc
among them, and were able to press on so near the apostle as
to beat him do%^Ti with a shower of stones and arrows. He
was wounded in the lip, and two arrow-heads stuck in his
face. Abu Obeidah pulled out first one and then the other ;
at each operation one of the apostle's teeth came out. As
Sonan Abu Said wiped the blood from off his face, the
apostle exclaimed, "• He that touches my blood, and handles
it tenderly, shall not have his blood spilt in the fire" (of
hell). In this action, it is said, Telhah, whilst he was putting
a breast-plate upon Mohammed, received a wound upon his
38 IIFE OF MOHAMMED. HeJ. 3. a.d. OSt
nand, which maimed it for ever. Omar and Abubeker were
also wounded. When the Mussulmans saw Mohammed fall,
they concluded he was killed, and took to flight ; and even
Othman was hurried along by the press of those that fled.
In a little time, however, finding Mohammed was alive, a
great number of his men returned to the field ; and, after a
very obstinate fight, brought him off, and carried him to a
neighbouring village. The Mussulmans had seventy men
killed, the idolaters lost only twenty-two.
The Koreishites had no other fruit of their victory but the
gratification of a poor spirit of revenge. Henda, and the
women who had fled with her upon the first disorder of the
idolaters, now returned, and committed great barbarities upon
the dead bodies of the apostle's friends. They cut off their
ears and noses, and made bracelets and necklaces of them ;
Henda pulled Hamza's liver out of his body, and chewed
and swallowed some of it. Abu Sofian, having cut pieces
off the cheeks of Hamza, put them upon the end of his
spear, and cried out aloud, " The success of war is uncertain ;
after the battle of Beder comes the battle of Ohud ; now,
Hobal,* thy religion is victorious." Notwithstanding this
boasting, he decamped the same day. Jannabi ascribes his
retreat to a panic ; however that may have been, Abu Sofian
sent to propose a truce for a year, which was agreed to.
When the enemy were retreated towards Mecca, Moham-
med went to the field of battle to look for the body of
Hamza. Finding it shamefully mangled, in the manner
already related, he ordered it to be wrapped in a black cloak,
and then prayed over it, repeating seven times, " Allah acbar,"
&cC. " God is great," &;c. In the same manner he prayed
over every one of the martyrs, naming Hamza again with
every one of them ; so that Hamza had the prayers said over
him seventy-two times. But, as if this were not enough, he
• An Arab of Koesay, named Ammer Ibn Lahay, is said to have first
introduced idolatry among his countrymen ; he brought the idol called
Hobal, from Hyt in Mesopotamia, and set it up in the Kaaba. It was the
Jupiter of the Arabians, and was made of red agate in the form of a man
holding in his hand seven arrows without heads or feathers, such as the
Arabs use in divination. At a subsequent period the Kaaba was adorned
with three hundred and sixty idols, corresponding probably to the days ol
the Arabian year. — BurckhardCs Arabia, pp. 163, 164.
Hei. 4. A.D. 625. PLUNDEKS MEDINA, 39
ieclared that Gabriel had told him he had been received into
the seventh heaven, and welcomed with this eulogiura,
" Hamza, the lion of God, and the lion of his prophet."
The Mussulmans were much chagrined at this defeat. Some
expressed a doubt of the prophet being as high in the divine
favour as he pretended, since he had suffered such an over-
throw by infidels. Others murmured at the loss of their
friends and relations. To pacify them he used various argu-
ments ; telling them, the sins of some had been the cause of
disgrace to all ; that they had been disobedient to orders, iu
quitting their post for the sake of plunder ; that the devil
put it into the minds of those who turned back ; their flight,
however, was forgiven, because God is merciful ; that their
defeat was intended to try them, and to show them who were
believers and who not ; that the event of war is uncertain ;
that the enemy had suffered as well as they ; that other
prophets before him had been defea,ted in battle ; tliat death
is unavoidable. And here Mohammed's doctrine of fate was
of as great service to him as it was afterwards to his suc-
cessors, tending as it did lo make his people fearless, and
desperate in fight. For he taught them, that the time of
every man's death is so unalterably fixed, that he cannot die
before the appointed hour ; and, when that is come, no
caution whatever can prolong his life one moment ;* so that
they who were slain in battle would certainly have died at
the same time, if they had been at home in their houses ;
but, as they now died fighting for the faith, they had thereby
gained a crown of martyrdom, and entered immediately into
paradise, where they were in perfect bliss with their Lord.
In the beginning of the next year, Mohammed, hearing
the Asadites had a design against the country about Medina,
sent a party of fifty men to ravage their lands, who brought
away a great number of sheep, and so many camels that
every man had seven for his share. About this time, too,
being informed that Sofian, son of Kaled, the Hodhailite,
was raising men against him, he ordered Abdallah, son
of Onais, a determined bravo, to go and assassinate him.
Abdallah having performed this office, was rewarded by
Mohammed with his walking-stick, which he carried aboul
with him ever after, and ordered it to be buried with him.
* An opinion as ancient as Homer. — Iliad, vi. 487.
40 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Ilej. 5. a.d. 62a
Mohammed sent also Amru, with an assistant, to Meccii.
to assassinate Abu Sofian ; but the object of his visit being
discovered, Amru, with his companion, was forced to flee,
and returned to Medina without accomplishing his task.
This year the prophet had a revelation, commanding him to
prohibit wine and games of chance. Some say the pro-
hibition was owing to a quarrel occasioned by these things
among his followers.*
This year also, the people of Edlo and Al-Kara, having sent
a deputation to desire the prophet to send some Mussulmans
to instruct them in his religion, he sent with them six men,
of whom they treacherously massacred three, and took the
other three prisoners. Of the prisoners, one was killed at-
tempting to make his escape ; the other two were sold to the
Koreishites, who put them to a cruel death.
In the fifth year of the Hejira, Mohammed, informed by
his spies of a design against Medina, surrounded it with a
ditch, which was no sooner finished than the Meccans, with
Several stories have been told as the occasion of Mohammed's pro-
hibiting the drinking of wine. Busbequius says, " Mohammed, making a
journey to a friend at noon, entered into his house, where there was a
marriage feast ; and sitting down with the guests, he observed them to he
very merry and jovial, kissing and embracing one another, which was
attributed to the cheerfulness of their spirits raised by the wine ; so that he
blessed it as a sacred thing in being thus an instrument of much love
among men. But returning to the same house the next day, he beheld
another face of things, as gore-blood on the ground, a hand cut oft', an arm,
foot, and other limbs dismembered, which he was told was the eft'ect of the
brawls and fightings occasioned by the wine, which made them mad, and in-
flamed them into a fury, thus to destroy one another. Whereon he changed
his mind, and turned his former Ijlessing into a curse, and forbade wme
ever after to all his disciples." Epist. 3. " This prohibition of wine hindered
many of the prophet's contemporaries from embracing his religion. Yet
ieveral of the most respectable of the pagan Arabs, like certain of the Jews
and early Christians, abstained totally from wine, from a feeling of its
injurious effects upon morals, and, in their climate, upon health ; or, more
especially from the fear of being led by it into the commission of foolish
and degrading actions. Thus Keys, the son of Asim, being one night
overcome with wine, attempted to grasp the moon, and swore that he would
not quit the spot where he stood until he had laid hold of it. After
leaping several times with the view of doing so, he fell flat upon his face;
and when he recovered his senses, and was acquainted with the car.se of
his face being bruised, he made a solemn vow to abstain from wine evjf
after."— Zane's Arab. NiyhtA, vol. i. pp. 217, 218,
Hej. S. A.D. 626. WAR OF THE DITCH. 41
several tribes of Arabs, sat down before it, to the number of
ten thousand men. The appearance of so great a force threw
the Mussulmans into a consternation. Some were ready to
revolt ; and one of them exclaimed aloud, " Yesterday the
prophet promised us the wealth of Cosroes and Caesar, and
now he is forced to hide himself behind a nasty ditch." In
the meantime, Mohammed, skilfully concealing his real con-
cern, and setting as good a face upon the matter as he could,
marched out with three thousand Mussulmans, and formed
his army at a little distance behind the entrenchment. The
two armies continued facing each other for twenty days,
without any action, except a discharge of arrows on both
sides. At length, some champions of the Koreishites, Amru
son of Abdud, Acrema son of Abu Jehel, and Nawfal son
of Abdallah, coming to the ditch, leaped over it; and,
wheeling about between the ditch and the Moslem army,
challenged them to fight. Ali readily accepted the challenge,
and came forward against his uncle Amru, who said to him,
" Nephew, what a pleasure am I now going to have in killing
you." Ali replied, " No ; it is I that am to have a much
greater pleasure in killing you." Amru immediately alighted,
and having hamstrung his horse, advanced towards Ali, who
had also dismounted, and was ready to receive him. They
immediately engaged, and, in turning about to flank each
other, raised such a dust that they could not be distinguished,
only the strokes of their swords might be heard. At last,
the dust being laid, Ali was seen with his knee upon the
breast of his adversary, cutting his throat. Upon this, the
other two champions went back as fast as they came. Nawfal,
however, in leaping the ditch, got a fall, and being over-
whelmed with a shower of stones, cried out, " I had rather
die by the sword than thus." Ali hearing him, leaped into
the ditch and despatched him. He then pursued after
Acrema, and having wounded him with a spear, drove him
and his companions back to the army. Here they related
what had happened ; Avhich put the rest in such fear, that
they were ready to retreat ; and when some of their tents
had been overthrown by a storm, and discord had arisen
among the allies, the Koreishites, finding themselves forsaken
by their auxiliaries, returned to Mecca. Mohammed made a
miracle of this retreat ; and published upon it this verse of
42 I,IFE OF >rOHAMMED. H«j. 5. a.i> B2«.
the Koran, " God sent a storm, and legions of angels, which
you did not see."*
Upon the prophet's return into the town, while he was lay-
ing by his armour and washing himself, Gabriel came and
asked him, " Have you laid by your arms? we have not laid
by ours ; go and attack them," pointing to the Koraidites, a
Jewish tribe confederated against him. Whereupon, Moham-
med went immediately, and besieged them so closely in their
castles, that after twenty-five days, they surrendered at dis-
cretion. He referred the settlement of the conditions to Saad,
son of Moad ; who being wounded by an arrow at the ditch,
had wished he might only live to be revenged. Accordingly,
he decreed, that all the men, in number between six and seven
hundred, should be put to the sword, the women and children
sold for slaves, and their goods given to the soldiers for a prey.
Mohammed extolled the justice of this sentence, as a divine
direction sent down from the seventh heaven, and had it
punctually executed. Saad, dying of his wound presently
after, Moliammed performed his funeral obsequies, and
made an harangue in praise of him.
One Salam, a Jew. having been very strenuous in stirring up
the people against the prophet, some zealous Casregites desired
leave to go and assassinate him. Permission being readily
granted, away they went to the Jew's house, and being let in
by his wife, upon their pretending they were come to buy
provisions, they murdered him in his bed, and made their
escape.
Towards the end of this year, Mohammed, going into the
house of Zaid,t did not find him at home, but happened to
* Tradition says, the prophet successfully employed his arts and emis-
saries in producing dissensions in the camp of his confederate enemies ; and
the remnant was thrown into confusion, and made powerless by the direct
visitation of an angry God. While they lay encamped about the city, a
remarkable tempest, supernaturally excited, benumbed the limbs of the
besiegers, blew dust in their faces, extinguished their fires, overturned their
tents, and put their horses in disorder. The angels, moreover, co-operated
with the elements in discomfiting the enemy, and by crying, " Allah
Acbar!" "God is great!" as tlieir invisible legions surrounded the
camp, struck them with such a panic, that they were glad to escape with
their lives. — Green.
+ This was the emancipated slave who was the third convert of Mo-
hammed, see p. 14.
HeJ. 6. A.D. 627. MAKKIES ZAINAB AND JUAVEIRA. 43
espy his wife Zainab so much in dishabille, as to discover beau-
ties enough to touch a heart so amorous as his was. He
could not conceal the impression made upon him ; but cried
out, " Praised be God, who turneth men's hearts as he
pleases !" Zainab heard him, and told it to her husband
when he came home. Zaid, who had been greatly obHged
to Mohammed, was very desirous to gratify him, and offered
to divorce his wife. Mohammed pretended to dissuade him
from it, but Zaid easily perceiving how little he was in ear^
nest, actually divorced her. Mohammed thereupon took her
to wife, and celebrated the nuptials with extraordinary mag-
niticence, keeping open house upon the occasion. Notwith-
standing this step gave great ofience to many who could not
bring themselves to brook that a prophet should marry his
son's wife ; for he had before adopted Zaid for his son. To
salve the affair, therefore, he had recourse to his usual ex-
pedient : Gabriel brought him a revelation from heaven, in
which God commands him to take the wife of his adopted
son, on purpose, that for ever after, believers might have no
scruple in marrpng the divorced wives or widows of their
adopted sons ; which the Arabs had before looked upon
as unlawful. The apostle is even reproved for fearing
men, in this affair, whereas, he ought to fear God. Koran,
chap, xxxiii.
In the sixth year he subdued several tribes of the Arabs.
Among the captives was a woman of great beauty, named
Juweira, whom Mohammed took to wife, and by way of
dowTy, released all her kindred that were taken prisoners.
About the same time a servant of Omar, fighting with
one of the helpers, occasioned a quarrel between the help-
ers and the refugees ; whereupon, Abdallah, son of Abu
Solul, a Medinian unbeHever, reflected upon the refu-
gees, as a people that would encroach upon the Medinians,
if the latter did not prevent it in time, as now they might
easily do. These words being reported to the prophet, Omar,
who stood by, would have had him send some one to strike
off the head of Abdallah ; but his zeal was checked by the
prophet asking, " Will not people say, * What, may Moham-
med put to death those that are with him, as he pleases ?' "
Presently after, the son of Abdallah, who had heard of the
affair, came in, and said, " O apostle of God, I am told you
44 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 6. a.d. 627.
have some thoughts of condemning my fatner .o death : u
that be your intent, command me, and I will immediately
bring you his head." So well had this youth, Avho had embra-
ced Islamism, been instructed in the humane doctrine taught
in the Koran, chap, xlvii., in these words, " If ye meet with
any unbelievers, strike off their heads, until ye have made a
great slaughter of them : and bind them in strong bonds :
and give them their liberty freely, or take a ransom, until the
weapons of war are laid down." The apostle, who well
knew when it was for his interest to appear merciful and
placable, bade the young man be kind to his father, and not
take anything amiss of him.
When Mohammed went upon any expedition, it was gene-
rally determined by lots which of his wives should go with
him ; at this time it fell to Ayesha's lot to accompany him.-''
Upon their return to Medina, Ayesha was accused of intriguing
with one of the officers of the army, and was in great dis-
grace for about a month. The prophet was exceedingly
chagrined to have his best beloved wife accused of adultery ;
but his fondness for her prevailed over his resentment, and
she was restored to his favour upon her own protestation of
her innocence. This, however, did not quite satisfy the world,
nor, indeed, was the prophet's mind perfectly at ease on the
subject, until Gabriel brought him a revelation, wherein Aye-
sha is declared innocent of the crime laid to her charge ;
while those who accuse believers of any crime, without proof,
are severely reproved, and a command given, that whosoever
accuses chaste women, and cannot produce four eye-witnesses,
in support of the charge, shall receive eighty stripes. Koran,
chap. xxiv. In obedience to this command, all those who
had raised this report upon Ayesha were publicly scourged,
except Abdallah, son of Abu Solul, who was too considerable a
man to be so dealt with, notwithstanding he had been parti-
cularly industrious in spreading the scandal.f
• Ayesha savs, " When Mohammed intended to travel, he would throw-
up a piece of wood, on which was the name of each, and determine by it
which of his wives to take with him." — Mishcat, book xiii. chap. 10.
■f- The following elucidation of the above circumstance is given by Sale.
" ?»Ionammed having undertaken an expedition against the tribe of
Mostalek, in the sixth year of tiie Hejira, took his wife Ayesha with him.
On their return, when they were not far from Medina, the army removing
Hej.6. A.D. 627. A TRUCE WITH MECCA, 45
Mohammed being now increased iu power, marched hi«
army against Mecca, and a battle being fought on the march,
wherein neither side gaining the advantage, a truce was
agreed upon for ten years, on the following conditions: —
All within Mecca, who were disposed, were to be at liberty
to join Mohammed ; and those who had a mind to leave
him and return to Mecca, were to be equally free to do so;
but, for the future, if any Meccans deserted to him, they
should be sent back upon demand ; and that Mohammed
or any of the Mussulmans might come to Mecca, provided they
came unarmed, and tarried not above three days at a time.
Mohammed was now so well confirmed in his power, that
he took upon himself the authority of a king ; and was, by
the chief men of his army, inaugurated under a tree near
Medina ; and having, by the truce obtained for his followers,
free access to Mecca, he ordained they should henceforward
make their pilgrimages thither.* Among the Arabs it had
been an ancient usage to visit the Kaaba once a year, to worship
there the heathen deities. Mohammed, therefore, thought
it expedient to comply with a custom with which they were
pleased, and which, besides, was so beneficial to his native
place, by bringing a great concourse of pilgrims to it; that when
he afterwards came to be master of Mecca, he enforced the
by night, Ayesha, on the road, alighted from her camel, and stepped aside
on a private occasion ; but on her return, perceiving she had dropped her
necklace, which was of onyxes of Dhafar, she went back to look for it ;
and in the meantime her attendants, taking it for granted that she was got
into her pavilion, set it again on the camel, and led it away. When she
came back to the road, and saw her camel was gone, she sat down there,
expecting that when she was missed, some would be sent back to fetch
her; and in a little time she fell asleep. Early in the morning, Safwan
Ebu al Moattel, who had stayed behind to rest himself, coming by, per-
ceired somebody asleep, and found it was Ayesha; upon which he awoke
Jher, by t^vice pronouncing ■with a low voice these words, ' We are God's,
and unto him must we return.' Ayesha immediately covered herself with
her veil ; and Safwan set her on his own camel, and led her after the army,
which they overtook by noon, as they were resting. This accident had
like to have ruined Ayesha, whose reputation was publicly calle<l in
question, as if she had been guilty of adultery with Safwan." — Sale's
Koran, chap. xxiv. note.
• He once thought to have ordered the pilgrimage to Jerusalem; but
finding the Jews so inveterate against him, thought it more advijable ta
oblige the Arabs.
46 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 6. a.d. 627.
pilgrimage with most of the old ceremonies belonging to it,
only taking away the idols, and abolishing this worship.
Though he now took upon himself the sovereign command,
and the insignia of royalty, he stUl retained the sacred character
of chief pontiff of his religion, and transmitted both these
powers to his caliphs or successors, who, for some time, not
only ordered all matters of religion, but used, especially upon
public occasions, to officiate in praying and preaching in their
mosques. In process of time, this came to be all the autho-
rity the caliphs had left, for, about the year of the Hejira,
325, the governors of provinces seized the regal authority,
and made themselves kings of their several governments.
They continued, indeed, to pay a show of deference to the
caliph, who usually resided at Bagdad, whom, however, they
occasionally deposed. At this present time, most Moham-
medan princes have a person in their respective dominions
who bears this sacred character, and is called the mufti in
Turkey, and in Persia the sadre. He is often appealed to as
the interpreter of the law ; but, as a tool of state, usually
gives such judgment as he knows will be most acceptable to
his prince.
Mohammed used at first, when preaching in his mosque
at Medina, to lean upon a post of a palm-tree driven into
the ground; but being now invested with greater dignity, by
the advice of one of his wives, he had a pulpit built, which
had two steps up to it, and a seat within When Othman
was caliph, he hung it with tapestry, and Moawiyah raised it
six steps higher, that he might be heard when he sat down,
as he was forced to do, being very fat and heavy ; whereas
his predecessors all used to stand.
Mohammed had now a dream, that he held in his hand the
key of the Kaaba, and that he and his men made the circuits
round it, and performed all the ceremonies of the pilgrimage.
Having told his dream next morning, he and his followers
were all in high spirits upon it, taking it for an omen that
they should shortly be masters of Mecca. Accordingly, great
preparations were made for an expedition to this city. The
prophet gave it out that his only intent was to make the pil-
grimage. He provided seventy camels for the sacrifice, which
were conducted by 700 men, ten to each camel ; as, however,
he apprehended opposition from the Koreishites, he took
Hej C A.D. 627. MARCHES AGAINST MECCA. 47
with him his best troops, to the number of 1400 men, besides
an incredible number of wandering Arabs from all parts.
The Koreishites, alarmed at the march of the Mussulmans, got
together a considerable force, and encamped about six mile?
from Mecca. Mohammed continued his march, but finding,
by his spies, the enemy had posted their men, so as to stop
the passes in his feints and counter-marches, came to a place
where his camel fell upon her knees. The people said she
was restive, but the prophet took it for a divine intimation
that he should not proceed any farther in his intended expe-
dition, but wait with resignation till the appointed time.
He therefore turned back, and encamped without the sacred
territory, at Hodaibia. The Koreishites sent three several
messengers, the two last men of consequence, to demand
what was his intention in coming thither. He answered,
that it was purely out of a devout wish to visit the sacred
house ; and not with any hostile design. Mohammed also
sent one of his own men to give them the same assurance ;
but the Koreishites cut the legs of his camel, and would also
have killed the man, had not the Ahabishites interposed and
helped him to escape. Upon this, he wished Omar to go
upon the same errand ; but he excused himself, as not being
upon good terms ^\'ith the Koreishites. At last, Othman was
sent ; who delivered his message, and was coming away,
when they told him he might, if he wished, make his circuits
round the Kaaba. But upon his replying he would not do so
until the apostle of God had first performed his vow to
make the holy circuits, they were so greatly provoked, that they
laid him in irons. In the Mussulman army it was reported
that he was killed, at which Mohammed was much afflicted,
and said aloud, "We will not stir from hence till we have given
battle to the enemy." Thereupon, the whole army took an
oath of obedience and fealty to the prophet, who, on his part,
by the ceremony of clapping his hand one against the other,
took an oath to stand by them as long as there was one of
them left.
The Koreishites sent a party of eighty men towards the
camp of the Mussulmans to beat up their quarters. Being
discovered by the sentinels, they were surrounded, taken pri-
soners, and brought before Mohammed ; who, thinking it
proper at that time to be generous, released them. In return,
48 XIFE OF MOHAMMED. HeJ. C. a.d. STi
Soliail son of Amru was sent fo Lim with proposals of peace,
which he agreed to accept. In wording the treaty, however.
All had Avritten, " Articles agreed upon between Mohammed
the apostle of God, and Sohail son of Amru ;" to this title
Sohail objected, saying, " If I o\\'ned you for an apostle of God,
I should be to blame to oppose you ; write, therefore, your
own name and your father's." Mohammed being in no con-
dition to dispute the matter, bade Aii blot out the objection-
able words, but he bluntly swore he would not so dishonour
his glorious title. Upon this, Mohammed took the pen and
blotted out the words himself, writing instead of them, son
of Abdallah. This, my author says, was one of his miracles ;
for he never had learned to write. While they were drawing
up the treaty, Abu Jandal, son of Sohail, who had embraced
Islamism, and been confined by his father at Mecca, got loose,
and came among the Mussulmans ; and being discovered, was
reclaimed by his father, in virtue of the articles. Sohail beat
his son severely for this elopement; but Mohammed exhorted
the young man to have patience, for God would soon give liberty
and prosperity to him and all Mussulmans in his condition.
Mohammed's men were greatly disgusted at the disappoint-
ment they had met with ; for, from his dream and the pro-
mises he had made them, they had expected nothing less than
a complete victory ; whereas, after a great deal of fatigue,
they were now forced to be content with what they could not
but regard as a dislionourable peace.
Mohammed had encamped without the precincts of Mecca,
but so near the sacred territory, that he went thereon to say his
prayers. He gave the word of command to his people, " Slay
the victims and shave your heads ;" but nobody stirred to do
as he had bidden them. Upon his telling this to his wife
Omm-Salama, she thus advised him : "Go among them, and
say nothing to any body, but slay your camels and make your
sacrifice; and send for your barber and shave your head:"
he did so, and all his people immediately followed his ex-
ample. The apostle having cried out, " God be merciful to the
shaved heads ;'' they answered, "And to the shaved beards too,
O apostle of God :" he repeated his prayer, and they repeated
their response.
Mohammed, pretending he had a divine promise of a great
booty, re tinned to Medina and, having concluded a peac«
H«]. 7. A-O. 629. NEAKLT POISONED. 49
for ten years with tlie Koreishites, was the better enablea to
attack the Jews, his irreconcilable enemies. Accordingly, he
went to Khaibar, a strong town about six days' journey north-
east of Medina, and took tliat and several other strong places,
whereto the Jews had retired, and carried a vast deal of
treasure ; this all fell into the hands of the Mussulmans. Being
entertained at Khaibar, a young Jewess, to try, as she after-
wards said, whether he were a prophet or not, poisoned a
shoulder of mutton, a joint Mohammea was particularly fond
of. One of those who partook of it at the table, named
Basher, died upon the spot : but Mohammed, finding it taste
disagreeable, spat it out, saying, " This mutton tells me it is
poisoned." The miracle-mongers improve this story, by
making the shoulder of mutton speak to him ; but if it did,
it spoke too late, for he had already swallowed some of it ;
and, of the effects of that morsel he complained in his last
illness, of which he died three years after.
In this year, Jannabi''^ mentions Mohammed's being be-
witched by the Jews. Having made a Avaxen image of him,
they hid it in a well, together with a comb and a tuft of hair
tied in eleven knots. The prophet fell into a very wasting
condition, till he had a dream that informed him where these
implements of witchcraft were, and accordingly had them
taken away. In order to untie the knots, Gabriel read to him
the two last chapters of the Koran, consisting of eleven
verses ; each verse untied a knot, and, when all were un-
tied, he recovered.!
• Gagnier, Vie de Mohammed, v. 2, p. 43. S;ile on the Koran, p. 508.
t " An implicit belief in magic is entertained by almost all Mussulmans;
and he among them, who denies its truth, they regard as a free-thinker, or
an infidel. Some are of opinion that it ceased on the mission of Moham-
med; but these are comparatively few. Many of the most learned Mus-
sulmans, to the present age, have deeply studied it ; and a much greater
number of persons of inferior education (particularly schoolmasters) have,
more or less, devoted their time and talents to the pursuit of this know-
ledge. Recourse is had to it for the discovery of hidden treasures, for
alchymical purposes, for the acquisition of the kno\<'ledge of futurity, to
procure offspring, to obtain the affection of a beloved object, to effect
cures, to guard against the influence of the evil eye, to afflict or kill an
enemy or a rival, and to attain various other objects of desire. Babil, or
Babel, is regarded by the ilussulmans as the fountain head of the science
of magic, which was, and, as most think, still is, taught there to mankind
by two fallen angels, named Haroot and Maroot, who are there suspended
£
60 LIFE OF MOHAMMED, Hej. 8. A.D. 62ft
This year Mohammed had a seal made -with this inscrip-
tion, " Mohammed, the apostle of God." This was to seal his
letters, which he now took upon him to write to divers
princes, inviting them to Islamism. His first letter to this effect
svas sent to Badham, viceroy of Yemen, to be forwarded to
Cosroes, king of Persia. Cosroes tore the letter, and ordered
Badham to restore the prophet to his right mind, or send him
his head. Cosroes was presently after murdered by his son
Siroes ; Badham with his people turned Mussulmans, and
Mohammed continued him in his government.
by the feet in a great pit closed hv a mass of rock." — Lane's Arab. Nights,
vol. i. pp. 66, 218.
*' From another fable of these two magicians, we are told that the
angels in heaven, expressing their surprise at the wickedness of the sons of
Adam, after prophets had been sent to them with di^ine commissions, God
bid them choose two out of their own number, to be sent down to be
judges on earth. Whereupon they pitched upon Harootand Maroot, who
executed their office with integrity for some time, in the pro\'ince of Baby-
lon; but whilst they were there, Zohara, or the planet Venus, descended,
and appeared before them in the shape of a beautiful woman, bringing a
complaint against her husband. As soon as they saw her they fell in love
with her, whereupon she inwted them to dinner, and set wine before them,
which God had forbidden them to drink. At length, being tempted by
tlie liquor to transgress the divine command, they became drunk, and
endeavoured to prevail on her to satisfy their desires ; to which she pro-
mised to consent upon condition that one of them should first carry her to
heaven, and the other bring her back again. They immediately agreed to
do so, but directly the woman reached heaven she declared to God the
whole matter, and as a reward for her chastity she was made the morning
star. The guilty angels were allowed to choose whether they would be
punished in this life or in the other ; and upon their choosing the former,
they were hung up by the feet by an iron chain in a certain pit near
Babylon, where they are to continue suffering the punishment of their
transgression until the day of judgment. By the same tradition we also
learn, that if a man has a fancy to learn magic, he may go to them and
hear their voice, but cannot see them." — See Sale's Koran, chap. ii. and
notes. Prideanx's Life of Moham. &c
Lane says, " that the celebrated traditionist, Mujahid, is related to have
\-isited these two angels under the guidance of a Jew. Having removed
the mass of rock from the mouth of the pit, or well, they entered. Mujahid
had been previously charged by the Jew not to mention the name of God
in their presence ; but when he beheld them, resembling in size two huge
mountains, and suspended upside down, with irons attached to their hands
and knees, he could not refrain from uttering the forbidden name, where-
upon the two angels became so violently agitated, that they almost broke
the irons which confined them, and Mujahid and his guide fled in con'
MfiTnition." — Luiie^s Arab. Niffkts. vol. i. p. 214.
Hei. 8. A.D. 629. HIS LETTERS TO EOTALTY. 51
He also sent a letter of the same purjjort to the Roman
emperor, Heraclius. Heraciius received the letter respect-
fully, and made some valuable presents to the messenger.
He sent another to Makawkas, viceroy of Eg}-pt, who returned
in answer, he would consider of the proposals, and sent, among
other presents, two young maidens. One of these, named
Mary, of fifteen years of age, Mohammed debauched. This
greatly offended two of his wives, Hafsa and Ayesha, and
to pacify them he promised, upon oath, to do so no more.
But he was soon taken again by them transgressing in the
same way. And now, that he might not stand in awe of
his wives any longer, do\vn comes a revelation which is
recorded in the sixty-sixth chapter of the Koran, releasing
the projihet from his oath, and allowing him to have concu-
bines, if he wished.* And the two wives of Mohammed,
who, upon the quarrel about Mary, had gone home to their
fathers, being threatened in the same chapter with a divorce,
were glad to send their fathers to him to make their peace
with him, and obtain his permission for their return. They
were fain to come and submit to live with him upon his o^^Ti
terms.
Mohammed sent letters at the same time to the king of
Ethiopia, who had before professed Islamism, and now in his
answer repeated his profession of it. He wrote to two other
Arabian princes, who sent him disagreeable answers, which
provoked him to curse them. He sent also to Al Mondar,
king of Bahrain, who came into his religion, and afterwards
routed the Persians, and made a great slaughter of them.
And now all the Arabians of Bahrain had become converts to
his religion.
Among the captives taken at Khaibar, was Safia, betrothed
to the son of Kenana, the king of the Jews. Mohammed
took the former to wife, and put Kenana to the torture, to
make him discover his treasure. In the action at Khaibar, it
• Thomas Moore, the poet, thus alludes to the circumstance in Lalla
Rookh :—
** And here Mohammed, bom for love and guile.
Forgets the Koran in his Mary's smile i
Then beckons some kind angel from above.
With a new text to consecrate their love !"
Veiled Prophet qf Ehorassaiu
B 2
52 LIFE OF MOHAMMil>. Hej. ft it D. 6281
is said, Ali, having his buckler struck out of hh hand, took
one of the gates off its hinges, and used it for a buckler, till
the place was taken. The narrator of this story asserts that
he and seven men tried to stir the gate, and were not able.
One of the articles of the peace being, that any Mussulman
might be permitted to perform his pilgrimage at Mecca, the
prophet vi^ent to that city to complete the visitation of the
holy places, which he could not do as he intended when at
Hodaiba. Hearing, upon this occasion, the Meccans talking
of his being weakened by the long marches he had made, to
show the contrary, in going round the Kaaba seven times, he
went the first three rounds in a brisk trot, shaking his
shoulders the while, but performed the four last circuits in a
common walking pace. This is the reason why Mussulmans
always perform seven circuits round the Kaaba in a similar
manner.
In the eighth year of , the Hejira, Kaled son of Al Walid,
Amru son of Al As, and Othman son of Telha, who presided
over the Kaaba, became Mussulmans ; this was a considerable
addition to Mohammed's power and interest. The same year
Mohammed, having sent a letter to the governor of Bostra in
Syria, as he had to others, and his messenger being slain
there, sent Zaid, son of Hareth, with three thousand men to
Muta in Syria, against the Roman army, which, with their
allies, made a body of nearly one hundred thousand men. Zaid
being slain, the command fell to Jaafar, and, upon his death,
to Abdallah son of Rawahas, who was also killed.* There-
* " The death of Jaafar was heroic i.m\ memorable; he lost his right
hand, he shifted the standard to his left, the left was severed from his body,
he embraced the standard with his bleeding stumps, till he was transfixed
to the ground \vith tifty honourable wounds. ' Advance,' cried Abdallah,
who stepped into the vacant place, ' advance with confidence ; either vic-
tory or paradise is our own.' The lance of a Roman decided the alter-
native ; but the falling standard was rescued by Kaled, the proselyte of
Mecca- nine swords were broli:en in his hand ; and his valour withstood
and repulsed the superior numbers ot the Christians. To console the
afflicted relatives of his kinsman Jaafar, Mohammed represented that, in
paradise, in exchange for the arms he had Inst he had been furnished mih
a pair of ^vinus, resplendent with the blushii.g glories of the ruby, and
with which he was become the inseparable companion of the archangel
Gabriel, in his volitations thiough the regions of eternal bliss. Hence, in
the catalogue of the martyrs, he has been denominated Jaaffer teyaur, th«
ringed Jaatfer." — Milman's Gibbon, chap. 1,
Hej. 8».d629. SUBDUES MECCA. 53
upon the Mussulmans unanimously chose Kaled for their leader,
who defeated the enemy, and returned to Medina with a con-
-siderable booty, on which account Mohammed gave him the
title of the " Sword of God."
The same year the Koreishites assisted some of their allies
against the Kozaites, who were in alliance with Mohammed.
This the latter resented as an infraction of the peace. Abu
Sofian was sent to try to make up matters, but Mohammed
would not vouchsafe to receive his explanation. But having
made his preparation to fall upon them before they could be
prepared to receive him, he advanced upon Mecca with about
ten thousand men. Abu Sofian having come out of the
to^vn in the evening to reconnoitre, he fell in with Al Abbas,
who, out of friendship to his countrymen, had ridden from
the army with the hope of meeting some straggling Meccans
whom he might send back with the news of Mohammed's
approach, and advise the Meccans to surrender. Al Abbas,
recognizing Abu Sofian's voice, called to him, and advised
him to get up behind him, and go with him, and in all haste
make his submission to Mohammed. This he did, and, to
save his life, professed Islamism, and was afterwards as zeal-
ous in propagating as he had hitherto been in opposing it.
Mohammed had given orders to his men to enter Mecca
peaceably, but Kaled meeting with a party who discharged
some arrows at him, fell upon them, and slew twenty-eight
of them. Mohammed sent one of his helpers to bid him
desist from the slaughter; but the messenger delivered quite the
contrary order, commanding him to show them no mercy.
Afterwards, when Mohammed said to the helper, " Did not I
bid you tell Kaled not to kill any body in Mecca ?" " It is
true," said the helper, " and I would have done as you
directed me, but God would have it otherwise, and God's will
was done."
When all was quiet, Mohammed went to the Kaaba, and
rode round it upon his camel seven times, and touched with
his cane a corner of the black stone with great reverence.
Having alighted, he went into the Kaaba, where he found
images of angels, and a figure of Abraham holding in his
hand a bundle of arrows, which had been made use of for
deciding things by lot. All these, as well as three liundred
and sixty idols which stood on the outside of the Kaaba, he
54 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 8. a.d. 629
caused to be thrown down and broken in pieces. As he
entered the Kaaba, he cried with a loud voice, " Allah acbar."
seven times, turning round to all the sides of the Kaaba. He
also appointed it to be the Kebla, or place toward which the
Mussulmans should turn themselves when they pray. Remount-
ing his camel, he now rode once more seven times round the
Kaaba, and again alighting, bowed himself twice before it.
He next visited the well Zemzem, and from thence passed to
the station of Abraham. Here he stopped a while, and
ordering a pail of water to be brought from the Zemzem, he
drank several large draughts, and then made the holy wash-
ing called wodhu. Immediately all his followers imitated
his example, purifying themselves and washing their faces.
After this, Mohammed, standing at the door of the Kaaba,
made an harangue to the following effect : " There is no
other god but God, who has fulfilled his promise to his
servant, and who alone has put to flight his enemies, and put
under my feet every thing that is visible ; men, animals,
goods, riches, except only the gO'. ernment of the Kaaba and
the keeping of the cup for the pilgrims to drink out of. As
for you, O ye Koreishites, God hath taken from you the pride
of paganism, which caused you to worship as deities our
fathers Abraham and Ishmael, though they were men de-
scended from Adam, who was created out of the earth."
Having a mind to bestow on one of his own friends the prefec-
ture of the Kaaba, he took the keys of it from Othman the son
of Telha, and was about to give them to Al Abbas, who had
asked for them, when a direction came to him from heaven,
in these words, " Give the charge to whom it belongs."
Whereupon he returned the keys by Ali to Othman, who,
being agreeably surprised, thanked Mohammed, and made a
new profession of his faith. The pilgrim's cup, however, he
consigned to the care of Al Abbas, in whose family it became
hereditary.
The people of Mecca were next summoned to the hill Al
Safa, to witness Mohammed's inauguration. The prophet
having first taken an oath to them, the men first, and then the
women, bound themselves by oath to be faithful and obedient
to whatsoever he should command them. After this, he
summoned an extraordinary assembly, in which it was de-
creed, that Mecca should be henceforward an asvlura oi
He|. 8. A.D. 629. SLAUGHTEK OF THE JODHAMITES. 5S
inviolable sanctuary, within which, it should be unlawful to
ehed the blood of man, or even to fell a tree.
After telling the Meccans they were his slaves by conquest,
he pardoned and declared them free, with the exception of
eleven men and six women, whom, as his most inveterate
enemies, he proscribed, ordering his followers to kill them
wherever they should find them. Most of them obtained
their pardon by embracing Islamism, and were ever after, the
most zealous of Mussulmans. One of these, Abdallah, who had
greatly offended Mohammed, was brought to him by Othman,
upon whose intercession Mohammed pardoned him. Before
he granted his pardon, he maintained a long silence, in ex-
pectation, as he afterwards owned, that some of those about
him would fall upon Abdallah and kill him. Of the women,
three embraced Islamism, and were pardoned, the rest were
put to death ; one being crucified.
Mohammed now sent out Kaled and others, to destroy the
idols which were still retained by some of the tribes ; and to
invite them to Islamism. Kaled executed his commission with
great brutality. The Jodhamites had formerly robbed and
murdered Kaled's uncle as he journeyed from Arabia Felix.
Kaled having proposed Islamism to them, they cried out,
" they professed Sabaeism." This was what he wanted. He
immediately fell upon them, killing some, and making others
prisoners : of these, he distributed some among his men, and
reserved others for himself. As for the latter, having tied
their hands behind them, he put them all to the sword. On
hearing of this slaughter, Mohammed lifted up his eyes, and
protested his innocence of this murder ; and immediately sent
Ali with a sum of money to make satisfaction for the blood-
shed ; and to restore the plunder. Ali paid to the surviving
Jodhamites as much as they demanded, and generously di-
vided the overplus among them. This action Mohammed
applauded ; and afterwards reproved Kaled for his cruelty.
Upon the conquest of Mecca, many of the tribes of the
Arabs came and submitted to Mohammed ; but the Hawa-
zanites, the Thakishites, and part of the Saadites, assembled
to the number of 4000 effective men, besides women and child-
ren, to oppose him. He went against them at the head of
12,000 fighting men. At the first onset, the Mussulmans being
received with a thick shower of arrows, were put to flight ;
56 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. hej 8. A.r>. 65*
but Mohammed, with great courage, rallied his men, and
finally obtained the victory. Among the captives there was
one who said she Avas the daughter of Mohammed's nurse.
The prophet, being satisfied by some mark of the truth of her
pretensions, held out his cloak towards her, in token of his
good will, and giving her leave to return home, furnished
her liberally for her journey. The next considerable action
was the siege of Tai'f, a town sixty miles east from Mecca.
The Mussulmans set down before it ; and, haA^ing made several
breaches with their engines, marched resolutely up to them ;
but were vigorously repulsed by the besieged. Mohammed,
having by an herald proclaimed liberty to all the slaves who
should come over to him, twenty-three deserted, to each of
whom he assigned a Mussulman for a comrade. So inconsider-
able a defection did not in the least abate the courage of the
besieged ; so that the prophet began to despair of reducing
the place, and, after a dream, which Abubeker interpreted
unfavourably to the attempt, determined to raise the siege.
His men, however, on being ordered to prepare for a retreat,
began to murmur ; whereupon, he conamanded them to be
ready for an assault the next day. The assault being made,
the assailants were beaten back with great loss. To console
them in their retreat, the prophet smiled, and said, " We wiU
come here again, if it please God." When the army reached
Jesana, where all the booty taken from the Hawazanites had
been left, a deputation arrived from that tribe, to beg it might
be restored. The prophet having given them their option,
between the captives or their goods, they chose to have their
wives and children again. Their goods being divided among
the Mussulmans, Mohammed, in order to indemnify those who
had been obliged to give up their slaves, gave up his own
share of the plunder, and divided it among them. To Malec,
however, son of Awf, the general of the Hawazanites, he in-
timated, that if he would embrace Islamism, he should have all
his goods as well as his family, and a present of 100 camels
besides. By this promise, Malec was brought over to be so
good a Mussulman, that he had the command given him of all
his countrymen who should at any time be converts ; and was
very serviceable against the Thakishite^.
The prophet, after this, made a holy visit to Mecca, where
he appointed Otab, son of Osaid, governor, though not qui*e
HCJ.9.4.D. 630. ATTACKS THE ROMAN'S AND STKIANS. 57
twenty years of age ; Maad, son ol Jabal, Imam, or chief prieet,
to teach the people Islamism ; and direct them in solemn-
izing the pilgrimage. Upon his return to Medina, his concu-
bine, Mary, brought him a son, whom he named Ibrahim ;
celebrating his birth with a great feast. The child, however,
lived but hfteen months.
In the nmth year of the Hejira, envoys from aU parts of
Arabia, came to Mohammed at Medina, to declare the readi-
ness of their several tribes to profess his religion. At this
time also, Kaab, son of Zohair, who had been proscribed for
writing some satirical verses upon Mohammed, came and
made his peace, with a poem in his praise. It began thus: —
" Now does my happiness drsw near ;
Th' accepted day is in my view :"
Besides granting his pardon, Mohammed gave him his cloak
off his back ; which precious reUc was purchased of his family
by Moawiyah the caliph, at a high price, by whose successors
it was worn on all solemn occasions, down to the irruption
of the Tartars, in the year of the Hejira 656.
The same year, Mohammed, with an army of 30,000 men,
marched towards Syria, to a place called Tobue, against the
Romans and S}Tians, who were making preparation against
him ; but, upon his approach, retreated. The Mussulmans, in
their march back towards Medina, took several forts of the
Christian Arabs, and made them tributaries. Upon his return
to Medina, the Thakishites, having been blockaded in the
Ta'if by the Mussulman tribes, sent deputies offering to embrace
Islamism, upon condition of being allowed to retain a little
longer an idol to which their people were bigotedly attached.
When Mohammed insisted upon its being immediately de-
molished ; they desired to be at least excused from using
the Mussulman' prayers, but to this he answered very justly,
" That a religion without prayers was good for nothing."
At last they submitted absolutely.
Diiring the same year, Mohammed sent Abubeker to
Mecca, to perform the pilgrimage, and sacrifice in his be-
half twenty camels. Presently afterwards, he sent Ali to
publish the ninth chapter of the Koran, which, thougli so
placed in the present confused copy, is generally supposed
58 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Mej. 10. a.d. 6SL
to have been the last that was revealed. It is called Barat, or
Immunity ; the purport of it is, that the associators with whom
Mohammed had made a treaty, must, after four months'
liberty of conscience, either embrace Islamism, or pay tribute.
The command runs thus : — " When those holy months are
expired, kill the idolaters wherever ye shall find them."
Afterwards come these words, " If they repent, and observe
the times of prayer and give alms, they are to be looked upon
as your brethren in religion." Thus we find the impostor,
who at first pretended only to persuade, as soon as he thought
himself sufficiently strong to compel men into his religion,
declaring it not only lawful, but necessary to make converts
by force of arms. For the publication of this doctrine,
he could not have found a fitter instrument than his
vizir Ali. The same chapter also orders, " That nobody
should, not having on the sacred habit, perform the holy
circuits round the Kaaba ; and that no idolater should make
the pilgrimage to Mecca." In consequence, no person ex-
cept a Mohammedan may approach the Kaaba, on pain of
death.
The folloAving account of Mohammed's farewell pilgrimage,
is from Jaber, son of Abdallah,* who was one of the com-
pany : — " The apostle of God had not made the pilgrim-
age for nine years ; (for when he conquered Mecca he only
made a visitation.) In the tenth year of the Hejira, he
publicly proclaimed his intention to perform the pilgrimage,
whereupon, a prodigious multitude of people (some make the
number near 100,000) flocked from all parts to Medina.
Our chief desire was to follow the apostle of God, and
imitate him. When we came to Dhul Holaifa.f the apostle
of God prayed in the mosque there ; then mounting
his camel, he rode hastily to the plain Baida, where he
began to praise God in the form that professes his unity,
saying, ' Here I am, O God, ready to obey thee, thou hast no
• Gagnier, Note in Abulfeda, p. 130,
+ There are different places where the pilgrims from various parts put
off their clothes, and put on the sacred habit ; which, being a penitential
one, consists, according to Sale, of two coarse woollen wrappers. Bobovius,
however, sa3's, " It is made like a surplice ;" if so, it is only one largo
wrapper, for it must not be sewed. — Vide Pocock, Spec. Hist. Arab. p.
H16.
Hef.m A.D. 631. HIS LAST PILGRIMAGE. 59
partner,' &c. When he came to the Kaaba, he kissed the
corner of the black stone, went seven times round,- -three
times in a trot, four times walking, — then went to the station
of Abraham, and coming again to the black stone, reverently
kissed it. Afterwards he went through the gate of the sons of
Madhumi to the hill Safa, and went up it, till he could see
the Kaaba ; when, turning towards the Kebla, he professed
again the unity of God ; saying, ' There is no God but one,
his is the kingdom, to him be praises, he is powerful above
every thing,' &c. After this profession he went down towards
the hill Merwan, I following him all the way through the
valley ; he then ascended the hiU slowly till he came to the top
of Merwan ; from thence he ascended mount Arafa. It being
towards the going down of the sun, he preached here tiU sunset;
then going to Mosdalefa, between Arafa and the valley of Mena,
he made the evening and the late prayers, with two calls to
prayer, and two risings up. Then he lay down till the dawn,
and having made the morning prayer, went to the inclosure
of the Kaaba, where he remained standing till it grew very
light. Hence he proceeded hastily, before the sun was up,
to the valley of Mena ; where, throwing up seven stones, he
repeated at each throw, ' God is great,' &c. Leaving now
the valley, he went to the place of sacrifice. Having made
free sixty-three slaves, he slew sixty-three victims * with his
own hand, being then sixty-three years old ; and then ordered
Ali to sacrifice as many more victims as would make up the
number to lOO.f The next thing the apostle did was to
shave his head, beginning on the right side of it, and finish-
ing it on the left. His hair, as he cut it oflF, he cast upon a tree,
that the wind might scatter it among the people. Kaled was
fortunate enough to catch a part of the forelock, which he
fixed upon his turban ; the virtue whereof he experienced
in every battle he afterwards fought. The limbs of the vic^
• Mohammed's victims were camels : Jamiabi apud Gagnier, Vie de
Mohammed, vol. ii. p. 265 ; they may, however, be sheep or goats, but in
this case they must be male ; if camels or kine, female. — Sale, Prelim.
Dis. p. 120.
t Ludovicus Patricias Romanus, who, feigning himself a Mussulman, waa
present at a pilgrimage, says, " The remains of the sacrificed sheep, after
thoso who furnished them had eaten, were given to the poor, who usually
uucmbled here in great nuuibcrs." — Lib. 1. cap. 13.
60 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 11. a.d. 632
tims being now boiled, the apostle sat down with no other
companion but Ali, to eat some of the flesh, and drink some
of the broth. The repast being over, he mounted his camel
again and rode to the Kaaba ; where he made the noon-tide
prayer, and drank seven large draughts of the well Zemzem,
made seven circuits round the Kaaba, and concluded his career
between the hills Safa and Merwan.
" The ninth day of the feast, he went to perform his devo-
tions on mount AJafa. This hill, situated about a mile from
Mecca, is held in great veneration by the Mussulmans, as a
place very proper for penitence. Its fitness in this respect is
accounted for by a tradition, that Adam and Eve, on being
banished out of paradise, in order to do penance for their
transgression, were parted from each other ; and after a
separation of six score years, met again upon this mountain."
At the conclusion of this farewell pilgrimage, as it was
called, being the last he ever made, Mohammed reformed the
calendar in two points. 1. In the first place, he appointed
the year to be exactly lunar, consisting of twelve lunar
months, whereas, before, in order to reduce the lunar to the
solar year, they used to make every third year consist of
thirteen months. And secondly, whereas the ancient Arab-
ians held four months sacred, wherein it was unlawful to
commit any act of hostility, he took away that prohibition,
by this command, " attack the idolaters in all the months of
the year, as they attack you in all." Koran, chap. ix.
In the 11th year of the Hejira there arrived an embassage
from Arabia Felix, consisting of about one hundred who had
embraced Islamism. The same year, Mohammed ordered Osa-
ma to go to the place where Zaid his father was slain at the
battle of Muta, to revenge his death. This was the last ex-
pedition he ever ordered, for, being taken ill two days after,
he died within thirteen days. The beginning of his sickness
was a slow fever, which made him delirious. In his frenzy
he called for pen, ink, and paper, and said, " He would write
a book that should keep them from erring after his death."
But Omar opposed it, saying the Koran is sufficient, and that
the prophet, through the greatness of his malady, knew not
what he said. Others, however, expressing a desire that he
would ivrite ; a contention arose, which so disturbed Moham
med tha ' he bade them all be gone. During his illness, he com-
HeJ.ll. A.D. 632. HIS DEATH, 61
plained of the poisoned meat he had swallowed at Khaibar. Some
say, when he was dying, Gabriel told him the angel of death,
who never before had been, nor would ever again be so cere-
monious towards any body, was waiting for his permission
to come in. As soon as Mohammed had answered, " I give
him leave ;" the angel of death entered, and complimented
the prophet, tellhig him, God was very desirous to have him,
but had commanded he should take his soul or leave it, just
as he himself should please to order : Mohammed replied,
*' Take it, then." [According to the testimony of all the
Eastern authors, Mohammed died on Monday the 12th Reby
1st, in the year 11 of the Hejira, which answers in reality to
the 8th June, 632, a.d.*J
On his death, there was great confusion among his fol-
lowers : some said, " He was not dead, but only taken away
for a season, and would return again as Jesus did ;"' and called
out, "Do not bury the apostle of God, for he is not dead."
Omar was so strongly of this opinion, that he drew his sword,
and swore he would cut any body in pieces who should say
the prophet was dead. Abubeker, however, came in and
said, " L)o you worship Mohammed, or the God of Moham-
med ? the God of Mohammed is immortal ; but as for
Mohammed he is certainly dead :" he then proved, by several
places in the Koran, that Mohammed was to die as well as
other men ; and not to return to life till the general resurrec-
tion. From this it is plain, that it is only a vulgar error to sup-
pose the Mussulmans look for Mohammed's return upon earth.
This dispute was no sooner settled, than another and more
* " The mortal disease of the prophet was a bilious fever of fourteen
days, which deprived him by intervals of the use of his reason. As soon
as he was conscious of his danger, he edified his brethren by the humility
of his penitence or his virtue. ' If there be any man,' said the prophot
from the pulpit, ' whom I have unjustly scourged, I submit my ovrn back
to the lash of retaliation. Have I aspersed the reputation of a Mussulman !
let him proclaim my faults in the face of the congregation. Has any one
been despoiled of his goods 1 the little that I possess shall compens;ite the
principal and interest of the debt.' ' Yes,' replied a voice from the
crowd, ' I am entitled to three drachms of silver.' Mohammed heard, anc'
satisfied the demand with interest, thanking, at the time, his creditor for hav-
ing accused him in this world, rather than at the day of judgment. ' God,'
he added, ' offers to mankind the enjoyment either of this world, or of
the world come. I prefer eternal to temporal felicity.' " — Abulfeda.
62 LIFE or MOHAMMED. Hej. 11. A.D. C32
violent contest arose about his burial. The refup^ecs. who
had accompanied him in his flight from Mecca, wished him
to be buried there, in the place of his birth; the helpers or
Medinians were for burying him at Medina, where he in his
flight had been so kindly received. The dispute ran so high,
that they were near coming to blows ; when Abubcker put an
end to it, by declaring, he had often heard Mohammed say,
that prophets should be buried in the place where they died.
Accordingly, his grave was dug under the bed whereon he
lay, in the chamber of Ayesha. The Arabian writers are
very particular to tell us every thing about the washing,
acnd embalming his body ; who dug his grave, who put him
in, &c.*
The person of Mohammed is minutely described by them.
He was of a middle stature, had a large head, thick beard,
black eyes, hooked nose, wide mouth, a thick neck, flowing
hair. They also tell us that what was called the seal of hi?
apostleship, a hairy mole between his shoulders, as large as
a pigeon's egg, disappeared at his death. Its disappear-
ance seems to have convinced those who would not before
believe it, that he was really dead. His intimate companion
Abu Horaira said, he never saw a more beautiful man than
the prophet. He was s(\reverenced by his bigoted disciples^
they would gather his spittle up and swallow it. '
The same writers extol Mohammed as a man of fine parts,
and a strong memory, of few words, of a cheerful aspect, afiable
and complaisant in his behaviour. They also celebrate his
justice, clemency, generosity, modesty, abstinence, and humi-
lity. As an instance of the last virtue, they tell us he mended
his own clothes and shoes. However, to judge of him by his
actions as related by these same writers, we cannot help con-
cluding, thatr he was a very subtle and crafty man, who put on
• Gagnier, Note in Abulfeda, p. 140. and Vie de ]\Iahom. vol. ii. p.
299. There are many ridiculous stories told of Mohammed, which being
notoriously fabulous, are not introduced here. Two of the most popular
are : That a tame pigeon used to whisper m his ear the commands of God.
[The pigeon is said to have been taught to come and peck some grains oi
rice out of Mohammed's ear, to induce people to think that he then received
by the ministry of an angel, the seveml articles of the Koran.] The other
is, that after his death he was buried at Medina, and his coffin suspended
by divine agency or magnetic powsr, between the ceiling and floor of th«
temple.
Hej. U. A D. 632. HIS GENERAL CHARACTER.
6a
the appearance orJy of those good qualities ; while thegovern-
Ing principles of his soul were ambition and lust. ^NFor we
see him, as soon as he found himself strong enough to act
upon the offensive, plundering caravans ; and, under a pre-
tence of fighting for the true religion, attacking, murdering,
enslaving, and making tributaries of his neighbours, in order
to aggrandize and enrich himself and his greedy followers :
and without scruple making use of assassination to cut off
those who opposed him. Of his lustful disposition, we have
a sufficient proof, in the peculiar privileges he claimed to
himself, of having as many wives as he pleased, and of whom
he chose, even though they were within forbidden degrees
of affinity. The authors who give him the smallest number
of wives, own that he had fifteen ; whereas the Koran
allows no Mussulman more than four.*' As for himself, Mo-
hammed had no shame in avowing that his chief pleasures
were perfumes and women.
* Dr. Weil informs us in his Life of Mohammed, that according to
the most authentic accounts, Mohammed left nine vnves, for Kadija and
Zainab had died before him ; but others are mentioned in traditions, from
whom he was either separated soon after marriage or before consummation.
From Asma-bint-Numan, he refrained, because she was leprous; and from
Amra-bint-Yezid, because when he was about to embrace her, she ex-
claimed, " I take my refuge in God in preference to thee;" for it seems
she had been so recently converted to Islamism, that the approach of
Mohammed made her "shudder. The prophet replied to this speech by
saying, "He who flies to God finds protection," and immediately returned
her to her friends. Gagnier makes an incorrect statement in reference to
this circumstance, for he tells us that the separation was caused by Amra's
relapsing into idolatry, for which the prophet detesting her, sent her home,
and afterwards said, " God, who protects me from evil, preserved me from
her." Another writer tells us, that her extreme beauty attracted the jea-
lousy of Mohammed's other wives, and they accordingly persuaded her to
offer a long opposition to his advances, and to call God to her aid, pretend-
ing that this would increase the love of her husband , though they well
knew that he excessively disliked such conduct. Abulfeda reckons alto-
gether fifteen wives, four of whom, however, never shared connubial rites.
Another wTiter says, that the apostle paid his addresses to thirty women,
but with seven of these no marriage contract took place, and he only asso-
ciated with twelve of the remainder. Mention is also made of one named
Kuteila, who was brought from Hadramaut, by her brother, but did not
reach Medina till after the death of Mohammed. Kuteila afterwards mar-
ried a son of Abu Djahl's, and this being told to Abubeker, he was going
to burr the house over her head, on account of the prophet having pro
64 riFE or mohammed. Hej. ii. a.d. est
The Koran is held by the Mohammedans in the greatest
veneratioH. The book must not be touched by any body but
a Mussulman ; nor even by a believer, except he be free from
pollution. Whether the Koran be created or uncreated, has
been the subject of a controversy fruitful of the most violent
persecutions. The orthodox opinion is, that the original has
been written from all eternity on the preserved table. Of
this they believe, a complete transcript was brought down
to the lower heaven (that of the moon), by the angel Gabriel :
and thence taken and shown to Mohammed, once every
year of his mission ; and twice in the last year of his life.
They assert, however, that it was only piece-meal, that the
several parts were revealed by the angel to the prophet, and
that he immediately dictated what had been revealed to his
secretary, who wrote it down. Each part, as soon as it was
thus copied out, was communicated to his disciples, to get
by heart; and was afterwards deposited in what he called
the chest of his apostleship. This chest the prophet left in
the custody of his wife Hafsa. How the present book
was compiled, partly out of these detached scraps, and partly
out of the memories of his companions, may be seen in our
author at the end of the reign of Abubeker.
When we consider the way in which the Koran was com-
piled, we cannot wonder that it is so incoherent a piece as
we find it. The book is divided into chapters ; of these some
are very long ; others again, especially a few towards the end,
very short. Each chapter has a title prefixed, taken from
the first word, or from some one particular thing mentioned
in it, rarely from the subject matter of it; for if a chapter be
of any length, it usually runs into various subjects that have
no connexion with each other. A celebrated commentator
divides the contents of the Koran into three general heads :
1. Precepts or directions, relating either to religion, as
prayers, fasting, pilgrimages ; or to civil polity, as marriages,
inheritances, judicatures. 2. Histories — whereof some are
hibited his wives from marrying after his death. Omar, however, preserved
her, by telling Abubeker that she did not belong to the " mothers of the
faithful," as the ambassador of God had never received her. Beside these
wives, Moliammed lived with four female slaves. Two of these Makaw-
kas sent him ; one was a captive in war, and the other was given him by
his wife Zainab.
Ilej. 11. A. D. 632. THE KORAN. 65
taken from the scriptures, but falsified with fabulous addi-
tions ; others are wholly false, having no foundation in fact.
3. Admonitions : under which head are comprised exhorta-
tions to receive Islamism ; to fight for it, to practise its pre-
cepts, prayer, alms, &c. ; the moral duties, such as justice,
temperance, &c., promises of everlasting felicity to the obe-
dient, dissuasives from sin, threatenings of the punishments
of hell to the unbelieving and disobedient. Many of the
threatenings are levelled against particular persons, and those
sometimes of Mohammed's own family, who had opposed
him in propagating his religion.
In the Koran, God is brought in saying, " We have given
you a book." By this it appears that the impostor published
early, in writing, some of his principal doctrines, as also
some of his historical relations. Thus, in his Life, p. 16,
we find, his disciples reading the twentieth chapter of the
Koran, before his flight from Mecca ; after which he pre-
tended many of the revelations in other chapters Avere brought
to him. Undoubtedly, all those said to be revealed at Me-
dina must be posterior to what he had then published at
Mecca; because he had not yet been at Medina. Many parts
of the Koran he declared were brought to him by the angel
Gabriel, on special occasions, of which we have already meC
with several instances in his biography. Accordingly, the
commentators on the Koran often explain passages in it by
relating the occasion on which they were first revealed.
Without such a key, many of them would be perfectly
unintelligible. ^
fThere are several contradictions in the Koran. ^ To recon-
cile these, the Mussulman doctors have invented the doctrine
of abrogation, i. e. that what^was revealed at one time was.
revoked by a new revelation. (A great deal of it is so absurd,
trifling, and full of tautology, that it requires no little patience
to read much of it at a time.^ Notwithstanding, the Koran is
cried up by the Mussulmans, -as inimitable; and in the seven-
teenth chapter of the Koran, Mohammed is commanded to
say, " Verily if men and genii were purposely assembled,
that they might produce any thing like the Koran, they could
not produce any thing like unto it, tnough they assisted one
another." Accordingly, when the impostor was called ujion,
as he often was, to work miracles in proof of his divine mis-
66 LIFE OF M SHAMMED. Hel. 11. a. d. 632.
Bion, he excused himself by various pretences, and appealed
to the Koran as a standing miracle.* Each chapter of the
Koran is divided into verses, that is, lines of diflferent length,
terminated with the same letter, so as to make a diflferent
* Mirza Ibrahim (translated by Lee) states, however, that the miracles
recorded of Mohammed almost exceed enumeration. " Some of the doc-
tors of Islamism have computed them at four thousand four hundred and
fifty, whilst others have held that the more remarkable ones were not fewer
than a thousand, some of which are almost universally accredited: as his
dividing the moon into two parts ; the singing of the gravel in his hand ;
the flowing of the water from between his fingers ; the animals ad-
dressing him, and complaining before him ; his satisfying a great mul-
titude with a small quantity of food, and many others. The miracle
of the speaking of the moon is thus related by Gagnier : — On one occa-
sion Mohammed accepted a challenge to bring the moon from heaven in
presence of the whole assembly. Upon uttering his command, that lu-
minary, full-orbed, though but five days old, leaped from the firmament,
and, bounding through the air, ahghted on the top of the Kaaba, after having
encircled it by seven distinct evolutions. She is said to have paid rever-
ence to the prophet, addressing him in elegant Arabic, in set phrase of
encomium, and concluding with the formula of the Mussulman faith.
1'his done, the moon is said to have descended from the Kaaba, to have
entered the right sleeve of Mohammed's mantle, and made its exit by the
left. After having traversed every part of his flowing robe, the planet
separated into two parts, as it moimted to the air. Then these parts re-
united in one round and luminous orb, as before."
The following very elaborate miracle is detailed in the Book of Aga
Acber, as translated by Professor Lee : — " On a certain day, four com-
panies of Pagans suddenly surrounded Mohammed, and called upon him
for miracles. The first asked for one like the deluge ; the second, for a
sign Hke that of Moses, who suspended Mount Sinai over the heads of his
followers ; the third, for a miracle like Abraham's, who was thro^vn in the
fire and escaped unscorched ; whilst the fourth begged for one like those
of Jesus, who told what people had eaten or laid up in their houses. The
prophet repUed that the Koran was sufficient to confinn God's judgment
against unbelievers, and added that he could not exceed the commission
he had received from above. Suddenly Gabriel descended and promised
him that God would accede to the \rishes of the pagans. Accordingly, in
obedience to his directions, Mohammed told the first company to proceed
to the foot of Mount Kabis, where they should see the miracle of Noah ; and
when they found themselves in danger, they were to betake themselves to
Ali and his two sons Hasan and Hosein, who would appear for their deli-
verance. The second, he desired to go to the plain of Mecca, where they
should see the fire of Abraham ; and if that aff"ected them, they were
to pray to a woman who would appear in the air. The third he di«
rected to go to Kaaba, where they should behold the miracle of Moses,
whilst Ilamza would preserve them ; and the fourth he persuaded to
IIcj.ll. A.D 632. MOHAMMEDAN RELIGION. 67
rhyme, but without any regard to the measure of the syl-
lables.
The Mohammedan religion consists of two parts, faith
and practice. Faith they divide into six articles: 1. A
remain with him and Gabriel tn liear the relations of their friends. Upon
this communication three of the companies immediately dispersed. The
first hastened to the foot of Mount Kabis, where suddenly several fountains
boiled up under their feet, the rain fell in torrents, though the sky was
cloudless, and the water soon rose to their chin. The affrighted pagans
ascended the mountains, but the flood reached them there, and they mo-
mentarily expected dro^vning, when Ali and his sons appeared on the sur-
face of the waters, and placed them in a place of safety. The deluge
disappeared, and they returned to Mohammed, and entering his presence,
they acknowledged the divinity of his mission, and embraced Islamism.
In the meantime, the second company had departed for the plain of Mecca,
which they had scarcely reached before the heavens were cleft asunder and
the fire came down. The earth then opened, and clouds of flame ascended
and spread till the whole world seemed enveloped. Every moment they
expected to be consumed, when the form of Fatima appeared in the air,
and letting down her veil, she directed them to hold by its slender threads,
and upon obeying her commands, they were instantly borne away, and at
length, let do'ivn in the court-yards of their ovm houses ; whereupon they
also returned to Mohammed and embraced his religion. In the same
manner, the third company had betaken themselves to the Kaaba, and sat
beneath its shade, when suddenly the temple was torn up from its founda-
tions and suspended over their heads ; they trembled with fear, but Hamza
coming up, fixed his spear beneath the edifice, and commanded them to
retire; and accordingly, they obeyed his orders, and the Kaaba returned
to its proper position, whilst they themselves hastened to the prophet and
declared their conversion to the true faith. As each of these companies
returned, the prophet had addressed himself to Abu Jahl, one of the prin-
cipal idolaters of the fourth company, who every time had required further
proof of his miraculous powers. Accordingly, on the conversion of the
third party, Mohammed aRain turned to Abu Jahl, and upon being asked
for another miracle, he said, ' I will now tell you what you have eaten,
what you have laid up, and what you did while you were eating ; and if
you then refuse to believe, you shall find contempt and infamy in this
world, and everlasting perdition in the next. Observe, as you sat in your
house, you took a mouthful of roast fowl; but your brother came to the
door and desired admittance, whereupon your greedy disposition alarmed
you, and you hid the fowl beneath your skirt, and waited for his departure,
when you despatched one half of the bird and hid the other.' ' It is false,'
said Jahl ; but the prophet proceeded : ' You have two hundred ashrefs oi
your o^vn and ten thousand dirhems belonging to others, which have been
deposited ^vith you ; these _\ou have placed in a bag, and, to cheat yom
friends, you have buried them in the earth.' ' This, too, is false,' said Jahl,
' the deposit was carried off by a thief.' ' Accuse not me with lying,' said
Mohammed, ' t le charge comes from above ; Gabriel is at hand, and will
F 2
nS LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 11. a.v. 632
belief in the unity of God, in opposition to those whom they call
associators ; by which name they mean not only those who,
besides the true God, worship idols, or inferior gods or god-
desses, but the Christians also, who hold our blessed Saviour's
divinity, and the doctrine of the Trinity. 2. A belief of
angels, to whom they attribute various shapes, names, and
offices, borrowed from the Jews and Persians. 3. The Scrip-
tures. 4. The prophets : on this head the Koran teaches
that God revealed his will to various prophets, in divers ages
of the world, and gave it in writing to Adam, Seth, Enoch,
Abraham, Sec. ; but these books are lost : that afterwards
he gave the Pentateuch to Moses, the Psalms to David, the
Gospel to Jesus, and the Koran to Mohammed. The Koran
speaks with great reverence of Moses and Jesus, but says the
Scriptures left by them have been greatly mutilated and cor-
rupted. Under this pretence, it adds a great many fabulous
relations to the history contained in those sacred books, and
charges the Jews and Christians with suppressing many
bring forth the remainder of the bird.' In a moment the fowl appeared,
and u25on being commanded to speak, it opened its mouth and continued
the words of the prophet. Jahl declared the whole to be an illusion, when
Mohammed stretched forth his hand, and restored the hfe and hmlis of the
half-eaten fowl. Even this miracle failed to satisfy the idolater, when the
prophet desired Gabriel to go and fetch the buried money. This was instantly
done, and to the shame and astonishment of Abu Jahl, Mohammed dis-
pensed the purses to their rightful o^vners, and then offered him the remain-
der upon condition of his belief. ' Never,' said Jahl, and endeavoured to
Beize the purse, but by the prophet's command, the roasted fowl seized the
rebel, and mounting in the air, carried him away, and placed him upon the
roof of his own house. Mohammed then divided the money among the
poor of the faithful, and addressed his followers thus : ' Friends and com-
I^anions, your God has afforded you this miracle through the perversenesa
of Abul Jahl. The bird which has been restored to life is one of the birds
of paradise, which are as large as camels; and for your sake it shall for ever
fly about in that delicious place. Now should any one of the faithful,
who sincerely loves Mohammed and his posterity, wsh to eat one of these
birds, it shall instantly come do^vn.; the wings and feathers shall im-
mediately be well plucked, and the flesh cooked for him without tire. One
part shall be dressed with eggs, onions, Sec ; the other nicely roasted.
And when he has eaten as much as he wishes, and has said. Praise to God,
the Lord of created beings, the bird shall be restored to life, and again
f\\ about in paradi.se. Besides, the bird shall now plume itself upon its
superior privileges, and shall say. Which of you is like me, of whom a
friend of God has eaten a part!' "
Hej. ll.AD 632. MOHAMMEDAN- EET.IGIOX. G9
prophecies concerning Mohammed (a calumny easily re-
futed, the Scriptures having been translated into various lan-
guages, long before Mohammed was born). 5. The fifth ar-
ticle of belief is the resurrection and day of ju Igment, while
about the intermediate state Mohammedan divines have
various opinio;>s. The happiness promised to the Mussulmans
in paradise i/wholly sensual, cVinsisting of fine gardens, rich
furniture. spaHding with gemsand gold, delicious fruits, and
wines that neither cloy nor intoxicate : but above all, affording
the fruition of all the delights of love in the society of
women having large black eyes, and every trait of exquisite
beauty, who shall ever continue young and perfect.* Some
of their writers speak of these females of paradise in very
lofty strains ; telling us, for instance, that if one of them
were to look down from heaven in the night, she would illu-
minate the earth as the sun does ; and if she did but spit
into the ocean, it would be immediately turned as sweet a
honey. These delights of paradise were certainly, at first
understood literally ; however Mohammedan di\dnes ma;
have since allegorised them into a spiritual sense. As to the
punishments threatened to the wicked, they are hell-fire,
breathing hot winds, the drinking of boiling and stinking wa-
ter, eating briars an.d thorns, and the bitter fruit of the tree
Zacom, which in their bellies will feel like boiling pitch.
These punishments are to be everlasting to all except those
who embrace Islamlsm ; for the latter, after suffering a num-
ber of years, in proportion to their demerits, will then, if they
have had but so much faith as is equal to the weight of an
ant, be released by the mercy of God, and, upon the inter-
cession of Mohammed, admitted into paradise. f
The 6th article of belief is, that God decrees everything
that is to happen, not only all events, but the actions and
thoughts of men, their belief or infidelity ; that everything
that has or will come to pass has been, from eternity, written
in the preserved or secret table, which is a white stone of an
• If we may believe the description of Ammianus Marcellinus, tha
impostor has here admirably adapted htmself to the temper of his couiv-
trymen.
+ For fuller descriptions of Mohammed's heaven and hell, see Sale's
Koran, chaps. 55, 56, 77, Aic.
70 LIFE OF MOHAMMED. Hej. 11. ^.d. C3i
immense size, preserved in heaven, near the throne of
God. Aajreeable to this notion, one of their poets thus ex-
presses himself: " Whatever is viritten against thee will
come to pass, what is Avritten for thee shall not fail ; resign
tliyself to God, and know thj- Lord to be powerful, his
(iecrees will certainly take place ; his servants ought to be
silent."
Of their four fundamental points of practice, the first is
prayer. This duty is to be performed five times in the
twenty-four hours: 1. In the morning before sun-rise;
2. When noon is past ; 3. A little before sunset ; 4. A
little after sunset ; 5. Before the first watch of the night.
Previous to prayer they are to purify themselves by washing.
Some kinds of pollution require the whole body to be im-
mersed in water, but commonly it is enough to wash some
parts only, the head, the face and neck, hands and feet. In
the latter ablution, called Wodhu, fine sand or dust may be
used when water cannot be had ; m such case, the palm of
the hand being first laid upon the sand, is then to be drawn
over the part required to be washed. The Mohammedans,
out of respect to the divine Majesty before whom they
are to appear, are required to be clean and decent when they
go to public prayers in their mosques ; but are yet forbidden
to appear there in sumptuous apparel, particularly clothes
trimmed with gold or silver, lest they should make them vain
and arrogant. The women are not allowed to be in their
mosques at the same time with the men ; this they think
would make their thoughts wander from their proper busi-
ness there. On this account they reproach the Christians
with the impropriety of the contrary usage. The next point
of practice is alms-giving, which is frequently enjoined in the
Koran, and looked upon as highly meritorious. Many of
them have been very exemplary in the performance of this
duty. The third point of practical religion is fasting the
whole month Ramadan, during which they are every day to
abstain from eating, or drinking, or touching a woman, from
day-break to simset ; after that they are at liberty to enjoy
themselves as at other times. From this fast an exception is
made in favour of old persons and children. Those also that
are sick, or on a journey ; and women pregnant, or nursing,
are also excused in this month. But then, the person making
Hej. 11. A.D. 632. MOHAMMEDAN KELIGTON. 71
use of this dispensation must expiate the omission by fasting
an equal number of days in some other month, and by giving
alms to the poor. There are also some other days of fasting,
which are, by the more religious, observed in the manner
above described. The last practical duty is going the pil-
grimage to Mecca, which every man who is able is obliged to
perform once in his life. In the ceremonies of it they strictly
copy those observed by Mohammed, described p. 58. A pil-
grimage can be made only in the month Dulhagha ; but a
visitation to Mecca may be made at any other time of the
year.
72
Al9 an illu?;vation of the Mohammedan Creed and I'ractice
I have thought it advisable to insert their famous Doctor
Algazali'sf interpretation of the Two Articles of theil
Faith, viz. : — " There is no God but God ; Mohammed
is the Apostle of God."
Praise be to God the Creator and
Restorer of all things : who does
whatsoever he pleases, who is master
of the glorious throne and mighty
force, and directs his sincere servants
into the right way and the straight
path ; who favoureth them, who h<tve
once borne testimony to the unity, by
preserving their confessions from the
darkness of doubt and hesitation ;
who directs them to follow his chosen
apostle, upon whom be the blessing
and peace of God; and to go after
his most honourable companions, to
whom he hath vouchsafed his assist-
ance and direction which is revealed
to them in his essence and operations
by the excellences of his attributes,
to the knowledge whereof no man
attains but he that hath been taught
by hearing. To these, as touching
his essence, he maketh known that
lie is ONE, and hath no partner : sin-
gular, without anything like him :
uniform, having no contrary : sepa-
rate, having no equal. He is ancient,
having no first: eternal, having no
beginning : remaining for ever, hav-
ing no end ; continuing to eternity,
without any termination. He per-
sists, without ceasing to be ; remains
without failing, and never did cease,
nor ever shall cease to be described
b"' glorious attributes, nor is subject
to any decree so as to be determined
by any precise limits or set times,
but is the First and the Last, and is
within and without.
* What God is not.'] He (glori-
fied be his name) is not a body en-
dued with form, nor a substance cir-
cumscribed with limits or determined
by measure ; neither does he resem-
ble bodies, as they are capable of
being measured or divided. Neither
is he a substance, neither do sub-
stances exist in him ; neitlier is he an
accident, nor do accidents exist in
him. Neither is he like to any thing
that exists, neither is any thing like
to him ; nor is he determinate in
quantity nor comprehended by
bounds, nor circumscribed by the.
differences of situation nor contained
in the heavens. He sits upon the
throne, after that manner which he
himself hath described, and in that
same sense which he himself means,
which is a sitting far removed from
any notion of contact, or resting up-
on, or local situation ; but both the
throne itself, and whatsoever is upon
it, are sustained by the goodness of
his power, and are subject to the
grasp of his hand. But he is above
the throne, and above all things, even
to the utmost ends of the earth ; but
io above as at the same time not to
t Vide Pocock, Specimen Historice Arabum. p. 274.
THE CREED.
73
be a whit nearer the tnrone and the
heaven; since he is exalted by (infi-
nite) degrees above the throne no
less than he is exalted above the
earth, and at the same time is near
to every thing that hath a being; nay,
t nearer to men than their ju'j:ular
veins, and is witness to every thing :
though his nearness is not like the
nearness of bodies, as neither is his
essence like the essence of bodies.
Neither doth he exist in any thing,
neither doth any thing exist in him ;
but he is too high to be contained in
any place, and too holy to be deter-
mined by time; for he was before
time and place were created, and is
now after the same manner as he al-
ways was. He is also distinct from
the creatures by his attributes, neither
is there any thing besides himself in
his essence, nor is his essence in any
other besides him. He is too holy
to be subject to change, or any local
motion; neither do any accidents
dwell in him nor any contingencies
befall him, but he abides through all
generations with his glorious attri-
butes, free from all danger of disso-
lution. As to the attribute of per-
fection, he wants no addition of his
perfection. As to beins, he is known
to exist by the apprehension of the
understanding ; and he is seen as he
is by an ocular intuition, which will
be vouchsafed out of his mercy and
grace to the holy in the eternal man-
sion, completing their joy by the
vision of his glorious presence.
* His Potuer.'] He, praised be
his name, is li^nng, powerful, mighty,
omnipotent, not liable to any defect
or impotence ; neither slumbering
nor sleeping, nor being obnoxious to
decay or death. To him belongs the
kingdom, and the power, and the
might. His is the dominion, and the
excel ancy, and the creation, and
the command thereof. The berfvens
are folded up in his right hand, and
all creatures are couched within hia
grasp. His excellency consists in his
creating and producing, a%d his unity
in communicating existence and a
beginning of being. He created men
and their works, and measured out
their maintenance and their deter-
mined times. Nothing that is pos-
sible can escape his grasp, nor can
the vicissitudes of things elude hia
power. The effects of his might are
innumerable, and the objects of his
knowledge infinite.
* His Knoivledge.'] He, praised
be his name, knows all things that
can be understood, and comprehends
whatsoever comes to pass, from the
extremities of the earth to the highest
heavens, even the weight of a pis-
mire could not escape him either in
earth or heaven ; but he would per-
ceive the creeping of the black pis-
mire in the dark night upon the hard
stone, and discern the motion of an
atom in the open air. He knows
what is secret and conceals it, and
views the conceptions of the minds,
and the motions of the thoughts,
and the inmost recesses of secrets, by
a knowledge ancient and eternal,
that never ceased to be his attribute
from eternal eternity, and not by
any new knowledge, superadded to
his essence, either inhering or adven-
titious.
* His Will.'] He, praised be his
name, doth wili, those things to be
that are, and disposes of all accidents.
Nothing passes in the empire, nor
the kingdom, neither little nor much,
nor small nor great, nor good nor
e\il, nor profitable nor hiu-tful, nor
faith nor infidelity, nor knowledge
nor ignorance, nor prosperity nor ad-
versity, nor increase nor decrease, nor
obedience nor rebellion, but by hia
+ Koran.
74
LIFE 01? MOHAMMED.
determinate counsel and decree, and
his definite sentence and will. Nor
doth the wink of him that seeth, nor
the subtlety of him that thinketh,
exceed the bounds of his tvill; but
it is HE who gave all things their be-
ginning; he is the creator and restorer,
the sole operator of what he pleases ;
there is no reversing his decree nor
dela_ying what he hath determined,
■or is there any refuge to man from
his rebellion against him, but only
his help and mercy; nor hath any
man any power to perform any duty
towards him, but through his love
and will. Though men and genii,
angels and devils, should conspire to-
gether either to put one single atom
in motion, or cause it to cease its
motion, without his will and appro-
bation they would not be able to do
it. His will subsists in his essence
amongst the rest of his attributes,
and was from eternity one of his
eternal attributes, by which he walled
from eternity the existence of those
things that he had decreed, which
were produced in their proper sea-
sons according to his eternal will,
without any before or after, and
in agreement both with his know-
ledge and will, and not by method-
ising of thoughts, nor waiting for a
proper time, for which reason no one
thing is in him a hindrance from an-
other.
* His Hearing and Sight.'] And he,
praised be his name, is hearing and
SEEING, and heareth and seeth. No
taudible object, how still soever, es-
capeth his hearing ; nor is any thing
visible so small as to escape his
sight ; for distance is no hindrance
to his hearing, nor darkness to his
sight. He sees without pupil or eye-
lids, and hears without any passage
or ear, even as he know, th v. ithout
a heart, and performs his actioiia
without the assistance of any corpo-
real limb, and creates without any
instrument, for his attributes (or pro-
perties) are not like those of men,
any more than his essence is like
theirs.
* His Word.} Furthermore, he
doth speak, command, forbid, pro-
mise, and threaten by an eternal, an-
cient word subsisting in his essence.
Neither is it like to the word of the
creatures, nor doth it consist in a
voice arising from the commotion of
the air and the collision of bodies,
nor letters which are separated by
the joining together of the lips or
the motion of the ttongue. The Ko-
ran, the Law, the Gospel, and the
Psalter, are books sent down by him
to his apostles, and the Koran, in-
deed, is read with tongues, written in
books, and kept in hearts; yet as
subsisting in the essence of God, it
it doth not become liable to separa-
tion and division whilst it is transfer-
red into the hearts and the papers.
Thus Moses also heard the word of
God without voice or letter, even as
the saints behold tlie essence of God
without substance or accident. And
that since these are his attributes,
he liveth and knoweth, is powerful
and willeth and operateth, and seeth
and speaketh, by life and knowledge,
and will and hearing, and sight and
word, not by his simple essence.
* His Works.} He, praised be
his name, exists after such a manner
that nothing besides him hath any
being but what is produced by his
operation, and floweth fromhis justice
after the best, most excellent, most
perfect, and most just ciodel. Ho
is, moreover, wise in his ■^orks, and
• We are not to understand those words, audible, visible, as if it were
necessary the things so designated should be so to us, but only in their owb
nature.
HIS CREED.
75
juat in his decrees. But his justice
is not to be compared with the justice
of men. For a man may be sup-
posed to act unjustly by invading the
possession of another; but no in-
justice can be conceived of God, in-
asmuch as there is nothing that
belongs to any other besides himself,
60 that wrong is not imputable to him
as meddling with things not apper-
taining to him. All things, himself
only excepted, genii, men, the devil,
an^'els, heaven, earth, animals, plants,
substance, accident, intelligible, sen-
sible, were all created originally by
him. He created them by his power
out of mere privation, and brought
them into light, when aa yet they
were nothing at all, but he alone ex-
isting from eternity, neither was there
any other with him. Now he created
all things in the beginning for the
manifestation of his power, and his
will, and the confirmation of his
word, which was true from all eter-
nity. Not that he stood in need of
them, nor wanted them ; but he ma-
nifestly declared his glory in creating,
and producing, and commanding,
without being under any obligation,
nor out of necessity. Loving kind-
ness, and to show favour, and grace,
and beneficence, belong to him;
whereas it is in his power to pour
forth upon men a variety of torments,
and aflSict them with various kinds of
Borrows and diseases, which, if he
were to do, his justice could not be
arraigned, nor would he be charge-
able with injustice. Yet he rewards
those that worship him for their obe-
dience on accoimt of his promise and
beneficence, not of their merit nor of
necessity, since there is nothing
which he can be tied to perform ; nor
can any injustice be supposed in
him, nor can he be under any obliga-
tion to any person whatsoever. That
his cre«tures,however,should be bound
to serve him, ariseth from his having
declared by the tongues of the pro-
phets that it was due to him from them.
The worship of him is not simply
the dictate of the understanding, but
he sent messengers to carry to men
his commands, and promises, and
threats, whose veracity he proved
by manifest miracles, whereby men
are obliged to give credit to them in
those things that they relate.
The signification of the second ar-
ticle ; that is, the Testimony concern-
ing the apostle.*'] — He, the Most
High, sent Mohammed, the illiterate
prophet of the family of the Koreish,
to deliver his message to all the Ara-
bians, and barbarians, and genii, and
men; and abrogated by his religion
all other religions, except in those
things which he confirmed ; and gave
him the pre-eminence over all the
rest of the prophets, and made him
lord over all mortal men. Neither
is the faith, according to his will, com-
plete by the testimony of the Unity
alone; that is, by simply saying.
There is but one God, without the
addition of the testimony of the
apostle; i. e. without the further tes-
timony, Mohammed is the apostle
of God. And he hath made it ne-
cessary to men to give credit to Mo-
hammed in those things which he
hath related, both with regard to this
present world and the life to come.
For a man's faith is not accepted till
he is fully persuaded of those things
which the prophet hath affirmed shall
be after death. The first of these is
the examination of Munkir and
Nakir. These are two angels, of a
most terrible and fearful aspect, who
shall place [every] man upright in
his grave, consisting again both of
soul and body, and ask him concern-
ing the UNITY and the mission [oi
Mohammea i» the apostle of God.
76
LIFE OF MOHAMMED.
the apostle*, saying, Who is thy
Lord ? and, What is thy religion ?
and. Who is thy prophet ? For these
are the searchers of the grave, and
their examination the first trial after
death. Every one must also believe
the torment of the sepulchre, and
that it is due, and right, and just,
both upon the body and the soul,
being according to the vcill of God.
He shall also believe in the balance
with two scales and a beam, that
shall equal the extent of the heavens
and the earth ; wherein the works
[of men] shall be weighed by the
power of God. At which time
weights not heavier than atoms, or
mustard-seeds, shall be brought out,
that things may be balanced with the
utmost exactness, and perfect justice
administered. Then the books of
the good works, beautiful to behold,
shall be cast into the balance of
light, bv which the balance shall be
depressed according to their degrees,
out of the favour of God. But the
books of evil deeds, nasty to look
upon, shall be cast into the balance
of darkness, with which the scale
shall lightly ascend by the justice of
the most high God.
He must also believe that there is
a real way, extended over the middle
of hell, which is sharper than a
sword and finer than a hair, over
which all must pase. In this pass-
age of it, while the feet of the infi-
dels, by the decree of God, shall
slip, so as they shall fall into hell-
fire, the feet of the faithful shall
never stumble, but they shall arrive
safely into the eternal habitation.
He shall also believe the pond
where thsy go down to be watered,
that is the pond of Mohammed
(upon whom be the blessing and
peace of God), out of which the
faithful, after they have passed the
way, drink before they enter into
paradise ; and out of which whoso- .
ever once drinketh shall thirst na
more for ever. Its breadth is a
month's journey, it is whiter than
milk, and sweeter than honey. Round
about it stand cups as innumerable
as the stars, and it hath two canals,
by which the waters of the [river]
Cauthar flow into it.
He shall also believe the [last]
account, in which men shall be di-
vided into those that shall be reck-
oned withal with the utmost strictness,
and those that shall be dealt witha.
more favouraljly, and those that shall
be admitted into paradise without
any manner of examination at all ;
namely, those whom God shall cause
to approach near to himself. More-
over, he shall believe that God will
ask any of his apostles, whomsoever
he shall please, concerning their
mission ; of the infidels, and whom-
soever he shall please, what was the
reason why, by their unbelief, they
accused those that were sent to them
of lying. He will also examine the
heretics concerning tradition, and the
faithful concerning their good works.
He shall also believe that all who
confess one God shall, upon the inter-
cession of the prophets, next of the
doctors, then of the martyrs, and
finally of the rest of the faithful
(that is, every one according to his
excellency and degree), at length go
out of the fire after they have under-
gone the punishment due to their
sins.
And if besides these remain any of
the faithful, having no intercessor,
they shall go out by the grace of
God ; neither shall any one of the
faithful remain for ever in hell, but
shall go out from thence though ne
had but so much faith in his heart
as the weight of an atom. And thus,
by the favourable mercy of God, no
person shall remain in hell who in
life acknowledge the unity of tha
Godhead,
HIS CREED.
n
It is also necessary that every trae
believer acknowledge the excellency
of the companions [of Mohammed]
and their degrees; and that the most
excellent of men, next to Moham-
med, is Abubeker, then Omar, then
Othman, and then Ali. Moreover,
he must entertain a good opinion of
all the companions, and celel)rate
their memories, according as God
and his apostle hath celebrated them.
And all these things are received by
tradition, and evinced by evident
tokens; and he that confesseth all
these things, and surely beheveth
them, is to be reckoned amongst the
number of those that embrace truth,
and of the congregation of those
that walk in the received way, sepa-
rated from the congregation of those
that err, and the company of heretics.
These are the things that every
one is obliged to believe and confess
that would be accounted worthy of the
name of a Mussulman; and that, ac-
cording to the literal meaning of the
words, not as they may be made
capable of any sounder sense; for,
says the author of this Exposition,
some pretending to go deeper, have
put an interpretation upon those
things thaj; are delivered concerning
the world to come, such as the
balance, and the way, and some other
things besides, but it is heresy.*
* Vide Pocock, 222 p. Spec. Hist, Arab.
THE
HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS
AND THEIR
0:)NQUESTS OF SYRIA, PERSIA, AND EGYPT.
Q.
ABUBEKER, FIRST CALIPH AFTER MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 11—13 ; a.d. 632—634.
Mohammed, the great impostor, and founder of the Sara-
cenic empire^died at Medina, on Monday the 6th of June,*
A.D. 632, being the twenty-second year of the reign of Hera-
clius the Grecian emperor. After he was dead, the next
care was to appoint a successor; and it was indeed very ne-
cessary that one should be provided as soon as possible.
Their government and religion being both in their infancy,
and a great many of Mohammed's followers no great bigots,
not having yet forgotten their ancient rites and customs,
but rather forced to leave them for fear, than upon any
con\iction, afiairs were in such a posture as could by no
means admit of an interregnum. Wherefore the same dayf
that he expired the Mussulmans met together in order to
elect a caliph or successor. X In that assembly there had
• Elmakin, chap. i. In Milman's Gibbon, this date is shown to be
a mistake of Ockley's. The 6th of June of this year fell on a Saturday,
and not on a Monday ; we should therefore read the 8th of June. Ockley
appears to have confounded the lunar with the solar year in his calcula-
tions.
-f- Elmakin. Abulfaragius.
X Caliph, or properly khalifah, signifies a successor or vicar, and was
originally given to the universal sovereigns of the Mussulman Arabs, as
signifjing " successor of the prophets," but afterwards, in a more exalted
sense, as " vicar of God." This title has since been used for Mohamme-
dan sovereigns, as the caliphs of Spain, of Africa, and Egypt, and Xht
ealiphs of Bagdad. — See Lane's Arab. Nif,his.
80 HISTOEY OF THE SARACENS. Abtbekeb,
like to have been such a fray, as might, in all probability,
have greatly endangered, if not utterly ruined this new religion
and polity, had not Omar and Abubeker timely interposed.
For this false prophet of theirs having left no positive direc-
tions concerning a successor, or at least none that were known
to any but his wives, who, in aU probability might conceal
them out of their partiality in favour of Omar, a hot dispute
arose between the inhabitants of Mecca and Medina. Those
of Mecca claimed most right in the prophet, as being his
countrymen and relations, and as having embraced his reli-
gion first, and accompanied him in his flight to Medina, when
persecuted at Mecca he was forced to make his escape with
manifest hazard of his life. They urged that nothing could
be of so great use to his person and cause, as this service of
theirs, and consequently none could pretend to have so great
a right of naming a successor. The inhabitants of Medina,
with no less vehemency, urged that the prophet and their
religion were as much obliged lo them as to the others, be-
cause they had received him in his flight, and by their help
and assistance put him in a capacity of making head against
his powerful enemies ; and that they had as much right in
the prophet as any others whatsoever, for protecting him in
the time of his adversity, and upon that score insisted upon
the right of electing a caliph. In short, they came to dag-
gers' drawing, and were just upon falling from words to blows,
when one of the Ansars* or inhabitants of Medina, a man
something more moderate than the rest, fearing the conse-
quences of this disturbance, called out in the midst of the
company, that they would have two caliphs, that is. one for
each party. But Abubeker and the rest of the Mohajerins or
inhabitants of Mecca, by no means approved of such an accom-
modation, being desirous that the whole government should
remain in the hands of their own party. Abubeker then
stepped forth and told them, that he would name two persons,
and they should choose which of them both parties could agree
upon : the one was Omar, the other Abu Obeidah. Upon
which motion the company was again divided, and the conten-
tion renewed afresh, one party still crying out for the one, and
• Arabic, " Tho : eipftrs," because they helped Mohammed when he (led
to Medina.
I
Hcj. 11. A.B. 6S2. ELECTION OF CALIPH. 81
the other for the other. At last Omar being wearied out,
and seeing no likelihood of deciding the matter, was willing
to give over, and bade Abubeker give him his hand, Avhich he
had no sooner done than Omar promised him fealty. The rest
followed his example, and by the consent of both parties
Abubeker was at last saluted caliph, and being acknowledged
the rightful successor of their prophet Mohammed, became
the absolute judge of all causes both sacred and ciA-il. Thus,
after much ado, that difference was at last composed, which
had like to have proved fatal to Mohammedanism. And cer-
tainly it was a very great oversight in Mohammed, in all the
time of his sickness, never to have named a successor posi-
tively and publicly. If he had done so, without question,
his authority would have determined the business, and pre-
vented that disturbance which had like to have endangered
the religion he had planted with so much difficulty and
hazard.
One author *■' tells us, that Mohammed, when he was sick,
commanded those about him to bid Abubeker say prayers
publicly in the congregation. This desire to have Abubeker
officiate in his place, looks very much as if he designed he
should succeed him. And it was so understood by his
wives Ayesha and Hafsa, who were both present when Mo-
hammed gave this order, and tried every means to get it
revoked. For as soon as Mohammed had spoken, Ayesha
told him that if Abubeker went into his place (meaning the
pulpit from which he used to sjieak to the people) the con-
gregation would not be able to listen to him for weeping, and
entreated him to order Omar to go up instead. Upon his
refusing, Ayesha spoke to Hafsa to second her.f The importu-
nity of both put the prophet into such a violent passion, that
he told them they were as bad as Joseph's mistress, and again
commanded them to send to Abubeker. To which Hafsa
answered, " O apostle of God, now thou art sick, and hast
preferred Abubeker." He answered, " It is not I that have
given him the preference, but God."
• Ahmed Ebn Jlohammed Ebn Abdi Rabbihi, M.S. Arab. Huntington.
No. 554
t " This account of Ayesha's opposing the substitution of her f;itlier in
t'lie place of the apostle seems improbable in itself, and is uauaticed by
Abulfeda, Al Jannabi, and Al Bochari." — Gibbon.
U
82 HISTORT OF THE SARACENS. Abubekeb.
The contest, however, which happened immedialely after
his decease, makes it evident that these words of the dy ..^
prophet had no influence in the election of Abubeker, but
that the latter chiefly owed it to Omar's resignation ; for not-
withstanding that Omar was the first to propose Abubeker to
the assembly, and to acknowledge him as caliph, he did not
afterwards approve of that choice which necessity had sug-
gested at that critical juncture. This appears from what
he said, namely, " That he prayed to God to avert the ill
consequences which it was to be feared would follow upon
such an indiscreet choice. That the man who should do such a
thing would deserve death; and if any one should ever swear
fealty to another without the consent of the rest of the Mus-
sulmans, both he that took the government upon him, and he
that swore to him, ought to be put to death.''* These and
similar expressions were evident signs of his dislike ; but the
thing being done and past, there was no remedy but to sit
down and rest contented.
Now though the government was actually settled upon
Abubeker, all parties were not equally satisfied, for a great
many were of opinion that the right of succession belonged
to All, the son of Abu Taleb. Upon which account the Mo-
hammedans have ever since been divided ; some maintaining
that Abubeker, and Omar and Othman, that came after him,
were the rightful and lawful successors of the prophet ; and
others disclaiming them altogether as usurpers, and constantly
asserting the right of Ali.f Of the former opinion are the
Turks at this day ; of the latter, the Persians. And such
consequently is the difference between those two nations, that
notwithstanding their agreement in all other points of their
superstition, yet upon this account they treat one another as
most damnable heretics. Ali had this to recommend him,
that, he was Mohammed's cousin-german, and was the firstj
that embraced his religion, except his wife Kadija and his
slave Zaid, and was besides Mohammed's son-in-law, ha^•ing
married his daughter Fatima. Abubeker was Mohammed's
* Abulfenigius.
t Those who assert the rights of Ali are called Shiites or Sectaries, whilst
those who consider the caliphs preceding Ali as the rightful successors of
Mohammed, are called Sonnites or Traditionists.
"i Elniakin,
Hej. 11. A.D 632 SUBMISSION OF ALL 83
father-in-law, by whom he was so much respected that he
received from him the surname of Assiddic, which signifies in
Arabic, " a great speaker of truth,'** because he resolutely
asserted the truth of that story which Mohammed told of his
going one night to heaven.f On many occasions Moham-
med had expressed the liveliest esteem for him.]: Once as he
saw him approaching, he said to those near him : " If any
one takes delight in looking upon a man who has escaped
from the fire of hell, let him look upon Abubeker. God,
Avhose name be blessed, hath given man his choice of this
world or that which is with Him, and his servant (meaning
Abubeker) hath chosen that which is with God." Such
marks of esteem as these must needs have procured for
their object the respect of those who looked upon Mo-
hammed as a person inspired, and the apostle of God ; and
without question facilitated his promotion to the dignity of
caliph.
Ali was not present at this election, and when he heard
the news was not well pleased, having hoped that the choice
would have fallen on himself. Abubeker sent Omar§ to
Fatima's house, where Ali and some of his friends were,
with orders to compel them by force to come in and do fealtj
to him, if they would not be persuaded by fair means. Omar
was just going to fire the house, when Fatima asked him
what he meant. He told her, that he would certainly burn
the house down unless they would be content to do as the
rest of the people had done. Upon which Ali came forth
and went to Abubeker, and acknowledged his sovereignty, 1|
though he did not forget to tell him, that he wondered he
should have taken such a step without consulting him. To
which Abubeker answered, that the exigency of the matter
was such as would by no means admit of deliberation, since
in the case of delay there was reason to fear that the
government would have been wrung out of their hands by
the opposite party. And, to make things slide the more
• Elmakin. ■)- Koran, chap. xvii. 1.
t Ibrahim Ebn Mohammed Ebn Dokmak, Arab. M.S. Laud. No. 80fi. n
$ Ismael Abulfeda Kitab Almoctaser phi AcharJlbashar. M.S. Arah
Pocock. No. 330.
II Abulfaragius.
*i 2
84 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. Abtibekeb.
easily, he pretended to be desirous of quitting his charge
and resigning the government. Ascending the pulpit open]}',
and before them all, he begged that they would give him leave
to resign, and confer that charge upon some more worthy
person. But Ali, fearing the ill will of the people,* whose
minds he perceived he had estranged by having already stood
it out so long, and being loath to make any new disturbance,
positively refused to hear of it, and told him that they would
neither depose him themselves, nor permit him to resign.
Thus things were pretty well accommodated, and the people
of Medina, as well as those of Mecca, consented to acknow-
ledge Abubeker as the true and rightful successor of their
prophet. But though Ali made no stir, he looked upon him-
self as injured ;t and there is a tradition, which is reported to
have originated with Ayesha, that Ali did not submit to
Abubeker till after the decease of his wife Fatima, who lived
six months after the death of her father. J
Abubeker § being thus settled in his new government, had
work enough to maintain it ; for the Mohammedan religion
had not as yet taken such deep root in the hearts of men but
that they would very willingly have shaken it off had they
known how. Accordingly the Arabians, a people of a rest-
less and turbulent disposition, did not neglect the opportunity
of rebelling, which they thought was fairly offered them by
the death of Mohammed. Immediately taking up arms, they
refused to pay the usual tribute, tithes, and alms, and no
longer observed the rites and customs which had been im-
posed upon them by Mohammed. |1 Abubeker, and his fol-
* Elmakin, chap. ii. + Abulfeda.
J " There are some writers, however, who have accused Ali of a pre-
cipitancy in his demonstrations of submission to Abubeker almost too
ludicrous to repeat; of so much eagerness and anxiety to do him homage,
that lie forgot one of the most necessary appurtenances of dress." — Price.
According to Dr. Weil, Abu Sofian, and other relations of Ali, offered to
assist him in maintaining hLs rights by the sword, but Omar's threats seem
to have been more powerful. Abu Sofian, however, continued his opposi-
tion till his son Yezid was created general of a di«sion of Abubeker's
forces, and then he became one of the warmest adherents of this caliph.
§ Abulfaragius.
(I Dr. Weil quotes an account by Omar, in which he relates that " the
Araliians offered to say their prayers, but refused to pay the tax. Omar
went to Abubeker, and said, ' Oh, caliph ! deal gently with these people,
Hej. II. A.D. 632. GENERAI, DISAFFECTION. 85
lowers at Medina, took the alarm, and fearing a general
revolt, and expecting no les.s than to be beset on every side,
began to consider which way they might best provide for the
security of themselves and their families. Accordingly, dis-
posing of their women and children, and such others as were
not able to bear arms, in the clefts and cavities of the rocks
and mountains, they put themselves in a posture of defence.
In the meantime, to oppose the rebels, Aloubeker sent Kaled
Ebn Walid, with an army of four thousand and five hundred
men, who, having routed them in a set battle, brought off a
great deal of plunder, and made slaves of their children.
The chief of those who refused to pay the zacat,* or that
part of a man's substance which is consecrated to God,
as tithes, alms, and the like, and the payment of which is
strictly enjoined by the Mohammedan law, was Malec Ebn
Noweirah. He was a person of considerable figure in those
days, being the chief of an eminent family among the Arabs,
and celebrated for his skill in poetry, as well as his manly
qualities and horsemanship. Abubeker having sent Kaled
to him to talk with him about it, Malec replied, that he could
say his prayers without paying the zacat. Kaled asked him
if he did not know that prayers and alms must go together,
and that the one would not be accepted without the other.
" ^^^lat ! does your master say so?" says Malec. "Then
you don't own him for your master ?" said Kaled ; and swore
that he had a good mind to strike his head off. They dis-
puted the matter for a time, and, at last, Kaled told him he
should die. '' Did your master say so ?"' says Malec.
" What, again r" says Kaled, and resolved upon his death,
though Abdallah Ebn Amer and Kobadah interceded for
him in vain. When Malec saw there was no way for him to
escape, he turned him about, and looked upon his wife, who
was a woman of admirable beauty, and said, " This woman
for they are on the brink of becoming wild animals.' To which Abubeker
answered, ' Thou hero in heathenism but coward in Islamism, I expect
thy assistance, and now thou givest me false counsel ! How shall 1 win
these people 1 By means of lying verses, or inventions of magic 1 Far be
this from me ; the prophet is dead, and revelation has ceased. By heaven !
I will war with them as long as my hand can hold the sword, even though
they refuse to pay me d camel a year !' ' On this occasion," continue*
Omiu-, " 1 ffrund Abubeker more decided than I was myself."
• Abulfeda.
86 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEKS. ABUBEKra
has killed me." " Nay," says Kaled; " God has killed thee,
because of thy apostacy from the true religion." " I profess
the true religion," says Malec, meaning the Mohammedan.
The word was no sooner out of his mouth, than Kaled ordered
Derar Ebn Alazwar, a person we shall see more of hereafter,
to strike his head off. His murder greatly displeased Abu-
beker, who would have put Kaled himself to death if Omar
had not interceded for him. Indeed, whether from his great
zeal, or for some other reason, he certainly had exceeded the
limits of his commission : for Mohammed himself would
have pardoned an apostate, provided he had been very well
assured of his repentance.*'
• Major Price gives a different account of this transaction. He says,
that immediately after this execution of Malec, Kaled espoused the beau-
tiful widow of his murdered prisoner; he also adds, that Omar was a friend
of Malec's, and instead of interceeding for Kaled, was so indignant at his
conduct, that he complained of it to Abubeker in terms of the severest
censure ; and called upon him, by every consideration of instice and policy,
to remove the general from his command. Abubeker, nowever, was deaf to
any complaints against the conduct of the " Sword of God," and it was only
at the urgent and repeated entreaties of Omar that he was at length induced
to send messengers requiring his presence at Medina. In obedience to the
summons Kaled set off ^vithout loss of time; and, when within a short
distance of the city, forwarded a present of two golden dinars to the
caliph's porter, requesting that when he applied for admission no one else
should be permitted to enter. The bribe was accepted, and Kaled was
hastening to the palace, when Omar suddenly met him; and, after reviling
him in the most reproachful terms, broke to pieces the two arrows, which,
as was the custom of Arabian warriors, Kaled wore in his turban. To all
this he made not the smallest reply, but hurried on to the mansion of the
caliph, where the porter gave him immediate admittance, but informed
Omar that he had received orders to admit no one but the general. On
entering the presence of Abubeker, Kaled was asked if he was not the
murderer of one of the faithful, and a violator of his harem; a question
which he evaded by asking if the caliph was not present when the prophet
bestowed on him the appellation of the " Sword of God ;" and upon being
answered in the affirmative, desired k) know if the sword of the Almighty
was destined to fall lightly on the necks of the infidel and hypocrite. On
a further explanation, Abubeker indicated his satisfaction, and Kaled
withdrew from his presence highly elated at the result of his visit. Upon
his return, oljservirig Omar seated at the entrance of a neighbouring mosque,
he called to him in a voice of contempt and defiance, and by the name of
left-handed dotard dared him to come near. From the same authority we
learn, that Kaled still further incensed Omar by the follomng act. At the
destruction of Yemana, the seat of Moseilama and his followers, amongst
other prisoners was a distinguished inhabitant of the place named Mujaia.
Immediately after the surrender, Kaled, unaffected by the scenes of bloo«J,
Hej. 12. A..V. 633. KALED. 87
Having thus been brought to notice this celebrated man,
Kaled, we must not pass him by without some account of
his character. He was the best general of his age, and it
was chiefly to his courage and conduct that the Saracens
owed the subduing of the rebels, the conquest of SjTia, and
the establishment of their religion and polity. His love and
tenderness towards his own soldiers were only ec^ualled by his
hatred and aversion to the enemies of the Mohammedan
religion. Of both he has given the most signal instances.
To those who, having embraced the Mohammedan religion,
afterwards apostatized, he was an irreconcilable and im-
placable foe ; nor would he spare them, though they evinced
the greatest signs of unfeigned repentance. For his great
valour, the Arabs called him " the Sword of God ;" which
surname of his was known also to his enemies, and is men-
tioned as well by Greek as Arab authors.* If at any time
(which was not often) his courage carried him beyond the
bounds of discretion, it always brought him oif safe again.
He never, in the greatest danger, lost his wonted presence of
mind, but could as well extricate himself and his men from
present difficulties as prevent future ones.
The rebels being subdued by Kaled, the Mohammedans
were in some measure eased of their immediate fears. Other
difiiculties, however, still remained in store for them. About
this time several persons, perceiving the success and pros-
perity of Mohammed and his followers, set up also for pro-
phets too, in hope of meeting the like good fortune, and
making themselves eminent in the world. Such were Osud
Alabbasi and Tuleihah Ebn Khoweiled, with several others,
whose attempts however quickly came to nothing. But the
most considerable of these impostors was Moseilama, who
returned to the indulgence of his appetites, and with as little ceremony as
feeling demanded of Mujaia his daughter in marriage. The reluctant father
endeavoured to elude the request by delineating the extreme indecency oi
insulting the memory of so many slaughtered victims by the introduction ol
festivity and mirth; but Kaled was inexorable. Mujaia then fixed the sum
of one million of dirhems as the price of his daughter's hand, equivalent to
about £'23,000, but then considered an enormous dowry. The sum, however,
was paid on the spot, and the marriage consummated without further delay.
These no doubt were some of the causes which induced Omar, when h«
became caliph, to deprive Kaled of his commission.
• Theophanes, p. 278. edit. Paris.
88 HISTOKY OF THE SA-KACENS. Abubekbr.
had been the rival of Mohammed even in his life time, and
trumped up a book in imitation of the Koran.* He had
formerly been an associate of Mohammed's, and professed
himself of his religion, and might have been a partner with
him in his imposture ; but considering that to be beneath
him, he renounced all further friendship and correspondence
with him, and resolved to set up for himself, which he did
the year before Mohammed died.f He had now gathered to-
gether a very considerable body of men in Yemama, a
province of Arabia, and began to be so formidable, that the
Mussulmans began to feel alarmed at his growing greatness,
and no longer thought it consistent Avith prudence to neglect
him, knowing very well, that as soon as he should be strong
enough, they and their religion would quickly come to no-
thing. They therefore thought it most advisable to begin the
attack, and rather to hazard the event of a battle at the be-
ginning, when he was comparatively weak, than by suffering
him to go on till he had gathered more strength, and render
doubtful the hope of victory. They therefore urged Abu-
beker to send a sufficient force against Moseilama, under the
conduct of some experienced commander. Abubeker forth-
with despatched Akramah and SergilJ with an army, order-
ing them to march direct to Yemama, and sent Kaled after
them, the scourge of rebels, apostates, and false prophets.
Upon the junction of these several forces, they had an army
of forty thousand Mussulmans. § Moseilama, in the mean-
time, was not idle, and knowing that his life and reputation
were now at stake, prepared to give them battle. The Mus-
sulmans II encamped at a place called Akreba; and Mosei-
lama with his army, took up a position opposite them. They
• Abulfeda.
■}• Sale, however, states that Moseilama, having formed a consider-
able party, began to think himself upon equal terms with Moham-
med, and sent him a letter offering to go halves wth him, in these
words : " From Moseilama, the apostle of God, to Mohammed the apostle
of God. Now, let the earth be half mine and half thine." But Moham-
med, believing himself too well established to need a partner, ^vrote him
this answer : "From Mohammed the apostle of God, to ^loseilama the
liar. The earth is God's : he giveth the same for inheritance unto sucli of
his servants as he pleaseth ; and the happy issue shall attend those who
fear him."
J Or rather Serjabil. § Elmakin. jj Abulfaragiiu,
Hej. 12. A.D. 633.
MOSETLAMA SLAIIf. 89
drew near as fast as they could, and Moseilama charged nis
enemies ^vith such fury, that, unable to hold their ground
ao-ainst him, they were forced to retire with a loss of twelve
hundred men. The Mussulmans, provoked rather than dis-
couraged by this defeat, presently renewed the fight, and then
began a most blcody battle. Moseilama, after displaying great
bravery in the fight, was at last, by a black slave, thrust
through with the same javelin* that Hamza, Mohammed's
uncle, was kiUed with. Upon his death, the victory quickly
inclined to the Mussulmans. The latter having slew the
false prophet, and ten thousand of his men, obliged the sur-
vivors to tui-n Mohammedans, and returned to Medina, the
seat of the caliph, richly laden with spoil.f
• Abulfeda.
t Another of the false prophets of this period was a woman named
Sejaj, of whom the following amusing particulars are recorded by Major
Price. " Sejaj was a Christian ^nth extraordinary talents and eloquence,
and being prompted by an aspiring ambition, she announced herself a
prophetess, and uttering her string of rhapsodies in rh-sTiie, declared that
they came inspii-ed from above. Struck by her success, and alanned at the
approach of Kaled, Moseilama thought it adrisable to temporize with her,
and accordingly sent agents intimating his consent to a dinsion of the earth,
and inviting her to a private conference. She gave the messengers a very
courteous reception, and after some preliminary arrangements, Moseilama
and Sejaj came to an interview in a garden where he had caused some tents
to be pitched for her reception. Here he soon discovered that the virtue of
the prophetess was not proof against voluptuous advances. Perceiving
that she was sufficiently softened by some glowing representations, which
he thought tit to dehneate, of the enjoj-ments to be derived from a tender
intercourse of the sexes, he adventiu-ed to ask, since they were already
united in the sacred functions of the prophecy, what should impede their
coalescing in other respects ? And \vithout further apology, proposed,
that, by entering into conjugal engagements with him, she should resign
her person and pretensions to his disposal. Already fascinated by the
charms of an engaging exterior, for he is said to have been one of the
handsomest men in Arabia, she could only entreat his forbearance until the
descent of dinne inspiration. To remove her scruples in this respect re-
quired no extraordinary compass of invention on the part of Moseilama.
Immediately throwing" himself into a violent fit of agitation, under pre-
tence that it was the inspired moment, he found no great difficulty in per-
suading Sejaj on his recovery, by such ambiguous phrases as he had
composed on the spot, that they had the dispensation of heaven to conse-
crate their impure and unhallowed indulgence. She attempted no longer
to defend the approaches of female modesty, and the trixmiph of the artful
Moseilama was complete. Having thus forfeited all pretensions to that
purity, which is the highest attnbute of her sex, the prophetess fell from
90 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. ABUBEKEi.
This same year, being the first of Abubeker's reign, A\
Oia was sent with a considerable arm}- to reduce the rebels
in Bahrein. This he accomplished without any great diffi-
culty, killing a great many of them, and seizing their effects, ,
so that numbers chose rather to return to the Mohammedan,
superstition, which upon the death of Mohammed they haa
forsaken, than to expose themselves, by obstinately standing
out, to all the miseries and calamities of war.
It is strange and surprising to consider from how mean
and contemptible beginnings the greatest things have, by the
providence of God, been raised in a short time. Of this the
Saracenic empire is a remarkable instance. For if we look
back but eleven years, we shall see how Mohammed, unable
to support his cause, routed and oppressed by the powerful
party of the Koreishites at Mecca, fled with a few despond-
ing followers to Medina to preserve his life no less than his
imposture. And now, within so short a jjeriod, we find the
undertakings of his successor prospering beyond expectation,
and making him the terror of all his neighbours ; and the
Saracens in a capacity not only to keep possession of their
own peninsula of Arabia, but to extend their arms over
larger territories than ever were subject to the Romans them-
selves. Whilst they were thus employed in Arabia, they
were little regarded by the Grecian emperor, who awoke too
late to a sense of their formidable power, when he saw them
pouring in upon them like a torrent, and driving all before
them. The proud Persian, too, who so very lately had been
domineering in Syria, and sacked Jerusalem and Damascus,
must be forced not only to part with his own dominions, but
her proud pre-eminence, and became a mere debased, contaminated woman.
Three days and as many nights had been consumed in this licentious inter-
course, in what the Arabs tell us was at this time denominated the garden of
mercy, but at a subsequent period, the garden of death, when Sejaj thought
proper to return to her camp. Moseilama, however, refused to make her
his wife, and the Arab chiefs of her party, finding it impossible to recon-
cile the scandal of her interview with tier exalted professions of sanctity,
emoraced the hrst opportunity of separating to their several homes. On
perceiving the dispersion of her followers, she made the best of her wav
from Arabia, and escaped to Mossule, accompanied by about four hundreu
of the natives, who continued faithful to the last ; and at a subsequent
period she found it convenient to enrol herself among t\ie proselytes of
the Koran."
Bej. 12. A.D. 633. DECAY OF THE PERSIAN EJMPIEE. 91
also to submit his neck to the Saracenic yoke. It may be rea-
sonably supposed, that, had the Grecian empire been in the
flourishing condition it formerly was, the Saracens might
have been checked at least, if not entirely extinguished. But
besides that the western part of the empire had been rent
from it by the barbarous Goths, the eastern also had received
so many shocks from the Huns on the one side, and the Per-
sians on the other, that it was not in a situation to stem the
fury of this powerful invasion.* In the reign of the Emperor
Maurice the empire was reduced to pay tribute to the chagan
or king of the Huns.f And after Phocas had murdered his
master, such lamentable havoc followed among the legions,
that when Heraclius, hardly more than seven years after,
came to muster the army, only two soldiers were left alive, of
all those who bore arms when Phocas first usurped the em-
pire. Heraclius, indeed, was a prince of admirable courage
and conduct, and did all that was possible to restore the dis-
cipline of the army, and was very successful against the
Persians, not only driving them out of his own dominions, but
even wresting from them a part of their own territories.
But the empire seemed to labour xmder an incurable disease,
and to be womided in its very vitals. No time could have been
more fatally adverse to its maintenance, nor more favourable
to the enterprises of the Saracens, who seem to have been
purposely raised up by God to be a scourge to the Christian
church, for not living in accordance with their most holy
religion.J
Abubeker had now set affairs at home in pretty good order.
The apostates who upon the death of Mohammed had re-
volted to the idolatry in which they were born and bred,
were again reduced to subjection. The forces of Moseilama,
the false prophet, being dispersed and himself killed, there
was now little or nothing left to be done i.n Arabia. For
though there were a great many Christian Arabs, as particu-
larly the tribe of Gassan, yet they were generally employed
in the service of the Greek emperor. The next business,
therefore, that the caliph had to do, pursuant to the tenor of
his religion, was to make war upon his neighbours, for the
* Theophylactus Simocatta, Hist. Maurician.
+ Theophanes, in the Life of Heraclius. X Prideaux's L ife of Moham*
med, p. vii.
92 HISTOEY OF THE SAKACENS. Abubbkbii.
propagation of the truth (for so they call their superstition),
and compel them either to become Mohammedans *' or tri-
butaries.! For their prophet Mohammed had given them a
commission of a very large, nay, unlimited extent, to fight,
viz., till all the people were of his religion. The wars which
are entered upon in obedience to this command, they call holy
wars, with no greater absurdity than we ourselves give the same
title to that Avhich was once undertaken against them by Euro-
peans. With this religious object, Abubeker sent at this time a
force under Kaled into Irak or Babylonia ; but his greatest long-
ing was after Syria,which delicious, pleasant, and fruitful coun-
try being near to Arabia, seemed to lie very conveniently for
him.| After he had fully resolved to invade it, he called
together his friends. Making a formal speech to them, he
showed the great success they had already met, and told
them that the prophet (Mohammed) had. before his decease
assured him that their religion should make great progress,
and their territories be vastly enlarged, and that he had
thoughts himself of invading Syria. However, it had pleased
God to prevent the prophet's designs by taking him away ;
ind, therefore, as he was left his successor, he desired their
advice. They answered unanimously that they were all at
his service, and ready to obey to the utmost oi" their power
whatever commands he should be pleased to lay upon them.
Upon this he sent circular lettei's to the petty princes of
Arabia Felix, and other Mohammedan officers and prefects,
and in particular to the inhabitants of Mecca, ordering them
to raise the utmost of their forces, and with all possible
speed repair to him at Medina. The contents of the letter
were as follow : —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" Abdallah Athik Ebn Abu Kohafa,§ to the rest of the
true believers ; health and happiness, and the mercy and
blessing of God be upon you. I praise the most high God,
and I pray for his prophet Mohammed. This is to acquaint
* Koran, chap. ix. + lb. chap. \aii. 40.
J Photouhoshon, i. e. The Conquests of Syria, written by Abu Ab-
dallah Mohammed Ben Omar Ahvakidi. M.S. Arab. Laud. No. A. 118.
And there is another copy of it among Dr. Pocock's MSS. No. 326. What-
ever relates to Syria has, for the most part, been taken out of this author.
i These were Abubeker's su^nauiea.
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. "WAK 'WITH STRIA. 93
you that I intend to send the true believers into Syria, to
take it out of the hands of the infidels. And I would
have you know, that the fighting for religion is an act of
obedience to God."
He had sent his letter out but a few days, ere the messenger
that carried it returned, and bro^ight him word that no one
to whom he had delivered his letter had received it otherwise
than with the liveliest expressions of satisfaction, and of
readiness to comply with his commands. Accordingly, in a
short time after, a very considerable army, raised out of the
several provinces of Arabia, assembled at Medina, and pitched
their tents round about the city. Here they waited some
time without receiving any orders from the caliph. But the
weather being extremely hot, and the country barren, they
were very hard put to it for provisions both for themselves
and horses. In consequence, becoming impatient, they be-
gan to complain to their ofiicers, and desired them to speak to
Abubeker about it. Upon this one of them made bold to say
to him, " You were pleased to send for us, and we obeyed
your commands with all possible speed ; and now we are come
hither, we are kept in such a barren place, that we have no-
thing on which our army can subsist ; therefore, if your mind is
altered, and you have no further occasion for us, be pleased
to dismiss us." The rest of the heads of the tribes seconded
him. Abubeker told them, that he was far from designing
them any injury in detaining them so long, only he wished to
have his army as complete as possible. To which they an-
swered, " That they had not left a man behind them that
was fit for service." Then Abubeker went with some of his
friends to the top of a hill, to take a view of the army, and
prayed to God to endue them with courage, and to assist
them, and not to deliver them into the hands of their ene-
mies. Afterwards he walked on foot with them a little way,
and the generals rode, who, however, after a while, told him
that they were ashamed to ride whilst he was on foot. To
which he answered, " I shall find my account with God for
these steps, and you ride for the service of God;" meaning
that there was no difi'erence in the matter, so long as thev
were all concerned in the propagation of their religion. Then,
taking his leave of them, he addressed himself a? follows, to
94 HISTORY OP THE SARACENS, Abttbeker.
Ye£i Ebn Abu Sofian, whom lie had appointed general of
these forces : " Yezid, be sure you do not opj^ress your own
people, nor make them uneasy, but advise with them in all
3'our affairs, and take care to do that which is right and just,
for those that do otherwise shall not prosper. When you
meet with your enemies, acquit yourselves like men, and do
not tiu'n your backs ; and if you get the victory, kill no little
children, nor old people, nor women. Destroy no palm-tiees,
nor burn any fields of corn. Cut down no fruit-trees, nor do
any mischief to cattle, only such as you kill to eat. ^\Tien
you make any covenant or article, stand to it, and be as good
as your word. As you go on, you %vill find some religious
persons that live retired in monasteries, proposing to them-
selves to serve God that way : let them alone, and neither
kill them nor destroy their monasteries. But you will also
find another sort of people who belong to the synagogues of
Satan, and have shaven crowns ■,'^'' be sure you cleave their
skulls, and give them no quarter, till they either turn Mo-
hammedans or pay tribute. "f "When he had given them this
* " Even in the seventh century the monks were generally laymen ; they
wore their hair long and dishevelled, and shaved their heads when they
were ordained priests. The circular tonsure was sacred and mysterious ; it
was the crown of thorns; but it was like\vise a royal diadem, and every
priest was a king," &c. — Gibbon.
t The following note on the Saracenic laws of war is quoted by Mills: —
" Before a declaration of hostility, the Mussulmans invited the infidels to
a confession of the true faith. But there appears to have been no neces-
sity to make this invitation, for the faithful mi;;ht exercise their pious trade
of butchery without it. The male captives were put to death ; the female
ones sold for slaves. Children and old men were spared. The releasing of
infidel captives in exchange for Mussulman captives was not la\vful. Am-
hassadors were accounted sacred. The wells and springs of water were
not to be poisoned until the last extremity. It is a singular fact in the his-
tory of the human mind, that community of possession was never thought
of by the Saracenic enthusiasts. The gold and silver, the prisoners and
cattle, the moveables and immoveables taken in war, were divided into five
portions. One of them was applied by the caliphs to religious and cha-
ritable purposes; the sentinel of the camp, the soldier who fought, the
retired veteran, and the widows and orphans of the slain, were entitled to
an equal participation of the remainder; but the horseman always received
a double portion. The Saracens had two very singular laws : one was,
that death in an enemy's country was a preclusion of any right to a share
in tlie plunder. The other was, that a man who received pay was neither
entitled to plunder nor martyrdom." — Hedaya, b y, chap. 2, 4. Miahcal.
vol. ii. p. 244.
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. "WAB WITH SYRIA. 9.5
charge, lie went back to Medina, and the army marched on
towards Syria.
The news of this preparation quickly came to the ears of
the Emperor Heraclius, who forthwith called a councU, in
which he inveighed against the wickedness and insincerity of
his subjects, telling them that these judgments were come
upon them because they had not lived answerably to the
rules of the gospel. He represented to them, that whereas in
former times, powerfeil princes, as the Turk and Persian, had
not been able to overcome them, they were now insulted by
the Arabs, a pitiful, contemptible people. Heraclius de-
spatched a force with aU possible speed to check the advance
of the Saracens, but with HI success ; for the general, with
twelve hundred of his men, was killed upon the field of the
battle, and the rest routed, the Arabs losing only one hundred
and twenty men. A number of skirmishes followed, in most
of which the Christians came oflF the worst. The Arabs,
being enriched with spoil, resolved to make the caliph a
present of all they had taken, with the exception of arms and
ammunition, as the first-fruits of their expedition. Abubeker,
on receiving the spoil, sent a letter to the inhabitants of
Mecca, and the adjacent territories, in which he acquainted
them with the good success of his forces, and called upon
them not to be behindhand in fighting for the cause of God.
The good success of their brethren gave them such encou-
ragement, that they obeyed the invitation with as much cheer-
fulness as if their being called to war had been nothing else
than being invited to partake of the spoil. Whereupon they
quickly raised an army, and waited upon Abubeker at Medina,
who forthwith ordered them to join the forces which he had
sent before into Syria. Of this army he had made Said
Ebn Kaled general ; but when Omar expressed his dislike of
this appointment, the caliph was in a great strait, being loath
on the one hand to take away Said's commission as soon as
he had given it him ; and not wishing, on the other hand, to
disoblige Omar- In this difficulty he had recourse to the
counsels of Ayesha (Mohammed's widow), whom, on accoimt
of her near relationship to their prophet Mohammed, aU
parties greatly respected, and after his decease used frequently
to consult, supposing that she, as having been his most be-
loYed wife, would be better acquainted than any other witt
96 H.TSTOKY OF THJE SARACEKS. Abubbker
all his thoughts, both of persons and things. When 7ibu-
beker propounded his difficulties to her, she replied, that as
for Omar, he had acted for the best in giving the advice he
had, and that she was sure he was not actuated either by
hatred or ill will. Upon this Abubeker sends a messenger to
Saed, to demand from him the standard, which he very
patiently resigned, saying, he cared not who had the standard :
let whosoever will have it, he was resolved to fight under it
for the propagation of religion. So vehement and earnest
were those men whom God had raised up to be a scourge to
the church, that no affront whatsoever could disoblige them
so far as to make them renounce their obedience.
^Vhilst the caliph was in doubt how to dispose of this
commission, Amrou Ebn Al Aas, a very good soldier, who
afterwards conquered Egypt, went to Omar, and desired him
to use his interest with the caliph, that it might be conferred
upon him. But Omar, whether out of any antipathy to his
person, or because he thought no man worthy of a charge
that sought after it, positively refused to interfere at all in the
matter. And when Amrou persisted, and was very urgent
with him, Omar bade him not seek the superiority and domi-
nion of this world ; telling him, that if he was not a prince
to-day, he would be one to-morrow ; meaning thereby, in a
future state. And now, when Amrou was out of all hopes
of ever having a command, the caliph, of his own accord,
unexpectedly made him general of this army, and bade him
" to take care to live religiously, and to make the enjoyment
of the presence of God and a future state the end and aim of
all his undertakings ; to look upon himself as a dying man,
always to have regard to the end of things ; remembering that
we must in a short time all die, and rise again, and be called
to an account. He was not to be inquisitive about men's
private concerns, but take care that his men were diligent in
reading the Koran, and not suffer them to talk about those
things which were done in the time of ignorance (so they call
all the time before Moliammed) because tliat would be the
occasion of dissension among them. Lastly, he ordered him
not to go where the other Mussulmans had been before him ;
but to march into Palestine, wlicre, however, he was to take
care to inform liimself of Abu Obeidah's circumstances, and
if necessary to assist him to the best of his power."
HeJ. 12A.D. 633. WAK WITH 8YKIA. 97
After he had dismissed Amrou, he sent Abu Obeidah to
command the forces in Syria, and told him, that there was no
need of saying any thing new to him since he had heard the
Charge he had given to Amrou. One of the Grecian empe-
ror's generals having had the good fortune to beat the Mus-
sulmans in Syria, Abu Obeidah, apprehensive of the empe-
ror's power, durst not act offensively. 1 lie caliph was no
sooner apprised of this, than he declared him unworthy of
the post, and recalled Kaled from Irak to take his place.
Kaled for his part had performed great things considering
the short time he had been in command. He had taken
Hirah by storm (afterwards the imperial seat of Alseffah),
and several other places, unable to hold oat against a siege,
had submitted to him, and paid tribute. Elmakin says, that
this was the first tribute that was ever brought to Medina.
He had fought several battles Avith unfailing success, and
without doubt would have pushed his conquest still further
if he had not been recalled. '^Vhen he came into Syria, he
took very different measures from those which had been
adopted by his predecessor ; and the soldiers found a great
difference between a pious and a warlike general. Abu
Obeidah was patient, meek, and religious ; Kaled courageous
and enterprising. At that time when he came to the army,
Abu Obeidah had sent Serjabil with four thousand horse
towards Bostra, a city of Syria Damascena, and very popu-
lous, in which there were at that time twelve thousand horse-
It was a great trading town, and much irequented by the
Arabs. The governor's name was Romanus, who, as soon
as he heard that the Saracens were upon their march, went
to meet them, and having asked Serjabil the reason of his
coming, put to him several questions about Mohammed and
his successor. Serjabil told him, that he had come to give
them their choice of becoming Mohammedans or tributaries ;
adding that they had already taken Aracah, Sachnah, Tadmor,
and Hawran, and would not be long before they attacked
Bostra. The governor, hearing ■'^his melancholy story, went
back, and would have persuadea the people to pay tribute.
They utterly refused it, and prepared themselves for a vigorous
defence. Serjabil continued his march till he came before
Bostra ; upon which the inhabitants sallied out, and gave liira
battle. Before Serjabil gave the cocjnand to idvance ho
H
98 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. ABfBKum.
offered tke following prayer : " O thou eternal Being ! O
thou Creator of heaven and earth ! 0 thou who art great and
munificent ! who hast promised us victory by the tongue of
thy prophet Mohammed, and the conquest of Syria, Irak,
and Persia ! O God, confirm our hopes, and help those who
assert thy unity against those that deny thee. O God, assist
us as thou didst thy prophet Mohammed. 0 Lord, endue us
with patience, and keep our feet sure,* and help us against
the infidels." In this engagement the Christians had greatly
the advantage, and the Saracens were like to have been
totally routed, but for the seasonable appearance of Kaled.
His arrival turned the fortune of the day, and the Bostrans
were forced to retire into the city. Then Kaled asked Ser-
jabU, what he meant by attacking with such a handful of men
a town like Bostra, which as being the market-place of Syria,
Irak, and Hejaz, and consequently a place of great resort,
was garrisoned with many officers and soldiers? Serjabil
told him, that he did not go of his own acccord, but oy Abu
Obeidah's command. " Abu Obeidah," said Kaled, " is a very
honest man, but understands nothing of military affairs."
Kaled's first care was to refresh his men, for they were all
extremely fatigued, as well those that had marched that day
with him, as those that had fought under Serjabil. Having
ordered them all to rest, he himself took a fresh horse, and
rode about all night, sometimes going roimd the city, and
sometimes round the camp, for fear the besieged should
make a sally, whilst his men were tired and out of order.
In the morning, about break of day, he came into the camp,
and the Mussulmans arose, and, according to their custom,
purified themselves. For this rite of purification those who
could not conveniently furnish themselves with water, rubbed
themselves with sand, a substitute which is in cases of
necessity allowable, and is frequently used by the Mohamme-
dans when travelling in desert countries, where water is scarce.
The morning-prayer having been said by their general, Kaled,
they immediately took horse. For the besieged having taken
an oath to be true to one another, and to fight it out to the last
man, had set open the gates of the city, and marched out into
the plain. When Kaled perceived this, he said, " These villains
• Koran, iii. 141.
HeJ. 12. A.I). 633. WAK WITH STRIA. 99
come out now, because they know we are weary. However,
let us go and fight them, and may the blessing of God go along
with us." The two armies being set in battle array, Romanus
the governor who thought it best to secure himself and his
wealth, even at the expense of honour, soul, and conscience,
took an opportunity to let Kaled know, that he had mora
friends than he was aware of. Riding out of the ranks, with
a loud voice he challenged the Saracen general, who quickly
advanced to the parley. Romanus told him, that he had for a
long time entertained a favourable opinion of the Mohamme-
dan religion, and was quite willing to renounce his own, upon
condition of life and property being secured to him. Kaled
ha-s-ing readily promised this, he added, that upon Serjabil's first
setting down before the town, he had advised the inhabitants
to submit to the Mussulmans, and pay tribute ; but that instead
of being heard, he had only purchased the ill will of the citizens
by his prudent counsel. In short, he said whatever he
thought was likely to ingratiate him with the Saracen, and
proflfered his service to return, and persuade the besieged to
surrender. Kaled told him, that it would not be safe for him
to go back again, without having first fought Avith him, be-
cause that it would look as if they had a secret imderstanding
together, and might occasion him further danger from his
own people. So. to colour the matter the better, they agreed
to make a show of fighting, and after a while Romanus, as
being beaten, was to run away.
The armies on both sides were witnesses of their confer-
ence, but were quite ignorant of its purport. As soon
as this mock combat began, Kaled laid on so furiously,
that Romanus, being in danger of his life, asked Kaled,
whether that was his way of fighting in jest, and if he designed
to kill him? Kaled smiled, and told him, no, but that to
prevent suspicion, it was necessary for them to show some-
thing of a fight. Romanus at last made his escape ; and in-
deed it was high time, for the Saracen had handled him s n
roughly, that whosoever had seen him after the combat,
would have had little reason to suppose it was not really
fought in earnest, for he was bruised and wounded in several
places. Upon his return, the citizens asked him what news ?
He told them what a brave soldier Kaled was, and extolled
the valour and hardiness of the Saracens, and desired them
h2
100 HlSTOflY OF THE SARACENS. ABtiBEKEB.:
to be ruled and advised in time, before it was toolate ; con-
cluding that it would be altogether in vain to make any oppo-
sition. But this did but enrage the besieged, who there-
upon asked him, if he could not be content with being a
coward himself, without trying to make them the same ? And
but for fear of the emperor's displeasure, they would certainly
have put him to death. However, they confined him to his
own house, and charged him at his peril not to meddle nor
interpose in their affairs, and told him, that if he would not
fight, they would. Romanus, upon this, went home divested
of all power and authority ; but he still comforted himself with
the hopes of being secured and exempted from the common
calamity, if as he expected the Saracens should take the
town. The townspeople having deprived him of his com-
mand, elected in his place the general of troops, which the
emperor had sent to their assistance, and desired him to
challenge Kaled to single combat. This he did ; and when
Kaled was preparing himself to accept it, Abdarrhaman, the
caliph's son, a very young man, but of extraordinary hopes,
begged to be allowed to answer the challenge. Having
obtained permission, he mounted his horse, and took his
lance, which he handled with admirable dexterity, and when
he came near the governor, he said, " Come, thou Christian
dog, come on." The combat having begun with great fury,
the governor after a while finding himself defeated, ran away,
and having a better horse than the Saracen, made his escape
to the town. Abdarrhaman, greatly annoyed at the escape of
nis enemy, fell upon the rest, charging now upon the right
wing, and now upon the left, making way where he went.
He was quickly followed by Kaled and the other officers,
and the battle grew hot on all sides. The Saracens fought
like lions, and Kaled their general still cried out, " Alhamlah,
Alhamlah, Aljannah, Aljannah;" thatis "Fight, fight, paradise,
paradise." The miserable inhabitants of Bostra, on their part,
fought with the courage of desperation, for they were at their
last struggle for their fortunes, their liberty, their religion,
and whatsoever was dear to them, having now seen the last
day dawn, in which they were ever to call anything their own,
without renouncing their baptism. In the town itself aU ^yas
uproar, the bells rmging, and the priests and monks running
about the streets, making exclamations, and calling upon
Hej. 12.A.D.633. WAR AVITII STRIA. 101
God, but all too late. His afflicting providence had deter-
mined to deliver them into the hands of their enemies. Kaled
and Serjabil (for the Saracens could pray as well as fight,
and England as well as Arabia has had some that could do
so too) cried, " O God ! these vile wretches pray with idola-
trous expressions, and take to themselves another God besides
thee ; but we acknowledge thy unity, and affirm, that there
is no other God but thee alone ; help us, we beseech thee,
for the sake of thy prophet ]\Iohammed, against these idola-
ters." The battle continued for some time ; at last the poor
Christians were forced to give way, and leave the field to the
victorious Saracens, who lost only two hundred and thirty
men. The besieged retired as fast as they could within the
gates, and set up their banners and standards, with the sign
of the cross upon the walls, intending to write speedily to
the Grecian emperor for more assistance.
And now we must leave the poor inhabitants of Bostra in
their melancholy circumstances, and come to Romanus, the
deposed governor, who was extremely well satisfied with the
success of the Saracens, and was now going to act a master-
piece of villainy. As the Saracens, who kept watch in their
camp all night, were going their rounds, they saw a man
come out of the city, with a camlet coat on, wrought with
gold. Abdarrhaman, who happened to be that night upon
the watch, was the first that met him, and set his lance to
his breast. "Hold," said the man; "I am Romanus, the
governor of Bostra ; bring me before Kaled the general."
Upon this, Abdarrhaman went with him to the general's tent.
As soon as Kaled saw him he knew him, and asked him how
things went with him. " Sir," said he, " my people have
been disobedient, and mutinied : they have deposed me, and
confined me to my house, threatening me with death if I
intermeddle with any of their aff'airs. Wherefore, that I may
chastise them according to their deserts, I have ordered my
sons and servants to dig a hole in the wall (his house stood
upon the wall of the to\vn), and if you please to send such
persons as you can trust, I will take care to deliver the town
into your hands." Upon this, Kaled immediately despatched
Abdarrhaman with a hundred men, and ordered him, so soon
as he had taken possession, to fall upon the Christians, and
open the gates. Romanus, having conducted them to the
102 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. Ahubekkb.
wall, received them into his house ; where, after he had en-
tertained them, he brought every one of them a suit of clothes,
similar to what the Christian soldiers woro, and disguised
them. Upon this, Abdarrhaman having divided his men
into four companies, of five-and-twenty each, ordered them
to go into different streets of the city, with orders, that aa
Boon as they heard him, and those that were with him, cry
out, " Allah Acbar,"* they should do so too. Abdarrhaman
now asked Romanus where the governor was which fought
with him, and ran away from him ? Romanus proffered his
service to show him, and away they marched together to the
castle, attended with five-and-twenty Mussulmans. When
they got there, the governor asked Romanus what he wanted.
Upon his answering that he had no business of his own, but
Dnly came in attendance upon a friend of the governor's that
had a great desire to see him. " Friend of mine !" says the
governor, " what friend ?" " Only your friend Abdarrha-
man," said Romanus, " who is come to send you to hell.''
The unhappy governor, finding himself betrayed, endeavoured
to make his escape. " Nay, hold," says Abdarrhaman ; " you
Tan away from me once in the day-time, but you shall not
serve me so again ;" and striking him with his sword, killed
him at one blow. As he fell, Abdarrhaman cried out " Allah
Acbar." The Saracens which were below hearing it, did the
same, as did those also who were dispersed about the streets,
till the whole city rung with the cry " Allah Acbar." Pre-
sently, the Saracens, who were disguised, having killed the
guards, opened the gates, and let in Kaled with his whole
army. The town being now entirely in their hands, the con-
quering Saracens fell upon the inhabitants, killing or making
prisoners of all they met with. At last, the chief men of the
city came out of their houses and churches, and erred,
*' Quarter, quarter." Upon this Kaled immediately com-
manded them to kill no more ; " for," said he " the apostle
of God used to say. If any one be killed after he has cried
out ' quarter,' it is none of my fault."
Thus was the condition of Bostra altered on a sudden, and
they which had before been a wealthy and fiourishing people,
were now brought under the Saracenic yoke, and could enjoy
their Christian faith upon no other terms than paying
* " God is most mighty."
Hej, 12. A.D. 633. 81BGE OF DAMASCUS. 103
tribute. The next morning, when some of the inhabitants
asked Kaled who it was that betrayed the city to him, from
unwillingness to expose the person that had done him such
signal service, he remained silent ; but Romanus, the traitor,
with most unparalleled impudence, started up himself and said,
" O you enemies of God, and enemies of his apostle, I did
it, desiring to please God." And when in reply to this they
demanded in astonishment, " What, are not you one of us ?"
" No," said he ; "I have nothing to do with you, either in
this world or that which is to come. I deny him that was
crucified, and whosoever worships him. And I choose God
for my Lord, Mohammedanism for my religion, the temple of
Mecca for the place of my worship,* the Mussulmans for my
brethren, and Mohammed for my prophet and apostle. And
I witness that there is but one God, and that he has no
partner, and that Mohammed is his servant and apostle,
whom he sent and directed into the right way and the true
religion, that he might exalt it above every religion, in spite
of those who join partners with God." After Romanus had
given such an ample testimony, and made so full a confession
of his faith, he was received among the Mussulmans ; and,
as he durst not venture himself any longer in Bostra, after
having been guilty of such unexampled villainy, Kaled ap-
pointed some men to take care of his effects.
Kaled now wrote to Abu Obeidah, to acquaint him with
his success, and withal to command him to bring whatever
forces he had with him, that they might march together to
the siege of Damascus. He then put a garrison of four
hundred horse into Bostra, and sending Abubeker the news
of his victory, apprised him of his intention to besiege Da-
mascus.
There were at this time in Palestine seven thousand
Saracens with Amrou Ebn Aas ; and with Abu Obeidah,
tjiirty-seven thousand, which had been raised at several times
• Arab. Kebla, which signifies the place towards which they turn them-
seltes when they say their prayers. For as the Jews, though in captivity,
used to turn their faces towards the temple of Jerusalem when they prayed,
80 do the Mohammedans towards the temple at Mecca. And there are
books m Arabic (one of which I have seen in the Bodleian library) teaching
how to determine mathematically the zenith or vertical point of the Kebla,
or temple of Mecca; in order that, let a Mussulman be where he will, h«
■ay know which way to set his face when he says his prayerfc
104 HISTORY OF THE SARACEX3. Abvbeker.
out of Hejaz, Yemen, Hadramaut, the sea-coasts of Amman,
and the territories of Mecca and Taif. Kaled's force con-
sisted only of fifteen hundred horse, which he had brought
with him out of Irak. Heraclius, the Grecian emperor, was
now at Antioch, and being iriformed of the havoc which the
Saracens had made in his dominions, thought it high time to
look about him. He could not endure to think of losing
Damascus, but sent five thousand men to defend it, xmder a
general named Calous. Calous came first to Hems, formerly
called Emessa, being the chief city of the adjacent territory
which is called by the same name. It lies between Aleppo and
Damascus, distant five days' journey from each of them; and
is a place of a most healthful and pleasant air, encompassed
with beautiful gardens and fruitful orchards, which are plen-
tifully watered by a rivulet drawn from the river Orontes
(called by the Arabian geographers Alasi), which passes the
city at the distance of about half a mile. This place he
found well provided both with soldiers, and with arms and
ammunition ; for the conquests of the Saracens had struck
such a terror into aU the country, that every place had fortified
itself to the best of its power. At Hems he stayed a day
and a night, and from thence passed to Baalbec. As he came
near this city, a mixed multitude of men and women came
out to meet him, with their hair about their ears, weeping
and wringing their hands, and making most pitiful lament-
ation. Calous asked them what was the matter ? " Matter !"
said they, " why the Arabs ha,ve overrun all the country,
and taken Aracah, and Sachnah, and Tadmor, and Hawran,
and Bostra, and are now set down before Damascus." Upon
this he demanded of them the name of the general of the
Saracens, and the number of his men. They told him that
his name was Kaled, and that he had but fifteen hundred
horse. Calous, despising so inconsiderable a number of men,
bade the people be of good cheer, and swore, that when he
came back again he would bring Kaled"s head along with
him upon the point of his spear.
As soon as he came to Damascus, he produced the em-
peror's letter, and told the people that he expected to have
the entire command of the town. Accordingly he required
that Israil, the former governor, should be sent out of the city.
But the Damascenes by no means approved of that, for they
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCTTS. 105
liked their old governor very well, and would not hear of
parting with him in such a time of extremity, when they had
as great occasion for men of courage as ever they had since
they were a people. Upon this they were divided into
factions and parties, and continued A\Tangling and quarrelling
one with another, at the very time when there was the
greatest need of unity and a good mutual understanding.
For the Saracens were expected every moment, and it was
not long before they came.
Upon their arrival the Christians went forth to meet them,
and both armies were drawn up in order of battle. When
both were ready to fight, Kaled called out to Derar Ebn
Alazwar, and said, " Now, Derar, quit thyself like a man,
and follow the steps of thy father, and others of thy country-
men, who have fought for the cause of God. Help forward
religion, and God will help thee." Derar was mounted upon
a fine mare, and Kaled had no sooner spoken than he imme-
diately charged the horse and killed four troopers, and then
wheeling off, fell upon the foot and killed six of them, and
never left charging them till he had broken their ranks and
put them into disorder. At last they assailed him with a
shower of stones, and pressed upon him so hard, that he was
forced to retire among his own men, where he received due
thanks. Then Kaled called out to Abdarrhaman, the caliph's
son, whom we have mentioned before, who did the like.
Kaled himself insulted the Christians, and gave them re-
proachful language, and challenged any of them to fight with
him. Upon this, Izrail, calling to Calous, told him that it
was proper for him, who was the protector of his country,
and whom the emperor had sent on purpose to fight, to
answer the challenge. Calous, however, would have stayed
behind but for the importunity of the people, who in a manner
compelled him to go. At last, then, with much ado, he arms
himself and goes forward ; and, having a mind to parley with
his adversary, takes an interpreter along with him. As they
proceeded together, Calous began to shake in his harness for
fear of the Saracen, and with large promises would fain have
persuaded the interpreter to take his part, if the Saracen
should fall upon him. The interpreter begged to be excused,
telling him that, as far as words would gc , he was at his
Bervice, but he did not care for blows ; " and therefore," saya
106 HISTOBT OF THE SARACEIfS. Abifbekeb
he, " look to yourself, sir ; for my part I shall not mix
myself up with the quarrel. For if I should meddle, and
De knocked on the head for my pains, what good, I pray,
would all your fair promises do me ?" When they came to
Kaled, the interpreter began after this manner : " Sir," said
he, " I will teU you a story. There was a man had a flock
of sheep, and he put them to a negligent shepherd, and the
wild beasts devoured them ; which, when the o%vner perceived,
he turned away the shepherd, and got another, who was a
man of vigilance and courage. So when the wild beast came
again, the good .shepherd killed him. Have a care that this
does not prove to be your case. You Arabians were a con-
temptible, vile people, and went about with hungry bellies,
naked and barefoot, li\ing upon barley bread, and what you
could squeeze out of dates. Now since you are come into
our country, and through the negligence of our governors have
managed to fare better, you begin to rebel. But now, the
emperor has taken care to send to us a man that is a soldier
indeed, and therefore it concerns you to look to yourselves.
He it is that, out of compassion to you, has brought me
along with him to talk with you." " Prithee," says Kaled,
" tell me none of thy stories. As for what thou sayest of
our country, it is true enough. But you shall find that times
are amended with us, and that instead of the barley bread
and coarse fare you twit us withal, all your wealth and good
things, nay, your persons, and wives, and children too, shall
soon be ours. And as for this same great man thou speakest
of, why dost talk of great men to me, who have taken Tadmor,
Hawran, and Bostra ? Let him be as great as he will, if he
be the support of your kingdom, so am I of our religion."
Calous did not at all like the mien and behaviour of his ad-
versary, tnd bade the interpreter to ask him to defer the
combat till the next day, intending, if he once made his
escape, never again to come so near him. But the Saracen
did not intend to part with him so easily ; but saying that he
would not be fooled, immediately got between him and the
Christian army, to prevent his running away, and began to
lay about him most vehemently with his spear. They both
fought bravely for a while, and in the meantime the inter-
preter perceiving them engaged, moved oiF, and escaped to
the Christian camp. At last Calous, growing weary, began
HeJ. 12. A.1). 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 107
to Stand altogether upon the defensive part, and the Saracen
percemng that he stood upon his guard, left off pushing
him, and dexterously shifting his spear from his right hand to
his left, closed with him, and drawing him to himself, flung
him from his saddle to the ground. At this sight the Sara-
cens immediately shouted, " AUah Acbar," which made the
whole camp echo, and the poor Christians tremble. Kaled,
having placed his prisoner in safety, and changed his horse
for a fresh one, which the governor of Tadmor had presented
to him, went into the field again. Derar would have had
him stay behind, " For," says he," " you have tired your-
self ^vith fighting with this dog, therefore rest yourself a little,
and let me go." To which Kaled answered, " O Derar, we
shall rest in the world to come ; he that labours to-day shall
rest to-morrow," and rode forwards. He was but just gone,
when Romanus, the treacherous governor of Bostra, called
him back, and told him, that Calous wished to speak with
him. When he came back, Calous (who, even in those cala-
mitous circumstances, could not lay aside his resentment), after
giving him an account of the difference which had been be-
tween him and Izrail, the governor of Damascus, told
him, that to overcome him would be of the greatest moment
towards taking the city. He advised him therefore to chal-
lenge Izrail to single combat, and kill him if he could. Kaled
told him, that he might be sure he would not spare any in-
fidel or idolater.
Calous being now a prisoner, his five thousand men, Avhom
he had brought to the relief of Damascus, were very urgent
with Izrail to go out, and answer Kaled" s challenge. For a
long time he refused to listen to them. Afterwards, however,
when they threatened him with death if he persisted in his
refusal, he told them that the reason why he refused at first
was not because he was afraid, but because he had a mind to
let their master, Calous, try his valour first. Then having
armed himself, and mounted upon a good horse, he rode up
to the Saracen, who, amongst other discourse, asked him his
name. "When he answered, "My name is Izrail" (which is
the name of the angel who the Mohammedans suppose takes
care of the departed souls), Kaled laughed, and said, " "Well,
your namesake Izrail is just ready at your service, to convey
your soul to hell." Izrail, on his part, having asked Kftled
108 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS. Abl'Bkkeb
what he had done Avith his prisoner, Calous, he told him
that he hid him safe bound. " Why did you not kill him ?"'
said Izrail. " Because," said the Saracen, " I intend to kill you
both together." Then the combat began, and was managed
on both sides Avith great dexterity and vigour. Izrail be-
haved himself so well, that Kaled admired him. At last the
victory inclined to Kaled, when Izrail finding that he was
overmatched, but that he had the better horse of the two,
turned his back, and rode away. Kaled pursued him as fast
as he could, but could not overtake him. Whereupon Izrail,
perceiving that his adversary kept at a distance, and imagining
that this slackness of his proceeded from an unwillingness to
fight, resumed his courage, and faced about, hoping to take
him prisoner. Kaled perceiving this, alighted from his horse,
preferring to fight on foot ; and striking at the legs of Izrail'a
horse as he rushed upon him, brought him to the ground,
and took him prisoner. Having now in his possession both
the general and the governor, he asked them if they were
willing to renounce their Christianity , and turn Mohammedans ;
which they firmly refusing to do, were both beheaded in-
stantly. Kaled having ordered the heads to be brought to
him, took them, and threw them over the walls into the
town.
Several battles were fought before Damascus, in which the
Christians for the most part were beaten. At last, when
they saw that by sallying out they had many men killed and
taken prisoners, they determined to save the remainder for
the defence of the walls, and expose themselves no more tc
the hazard of a field-fight. They therefore shut up them-
selves within the town, and Kaled pitched his tents over
against the east gate, and Abu Obeidah set down before the
gate which they call Aljabiyab. The city being thus closely
besieged, and the inhabitants not daring to depend altogether
upon the forces which they had at present, resolved to de-
spatch a messenger with all haste to the Grecian emperor,
Heraclius, who was then at Antioch. So they wTote a letter
to him, in which they acquainted him with all that had
passed, detailing the deaths of Calous and Izrail, and the
conquests which the Saracens had made on that side of the
coimtry. When they had closed the letter, they delivered it
into the hands of a fit trustworthy messenger, whom they let
Hej. 12.A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 109
down on tlie outside of the wall in the night. The messenger
managed his business so well, that although the Saracens
were very far from negligent in their watch, he contrived to
pass through their lines. When he came to Antioch, and
delivered his letter, the emperor was extremely concerned,
and sent Werdan with a hundred thousand men, to relieve
Damascus.
Werdan refused at first to accept of this commission, as
thinking himself slighted, because the emperor had not
employed him at the beginning of the war. But at length
he undertook the command of that army, the emperor having
given him particular charge to take care to cut off all supplies
from the Saracen army, which was w'ith Kaled and Abu
Obeidah ; and after the emperor and some of the nobility,
who went part of the way with him. had taken their leave,
he marched with all possible speed towards Damascus.
Within a short time after, the Saracens heard that the
emperor's army was upon its march against them, and had
reached Ajnadin. Kaled immediately went to Abu Obeidah,
to advise with him what was proper to be done in this case.
Kaled was for raising the siege, and advancing in full force
against the Grecian army ; and then, if they got the victory,
they might, he said, return again to the siege. But Abu
Obeidah told him that he was by no means of that opinion,
because the inhabitants of Damascus were already in a very
great strait, and if they now went away they would only
give them an opportunity of getting into the town a fresh
supply both of arms and provisions, and enable them to pro-
long the siege. With this answer the general w'as very well
satisfied.
Werdan' s army was very slow upon their march, and the
poor besieged Christians were now in great distress. Find-
ing no assistance arrive from the emperor, they proposed
terms to the general, ofiering him a thousand ounces of gold,
and two hundred suits of silk, if he would raise the siege.
To which he answered, that he would not raise the siege
imless they would either become tributaries or Moham-
medans. If neither of these conditions pleased them, they
must be content to fight i', out. About six weeks after this,
the Saracens heard an unusual noise in the city, and great
exclamatious and expressions of joy. They could not
110 HISTOET OP THE SAEACENS. Abubbki*
imagine what should he the meaning of it, hut in a very
short time they were satisfied, for tVeir scouts brought them
word that the emperor's army was at hand. Kaled again
wished to go to meet them, but Abu Obeidah would by no
means consent that tae siege should be raised. At last they
agreed to chocse some good soldier, and send him with part
of their forces to create a diversion, and to keep the emperor's
army employed, that it might not come and disturb the
operations of the siege. The officer that Kaled pitched upon
to have the management of this expedition, was Derar Ebn
Alazwar, an excellent soldier, and the mortal enemy of the
Christians, as indeed, with the single exception of Abu
Obeidah, all of them were. Derar very cheerfully accepted of
this post, and cared not how many or how few men he had
with him, provided he might be employed in some glorious
action against the Christians. But Kaled told him, that
though they were obliged to fight for their religion, yet God
had commanded no man to throw himself away, and there-
fore bade him to accept willingly of such assistance as his
superiors should think fit to send along with him ; and
ordered him, in case of danger, to retire upon the main body
of the army. Derar immediately prepared to go ; and as
they were upon their march, the emperor's vast army drew
near. When the Saracens saw such a multitude, they were
afraid, and would willingly have retired ; but Derar swore,
" That he would not fall back a single step without fight-
ing." And Rafi Ebn Omeirah told them, " That it was
a common thing for the Mussulmans to rout a great army
with a handful of men." The armies drew near, and not-
■svithstanding the vast disproportion of numbers, Derar
advanced, without showing the least token of fear or concern,
and when they closed, he always fought most where Werdan
the general was. And first of all he killed his right-hand
man, and then the standard-bearer. The standard had in it
the sign of the cross, and was richly adorned with precious
stones. As soon as Derar saw it fall, he commanded the
Saracens to alight, and take it up, whilst he defended them.
They obeyed immediately, he, in the meantime, laying about
him so furiously, that none durst come within his reach to
save the standard. Werdan, the emperor's general, had a
Bon that was his father's lieutenant in Hems, who, when ha
HeJ. 12. A. ». 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. Ill
heard that his father was going against the Mussulmans,
marched with ten thousand men to join him, and had the
fortune to come up whilst the two armies were engaged.
Observing Derar's activity, and what execution he did among
the Greeks, he watched his opportunity, and wounded him in
the left arm with a javelin. Derar turned himself about, and
struck him so violently with his lance, that on drawing it
hack again, he left the point of it sticking in the bones.
Notwithstanding which, he made as vigorous a defence as
could be expected from a man disarmed; but the Greeks
pressed hard upon him, and succeeded, though with great
diffictdty, in taking him prisoner. When the Saracens saw
that their captain was taken, they fought as long and as
fiercely as they could, in hopes of recovering him, but all in
vain. Upon this they were so much discouraged that they
had like to have run away. But Rafi Ebn Omeirah perceiv-
ing this, called out to them with a loud voice, and said,
" What ! don"t you know, that whosoever turns his back
upon his enemies, offends God and his prophet ? Has not
the prophet declared that the gates of paradise should be
open to none but such as fought for religion ? Come on ! I'll
go before you. If your captain be dead or taken prisoner,
yet your God is alive, and sees what you do." With these
words he restored the battle. In the meantime news came to
Kaled that Derar was taken. Upon which he immediately
consulted Abu Obeidah as to what was best to be done.
Abu Obeidah sent him word, that he should leave some one
in his own place, and go himself to rescue Derar. Upon this,
leaving Meisarah Ebn Mesrouk with a thousand horse to de-
fend his post, and taking a considerable force along with him,
he marched with all possible speed to relieve the Saracens.
When those that were engaged saw this reinforcement come
up, they fell on like lions ; and Kaled charged in the thickest
part of the enemy, where there were most banners and stand-
ards, in hopes of finding Derar prisoner there, but all in
vain. At last a party of those that had come with Werdan's
son from Hems deserted to Kaled, and begged of him pro-
tection and security for themselves and their families. Kaled
told them that he would consider that when he came to
Hems, and not in this place. Then he asked them, if they
knew what was become of Derar ? They replied that a.s soon
112 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACENS. Abtoekee.
as lie was taken prisoner, he had been sent by Werdan, with
a guard of a hundred horse, to Hems, as a present tc
Heraclius the emperor. Kaled was glad to hear this news,
and immediately despatched Rail Ebn Omeirah with a hun-
dred horse, to retake Derar. Taking the direct road to Hems,
they made all possible haste, and at last they overtook the
escort, and having killed or routed the men, they recovered
their friend Derar, and then hastened back to join Kaled,
who by this time had entirely defeated the Grecian army.
The Saracens pursued the Greeks as far as Wadil Hayat, and
after carrying off what plunder, and horses, and arms they
could, returned to the siege of Damascus, which had now
but little hopes of holding out much longer.
The emperor Heraclius, not willing to part with Syria
^vithout another eifort, sent to Werdan again, and gave him
the command of seventy thousand men at Ajnadin, with
orders to go and give the Saracens battle, and, if possible,
raise the siege of Damascus. When the news of this prepara-
tion came to Kaled' s ears, he again went to consult Abu
Obeidah on the measures to be taken in this emergency, who
told him, that as most of their great men Avere absent,* it
would be best to send for them as soon as he could,^ calling
upon them to unite their armies, so that they might with their
combined force give the emperor's army battle. Yezid Ebn
Abu Sofian was then in Balka, a territory upon the confines of
Syria, Serjabil Ebn Hasanah in Palestine, Mead in Harran,
Neman Ebn Al Mundir at Tadmor, and Amrou Ebn Al Aas
in Irak. Upon this Kaled wrote the following letter : —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Kaled Ebn Al Walid to Amrou Ebn Al Aas, health
and happiness. Know that thy brethren the Mussulmans
design to march to Ajnadin, where there is an army consisting
of seventy thousand Greeks, who are come against us, that
they may extinguish the light of God with their mouths ;t
but God preserveth his light in spite of the infidels. As
• Arab. Kobarao Ashhab Resoul Allah, i. e. " The great men of the
companions of the apostle of God."
t These words £r-<i a text of the Koran. See Koran, chap. ix. 32, and
Ld. 8.
Hoj. 12. A.». 633. SIEGE OP DAMASCUS. 113
soon therefore as this letter of mine shall come to thy hands,
come \vith those that are with thee to Ajnadin, where, if it
pleases the Most High God, thou shalt find us."
Having sent copies of this letter to the rest of the generals,
he immediately gave orders for the whole army to march
with bag and baggage. Kaled himself led the van, and Abu
Obeidah brought up the rear. The Damascenes, perceiving
the siege raised, and their enemies upon their march, took
courage, and ventured out upon them with an army of six
thousand horse, and ten thousand foot ; the horse under the
command of Paul ; the foot, of Peter. As soon as Paul
came up, he fell upon Abu Obeidah, and kept him employed
whilst Peter went to seize the spoil ; for all their baggage,
and wealth, and women, and children were in the rear. Peter
brought off a good part of it, and some of the women ; and
taking a guard both of horse and foot, returned towards
Damascus, leaving his brother Paul with the rest of the army
to engage the Mussulmans. Paul behaved himself so well
that he beat Abu Obeidah, and those that were in the rear,
who now wished at his heart that he had taken Kaled's ad-
vice, when he urged him to march in the front, and leave
Kaled to bring up the rear himself. The women and child-
ren made grievous lamentation, and all things went ill on
that side ; upon this, Sa'id Ebn Sabahh, being well mounted,
rode as hard as he could to the front of the army, where
Kaled was, and gave him an account how matters went ; and
desired him with all possible speed to succour Abu Obeidah.
"Well," said Kaled, ''God's will be done ; I would have been
in the rear at first, but he would not let me ; and now you
see what is come on it." Immediately he despatches Rati
with two thousand horse, to relieve the Saracens in the rear,
and after him Kais Ebn Hobeirah with two tliousand more ;
then Abdarrhaman with two thousand more ; then Derar Ebn
Al Azwar with two thousand more ; the rest of the army, he
brought up himself. When Rafi, Derar, and Abdarrhaman
came up, the state of the matter was quite altered ; and the
Christians, who pre^dously had the better of it, were now
driven back on all sides, and their standards and colours
beaten down. Derai pursued Paul the general, who was
airaid to encounter him ; for he had seen how he behaved
I
11* HISTOKT OF THE SARACENS. Abubbkkm.
himself at the siege of Damascus, and heard how he had
fougnt against Werdan. Derar, after turning himself about
to say to Obeidah, " Did not I tell you that this devil would
not stand me?" followed closely upon him. Paid being th us
hard pressed, flung himself ofi" from his horse, and endeavoured
to get away on foot. Derar alighted too, and having over-
taken him, was just going to despatch him ; when Paul cried
out, " Hold ! for in saving me you save your wives and child-
ren which we have taken." Derar upon this forbore, and
took him prisoner. The Christians were all routed ; of the
six thousand horse which came out of Damascus, only one
hundred escaped, as the Saracens were afterwards informed,
when the city was taken.
Among the captives whom Peter had taken, was Caulah,
Derar's sister, a brave virago, and a very beautiful woman.
Derar was extremely concerned for the loss of his sister, and
made his complaint to Kaled, who bade him be of good cheer ;
" For," says he, "we have taken their general, and some other
prisoners, which we shall exchange for our own ; and there is
no question but we shall find them all at Damascus." How-
ever, they resolved to go and try if they could recover them
before they got thither. Kaled, Rafi, Meisarah, and Derar,
went in search of the captives ; and ordered Abu Obeidah to
march on slowly with the army. Peter, when he had got
his prisoners and plunder at some convenient distance, did not
make haste to convey them to Damascus, but stayed by the
way, being desirous, if possible, to hear of his brother PaiJ's
success before he went home. Whilst they rested, they took
an account of the women, and what else they had gotten ;
and Peter chose Caulah, Derar"s sister, for himself, and told
his men, that she and no other should be his, and nobody's
else. The rest chose each of them one as long as the num-
ber lasted. The Greeks went into their tents to refresh them-
selves, and in the meantime the women got altogether.
Among them were some of the Hamyarites (a tribe so called
amongst the Arabs), whom the Arabians suppose to be de-
scended from the ancient Amalekites. These women are
used to ride on horseback, and fight as the Amazons did of
old. Caulah now addressed them : "• What ! will you suffer
yourselves to be abused by these barbarians, and become
handmaids and slaves to those idolaters ? Where is your
HeJ. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 115
courage ? For my part, I will sooner die than suffer any of
these idolatrous slaves to touch me." Opheirah, who was
one of them, replied, that their patience was not the
effect of cowardice, but necessity. " For," says she, " we
are defenceless ; we have neither sword nor spear, nor bow,
nor any thing else." *' But cannot we," says Caulah, " take
each of us a tent-pole, and stand upon our guard .^ Who
knows but that it may please God to give us the victory, or
deliver us by some means or other ? If not, we shall die, and
be at rest, and preserve the honour of our country." Ophei-
rah swore that Caulah was in the right, and the rest instantly
resolved to follow her counsel, and providing themselves with
staves, appointed Caulah commander-in-chief. " Come,"
says she, " stand round in a circle, and be sure you leave no
space between you for any of them to come in and do us
mischief. Strike their spears with your staves, and break
their swords and their sculls." Having giving these orders
she moved forwards a step, and striking one of the guards
that stood within her reach, shattered his scull. Immediately
there was a great uproar, which brought the Greeks running
out of their tents to see what was the matter. When they
came in they found the women all up in arms. Peter called
out to Caulah, " What is the meaning of this, my dear ?"
"Woe be to thee," said she, " and to all of you, thou Christian
dog. The meaning of it is, that we design to preserve our
honour, and to beat your brains out with these staves : come,
why don't you come to your sweetheart now, for which you
reserved yourself .^ It may be you may receive something at
her hands, which may prove worth your while." Peter only
laughed at her, and ordered his men to compass them round,
and not do them any harm, but only take them prisoners,
giving them an especial charge to be careful of his mistress.
They endeavoured to obey his commands, but with very ill
success ; for when any horseman came near the women, they
struck at the horse's legs, and if they brought him down, his
rider was sure to rise no more. When Peter perceived that
they were in earnest, he grew very angry, and alighting from
his horse, bid his men do so too, and fall upon them with
their scimitars. The women stood close together, and said
one to another, " Come, let us die honourably, rather than
live scandalously." Pnter looked with a great deal of con-
I 2
116 HISTOET OF THE SARACENS. Abubeker.
cem upon his mistress, and when he viewed her beauty and
comely proportion and stature, felt loath to part with her, and
coming near, gave her good words, and would fain have per-
suaded her to desist from her enterprize. He told her, that
he was rich and honourable, that he had a great many fine
seats, and the like, which should all be at her service, aad
desired her to take pity on herself, and not to be accessary to
her own death. To which she answered, " Thou infidel,
scoundrel, vile rascal, why dost not come a little nearer, that
I may beat thy brains out?' This effectually nettled him;
so he drew his sword, and bid his men fall upon them ; tell-
ing them, that it would prove a scandal to them, in all the
neighbourhood of Syria and Arabia, if they should be beaten
by these women. The women, who held out with great
bravery, were now reduced to the last extremity, when, fortu-
nately for them, Kaled and his party came up. When as
they approached they saw the dust flying and the swords
glittering, they wondered what was the matter. Kaled having
sent Rafi to reconnoitre ; who riding forward in great haste,
quickly returned, and gave him an accovmt how things stood ;
Kaled said, he was not at all surprised, for the women of
those tribes were used to it. As soon as Derar heard the
news, clapping spurs to his horse, he pushed on in all
haste to help the women. "Softly, Derar, softly," said
Kaled ; " not so fast : a man that goes leisurely about his
business, wiU more surely gain his point, than he that goes
to work rashly." Derar answered, " This is not a matter for
patience, I must go and help my sister." Kaled upon this
set his men in order, and commanded them, as soon as they
came up ; to encompass their enemies. As soon as Caulah
saw the Saracens appear, she cried out, " Look ye, my girls,
God has sent us help now." But the Greeks, when they saw
the Saracens approaching, gave themselves up for lost, and
began to look upon one another very sorrowfully. Peter
now thought of nothing but how he should secure his own
safety, and called out to the women, " Hearken ye," said he,
" I pity your condition, for we have sisters and mothers, and
wives of our o^vn ; therefore for Christ's sake I let you go
freely : wherefore, when your people come up, let them know
how civil I have been to you."
Having -hus spoken, he turned towards the Saracens, and
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 117
saw two horsemen coming apace before the rest. One of
them, Kaled, was completely armed, the other, Derar, naked,
with a lance in his hand, and riding upon a horse without a
saddle. As soon as Caulah saw her brother, she called out,
" Come hither, brother, though God is sufficient without thy
help." Hereupon Peter called out to her, saying, " Get thee
to thy brother, I give thee to him," and turned away to get
off as fast as he could. But Caulah mocked at him, and said,
"This ficklenes of yours is not like the manner of us Arabians:
sometimes you are wonderfully fond of me, and express a
great deal of love, and then again you are as cold and in-
different as may be." To this taunt Peter could only reply,
" Away with thee ; I am not so fond of thee now as I was be-
fore." "Well," says she, "I am fond of you, and must
have you by all means." Then she ran up to him, closely
followed by Kaled and Derar. As soon as Peter saw Derar,
he called out to him, and said, " There's your sister, take her,
and much good may she do you ; I make a present of her to
you." Derar answered, " I thank you, sir, I accept of your
kind present ; but I have nothing to return you in lieu of it,
but only the point of this spear, therefore be pleased to accept
of it." At the same time, Caulah struck the legs of his
horse, and brought him down. Derar rushed upon him as
he fell, and having run him through, cut off his head, and
put it upon his lance. The attack now became general, and
the Saracens fought till they had killed three thousand men.
The rest ran away, and were pursued to the gates of Damas-
cus by the Saracens, who returned laden with plunder, horses,
and armour. Kaled now thought it high time to return to
Abu Obeidah, fearing that Werdan might have attacked him
in his absence. They marched forthwith, and as soon as the
army saw Kaled and his company, they shouted out Allah
Acbar, which Kaled returned. When they came up with
the main body, they gave them a particular account of their
whole adventure, especially of the battle of the women, with
which they made themselves very merry. Then Kaled called
for Paul, who was taken prisoner before, and told him to turn
Mohammedan, or else he would serve him as he had done
his brother. " How is that ?" said Paul. " Why," says
Kaled, " I have killed him, and here is his head." When
Paul saw his brother's head he wept, and said, that he had
118 HISTOKT OF THE SAKACENS. Abubxkkh,
no wish to survive him, upon which Kaled commanaed nira
to be beheaded.
The captains of the Saracens to whom Kaled had written,
bidding them meet him at Ajnadin, as soon as they had re-
ceived the letter, made immediate preparations to comply
with it ; and what was very remarkable, though they were at
different distances from the place of meeting, they neverthe-
less all happened to reach it on the same day, Friday, the
13th of July, A.D. 633. This coincidence they all inter-
preted as a singular proAadence. The two armies presently
afterwards came within sight of one another, and the confi-
dence of the Saracens was somewhat checked, when they
perceived the strength of the emperor's forces, which amounted
lo no less than seventy thousand. Those who had been in
Persia, and seen the vast armies of Cosroes, confessed that
they had never beheld an enemy equal to the present, either
in number or military preparation. They sat down in sight
of one another that night, and early the next morning pre-
pared for battle. Before they engaged, Kaled rode through
the ranks encouraging his men, and telling them, " That they
now saw before them the largest army of the Greeks that they
were ever likely to be opposed to. That if they now came
off conquerors, all was their own, and nothing would be able
to stand against them for the time to <.ome. Therefore," said
he, "fight in good earnest, and takr; religion's part; and
be sure that you do not turn your backs, and so be damned
for your pains.* Stand close together, and do not charge till
\ou hear the word of command, and then go to work steadily ;
pd have your wits and your hearts about you." Nor was
vVerdan, on the other side, negligent in encouraging his men to
do their best. Calling his officers together, he thus addressed
them : — "You know that the emperor has entrusted the great-
est interests to your courage and bravery, and if you should
shrink, now you come to face your enemies, and lose the field,
such a blow vdll be struck as can never be recovered, and
these Arabs will take possession of aU, and make slaves of your
wives and children. All is now at stake ; therefore be firm,
and give no ground, but fight unanimously and courageously.
* Koran, chap. viH. 15, 16.
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 119
Besides, for your comfort, we are three to one ; and if we call
upon Christ, he will help us." Kaled was naturally alarmed
at the superior force of the enemy, and therefore was deter-
mined to omit no precaution that prudence might suggest.
Being anxious, therefore, to get an accoimt of their order
and number, he publicly invited his men to volunteer to go
and reconnoitre the Christian army ; upon this, Derar, who
was never backward in anything that belonged to a soldier,
proffered his service. " Well, then," says Kaled, " thou
shalt go, and God go along with thee ; but I charge thee,
Derar, not to assault them, nor strike a stroke without my
order, and so be accessary to thy OAvn destruction." Away
he went and viewed their order, their arms and standards,
their banners displayed and colours flying. Werdan, having
perceived him, and suspecting him to be a scout, sent a party
of thirty horse to seize him. When they advanced, Derar
ran away, and they after him. When he had drawn them
some distance from the lines, he faced about, and fell upon
them like a lion. First, he ran one through with his lance,
and then another, and fought desperately, till of thirty he
had unhorsed seventeen. Then the rest being seized with
fear, fled before him, till they came pretty near the Gre-
cian camp, when he turned off, and came back to Kaled.
And when that general asked of him, " Did not I warn you
not to fight without order ?" he replied, " Nay, I did not
begin first, but they came out to take me, and I was afraid
that God should see me turn my back. Had I not disobeyed
your order, I should not have come away as I did. Then, in-
deed, I fought in good earnest, and without doubt God as-
sisted me against them, and I perceive already, that by his
help, they will fall into our hands."
Then Kaled set his army in order of battle, giving to Mead
Ebn Jabal and Naman Ebn Al Mokarren the command of the
right wing, and to Said Ebn Amer and Serjabil Ebn Hasanah
that of the left. Yezid Ebn Abu Sofian, with four thousand
horse, guarded the baggage, women, and children. Caulah
and Opheirah, and several other women of the highest rank
and chief families of the Arabian tribes, with a great many
more of inferior note, also prepared themselves for the battle.
Kaled turned about to them, and said, " Noble girls, assure
yourselves, that what you do is rery acceptable to God aud
120 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. Abcbeker.
his apostle, and the Mussulmans ; you will hereby purchase
to yourselves a lasting memory, and the gates of paradise will
be open to you. And assure yourselves, that I repose the
greatest confidence in you. If any party of the Greeks fall
upon you, fight for yourselves; and if you see any of the
Mussulmans turn his back, stay him, and ask him whether
he runs from his family and children ; for by this means you
will encourage the Mussulmans to fight." Opheirah told him
that they were all ready to fight till they died.
Then he rode about, encouraging his men, and bidding
them fight for the sake of their wives and children and reli-
gion, and to stand their ground : for if they were beaten,
they had no place to escape to, nor anything left in which
they could trust. After this he went into the centre of the
army, and took his post there, together with Ararou Ebn
Al Aas, Abdarrhaman, the caliph's son, Kais Ebn Hobeirah,
Rafi Ebn Omeirah, and several other Saracens of note. The
two armies covered all the plains. The Christians raised a
great shout ; and the Saracens repeated as fast as they could,
" La I'laha ilia Allah, Mohammed resoul Allah :" that is,
" There is but one God ; Mohammed is the apostle of God."
Just before the battle began, there came out a grave old man
from the Christian army, who went towards the Saracens, and
inquired for the general. Kaled came forth to him, and the
old man asked him if he was the general. " They look
upon me as such," said Kaled, " so long as I continue in my
duty towards God, and the observance of what he has left
us by his prophet Mohammed, of blessed memory, otherwise
I have no command or authority over them." The old man
told him that they were come to invade a land which had
been attacked oftentimes before, but with very ill success.
That those who had attempted the conquest of it, had found
their sepultures in that very place where they designed to
establish their empire ; that though they had lately obtained
a victory over the Christians, yet they must not expect that
the advantage would long continue on their side ; that the
emperor had sent against them a very numerous army ; that
although confident of victory, the Christian general had sent
him to tell them, that if they would depart without any fur-
ther acts of hostility, he would present every Saracen m the
army with a suit of clothes, a turban, and a piece of money,
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCUS. 121
while tlie general himself should receive ten suits, and a
hundred pieces ; and their master, Abubeker, the caupo, a
hundrea suits, and a thousand pieces. " No," said the Sa-
racen, " no peace, unless you forthwith become tributaries,
or else Mohammedans ; otherwise the sword must determine
the controversy betwixt us. And as for your great army that
you speak of, we are promised the victory by our prophet
Mohammed, in the book which was sent down to him. And
then as to your vests, turbans, and money, which you offer
us, we shall in a short time be masters of all your clothes, and
all the good things you have about you."
When Mead was encouraging the Saracens with the hopes
of paradise and the enjoyment of everlasting life, if they
fought for the cause of God and rehgion. " Softly," said
Kaled, " let me get them all into good order, before you set
them upon fighting." And then when he had formed his
men in order of battle, he said, " Look to it, for your enemies
are tvro to one, and there is no breaking them, but by out-
winding them. Hold out till the evening, for that is the time
in which the prophet obtained the victory. Take care not to
turn your backs, for God sees you."
The two armies being now come very near, the Armenian
archers let fly their arrows, and killed and wounded a great
many of the Saracens ; but Kaled would not let a man stir,
Derar, at last, impatient of delay, said, " What do we stand
still for ? The enemy wiU think we are afraid of him ; prithee,
give us the word of command, and let us go." Upon this
Kaled gave him leave, and he began the battle. And now
in a little time a great part of both the armies was engaged,
and numbers fell on both sides, but more Christians than
Saracens. Werdan, perceiving the great disadvantage his men
laboured under, was in great perplexity, and advised with
his officers what was best to be done ; for no art of a
general, nor any terms he could propose, were sufficient to
encourage the Christians to fight as desperately as the Sa-
racens, who cared not for their lives, being all of them fully
persuaded, that whosoever was killed in fighting for the pro-
pagation of their religion, would certainly receive a crown
of martyrdom. And it is most true, that nothing is like a
spirit of enthusiasm to make men expose themselves undaunt-
edly to the greatest dangers. It was agreed that the best
122 HISTOEY OF THE SAKACENS. Abubkker.
thing they could do, would be to circumvent the general of
the Saracens by some stratagem, which would extremely dis-
ccsurage the rest and facilitate the victory. This they at-
tempted after the following manner: — A messenger was to be
sent to Kaled, to desire him to sound a retreat, and let the
battle cease for that day, and meet Werdan the next morn-
ing at a certain place within view of both the armies, where
they, the two generals alone, might treat, in order to find out
some expedient for the preventing the effusion of so much
blood as must of necessity be lost on both sides, if the war
continued. If he consented to come to the parley, an am-
buscade of ten men was to be conveniently placed, so as
to seize the Saracen. The delivery of this message was
entrusted to one David, who was privy to the secret. When
he had received his instructions he went forward and in-
quired for Kaled, who rode to him. and with a stern look,
presented his lance. " Sir," said David, " I am no soldier,
but have only a message to deliver to you ; pray, therefore,
turn your lance away whilst I am talking with you." Upon
which Kaled laid his lance across upon the pommel of his
saddle, and said, " Speak to the purpose then, and tell no
lies." " So I will," says David, " If you will promise me
security for myself and my family." Which Kaled had no
sooner done, but he acquainted him with the whole plot.
"Well," said Kaled, "go and tell him it shall be so." Pre-
sently after Abu Obeidah met Kaled, and observing an un-
usual briskness and gaiety in his countenance, asked him what
was the matter } Kaled told him of the contrivance, and
added, " I shall venture to go alone, and I engage to bring
thee back all their heads with me." Abu Obeidah told him
that he knew he was a person likely enough to do so ; yet as
the prophet had no where commanded them to expose them-
selves to unnecessary danger, he required him to take ten
men with him to match his enemies.
Derar thought it the best way not to defer the matter till
the morning, but was for going that evening to surprise that
ambuscade. Having obtained leave, he went as soon as it
was dark, to the place where Werdan had posted his ambus-
cade. When he came near, he ordered his men to stand
still whilst he went to observe their posture. Then he put
off his clothes (which he frequeatly used to go without)
Hej. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMaSCITS. 223
and, taking only his sword, crept along, till he came so near
them that he could hear them snore, for they were all drunk
and asleep, and their arms lay under their heads. Having
60 fair an opportunity, he could scarcely forbear killing
them himself ; but considering that one of them might possi-
bly awaken the rest, he came back, and fetched his comrades,
who took each of them his man, and despatched the ambus-
cade with all imaginable silence and secrecy. The next
thing to be done, was to strip these men, and put their clothes
on his own men, who were to take their places, for fear any
of the Greeks should chance to come by the place, and seeing
them in their Arabian habit, should make a discovery. Their
success in this enterprise Derar told his men was a good
omen, and that he did not at all question but that God would
fulfil his promise to them.
About break of day, Kaled, having first said the morning
prayer in the camp, drew up his army in order of battle.
Then he put on a yellow silk vest and a green turban. As
soon as the Christians saw the Saracens in order, Werdan
sent a horseman, who rode up to the front of the Saracen
army, and cried out, " Hark ye, you Arabians ! is this fair
play ? Have you forgot yoiu: agreement you made with
us yesterday?" "How!"' said Kaled, "what! charge us
with breach of promise ?"' " The general," answered the
messenger, " expects you should be as good as your word,
and meet him, m order to treat of a peace." " Go and tell
him," says Kaled, " that I am just coming." Quickly after,
Kaled saw Werdan go out upon a mule, very richly dressed,
and adorned with gold chains and precious stones. " Ha !''
says he, " this will be all ours by and by, if it please God."
He then went to meet him ; and when they came very near
to each other they both alighted. When Werdan had drawn
Kaled towards the place where the ambush lay, they sat
down opposite to one another to discourse, but Werdan still
kept his hand upon the hilt of his sword, for fear the Saracen
should chance to fall upon him on a sudden. " Come," says
Kaled, " now let us hear what you have to say ; but be sure
you deal fairly, and like a man, and tell no lies ; for it does
not at all become men in eminent stations to deal deceitfully,
and use tricks." " Well, then," said Werdan, " what I
desire of you is, that you would let us know what you would
124 UISTOKY OF IHE SAEACEXS. Abubekb*.
have, and come to some reasonable terms, that we may have
peace, and live in quiet on both sides ; and whatsoever you
desire of us, we will give you freely, for we know that you
are a poor sort of people, and live in a barren country, and in
great scantiness and scarcity; therefore if a small matter will
content you, we will give it you willingly." " Alas, for thee '
thou Christian dog," said Kaled, " we bless God that he has
provided a great deal better for us than to leave us to live
upon your charity, and what you please to spare ; for he has
freely given to us all that you have ; nay, even your wives
and your children to be divided amongst us, unless you can
say, ' La Ilaha,' &c. ' There is but one God, Mohammed is
the apostle of God.' Or if you do not like that, pay tribute.
But if neither will do for you, then let the sword determine
between us, and let God give the victory to which side he
pleases. No other terms are to be hadof us. And as for
your talking to us of peace, we for our parts take more delight
in war ; and as for you saying that we are such a contemptible
people, I would have you know that we reckon you no better
than dogs. You see I do not talk like a man that is much
inclined to peace ; and if the meaning of your calling me
hither was that you might have me alone, here we are in a
place by ourselves, far enough both from my army and yours.
Come and fight with me, if you dare." Immediately upon
this, Werdan rose up, but trusting to the ambuscade,
made no haste to draw his sword. Kaled seized him forth-
with, and shaking him, turned him about every way. Then
Werdan shouted, " Come out, my men, come hither ; this
Arab has seized me." As soon as the Saracens heard the
cry, they came forth, and Werdan, at first sight, took them
to be his own men ; but when they came nearer, and he saw
Derar at their head, shaking his sword at him, he began to
be extremely uneasy, and said to Kaled, " I beg of you not
to deliver me into the hands of that devil ; I hate the sight
of him, it was he that killed my son." Kaled swore by God,
that when he came up he would kill him too. By this time
Derar had approached them, and said, " Now, thou cursed
wretch, what is become of thy deceit, Avith which thou
wouldest have ensnared the companions of the apostle of
God?" and was just going to kill him. " Hold," said Kaled,
" lot him alone till I give you the word." When he saw
SeJ. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OF DAMASCTTS. 125
himself in the midst of his enemies, he fell upon the ground,
and began to cry " quarter." But Kaled answered, " La
Aman ilia Beiman :' No quarter (or security) where there
is no faith kept. You pretended peace, and at the same time
treacherously designed to murder me." The word was no
sooner out of his mouth, but Derar struck his head off. Then
they stripped him, and put his head upon the point of Kaled's
lance, and marched towards the army. As soon as the
Christians espied them, they thought they had been their o^vn
men, and that Werdan had brought the Saracen's head along
with him. The Saracens thought so too, and were under
great concern for Kaled. But as soon as they came near,
they charged the Christians, and Abu Obeidah (who com-
manded in Kaled's absence) recognized them, and told his
men. Then they moved forward, and engaged in all parts
with all imaginable vigour. The fight, or rather the slaughter,
continued till evening. The Christian army was entirely
routed and defeated. The Saracens killed that day fifty
thousand men. Those that escaped fled, some of them to
Csesarea, others to Damascus, and some to Antioch. The
Saracens took plunder of inestimable value, and a great many
banners, and crosses made of gold and silver, precious stones,
silver and gold chains, rich clothes, and arms without num-
ber ; which Kaled said he would not divide until Damascus
was taken.
Upon this victory, Kaled sends a messenger with the fol-
lowing letter to Abubeker the caliph : —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From the servant of God, Kaled Ebn Walid, to the suc-
cessor of the apostle of God, upon whom be the blessing of
God. I praise God, who is the only God, and there is none
other besides him ; and I pray for his prophet Mohammed,
upon whom be the blessing of God. I praise him, and give
thanks to him still more, for his delivering the true believers,
and destroying the idolaters, and extinguishing the light oi
those that err. I acquaint thee, O emperor of the faithful,
that we met with the Grecian army at Ajnadin, with Werdan
the prefect of Hems ; and they swore by Christ that they
would not run away, nor turn their backs, though they were
killed to the last man. So we fell upon them, calling upon
126 HISTORY OP THE SARA0KN8. Abubkk«
God, and trustir.g in him, and God supported us, and gave
us the victory, and our enemies were decreed to he overcome,
and we slew them on all sides, killing to the number of fifty
thousand men. In the two battles we lost of the Mussul-
mans four hundred and seventy-four men. This letter is
written on the fifth day of the week, being the thirtieth of
the first Jomadah ; and we are now returning to Damascus,
if it please God. Pray for our success and prosperity.
Farewell. The peace and blessing of God be upon thee and
all the Mussulmans."
As soon as the messenger told the caliph the news, he fell
down and worshipped God. Then he opened the letter, and
read it over first to himself, and then to those that were about
him. The news immediately flew through all the country ;
and the hungry Arabians came thronging to Medina, to beg
leave of the caliph to go into Syria, all of them expecting
great places and large possessions, and willing enough to
exchange the uncultivated deserts of Arabia Petraea, for the
delicacies of Damascus. Omar by no means approved of
their motion, but said to Abubeker, " You know what sort
of fellows these were to us formerly. When they were able
to oppose us, and we were but few in number, they endea-
voured, to the utmost of their power, to ruin our religion,
and put out the light of God ; and when they did turn, it
was only to save themselves. And now that they see God
has been pleased to bless our armies with victory, they are
ready to share the spoil ; but if they are allowed to go they
will only make a disturbance among those who have got it
with their swords. Therefore I pray let none of them go ;
but let those that have won it wear it." Abubeker was ef the
same mind.
As soon as the inhabitants of Mecca heard it, they were
very indignant, and thought themselves very greatly injured.
Some of the Koreishites (a noble tribe among the Arabs,
which had violently opposed Mohammed at his first setting
out, and drove him from Mecca to Medina) came in a body
to make their complaint to Abubeker the caliph, whom they
found sitting with some Mussulmans, with Ali on the right
hand, and Omar on his left. When they had paid due reve-
rence to the caliph, Abu Sofian accosted Omar after this
HeJ. 12. A.D. 633. SIEGE OP DAMASCUS. 127
manner: " It is true, in the times of ignorance,* there used
to be clashing and difference amongst us ; and we did what
we could against you, and you the like to us ; but now, since
it has pleased God to direct u& both into the true religion, all
hatred and animosities ought to cease between us. For the
faith destroys hatred and variance, as well as idolatry. And
yet you still continue your hatred, notwithstanding we are your
brethren in religion, and your near relations besides. What
is the meaning of this spite both formerly and now ? Is it
not time to purify your hearts from envy ? That you made .
the profession of the true religion before us we confess, and
are willing, upon that ground, to pay you all the respect which
is due." Having said thus, he held his peace, and Arak
commended him, and seconded him. Then Abu Sofian
desired the caliph and all the Mussulmans to bear witness
that he freely took upon himself to fight for the cause of God.
And the like was done by all the chiefs of Mecca that were
firesent. This satisfied the caliph, and he was content to let
hem go. Upon which he prayed to God to confirm them in
their good resolutions, and bless them with answerable
success. He then wrote a letter to Kaled ; in which he ac-
quainted him, that he had received his with great satisfaction,
and that he had sent to him some of the chief men of Mecca,
and the adjacent country, particularly Amrou Ebn Maadi,
and Malec Alashtar. In the next place he ordered him, as
soon as he had conquered Damascus, to go on to Hems,
Mearrah, and Antioch. After this he bid him be kind to the
Mussulmans, and to think upon mortality, and so concluded.
When he had finished the letter, he sealed it with Moham-
med's seal, and delivered it to Abdarrhaman, who also had
brought him the letter from Kaled.
When Kaled sent the letter to Abubeker, he was upon his
march from Ajnadin to Damascus. The poor inhabitants
had heard the lamentable news of the loss of the emperor's
general and army. In the meantime, whilst the Saracens
were absent, a great many of the inhabitants of the neigh-
bouring villages, to secure themselves, had retired into
Damascus. The return of the Saracens was daily expected,
and all manner of warlike preparation was made for sustain-
ing a siege. Their engines were planted everywhere upon
* So they call all the time oefore Mohan med.
128 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. Ablbekkr.
the walh, and hanners displayed. In a little time their
liearts ^ched, when they saw the Saracens appear with a
formidable army, flushed with success, and enriched with
the spoils of their countrymen and neighbours. Amrou
Ebn Al Aas led the van, consisting of above nine thousand
horse. After him came Abu Sofian with two thousand ;
then Serjabil Ebn Hasanah (who was one of Mohammed's
secretaries when he wrote the Koran) : after him arrived
Omar Ebn Rebiyah. Kaled marched in the rear, and brought
up the rest of "the army under the standard of the black
eagle.
When the whole body was within a mile of the citv,
Kaled called all the generals together, and gave them their
respective charges, and said to Abu Obeidah, "You know
very well the villainy and deceit of these people, and how
they came and fell upon our rear, as we were in our march
to Ajnadin. Be on your guard, therefore, and be not too
confiding in them, nor agree too easily to give them security,
for they will certainly play you some trick. Go and sit
down before the gate Jabiyah, at a good distance, and
assault them frequently, and let not the length of the time
make you uneasy, for victory is the reward of patience."
Abu Obeidah. following this adv/ce, went there, and pitched
his tent, Avhich was made of hair ; for he would by no means
suffer them to set up one of those rich tents which they had
taken from the Greeks at Ajnadin: ''which," one author
says, "proceeded from his great humility to God, and the
shortness of his hope, having no wish to please himself with
the gay things of this world, and the possessions of it. ^ For
they did not fight for dominion, but in hopes of receiving a
reward from God, and having their portion in a future state.
And they used to set those tents and spoil which they had
taken, at a great distance from them ; and if at any time they
found any victuals of the Christians, they would not eat i^
because the name of God was not mentioned over it when it
was killed." Abu Sofian was placed over against the Little
Gate, Serjabil Ebn Hasanah at St. Thomas's Gate, with 2000
horse; Amrou Ebn Al Aas at Paradise Gate; Kais Ebn
Hobeirah sat down before the gate Kaisan. There was
another, which was called St. Mark's Gate, Avhere there
never was any fighting (whether because of the incommo-
Hei. 13. A.D. 634. BIEGE OF DAMASCTTS. 129
diouspess of the place, or for what other reason, I know not"),
which upon that account was called Baobsalamah, •' The
Gate of Peace."' After he had given his orders, he went
himself and sat down before the East Gate. Then he called
Derar to him, and gave him the command of two thousand
horse, and ordered him to keep riding round about the camp,
and never stand still long in one place, for fear any succours
shouW come from the emperor, and surprise the camp.
" And,'" says he, "if they be too hard for thee, send to me,
and I will help thee." " I suppose then," said Derar, " that
T am to stand still the meanwhile !" " No, no ;" said Kaled,
" I do not mean that." None of the Saracens were mounted
besides those which were with Derar, whose biisiness it was
to ride round the camp, and guard it : for the Saracens
fought for the most part on foot. Kaled having thus formed
his plan of the siege, early on the next morning the besieged
sallij d out, and the fight continued till the evening. That
same day Kaled received Abubeker's letter, and after the
fight was over, sent it to the generals, who were posted at
the several gates.
The poor inhabitants perceiving themselves now besieged
in good earnest, began to think of coming to terms, and were
ready to submit to pay tribute and secure their lives and
fortunes, rather than by standing it out, to expose themselves
to inevitable death. Their chief men having met to de-
liberate, a considerable part of them were very much inclined
to surrender. But it happened that Thomas, the emperor's
son-in-law,* lived then in Damascus, as a private man, not
in any public commission or authority; for though the empe-
ror had offered him honourable posts, he refused to accept of
any employment ; notwithstanding that he was a person of
great courage, and an excellent soldier. Out of respect to
his quality and abilities, the citizens thought it advisable to
do nothing hastily, and without having first consulted him.
"When they came to his palace, he appeared to wonder, " That
these vile Arabs, poor wretches, naked and barefoot, and far
* " Vanity prompted the Arabs to believe that Thomas was the son-in-
law of the emperor. We know the children of Heraclius by his two wives ;
and his august daughter would not have married in exile at Damascus.
Had he been less religious, I might only suspect the legitimacy of the
damsel." — Gibbon,
-30 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Abubmiii.
from completely armed, should be able to put them in such
a consternation." He told them, "That the Arabs were
masters of no courage, but what was wholly owing to their
own fears ; that there was the greatest deal of difference
between them and the Damascenes in every respect, whether
in number, or in arms, or in anything else that made an army
considerable." Adding, "That the Damascenes had no
reason to despair of the victory." The citizens told him,
with submission, that he was under a great mistake ; " For
the late victories of the Arabs had furnished them very well
with arms. Besides," said they, "they all fight like mad
men; for they are ready to encounter us naked, or any
way, and under ever such great disadvantages; for they
stedfastly believe that every one of their own men that is
killed passes immediately to Paradise, and every one of ours
to hell ; and this makes them invincible." To which Thomas
answered, " That it was plain from thence that they had no
true courage, who were forced to make use of such an artifice
to_ encourage themselves to fight." " Well, sir," said they,
" if you will be pleased to help us, and put us in a way to
make a defence, we shall be at your service, otherwise we
must surrender." Thomas, being fearful lest they should be
in earnest, promised, after a short pause, to go out with them
the next morning.
They kept watch all the night, and supplied the absence
of the sun with numberless lights placed in the tui-rets. The
Saracens in the meantime were encouraging one another to
do their utmost against the enemies of God, as they used to
call all but themselves. In the morning the besieged pre-
pared early for battle, and the Saracens got ready to make a
general assault. All the generals said their prayers amon?
their men, and Kaled bade them be firm, "for they should
rest after death ;" adding, " That is the best rest which shall
never be succeeded by any labour." Thomas was ready in
the morning, and just before he went out a crucifix was
raised at the gate, and the bishop, attended with some of
the clergy, brought the New Testament, and placed it at a
little distance from the crucifix. As Thomas went out of the
city, he laid his hand upon the cover of the Testament, and
said, "O God! if our religion be true, help us, and deliver
as not into the har:d of our enemies; but overthrow the
He; 13. A.I.. GJ4. SIEGE OF DAMASCXTS. 131
oppressor, for thou knowest him. O God help those wliich
profess the truth, and are in the right way." Serjabil heard
him say something, but could not tell what ; and when
Romanus (who was the treacherous governor of Bostra, and
used to be their interpreter) had explained it to him, he was
very angry, and cried out, " Thou liest, thou enemy of God ;
for Jesus is of no more account with God than Adam. He
created him out of the dust, and made him a living man,
walking upon the earth, and after\vtirds raised him to
heaven." The two armies having joined battle, Thomas
fought bravely. Being an incomparable archer, he shot a
great many of the Saracens, and among the rest he wounded
Aban Ebn Said with a poisoned arrow.""-' Aban drew out
the arrow, and unfolding his turban, bound up the wound.
But he quickly felt the effects of the poLson in his body, and
finding his strength fail him, was carried into the camp,
where his friends being very urgent to unbind the wound,
and to dress it, he told them, if they did, he should die
instantly. Which accordingly happened, for they had no
sooner opened it than he immediately fainted ; and when he
could speak no longer, continued testifying, by signs, the
stedfastness of his belief in God and Mohammed. He was
newly married, having no longer ago than when the Sara-
cens were at Ajnadin, taken to wife a brave virago, one of
the fighting sort, who could use a bow and arrows very well.
As soon as she heard the news of his death, she came run-
ning in great haste ; and when she saw his corpse, she
evinced admirable patience, exclaiming, " Happy art thou,
my dear: thou art gone to thy Lord, who first joined us
together, and has now parted us asunder. I will revenge
thy death, and. endeavour to the utmost of my power to
come to the place where thou art, because I love thee.
Henceforth shall no man ever touch me more, for I have
dedicated myself to the service of God." Then they washed
him (as is their custom), and buried him forthwith, with the
usual solemnities. His widow never wept nor wailed, but
with a courage above what could be expected from the weak-
* " Al Wakidi says, ' vrith poisoned arrows ;' but this savage invention is
eo repugnant to the practice of the Greeks and Romans, that I mual
Buspect, on this occasion, the malevolent credulity of the Saracens.' —
!32 HISTOET OF THE SARACENS. Abubekb*.
ness of her sex, armed herself with his weapons, and
unkno-wn to Kaled went into the battle. When she came
into the field, she asked where it wa,8 that Aban was
wounded. They told her, over againsi St. Thomas's Gate,
and that Thomas, the emperor's son-in-law, was the man
that shot him. Away she went towards the place, and with
the first arrow shot the standard-bearer in the hand. The
standard fell do^vn, and the Saracens instantly snatched it
up, and carried it off. Thomas was grievously concerned at
the loss of the standard, and laid about him furiously, and
ordered his men to look about them narrowly, to see if they
could find it any where, and retake it, if possible. "When
the Saracens that had it saw themselves hard beset, they
shifted it from one to another, till it came to Serjabil's hands.
As the Damascenes followed Thomas with great courage
and vigour, the engines all the while playing upon the
Saracens from the walls, and throwing, stones and arrows as
thick as hail, the battle soon began to be fierce and bloody.
They plied the engines so well from the walls, that the
Saracens were forced to retreat, and fight out of the reach of
their fire. Thomas having at last discovered the standard in
Serjabil's hand, made up to him, and fell upon him like a
lion. Upon which Serjabil threw the standard away, and
engaged his adversary. Whilst they were fighting hand to
hand, and every one admired Thomas's valour, Aban's wife
saw him, and being told that it was he who had killed her
husband, she aimed an arrow at him, and shot him in the
eye, so that he was forced to retire into the city. The
Saracens followed him close, and killed three hundred in the
pursuit, which they would have carried further, but were
afraid to come within range of the engines.
Thomas had his eye dressed, but would by no mt»ms be
persuaded to go to his house, though the inhabitants of the
town pressingly entreated him, telling him, that no good would
be gained by fighting against these Arabs, but that the best
way would be to surrender the town. But, being a man of
undaunted courage and resolution, he said, they should not
come ofi" so ; that they should not take his standard, and put
his eye out, unrevenged. He considered what a reflection it
would be upon his honour, and how the emperor wuuld look
Ui>on it, if he should suffer himself to be disheartened and
H«j.l3 AD. 634. SIEGE CF DAMASCUS. 133
daunied by the Arabs. The battle continued till night parted
them ; Thomas all the while continued in the gate, medi-
tating revenge. "When it was dark, he sent for the chief
men of the city, and not at all daunted, said to them, " Look
ye, you have to do with a people who have neither good
manners, nor religion, nor any faith or honesty belonging to
them; and if they should make any agreement with you, and
give you security, they will never stand to their word, but lay
*he whole country svaste. And can you bear to see what is
dearest to you invaded, and your poor children made slaves,
and yourselves turned out of house and harbour, and deprived
of all the conveniences of life ?"' To this appeal they repUed,
" That they were ready at his ser\ice, either to fight upon the
walls, or to sally." Upon this he ordered them every man to
make ready with all possible speed and all the silence imagin-
able, that they might not give the least alarm to the Sara-
cens. All the armed men were dra%\Ti up at the several gates,
and upon a signal given by one single stroke upon a bell, the
gates were all opened at the same instant ; the Christians
(some few only excepted, who were left to secure the gates
and the walls) sallied out altogether, and poured in upon the
Saracen camp like a torrent, in hopes of finding them wounded
and tired, and altogether unprovided to receive so vigorous
an attack. The whole camp was immediately alarmed ; and
as soon a* Kaled knew it, he said, " O God, who never
sleepest, look upon thy servants, and do not deliver them into
the hands of their enemies." Then he ordered Feljan Ebn
Zeyad to supply his place, and rode Avdth four hundred men
as fast as he could, for the tears lay upon his cheeks for the
concern he had upon him for his dear Saracens. The care of
Serjabil and Abu Obeidahmade him very anxious, being well
aware of Thomas's valour. AVhen he came near the gate,
he found how things stood ; Thomas had fallen violently
upon the Saracens, and before he came out, commanded hi^
men to give quarter to none but the general ; the engines
playing all the while upon the camp, being worked by the
Jews in Damascus. Thomas was again engaged with his
former adversary Serjabil. Aban's wife was among Serja-
bil's men, and did great execution with her bow and arrows,
till she had spent them all bu4 one, which she kept to niiike
signs with as she saw occasior : presently one of the Christian!
134 HISTOBT OF THE SAKACENS. ABUflEK«n.
advanced up towards her ; she shot him in the throat, and
killed him, and was then taken prisoner. Serjabil at last
struck a violent stroke, which Thomas receiving upon his
buckler, Serjabil's sword broke. Thomas thought himself
«sure of him, and had certainly either killed him, or taken him
prisoner, but Abdarrhaman, and Aban, the son of Othman, who
was afterwards caliph, came up at that instant with a regi-
ment of fresh horse, and rescued both him and Aban's wife.
Thomas, perceiving the Saracens came in so fast upon him,
retired into the city. Abu Obeidah, as we said before,
was posted at the gate Jabiyah ; he was in his tent when the
Christians first sallied out, and immediately went to prayers.
Afterwards, whilst his men were engaged, he took a party,
and got between the Christians and the city ; so that they
were surrounded, and charged on both sides. They made a
quick despatch of them, for never a man that went out at
that gate, returned again. And though those that sallied at
the other gates escaped something better, yet the Christians
had no reason to boast of any advantage, having lost that
night several thousand men.
The Christians, being new quite disheartened, came about
Thomas, with repeated entreaties to surrender ; they told
him, they had lost above half their men, and what were left
were not sufficient for the defence of the town. At last they
told him in plain terms, that he might manage as he pleased
for himself, but for their parts they Avere resolved to get as
good terms for themselves as they could. Thomas, however,
endeavoured to persuade them to wait till he should write to
the Grecian emperor, which accordingly he did without delay.
The Saracens continued vigorously to press the siege, and re-
duced the inhabitants to very great straits, who every day
made a worse defence. For a while at last, they begged o^
Kaled to stay the assault, that they might have a little time
to deliberate. But he turned a deaf ear to them, for he had
rather take the town by force, and put the inhabitants to the
sword, and let his Saracens have the plunder, than that they
should surrender, and have security for their lives and their
property. But Abu Obeidah was of a quite different dispo-
sition, a well-meaning, merciful man, who had rather at all
times that they should surrender, and become tributaries,
than be exposed to any extremity; And this the besieged
H«j.l3. A. D. 834. SIEGE OF DA.MASCtrS. 135
knew very well. One night, therefore, they sent ont a mes-
senger that understood Arabic, through the gate where Abu
Obeidah was posted, who, calling to the sentinels, desired safe
conduct for some of the inhabitants of Damascus to come to
their master Abu Obeidah, in order to confer upon a capitu-
lation. As soon as Abu Obeidah was informed of this, he
was very much pleased, and sent Abu Hobeirah to the
Damascenes, to assure them that they should have free
liberty to go where they pleased. They asked him whether
or no he was one of Mohammed's companions, that they
might depend upon him ? He told them that he was, but
that made no difference ; for if the meanest slave among those
of his religion had given them security, it would have been
all one, for he would have performed it, because God had
said, in the book which he sent to their prophet Mohammed,
" Perform your covenant, for that shall be called to an ac-
count."* Upon this, about a himdred of the chief of the
citizens and clergy went out, and when they came near the
camp, some of the Saracens met them, and, taking off their
girdles, conducted them to Abu Obeidah's tent ; who used
them very civilly, and bid them sit down, and told them that
his prophet Mohammed had commanded them to pay respect
to persons of rank and quality. They were very glad to find
him so courteous, and when they came to talk of terms, they
first desired that their churches might be secured to them,
and not in anyway alienated. He granted them seven churches,
and gave them a -svriting, but did not set his own name to it,
nor any witnesses, because he was not general. Then he
went, attended with about a hundred men, to take posses-
sion. When he came to the gates he demanded hostages ;
which being delivered, he entered into the city.
Kaled was altogether ignorant of this transaction, and was,
at the very same time when this business was concluded,
making a sharp assault at the east gate, being especially pro-
voked at the loss of Kaled Ebn Said (the brother of Amrou
Ebn Al Aas, by the mother's side), whom one of the besieged
had shot with a poisoned arrow. In the meantime, there
came to Kaled from the town one Josias a priest, who told
tim, that having been long conversant with ancient writings
* Koran, chap. xvii. 36,
136 HIS'T'OKY OF THE SAEACENS. Abi'Bkker.
and prophecies, and especially the prophet Daniel, he was
abundantly satisfied of the future greatness of the Saracenic
empire ; and proffered his service to introduce him and his
army into the town, upon condition that Kaled would grant
him security for him and his. Whether any conviction that
he had met with in reading that prophet, or the desire he had
to preserve himself, was the prevailing motive with him, 1
shall not determine. Neither did Kaled much trouble him-
self on this head, but gave him his hand as a pledge that he
would perform the required condition, and sent with him an
hundred men, most of them Homerites, (a warlike tribe of
the Arabs) whom he ordered as soon as they had entered the
city to cry out as loud as they could Allah Acbar, and make
themselves masters of the gates, and break the bolts, and re-
move the chains, that he with the rest of the army might
march into the ci*^y %vithout any difficulty. This was accord-
ingly performed. The poor Christians, as soon as ever they
heard the Tecbir (so the Arabs call the exclamation, Allah
Acbar), knew at once that the city was lost ; and were seized
with such an astonishment, that their very weapons fell ou;
of their hands. Kaled entered at the east gate with his
Saracens, putting all to the sword, and Christian blood
streamed down the streets of Damascus. Thus they went
on murdering all they found, till they came to St. Mary\
church, where they met with Abu Obeidah and his company.
When Kaled saw Abu Obeidah and his men in their march,
and the priests and monks before them, and all the Saracens
with their swords by their sides, not so much as one drawn,
he wondered what was the matter. Abu Obeidah perceived
in him tokens of dislike, and said, " God has delivered the
city into my hands by way of surrender, and saved the be-
lievers the trouble of fighting." At which Kaled was very
angry, and said, that he had taken it by the sword, and they
should have no security. Abu Obeidah told him, that he
had given them an article in writing, which they had here to
show : " And how," said Kaled, " came you to agree with
them, without acquainting me first ? Did not you know me ?
Did not you know that I am your general, and master of your
counsels ? And therefore I will put them every one to the
sword." But Abu Obeidah remonstrated with him saying,
"I did not think, that when I had made an agreement, o»
Hej. 13. A.D 634. SIEGE OF DA-MASCUg. 137
designed to do anything, you would ever have contradicted
me, or have gone about to make it void. But you shall not
make it void, for I have given all these people my protection,
and that in the name of God and his prophet ; and all the
Mussulmans that were with me liked it, and approved it, and
we are not accustomed to be worse than our word."
There was a great noise made on both sides, and Kaled
would not abate his fury. The greedy Arabs that were with
him were eager to fall on, and thirsted after blood and
plimder. The poor inhabitants were now in a very cala-
mitous condition, and all of them would have been mur-
dered or made slaves, if Abu Obeidah had not stood their
friend ; who, seeing the Arabs fall on, killing some and taking
others prisoners, was extremely concerned, and called out in
a passion, " By Allah,* my word is looked upon as nothing,
the covenant which I make is broken." Then he turned his
horse, and rode about among the soldiers, and said, " I ad-
jure you, by the apostle of God, that you meddle with none
of them, till you see how Kaled and I can adjust this matter."
"With much difficulty he made them forbear. At last, the other
generals came up, and they all went together into the church
to debate this affair. Several inclined to the most merciful
side, for which they gave this very weighty reason, viz. That
there were a great many cities still to be taken, and if it
should once be reported about the country, that the Saracens
had broken their engagement, after they had given security,
they could never expect any other place to surrender, but all
would make the most obstinate defence imaginable. At last,
some advised that Kaled shotdd have the disposal of that
part of the town which he had taken by the sword, and Abu
Obeidah of that which he had taken upon articles ; at least
till such time as they could appeal to the caliph, and be de-
termined by his sentence. This was so reasonable a pro-
posal, that Kaled could not refuse it ; so at last he consented
that the people should have their protection, but that no
quarter should be given to Thomas and Herbis, nor any of
their soldiers. Abu Obeidah told him, that they were all
• Arab. "Wallah," an oath frequently used by the Arabs, who do not
account it any profanation of the divine name to swear by it; but rathei
an acknowledgment of his omnipotence and omnipresence ; and therefore
we find it used by the most religious among them.
138 HISTORY OF THE SAHACENS. Abvbekeb.
included, and begged of him not to make any further dis-
turbance about it.
And now we have seen Damascus, the most noble and
ancient city of Syria, taken by the Saracens. "We must now
leave a while the conquerors in possession, and the miserable
inhabitants in their deplorable circumstances, and take a vieAV
of affairs at Medina. Abubeker'^' the caliph died the same
day that Damascus was taken,f which was on Friday the
23d of August, in a.d. 634, and of the Hejirah the 13th.j
There are various reports concerning his death ; some say
that he was poisoned by the Jews, eating rice with Hareth
Ebn Caldah, and that they both died of it within a twelve-
month after.§ But Ayesha says, that he bathed himself upon
a cold day, which threw him into a fever, of which he died
within fifteen days. |1
During Abubeker's sickness he appointed Omar to say
prayers publicly in his place ; and when he perceived himself
near his departure, he called his secretary, and gave him
directions to write as follows :^ —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" This is the testament of Abubeker Ebn Abu Kohafa,
which he made at that time when he was just going out of
this world, and entering into the other ; a time in which the
infidel shall believe, and the wicked person shall be assured,
and the liar shall speak truth ;** I appoint Omar Ebn Al
Khattab my successor over you ; therefore hearken to him,
and obey him. If he does that which is right and just, it is
• Alwakidi.
+ Elmakin. Respecting the date of the capture of Damascus, authorities
differ, some placing it in a.d. 634, and others in a.d. 635. The duration of
the siege, too, is equally uncertain, Elmakin stating it to be six months,
while Abulfeda gives seventy days.
X Abulfeda.
§ Ahmod Ebn Mohammed Ebn Abdi Rabbihi and Abulfeda.
II Dr. Weil, on the authority of the Zaban, says, that this latter account
.s the most probal)le, it being related by Ayesha and AbdaiThaman, the
son and daugliter of Abubeker.
1[ Author of the History of the Holy Land, MS. Arab. Pocock. No. 362.
** That is, the infidel and the wicked shall then be assured of the reality
of those things relating to a future state, which they disbelieved and r.'di-
culed in their lifetime.
He=. 13. A.D. 634.
ABTJBEKER's BEA.TH. 139
what I tliink and know of him. If he does otherwise, every
man must be rewarded according to his works. I intend to
do for the best, but I do not know hidden things ; but those
who do evil shall find the consequences of it. Fare ye well,
md the mercy and blessing of God be upon you."
\\Tien he designed to make Omar his successor, Omar
desired to be excused, and said he had no need of that
place. To which Abubeker answered, that "The place had
need of him," and so appointed him caliph against his will.
Then he gave him such instructions as he thought proper ;
and when Omar was gone out of his presence, he lifted up
his hand, and said, " O God! I intend nothing by this but
ihe people's good. I have set over them the best man among
them ; and yet I fear lest there should be a difference among
them. They are thy servants : unite them with thy hand,
and make their affairs prosperous, and make him a good
governor ; and spread abroad the doctrine of the prophet of
mercy, and make his followers good men."
Elmakin says, that Abubeker was the first that gathered
together the scattered chapters of the Koran, and digested it
into one volume : for in Mohammed's time they were only
in loose and dispersed writings. But when in the war which
they had with Moseilama, of which we have already given
ail account, a great many of those who could read and repeat
the Koran were killed, Abubeker began to be afraid lest any
part of it should be lost. He therefore gathered together
what was extant in ^vriting, or what any of the Mussulmans
could repeat, and making one volume of it, called it Mus-
haph, which in the Arabic tongue signifies a book, or volume.*
This book was committed to the custody of Hafsa, Omar's
daughter, and one of Mohammed's wives. But Joannes
Andreas, who was himself a Moor by birth, and alfaqui, or
chief doctor of the Mussulmans in Sciatinia, in the kingdom
of Valencia in Spain, and afterwards converted to the Chris-
tian religion in the year of our Lord 1487, says, that this
collection was not made till the time of Othman, the third
caliph after Mohammed. Eutychius, in his annals, says the
lame. I believe them both to be mistaken, because I find in
* Abulfeda.
140 HISTORY OF THE SAHA-CENS. AmrBEKar.
Abulfeda * that Othman, when he came to be caliph, observ-
ing the variet}' of different readings which had grown into
the text, copied this book which had been delivered to
Hafsa, and abolished and destroyed all other copies which
differed from it ; obliging all the Mohammedans to receive
this copy as the only authentic Koran. And it was this
action of his. I am fully persuaded, that gave occasion to the
report, that Othman was the first who gathered the chapters
into one volume : a work of so much importance, that it can
scarcely be believed to have escaped the zeal and diligence
of Abubeker and Omar. [See reign of Othman.]
As to the person and character of this caliph,f he was a tall,
lean man, of a ruddy complexion, and a thin beard, which to
make it look more graceful, he used to tinge with such colours
as are frequently used in the eastern countries for this purpose.
He never hoarded any money in the public treasury; but
every Friday at night he distributed all that there was among
persons of merit ; to the soldiers first, and after them to those
that were any other way deserving. His chastity, temperance,
and neglect of the things of this life, were exemplary. He
desired Ayesha to take an account of all that he had gotten
since he was caliph, and distribute it among the Mussulmans ;
being resolved not to be enriched by his preferment, but
serve the public gratis. And this resolution he kept to, never
naving taken out of the public treasury, in return for all his
services, more than three drachmas (a piece of gold in use
among the Arabs at that time, the true value of which is
now unkno^vn to us). The value of his whole inventory
amounted to no more than five of those drachmas ; which,
when Omar heard, he said, that Abubeker had left his suc-
cessor a hard pattern.
It is usual with some authors, when they give characters
of great men, to mention some of their sentences, or wise
sayings ; the Arabs have not been deficient in this particular.
Nisaburiensis (called so from Nisabour, the metropolis of
Khorassan, as it is most common for Arabic authors to be dis-
tinguished by the place of their birth as much as by their
names) has collected in a little book the grave and wtty
gayings of Mohammed and his successors, and some of the
• Kitab Almoctaser phi Abbari'! basilar. ♦ Elmakin.
HeJ. 13. A.D. 634. ABXIBEKEK's DEAIH. 141
kings of Peisia. Among some others which he has recorded
of Abubeker, there are these two very remarkable ones:
" Good actions are a guard against the blows of advereity."
\nd this : " Death is the easiest (or least considerable) of
all things after it, and the hardest of all things before it."
He was sixty-three years old when he died, having reigned
two (lunar) years three months and nine days.
OMAR EBX AL KHATTAB, SECOND CALIPH APTEK
MOHAMMED.
Hej. 13—23, A.D. 634—643.
Abubekee having by his last testament taken care of the
succession, all that disturbance was prevented which had
happened on the death of Mohammed. We do not find in any
author, that Ali or his party made any opposition ; but the
same day that Abubeker died, Omar was invested with the
regal and the pontifical dignity, and saluted by universal con-
sent, "The caliph of the caliph of the apostle of God;" that
is, " The successor of the successor of Mohammed." But
when they considered that this title was something too long;
and that at the coming on of every new caliph, it would grow
longer still, they invented another, which should serve for all
the caliphs to come, and that was, " Amiro'l Mumenina ;"
" Imperator Credentium," " Emperor of the Believers." And
this title was ever afterwards used by all succeeding caliphs,
Omar being the first that was ever called by it.
Being thus confirmed in his new dignity, Omar ascended
the pulpit to make a speech to the people. He did not say
much ; but the substance of it was, " That he should not
have taken such a troublesome charge upon himself, had it
not been for the good opinion that he had of them, and the
great hopes which he had conceived of their perseverance in
then- duty, and doing that which was commendable and praise-
worthy." With this speech the inauguration was concluded,
and ail men went home well satisfied. The ceremony itsell
was simple enough, as in a government which was yet in its
infancy, and had not as yet attained to that grandeur at which
it afterwards arrived.
Omar having taken uoon him the government, was desirous
142 HI3T0IIT OF THE SAEACElfS. Omak.
of nothing more than to make some conquests in Irak. With
this view, he sent Abu Obeidah Ebn Masud with an army,
joining to him Al Mothanna, Amrou, and Salit, who marched
with their forces till they came to Thaalabiyah, where they
pitched their tents near the river. Hereupon, Salit, after
duly considering aU things, and justly fearing that the forces
of the Persians were too great for them to encounter, di(i
what he could to persuade Abu Obeidah Ebn Masud not to
cross the river.^-' He reminded him that the Persians were
evidently much superior in numbers, and therefore it would
be more advisable to reserve themselves for a fairer opportu-
nity, retiring, in the meanwhile, into the deserts, and there
secure themselves as well as they could, till they had sent to
the caliph for fresh supplies. But Abu Obeidah was so far
from being persuaded by what he said, that he called him
coward. At this, Mothanna took him up, and told him, that
what Salit had said was not the eflfect of cowardice, but that
he had only laid before him what he thought the best and
most prudent course. He added that he also was of the same
opinion himself, and he bade him therefore have a care how
he passed over to the enemies' side, lest he should plunge him-
self, and all that were with him, into peril, from which he
would find it difficult to extricate them. But Abu Obeidah,
deaf to all good counsel, and impatient of delay, commanded
a bridge to be immediately made, and marched over his army.
Salit and Mothanna, though they did not at all approve of his
conduct, yet having ofi"ered him their best advice, though in
vain, went over after him. The soldiers followed with a hea-s'y
* Major Price informs us, that on the death of Abubeker, the Persian
government commenced formidable preparations for attacking the force
under Mothanna, who at that time presided over the interests of the new
religion in Irak. About the same time an unknown person appeared to
this commander in a dream, and presenting him with a standard, announced
the dissolution of the Persian empire, and required him to proceed
immediately to Medina, to demand the assistance of Omar. Accordingly
Mothanna repaired to the cahph for reinforcement ; and as a proof that
his fortunes were become the pecuhar care of providence, we are told, that
whilst he and his followers were on a journey through the desert, they lost
their way; but in the midst of their perplexity and alarm, were suddenly
acd miraculously relieved by the voice of an invisible guide, which chant-
ing in a melodious measure the triumph of Islamism, and the prostration
of the itandard of inlidelity, le-conducted them to their proper road.
i
Hej. 14. A.D. 63». WAK WITH PERSIA. 1 i3
heart, grieved at the rashness of their general, which they
had just reason to fear would prove fatal to them.^'
As soon as they were over the bridge, A.bu Obeidah
put his men in battle array, as Avell as the shortness of the
time would permit, the Persian archers firing on them all the
while, and grievously harassing the Mussulmans. However,
Abu Obeidah having got a part of his troops in tolerable
order, charged the Persians so furiously, that, being unable to
keep their ground, they ran away in disorder. Abu Obeidah
pursued them in full assurance of victory. But the Persians
rallying, renewed their charge, and having killed Abu Obei-
dah Ebn Masud, routed the Mussulmans. Those that re-
mained of them made up to the bridge ; Mothanna all the
while, behaving himself like an experienced captain, fought
in the rear, and brought them off with as little loss as could
be expected. At last they got over the bridge, and Mo-
thanna after them ; who was no sooner over than, to prevent
the pursuit of the Persians, he ordered the bridge to be cut
down.f
* Price relates an account of a victory ohtained bv Abu Obeidah over a
body of the enemy stationed on the frontiers of Persia, under the command
of Jaban, a general of distinction. During the battle Jaban was the fore-
most in the ranks, killing several of the Mussulmans with his own hands;
till suddenly, an Arabian warrior brought him to the earth, and bestriding
his bosom, prepared to sever his head from his body. The fatal blow was
suspended by a sudden cry of " La Illah," &c., "There is no God but
God," from the lips of Jaban, who seized the awful pause to offer his victor
a male and female slave of surpassing excellence, if he would spare his life:
the Arab assented, and, accompanied by Jaban, joined his companions, who
made him acquainted nith the rank and importance of his captive, and
observed, that if he had demanded two hundred slaves for a ransom, thev
would have been freely granted. The .Lallant Saracen declared his deter-
mination of being faithful to his engagement, whilst the Persian general
rewarded his generosity, by doubling his ransom, and presenting him with
the addition of two thousand dirhems. Jaban then Ijecame an" immediate
convert to Islamism, and subsequently arose to a distinguished eminence
amongst the believers In the prophet.
+ Price gives the following account of the death of Abu Obeidah.
"In the conflict, the Mussulmans appear to have been thrown into confu-
sion by the elephants disposed along the front of the Persian line, and par-
ticularly by one which was conspicuous for its singular whitenes^and enor-
mous bulk. Abu Obeidah, after making himself acquainted with the most
vulnerable parts, resolved to attack this noble animal. On its back was
seated a Persian of rank, in a rich and splendid amhaurah, and accompanied
by several attendants, who, however, offered no obstacle to the intrepid
144 HISTOET 0"F THE SAEACENS. Omah.
Mothanna having now secured himself, sent the caliph an ac-
count of the whole matter, acquainting him Avith Abu Obeidah's
rashness in passing the river, with so small a number, and
contrary to the opinion of all his officers, together with the
success which had followed so unadvised an undertaking. In
the meanwhile he remained quiet on the near side of the
river, expecting further orders. The caliph commanded him
to secure himself in his camp as well as he could, and not to
stir till he should receive the supplies which he would raise
for him with all possible expedition. Mothanna obeyed the
order; and, without loss of time, the caliph despatched
special messengers to the tribes of the Arabs, commanding
them to raise men for the service, which they speedily per-
formed. The newly-raised soldiers were mustered at Medina,
and Jarir Ebn Abdallah was appointed their general, and sent
with orders to join Mothanna and the rest of the forces, and,
as opportunity should serve, give battle to the Persians.
When Jarir had arrived at Thaalabiyah, where the rest of the
army was, the combined forces marched to Dir Hind, where
they encamped, and made frequent excursions, plundering
and destroying that part of Irak, which lies next the river
Euphrates. Arzemidocht, queen of the Persians, perceiving
the great damage which she every day received from the
Arabian army, thought it high time to look about her, and
having chose out of all the cavalry twelve thousand of the
best horse, and appointed Mahran their general, she sent
them to repress the insolences and outrages of the Arabs.
They marched to Hirah ; where the Arabians having called
back tho.'^e troops which were gone to forage, met them. The
two annies immediately joined battle. Mothanna fought
amongst the thickest of the Persians, and was carried into
the m.idst of their army, but bravely recovered himself, and
returned to his own men. The Persians behaved themselves
Mussulman. His first object was to cut the ropes that secured the am-
haurah, which brought the riders headlong to the earth ; and the animal
now directing its fury against the daring assailant, the latter with a dexterous
sweep of his scimitar, struck oft' the proboscis or trunk of the elephant; but
while endeavouring to withdraw, the foot of Abu Obeidah slipping, he came
to the ground, and the animal thus mortally wounded falling on tlie same
spot, crushed him to death with the weight of his enL»rmous carcase." See
also Malcolm^ History of Persia, vol. i. p. 171.
iTej. U. A.D. 635.
■\VA.K VVITH PERSIA- H5
SO well, that some of the Saracens "began to give ground.
IMothanna perceiving his Arabs flinoli, tore his beard, labour-
ing as much as in him lay, to stay the flight of his men, and
to restore the battle, which in a great measure he accom-
pHshed. And then began a most furious engagement, which
lasted from noon till sunset, neither party giving way or re-
treating. It is hard to say which side would have prevailed,
had not the death of Mahran determined the dreadful issue.
Mothanna meeting him in the battle, they fought hand to
hand. Mahran first struck at Mothanna, but his sword did
not pierce his armour : then immediately Mothanna gave him
such a blow upon his shoulder, that he fell down dead. The
Persians, having lost their general, were quite disheartened,
quitted the field, and fled to Madayen. The Arabs, contented
with the victory, did not pursue them far, but returned to
take care of their wounded, and to bury their dead.
The Persian nobility, perceiving that the Saracens were
every way too strong for them, and had now made themselves
masters of the borders of their country, and were very likely to
seize more of it, began to be very uneasy, and laid all the blame
upon their queen, Arzemidocht. In those eastern countries it
is very common to measure things by success ; and if things go
ill, neither the grand seignior himself, nor the sultan of Persia,
nor the emperor of the Moguls is safe from the murmurs,
and oftentimes mutinies of their subjects. Though things
be managed with all the care and circumspection that human
capacity can be master of, yet if the success does not answer
the expectations of an Eastern people, they never fail to com-
plain of the mal-administration, and represent their princes as
persons unfit for government, either from want of abilities, or
from being imfortunate, in which matter the Eastern nations
are extremely superstitious. This the queen of Persia ex-
perienced. For after this battle was lost, and things went
ill on all sides, the next thing the people said, was,
" This we get by suffering a woman to rule over us ;" as if
all their misfortunes had been owing to her mismanagement;
or, as if they might not have met with the same ill success
under the government of the wisest prince in the world.
However, they considered nothing of this, but resolved to
depose the poor queen ; which they did, and placed Yezde-
iird upon the throne in her stead, a young: man ^f the rcy*^
146 HISTOKY OF THE 6ABACENB.
OMAK.
family, descended from Cosroes the son of Hormisdas. Bat
they did not much mend the matter, the gov.^rnment of this
new king of theirs being even more inauspicious than that of
the queen ; for, in her reign the confines of ihe empire were
only invaded, but in his, all was entirely lost, and the whole ;
kingdom and country of the Persians fell inlo the hands of i
the Mussulmans.
Yezdejird"^' being king,f forthwith raised an army out of
the several provinces of his kingdom, and made Rustam their •!
ii
* Sir John Malcolm places the accession of Yezdejird in Hej. 11. a.d. I
632, But Major Price, whose chronology we have followed where Ockley [
is not explicit, fixes it in Hej. 14. a.d. 63.5. \
f Malcolm, in his History of Persia, relates that one of the first acts of j
Yezdejird on coming to the throne, was to send an envoy to Saad Ebn >
Wakass, who was at that time the general of the caliph's forces, employed
against Persia. Saad, in compliance ■ivith a request communicated by the
envoy, sent a deputation in return, consisting- of three old Arab chiefs.
When these were seated in the presence of Yezdejird, that monarch ad-
dressed himself to the principal person among them in the following words: —
" We have always," said he, " held you in the lowest estimation. Arabs
have hitherto b(,'en only known in Persia as merchants and beggars. Your
food is green lizards, your drink salt water, and your covering garments
made of coarse hair. But of late you have come in numbers to Persia ;
you have eaten of good food, you have drank of sweet water, and have en-
joyed the luxury of soft raiment. You have reported these enjoyments to
your brethren, and they are flocking to partake of them. But, not satisfied
with all the good things you have thus obtained, you desire to impose a new
religion upon us, who are imwilling to receive it. You appear to me,"
continued the monarch, " like the fox of our fable, who went into a garden
where he found plenty of grapes. The generous gardener would not disturb
him. The produce of his abundant ^•ineya^d would, he thought, be little
diminished by a poor hungry fox enjoying himself: but the animal, not
content vnih his good fortune, went and informed all his tribe of the excel-
lence of the grapes, and the good nature of the gardener. The garden waa
filled with foxes; and its indulgent master was forced to bar the gates, and
put to death all the intruders, to save liimself from ruin. However," said j
Yezdejird, "as I am satisfied you have been compelled to the line of con-
duct which j'ou have pursued, from absolute want, I will not only pardon
you, but load your camels «ith wheat and dates, that when you return to
your native land you may feast your countrymen. But be assured, if you
are insensible to my generosity, and remain in Persia, you shall not escape
my just vengeance." The firm and pious envoy heard, unmoved, a speech
that at once displayed the extreme of pride and weakness in the monarch
liy whom it was made. " Whatever thou hast said," he replied, " regard-
ing the former condition of the Arabs is true. Their food was green lizards;
they buried their infant daughters alive ; nay, some of them feasted on
dead carcatc:*, and drank blood ; while others slew their relations, a£«i
Hej. ]4. A.D. G35. WAR WITH PERSIA. H7
general, who was descended of a noble family, and had yeais
and experience sufficient to recommend him to such a post.
Yezdejird gave him orders to march to Hirah, where the
Arabs lay ; and at the same time sent another great army,
under the command of Alharzaman, a Persian nobleman, to
Ehwas, where Abu Musa Alashari, another of Omar's cap-
tains, was foraging and spoiling the country. But all to no
Durpose. As if the end of their empire was at hand, the
Persians could have no success, but were forced to yield before
■.he rising greatness of the Saracenic power.* These two
bought themselves great and valiant when, by such an act, they became
possessed of more property. They were clothed vnth hair garments, knev,-
not good from evil, and made no distinction between that which is lawl'ul
and that which is unlawful. Such M-as our state; but God in his mercy
has sent us, by a holy prophet, a sacred volume, which teaches us the
true fiiith. By it we are commanded to war with infidels, and to exchange
our poor and miserable condition for that of wealth and power. We now
solemnly desire you to receive our religion. If you consent to this, not an
Arab shall enter Persia without your permission; and our leaders will on v
demand the established taxes which all believers are bound to pay. If vou
do not accept our religion, you are required to pay the tribute fixed upon
infidels; and should you reject both these propositions, you must prepare
for war." Yezdejird was still too proud to attend to such degrading con-
ditions of peace. The embassy was dismissed, and the war renewed with
all the vigour of which the declining empire was capable; and, after various
vicissitudes, ended fatally for the Persians.
* The battle of Cadesia, in which the death of Rustam took place, is
too important to be passed over unnoticed. Price informs us, that the
Persian army amounted to 120,000 men, whilst the Arabs imder Saad Ebn
Wakass only numbered 30,000. For three days the victory remained un-
decided ; the first was called the day of concussion ; the second was styled
the day of succours, as on that day the Arabs were unexpectedly rein-
forced ; and the third, in allusion to the carnage, was called the day of
cormorants ; and such was the desperate obstinacy with which the conflict
was maintained through this last day, that it was continued on both sides
by the light of flambeaux, through the whole of the ensuing night. This
nocturnal conflict received the whimsical, though descriptive name of the
night of barking, from the discordant clamours of the troops, resembling
the inarticulate sounds of ferocious animals. On the fourth morning, the
battle was again renewed with a fury and animosity which neither fatigue
nor want of rest seemed sufficient to abate ; but, at the hour of meridian
prayer, an impetuous whirhrind broke away the canopy under which Rus-
tam, on a throne of state, was viewing the action. The Persian general,
unable to endure the heat of the sun, and clouds of sand and dust, with-
drew to his baggage mules, and seated himself on the ground for sheltei
behiud one of the animals. At this moment tlie empty tlirone attracted
h 2
148 HISTORY OF THE SAUACENS. Omar,
Persian generals were killed, and both their armies entirely
routed and defeated.*
the attention of Kaukia the son of Amrou ; and at the same lime one of
his followers named Hullaul approached the mule, and cutting the fasten-
ings which secured his load, let fall one of the bags of treasure on the
loins of the ill-fated Rustam, who compelled by pain and imminence oi
danger, threw himself into a neighbouring rivulet. Attracted by his rich
coat of mail and splendid tiara, Hullaul immediately pursued him, plunged
into the stream, seized him by the heels, and striking oif his head, fixed it
on the point of his lance ; then mounting the throne, he from thence pro-
claimed the defeat of the Persians and victory of the caliph. The booty
was immense. But what gave its chief importance to the action, was the
capture of the famous Darufsh-e-Kawanee, or the royal standard of the
Persian empire ; an event which waa deemed both by Persians and
Arabians a certain presage of the result of the war. It consisted of a
leathern apron of a blacksmith, who, in ancient times had arisen to be
the deliverer of Persia ; but this badge of heroic poverty had, in the
course of time, become enlarged to the almost incredible dimensions of
twenty-two feet in length, and fifteen in breadth, and was disguised and
almost concealed by a profusion of precious gems. See also Malcolm's
Persia, vol. i. Price places the date of this battle in Hej. 15. a.d. 636.
He further records that such was Omar's anxiety respecting the issue of
the contest, that he was accustomed to walk several leagues every day on
the road towards Arabian Irak. On one of these excursions he met the
messenger riding on a camel with extraordinary expedition towards Medina,
from whom he learned that the believers were triumphant, and their adver-
saries in the dust. In the exultation of his heart, the caliph ran by the side
of the courier till he entered the town, when discovering the name and
quality of his inquisitive fellow traveller, the messenger delivered the lettere
to Omar, who immediately read them aloud to the people to their infinite
joy and gratification.
* Amongst the Mussulmans that distinguished themselves at the battle of
Cadesia, Abu Midjan is particularly mentioned. While his associates
were engaged in the conflict, this chieftain was imprisoned in the house of
Saad for singing a wine song; and as he was seated on a terrace, with
fetters on his legs, he could view the battle from the distance, but of course
\vithout being able to participate in the achievements of his fellow soldiers.
At length his ardour could be restrained no longer, and he succeeded in
persuading the wife of Saad to procure him the horse and armour of her
husband, he promising at the same time to resume his fetters if he lived
till the evening. He was soon engaged on the field, where his singular
valour, and impetiious and irresistible career, excited the admiration and
astonishment of all parties. Saad, the general, was soon attracted by his
extraordinary prowess, and began to think it must be the immortal Enoch,
or St. John the Evangelist himself, whilst his astonishment was not a lit'.Ie
increased by noticing that the unknown warrior was arrayed in his armour,
and riding his horse. At the end of the conflict Abu Midjan went back to
his prison, and resumed his fetters; whilst Saad, returning to his wife, told
her how the battle would have "been lost if an intrepid stranger, either a
Hej. 13. A-B. 634. SIEGE OP DAMASCUS. 149
And now the series of our history requires us to re' arn to
the Damascenes, whom we left just at that time when Abu
Obeidah Ebn Al Jerath had with the greatest diificultyand
most earnest entreaty prevailed on Kaled to ratify the articles
which he had made with the besiegrd. Having at last with
much ado succeeded in this, he told them that they were at
their liberty to go where they pleased ; but reminded them,
that when they were out of the bounds of that part of the
country which was taken by the Mussulmans, they were also
out of their protection, and free from any article or agree-
ment whatsoever. Not content with this, the Christians
desired their protection for the space of three days, which
way soever they went, and that none of the Saracens should
pursue them during that time; after which they must be
man or angel, had not been sent by the Almighty to their assistance, who
had changed the fortune of the day. The wife of Saad then ventured ta
disclose to him the whole of the mysterv% and the general rushing to tha
fettered chieftain, immediately released "him, and presenting him with his
horse and armour, promised never more to punish him for enjoying wine;
whereupon Abu Midjan replied thus, " I drank as long as I knew that the
scourge of an earthly magistrate could cleanse me of my sin, but now that
I am consigned to the tribunal of God, I drink no more." It seema
that a short time previously Omar had ordered Abu Midjan to be scourged
for drinking ^rine, and banished him to an island, but he escaped from
them, and fled to the army in Irak.
Musudi has preserved the song of Abu Midjan, which we thus translate
from the German version of Dr. Weil : —
" When the angel of death shall close my eye
Let my grave be midst the vines on the hill;
For though deep in the earth my bones may lie,
The juice of the grape shall nourish them still.
" Oh, bury me not in unfruitful land,
Or death to me will be terror and gloom ,
Whilst fearless and bold I shall wait his hand
If cheered by the hope of the vine's perfume."
Several years afterwards a son of Abu Midjan's once went to the caliph
Moawyah, who said to him, " Art thou the son of that man who wished to
be biu'ied in a vineyard V repeating the above verses. " If you will allow
me," the son replied, " I will read to you some very different verses of my
father." Accordingly, with Moawyah 's permission, he recited a poem in
which he estimates virtue and courage above riches. It is related that
upon Ab'i Midjan's grave three vine-trees were planted, which bore
beautiful fruit. — See Price's Mohammedan History; and Weil, Geschichte
der _ChaUfen, &c.
150 HISTOBT OF THK SARACEN'S.
Omah,
content to take their fortune. To which proposal Kaled con-
sented, but told them withal, that they should carry nothing
with them out of the city but provision ; which provoked
Abu Obeidah afresh, who answered, that to use them so
would still be a breach of promise, he having engaged to
give them leave to go out with bag and baggage. " Then,"
said Kaled, " if they have that, they shall have no arms."
To which Herbis answered, that they must have arms, it
being impossible for them to travel safely without. Abu
Obeidah said, " Then let every one of them have something ;
he that has a lance shall have no sword, and he that takes a
bow shall have no lance ;" with which they were pretty well
contented. Thomas and Herbis were the captains of this
unhappy caravan, who had now lost all but what they could
carry away ; and instead of lofty and stately palaces, pleasant
gardens, and delicious fare, must be glad to shift about where
they can, and expose themselves to all the difficulties and
hazards of a tedious journey, without any regard to age,
sex, or degree. The tender and delicate lady, that once
scarcely knew how to set her foot upon the ground, must
now be forced to go through inhospitable deserts and craggy
mountains, deprived not only of her superfluities, but of all
the conveniences, and even the very necessaries of Hfe.
Thomas pitched a tent on the outside of the city, and ordered
his men to bring the best of the things, the plate, jewels,
silk, and the like, into it, in order to pack them up and carry
them away. The Emperor Heraclius had then in Damascus
a wardrobe, in which there were above three hundred loads
of dyed silks and cloths of gold, which were all packed up.
The poor miserable wretches took every one what they could
any way carry, of the best things they had, and made all
possible haste to be gone. Damascus, once their joy and
delight, could now no more be thought on without regret.
The emperor's daughter went out among the rest which fol-
lowed Thomas and Herbis. Derar (who was vexed at the
heart because Abu Obeidah had let them come off so well)
stood by as they went out, and gnashed his teeth for spite
and indignation. The princess thought that the reason of
his anger was because ©f the spoil, and said to him as she
passed by, " "WTiat is the reason, Derar, that you mutter
thus? Do not you know that with God there are more and
HeJ. 3.A.D.634. DEPAHIURE OF THE DAMASCENES. 151
better things than these are :"' Derar swore that it was not
the plunder that he valued ; but what vexed him was the
people's escaping, and not being all murdered ; adding, that
Abu Obeidah had done a great injury to the Mussulmans in
giving them quarter. Athi Ebn Ammar hearing him say sr ,
answered, " That Abu Obeidah had done for the best ^ji
preventing the eflPasion of the blood of the Mussulmans (the
most sacred thing under the sun), and gi\ing them rest from
their labours. Besides, God has made the hearts of the true
believers the seat of mercy, and those of the infidels the seat
of cruelty. And God ha? said in some of the inspired books,
that he was most merciful; and that he would not show
mercy but only to the mercifid."' Then he quoted a passage
in the Koran, to prove that agreement was better.* Derar
told him, that he talked like an honest man, but he swore that,
for his part, he would never have mercy upon any that said t^'^t
God had a son, and joined a partner with God. Those ot the
citizens who chose to stay behind, and be tributaries, ha'»-ing
remained, the rest, which were by far the greater number,
went away, Thomas and Herbis having paid Abu Obeidah
what had been covenanted for, as the ransom of their
lives and liberties. But we must leave this miserable com-
pany on their march for a short time, and prepare our ears
fm?-a very remarkable relation. •>
( Kaled (O bloody and insatiable Saracen !), when he saw
these poor ^vretches carry away the small remainder of their
plentiful fortunes, felt a great deal of regret. So mortally
did he hate the Christians, that to see one of them alive was
death to him. What does he do ? Whj, he orders his men
to keep themselves and their horses in good condition, tolling
them, that after the three days were expired (for so long only
had they a safe conduct) he designed to pursue them. And
he said his mind told him that they should still overtake
them, and have all the plunder ; " and," says he, " they have
left nothing valuable behind them, but have taken along with
them all the best of their clothes, and plate, and jewels,
and whatever is worth carrying." Having thus prepared for
his journev, another dispute arose between him and the
townsmen that stayed behind, concerning a quantity cf wheat
and barley. The townsmen who had surrendered to Abu
" Konn, chap, iv, "27.
1
152 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS. Oma».
Obeidah said that it belonged to them ; Kaled said that it
was his (and so indeed was everything of the Christians that
he could lay his hands upon). Abu Obeidah, who was
always more courteous to the Christians than could have been
expected from a Saracen, took the citizens' part. The con-
tention grew so high, that they had like once more to have
fallen together by the ears, till at last it was settled that they
should write to Abubeker about it, of whose death they had
not yet received the news. This disturbance detained Kaled
from pursuing the poor Damascenes. And as now four days
and as many nights had passed since they went away, he had
but little hopes of overtaking them ; for he was well assured
that they would as soon as possible secure themselves in
some walled town. He would, therefore, have quite laid aside
the thoughts of following them, had it not been for the fol-
lowing unfortvmate circumstance.
The reader may be pleased to remember, that during the
siege, Derar Ben Alazwar had two thousand men given him,
with whom he was ordered to ride round about and survey
the camp, lest they should be surprised, either by any suc-
cours from the emperor, or sallies from the town. It chanced
one night, as some of these men were upon duty, they heard
a horse neigh, which came out of the gate Keisan. They
stood still, and let him alone till he came up close to them,
and took his rider prisoner. Immediately after, there came
another horseman out of the same gate, who called the man
that was taken prisoner by his nMie. The Saracens bade
him answer him, that he also might come up and be taken by
them. But instead of this, the prisoner cried out aloud in
Greek, " The bird is taken." The person he spoke to under-
stood his meaning very well, and returned back into the city,
ut the Saracens could not tell what he said ; all that they
knew was, that by his means they had lost another prisoner.
Upon which they had like to have killed him, but upon better
consideration they resolved to carry him to the general Kaled,
for him to dispose of him at his pleasure. Kaled asked him what
he was. " I am," said he, " a nobleman ; and I married a
young lady, whom I loved as my life ; and when I sent for
her to be sent home to me, her parents gave me a very con-
temptuous answer, and said that they had something else to
do. Wherefore I took a convenient opportunity of speaking
H«j. 13. A.D. 634. THE LOVEU's STOKY. 153
with her, and we agreed to come out together in the evening,
and for this purpose I gave a good round sum of money to
him that was upon the guard that night. I coming out tirst,
was surprised by your men, and to prevent her falling into
your hands, I called out, ' The bird is taken ;' she, aj pre-
hending my meaning, went back with the two servants that
were Avith her; and who can blame me?" "Well," said
Kaled, " and what have you to say to the Mohammedan
religion ? If you like that, when we take the city you shall
have your wife ; if not, you are a dead man." The poor
wretch being surprised, and not having faith enough to die a
martyr, renounced his Christianity, and made confession of
his Mohammedanism in these, words, " I testify that there is
but one God ; he has no partner ; and Mohammed is the
apostle of God." Then he was entirely theirs, and used tc
fight among them valiantly. When the city was surrendered,
he went with all speed to find his beloved. Upon inquiry,
he received information that she had shut herself up in a
nunnery, which was true enough ; for she never expected to
see him more, after he was once fallen into the hands of the
Saracens ; and since all her joy and delight in this world was
gone, she resolved to spend the rest of her days in the con-
templation of a better one. He, however, goes to the church
where she was, expecting to be received with abundance of
joy ; but in this he was very much deceived ; for he no sooner
made himself kno%\Ti, and acquainted her with the change of
his religion, but she treated him with the utmost contempt
and aversion, justly thinking that he, who had first renounced
his Christianity, ought himself to be renounced by her ; nor
did the remembrance of former love, nor the consideration of
the extremity which had obliged him to it, move her, noi
beget in her one softer thought towards him ; but she con-
tinued firm in her resolution to bid adieu to all the enjoy-
ments of this present life, and never to converse with him
any more. Wherefore, when Thomas and Herbis, attended
with the rest of the miserable Damascenes, went away, she
went along with them. Her departm-e wounded her husband
(Jonas) to the heart ; he very much pressed Kaled to detain
her by force ; who answ'ered, that since they had surrendered
themselves, it could not be done ; but they must all of them
have free liberty to go where they pleased. Here then is the
154 HISTOHT OF THE SARACENS. Omar.
main-spring of this action. As soon as Jonas understood
that Kaled had a design of pursuing the Damascenes, he was
very forward, and teased him to go, and proffered his sen-ice
to be their guide. But, as we have said before, Kaled, who
was willing to pursue them after three days were expired,
was obliged to stay longer upon the account of the contro-
versy concerning the corn ; and therefore he thought four
days too much advantage on their side, and would most cer-
tainly have laid aside all thoughts of it, if it had not been for
the incessant importunity of this wretched apostate, who was
resolved to gratify his own humour, though it were by be-
traying into the h^nds of merciless and unrelenting Saracens
thousands of his innocent countrjTnen, women, and children,
who had already suffered so grievously under the calamities
and distresses of a consuming war. However, nothing would
satisfy him but this woman ; and when Kaled told him they
were too far gone, he never ceased spurring him forwards,
telling him that he knew all the country, and the nearest way
to follow them ; and whatever else he could think on to en-
courage the undertaking. Kaled, who of himself was never
loath to go about anything that afforded the least prospect of
success, yielded to his importunity, and so the journey was
concluded upon.
Kaled chose out four thousand of the best horse, which
Jonas ordered to be clothed in the habit of Christian Arabs,
that, as they had to travel through the enemy's country,
they might pass unsuspected. Then, committing the care of
the to^\^l and army to Abu Obeidah, they departed. It was
no hard matter to follow such a great multitude of people as
went out of Damascus, for besides that the footsteps of their
mules were visible enough, they scattered things enough in
their hasty flight to direct the pursuit of those who came
after. The Saracens kept riding night and day, and never
stood still, but only in prayer time. For a long time together
they could trace them very plainly, but at last there appeared
no footsteps at all, nor any signs by which they might form
the slightest guess which way they were gone. " What's the
news now?" said Kaled to Jonas. "Oh," says he, "they
are turned out of the great road, for fear of being pursued ;
you are in a manner as sure of them as if you had already
taken them." So he turns them out of the high road, and
Hej. 13 A.D. 634. PURSUIT OF THE CHKISTIAXS. 155
leads them among the mountains, where travelling was
wretchedly bad. The way was so extremely rough and
uneven, that they could not ride without the greatest hazard.
The horses struck fire at every step, or beat off their shoes,
and battered their hoofs to pieces. It being absolutely
unsafe for them to ride, they were forced to alight, and even
then they could scarcely proceed on foot, and those who
had strong boots on had the soles torn off from the upper
leathers. The Saracens, though used to a great many hard-
ships, began to murmur, and to wish themselves again in the
right road. In short, every man, except the indefatigable
lover, was heartily tired. Kaled himself could not tell what
to think, but complained to Jonas, telling him that it was all
his doing that they were in this unpleasant situation. At
last, perceiving a great many footsteps, they felt confident
that they were on the right track. Upon this Kaled called
to his men to mend their pace, but they told him they were
quite tired and worn out, and must of necessity stay a while
and bait, before they proceeded any further. When, there-
fore, they had refreshed their horses, they went on, being
mistaken by the country people wherever they passed for
Christian Ai-abs. WTien, however, the guide brought them
to Jabalah and Laodicea, they were afraid to pass through
those towns, lest they should be discovered. At last Jonas
inquired of a countryman about the fugitives, and was told
that the emperor having heard that they were upon their
march towards Antioch, and fearing lest by their coming, and
giving a terrible account of the terrors of the siege and the
courage of the Saracens, his owti soldiers should be dis-
heartened, had sent an express to forbid them to come any
nearer to Antioch, and to command them to go to Con-
stantinople. He told him also, that the emperor was raising
forces to send to Yermouk.* ^^^len Jonas had received this
intelligence, he was greatly at a loss what to do. Kaled
now inquired of him the news, and he told him that there
was no hope of overtaking the fugitives, and besides, that
there was but one mountain between them and the place
where the emperor's officers were raising forces to send
against them. As soon as Kalad heard him mention the
♦ Sept. 1, 634
156 HISTORY OF THE SASACENS. 0>uh
forces, he turned as pale as ashes. Derar, who in all his
lifetime had never before observed in him any signs of fear,
asked him what was the matter. "Alas," says he, "it is
not that I fear death, or anything that may befall myself,
but because I am afraid lest the emperor's forces should get
to Damascus in my absence, and do our people some mis-
chief. And I am the more anxious because of a dream which
I had not long since, and cannot tell the meaning of." Upon
this one of the men asked him what it was, and when he had
told it, Abdarrhaman, soldier like, interpreted it in favour of
the Saracens, and accordingly they continued their march.
In the next night there fell much rain, which put them to a
great deal of inconvenience, but the poor Damascenes to
much more. In the morning, however, after a tedious march,
the latter came upon a pleasant meadow, and the sun shone
cheeringly upon them. Glad of the opportunity, they sat
down to rest their weary limbs, and spread out their wet
clothes to dry. A great many of them, quite tired and
fatigued, lay doAvn to sleep.
In this posture the p\irsuers found them. And to the
Saracens also the sight of the meadow was so pleasant and
diverting, especially after they had been so harassed with
that dismal journey through the rocks and mountains, that
they had like to have forgot what they came about. There
they saw the purling streams, the fine flowers, and unspeak-
able variety of rich silks and all sorts of colours, curiously
wrought, spread all over the meadow ; all which together
afforded them a very entertaining prospect, extremely de-
lightful and refreshing. In preparation for the attack, Kaled
divided his four thousand men into four regiments. The
first was commanded by Derar Ebn Alazwar, the second by
Rafi Ebn Omeirah, the third by Abdarrhaman, Abubeker's
son. Kaled himself brought up the fourth, having first
charged the officers that they should not make their appear-
ance all at once, but foUow one another at short intervals, as
by this way they were most likely to strike terror into the
Damascenes. This was a stratagem frequently used by the
Saracens, both in their pitched battles and in their sieges.
He next bade them not to begin till they had seen him fall
on, and not to touch any of the plunder till the fight was
over. After a short pause, Kaled, beginning the at'.ack more
Hej. 13. A.D. CW. -FEMALE INTREPIDITY. 157
like a lion or a tigei than a man, bade his men fall upon the
enemies of God. The Christians quickly recognised them,
but seeing but a few of them at first, they despised the
smalhiess of their numbers, and prepared to fight. Thomas
and Herbis having encouraged their men, and put them in as
good order as the time would permit, the former engaged
Kalcd with five thousand men, and after a sharp conflict was
killed, and his men routed. As soon as Abdarrhaman saw
Thomas fall from his horse, he alighted, and cut off his head,
and putting it upon the point of the standard of the cross,
called out, "Alas for you, you Grecian dogs, here's your
master's head."
Whilst they were thus engaged, it is no hard matter to
guess what was become of Jonas. He too was engaged, but
after a different manner, being among the women, in search
of his lady. As Rafi Ebn Omeirah was riding along, he saw
him at a distance fighting with his lady, and at last throw
her violently against the ground, and take her prisoner.
Whilst Rafi was making up to them, the women stood upon
their defence, and assaulted him with a shower of stones.
At last a young lady happened to hit his horse in the fore-
head, and killed it. Rafi ran after her with his sword
drawn, and was just about to strike off her head, when slie
cried " Quarter," and he took her prisoner. She was a
person of no less dignity than the emperor's daughter, and
the wife of Thomas — a princess of incomparable features,
richly dressed, and adorned with many jewels. When Rafi
had safely disposed of this valuable prize, he came to the
place where Jonas was, and found him bathed in tears, and
his lady weltering in blood. Upon Rafi inquiring what was
the matter, Jonas wrung his hands, and said, " Alas for ms,
the most miserable man in the world ! I came to this woman,
whom I loved above all things in this life, and would fain
have persuaded her to return with me ; but she continuing
obstinate because I had changed my religion, and vowing she
would go to Constantinople, and there end her days in a
nunnery, I resolved therefore, as I could not persuade her
by fair means, to make myself master of her by force ; so 1
threw her down, and took her prisoner. W^hen she saw that
she was in my power, she sat quietly for a while, but then
wcretly drawing out a knife, she stabbed herself in the
158 H18T0BT OF THE SARACENS. Omar.
breast before 1 could be aware of her intention, and fell down
dead immediately." Rafi, hearing this lamentabL story,
wept too, and said, " God did not design that you should
live with her, and therefore has provided better for you."
" What's that ?" said Jonas. " I'll show you," answered
Rafi, " a prisoner I have taken, a person of admirable beauty,
and richly dressed, whom, to recompense you for your loss, I
will present to you." When they came together, Jonas and
the princess talked together in Greek, and Rafi freely gave
her to him.
In the meantime Kaled was employed in searching for
Herbis. At last, seeing a tall and powerful man richly
dressed, and taking him. at the moment to be the antagonist
he was in quest of, he beat him down to the ground with his
lance, saying, " Alas for thee, Herbis, didst thou think to
escape me ?" The man, who could speak Arabic, told him
fhat he was not Herbis, but if he would spare him he would
give him more than he was aware of. "No quarter," says
Kaled, "unless you direct me to Herbis, that I may kill him;
but if you do this, I will let you go your way without ran-
som." " Well," says the man, " 111 tell you ; but first make
a firm agreement with me, that if I show you where he is
you will let me go." " Yes," says Kaled, " if he falls into
my hands." " This is one of your tricks," said the Christian,
"just as you gave us security and protection, and then after-
wards followed us to this place, when we never expected any
one should have pursued us ; so in the same manner you now
tell me that if Herbis falls into your hands, you will_ let ma
go. I can tell you where he is, but how can I promise that
he shall fall into your hands ?" At this Kaled was angry,
and said, "Thou Christian dog! dost thou accuse us of
breach of promise, who are the companions of the apostle of
God ? When we promise anything, we are as good as our
word. We did not come out after you till the fourth day
was expired." With this explanation the Christian being
satisfied, desired him to get off" from him, that he might
show him where Herbis was, for Kaled, after he had once
beaten him down, sat upon him all the while. Being per-
mitted t5 rise, he looked abovit a while, and pointing out to
Kaled a party of horse at a distance, told him that Herbia
was among them. Kaled, upon this, called a Saiacen to
^ Hej. 13. A.D. 634. SLATTGHTER OF THE FUGITIVES. 159
him, and bad 3 him take care of the Christian, whom he
assured that if Herbis was among that company, he should
be let go, but if he was caught in a lie, he should lose his
head. When Kaled reached the spot which had been
pointed out to him, he dismounted, and betook himself to
his sword and target; and whilst he was fighting among the
thickest of the Christians, Herbis came behind him, and
gave him such a blow that he cleaved his helmet through to
his turban, but with the violence of the stroke his sword fell
out of his hand. At this juncture Kaled's men came in to
his assistance, and falling upon the Christians, cut them all
to pieces. When they had thus slaughtered every one of
those miserable creatures, who had escaped at the taking of
Damascus, Kaled called for the man that had shown him the
; way to Herbis, and told him, that since he had performed
what he had promised, the Saracens, on their part, would do
the same to him ; only they were obliged first to exhort and
admonish him. Accordingly Kaled asked him whether he
could find in his heart to become " one of the fasting and
praying people, the followers of Mohammed ?" Upon his
refusing to change his religion, they dismissed him, and he
took the road towards Constantinople. Of all the numerous
train that followed Thomas and Herbis out of the gates of
Damascus, he was the only one, so far as the Saracens knew,
that escaped being killed or taken prisoner.
Kaled, when he came back, asked Jonas what was become
of his wife ; who gave him an account of that dismal story
which we have already related. When he heard of the
princess who had been taken prisoner, he commanded her to
be brought into his presence ; and when he beheld her ex-
cellent beauty, fair proportion, and agreeable mien, he turned
away his head, and said, " Glory be to thee, O God ! we
praise thee, who createst what thou pleasest." Then he told
Jonas that if the emperor did not redeem her, he should have
her. Jonas thankfully accepted his present, and the same
time reminded Kaled that they were in a difficult country,
and that it was high time to be marching, for they might be
sure that what they had done would be noised about the
country, and that it would not be long ere they were pursued.
And in fact, before they got back to Damascus, they saw a
cloud of dust behind them. Upon <vhich Kaled desjatches a
160 HISTORY OF THE SABACE^S. OvA&i
Bcout to reconnoitre the party that was follo^vmg them.
The scout having discovered the crosses in the colours,
brought him word quickly that it was a body of Christians.
Contrary, however, to the expectation of the Saracens, they
had no hostile intentions ; but an old man, advancing before
the rest of his party, requested to be conducted to the
general of the Saracens, whom he begged in the emperor' s
name to liberate the princess his daughter. Kaled. having
advised with Jonas about it, consented to let her go : saying
to the old man, " Tell your master that there will never be
any peace between him and me till I have gotten every foot
of land he has ; and though I have sent him his daughter
now, I hope one of these days to have himself in her stead."
Not long after this they reached Damascus, where they
were the more welcome, the more their long absence had
made their friends there despair of their return. Old Abu
Obeidah was surprised at Kaled's valour. The latter, re-
serving a fifth part of the spoils to be sent to the caliph, and
put into the public treasury, according to the precept in the
Koran,* distributed the rest among the soldiers. He gave
Jonas a good round sum to buy him a wife. But, in a very
melancholy tone, Jonas assured him that he would never
entertain any such thoughts again in this world, but his next
wife should be one of those black-eyed women mentioned in
the Koran. f He continued among the Saracens, and did
them great service on many occasions, till at last, at the
battle of Yermouk, he was shot through the breast. Thus
fell the apostate. However, for the encouragement of pro-
selytes, my author (for more sorts of people than one will lie
for religion) tells us, that after he was dead, he was seen in
a vision by Rafi Ebn Omeirah very richly clothed, and with
gold shoes upon his feet, walking in a most beautiful verdant
meadow ; and on being asked by Rafi what God had done
for him, he answered, that he had given him seventy young
women, so bright and beautiful, that if any one of them
should appear in this world, the sun and moon would be
dimmed before the resplendency of her beauty. When
Kaled heard of this vision, he said, " This it is to be s
martyr, happy is he that attains to it."
• Chap. viii. 15. t Chap. lii. 19; Ivi. •2-2.
Hej. 13. A.n. 634 DEPOSITION OF KALED. 161
Kaled, not having yet received advice of Abubeker's death,
wrote a letter to acquaint him with the taking of Damascus,
the controversy between him and Abu Obeidah, and the
recovery of the spoil which the Damascenes had carried
away. The messenger, being come to Medina, wondered to
find Omar in Abubeker's stead ; and Omar, on his part,
finding the letter directed to Abubeker, was no less surprised
that the Saracens in Syria should be still ignorant of the
change in the government, and told the messenger that he
had written to Abu Obeidah about it, and, superseding Kaled,
had given him the chief command over the Mussulmans in
Syria, though he believed that Abu Obeidah was not over-
anxious for so responsible a post. The truth of it is, Abu
Obeidah had received the letter, but kept it private ; for
being a very modest man, and one that had not the least
spark of ambition in him, he was very unwilling to take the
commission out of Kaled"s hands. He therefore took no
notice of it to Kaled, nor said anything to hinder his writing
to the caliph upon his return from the pursuit of the Damas-
cenes. Omar, in short, respected Abu Obeidah for his piety,
but had no opinion at all of Kaled,
One day as the caliph was speaking to the people from the
pulpit (for at this time it was usual for the caliphs to talk
about all public concerns in a very familiar manner to the
people), he mentioned his taking away Kaled's commission,
and conferring that charge upon Abu Obeidah. Upon this a
young man among those present took the liberty to tell him
that he was surprised he should deprive a person like Kaled,
who had been the instrument of such signal successes to the
Mussulmans ; and especially when Abubeker, though many
about him urged him to depose Kaled, refused, answering,
" That he would not lay aside nor sheath that sword which
God had drawn for the assistance of the true religion."
Lastly, the youth told Omar that if he did depose him, he
must answer for it to God. Omar made but very little
answer, but coming down from the pulpit, considered of it
that night. The next day he came again, and told them,
that since the care and charge of the Mussulmans was com-
mitted to him, he thought himself bound to take the best
care of them he could, as one that must one day render
account. For that reason he was resolved to dispose of
M
162 HISTOKT OP THE SARACENS. Omak.
places of trust to such as deserveJ them, and not to such as
did not. Therefore he would give the command of the army
to Abu Obeidah, whom he knew to be a man of a tender and
gentle disposition, and one that would be kind to the Mus-
sulmans. " He did not approve of Kaled," he said, " because
he was prodigal and extravagant ;" adding, " I would not
have your enemies think that it is at all the better for them
because I have deposed a fierce man, and put a mild one in
his place, for God will be with him, to assist and strengthen
him." Upon this he came down from the pulpit, and taking
a sheet of parchment, ^vrote to Abu Obeidah a long letter,
full of good advice. He told him that he had given him the
chief command of the army, and hoped he would not be too
modest, but accept the appointment, and bade him take care
not to expose the Mussulmans to danger from any hope of
getting plunder. (In these last words he very plainly implied
his displeasure Mdth Kaled for following the Damascenes into
the enemy's country.) He then charged him not to be de-
ceived with this present world, and by that means, like a
great many before him, lose his soul : and bade him look upon
those who had already gone the way of man, and assure
himself that he must follow them. Then he went on to add,
" As for the wheat and barley, it belongs to the Mussulmans,
and so does the gold and silver, but there must be a fifth
taken out of it.* As for the controversy between you and
Kaled concerning the city having been surrendered or taken
by the sword, it was surrendered. You must have it your
way; you are commander-in-chief, and have the power of de-
termining that matter. If, then, the townsmen did surrender
upon condition that they should have the wheat and barley,
let them have it. As for Kaled's pursuing the Damascenes,-
it was a rash enterprise, and if God had not been very mer-
ciful, he would not have come off so well. Then again the
taking the emperor's daughter prisoner, and afterwards letting
her go unransomed, was prodigally done. You might have
had a large sum of money for her, Avhich would have done
much benefit to the poor Mussulmans. Farewell," &c.
Having sealed it up, he called Shaddad Ben Aus, and
ordered him to proceed to the army, where, after publiclT
* Koran, chap. viii. 15.
Hej. 13. A.D. 634. KALED's EESIGNATIUN. 163
reading the letter, he was forthwith to cause the Mussulmans
to proclaim him caliph in Damascus, upon which occasion he
was to be his representative. Shaddad Ben Aus, accompanied
by Amrou Ben Abi Wakkas, made all haste to get to Da-
mascus, where he went at once to Kaled"s tent, and having
paid his respects, told him how the government M'as
disposed of, and that he had a letter from the new caliph,
which was to be read in the hearing of the Mussulmans
Kaled did not like that very well, for he knew that Omar
was not well affected towards him. And while they all wept
when they heard of Abubeker's death, Kaled swore " That
as there was nothing upon the earth dearer to him than
Abubeker, so there was none for whom he had a greater aver-
sion than for Omar. However, since Abubeker was dead,
and had appointed Omar his successor, he was quite willing
to submit to God and to Omar." ' Then the letter was read,
and the same day being the first of October, in the year of
our Lord 634, Shaddad was proclaimed caliph at Damascus
as Omar's representative. Upon this Kaled resigned his
commission, and Abu Obeidah took upon himself the whole
charge of the army, and all the affairs of the Mussulmans in
Syria. Abu Obeidah was afraid that Kaled would have
taken disgust at his removal, and (what is generally the
eflFect of want of encouragement) have been remiss in his
duties. But he fully allayed all such suspicion by his great
achievements in the action at Dair Abi'l Kodas, or " The
Monastery of the Holy Father."*
* Major Price, who fixes the date of the capture of Damascus in Hej,
14. A.D. 635, informs us that the siege was proceeding at the time of Abu-
beker's death. The original authorities from whom he q lotes also state,
that in the heat of action with a very superior force of the enemy, a mes-
senger trom Medina privately announced to Kaled that Abubeker was no
more. With that presence of mind which in the crisis of danger never
forsook this daring and intrepid chief, he seized the opportunity of deriving
from the incident the only advantage of which it was capable. He pro-
claimed to his followers, that the messenger announced the approach of a
powerful reinforcement of twelve thousand of their gallant brethren; and
w i'st the intelligence circulated, and inspired fresh confidence thr^ agh the
army, he secretly demanded from the messenger who it was that liad
succeeded to the sovereignty of the Mussulmans, and was told that Omar
was now caliph. "Then am I superseded," said Kaled; to which the
messenger replied in the affirmative, and told him that the command of the
Army had devolved on Abu Obeidah. Notwithstanding, however, thaw
M 2
164 HISTORY OP THE SAKAUEXS. Oj«a»
Dair Abi'l Kodas lies between Tripoli and Harran. la
this place there lived a priest eminent to such a degree for
his singular learning, piety, and austerity of life, that young
and old, rich and poor, used to frequent his house, to ask
his blessing, and receive his instructions. There was no
person, whatsoever his rank or quality, that thought him-
self happy if he had not his prayers ; and whenever a young
couple among the rich and noble were married, they never failed
to seek his blessing. Every Easter a great fair was kept at
his house, where they sold rich silks and satins, plate and
jewels, and costly furniture of all sorts. Now it happened
that Abu Obeidah, being in possession of Damascus, was at
a loss to decide whither he should go next. One time he
had thoughts of turning to Jerusalem ; another, to Antioch.
\Vhilst he was thus deliberating, a Christian who was living
under the protection of the Saracens, informed him of this
great fair, which was held about thirty miles distant from
Damascus. When he learned that the fair was usually held
without any guards, the hopes of an easy conquest, and large
spoil, tempted him. Looking round about upon the Mussul-
mans, he asked which of them would undertake to command
the forces he should send upon such an expedition ; and at
the same time, cast his eye upon Kaled, but was ashamed tc
command him that had been so lately his superior officer.
Kaled understood his meaning ; but having been laid aside
was a little envious, so that he would not proffer his ser-
vice. At last Abdallah Ebn Jaafar (whose mother, after
the death of his father Jaafar, who was killed in the wars,
was remarried to Abubeker,) offered himself. Abu Obeidah
accepted him cheerfully, and gave him a standard and five
hundred horse, of whom there was never a man but had
been in several battles. The Christian who had first in-
formed them of this fair was their guide, and Avhilst they
stayed to rest themselves in their march, he went for-
ward to take a view of the fair. He brought back a very
discouraging account; for there had never been such a fair
seen before, " There," he told them, " was a most prodigious
unfavourable considerations, Kaled urged his troops with fresh ardour
against the Greeks, and obtained a complete victory ; after which he
repaired to Abu Obeidah, apprized him of the succession of Omar and
bis 5wn degradatioq, and quietly resigned his authority."
Hej. 13. A J). 634. FAIR AT DAIR ABl'l, KODAS. 16&
number of people, abundance of clergy, officers, courtiers
and soldiers." The occasion which had brought together tliii
unusual concourse was, that the prefect of Tripoli had mar-
ried his daughter to a great man, and they had brought the
young lady to this reverend priest, to receive the communion
at his hands. He added, that taking them altogether, Greeks
Armenians, Coptics, Jews, and Christians, there could be nw
fewer than ten thousand people, besides five thousand horse,
which formed the lady's guard. Abdallah asked his friends
what they thought of it ? They told him that it was the
best way to go back again, and not to rush headlong into cer-
tain destruction. To which he answered, " That he was
afraid, if he should do so, God would be angry with him,
and reckon him amongst the number of those who are back-
ward in his service ; and so he should be miserable. I am
not," said he, " willing to go back before I fight ; and if any
one will help me, God reward him ; if not, I shall not bf
angry with him." The rest of the Saracens hearing that
were ashamed to flinch from him, and told him he might d(
as he pleased, they were ready at his command. " Now,"
says Abdallah to the guide, " come along with us, and you
shall see what the companions of the apostle of God are able
to perform." "Not I," answered the guide, " go yourselves ;
I have nothing to say to you." Abdallah persuaded him,
with a great many good words, to bear them company till they
came within sight of the fair. Having conducted them as
far as he thought fit, he bade them stay there, and lie close
till morning. In the morning they consulted which way to
attack them to the best advantage. Omar Ebn Rebiyah
thought it most advisable to wait till the people had opened
their wares and the fair had been begun, and then to fall
upon them when they were all employed. This advice was
approved by all. Abdallah divided his men into five troops,
and ordered them to charge in five different places, and not
to regard the spoil, nor the taking of prisoners, but to put all
to the sword. When they came near the monastery, they
saw the Christians assembled around it in great numbers.
The reverend father had begun his sermon, and they thronged
on all sides to hear him. The young lady was in the monas-
tery, and her guard stood round about it, with a great many
of the nobility and officers richly clothed. When Abdallah
156 HISTOEY or THE SAKACENS. Omar.
saw this number of people, he was not in the least discouraged,
but turned himself about to the Saracens, and said, " The
apostle of God has said, that paradise is under the shadow of
swords ; either we shall succeed, and then we shall have all
the plunder, or else die, and so, the next way to paradise."
These words were no sooner out of his mouth, than he
fell upon the crowd, and piade a bloody slaughter. AVhen
the Christians heard the shouts of the Saracens, crying,
" Allah Acbar," they were amazed and confounded, imagin-
ing that the whole Saracen army had come from Damascus,
and fallen upon them ; which put them at first into a most
terrible consternation. But when they had taken time to
consider and look about themselves a little, and saw that
there was but a handful of men, they took courage, and
hemmed them in round on every side, so that Abdallah and
his party were like a little island in the midst of the ocean.*
As soon as Abdallah Ebn Anis (the reader is desired to ob-
serve the distinction of names, for a great many of them are
very much alike) perceived that Abdallah Ebn Jaafar was in
so great danger, he immediately turned his horse, and rather
flew than rode to Abu Obeidah, who asked him what news.
Ebn Anis told him, that Abdallah, and all the Mussulmans
with him were in imminent hazard of being lost ; and if they
were not instantly succoured, would infallibly be cut all to
pieces. And now it was high time to look out for Kaled, —
none like him and Derar in a case of extremity. So Abu
Obeidah turned to him and said, " I beg of thee, for God"s
sake, not to fail me in this exigency, but go and help thy
brethren the Mussulmans." Kaled swore, that if Omar had
given the command of the army to a child, he would have
obeyed him ; adding, that he would not contradict him, but
respected him as one that came into the profession of the
Mohammedan religion before himself. All that were present
were wonderfully pleased wdth Kaled's modest answer, which
does indeed deserve to be particularly taken notice of, espe-
cially considering how lately he had been turned out of his
commission. Abu Obeidah exhorted him to lose no time,
• Arabic, " Were like a white spot in a black camel's skin." A camel
being a creature very frequent and very serviceable in the Ettstem coun-
tries, they often mention and allude to it in their proverbs-
Hej 13. A. D. 634. BATTLE AT DAIE ABl'l, KOTLAS. 167
and he immediately put on his armour, among which was the
coat of mail which he had taken from Moseilama, the false
prophet. Then he put oi his helmet, and over that a cap,
which he called the blessed .'ap, as it had received Moham-
med's benediction ; — on wnich account he valued it more
than all his armour besides, and used frequently to attribute
his security and success to it.
Kaled's men were soon ready, and away they flew with all
possible speed : and if we consider the circumstances, they
had need make as much haste as they did ; for that small num-
ber of Saracens which had made the first attack was quite
lost and overwhelmed in that great multitude of Christians,
and there was scarce any of them but w^hat had more wounds
than one. In short, they were at their last gasp, and had
nothing left to comfort them but paradise. While they were
thus fighting against such fearful odds, they saw about sun-
set a cloud of dust, and presently discerned a body of horse-
men coming towards them at full speed, Avhich at first did
rather abate than add to their courage, for they imagined at
first that they were Christians. At last Kaled appeared, fierce
as a lion, with his colours flying in his hand, and immediately
made up to Abdallah, who with much ado had borne up his
standard all this Avhile, and was now quite spent. But as
soon as they heard Kaled" s voice, and saw the Mohammedan
banner, these sinking, drooping Saracens, who were scarcely
able to hold their swords, as if they had had new blood and
spirits infused into them, took fresh courage, and altogether
rent the skies with a shout of Allah Acbar. And then Ab-
dallah, on the one side, charged the guard which was posted
round the monastery, and Derar Ben Al Azwar attacked it
on the other. The prefect of Tripoli himself engaged with
Derar, and got him do\vn. As they struggled together, the pre-
fect being uppermost, Derar secretly drew a knife, which he
carried about him against such emergencies, and mortally
stabbed him. Then mounting the prefect's horse, cried out,
Allah Acbar. Whilst Derar was fighting with the prefect,
Abdallah Ebn Jaafar had taken possession of the monastery,
but meddled with nothing in it, till Kaled came back, whc
was gone in pursuit of those Christians he had beaten, and
followed them to a river which was between them and Tripoli.
The Greeks, havmg crossed the river, Kaled pursued them
168 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Oiuui.
no farther. On his return, he foimd the Saracens in the monas-
tery. For the spoil they seized all the silks, clothes, house-
hold stuff, fruits, and provision, that were in the fair ; and all
the hangings, money, and plate in the house; and made cap-
tives of the young lady the governor's daughter, and forty
maids that waited upon her. So they loaded all their jewels,
wealth, and furniture, upon horses, mules, and asses, and
returned to Damascus, having left nothing behind them in
the house but the old monks.
While the Saracens were thus driving off the spoil, Kaled
called out to the old priest in the house, who wovdd not
vouchsafe him an answer. When he called a second time ;
•' What would you have ?" said the priest, " Get you gone
about your business ; and assure yourself, that God's venge-
ance will light upon your head, for spilling the blood of so
many Christians." " How can that be," said Kaled, " when
God has commanded us to fight with you, and kill you ?* and
if the apostle of God, of blessed memory, had not commanded
us to let such men as you are alone, you should not have escaped
any more than the rest, but I would have put you to a most
cruel death." The poor monk held his peace at this, and
answered him never a word.
Abu Obeidah was all the while waiting with great anxiety
for the issue. When they returned, he received them with
all imaginable expressions of kindness and affection, taking
most particular notice of Kaled and Abdallah. Having re-
served a fifth of the spoil,! he distributed the rest among the
soldiers. He gave the prefect's horse and saddle to Derar
Ebn Al Azwar, who made a present of them to his sister
Caulah. She, as soon as she had them, picked out all the
precious stones and jewels, of which there was a great num-
ber in the trappings and saddle, and divided them among the
women of her acquaintance. Then they presented to Abu
Obeidah the prisoners, among which was the prefect's
daughter. Abdallah desired to have her for himself; but Abu
Obeidah begged of him to stay till he could write to the caliph
about it, and have his leave. Omar ordered him to let him
have her, and he kept her till the reign ofYezid( which began in
the year 679) who begged her of him, and had her. Among ^he
♦ Koran, chap. viii. 40. + Id. chap. viii. 42.
Mej. 15. * u. 634. DESPATCHES OF ABtT OBEIDAH. 169
spoil there were a great many rich clothes curiously Avrought.
and upon one of them was a representation of our blessed
Saviour, which was carried with the rest into Arabia Felix,
and sold for ten times its weight in gold. Whether the
esteem they had for the person it represented, or the fineness
of tlie work, raised it to such a price, my author does not
enable us to determine ; but I believe it was both. Then
Abu Obeidah sent a letter to the caliph, in which he gave him
a particular account of this last victory, and praised Kaled ex-
tremely ; telling him how modestly and obediently he behaved
himself, and how bravely he had fought, and desired that he
would be so kind as to write to him, in order to encourage
him. But I have nowhere found that the caliph paid any
attention to this request, for the old gentleman always turn-
ed a deaf ear to every thing that was said in praise of Kaled.
Whatever the reason was, it is most certain he did not like
him."'-' Among other particulars of which Abu Obeidah wrote
to the caliph, was a request that he might be permitted to go
and besiege either Antioch, (then the seat of the Grecian
emperor, who upon the taking of Damascus had removed
thither from Hems)f or else Jerusalem, which he pleased. He
also acquainted him with the fact, that the MussiJmans had
learned to drink wine in Syria. The messenger went with
the letter to Medina, and found Omar with his friends in the
mosque. When Omar had read the letter, and came to that
last particular, he showed it to Ali, afterwards caliph, and
asked him what he thought of it ? Ali gravely answered,
that whoever drank wine, should have fourscore stripes upon
the soles of their feet. Omar sent word to Abu Obeidah to
deal with them accordingly, and svv^ore, " That nothing would
suit with those fellows, but poverty and hardship ; whereas
it would better become them to direct their intentions aright,
and observe the commands of their most mighty Lord, and
serve him, and believe in him, and give him thanks." Abu
Obeidah, having received the letter, punished the offenders
according to order ; and he exhorted his men, if any of them
were conscious of having been guilty of this fault, to come
• See ante. p. 86, note.
t Though some writers say his residence was Antioch before the Szmi-
OfjTJi came into Syria.
170 HISTOEY OP THE SAKAC£XS.
Omae.
forward in testimony of the sincerity of their repentance, and
voluntarily submit to this penance. Upon which a great
many came forward, and freely submitted to the punishment,
ha^ang no accuser but their own conscience. Then he ac-
quainted them with his design of inarching to Antioch,
against the Grecian dog, for that was the best compliment
they could afford the emperor. The Saracens, according to
their custom, encouraged him to fight against the enemies of
God, and assured him they were ready at his service. He
told them, that he would go to Aleppo first, and then to
Antioch. "When they were ready to march, he called Kaled,
and ordered him to lead the van, and take the flag which
Abubeker had given him at first, \iz.., the black eagle. With
him went Derar, Rafi Ebn Omeirah, and several others of
note, with a considerable rrjLriber of men. Then leaving in
Damascus a garrison of five hundred horse, under the com-
mand of Sefwan Ebn Amir, he himself marched after them.
MTien he came up with them, he ordered Kaled to ravage the
country around Hems and Kennisrin, while he himself took
the road to Baalbec, formerly called Heliopolis. As he was
upon his march towards this place, and came near to Jush-
iyah, the governor of that town came out to meet him with a
present, and made a truce with him for one whole year ;
stipulating to surrender to the Saracens as soon as they should
have conquered Baalbec, Hems, and Labwah. To this Abu
Obeidah consented, upon the further condition that he should
pay him down four thousand pieces of gold, and fifty silk
vests. This being done, he went forward on his route,
and presently observed one upon a camel come riding towards
him full speed. When he drew near, Abu Obeidah knew
him to be Asamah Ebn Zeid ; who, making his camel kneel,
alighted ; and, having paid his respects, delivered him the
following letter.
o
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From the servant of God, Omar Ebn Al Khattab, to his
lieutenant, greeting. I praise the only God, besides whom
there is no other ; and I pray for his prophet Mohammed,
■upon whom be the blessing of God. There is no turning
back the decree and determination of God; and he that is
H«j. 14. A.D. 635. OMAK's LETTER TO ABU OBEIDAH. 171
written an infidel in the secret book,"^' shall have no faith.
My speaking thus is occasioned by Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, of
the tribe of Gassan. who came to us with his relations, and
the chief men of his tribe, whom I received and entertained
kindly. They made profession of the true religion before
me ; and I was glad that God has strengthened the true re-
ligion, and the professors of it, by their coming in, and
knowing what was in secret. We went together on pilgrim-
age to Mecca, and Jabalah went round the temple seven
times. As he was going round, it chanced that a man of the
tribe of Fezarah trod upon his vest, so that it fell from his
shoulders. Jabalah turned himself about, and said, ' Woe
be to thee ! Thou hast uncovered my back in the sacred
temple of God.' The man swore that he did not intend it.
But Jabalah boxed him, broke his nose, and beat out four of
his fore teeth. The poor man hastened to me, and made his
complaint, desiring my assistance. I commanded Jabalah to
be brought before me, and asked him what moved him to .
beat his brother Mussulman after this fashion, and knock hi>;
teeth out, and break his nose. He told me that the man had
trodden upon his vest, and uncovered his back ; adding, that
if it had not been for the reverence he bore to the holy
temple, he would have killed him. I told him he had made
a fair confession against himself ; and if the injured person
would not forgive him, I must proceed with him by way of
retaliation. f He answered, that he was a king, and the other
* The Mohammedans believe that there is kept in heaven a register of
all persons and things, which they call " Allauh ho'hnehphoud," " the
table which is kept secret." In this book all the decrees of God, and
whatsoever shall come to pass, are supposed to be written.
t Retaliation, or " lex talionis," according to which the offending person
b to suffer the same hurt which he doth to another, was commanded the
Jews, Exod. xxi. 24. " Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot
for foot." It is also expressly enjoined by Mohammed, Koran ii. 173, who
probably borrowed it, as he did a great many other things, from the Jews.
The ipodem Rabbins interpret this command of the ^Nlosaical law as in-
flicting nothing more than a pecuniary mulct. Don Isaac Abarbanel has a
great many arguments to prove that it ought not to be understood in a
literal sense. To instance in one or two : He asks, suppose the offending,
person should have but one eye, or one hand, ought he to be deprived of
the one, because he had struck out an eye or cut off another man's hand
that had two ? Again, how would it be possible for a judge to inflict a
punishment, which should be exactly the same with the injury, since thai
172 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. OttAO,
a peasant. I told him, no matter for that, they were both
Mussulmans, and in that respect equal. Upon which he
desired that his punishment might be deferred till the next
day. I asked the injured person whether he was willing to
stay so long. To which he gave his consent. In the night,
Jabalah and his friends made their escape, and he is gone to
the Grec*ian dog ; but I hope in God that he will give thee
the victory over him. Sit down before Hems, and keep close
to it ; and send thy spies towards Antioch, for fear of the
Christian Arabs. Health and happiness, and the blessing of
God, be upon thee and all the Mussulmans."
What might not be expected from a government in which
there flourished such impartial administration of justice?
Abu Obeidah having read over the letter, first to himself and
then to the Mussulmans, went on towards Hems (whither
Kaled was gone before with a third part of the army), and
sat down before it in November, in the year of our Lord
635. The governor of the town chanced to die that same
day that Kaled came before it. The inhabitants had ex-
pected that the Saracens would have taken Baalbec in their
way, before they came to Hems, and were consequently but
ill provided for sustaining a siege. Upon this account, and
in hopes of gaining an opportunity to augment their stores,
they determined to apply to Abu Obeidah for a truce, telling
him, that if the Saracens conquered Haleb (Aleppo), Alhadir,
and Kinnasrin, and beat the emperor's forces, they would
then open to him their gates. Abu Obeidah told them he
was ready to make a truce Avith them for the space of one
whole year, and no longer, which was to commence on the
first day of Dulhagjah of the present year, and expire on the
last day of the month Sjewal, in the following year, being
the 15th of the Hejirah, upon condition that they paid him
down ten thousand pieces of gold, and two hundred silk
vests. The cessation of hostilities was no sooner concluded
stroke might prove mortal to one man, which was not so to another; and
80 a man might pay for a wound which was not mortal, mth the loss of
his life ? Thus far Abarbanel. But the practice of the Mohammedans
is contrary. The injured person, however, may if he pleases accept of any
other satisfaction; but if he comes to a judge, and demands retaliation, ne
Vi obliged to let him have it.
H«j U. A.D. 635. THE SARACENS AT HEMS. I73
upon, than the Hemessens opened their gates, and came out
and held a naarket in the Saracen camp. The Arabians, en-
riched with the spoils of the country, gave them whatever
they asked, and never stood for a price ; so that the citizens
made a good thing of it. In the meantime the Arabian horse
foraged all about the country, both far and near. Among
the rest, Mesab Ebn Moharib brought in abundance of spoil,
sheep and oxen, with a great many horses and camels laden
with furniture, and four hundred captives, making most piteous
lamentation for the calamity which had befallen them. Abu
Obeidah, moved with compassion, asked them why they did
not come into the profession of the Mohammedan religion, and
by that means secure their lives and fortvmes, wives and
children. They told him that they were altogether surprised,
not expecting any hostilities from the Saracens, from whom
they were divided by so great a distance. Abu Obeidah,
having asked advice of the Mussulmans, and they referring
the matter wholly to his decision, set four pieces of gold upon
every head, as Omar had instructed him to do in such cases,
and laying tribute upon them, and having bound them, each
one in their several respective capacities to assist the Mussul-
mans, should an opportunity occur, gave them all their cattle,
furniture, wives, and children back again, having first entered
their names, and the places of their habitation, in a book
which he kept for that purpose. The poor people were over-
joyed to find t.iemselves in such a happy condition, after
having been p mged into the depth of despair ; and on their
march, and upon their return home, acquainted their neigh-
bours with the unexpected favour which they had received at
the hands of the Saracens.
This conduct greatly facilitated the subsequent conquests of
the Arabians ; for whereas an unrelenting cruelty would have
made every one desperate, and driven him to fight it out to
the last drop of blood, now, when they saw there was a pos-
sibility of enjoying their religion, and a competency, by sub-
mitting themselves to those who would otherwise have taken
all that they had by force, and either have murdered them
every one, or at best made them slaves ; a great many chose
rather to embrace the former condition Avhile yet it was open
to them, than run the risk of incurring the latter. By tins
means the Saracens were greatly strengthened, for they made
174 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEJTS. Omar.
use of these people on all occasions. They seized them for
. interpreters, for the guides of their marches, and for sevenil
• other purposes. It was from them also that they received
advice of all the movements of the Christians, and intelli-
gence of whatever was meditated or attempted to their dis-
advantage. Quickly after the news of Abu Obeidali"s gentle
behaviour flew about the country, a great many of the Greeks,
came in upon the same terms, whose names he also entered
in his book, and dismissed peaceably. The inhabitants of
Alhadir and Kinnisrin hearing this, entertained some thoughts
of following their example ; and without the notice of their
governor, Luke,* who Avas a warlike man, privately, re-
solved to make a vigorous resistance. This Luke had an
antipathy against the governor of Aleppo, insomuch, that
when Heraclius sent for them both to consult which was. the
best way to manage the Avar, and both of them had assured
him they would do their best, they nevertheless Avould not
join their forces together, but looked each man to the defence
of his OAvn province. As soon as Luke understood that his
people were disposed to submit themselves to the Saracens, he
was very much displeased ; but, in hopes of preventing their
design by stratagem, he dissembled his anger, and, calling a
council, asked their advice. They told him, that they under-
stood that the Arabs were a people that received into their
protection such as came to them, and used to stand to their
Avord. Thus, since they had come into Syria, their constant
practice had indeed been to kill and make slaves of all Avho
opposed them, but at the same time to protect all such as
submitted in the peaceable enjoyment of their possessions:
for Avhich reason they thought it most adA'isable to folloAv
the example of their neighbours. He ansAvered, that they
Avere in the right, and therefore he Avas ready to make a truce
with the Saracens till the emperor's succours should arrive,
.and then they might oppress them Avhen they least suspected
it. Upon this he despatches Astachar, a priest, a very learned
man, master of the Arabic tongue, and thoroughly versed in
the JeAvish and Christian theology, Avith a letter to the Sara-
cen general. In this composition he magnified the greatness
of the emperor, and the strength of the place ; adding, that
all attempts upon it Avould be in A-ain, not only upon the
• Some Arabic authors call him Matthias.
M«3. 14 k.D. G35. PKOPOSED TRUCE. 175
account of its being well fortified ^nd furnished with plenty
of military stores, but because the emperor was now laisinj:;
a vast army in Europe, which would shortly be transported
over the Bosphorus, and mustered at TjTe, for the relief of
Syria. Notwithstanding all these advantages, they were
nevertheless desirous to live at quiet, and were willing to
have a year's truce, if the general of the Saracens would
agree to set a mark at their bounds, that if any of the Sara-
cen horse, in their foraging expeditions, came that way and
saw the sign, they should go no further to do any mischief in
their country. This truce, however, if agreed upon between
them, must remain a secret, and must not be made known to
Heraclius the emperor, for fear of his displeasure. "With
these instructions Astachar goes to Hems, where he found
the Mohammedans at prayers. As soon as their orisons were
concluded, Abu Obeidah admits him, and when he was about
to bow down to the ground, would not suffer him. When.
Kaled had heard the contents of the letter, he did not like it,
but shook his head, and said, that it did not look like the
style of a man that desired peace in earnest ; and would fain
have persuaded Abu Obeidah not to hearken to him. " But,"
said he, " let us go to the place, and, by ]\Iohammed, I will
make that city a prey to the Mussulmans, if it please God,
and a terror to the rest." " Softly !"' said Abu Obeidah,
•' no man knows the hearts of men, but God only." " Well
then," answered Kaled, " make no agreement with them,
unless it be for good and all ; and if they will accept of this,
well and good ; if not, let them alone. I hope, by the help
of God, I shall be a match for them." Astachar was sur-
prised at Kaled" s roughness, and said, that the character
which he had heard of the Arabs was not true ; for the
Christians had been informed that they were very gentle and
courteous to all such persons as came to seek their protection.
" But now," adds he, " I find the contrary ; for I come to
propose terms of peace, and you are not willing to accept
them." To which Kaled answered, that they had great
reason to suspect the sincerity of these overtures, and were
not willing to be imposed upon. They feared that if there
should come any assistance from the emperor, and the towns-
people saw that the advantage was on their own side, they
would then be the first to take up arms against the Saracens,
176 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Omar.
notwithstanding their present pretended desire of peace.
However, the Saracpns were ready to contract a truce with
them for a twelvemonth, upon condition, that if the Grecian
emperor sent an army into the neighbourhood, the inhabitants
of the city should keep themselves within their own walls,
and not stir out to their assistance. This being consented to,
Astachar asked for a copy of the agreement, which Abu
Obeidah having given him, he next desired that his towns-
men might be permitted to set up some sign at the limits of
their territories, that when the Saracens saw it they might
not forage in their country. Abu Obeidah said he would
take care to have it done. But Astachar told him, he need
not trouble any of his own men, for they intended, with his
leave, to do it themselves. Accordingly, the Greeks erected
at their boundaries a pillar,* upon the top of which was a
statue of the Grecian emperor sitting upon his throne.
All things being thus made easy for a while between the Sa-
racens and the governor of Kinnisrin, an unlucky accident had
lilce to have occasioned a misunderstanding between them.
Some of the Saracen horse passing that way, and observing
the curious workmanship of the pillar, admired it. They spent
some time in viewing it, riding past it backward and forward,
and exercising themselves round about it. At last, as one
of them, javelin in hand, rode by it in full career, the iron
which was fastened in the lower end of the javelin, acci-
dentally struck out one of the eyes of the carved emperor.
This was no sooner known among the Greeks, than they
misconstrued it into flagrant indignity offered to the em-
peror in effigy, and a manifest breach of the truce, and
messengers were forthwith despatched to Abu Obeidah, who
clamorously expostulated with him upon the injury, and in-
sisted upon satisfaction. He assured them that it was his
intention to keep his word inviolably, and that he was quite
confident that whoever did it had no design to show any
disrespect to the emperor ; and to prove the sincerity of his
professions, professed his readiness to make them any reason-
able satisfaction in his power. Nothing would satisfy them
but retaliation ; the afl"ront offered to the emperor must be
returned upon the caliph. When in making this demand,
• This saiDf! storv is in Eutychiua'j Annals.
Hej. 14. A.I). 63J. THE CALIPH'S LETTER. 177
their spokesman expressed himself unwarily, and talked of
putting out one of Omar's eyes, the rude Saracens under-
standing his words literally, were so enraged, that they would
have rushed upon them instantly, and killed them upon the
spot, had not Abu Obeidah restrained them, by telling them
that these people wanted sense, and must be borne with
patiently. He then told the messengers that they might set
up his own statue if they would, and do what they pleased
with it. But nothing would serve but the statue of the
caliph. To which, wearied out with their importunity, he at
last consented. They having made a statue to represent
Omar, and put two glass eyes in the head of it, ordered
one of their men to strike out one of them with a lance.
And thus, having received what they deemed sufficient re-
paration for the injury done them, they were pacified.
Abu Obeidah continued at Hems, sending out his horse
to forage, and waiting with great impatience for the expira-
tion of the truce, which had tied up his hands from commit-
ting any hostility within the territories of Hems, Alhadir,
and Kinnisrin. Omar, in the meantime, wondered at Abu
Obeidah"s silence, and not having heard of any consi-
derable action a long time, grew very angry. At last he
wrote a short, snapping sort of a letter to Abu Obeidah, as
follows : —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Omar Ebn Al Khattab, to Abu Obeidah Ebn Al
Jerahh, his lieutenant in Syria, greeting. — I praise God, be-
sides whom there is no other : and I pray for his prophet
Mohammed, upon whom be the blessing of God. I command
thee to put thy trust in God; and I bid thee take heed
that thou be not one of those concerning whom God-'
says : —
" Say, if your parents, or children, or friends, or wives, or
families, or the riches you have gained, or the merchandise'
which you are afraid you should not sell, or the houses
which you delight in, be dearer to you than God and his
apostle, and the fighting for his service ; stay till God shall
• So tliey quote the Koran, but when they mention any of Mohammed's
sayings, the; set down his name.
K
178 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACENS Omam.
accomplish what he has decreed. God does not direct taose
that do wickedly.' "*
The Mussulmans had no sooner heard the letter, than they
perfectly understood that it was intended to rebuke them for
their negligence. As for Abu Obeidah, he heartily re-
pented that he had ever granted a truce to the inhabitants
of Alhadir and Kinnisrin, and all the Mussulmans wept for
sorrow, because they had been so remiss in their duty ; and
asked Abu Obeidah why he sat still, and did not lead them
forth to fight the battles of the Lord ? desiring him at the
same time to leave Kinnisrin and march either to Aleppo or
Antioch, saying that by the time one of these should be
taken, the truce would be expired. Upon this he set out
for Aleppo, and having left Salmah with a party of horse
at Hems, the first considerable place that he came to was
Arrestan ; from this town he marched to Hamah (after-
wards the seat of the famous Abulfeda), and from thence
to Shaizar. With all these places he made truce upon
conditions. At Shaizar, he received information, that the
governor of Kinnisrin, contrary to the articles of truce, had
^vl'itten to the emperor for fresh supplies, who had sent Ja-
balah Ebn Al Ayham to his assistance. Upon which, Abu
Obeidah deferred his intended march to Aleppo, designing
to fall upon Kinnisrin, as soon as the truce, which had now
quite a month to run, ^ould have expired. The governor
of Kinnisrin having gone out to meet Jabalah, was inter-
cepted by Kaled, who having ventured upon that undertaking
with an inconsiderable number of men, was in the greatest
danger, for the prefect of Ammouriyah having come to the
assistance of the governor, he was on every side surrounded
with the Christians. Though he had slain the prefect of
Kinnisrin, in single combat, upon E-afi Ebn Omeirah saying
to him, " Our time is come," he answered, " That he be-
lieved so, because he had forgot his cap, which used to do
him such singular service, and which he should not have left
behind him, if it had not been so decreed." Speedy relief,
* This is the twenty-fourth verse of the ninth chapter of the Koran, in
which, as also in a multitude of other places, Mohammed introduces God
^»e»king to him thus, " Say" [to the people], " if your parents," &c.
Hej. U. A.D. 635. KINNISKIN TAKEH. 179
however, arriving from Abu Obeidah, contrary to all expec-
tation, they safely escaped to the main body.
Abu Obeidah having now fully resolved to besiege Kinnis-
rin, sent forward a party of horse to forage and lay waste
all the country round about. All the prisoners they took
were sent to the caliph, and he took care to put the boys to
the writing school, in obedience to the command of their
prophet Mohammed; who, though he could neither write nor
read himself, was very well sensible of the use of it. The
inhabitants of Kinnisrin having lost their governor, h,nd hav-
ing no hopes of relief, sued for protection, and submitted to
pay tribute, being first polled, according to Omar's order, at
the rate of four ducats a head. Kinnisrin being taken, Abu
Obeidah called his Mussulmans together, and said, " Come,
now, and God's blessing be with you: give your advice; for
God in the mighty book (meaning the Koran), has said to
his prophet Mohammed, ' Ask their advice in a matter, and
trust upon God ;' and the apostle of God has said, ' He that
takes advice is secure.' Now, then, what think ye ; shall we
go to Aleppo, or Antioch ?" They answered, that as the
time of the truce which he had made with the neighbouring
places was almost expired, they were of opinion, that it would
be most advisable to take them in their way, before they
moved any further into the country. Especially they thought
it expedient to reduce Baalbec, where they had reason to ex-
pect a vigorous opposition. _Abu Obeidah hereupon, leaving
Kaled to besiege Hems, marched himself to Baalbec. On
their arrival before this city, the Saracens found they had not
been at all wrong in their expectation ; for the place was
very well fortified, and stored with warlike provision. On
their march to Baalbec, the Saracens having intercepted a
caravan Avith four hundred loads of silks and sugars, Abu
Obeidah put none of the merchants to death (as not bearing
arms), but allowed them to ransom themselves. Some of
them going to Baalbec, acquainted the inhabitants with the
loss of the caravan, who, in hopes of recovering it, went out
under the conduct of Herbis their governor, to the numbor
of six thousand horse, attended with a multitude of the un-
disciplined rabble. For they imagined that the main bodyo
the Saracen army still lay at Hems, and that the caravan lad
been plundered only by a party of foragers. Encountering
N 2
180 HISTORY OF THE SAKACEXS. 0.ma»
therefore, Abu Obeidah with his whole force, at so manifest
a disadvantage, they were overthrown and routed. Her bis
their general receiving no less than seven wounds, and with
great difficulty and hazard make good his retreat to the
city. When Abu Obeidah came before it, he resolved to be-
siege it closely. Mead Ebn Jabal told Abu Obeidah that he
knew the town was so crowded, that the people were almost
treading one upon another, and he thought it could scarce
contain them all ; adding, "If we hold on against it, we
hope, at last, God will deliver it into the hands of the Mus-
sulmans ; for God will not cease to give the earth for an in-
heritance to his servants the saints ; because he has said,
' We have written in the Psalms, that my servants the.
saints shall inherit the earth. "* The next day Abu Obeidah
wrote a letter to the besieged, in which he put them in mind
of the victories which God had already, granted to the faith-
ful over all their adversaries, and offered to make peace with
them, paying tribute as others had done before them. This
letter he gave to a countryman that was under their protection,
adding a reward of twenty pieces of silver, saying, " That
he was not one to make use of a man's service, and not pay him
for it." The messenger coming to the wall, the townspeople
let doMTi a rope, by which, when he had tied it about his
middle, they drew him up. The letter being read (for Abu
Obeidah, when he wrote to the Greeks, made use of a Greek
secretary) ; the besieged were divided in their opinions, a
great many being disposed to surrender, which Herbis the
governor was so adverse to, that he tore the letter in pieces,
and threw it to the messenger, commanding him to be forth-
with sent back to Abu Obeidah, which was all the answer he
vouchsafed to give to him.
The Saracens, upon this, attempted to storm the city, but
were bravely repulsed by the besieged, who from the walls
did them a great deal of damage with their engines. The
valour of the citizens, together with the extreme coldness of
the weather, made the Saracens glad to draw off from the
Assault. The next morning, after prayers were over, a crier
went round the camp, in the general's name, forbidding a
pian of them to stir, or to do anything else, befo'e he got
• Koran, chap. xxi. ) 95.
H«J. 14. A.D. 63,J. SIEGE OF BAALBEC. 181
himself ready some hot victuals. The order was no sooner
heard than obeyed, and every man went to work for himself.
Whilst they were in the midst of their cookery, the besieged
Sallied. The Saracens were immediately alarmed. In the
tumult, Ahmed Ebn Ased was just going to put his hand
to his mouth, when Abu Obeidah struck him a good blow
with a truncheon, and gave him a hearty curse into the
bargain. The poor man started up on a sudden, and like
one scared out of his wits, snatched up a tent-pole, and ran
and charged the enemy, scarce knowing where he was, till
he was got in the midst of them. The Saracens, surprized
in this disorder, with much difficulty beat back the besieged,
who nevertheless carried off some prisoners and plunder.
In the evening the chief officers of the Saracens met at
Abu Obeidah's tent, and said, " You see the courage of these
people. What do you think to do in this case .^" To Avhich
he answered, " That the damage they had sustained was all
decreed by God, in order to fulfil his pleasure of bestowing
on those persons who had fallen the honours of martyrdom.'"
Then he commanded them to remove their tents to a greater
distance from the city, that they might have a larger space
lor their horses to course in. Then he gave to Sa'id Ebn
Zeid the command of five hundred horse, and three hundred
foot, with orders to go into the valley, and keep the Greeks
in play at the gate which was opposite the mountains, that
their forces might be divided. Derar was placed at the gate
which looks towards ''Damascus, with three hundred horse
and two hundred fo& The next morning about break of
day, Herbis, the governor, sallied out with a strong body of
men, by the gate where Abu Obeidah himself was posted.
To encourage his men, he told them that the Saracens were
afraid of them, and bade them remember that they were
about to fight for their religion, wives, children, and fortunes ;
in a word, for all that was most dear to them. They answered
him cheerfully, that though at first they were afraid of the
Arabs, yet they were not so now, being a little better
acquainted with their manner of fighting ; besides, the Arabs
were half naked ; some of them fighting without armour,
others with scarce clothes enough to cover them ; whereas
(said they) we have good helmets, breastplates, and coats of
mail. On the other side, Abu Obeidah did not fail to tell
182 HISTORY OP THK SARACENS. OnAlL
the Saracens that they must have patience, "For God had
promised good success to those that held out to the last,"
The Greeks, encouraged with yesterday's victory, charged
the Saracens with great vigour, and the battle was obstinately
maintained on both sides, but apparently to the advantage of
the Greeks. In the midst of the fight it happened that
Sohail Ebn Sabah, having received a wound in his right arm,
which disabled him from holding his sword, alighted from
his horse, and telling his friends that he could not defend
himself any longer, retired from the field to a neighbouring
height. Having ascended the hill, not without some pain
and difficulty, he had a clear prospect of both the armies.
The Greeks, as we said, having sallied out upon Abu
Obeidah's quarters, there was nothing to do at those gates
where Derar and Said Ebn Zeid were posted. Sohail ob-
serving this, and seeing that Abu Obeidah was forced to give
ground, without any order from tlie general, or any person's
knowing it, kindled a fire, and with some green sticks made
a great smoke upon the top of the hill. As soon as SaVd and
Derar saw the smoke, they imagined it to be a signal from
the general for them to come up, for this was the usual
signal among the Saracens by day, as fire was by night,
when they had a mind to call those together who were
posted at any distance. Upon this Derar and Sa'i'd, with
their men, rode full speed, and came seasonably to the relief
of their brethren. And now the Greeks, who had thought
themselves certain of the victory, being surrounded, foimd
the case was quite altered, and they who a few minutes ago
expected to win the field, now despaired of getting back to
their own city. However, joining close together, they
formed an impenetrable phalanx, and fighting bravely, they
bore down all opposition, and gained the top of a hill, on
which stood an old deserted monastery, into which Herbis
and his men retired, and defended themselves behind its
walls. Abu Obeidah, knowing nothing as yet of Sa'id
and Derar's having moved from the places where he had
posted them, when he saw with what undaunted courage
these men fought, imagined their retreat to be feigned, with
a design of drawing the Saracens out of their lines. He
therefore commanded his own men not to pursue them. But
Sai'd Ebn Zeid, having heard nothing of the general's order.
H^ 14. A. o. 635. SIEGE OF BAALBEC. 183
followed them to the top of the hill. Thereupon, leaving
tbe troops in command of one of his officers, with orders not
to suffer a man to stir out of the house, he hastened with
twenty of his men to acquaint Abu Obeidah with the news ;
who seeing him come with so few, was surprized, and asked
him what was become of the rest. Said told him they were
all safe and sound, and had beseiged the enemies of God (a
compliment they very liberally gave to the Christians) in an
old house, acquainting him Avith all the circumstances of the
story. Then Abu Obeidah inquired of him and Derar what
made them stir from their posts. Said swore that he did
nothing contrary to order, for he never stirred till he saw the
smoke. Abu Obeidah confessed that it was well they came,
for he was afraid the Greeks would have seized their camp,
and wished for them, out that he knew nothing of any
smoke. Upon this Said, positively affirming a second time
chat there was a smoke, Abu Obeidah was astonished, and
made proclamation throughout the camp, " Whoever be he
that kindled the fire and smoke upon the hill, let him
speak ;" enforcing it with a solemn adjuration. Upon this
Sohail came forward, and confessed it, and told the reason
why he did it. Abu Obeidah was very glad it happened so
well, but strictly charged them all never to attempt such a
thing again, without first obtaining the permission of their
general.
Whilst Abu Obeidah was talking to Sohail, a Saracen
came with all speed from the mountain, and alarmed the
whole camp. For Herbis, perceiving that the party by which
he was held besieged in the house was so small, being now
fewer than five hundred, took courage, and made a sally, in
hopes of regaining the city. They fought bravely, and
handled the Saracens so severely, that Mesab Ebn Adi, Avho
had been present in most of the battles fought in Syria, said,
that of all the men he ever beheld, none behaved themselves
better, or stood closer to it, than those Greeks which were
then with the governor. It was he that rode and gave
notice to Abu Obeidah, who no sooner heard it, thau
despatching Said at once Avith an hundred archers, com-
manded Derar to support him. When they came to the hill,
they found their friends in a pitiful condition, for tliere were
no less than seventy Saracens upon the ground, killed or
184 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS. Ostab-
wounded, so lustily were the Greeks laying about them.
But the latter, overpowered with the fresh numbers of their
enemies, were forced once more to retire within their mo-
nastery, where they w^ere watched with such a A-igilant eye,
that not one of them could so much as offer to look out than
the Saracens let fly an arrow at him.
Abu Obeidah, leaving Said Ebn Zeid to watch the move-
ments of the governor, drew up his men, and ordered them
to pitch their tents about the city, " For," said he, " God has
circumvented your enemy, and performed that promise which
he made to us, to help us ; and this is because God is a
protector of those who put trust in him ; but as for the
infidels, they have no protector." Herbis, the governor,
finding himself straitened, began to repent himself that
ever he came into that old house. He considered, with
great concern, that in a very short time he and his men must
needs be forced to capitulate for want of provision. Nor
could any about him, supposing they could have found a
possibility of sending, think of any person capable of assisting
them in these deplorable circumstances. For the Saracens
having taken so many places already, had spread such a
terror around the country, that those which remained were
under too great a concern for their own preservation to be at
leisure to lend a helping hand to their distressed neighbours.
A great many others, by consenting to a truce, had bound
themselves not to bear arms at that time against the Saracens.
In this miserable state, without hope or prospect of relief,
they were compelled by necessity to surrender to their con-
querors. Herbis calls out aloud, and asks if there were any
person that understood him. Being asked by an interpreter
what he wanted, he begged that he might be secured from
danger of the archers, and that Said would come near and
talk with him. Said answered, that he owed him no such
respect, but that if he had anything to say, he might come to
him. Loath to venture himself, by means of the interpreter
he got leave to send a messenger, who, coming before Said,
was about to fall down upon his face by way of respect.
Said made a sign to him to forbear, and the Saracens coming
about him, held him from doing it. When he asked the
reason of this, Said said to the interpreter, " Because both he
and I are servants of God, and it is not la\^■ful to use adora-
H«l. 14 A.D. 63;. CAPITULATIO.>! OF BAALBEC. , 185
tion and worship to any but God, who is the proper object
of worship." Being examined about his errand, he said that
he came to desire protection for Herbis and his men, which
was accordingly granted, upon condition that they should lay
down their arms, and surrender. The messenger asked
whether that security was only from himself, or from the
general too. Said told him, from all the Saracens. When
Herbis heard this, he came out, and my author tells us that
he has learned from persons worthy of credit, that Herbis,
when he came out to surrender himself, put off all his silks,
and exchanging with some of his men, dressed himself in
woollen apparel, suiting his habit to the meanness of his
present condition. Said, seeing him come along in this
humble mien, fell down and worshipped God, saying,
" Praised be God, who hath humbled their great ones before
us, and given us dominion over their rulers." Then going
to meet him, he bade him come nearer, and sit down by him,
and then asked him whether that which he had on was his
proper habit ; to which he answered, " That he never had
anv woollen on before in his life, nor knew what it was to
wear anything but silk." He demanding of Sa'id whether
he had power, or was willing to grant security, as well for
those in the city as those present with him. Said told him
" That as for those which were with him, he would grants
them security upon two conditions, either that they should
turn Mohammedans, and so have one common interest with
them ; or, if they chose rather to continue in the profession of
their own religion, they must bind themselves never more to
bear arms against the Mussulmans. But as for those in the
city, they were at the general's disposal, to whom, if he was
willing to go, he proferred his service to conduct him ; and
if they could agree upon any terms, well and good, if not he
should, if he desired it, have free leave, with as many of his
men as were willing to go back with him, to return to his
monastery again, there to be besieged till God should de-
termine the matter between them."
Being brought into the presence of Abu Obeidah, and tak-
ing a view of the Saracens about him, considering at the same
time what a condition they had brought him and his men
into, Herbis did nothing but shake his head, and bite his
fingers' ends for vexation. Being asked the reason of this
186 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS.. Omab.
behaviour ? he answered, " that he thought their number had
been much greater than he foimd it was, now he was come
among them." Upon this Abu Obeidah bade his interpreter
tell him, that the number of the true believers seemed greater
in the eyes of the idolaters than it really was ; " because, such
is the grace of God towards us, the angels help us as they
did at the battle of Beder ; and by this means God gives us
the victory over your country, and makes your armies flee
before us." For Mohammed, in the Koran,* has expressly
told the Saracens that the angels helped him in battle; and
they therefore believed and depended upon the same assistance
themselves, and oftentimes attributed their success to it. Not
that any of them ever pretended to have seen these auxiliary
troops of militant angels ; it being suificient for their purpose
that they were seen by their enemies. As a ransom for the
whole city of Baalbec, Herbis offered one thousand ounces of
gold, two thousand of silver, and one thousand silk vests. Abu
Obeidah told him, " If they would have peace, they must
double the sum, and add to it a thousand swords, and all the
arms belonging to those men that were shut up in the mo-
nastery, and pay tax and tribute the next year, and never
bear arms for the time to come, nor write to the emperor,
nor attempt either directly or indirectly any thing against the
Saracens, nor build any churches or monasteries." Herbis,
complaining of the severity of the articles, as being all in
favour of the Saracens, desired that the besieged might at
least have this one article on their side ; viz. " that whosoever
shall be appointed lieutenant over Baalbec, should not come
into the city, nor any of his men ; but pitching hi* tents on
the outside of the walls, should there receive the tribute im-
posed upon the inhabitants." This being granted, all was
agreed upon, and nothing was now wanted but the towns-
men's consent. But they, when they heard the articles,
refused to ratify them, and said, they would never surrender
the strongest city in Syria into the hands of the Saracens
upon such terms. But when Herbis had remonstrated with
them on the danger to which he and his men must be exposed,
if there were not some agreement made, and explained to
them the provision he had made for their repose and quiet,
in excluding all the Saracens from once entering into the
• Chap. ix. 26, 40.
Hej. 1 A D eaj. EXTORTION OF HEEBIS. 287
towi: ; adding withal, that he would himself contribute a
fourth part of what was imposed upon them, they at last con-
sented. Upon this consent being intimated to him, Abu
Obeidah sent Herbis alone into the city to raise the promised
sum, and detained the rest of his men as hostages, till it
should be paid. In twelve days' time he brought it ; upon
which Abu Obeidah dismissed the men, and calling for Rafi
Ebn Abdallah, left him to take care of Baalbec with five
hundred Saracens, giving him a most strict charge to do no-
thing but what was right and just, telling him that he had
heard the prophet say, that God had given the same command
to Moses and David. Particularly he bade him to prevent
all disputes between his men and the inhabitants of the city,
and to have an eye to the sea-shore, and to pillage all those
places in the neighbourhood, which had not entered into arti-
cles. Having left him with this charge, he moved towards
Hems ; and on his road thither, he was met by the prefect of
Jushiyah bringing him a present, which he accepted, and re-
newed the truce with him.
Rafi very punctually executed his charge, and both he and
his men behaved themselves so inoffensively, that the citizens
and the Saracens grew very well acquainted. As the Saracens,
according to their custom, plundered all the neighbourhood,
they sold what they got to the citizens of Baalbec, who con-
sequently were very soon in a fair way of growing rich upon
the spoils of their countrymen and fellow Christians. Herbis,
formerly their governor, perceiving this, began to consider
how he might obtain a share of the gains. Accordingly,
calling them together, he reminded them of the hazard he
had exposed himself to for their preservation, and of the pains
he had taken to procure them those articles of peace of which
they now reaped the benefit ; and moreover, called to their
remembrance how he had paid down, out of his own private
means, the fourth part of what was imposed upon them all ;
adding, that he thought it only reasonable, that since they
were in a capacity to do it they should reimburse him. This
they readily consented to. But upon this he told them, that
he had no wish to deprive any of them of their present sub-
stance ; it would satisfy him if they would agree to pay him
the tenth of the profits they made by their trade with the
Arabs. At first they were very unwilling to agree to this ;
188 HISTOET OF THE SAHACENS. oma-
but after a short debate, considering his quality, as having
been once their governor, though now reduced to the same
condition with themselves, and that he had not spared his
own private substance, when necessity required it, for the
public good, they at last consented. This done, he appoints
a collector to gather his tithe, which in a few days amounted
to a very considerable sum. The sweetness of this gain, in-
stead of extinguishing, increased his thirst. Whereupon in
a second meeting he told them, that at the present rate, it
would be a long time before he would be repaid what he had
laid out, and proposed, that either they should admit him one
of their company, or, instead of a tenth, pay him a fourth
part of all their gains. The people, irritated at his grasping,
insatiable temper, cried out, " Away with him, and all such
unreasonable wretches. We had better be under the Saracens
than such governors, for they are better, and more just ; "
and with a great noise and shout they rushed upon him, and
killed him. The Saracens Avilhout heard the noise, but did
not know what was the matter ; neither would Rafi go into
the city in violation of the treaty, but said, if there was any
difference between them, and they came out to him, he would
!ndeavour to make them friends. Presently after they came
hronging out to him, and acquainted him with what they
had done, telling him how ciAdl they had been to their pjre-
fect, in answering his first demand, and how unreasonable he
had been in coveting more, and concluded with desiring Rafi
to come into the city, and govern it himself. This, however,
he refused at first, till he had written to Abu Obeidah. But
upon receiving word from him to the effect that since the
people were willing, he need not have any scruples about it ;
he and his men went into Baalbec,^'' on the 20th day of Janu-
ary, A.D. 636.
Leaving Baalbec, we must now proceed Avith Abu Obeidah
to Hems. Having set down before it with his army, previ-
ously to making a general assault upon it, he sent to the
governor the following letter :
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Abu Obeidah Ebn Aljerahh, heutenant in Syria tc
the emperor of the faithful Omar, Ebn Al Khattab (whom God
• Hej. 15. A.D. 630-7.
H«j 14. AD. «35. SIEGE OF HEMS. 189
bless), and general of his forces. The most mighty God hath
conquered several places by our hands ; wherefore do not let
the greatness of your city, nor the strength of your buildings,
nor the plenty of your stores, nor the bigness of your bodies,
deceive you : for your city is no more in your hands, when
we come to war against it, than if we should set a pot upon
a stone in the midst of our camp, and all the army should
come round about, to take every one of them a mouthful. In
tlie first place, therefore, I invite you to come in to our reli-
gion, and that law which our prophet Mohammed, of blessed
memory, brought us. If you receive this, then shall you
share with us in all our fortunes, good or bad ; and we will
send you men to instruct you in our religion, as God has
commanded us. If you refuse the Mohammedan religion, we
will allow you to continue in your possessions, so long as
you pay us tribute. If neither of these conditions please you,
come out and fight us, till God, who is the best judge, shall
determine between us."
This proposal being no sooner heard than rejected with
the utmost scorn, both sides prepared themselves, the Sara-
cens for an assault, the besieged for their defence. The
besieged, sallying out, made so good a day's work of it, that
the Saracens had little reason to boast of their success. Now
there happened to be present a great man among the Arabs,
who was a person of extraordinary sagacity and penetration,
and had himself many times commanded an army with good
conduct and success. Having well considered the strength
of the place, and the courage and resolution of the inhabit-
ants, he told Abu Obeidah privately, that if he expected to
conquer Hems, he must use stratagem, rather than force.
On this account he advised him to offer to raise the siege,
on condition that the besieged furnished him with five days'
provision for his men and horses. For if they consented,
by this means, he said, their stock of provision would be
very much diminished, and he might take a fit opportunity of
surprizing them. This suggestion being approved of, Abu
Obeidah acquainted the besieged with his willingness to raise
the siege of Hems, and to try his fortune at other places, (of
which there still remained unconquered a great number in
b}Tia very well fortified,) upon the conditioD afore-mentioned.
190 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS. O.MAh.
The people of Hems, only too glad to get rid of such trouble-
some neighbours at any rate, and considering withal the
many accidents that might prevent their ever returning thither,
or at least defer it a long time, gladly assented to his pro-
posal. The governor himself being as willing as any to com
pound with the Saracens upon these terms, told his people
that the Arabs were like wild beasts, greedy of prey ; where-
fore he thought it the best way to give them something to fill
their bellies, and send them away packing. Upon this he
sends s^ime of the chief clergy to Abu Obeidah, to make the
treaty, and take a copy of the articles, which beinfj^ done, the
citizens brought out their provisions, according to the agree-
ment. Abu Obeidah told them, that since their intended
march was likely to be tedious, he should be very glad to buy
the remainder of their provisions. The people were willing
h sell, and the Mohammedans bought as long as they had
any thing left with which to buy, or to give in exchange
for it.
Some spies belonging to the emperor, being at that time in
^e Saracen camp, and perceiving the Emessens set open their
ates, and bring out their provisions, without taking time to
inform themselves thoroughly of all the circumstances of it,
went and spread a report about the country, that Hems
had surrendered. This report proved a great surprise and
and discouragement to the rest, Avho had their hearts daily
filled with fresh fears of the Saracens. From Hems Abu
Obeidah went to Arrestan, a strong place, well watered, and
full of soldiers ; where his summons being rejected, he de-
sired the favour of the governor of the castle to be allowed to
leave some old lumber, Avhich would be troublesome and
cumbersome to them in their march. This was granted with-
out much scruple, all being desirous of their absence upon
any terms. Upon this Abu Obeidah takes twenty chests, and
shut up in them twenty chosen men. To prevent all suspi-
cion he put strong locks upon the outsides, but the bottoms of
the chests were so contrived, as that the man within could
slip backward and forward in them as he pleased. These
chests being received into the castle, the Saracens marched,
leaving Kaled behind with some forces, by way of ambus-
cade, to assist those in the chests. Upon the departure ©f
the Saracens, the Christians went to church to give thanks for
Hej. 14. A..\ 635. AKKESTAN TAKEN. 191
their delivery, and were heard singing psalms by Derar, Ab-
darrhaman, and Abdallah in the chests, who taking this
opportunity, came forth, and having seized the governor's
lady, demanded the keys of the gates. From thence they
went to the church, where, without difficulty, they mastered
the unarmed multitude. Then Abdallah Ebn Jaafar, who
commanded the party, sent five of his men with the keys to
open the gates, and cry out Allah Acbar. Which being done,
Kaled, who was within hearing, came up, and Arrestan was
taken after little or no resistance.
This procured for the inhabitants much more easy con-
ditions than they would otherwise have obtained, the Sara-
cens not expecting such an unbloody conquest. As there-
fore, they resigned themselves without any more to do, they
had their liberty granted to go where they pleased. Some
of them changed their religion, but the greater number still
retained their Christianity, and went to Hems.
Two thousand men being left in garrison at Arrestan, Abu
Obeidah moves with his army to Shaizar. He had no sooner
sent his summons to this place than there arose a great dis-
pute between the people and the governor, about surrendering
the place. The conquest of Arrestan, Baalbec, Damascus,
Bostra, and as they supposed of Hems, gave the inhabitants
just reason to fear, that they should not be able to defend.
Shaizar, which was not superior to the former places, either
in strength of situation, or in the number of its garrison.
The governor held out obstinately, and gave them a great
deal of reproachful language, swearing and cursing at them,
and even commanding his guards to strike some of them.
The chief men, provoked at this tyrannical usage, drew their
swords, and fell upon him and his party. Having made a
quick despatch of them, they opened the gates, and surren-
dered to Abu Obeidah, who gladly received them, and gave
them hearty thanks for saving him the trouble of fighting:
adding, " That since they had behaved themselves so well,
and expressed such a desire of living under the government
of the Saracens, he would not dismiss them without some
distinguishing mark of his favour." Upon which he told
them, " That he would not force any of them to change their
religion against their will, nor put them to any extremities ;
but if any of them would come in of their own accord, ii ey
192 HISIOBY OP THE SABACEXS, OJt»i»
should pay no tax or custom, as other Mohammedans did, for
two years. But if they chose to continue in their old religion,
they should pay no tribute for the space of one year."
Shaizar was now taken possession of, and Abu Obeidah
reminded his Mussulmans that they were no longer under
any obligation of treaty or good faith to the people of Hems,
having punctually performed whatever they had promised
them. But on this point the governor of Hems was not so
well satisfied, for as soon as the Saracen army came to
appear before the city, he sent a messenger to expocitulate
with Abu Obeidah on his perfidy and breach of promise.
But the only answer that he gave him was to request that
the same clergy who had originally made the agreement
with him, should come to him again, and he was content to
have them as his judges whether or no he had fulfilled his
promise to a tittle. Accordingly when they came, he asked
them, " Did not I make an agreement with you to leave
Hems till I had conquered some other city of Syria } And
was it not left to my liberty after that, either to go to any
other place or to return to you ?" When this could not be
denied, " Well, then," answered he, " since we have con-
quered Arrestan and Shaizar, we are under no further cove-
nant to you. Nothing, therefore, remains for yon but to
surrender at once."
There being no remedy, nor any one whom they might
justly blame but themselves, for not having taken better
care at first, the inhabitants prepared to fight. Though not
a little disheartened when they reflected upon their scarcity
of provisions, to which their unseasonable credulity had
exposed them, yet, encouraged by their governor, they
resolved to try their fortune in the field. That evening
they went to prayers, to implore the divine assistance, the
governor himself receiving the communion at the church ot
St. George, which has since been tiirned into a mosque.
When he came back, he eat for his supper a whole roasted
kid, and sat up drinking wine all night. Thus prepared for
battle, having put on very rich clothes, he sallied out in the
morning at the head of five thousand horse, all completely
armed, and men of approved courage, and resolved to die for
the defence of their country ; and though the Saracens
came out against them with a much greater number, they
H<j. 14. A.D. 685. HEMS ATTACKEIt A.GAIX. 193
nevertheless firmly stood their ground, v/ithoyi the least ex-
nression of fear or concern. The Chris ;ian archers galled the
Saracens terribly with poisoned arrows, and charged them with
such courage that they were forced to give way. Whilst Kaled
was labouring to restore the battle, he had himself a very
narrow escape. "While he was fighting with one of the
Greeks, his sword broke in his hand ; but closing with his
adversary, he squeezed him so hard that he broke his ribs,
and then threw him down dead from off his horse. About
noon Mirkal and Meisarah made an impression upon the
right wing of the Christians, and Kais Ebn Hobeirah upon
the left. But among all the Saracens, none signalized him-
self so much that day as I'krimah, Kaled"s cousin. Thirsting
after the imaginary joys of Mohammed's fools' paradise, he
cried aloud, " Methinks I see the black-eyed girls looking
upon me, of whom if but one should appear in this world,
all mankind Avoidd die for the love of her. And I see in the
hand of one of them a handkerchief of green silk, and a cup
made of precious stones, and she beckons me, and calls out,
' Come hither quickly, for I love thee.' " With these words
charging the Christians, he made havoc where he Avent, till
at last he was observed by the governor of Hems, who run
him through with a javelin. When night parted the com-
batants, the Saracens returned to their camp, having had the
worst of it all that day. And now Kaled, feeling confident
that this success would dispose the Greeks to believe the
Saracens were afraid of them, persuaded Abu Obeidah to
fly before them the next morning, in the hopes of drawing
them into disorder. The stratagem failed not of the desired
success, for the Greeks had beaten them too well the day
before to entertain the least suspicion that their flight was
feigned. Upon this some of them began to plunder the
camp, and the rest who pursued observed little order or
caution. About noon the Saracens suddenly rallied, and
" fell upon them like eagles upon a carcase." The Greek
force being thus scattered, some in the pursuit, others in the
spoil, the far greater part of it was surrounded by the Sara-
cens ; nor had any of them escaped but for the timely aid of
the besieged, who sallied out of the city to their relief.
Among those who fell was the governor, easily distinguish-
able by his red face, large size, and rich apparel, perfumed
o
194 HISTORY OF THE SAKACENS. Om«iu
with musk. This defeat determined the besieged to sur-
render : but the Saracens, who had heard much and often
of the emperor's preparation against them, and were expect-
ing daily a bloody battle, had no leisure to stay and take
possession, nor any men to spare by way of garrison. They
therefore took the Christians at their word, and never a man
of them went jito the city till after the great battle of Yer-
mouk, which determined the fate of Spia, and put the
Saracens -^ut of all fear of further opposition from the
emperor. I'he Saracens departed from Hems, having lost
that day two hundred and thirty-five men. The Christians,
upon burying their dead, found them to be above one
thousand six hundred.
Heraclius, wearied with a constant and uninterrupted suc-
cession of ill news, which like those of Job, came every day
treading upon the heels of each other ; grieved at the heart
to see the Roman empire, once the mistress of the world,
now become the scorn and spoil of barbarian insolence,
resolved, if possible, to put an end to the outrages of the
Saracens once for all. "With this view he raised troops in all
parts of his dominions, and collected so considerable an army,
as, since the first invasion of the Saracens, had never ap-
peared in Syria. Not much unlike one engaged in single
combat, who, distrustful of his own abilities, and fearing the
worst, summons together his whole strength, in hopes of
ending the dispute with one decisive blow. Troops were
sent to every tenable place which this inundation of the Sa-
racens had not as yet reached, particularly to Ceesarea, and
all the sea-coast of Syria ; as Tyre and Sidon, Accah, Joppa.
Tripolis, Beyrout, and Tiberias, besides another army to de-
fend Jerusalem. The main body, which was designed to
give battle to the whole force of the Saracens, was com-
manded by one Mahan, an Armenian, whom I take to be the
very same that the Greek historians call Manuel. To his
generals the emperor gave the best advice, charging them to
behave themselves like men, and especially to take care to
avoid all differences or dissensions. Afterwards, when he had
expressed his astonishment at this extraordinary success of
the Arabs, who were inferior to the Greeks, both in number,
strength, arms, and discipline, after a short silence, a grave
man stood up, and told him, that the reason of it was that
Hej 15. A.D. 636. SECOND ATTACK: ON HEMS. 195
the Greeks had walked unworthily of their Christian profes-
sion, and changed their religion from what it was when Jesus
Christ first delivered it to them, injuring and oppressing one
another, taking usury, committing fornication, and fomenting
aU manner of strife and variance among themselves. And,
indeed, the vices of these Christians were at that time so
flagrant, as to make them ofiensive to the very infidels,
as confessed by the Greek -vvriters themselves, and exag-
gerated by the Arabic ones. The emperor answered,
" That he was too sensible of it." He then told them that
he had thoughts of continuing no longer in Syria, but leav-
ing his army to their management, he purposed to withdraw to
Constantinople. In answer to which, they represented to him
how much his departure would reflect upon his honour, what
a lessening it would be to him in the eyes of his own subjects,
and what occasion of triumph it would afibrd to his enemies
the Saracens. Upon this they took their leave, and prepared
for their march. Besides a vast army of Asiatics and Euro-
peans, Mahan was joined by Al Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, king
of the Christian Arabs, who had under him sixty thousand
men. These Mahan commanded to march always in the
front, sapng, that there was nothing like diamond to cut dia-
mond. This great army, raised for the defence of Christian
. people, was little less insupportable than the Saracens them-
selves, committing aU manner of disorder and outrage as they
passed along ; especially when they came to any of those
places which had made any agreement with the Saracens, or
surrendered to them, they swore and cursed, and reviled the
inhabitants with reproachful language, and compelled them
by force to bear them company. The poor people excused
their submission to the Saracens, by their inability to defend
themselves, and told the soldiers, that if they did not approve
of what they had done, they ought themselves to have come
sooner to their relief.
The news of this great army having reached the Saracens
whilst they were at Hems, filled them full of apprehen-
sions, and put them to a very great strait as ta the best
course to pursue in this critical juncture. Somj of them
would very willingly have shrunk back, and returned to
Arabia. This course, they urged, presented a double advan-
tage : on the one hand chey would be sure of speedy assist-
o 2
1 9ft HISTOEY OF THE SAKACEWS. Omam.
ance from their friends ; and on the other, in that barren
country, the numerous army of the enemy must needs be re-
duced to great scarcity. But Abu Obeidah, fearing lest such
a retreat might by the caliph be interpreted cowardice in him,
durst not approve of this advice. Others preferred to die in
the defence of those stately buildings, fruitful fields, and
pleasant meadows they had won by the sword, than volun-
tarily to return to their former starving condition. They
proposed therefore to remain where they were, and wait the
approach of the enemy. But Kaled disapproved of their re-
maining in their present position, as it was too near Csesarea,
where Constantine, the emperor's son, lay with forty thou-
sand men ; and recommended that they should march to Yer-
mouk, where they might reckon on assistance from the caliph.
As soon as Constantine heard of their departure, he sent a
chiding letter to Mahan, and bade him mend his pace.
Mahan advanced, but made no haste to give the Saracens
battle, having received orders from the emperor to make
overtures of peace, which were no sooner proposed than re-
jected by Abu Obeidah. Several messages passed between
them. The Saracens, endeavouring to bring their country-
man Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, with his Christian Arabs, to a
neutrality, were answered, that they were obliged to serve
the emperor, and resolved to fight. Upon this, Kaled, con-
-trary to the general advice, prepared to give him battle before
Mahan should come up, although the number of his men, who,
however, were the elite of the whole army, were very incon-
siderable, urging that the Christians, being the army of the
devil, had no advantage by their numbers against the Sara-
cens, the army of God. In choosing his men, Kaled had
called out more Ansers* than Mohajerins,f which, when it
was observed, occasioned some grumbling, as it then was
doubted whether it was because he respected them most, or
because he had a mind to expose them to the greater danger,
that he might favour the others. A very impertinent scruple,
in my opinion, since he was to go with them himself. Kaled
* Those of Medina are called by that name, "because they helped Mo-
hammed in his flight from Mecca.
f Those that fled with him are called Mohajtrins ; by these names the
inhabitants of Mecca and Medina are often distinguished, as has been ob-
terved in the beginning «f this book.
HeJ.15. A.D.63S. KALED IXSULTED. . 197
told them that he had chosen them without any such legard.
only because they were persons he could dej.end upon, whose
valour he had proved, and who had the faith rooted in their
hearts. One Cathib happening to be called after his brothei
Sahal, and looking upon himself to be the better man, re-
sented it as a high affront, and roundly abused Kaled. The
latter, however, gave him very gentle and modest answers,
to the great satisfaction of all, especially of Abu Obeidah,
who, after a short contention, made them shake hands.
Kaled indeed was admirable in this respect, that he knew no
less how to govern his passions than to command the army ;
through, to most great generals, the latter frequently proves
the easier task of the two. In this hazardous enterprise his
success was beyond all expectation, for he threw Jabalah's
Arabs into disorder, and killed a great many, losing very few
of his own men on the field, besides five prisoners, three of
whom were Yezid Ebn Abu Sofian, Rafi Ebn Omeira, and
Derar Ebn Al Alzwar ; all men of great note, and already
frequently mentioned. Abu Obeidah sent Abdallah Ebn
Kort with an express to Omar, acquainting him with their
circumstances, begging his prayers, and some fresh recruits
of Unitarians, a title they glory in, as reckoning themselves the
only asserters of the unity of the Deity. Omar and the
whole court were extremely surprised, but comforted them-
selves with the promises made to them in the Koran, which
seemed now to be all they had left to trust to. To encour-
age the people, he went into the pulpit, and showed them
the excellency of fighting for the cause of God, and after-
wards returned an answer to Abu Obeidah, full of such spirit-
ual consolation as the Koran could aff'ord. Omar commanded
Abdallah, as soon as ever he came near the camp, and before
he delivered the letter, to cry out, " Good news," in order tc
comfort the Mussulmans, and ease them in some measure of
the perplexing apprehensions they laboured under. As soon
as he received this letter and message, together with Omar's
blessing, he prepared to set out on his return to the army ;
but suddenly he remembered that he had omitted to pay his
respects at Mohammed's tomb, which it was very imcertain
whether he should ever see again. Upon this he hastened to
Ayesha's house (the place where Mohammed was buried),
and found ler sitting by the tomb Avith Ali and Abbas, and
198 HlSTOET OF THE SAKACENS. Oitiit
All's two sons, Hasan and Hosein, one sitting upon Ali's
.ap, the other upon Abbas" s. Ali was reading the chapter
of baastfi, being the sixth of the Koran, and Abbas the chap-
ter of Hud, which is the eleventh. Abdallah, having paid
his respects to Mohammed, Ali asked him whether he did
not think of going ? He answered, " Yes," but he feared
he should not get to the army before the battle, which yet
he greatly wished to do, if possible. " If you desired a
speedy journey," answered Ali, " why did not you ask
Omar to pray for you ? Don't you know, that the prayers of
Omar will not be turned back ? Because the apostle of God
said of him : ' If there were a prophet to be expected after
me, it would be Omar, whose judgment agrees with the
book of God.' The prophet said of him besides, ' If an
[universal] calamity were to come from heaven upon man-
kind, Omar would escape from it.' Wherefore, if Omar
prayed for thee, thou shalt not stay long for an answer from
God." Abdallah told him, that he had not spoken one word
in praise of Omar, but what he was very sensible of before.
Only he desired to have not only his prayers but also those
of all the Mussulmans, and especially of those who were at
the tomb of the prophet. At these words, all present lifted
up their hands to heaven, and Ali said, " O God, I beseech
thee, for the sake of this chosen apostle, in whose name
Adam prayed, and thou answeredst his petition, and forgavest
his sins, that thou wouldst grant to Abdallah Ebn Kort a
safe and speedy return, and assist the followers of thy pro-
phet with help, O thou who alone art great and munificent!"
Abdallah set out immediately, and afterwards returned to the
camp with such incredible speed, that the Saracens were sur-
prised. But their admiration ceased, when he informed
them of Omar's blessing, and Ali's prayers at Mohammed's
tomb.
Recruits were instantly raised in every part of Arabia to
send to the army. Said Ebn Amir commanded them, having
received a flag of red silk at the hands of Omar, who told
him that he gave him that commission in hopes of his be-
having himself well in it ; advising him, among other things,
not to follow his appetites ; and not forgetting to put him in
hopes of further advancement if he should deserve it. Said
thanked him for his advice ; adding, that if he foil )wed it he
Hej.l5. A.D. 636. SLAITGHTER OF CHRISTIANS. 199
should be saved. " And now," says Said, " as you Lave
advised me, so let me advise you." '' Speak on," says Omar.
" I bid you then (added the other) fear God more than men,
and not the contrary ; and love all the Mussulmans as yourself
and your family, as well those at a distance as those near
you. And command that which is praiseworthy, and forbid
that which is otherwise." Omar, all the while he _ spoke,
stood looking stedfastly upon the ground, leaning his fore-
head upon his staff. Then he lifted up his head, and the
tears ran down his cheeks, and he said, " Who is able to do
this without the divine assistance?" Ali bade Sa'id make
good use of the caliph's advice, and dismissed him. SaVd, as
he marched towards the army, lost his way, which turned out
very unfortunate for the Christians ; for by that means he
fell in with the prefect of Amman with five thousand men.
Said having cut all the foot to pieces, the prefect fled with
the horse, but was intercepted by a party which had been
sent out under Zobeir from the Saracen camp to forage.
Said at first th^jught they had fallen together by the ears,
and were fighting among themselves, but when he came up,
and heard the techir, he was well satisfied. Zobeir ran the pre-
fect through with a lance ; of the rest not a single man escaped.
The Saracens cut off all their heads, then flayed them, and
so carried them upon the points of their lances, presenting a
most horrible spectacle to all that part of the country, till
they came to the army, which received fresh courage by the
accession of this reinforcement, consisting of eight thousand
men.
However, their satisfaction was greatly lessened by the loss
of the five prisoners whom Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham had
taken. Nov/ it happened, that Mahan desired Abu Obeidah
to send one of his officers to him for a conference. This
being complied with, Kaled proffered his services, and being
accepted by Abu Obeidah, by his advice he took along with
him a hundred men, chosen out of the best soldiers in the
army. Being met and examined by the out-guards, the chief
of whom was Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, they were ordered to
wait till the generals pleasure should be known. Mahan
would have had Kaled come to him alone, and leave his men
behind him. But as Kaled refused to hear of this, they were
commanded, as soon as they came near the general's tent, to
200 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. OttAm.
alight from iheiv horses, and deliver their swords ; and when
they would not s abmit to this either, they were at last per-
mitted to enter as they pleased. They found Mahan sitting
upon a throne, and seats prepared for themselves. But they
refused to make n?e of them, and removing them, sat down
upon the ground. ]Mahan asked them the reason of their
doing so, and taxed them with want of breeding. To which
Kaled answered, that that was the best breeding which was
from God, and what God has prepared for us to sit down
upon, is purer than your tapestries ; defending their practice
from a sentence of their prophet Mohammed, backed with
this text of the Koran, " Out of it (meaning the earth) we
have created you, and to it we shall return you, and out of
it we shall bring you another time."* Mahan began then to
expostulate with Kaled concerning their coming into Syria,
and all those hostilities which they had committed there.
But the whole speech is too tedious to be inserted here, espe-
cially as we have already given an account of some conferences
much of the same nature. This, however, we may observe,
that Mahan seemed satisfied with Kaled" s way of talking,
and said, that he had before that time entertained a quite
different opinion of the Arabs, having been informed that
they were a foolish ignorant people. Kaled confessed that
that was the condition of most of them, till God sent their
prophet Mohammed to lead them into the right way, and
teach them to distinguish good from evil, and truth from
error. During this conference they would argue very coolly
for a while, and then again fly into a violent passion. At
last it happened that Kaled told Mahan, that he should one
day see him led with a rope about his neck to Omar, to be
beheaded. Upon this Mahan told him, that the received law
of all nations secured ambassadors from violence, which he
supposed had encouraged him to take l^,At indecent freedom ;
however, he was resolved to chastise his insolence in the
persons of his friends the five prisoners, who should instantly
be beheaded. At this threat Kaled, bidding Mahan attend
to what he was about to say, swore by God, by Mohammed,
and the holy temple of Mecca, that if he killed them he
should die by his hands, and that every Saracen present
should kill his man, be the consequences what they might ;
* Koraii, chap. xx. &7,
Hei. 15. A.D. 630 BATTLE OF YEEMOCJK. 201
and immediately rose from his place and drew hi? sword.
The same was done by the rest of the Saracens. But when
Mahan told him, that he would not meddle with him for the
aforesaid reasons, they sheathed their swoids, and talked
calmly again. And then Mahan made Kaled a present of
the prisoners, and begged of him his scarlet tent, which
Kaled had brought with him, and pitched hard by. Kaled
freely gave it him, and refused to take anything in return
(though Mahan gave him his choice of whatever he liked
best), thinking his own gift abundantly repaid by the liberation
of the prisoners.
Both sides now prepared for that fight which was to de-
termine the fate of Syria. The particulars are too tedious to
be related, for they continued fighting for several days. Abu
Obeidah resigned the whole command of the army to Kaled,
standing himself in the rear, under the yellow fiag, which
Abubeker had given him at his first setting forth into Syria,
being the same which Mohammed himself had fought under
at the battle of Khaibar. Kaled judged this the most proper
place for Abu Obeidah, not only because he was no extraor-
dinary soldier, but because he hoped that the reverence for
him would prevent the flight of the Saracens, who were now
like to be as hard put to it as at any time since they first
bore arms. For the same reason the women were placed in
the rear. The Greeks charged so courageously, and with
such vast numbers, that the right wing of the Saracen horse
was quite borne down, and cut off from the main body of the
army. But no sooner did they turn their backs than they
were attacked by the women, who used them so ill, and
loaded them with such plenty of reproaches, that they were
glad to return every man to his post, and chose rather to face
the enemy, than endure the storm of the women. However,
they with much difficulty bore up, and were so hard pressed
by the Greeks, that occasionally they were fain to forget what
their generals had said a little before the fight, who told them
that paradise was before them, and the devil and hell-fire be-
hind them. Even Abu Sofian, who had himself used that very
expression, was forced to retreat, and was received by one of
the women with a hearty blow over the face with a tent-pole.
Night at last parted the two armies, at the very time when
the victory began to incline to the Saracens, who had bepu
202 HISTOEY OF THE SARACENS. Oy*R.
tlirice beaten back, and as often forced to return by the
women. Then Abu Obeidah said at once those prayers
which belonged to two several hours. His reason for this
was, I suppose, a wish that his men, of whom he was very
tender, should have the more time to rest. Accordingly,
walking about the camp he looked after the wounded men,
oftentimes binding up their wounds with his own hands ;
telling them, that their enemies suffered the same pain that
they did, but had not that reward to expect from God which
they had.
Among other single combats, of which several were fought
between the two armies, it chanced that Serjabil Ebn
Shahhnah was engaged with an officer of the Christians,
who was much too strong for him. The reason which our
author assigns for this is, because Serjabil was wholly given
up to watching and fasting. Derar, thinking he ought not to
stand still and see the prophet's secretary killed, drew his
dagger, and whilst the combatants were over head and
ears in dust, came behind the Christian and stabbed him
to the heart. The Saracens gave Derar thanks for his
service, but he said that he would receive no thanks but
from God alone. Upon this a dispute arose between Ser-
jabil and Derar concerning the spoil of this officer. Derai
claimed it as being the person that killed him: Serjabil as
having engaged him, and tired him out first. The matter
being referred to Abu Obeidah, he proposed the case to the
caliph, concealing the names of the persons concerned, who
sent him word that the spoil of any enemy was due to him
that killed him. Upon which Abu Obeidah took it from
Serjabil, and adjudged it to Derar.
Another day the Christian archers did such execution, that
besides those Saracens which were killed and wounded in
other parts, there were seven hundred which lost each of
them one or both of their eyes, upon which account the day
in which that battle was fought is called Yaumo'ttewir,
" The Day of Blinding." And if any of those who lost their
eyes that day were afterwards asked by what mischance he
was blinded, he would answer that it was not a mischance,
but a token of favour from God ; for they gloried as much in
those wounds they received in the defence of their supersti-
tion, as our enthusiasts do in what they call persecution,
Hej 15. A.I). 636. BARBARITY OF THE GREEKS. 203
and with much the same reasan. Abdallah Ebn Kort, whc
v/as present in all the wars in Syria, says that he never saw
so hard a battle as that which was fought on that day at
Yermouk ; and though the generals fought most desperately,
yet after all they would have been beaten if the fight had not
been renewed by the women. Caulah, Derar"s sister, being
wounded, fell down ; but Opheirah revenged her quarrel,
and struck off the man's head that did it. Upon Opheirah
asking her how she did, she answered, " Very well with God,
but a dying woman." However, she proved to be mistaken,
for in the evening she was able to walk about as if nothing
had happened, and to look after the wounded men.
In the night the Greeks had another calamity added to
ineir misfortune of losing the victory in the day. It was
drawn upon them by their own inhuman barbarity. There
was at Yermouk a gentleman of a very ample fortune, who
had removed thither from Hems for the sake of the sweet
salubrity of its air. When Mahan's army came to Yermouk
this gentleman used to entertain the officers, and treat them
nobly. To requite him for his courtesy, whilst they were
this day revelling at his house, they bade him bring out his
wife to them, and upon his refusing, they took her by force,
and abused her all night ; and, to aggravate their barbarity,
they seized his little son, and cut his head off. The poor
lady took her child's head, and carried it to Mahan, and
having given him an account of the outrages committed by
his officers, demanded satisfaction. He took but little notice
of the affair, and put her off with a slight answer. Upon
which her husband, resolved to take the first opportunity of
being revenged, went privately over to the Saracens, and
acquainted them with his design. Returning back to the
Greeks, he told them it was in his power to do them singular
service. He therefore takes a great number of them, and
brings them to a great stream, which was very deep, and
only fordable at one place. By his instructions, five hundred
of the Saracen horse had crossed over where the water was
shallow, and after attacking the Greeks, in a very little time
returned in excellent order by the same way they came.
The injured gentleman calls out, and encourages the Greeks
to pursue,* who, not at ill acquainted with the place, plunge
• Teoph. p. 280.
204 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS. OtiAU
into the water confusedly, and perished in great numbers.
In the subsequent engagements before Yermouk (all of
which were in November, 636), the Christians invariably were
defeated, till at last Mahan's vast army being broken and dis-
persed, he was forced to fly, thus leaving the Saracens
masters of the field, and wholly delivered from those terrible
apprehensions with which the news of his great preparations
had filled them.
, A short time after Abu Obeidah wrote to the caliph the
following letter.
" In the iiame of the most merciful God, &c.
" This is to acquaint thee that I encamped at Yermouk,
where Mahan was near us, with such an army as that the
Mussulmans never beheld a greater. But God, of his
abundant grace and goodness, overthrew this multitude, and
gave us the victory over them. We killed of them about a
hundred and fifty thousand, and took forty thousand prison-
ers. Of the Mussulmans were killed four thousand and
thirty, to whom God had decreed the honour of martyrdom.
Finding some heads cut off, and not knowing whether they
belonged to the Mussulmans or Christians, I prayed over
them and buried them. Mahan was afterwards killed at
Damascus by Nooman Ebn Alkamah. There was one Abu
Joaid that before the battle had belonged to them, having
come from Hems ; he drowned of them a great number
"unknown to any but God. As for those that fled into the
deserts and mountains, we have destroyed them all, and
stopped all the roads and passages, and God has made us
masters of their country, and wealth, and children. Written
after the victory from Damascus, where I stay expecting thy
orders concerning the division of the spoil. Fare thee well,
and the mercy and blessing of God be upon thee, and all the
Mussulmans."
Omar, in a short letter, expressed his satisfaction, and
gave the Saracens thanks for their perseverance and dili-
gence ; commanding Abu Obeidah to continue where he waa
till further orders. As Omar had mentioned nothing con-
cerning the spoil, Abu Obeidah regarded it as left to his own
discretion, and divided it without waiting for fresh instruc-
Hej. 16. A.T>. 637. SIEGE 01? jaHtJSAlEM. ii05
tions. T6 a horseman he gave thrice as much as to a foot--
man, and made a furthei difference between those horses
(vhich were of the right Arabian breed (which they looked
upon to be far the best) and those that were not, allowing
twice as much to the former as to the latter. And when
they were not satisfied with this distribution, Abu Obeidah
told them that the prophet had done the same after the battle
of Khaibar ; which, upon appeal made to Omar, was by him
wmfirmed. Zobeir had at the battle of Yermouk two horses,
which he used to ride by turns. He received five lots, three
for himself and two for his horses. If any slaves had run
away from their masters before the battle, and were after-
wards retaken, they were restored to their masters, who
nevertheless received an equal share of the spoil with th
rest.
The Saracens having rested a month at Damascus, and
refreshed themselves, Abu Obeidah sent to Omar to know
whether he should go to Csesarea or Jerusalem. Ali being
present when Omar was deliberating, said, to Jerusalem first,,
adding, that he had heard the prophet say as much. This
city they had a great longing after, as being the seat and
burying place of a great many of the ancient prophets, in
whom they reckoned none to have so deep an interest as
themselves. Abu Obeidah having received orders to besiege
it, sent Yezid Ebn Abu Sofian thither first, with five thousand
men ; and for five days together sent after him considerable
numbers of men, imder his most experienced and trust-
worthy ofl[icers. The lerosolymites expressed no signs of
fear, nor would they vouchsafe so much as to send out a
messenger to parley; but, planting their engines upon the
walls, made preparation for a vigorous defence. Yezid at
last went near the walls, with an interpreter, to know their
minds, and to propose the usual terms. When these were
rejected, the Saracens would willingly have assaulted the
town forthwith, had not Yezid told them that the general
had not commanded them to make any assault, but only to
sit down before the city ; and thereupon sent to Abu Obeidah,
who forthwith gave them order to fight. The next m.orning
the generals having said the morning prayer, each at the
head of their respective divisions, they all, as it were with
one consent, quoted this versicle out of the Koran, as being
^06 HISTOEY OF THE SAKACEXS. Om*r.
very apposite and pertinent to their present purpura : "O
people ! enter ye into the holy land which God hath decreed
for you ;"* being the twenty-fourth verse of the fifth chapter
of the Koran, where the impostor introduces Moses speaking
to the children of Israel, and which words the Saracens
dexterously interpreted as belonging no less to themselves
than to their predecessors, the Israelites. Nor have our
own parts of the world been altogether destitute of such able
expositors, who apply to themselves, without limitation or
exception, whatever in scripture is graciously expressed in
favour of the people of God ; while, whatever is said of the
wicked and ungodly, and of all the terrors and judgments
denounced against them, they bestow with a liberal hand
upon their neighbours. After their prayers were over, the
Saracens began their assault. The lerosolymites never
flinched, but sent them showers of arrows from the walls,
and maintained the fight with undaunted courage till the
evening. Thus they continued fighting ten days, and on the
eleventh Abu Obeidah came up with the remainder of the
army. He had not been there long before he sent the
besieged the following letter : —
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Abu Obeidah Ebn Aljerahh, to the chief com-
manders of the people of ^lia and the inhabitants thereof,!
health and happiness to every one that follows the right way,
and believes in God and the apostle. We require of you to
testify, that there is but one God, and Mohammed is his
apostle, and that there shall be a day of judgment, when God
shall raise the dead out of their sepulchres ; and when you
have borne witness to this, it is unlawful for us either to shed
your blood, or meddle with your substance or children. If
you refuse this, consent to pay tribute, and be under us forth-
with ; otherwise I shall bring men against you, who love
death better than you do the drinking of wine, or eating hogs'
flesh : nor will I ever stir from you, if it please God, till I
have destroyed those that fight for you, and made slaves of
your children."
* Koran, chap. v. 24.
+ lb., chap. XX. 49. They use these words aln est always when the»
write to Christians ; and so the king of Fez vrrote to our Prince Ilegent.
flej. 16. A.D. 637. PAELEY WITH TEE BESIEGED. 207
The eating swines' flesh * and drinking wine,f are both
forbidden in the Koran, which occasioned that reflection of
Abu Obeidah upon the practice of the Christians. The be-
sieged, not a whit daunted, held out four whole months
entire, during all which time, not one day passed without
fighting ; and it being winter time, the Saracens suffered a
great deal of hardship through the extremity of the weather.
At last, when the besieged had well considered the obstinacy
of the Saracens ; who, they had good reason to believe, would
never raise the siege till they had taken the city, whatever
time it took up, or whatever pains it might cost them ;
Sophronius the patriarch went to the wall, and by an inter-
preter discoursed with Abu Obeidah, telling him, that Jeru-
salem was the holy city, and whoever came into the holy land
with any hostile intent, would render himself obnoxious to
the divine displeasure. To which Abu Obeidah ansAvered,
" We know that it is a noble city, and that our prophet
Mohammed went from it in one night to heaven, j and ap-
proached within two bows' shot of his Lord, or nearer ; and
that it is the mine of the prophets, and their sepulchres are in
it. But we are more worthy to have possession of it than
you are ; neither will we leave besieging it, till God delivers
it up to us, as he hath done other places, before it.§ At last
the patriarch consented that the city should be surrendered,
upon condition that the inhabitants received the articles of
their security and protection from the caliph's own hands, and
not by proxy. II Accordingly, Abu Obeidah wrote to Omar
to conie, whereupon he advised with his friends. Othman,
who afterwards succeeded him in the government, dissuaded
• Koraii, chap. ii. 168. + lb., chap, v, 92, 93.
X lb., chap. x\ii. 1 — liii. 10.
^ See Life of Mohammed, an account of his night-journey to heaven.
II Price says, that Abu Obeidah had sent Amrou to commence the siege of
Jerasalem, but the governor of the city announced to the latter that the
prosecution of the siege, on his part, was labour entirely lost ; because
there existed a well-kno\vn prediction that the sacred city was destined to
yield to a person distinguished by certain marks, of which not one was to be
recognised in the person of Amrou, or in any part of his character. Amrou
subsequently obtained a description of these marks, one of which was that
trie name of the conqueror would only consist of three letters, and though
the name of Amrou is composed of four, yet in Arabic, that of Omar
contains only three ; and this, with some other apparent coincidences, i»
said to have been the principal motive for his coming.
208 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Oma»
him from going, in order that the lerosolymites might see
that they Mere despised, and beneath his notice. Ali was of
a very different opinion, urging that the Mussulmans had en-
dured great hardship in so long a siege, and suffered much
from the extremity of the cold ; that the presence of the caliph
would be a great refreshment and encouragement to them,
and adding, that the great respect which the Christians had
for Jerusalem, as being the place to which they went on pil-
grimage, ought to be considered ; that it ought not to be
supposed that they would easily part with it, but that it would
soon be reinforced with fresh supplies. This advice of Ali
being preferred to Othman's, the caliph resolved upon his
journey ; which, according to his frugal style of living, re-
quired no great expense or equipage. ^Vhen he had said his
prayers in the mosque, and paid his respects at Mohammed's
tomb, he appointed Ali his substitute, and set forward with
a small retinue ; the greatest part of which, having kept
him company a little way, returned back to Medina. He
rode upon a red camel, with a couple of sacks ; in one of
which he carried that sort of provision, which the Arabs call
sawik, which is either barley, rice, or wheat, sodden and
unhusken ; the other was full of fruits. Before him he car-
ried a very great leather bottle (very necessary in those
desert countries to put water in), behind him a large wooden
platter. Thus furnished and equipped, the caliph travelled,
and when he came to any place where he was to rest all
night, he never went from it till he had said the morning
prayer. After which, turning himself about to those that
were with him, he said, " Praise be to God, who h:ts strength-
ened us with the true religion, and given us his prophet, and
led us out of error, and united us (who were at variance) in
the confession of the truth, and given us the victory over our
enemy, and the possession of his country. O ye servants of
God ! Praise him for these abundant favours ; for God gives
increase to those that ask for it, and are desirous of those
things which are with him; and fulfils his grace upon those
that are thankful." Then filling his platter with the sawik,
he very libBrally entertained his fellow-travellers, who, without
distinction, ate with him all out of the same dish.
Whilst he was upon this journey, at one of his stages,
complaint wa s brought before him of a man that had marrie*
He;. 16. a.d. 637. OMAR PUNISHES INCEST. 209
two wives, that were sisters by the same father and mothei
also ; a thing which the old Arabians, so long as they con-
tinued in their idolatry, made no scruple of. This is clear
from that passage in the Koran, where it is forbidden for the
time to come, and expressed after such a manner as evidently
proves it to have been no uncommon practice among them.
Omar was very angry, and cited him and his two wives to
make their appearance before him forthwith. After the fel-
low had confessed that they were both his wives, and so nearly
related, Omar asked him what religion he might be of, or
whether he was a Mussulman ? " Yes," said the fellow.
"And did you not know, then," said Omar, " that it was un-
lawful for you to have them, when God has said, neither
marry two sisters any more ?"* The fellow swore, that he
did not know that it was unlawful; neither was it unlawful.
Omar swore he lied, and that he would make him part with
one of them, or else strike his head off. The fellow began to
grumble, and said, "that he wished he had never been of that
religion, for he could have done as well without it, and had
never been a whit the better for it since he had first professed
it." Upon whicli Omar called him a little nearer, and gave
him two blows upon the crown with his stick, to teach him
better manners, and a more reverent way of speaking of Mo-
hammedanism, saying, " O thou enemy of God, and of thyself,
dost thou revile Islamism, which is the religion that God and
,his angels, and apostles, and the best of the creation have
chosen? " And threatened him severely, if he did not make
a quick despatch, and take which of them he loved best. The
fellow was so fond of them both, that he could not tell which
he would rather part with ; upon which some of Omar's at-
tendants cast lots for the two women. The lot falling upon
one of them three times, the man took her, and was forced to
dismiss the other. Omar called him to him, and said, " Pray
mind what I say to you ; if any man makes profession of our
religion, and then leaves it, we kill him ; therefore, see you
do not renounce Islamism ; and take heed to yourself, for if
ever I hear that you lie with your wife's sister, which you
have put away, you shall be stoned."
Passing on a little further, he happened to see some poor
tributaries, whom their hard masters, the Saracens, were
• Koran, chap. iv. 27,
P
210 HISTORY OP THE SAEACENS. OuAn.
punishing for non-payment, by setting them in the sun ; a
punishment very grievous in that torrid zone. When Omar
imderstood the cause of it, he asked the poor people what
they had to say for themselves ? They answered, that they
were not able. Upon which he said, " Let them alone, and
tlo not compel them to more than they are able to bear ; for I
heard the apostle of God say. Do not afflict men ; for those
who afflict men in this world, God shall punish them in hell-
fire at the day of judgment." And immediately commanded
them to let them go.
Before he got to his journey's end, he was informed of an
old man that suffered a young one to go partner with him in
his wife ; so that one of them was to have her four and
twenty hours, and then the other, and so alternately. Omar
having sent for them, and upon examination found them to
be Mussulmans, wondered at it, and asked the old man, if he
did not know that what he had done was forbidden by the law
of God? They both swore, that they knew no such thing.
Omar asked the old man, what made him consent to such a
vile thisg ? Who answered, that he was in years, and his
strength failed him, and he had never a son to look after his
business, and this young man was very serviceable to him in
watering and feeding his camels, and he had recompensed
him that way ; but since it was unlawful, he promised that it
should be so no more. Omar bid him take his wife by the
hand, and told him, " that nobody had any thing to do with
her but himself. And for your part, young man," says he,
" if ever I hear that you come near her again, off goes your
head."
Omar, having all the way he went, set things aright that
were amiss, and distributed justice impartially, for which he was
singularly eminent among the Saracens, came at last into the
confines of Syria ; and when he drew near Jerusalem he was met
by Abu Obeidah, and conducted to the Saracen camp, where
he was welcomed with the liveliest demonstrations of joy. In
the morning after Abu Obeidah met him, for he did not reach
the camp on that day, he said the usual prayers, and if we
may take my author" s word for it, preached a good sermon.
In the course of his address, as he quoted this text out of the
Koran ; " He whom God shall direct is led in the right way ;
but thou shalt not find a friend to direct him aright whom
Hej. 16. A.D. 637 THE TBEAXY, 211
God shall lead into error,'"* a Christian priest that sat before
him stood up, and said, " God leads no man into error;" and
repeated it. Omar said nothing to him, but bid those that
stood by strike off his head, if he should say so again. The
old man understood what he said, and held his peace -whilst
Omar proceeded in his sermon.
Omar having met with some of the Saracens richly dressed
in silks that they had taken by way of plunder after the battle
of Yermouk, spoiled all their pride, for he caused them to be
dragged along in the dirt with their faces downwards, and
their clothes to be rent in pieces. As soon as he came
within sight of the city, he cried out, " Allah Acbar : O God,
give us an easy conquest." Pitching his tent, which was
made of hair, he sat down in it upon the ground. The
Christians hearing that Omar was come, from Avhose hands
they were to receive their articles, desired to confer with him
personally. Upon which the Mussulmans would have per-
suaded him not to expose his person, for fear of some
treachery. But Omar resolutely answered, in the words
of the Koran ; " Say, ' There shall nothing befall us but what
God hath decreed for us ; he is our Lord, and in God let all
the believers put their trust.' "f After a brief parley, the be-
sieged capitulated, and because those articles of agreement
made by Omar with the lerosoljTuites are, as it were, the
pattern which the Mohammedan princes have chiefly imitated,
I shall not think it inappropriate to give the sense of them in
this place, as I find them in the author of the History of
Jerusalem, or the Holy Land,J which I have mentioned
before.
The articles were these ; 1. " The Christians shall build no
new churches, either in the city or the adjacent territory.
2. They shall not refuse the Mussulmans entrance into their
churches, either by night or day. 3. They should set open
the doors of them to all passengers and travellers. 4. If any
Mussulman should be upon a journey, they shall be obliged
to entertain him gratis for the space of three days. 5. They
ehould not teach their children the Koran, nor talk openly of
their religion, nor persuade any one to be of it ; neither
ehould they hinder any of their relations from becoming
• Koran, chap. xvij". 16. f lb. ix. 51. J MS. Arab. Pocock. No. .36 i
p2
SI 2 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Oiu»
Mohammedans, if they had an inclination to it. 6. They
shall pay respect to the Mussulmans, and if they were sitting
rise up to them. 7. They should not go like the Mussul-
mans in their dress ; nor wear the same caps, shoes, nor tur-
bans, nor part their hair as they do, nor speak after the same
manner, nor be called by the names used by the Mussulmans.
8. They shall not ride upon saddles, nor bear any sort of
arms, nor use the Arabic tongue in the inscriptions of their
seals. 9. They shall not sell any wine. 10. They shall be
obliged to keep to the same sort of habit wheresover they
went, and always wear girdles upon their waists. 1 1 . They
shall set no crosses upon their churches, nor show their crosses
nor their books openly in the streets of the Mussulmans.
12. They shall not ring, but only toll their bells : nor shall they
take any servant that had once belonged to the Mussulmans.
13. They shall not overlook the Mussulmans in their houses:
and some say, that Omar commanded the inhabitants of Jeru-
salem to have the foreparts of their heads shaved, and
obliged them to ride upon their pannels sideways, and not
like the Mussulmans."
Upon these terms the Christians had liberty of conscience,
paying such tribute as their masters thought fit to impose
upon them ; and Jerusalem, once the glory of the east, was
forced to submit to a heavier yoke than ever it had borne
before. For though the number of the slain, and the calami-
ties of the besieged were greater when it was taken by the
Romans ; yet the servitude of those that survived was nothing
comparable to this, either in respect of the circumstances or
the duration. For however it might seem to be utterly ruined
and destroyed by Titus, yet by Hadrian's time it had greatly
recovered itself. Now it fell, as it were, once for all,
into the hands of the most mortal enemies of the Christian
religion, and has continued so ever since ; with the excep-
tion of a brief interval of about ninety years, during which
it was held by the Christians in the holy war.
The Christians having submitted on these terms, Omar
gave them the following writing under his hand,
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Omar Ebn Al Khattab, to the inhabitants of ^Elia.
They shall be protected and secured both in their lives and
HeJ. :6. A.D. 637. ENTRY INTO JERUSALEM 213
fortunes, and their churches shall neither be pulled down, nor
made use of by any but themselves."
Upon this the gates were immediately opened, and the
caliph and those that were with him marched in.* The patri-
arch kept them company, and the caliph talked with him
familiarly, and asked him many questions concerning the
antiquities of the place. Among other places which they
visited, they went into the temple of the resurrection, and
Omar sat down in the midst of it. When the time of prayers
was come (the Mohammedans have five £et times of prayer
in a day), Omar told the patriarch, that he had a mind to
pray, and desired him to show him a place where he might
perform his devotion. The patriarch bade him pray where he
was ; but this he positively refused. Then taking him out
from thence, the patriarch went with him into Constantine's
church, and laid a mat for him to pray there, but he would
not. At last he went alone to the steps which v/ere at the
east gate of St. Constantine's church, and kneeled by himself
upon one of them. Having ended his prayers, he sat down,
and asked the patriarch if he knew why he had refused to
pray in the church. The patriarch confessed that he could
not tell what were his reasons. " Why, then," says Omar, " I
will teU you. You know I promised you that none of your
churches should be taken away from you, but that you should
possess them quietly yourselves. Now if I had prayed in
any one of these churches, the Mussulmans would infallibly
take it away from you as soon as I had departed homeward.
And notwithstanding all you might allege, they would say, this
is the place where Omar prayed, and we will pray here too.
And so you would have been turned out of your church, con-
trary both to my intention and your expectation. But be-
cause my praying even on the steps of one, may perhaps give
some occasion to the Mussulmans to cause you disturbance
on this account ; I shaU. take what care I can to prevent
that." So calling for pen, ink, and paper, he expressly
commanded that none of the Mussulmans should pray upos
the steps in any multitudes, but one by one. That they
should never meet there to go to prayers. And that the
^luezzin, or crier, that calls the people to prayers, (for the
• Year of the H?i. 16. a.d. 637.
214 HI8T0RT OF THE 8ABACENS. On**
Mohammedans never use bells) should not stand there. This
paper he gave to the patriarch for a security, lest his praying
upon the steps of the church should have set such an example
to the Mussulmans as might occasion any inconvenience to
the Christians. A noble instance of singular fidelity and the
religious observance of a promise. This caliph did not think
it enough to perform what he engaged himself, but used all
possible diligence to oblige others to do so too. And when
the unwary patriarch had desired him to pray in the church,
little considering what might be the consequence, the caliph,
well knowing how apt men are to be superstitious in the imi-
tation of their princes and great men, especially such as they
look upon to be successors of a prophet, made the best pro-
vision he could, that no pretended imitation of him might
lead to the infiingement of the security he had already given.
There is a story,* that the caliph desired the patriarch to
assign him a place where he might buUd a mosque for the
celebration of the Mohammedan service ; and that the pa-
triarch showed him the place where Jacob's stone lay, which
he slept upon when he saw the vision.f Now the stone was
thickly covered with dirt, and the caliph taking up as much
as he could of it in his vest, began to remove it. The Mus-
sulmans perceiving what the caliph did, very readily assisted
him ; some filling their bucklers, some their vests, others
baskets ; so that in a very short time they had removed all
the rubbish and dirt, and cleared the stone. J After this
the caliph, leaving their churches to the Christians, buUt a
new temple in the place where Solomon's formerly stood, and
consecrated it to the Mohammedan superstition. From thence
he went to Bethlehem, and going into the church, prayed
there ; and when he had done, he gave the patriarch, under
his hand, the same security for the church as he had done
before at Jerusalem, strictly forbidding any of the Moham-
medans to pray there, unless it were a single person at a
time ; and interdicting the muezzins from ever calling the
people to prayers there. But notwithstanding all the caliph's
precaution, the Saracens afterwards seized this church for
their own use ; as they also did St. Constan tine's at Jerusa-
lem ; for they took half the porch, in which were the steps
• Elmakin, Golius's notes upon Alferganus, p. 137.
-4- Gen. xxviii J Theoph. p. 281.
K^J. le. A.ii. 637. MADAYES ?LUNDERET). 215
where Omar cad prayed, and built a mosque there, inclosing
these steps in it. Had Omar said his prayers in the body of
the church, fhey would, without all question, have taken
that too.
In the same year that Jerusalem was taken, Said Ebn Abi
Wakkas, one of Omar's captains, was making fearful havoc
in the territories of Persia. He took Madayen, formerly the
treasury and magazine of Cosroes, king of Persia ; where he
found money and rich furniture of all sorts, inestimable.
Elmakin says, that they found there no less than three
thousand million of ducats, besides Cosroes' crown and ward-
robe, which was exceedingly rich, his clothes being all
adorned with gold and jewels of great value. Then they
opened the roof of Cosroes' porch, where they found another
considerable sum. They also plundered his armory, which
was well stored with all sorts of Aveapons. Among other
things they brought to Omar a piece of silk hangings, sixty
cubits square, all curiously wrought with needle-work. That
it was of great value, appears from the price which Ali had
for that part of it which fell to his share when Omar divided
it ; which, though it was none of the best, yielded him twenty
thousand pieces of silver.* After this, in the same year, the
Persians were defeated by the Saracens in a great battle near
Jaloulah.f And now Yezdejird, perceiving matters grow
worse every day, retired to Ferganah, a city of Persia.;]:
• Major Price estimates the booty at £300,000,000 sterling. Gibbon says,
•* The naked robbers of the desert were -suddenly enriched beyond the
measure of their hope or knowledge. Each chamber revealed a new trea-
sure secreted with art, or ostentatiously displayed ; the gold and silver, the
various wardrobes and precious furniture, surpassed the estimate of fancy
or numbers." But the Arabs were yet ignorant of the value of their
booty ; some of them offered to exchange gold for silver ; and others, mis-
taking camphor for salt, mingled it with their bread, and were surprised at
the bitterness of its taste.
t At Jaloulah, another immense booty was the reward of successful
enterprise. Price mentions one article in particular, a golden camel,
enriched with all sorts of jewels, and surmounted by a figure of a man,
also of gold, which was found in one of the tents by an Arab soldier,
and faithfully delivered to the person whose charge it was to collect the
Bpoil.
J " It woUid be tedious and improfitable to detail the different events
which attended the submission of the governors of the various provinces oi
Persia, but a circumstance involved with the fall of the pro\ince of Anwaa
and Susa is so illustrative of oriental manners, that it is inserte 1 here to
516 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Osur
We must now proceed with the conquest of Syria. Omar,
having taken Jerusalem, continued there about ten days, to
put things in order. And here Alwakidi tells us a story of
one Kaab, a Jew, who came to him to be received as a pro-
selyte, saying, that his father, who was thoroughly skilled in
the law of Moses, had told him about Mohammed's being
the seal of the prophets, and that after him all inspiration was
to cease. Among other things, Kaab asked him what was
said concerning the Mohammedan religion in the Koran.
Omar quoted such texts out of it as were likely to smt his
palate, as having been brought up a Jew ; namely, " Abra-
ham commanded his sons concerning it ; and so did Jacob ;
saying, O children ! God has made choice of a religion for
you ;* wherefore do not die before you be Mussulmans.f"
relieve the sanguinary uniformity of the Saracenic annals. The Arabs be-
sieged Harmozan, the governor of this province, in his castle at Susa. The
fortress soon surrendered, and the Pe'-sian satrap was conducted to Medina;
where, at the moment of his arrival, the caliph was reposing himself amidst
a crowd of paupers, on the steps of the great mosque. The Persian, unac-
customed to associate the ideas of simplicity of manners with the power of
royalty, requested to be conducted into the presence of Omar. The caliph,
awakened by the noise, directed the Mussulmans to lead their prisoner into
a chamber of the mosque. Seated in the chair of Mohammed, the con-
queror commanded his captive to be stripped of his gorgeous habiliments,
and asked him whether he was sensible of the judgments of God, and of
the different rewards of infidelity and obedience ? " Alas," replied Har-
mozan, " I feel them too deeply. In the days of our common ignorance,
we fought with the weapons of the flesh, and my nation was superior : God
was then neuter : since he has espoused your quarrel, you have subverted
our kingdom and religion." The Persian complained of thirst, and wished
to drink in the presence of his conqueror, as, according to the custom of
the Orientals, that circumstance would have entitled the prisoner to the pri-
vileges of his friendship. " Why do you ask for water ?" demanded the ca-
liph. "My thirst is intolerable," answered the satrap, "and I ask for water for
the preservation of my life." " Your life is not in danger till you have drunk
the water," said the caliph. The crafty Harmozand a shed the vase to the
ground. Though a promise of perpetual safety was far from being the
meaning of Omar, yet the calls of mercy and the sacred solemnity of
justice forbade the caliph from recalling his unguarded language. See
Mills. Major Price records that this Harmozan afterwards became a
Mohammedan, and resided at Medina upon a trifling pension from the
public treasury. Upon the death of Omar, however, he fell a sacrifice at
the hands of Abdallah, the son of the caliph, who knowing him to have
been intimate with the assassin of his father, supposed him also to be
implicated in his murder,
• Koran, chap. iL i26. t lb. iii. 06.
Hej. 16. AD. 637 OlIAR RETtrRNS TO MEDIXA. 217
Again, " Abraham was neither a Jew nor Christian, but a
religious Mussulman, and was not of the number of those
who join partners with God."* And then, " He that shall
desire any other religion but Islamism, it shall not be ac-
cepted of him."t Again, " Will they desire any other than
God's religion, to whom everything in heaven and earth|
submits itself. ''§ And then, " The religion of Abraham
yo-jjr father: he gave you the name of Mussulmans." |1 The
rabbi, convinced -with so many pregnant texts, that the Mo-
hammedan religion was no other than that of Abraham and
the patriarchs, repeated instantly, " La Ilaha," &c. '• There
is but one God, and Mohammed is his apostle." Omar was
very well pleased with his new proselyte, and invited him to
go along with him to Medina, to visit the prophet" s tomb, to
which he consented.
Omar now thought of returning to Medina, having first
disposed his afiairs after the following manner. Syria he
di\ided into two parts ; and committed all that lies between
Hauran and Aleppo to Abu Obeidah, with orders to make
war upon it till he had completely subdued it. Yezid Ebn
Abu Sofian was to take the charge of all Palestine and the
sea-shore. Amrou Ebn Al Aas was sent to invade Egypt,'
no inconsiderable part of the emperor's dominions, which
were now continually mouldering away. The Saracens at
Medina had almost given Omar over, and began to conclude
that he would never stir from Jerusalem, but be won to stay
there from the richness of the country and the sweetness of the
air ; but especially, by the thought, that it was the country of
the prophets, and the holy land, and the place where we
must all be summoned together at the resurrection. At last
he came, the more welcome the less he had been expected.
Abu Obeidah, in the meantime, reduced Kiimisrin and Ahadir,
the inhabitants paying do^vn five thousand ounces of gold,
and as many of silver, two thousand suits of clothes of seve-
ral sorts of silk, and five hundred asses' loads of figs and
olives. Yezid marched against Caesarea in vain, that place being
too well fortified to be taken by his little army, especially
since it had been reinforced by the emperor, who had seat a
* Koran, iii. 60. + lb. iii. 78. J lb. iii. 77-
§ Arabic, '•' Aflama," 1! Koran, xxv, 77
218 HISTORY OF THE R»TtACET?S. Oma»
store of all sorts of provision by sea, and a reinforcement to
the garrison of two thousand men. The inhabitants of
Aleppo were much disheartened by the loss of Kinnisrin and
Alhadir, well knomng that it would not be long before their
turn would come to experience themselves what, till theo,
they had known only by report. They had two governors,
brothers, who dwelt in the castle (the strongest in all Spia),
which was not at that time encompassed by the town, but
stood out of it, at a little distance. The name of one of
these brethren, if my author mistakes not, was Youkinna.
the other John. Their father held of the Emperor Heraclius
all the territory between Aleppo and Euphrates, after whose
decease Youkinna managed the afiairs ; John, not troubling
himself with secular employments, did not meddle with the
government, but led a monkish life, spending his time in re-
tirement, reading, and deeds of charity. He tried to persuade
his brother to secure himself, by compounding with the Arabs
for a good round sum of mon^^y ; but he told him that he
talked like a monk, and did not understand what belonged to
a soldier ; that he had provisions and warlike means enough,
and was resolved to make the best resistance he could. Ac-
cordingly the next day he called his men together, among
whom there were several Christian Arabs, and having
armed them, and for their encouragement distributed some
money among them, told them that he was fully purposed to
act offensively, and, if possible, give the Saracens battle be-
fore they should come too near Aleppo. He Avas informed
that the Saracen army was divided and weakened ; a part
being gone to Csesarea, another to Damascus, and a third
into Egypt. Having thus inspirited his men, he marched
forwards with twelve thousand. Abu Obeidah had sent be-
fore him Kaab Ebn Damarah with one thousand men, but
with express orders not to fight till he had received informa-
tion of the strength of the enemy, Youkinna' s spies found
Kaab and his men resting themselves, and watering their
horses, quite secure, and free from all apprehension of danger.
Upon which Youkinna laid an ambuscade, and then, with the
rest of his men, fell upon the Saracens. The engagement
was sharp, and the Saracens had the best of it at first ; but
the ambuscade breaking in upon them, they were in great
danger of being overpowered with numbers ; one hundred
Hej. 17. A.D. 638. ALEPPO ATTACKED. 219
and seventy of them being slain, and most of the rest being
grievously wounded, that they were upon the very brink of
despair, and cried out, " Ya Mohammed ! Ya Mohammed !"
" 0 Mohammed ! O Mohammed ! " However, with much
difficulty, they made shift to hold up till night parted them,
earnestly expecting the coming of Abu Obeidah.
In the meantime, whilst Youkinna was going ant with his
forces to engage the Saracens, the wealthy and trading people
of Aleppo, knowing very well how hard it would go with
them if ^^ley should stand it out obstinately to the last, and
be taken by storm, resolved upon debate to go and make
terms with Abu Obeidah, that, let Youkinna's success be what
it would, they might be secure. Accordingly, thirty of the
chief men of the to^vn went to him, being then at Kinnisrin,
and just upon his march ; and as soon as they came near
cried out, " Legoun, Legoun." This Abu Obeidah under-
stood meant quarter, and had formerly written to the captains
in Syria, that if any of them heard any man use that word,
they should not be hasty to kill him, otherwise they must
answer it at the day of judgment, and the caliph would be
be clear. They were therefore brought before Abu Obeidah,
and perceiving that there were fires in the camp, and some
were saying their prayers, others reading the Koran, and all
very easy and secure, one of them said, " They have most
certainly gotten the victory." An interpreter that stood by
told this to Abu Obeidah, who till then knew nothing of the
battle. Upon examination they told him, that they were
merchants, and the chief traders of Aleppo, and were come
to make articles for themselves ; that Youkinna was a tyrant ;
and that he had marched out against the Saracens yesterday.
Abu Obeidah hearing this, gave Kaab Ebn Damarah over
for lost, which made him at first the more unwilling to treat
with the Aleppians ; but upon their earnest and repeated in-
treaty, and being naturally inclined to compassion, and withal
considering that these persons (for there were several belong-
ing to the neighbouring villages that had joined themselves
with them) might be serviceable in helping the army to pro-
vision and provender, he cried out, " God loves those that
are inclined to do good ;"* and turning himself to the Sara«
• Koran, chap. ii. 190 ; iii. 129, 141. v. 16.
!22d HISTORY OF THE SA.RACEX8. Omar
cens, he represented the advantages which might accrue to
them, by receiving these people into their protection. But
one that was present told him, that the town was very neai
the castle, and he did not believe they were in earnest, or
ought to be trusted; "for," says he, "they come to impose on
us, and no question but they have trepanned Kaab.'' To
whom Abu Obeidah answered, " Entertain, man, a better
opinion of God, who will not deceive us, nor give them the
dominion over us." Then he proposed to them the same con-
ditions which they of Kinnisrin and Hader had agreed
to ; but they desired to be excused, alleging, that through
the oppression and tyranny of Youkinna, their city of Aleppo
was nothing near so well-peopled, nor half so rich as Kinnis-
rin ; but if he pleased to accept of half so much, they would
endeavour to raise it. This he accepted, with the further
condition, that they should take care to furnish the camp
with all things necessary, and give all necessary intelligence
that might be of any use to the Mussulmans, and also hinder
Youkinna from returning to the castle. They imdertook all
but the last article, which they said was altogether out of
their power. Then he made them swear every one (such an
oath as they had been used to), and bade them take care
how they broke it, for if they did, there would be no quar-
ter. "When they Avere going away, he proffered them a guard
to see them safe home ; but they told him they would, if he
pleased, save him that trouble, since they could go home the
same way they came, without any fear of Youkinna.
As they were going back, they chanced to meet with one
of Youkinna's officers, to whom they gave an account of
the whole transaction. Upon this he hastened with all possible
speed to his master; who was waiting with impatience for the
morning, that he might despatch Kaab and his men, whom
the coming of the night had preserved : but hearing this news,
he began to fear lest an attempt should be made upon the
castle in his absence, and thought it safest to make the best
of his way homeward. In the morning the Saracens were
surprized to see no enemy, and wondered what was the mat-
ter with them. Kaab would have pursued them, but none of
his men had any inclination to go with him ; so they rested
inemselves, and in a little time Kaled and Abu Obeidah
same up with the rest of the army. Then they went about
Hej. 17. AD 638. TOtTKINXA KILLS HIS BEOTHEB. 221
burj-ing their mirtyrs, as they call them, and put them mto
the ground, aU bloody as they were, their clothes, amis, and
all together. For Abu Obeidah had said, that he had heard
the apostle of God say, that " The mart}Ts and those who
are killed in the service of God shall be raised at the day of
judgment with their blood upon their throats, which shall
have the colour of blood, but the smell of musk, and they
shall be led directly into paradise, without being called to
an account."
As soon as they were buried, Abu Obeidah reminded
Kaled of the obligation they were under to protect the
Aleppians, now their confederates, who Avere likely to be
exposed to the outrage and cruelty of Youkinna, for, in all
probability, he would severely resent their defection. They
therefore marched as fast as they could, and when they drew
near Aleppo, found that they had not been at aU wrong in
their apprehensions. Youkinna had drawn up his soldiers
with a design to fall upon the towoismen, and threatened
them with present death, unless they would break their
covenant with the Arabs, and go out with him to fight them,
and unless they brought out to him the first contriver and
proposer of the convention. At last he fell upon them in
good earnest, and killed about three hundred of them. His
brother John, who was in the castle, hearing a piteous outcry
and lamentation, came do^va. from the castle, and entreated
his brother to spare the people, representing to him that
Jesus Christ had commanded us not to contend with our
enemies, much less with those of our own religion. Youkinna
told him that they had agi-eed with the Arabs, and assisted
them ; which John excused, telling him, " That what they
did was only for their own security, because they were no
fighting men." In short, he took their part so long tiU he
provoked his brother to that degree that he charged him
with being the chief contriver and manager of the whole
business ; and at last, in a great passion, cut his head off.
My author here says, that John had first made profession of
the Mohammedan religion, and Avent forthwith to paradise.
But very likely the reason of his saying so is, because he
was a sober man, and of a good character, and he grudged
that any such should die a Christian, and theiefoie made a
Mohammedan of him, envying the Chiistians the credit ol"
222 HISIOKT OF THE SARACENS. O.v^R
having even one good man among them. "Whilst lie was
murdering the unhappy Aleppians, Kaled (better late than
never) came to their relief. Youkinna percei\'ing his arrival,
retired with a considerable number of soldiers into the castle.
The Saracens killed that day three thousand of his men.
However, he prepared himself to sustain a siege, and planted
engines upon the castle-walls. The Aleppians brought out
fortj' prisoners, and delivered them to Ahu Obeidah, who
bade his interpreter ask them why they had made prisoners
of them. They answered, " That these men belonged to
Youkinna, and had fled to them, but that as they were not
included in the articles, they durst not harbour them." Abu
Obeidah commended their fidelity, and told them, "They
should find the benefit of it ;" and for their further encour-
agement added, " That as a reward of their good service,
whatever plunder they took from any of the Christians
should be their own." Seven of these prisoners turned
Mohammedans, the rest were beheaded.
Abu Obeidah next deliberated, in a council of war, what
measures were most proper to be taken. Some were of
opinion that the best way would be to besiege the castle
■with some part of the army, and let the rest be sent out to
forage. Kaled would not hear of it, but was for attacking
the castle at once with their whole force ; that, if possible, it
might be taken before fresh supplies could arrive from the
emperor.^ This plan being adopted, they made a vigorous
assault, in which they had as hard fighting as any in all the
wars of Syria. The besieged made a noble defence, and
threw stones from the walls in such plenty that a great
many of the Saracens were killed, and a great many more
maimed. Youkinna, encouraged with his success, determined
to act on the offensive, and turn everything to advantage.
The Saiacens looked upon all the country as their own, and
knowing that there was no army of the enemy near them,
and fearing nothing less than an attack from the besieged,
kept guard negligently. In the dead of night, therefore,
Youkinna sent out a party, who, as soon as the fires were
out in the camp, fell upon the Saracens, and having killed
about sixty, carried off fifty prisoners. Kaled pursued and
cut off about a himdred of them, but the rest escaped to the
castle with the prisoners, who, by the command of Youkinna,
Hej. 17. A.D. 638. ALEPPO BESIEGED. 223
were the next day beheaded in the sight of the Saracen
army. Upon this Yonkinna ventured once more to send out
another party, having received information from one of his
spies (most of which were Christian Arabs) that some of the
Mussulmans were gone out to forage. They fell upon the
Mussulmans, killed a hundred and thirty of them, and seized
all their camels, mules, and horses, which they either killed
or hamstrung, and then they retired into the mountains, in
hopes of Ipng hid during the day, and returning to the castle
in the silence of the night. In the meantime, some that had
escaped brought the news to Abu Obeidah, who sent Kaled
and Derar to pursue the Christians. Coming to the place of
the tight, they found their men and camels dead, and the
country people making great lamentation, for they were
afraid lest the Saracens should suspect them of treachery,
and revenge upon them their loss. Falling down before
Kaled, they told him they were altogether innocent, and had
not in any way, either directly or indirectly, been instrumental
in the attack ; but that it was made solely by a party of
horse that sallied from the castle. Kaled, having made them
swear that they knew nothing more, and taking some of them
for guides, closely watched the only passage by which the
sallying party could return to the castle. When about a
fourth part of the night was passed, they perceived Youkinna's
men approaching, and falling upon them, took three hundred
prisoners, and killed the rest. The prisoners begged to be
allowed to ransom themselves, but they were all beheaded
the next morning in front of the castle.
The Saracens pressed the siege for a while very closely,
but percei'v'ing that they made no way, Abu Obeidah removed
the camp about a mile's distance from the castle, hoping by
this means to tempt the besieged to security and negligence
in their watch, which might eventually afford him an oppor-
tunity of taking the castle by surprise. But all would not
do, for Youkinna kept a very strict watch, and suffered not a
man to stir out. Abu Obeidah thought that there might be
some Christian spies in the army, whereupon he and Kaled
walked through the camp, to see if they could discover any
suspicious persons. At last Kaled observed a man sitting
with a vest before him, which he turned first on the one side
and then on the other. Kaled stepped to him, and asked
224 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Omab.
him what tribe he was of. The fellow intended to have
named another tribe, but being surprised, and having the
question suddenly put to him, the truth slipped out of his
mouth, and he answered, " Of Gussan." " Sayest thou so ?"
answered Kaled, " thou enemy of God, thou art a Christian
Arab, and a spy," and seized him. The fellow said that he
was not, but a Mussulman. Kaled carried him to Abu
Obeidah, who bade him examine him in the Koran, and
made him say his prayers. But the poor fellow had not one
word to say for himself, being altogether ignorant of those
things. Upon which, without much arguing, he confessed
himself a spy, saying that he was not alone, but there were
three of them in all, but that two had returned to the castle.
Abu Obeidah bade him take his choice between Moham-
medanism or death, and he readily embraced the former.
The siege continued four months, and some say five. In
the meantime Omar was very much concerned, having heard
nothing from the camp in Syria. He wrote, therefore, to
Abu Obeidah, letting him know how tender he was over the
Mussulmans, and what a great grief it was to him to hear no
news of them for so long a time. Abu Obeidah answered,
that Kinnisrin, Hader, and Aleppo were surrendered to him,
only the castle of Aleppo held out, and that they had lost a
considerable number of men before it. That he had some
thoughts of raising the siege, and passing forwards into that
part of the country which lies between Aleppo and Antioch ;
but only he stayed for his answer. About the time that
Abu Obeidah's messengers reached Medina, there also arrived
a considerable number of men out of the several tribes of the
Arabs, to proffer their service to the caliph. Omar ordered
seventy camels to help their foot, and despatched them into
Syria, with a letter to Abu Obeidah, in which he acquainted
him " That he was variously affected, according to the different
success they had met, but charged them by no means to raise
the siege of the castle, for that would make them look little,
and encourage their enemies to fall upon them on all sides.
Wherefore," adds he, " continue besieging it till God shall
determine the event, and forage with your horse round about
the country."
Among those frash supplies which Omar had just sent to
the Saracen camp, there was a very remarkable man, whr^se
■«j. 17. A-B. 639. STRATAGEM OF DAMES. 225
name was Dames, of a gigantic size, and an admirable
soldier. "WTien he had been in the camp forty-seven days,
and all the force and cunning of the Saracens availed nothing
towards taking the castle, he desired Abu Obeidah to let him
have the command of thirty men, and he would try his best
against it. Kaled had heard much of the man, and told Abu
Obeidah a long story of a wonderful performance of this
Dames in Arabia ; and that he looked upon him as a very
proper person for such an undertaking. Abu Obeidah
selected thirty men to go with him, and bade them not to
despise their commander because of the meanness of his
condition, he being a slave, and swore, that but for the care
of the whole army, which lay upon him, he would be the
first man that should go under him upon such an enterprise.
To which they answered with entire submission and profound
respect. Dames, who lay hid at no great distance, went out
several times, and brought in with him five or six Greeks,
but never a man of them understood one word of Arabic,
which made him angry, and say, " God curse these dogs !
"What a strange barbarous language they use."
At last he went out again, and seeing a man descend from
the wall, he took him prisoner, and by the help of a Christian
Arab, whom he captured shortly afterwards, examined him.
He learned from him that immediately upon the departure of
the Saracens, Youkinna began to ill-use the townsmen who
had made the convention mth the Arabs, and to exact large
sums of money of them ; that he being one of them, had
endeavoured to make his escape from the oppression and
tyranny of Youkinna, by leaping do\vTi from the wall. Upon
this the Saracens let him go, as being under their protection
bv virtue of the articles made between Abu Obeidah and the
Aleppians, but beheaded all the rest.
In the evening, after having sent two of his men to Abu
Obeidah, requesting him to order a body of horse to move
forward to his support about sunrise. Dames has recourse to
the following stratagem. Taking out of a knapsack a goat's
skin, he covered with it his back and shoulders, and holding
a dry crust in his hand, he crept on all fours as near to the
castle as he could. When he heard a noise, or suspected
any one to be near, to prevent his being discovered, he began
to make a noise with his crust, as a dog does when gnawing
Q
5^26 HISTOKY OF THE SABACEN8. OuAl\.
a bone ; the rest of his company came after him, sometimes
sculking and creeping along, at other times walking. ^Vhen
they came near to the castle, it appeared almost inaccessible.
However Dames was resolved to make an attempt upon it.
Having found a place where the walls seemed easier to scale
than elsewhere, he sat down upon the ground, and ordered
another to sit upon his shoulders ; and so on till seven of them
had mounted up, each sitting upon the other's shoulders,
and all leaning against the wall, so as to throw as much of
their weight as possible upon it. Then he that was upper-
most of all stood upright upon the shoulders of the second,
next the second raised himself, and so on, all in order, till at
last Dames himself stood up, bearing the weight of all the
rest upon his shoulders, who however did all they could to
relieve him by bearing against the Avail. By this means the
uppermost man could just make a shift to reach the top ol
the wall, while in an under-tone they all cried, " O apostle of
God, help us and deliver us !" When this man had got up
on^ the wall, he found a watchman drunk and asleep.
Seizing him hand and foot, he threw hun down among the
Saracens, who immediately cut him to pieces. Two other
sentinels, whom he found in the same condition, he stabbed
with his dagger, and threw down from the wall. He then
let down his turban, and drew up the second, they two the
third, till at last Dames was drawn up, who enjoined them to
wait there in silence while he went and looked about him.
In this expedition he gained a sight of Youkinna, richly
dressed, sitting upon a tapestry of scarlet silk flowered with
gold, and a large company with him, eating and drinking,
and very merry. On his return he told his men that, because
of the great inequality of their numbers, he did not think it
advisable to fall upon them then, but had rather wait till
break of day, at which time they might look for help from'
the main body. In the meantime he went alone, and pri-
vately stabbing the sentinels, and setting open the gates,
came back to his men, and bade them hasten to take pos-
session of the gates. This was not done so quietly but they
were at last taken notice of, and the castle alarmed. There
was no hope of escape for them, but every one expected to
perish. Dames behaved himself bravely, but, overpowered
hy superior numbers, he and his men were no loiiger able to
\
Hej. 17. A D. 638. STRATAGEM FOR TAKING AAZAZ. 227
hold up, when, as the morning began to dawn, Kaled came
to their relief. As soon as the besieged perceived the Sara-
cens rushing in upon them, they threw down their arms, and
cried "Quarter!" Abu Obeidah was not far behind with
the rest of the army. Having taken the castle, he proposed
Mohammedanism to the Christians. The first that embraced
it was Youkinna, and his example was followed by some of
the chief men with him, who immediately had their wives
and children, and all their wealth restored to them. Abu
Obeidah set the old and impotent people at liberty, and
having set apart the fifth of the spoil (which was of great
value), divided the rest among the Mussidmans. Dames
was talked of and admired by all, and Abu Obeidah, in order
to pay him marked respect, commanded the army to continue
in their present quarters till he and his men should be per-
fectly cured of their wounds.
Obeidah's next thoughts, after the capture of the castle of
Aleppo, were to march to Antioch, then the seat of the
Grecian emperor. But Youkinna, the late governor of the
castle of Aleppo, having, with the changing of his religion,
become a deadly enemy of the Christians, persuaded him to
defer his march to Antioch, till they had first taken the castle
of Aazaz. This fortress was held by his own cousin-german,
Theodorus, and was a place of importance ; and which, if not
taken, would enable the enemy to harass the Saracens on that
side the country. Having proffered his services, he proposed
to take it by the following stratagem. He required that a
hundred Saracens should ride with him to Aazaz, dressed in
the Grecian habit, and that these should be pursued at a lit-
tle interval by a thousand other Saracens in their proper
habit. He said, " that he did not at all question a kind re-
ception at the hands of his kinsman Theodorus ; whom he
should assure, that he had only feigned himself a Moham-
medan, till he could find an opportunity of escaping ; that he
was pursued by the Saracens," &c. If they were received, of
which there was no doubt, then in the night, they would fall
upon the inhabitants ; and those others who pretended to
pursue them, and who were to be ordered to stay at a village
called Morah, not far distant from Aazaz, should come to their
assistance. Abu Obeidah asked Kaled what he thought of
the stratagem, who approved of it, provided they could be well
a 2
228 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Omab
assured of Youkinna's fidelity in the execution of it. You-
kinna used a great many very earnest expressions to satisfy
them of his integrity ; and after Abu Obeidah had, in a long
discourse, set before him the danger of being treacherous on
the one hand ; and on the other, the benefits that would
accrue to him by faithfully serving the Saracens ; they resolved
to trust him. To make up the hundred men, ten tribes were
ordered to furnish ten men apiece, each ten being com-
manded by a decurion, and all of them committed to Youkinna.
When they were gone about a league, Abu Obeidah sent after
them a thousand men, under Malec Alashtar, with orders to
halt and lie in ambush, as soon as they came near to Aazaz,
till night. They found the village void of inhabitants, who,
in alarm at the approach of the Saracens, had fled up the
country. While Malec was in the village, he captured a
Christian Arab, Avho upon examination told him, " that he
and his men must look to themselves, for all their design was
discovered : that there was a spy in the camp, who had
lieard all Youkinna' s contrivance, and given the governor of
Aazaz secret intelligence of it, by a letter tied under the wing of
a tame pigeon (a practice not uncommon in these parts). Upon
Avhich he (meaning himself) had been sent to Lucas, governor
of Arrawendan, to desire his assistance, who was coming with
five hundred horse, and could not be far ofi"." Youkinna in
the meantime coming to Aazaz, found the town and castle in
a posture of defence, and his cousin, the governor, at the
head of three thousand Greeks, and ten thousand Christian
Arabs, besides others that came out of the villages. Theo-
dorus made up to Youkinna, and alighting from his horse,
made him a profound reverence, as if he would have kissed
Youkinna's stirrup. In the meantime he slily cut his girth,
and with one push threw him flat on his face upon the groimd,
upon which Youkinna and all his men were immediately
taken prisoners. Theodoras spit in his face, and reproached
him with his apostatizing from the Christian religion ; threat-
ening death to all his Arabs, and declaring that Youkinna
should be sent to answer for himself before his master the
Grecian emperor. All this while Theodoras knew nothing of
Malec's being so near ; Tharik Algassani, the spy in the
Saracen's camp, having only informed him of Youkinna's in-
^nded treachery, and not one word of Malec's feigned pursuit.
JTtfj. 17. A.D. 638. A LOVE AFPAIR. 229
The prefect of Arrawendan, in fulfilment of his promise to
Theodoras, came in the night, with his five hundred men, but
was intercepted by Malec, who had two to his one. Having
slain or made prisoners of them all, he disguised his own men
in their clothes, and made them take the Christian colours in
their hands. Then Malec asked the spy to turn Mohammedan ;
which he did. He had, indeed, been one before, having
made profession of that superstition at the same time with
Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham ; but when Jabalah, thinking himself
aflTronted by Omar, revolted, the Christian Arabs that
depended upon him went ofi" along with him ; this spy taken
by Malec at Morah had been among the number. He now
told Malec, that he had heard how Mohammed had said,
" That whosoever changed his religion should be killed." Malec
said it was true, but God had said, "Ilia man taba waamana ; "
" Except he that repents and believes ; " adding, that the
prophet himself had accepted of Wahshy's repentance, not-
withstanding he had killed his uncle Hamzah. Tharik Algas-
sani, hearing this, repeated the La Ilaha, &c., and Malec said,
" May God accept thy repentance, and strengthen thy faith.'"
After this, Malec bade him go and tell the governor of Aazaz
that the prefect of Arrawendan was coming to his assistance.
This Tharik undertook to do, and set out, attended only by
one companion. When they came near the walls, they heard
a very great noise of shouting and trumpets, of which the oc-
casion was as follows.
Theodorus, governor of Aazaz, had a son whose name was
Le 5n, whom he used to send occasionally to spend a month
or two with his uncle Youkinna, at Aleppo castle. There
he fell in love -with his uncle's daughter, a very beautiful
lady. Now, his father had put these prisoners, Youkinna
and his hundred disguised Saracens into Leon's apartment.
He, glad of this opportunity of ingratiating himself with his
uncle, came and told him, that he had a mind to release him
and his friends. Youkinna advised him, that if he had any
inclination to turn Mohammedan, he ought not to do it upon
any prospect of worldly advantage. To which the young vil-
lain, fired with lust, and resolved upon the match, answered,
" That his family and relations were dear to him ; but the
faith was dearer." In short, he set them all at liberty, gave
*iiem their arms, and bade them go in the name of God,
230 HISTORY OF THE SAKACENS. Omab.
whilst he went and killed his father, Avhom he was sure to find
drunk and asleep. The Saracens, now enlarged, immediately
fell upon the Greeks, who, however, made a stout resistance.
In the meantime Malec's spies had gone back to him, to ac-
quaint him how things stood, who therefore riding on apace,
came time enough to assist their friends, and take the castle.
They gave great thanks to Youkinna, who bade them " thank
God, and this young man;'' meaning his kinsman Leon, and
told them aU the story ; to which Malec answered, " When
God will have a thing done, he prepares the causes of it."
Then he asked, " ^Mio killed Theodoras.^" Leon answered,
" My elder brother Luke." Malec wondered, and asked him.,
how that came about, since such a thing was scarce ever
heard of among the Greeks, that a child should murder his
own father. Luke, it seems, told them, " That it was out of
love to them, their prophet, and religion. They had had," he
said, " a priest to bring them up, who had told him long since
of Mohammed ; and assured tbem that the Saracens should
most certainly conquer the country ; Avhich had been further
confirmed by several prophecies relating to it (and much more
lie added to the same purpose) : wherefore he was glad of thi?
opportunity of becoming one of them; and bad designed tc
have set his uncle Youkinna and the prisoners at liberty, if
his brother Leon had not prevented him." Hopeful youths !
who had prevented each other in a masterly piece of villainy ;
the one in murdering his father ; the other in setting at liberty
his most mortal enemies, and betrajing all his friends ! Malec
gave them his blessing, and having set Sa'id Ebn Amer over
the castle, with the hundred men who had entered it with
Youkinna, marched with the spoils to Aleppo. There were
in the castle of Aazaz, when the Mussulmans took it, one
thousand young men, Greeks, two himdred and forty-five old
men and monks, one thousand young women and girls, and
one hundred and eighty old women.
Just as Malec was upon his march, they were alarmed by a
tremendous shoui from the Saracens upon the castle-wall,
who wished to give *hem notice, that they saw a great dust
not far ofi". When .he party who had raised it came near, it
turned out to be only a thousand Saracens, whom Abu Obei-
dah had sent under the command of Alfadl Ebn Al Abbas,
to plunder round about Menbigz (formerly Hierapolis) and
Hfj. ir, A.». 638. TOtTKlNNA MAKCHES TO ANTIOCH. 231
the adjacent villages ; and having done this eflFectually they
were now bringing off the spoil. Malec and Alfadl marched
together ; but Youkinna having had such bad success, could
not be persuaded to accompany them, but chose rather to go
to Antioch, being resolved not to appear at the camp, nor
show himself to the army, till by some signal service he
should ha,ve made amends for his miscarriage, and retrieved
his credit. And though Alfadl endeavoured to convince him
that he was in no fault, neither ought to be concerned for it,
and proved it by a text of the Koran ; yet he would not be
satisfied nor reconciled to himself. Among Alfadl's men
were two hundred renegades, who had, as well as their master
Youkinna, renounced their Christianity, and entered into the
service of the Saracens, and whose families and effects were
all in the castle of Aleppo. These appeared to Youkinna
to be the most proper coadjutors, and with these he marches
towards Antioch. After the first watch of the night was
past, he took four of his relations, and commanded the
rest of his men to keep the high road to Antioch ftsed bj
the caravans, and to pretend that they fled from before th*
Saracens ; telling them, " That they should see him at An-
tioch, if it pleased God." He, going another way with his
friends, was caught, and examined by some of the emperor's
soldiers, who no sooner understood that he was the late
governor of Aleppo, but they sent him with a guard of horse
to Antioch. Heraclius wept at the sight of him, and told him,
" That he was informed he had changed his religion." To
which he answered, " That what he had done was only in
order to reserve himself for his majesty's further service :
that he had taken this opportunity of fleeing to him from
Aazaz : that the vigorous defence he had made at Aleppo
was a sufficient testimony of his zeal for his religion and his
fidelity to his majesty." The emperor received the apostate
with great tenderness and respect, and the greatest part of
the court were inclined to entertain a charitable opinion of
him. Nay, so favourably did the emperor judge of him, that
he not only made him commander over the two hundred
renegades he had received from Alfadl, and who according to
his orders had arrived at Antioch ; but when his youngest
daughter, who was then in another place, had sent to her
father, the emperor, for a guard to condact her safe to Antioch
232 HTSTOKT 07 THE SAKACEXS. Omae.
Youiinna was entrusted with this charge, at the head of two
thousand two hundred men. As he. was on his return from
this expedition, about midnight, the Greek horses pricked up
their ears, and began to neigh, and some of his advanced
guards brought him intelligence of a party of Saracens being
encamped just by with little or no guard, most of them being
asleep, and their horses feeding. Youkinna seemingly en-
couraged his men ; but, that he might secretly do the Sara-
cens what service he could, commanded them not to kill but
take them prisoners, in order, as he said, that they might
afterwards serve to exchange for the Christians. However,
when they came a little nearer, they found themselves mis-
taken ; for those whom they took to be Mohammedans, proved
to be one thousand Christian Arabs, under the command of
Haim, son of Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, who had surprised
Derar, and taken him and two hundred Saracens prisoners,
whom Abu Obeidah had sent out to forage in the northern
parts of Syria. Upon this discovery Youkinna alights from
his horse, and pays his respects to Haim, hypocritically con-
gratulating him on his good success. The safe arrival of the
emperor's daughter, and Haim's good success, caused great
rejoicing in Antioch. The prisoners were brought before the
emperor, and being commanded to fall doAvn in a posture of
adoration, they took no notice of those that spoke to them,
nor looked that way, nor made any answer. At last being
urged to it, Derar answered, " We did not think adoration is
due to any creature ; besides our prophet has forbidden us to
pay it." The emperor upon this asked them several ques-
tions about their prophet, and they beckoned to Kais Ebn
Amer, an old man, and thoroughly acquainted Avith those
matters, to answer him. Among other inquiries, the empe-
ror desired to know in what way the inspiration used to come
upon their prophet, at his first setting forth ? Kais told him,
that Mohammed himself having been formerly asked that
question by an inhabitant of Mecca, answered, " That some-
times it used to be like the sound of a bell, but stronger and
sharper ; sometimes an angel appeared to me in human
shape, and discoursed with me, and I committed to memory
what he said." Ayesha, said that " once the spirit of pro-
phecy descended upon him on a very cold day, and when it
Left him again, his foreheaf) ran down with sweat." The first
Hej. 17. A.D. eaa. mohammed's mieacles. 233
message he received was in a dream ; and -whenever he saw
a ^'ision, it appeared to him like the first breaking c f the
morning brightness. After receiving the message he shut
himself up in a close place alone, where he continued till
the ' truth' came to him." Being thus shut up, he was visited
by an angel, who said, " Read." To which he answered, " I
cannot read." Then the angel repeated it, and having in-
structed him in things to come, sent him forth, and said to
him. " Read in the name of the Lord, who created,"* &c.
"With which the apostle of God, Mohammed, returned to his
place, trembling in his wht)le body. Then he went into the
house to Kadija, and said, " Zammilouni, Zammilouni,"
" "Wrap me up, wrap me up." Upon which they wrapped
him up in blankets, till he came to himself, and his fear was
gone off : after which he gave an account of the whole matter
to Kadija, after this manner.
"As I was walking," said he, "I heard a voice from
heaven ; and lifting up my eyes, I saw the same angel which
came to me before, sitting upon a throne between heaven
and earth. Being afraid of him, I went home, and said,
' Zammilouni, Datthirouhi,' ' Wrap me up in blankets and
mats.' And at that time God sent do%vn to me that chapter
which begins with these words, ' O thou that art \\T:apped in
blankets :"f and part of that which begins with these words,
' 0 thou that art wrapped in mats,' to these words, ' And
flee from the punishment;" J which is the fifth verse of that
chapter."
The emperor afterwards asked Kais what he had seen of
Mohammed's miracles. He told him that he was once upon
journey with him, and there came an Arabian up to them whom
Mohammed immediately asked, if he would make the confes
sion that there was but one God, and that he was his prophet
The Arabian demanded what witness he had that what he
said was true? To which Mohammed answered, " This tree."
And calling the tree to him, it came upright, ploughing the
ground up with its roots. Mohammed bade it bear witness;
which it did : saying, three times, " Thou art the apostle of
* Koran, chap. xc\i. ver. 1 . according to the order of the copies now in
use ; though the Mohammedans take it for the first chapter of the whole
Koran.
t It 18 the Ixiii. of the Koran. J lb. chap. Ixxiv.
234 HISTOKT OF THE SAEACEWS. OtUkH.
God." After whicli it returned, and stood in its place as before.
Presently afterwards, Heraclius said, he had heard that it was a
part of their religion to believe, that if any of them did any
good, it should be returned to them ten-fold; if evil, only once.
Kais owned it was true, and quoted this text out of the
Koran : " He that does good shall receive ten times so much;
but he that does evil, shall receive only so much.''* The
emperor asked him, if the prophet was not called the Wit-
ness. To which Kais answered, that he was the Witness
in this world, and the AVitness against men in the world to
come ; because God says, " O prophet ! we have sent thee a
Witness, and a preacher of good news, and a Wamer."f The
emperor next asked him concerning Mohammed's night-
journey to heaven, and his discoursing there with the Most
High. This Kais affirmed to be true, and proved it from the
first verse of the seventeenth chapter of the Koran. Then He-
raclius wished to know if it was true that they fasted in the
month Ramadan ; in which Mohammed affirmed the Koran
came down from heaven : and this also was acknowledged
by Kais. A bishop, who was present at this conference,
speaking something to the disparagement of Mohammed,
provoked Derar Ebn Al Azwar (one of the prisoners) to
such a degree, that he gave him the lie, and reviled him in a
most reproachful language, affirming that Mohammed was a
prophet, but that the veil of infidelity hindered them from
the knowledge of him. Upon which some of the Christians
drew their swords to chastise his insolence. But it seems he
had a most wonderful deliverance ; for though they struck at
him fourteen times, he escaped safely. However, if You-
kinna had not interceded for a reprieve till the next day,
he would certainly have been executed by the emperor's
command.
In the meantime Abu Obeidah, who, in obedience to the
caliph's command, had now resolved to attack Antioch, pro-
ceeded in his march, receiving by surrender those places
which remained, till he came to that bridge which they called
the Iron Bridge, and was very near to the city. The emperoi
upon this committed the care of the army and the city to
Youkinna, delivering to Lto a crucifix out of the church
" Koran, iv. 161. xl. 43 t lb. chap, xlviii. 8, and xxxiii. 44.
Hej 17. A.D. 638. CONYERSTOS OF A MTTSSULMAK, 235
which was never shown publicly, except upon extraordinai y
occasions. Then he called for the prisoners. But Youkinna
told him, that it would be the best way to spare them, because
if any of the Christians should be taken, they might be ex-
changed. Upon which suggestion their execution was de-
ferred, and by the ad-sdce of the bishops they were carried
into the great church, to see if any of them would embrace
the Christian religion, and be baptized. Amer, the son of
Refaa turned ; but Alwakidi insists that it was the dress
and beauty of the Grecian ladies that influenced the young
man more than any conviction of conscience. When his
father, Refaa, heard of his apostacy, he broke out into this
passionate exclamation : " What ! turn infidel after having
embraced the faith ! Alas for thee ! Thou art driven from
the gate of the Most Merciful. Alas for thee ! Thou hast
denied the King, the Judge. Alas for thee, thou reprobate !
How hast thou denied the Lord of might and perfect power !
I swear by God, that I weep not for thee, because I must
part with thee in this world, but because I must part with
thee in the next ; when thou must go one way and I another.
When thou shalt go to the nabitation of devils, and be placed
with the priests and deacons in the lowest mansion of hell, I
shall go with the followers of Mohammed (upon whom be
the blessing of God), to meet those spirits which converse
with him. O son ! choose not the delights of this present
world before that which is to come. Oh ! how shall I be
astonished and confounded for this that thou hast done, when
thou comest to stand in the presence of the Lord of all power
and might, the King of this world and the next ! And how
shall I be ashamed before Mohammed, the elect prophet of
God ! O son ! from whom wilt thou seek intercession another
day?'"* The young man was baptized, and received with
great courtesy both by the emperor and the bishops. The
emperor gave him a horse, and a young woman, and placed
him in Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham's army, consisting of Christian
Arabs. The patriarch asked the rest what hindered them
from turning Christians too ? To which they answered, " The
truth of our religion."' The patriarch represented to them the
danger they incurred by displeasing Jesus Christ. To which
♦ Arabic, " Gadan," i. e. " to-morrow." It is used to express futura
time, and signifies in this place the day of judgment.
236 HISTORY «. F THE SARACEXS. OitA«.
Refaa replied, that it would one day be determined which
party was rejected, and which in the favour of God. Hera-
clius told them, that he had been informed that their caliph
used to wear very mean apparel ; adding, that he had gotten
enough from the Christians to afford himself a better dress,
and asked what should hinder him from going like other
princes. Refaa told him, that the consideration of the other
world, and the fear of God, hindered him. To the other
questions proposed by the emperor, they answered in a cant
so very much like what our ears have for some late years been
used to, that were it not for the difference of the language,
we might justly have suspected them to have been nearer
neighbours. The emperor having asked them what sort of a
palace their caliph had, they said it was made of mud. " And
who," said the emperor, " are his attendants ?" " The
beggars and poor people." " What tapestry does he sit
upon ?" " Justice and uprightness." " And what is his
throne ?" " Abstinence and certain knowledge." " And
what is his treasure ?" " Trust in God." " And who are
his guards ?" " The stoutest of the Unitarians," was their
reply. They added, " Dost thou know, 0 king ! that several
have said unto him, ' 0 Omar ! lo, thou possessest the trea-
sures of the Csesars ; and kings and great men are subdued
unto thee. Now, therefore, why puttest thou not on rich
garments ?' He said unto them, ' Ye seek the outward
world, but I seek the favour of him that is Lord both of this
world and that which is to come.' "
The emperor, having discoursed with them as long as he
thought fit, remanded them to prison, and went to take a
view of his army, which he found drawn up without the city
in excellent order. At the head of every regiment there was
a little church made of wood, for the soldiers to go to prayers
in. On a sudden he was informed that the Arabs were
masters of the Iron Bridge. He was very much surprised to
hear that they had taken two towers, in which there were no
fewer than three hundred officers, in so short a time ; but it
seems they were betrayed. The following was the origin of
this foul treachery : — A great officer at court used to go every
day to see that these towers were well guarded, and not neg-
lected. One day he found those whos3 business it was to
take care of these towers drinking and revelling, and no one
Hei 17 A.D. 638 OMAR GUARDED BY A LION. 237
upon duty. Provoked at this intolerable negligence, he
ordered them fifty lashes apiece. This severe discipline
made them study revenge ; and accordingly, Avhen Abu
Obeidah and his army drew near, they made articles for
themselves, and delivered the towers into the hands of the
Saracens.
The emperor having now no hopes left, assembled the
bishops and principal officers together in the great church,
and there bewailed the xmhappy fate of Syria. Jabalah told
him, that if the death of the caliph could be compassed, the
affairs of the Saracens would be embroiled, and it would
greatly facilitate the recovery of what the emperor had lost.
Havdng obtained leave to attempt it, he sent one of his
Christian Arabs, whose name was Wathek Ebn Mosafer, a
resolute young man, with orders to take a convenient oppor-
tunity of killing the caliph. Now it was Omar's daily custom
to go out of the city after prayers to take a walk. Wathek
went out before him, and got upon a tree, Avhere he remained
hidden, till at last he observed Omar lie down to sleep very
near him. Having this fair opportunity, he drew his dagger,
and was just coming down, when casting his eyes about he
saw, it is said, a lion walking -^ound about Omar, and licking
his feet, who guarded him vJl he awoke, and then went
away. Surprised at this, and struck with a profound reve-
rence for the caliph, Avhom he now looked upon as the
peculiar care of heaven, he came down and kissed his hand,
and ha\-ing told him his errand, made profession of the
Mohammedan religion immediately, being strangely affected
with this wonderful deliverance.
In the meantime the armies before Antioch were drawn out
in battle array in front of each other. The Christian general,
whose name was Nestorius, went forward and challenged any
Saracen to single combat. Dames was the first to answer
him ; but in the engagement his horse stumbling, he was
seized before he could recover himself, and being taken pri-
soner, was conveyed by Nestorius to his tent, and tJnere
bound. Nestorius returning to the army, and offering himself
a second time, was answered by one Dehac. The combatants
behaved themselves bravely, and the victory being doubtful,
the soldiers were desirous of being spectators, and pressed
eagerly forward. In the justling and thronging both of horse
238 IIISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. Omab,
and foot to see this engagement, the tent of Nestorius, with
his chair of state, was thrown down. Three servants had
been left in the tent, who fearing they she uld be beaten when
their master came back, and having nobody else to help
them, told Dames that if he would lend them a hand to set
up the tent, and put things in order, they would unbind him,
upon condition that he should voluntarily return to his bonds
again till their master came home, at which time they pro-
mised to speak a good word for him. He readily accepted
the terms ; but as soon as he was at liberty, he immediately
seized two of them, one in his right hand, the other in his
left, and dashed their two heads so violently against the third
man's, that they all three fell down dead upon the spot.
Then opening a chest, and taking out a rich suit of clothes,
he niounted a good horse of Nestorius's, and having wrapped
up his face as well as he could, he made towards the Christian
Arabs, where Jabalah, with the chief of his tribe, stood on
the left hand of Heraclius. In the meantime, Dehac and
Nestorius, being equally matched, continued fighting till both
their horses were quite tired out, and they were obliged to
part by consent, to rest themselves. Nestorius, returning to
his tent, and finding things in such confusion, easily guessed
that Dames must be the cause of it. The news flew instantly
through all the army, and every one was surprised at the
strangeness of the action. Dames, in the meantime, had
gotten among the Christian Arabs, and striking off at one
blow the man's head that stood next him, made a speedy
escape to the Saracens.
All this while Youkinna was contriving which way to do
the Saracens service. Accordingly when Derar and his com-
panions, who had been prisoners eight months, were just
about being beheaded, he interceded with the emperor to
spare them, assuring him that if he put them to death the
Saracens would never more give quarter to any Christian
that should fall into their hands. The emperor, not suspect-
ing any treachery, committed them to his care, who, watching
a convenient opportunity, set them at liberty, and gave them
their arms, assuring them that there were a great many
persons of the highest quality in the emperor's service who
were fully resolved to go over to the Saracens. The emperor,
being disheartened with a constant coirse of ill success, and
Hej. 17. A.D 638. ANTIOCH SUKKENDERED. 239
terrified with, a dream which he had of one thrusting him out
of his throne, and of his crown falling from his head, took
some of his domestics, and escaping privately to the sea-
shore, embarked for Constantinople.
Here one author tells us a strange story of the emperor's
turning Mohammedan, which runs somewhat as follows.
Having been atflicted with a great pain in his head, for
which he could get no help, he applied to Omar, who sent
him a cap, which so long as he wore he was well, but when
he took it off the pain returned again. The emperor, won-
dering at this strange effect, ordered the cap to be ripped
open, but found nothing in it but a little piece of paper, on
which was. written " Bismillah, Arrahmani 'rrahhimi," " In
the name of the most merciful God." This cap, it seems,
was possessed by the Christians till the reign of Al Motasem
(which began in the year of our Lord 833), who, besieging
Ammoytriyah, was grievously afflicted with the headache,
upon which the governor of the town promised him the cap,
upcn condition that he should raise the siege. The caliph,
AJ Motasem, consented to it, provided the cap should produce
the desired effect, which it instantly did, and the siege was
accordingly raised. The same curiosity which moved the
emperor Heraclius to have the cap opened, made this caliph
do so too, but he found nothing in it but the above-mentioned
scrip of paper, whose virtue was not in the least impaired or
diminished in the space of two hundred years, a period of
time which, in all probability, would have made some altera-
tion in an ordinary medicine. But the case is quite different
here, for we have been told by other hands that the relics of
holy men are never the worse for wearing. What is there
that men will not believe and write when once bigoted to
superstition !
To return to the army. Antioch was not lost without a
set battle ; but through the treachery of Youkinna and several
other persons of note, together with the assistance of Derai
and his company, who were mixed with Youkinna's men,
the Christians were beaten entirely. The people of the town,
perceiving the battle lost, made agreement and surrendered,
paying down three hundred thousand ducats. Upon which
Abu Obeidah entered into Antioch on Tuesday, being the
twenty-first day of August, a.d. 638.*
• Hej. 17. A.D, 638.
240 niSTORY OP THE SARACENS. Oma*
Thus did that ancient and famous city, the seat of so many
kings and princes, fall into the hands of the infidels. The
beauty of the site, and abundance of all things contributing to
delight and luxury were so great, that Abu Oheidah, fearing
his Saracens should be effeminated with the delicacies of that
place, and remit their wonted vigour and bravery, durst not
let them continue there long. After a short halt of three
days to refresh his men, he again marched out of it.
Then he wrote a letter to the caliph, in which he gave him
an account of his great success in taking the metropolis of
Syria, and of the flight of Heraclius to Constantinople ; telling
him withal, what was the reason why he stayed no longi^r
there, adding, that the Saracens were desirous of marrying
the Grecian women, which he had forbidden. He was afraid,
ne said, lest the love of the things of this world should take
possession of their hearts, and draw them off from their
obedience to God. That he stayed expecting further orders,
&.C.
Having written this letter, he asked who would carry it.
Zeid Ebn Waheb, who was Omar Ebn Aufs slave, proffered
his service. Abu Obeidah told him, that since he was a slave,
he could not in any case dispose of himself, and must there-
fore first ask his master's leave. Zeid hereupon went to his
master, and, according to the manner of prostration in the
eastern countries, bowed himself down to the ground so as to
touch it with his forehead. But he was checked by his
master, who was a man altogether abstracted from the love
of the things of this life, and did not desire any such token
of respect, being wholly intent and fixed upon the other
Avorld. He was abstinent to such a degree, that his whole
inventory consisted of only these few necessaries, — a sword,
a lance, a horse, a camel, a knapsack, a platter, and a Koran.
When any part of the spoil fell to his share, he never laid it
up in store for himself, but always divided it amongst his
friends, and if after this there was anything left, he sent it to
the caliph, to be distributed among the poor. Zeid having
asked his master's leave to carry the letter, the latter was so
well pleased to see so becoming a readiness in his slave to be
a messenger of good news to the caliph, that he immediately
gave him his freedom. When Zeid came near to Medina, he
was surprised with an unusual noise, but upon inquiry he
Hej, 18. A.D. 639. INBULGENCE OF THE CALIPH. 241
was informed that the caliph was going on pilgrimage to
Mecca, and th i prophet's wives along with him. And now
Omar, having heard the news from Zeid, fell down and wor-
shipped, saying, " O God ! praise and thanks be to thee, for
thine abundant grace." As soon as he had read the letter,
he wept, and said that Abu Obeidah had been too hard upon
the Mussulmans. Then sitting down upon the ground, he
wrote an answer to Abu Obeidah, in which, after having
expressed the satisfaction with whict he had received the
news of his success, he blamed him foAnot having been more
'"ndulgent to his followers, adding, " That God did not forbid
the use of the good things of this life to faithful men, and
such as performed good works ; wherefore he ought to have
given them leave to rest themselves, and partake freely of
those good things which the country afforded. That if any
of the Saracens had no family in Arabia, they might marry in
Syria, and whosoever of them wanted any female slaves,
might purchase as many as he had occasion for." He con-
cluded with ordering him to pursue the enemy, and to enter
into the mountainous part of the coimtry.
Zeid, returning to the army with the caliph's letter, found
the Saracens full of joy, occasioned by Kaled's good success,
who had gone through the country as far as the Euphrates,
and taken Menbigz, and some other neighbouring towns, as
Beraa and Bales, the inhabitants paying down one hundred
thousand ducats for their present security, and for the time
to come submitting to tribute.
Abu Obeidah, having received the caliph's letter, asked the
Mussulmans which of them would undertake to make an
attempt upon the mountainous part of the country. Whether
the difficulty of the service, or other reason discouraged them,
is uncertain, but nobody answered him the first two times.
At last Meisarah Ebn Mesrouk proffered his service, and
received at the hands of the general a black flag, with this
inscription upon it in white letters, " There is but one God :
Mohammed is the apostle of God." He took along with him
three hundred chosen Arabs, besides a thousand black slaves,
commanded by Dames. They found their expedition any-
thing but easy and agreeable ; for though the summer came
on apace, yet it was so cold that though they made use of all
B
242 HISTOSY OF IHE SAKACENS. Omar.
the clothes they had, they would have been very glad o^
more ; for they met with nothing amongst the mountains
but frost and snow, of which their bodies, habituated to the
warmth of a torrid zone, were extremely sensitive. After
marching a long way, they came to a village, but finding
nobody in it (for everywhere the inhabitants fled before
them), they seized whatever there was in it worth taking,
and moved forwards. At last they took a prisoner, who
informed them that not more than three leagues off there was
a body of the emperor's troops thirty thousand strong, which
had been sent to guard that part of the country. They
asked him whether it was most advisable to advance towards
them, or to stand their ground where they then were. To which
he replied, " That it was better for them to stay where they
were, than to hazard themselves by going any further among
the mountains." The Saracens, having examined him on this
head as long as they thought fit, ofi'ered him the Mohammedan
religion, and when he refused it, cut off his head. In a short
time the Greeks came within sight, and the battle was joined.
Meisarah, overpowered with multitudes, was soon sui-rounded.
However he sent to Abu Obeidah a messenger, who made
such haste, that when he came into the general's presence he
was not able to speaK a word, but fell down in a swoon.
Abu Obeidah having caused some water to be sprinkled on
his face, and refreshed him with, meat and drink, he came to
himself, and delivered his errand. Upon which Abu Obeidah
sent Kaled to Meisarah's assistance, with three thousand
horse, and after him Ayad Ebn Ganam with two thousand
more. But before they came up, Abdallah Ebn Hodafa, a
Saracen of note, and much beloved by the caliph, was taken
prisoner, and sent away towards Constantinople. The
Greeks, being aware of the arrival of this fresh reinforcement
to the Saracens, did not think it prudent to hazard another
battle the next day, but withdrew in the night, leaving their
tents to their enemies. The Saracens too, deeming it im-
prudent to pursue the enemy any further in that mountainous
country, returned to Abu Obeidah, Avho, writing an account of
the whole business to Medina, the caliph was extremely con-
cerned at the loss of Abdallah Ebn Hodafa, which occasionea
his writing the following letter to the Emperor Heraclius.
Hej. 18. A.D. 639. I.ETTEE TO HEKACLITIS. 243
" In the name of tne most merciful God.
" Praise be to God,* Lord of this and the other world ;t
who has neither female consortj nor son. And the bless-
ing of God be upon Mohammed, his prophet and apostle
divinely assisted. § From the servant of God, Omar Ebn
Al Khattab to Heraclius king of Greece. As soon as this let-
ter of mine shall come to thy hands, send to me the prisoner
that is with thee, whose name is Abdallah Ebn Hodafa : which
if thou shalt do, I shall hope that God will direct thee into
the right way.|| But if thou refusest, I shall send thee men ^
whom trade and merchandize shall not divert from the re-
membrance of God. Health and happiness** be upon every
one that follows the right way."
We do not question but the reader will think this letter writ-
ten in a very odd style ; but it is no other than was to be
expected from those most inveteiate and mortal enemies of
Christianity, who always made it their business to treat its
professors with the utmost contempt and aversion. This
prisoner, Abdallah Ebn Hodafa was Mohammed's cousin-
german. Our author tells us, that the emperor held out to
him great inducements to renounce Mohammedanism ; but all
m vain. Nor were his threats more influential than his pro-
mises. It seems he offered him his liberty, if he would but
have made one single adoration before a crucifix. The em-
peror tried to persuade him to drink wine, and eat hog's flesh;
and when he refused, he was shut up in a room with no
other food. Upon the fourth day they visited him, and found
all untouched. The emperor asked him, what hindered him
from eating and drinking ? To which he answered, " The fear
of God and his apostle. Notwithstanding," added he, "I
might lawfully have eaten it after three days' abstinence, yet I
abstained because I would not be reproached by the Mussul-
mans." Heraclius, having received Omar's letter, not only
dismissed the prisoner, but gave both him and the messenger
that brought the letter several presents and rich clothes, and
appointed them a sufficient guard to conduct tliem in safety
* Koran, chap. i. 1. t lb. chap. Ixxii. 3.
i Arab. " Sahhibah." § Arab. " Almowayad."
II That is, into the profession of the Mohammedan religion.
^ Koraa chap. xxiv. 37, Ixiil. 9. *• lb. chap xx. 49.
B 2
2-^4 HISTOET OF THE SAKACEITS. Omak.
through his territories. Moreover, he made a present of a
costly jewel to Omar, who ofFered it to the jewellers at Me-
dina ; but they were ignorant of the worth of it. The Mus-
sulmans would have persuaded him to keep it for his own
use ; but he said, that would be more than he could answer
for to the public. Wherefore it was afterwards sold, and the
price of it put into the public treasury ; of which, in these
days, the caliph was only the steward or manager. For though
it was all at his disjjosal, yet he very seldom applied any of it
to his own private use, much less to extravagance and luxury;
but took care to lay it out so as to do most service to the
public.
We have before acquainted the reader, that after Omar had
taken Jerusalem, he divided the army, and having sent one
part of it under Abu Obeidah, towards Aleppo, despatched
the other under Amrou Ebn Al Aas to Egypt. Amrou did not
march directly to Egypt, but continued a while in Palestine,
in order to reduce some places there which as yet held out.
As he Avas marching towards Caesarea, the Saracens found the
weather extremely cold. Sobeih Ebn Hamzah, eating some
grapes at that time, was so chilled, that he was scarce able to
endure it. An old Christian who happened to be present,
told him, that if he found himself cold with eating the grapes,
the best remedy would be to drink some of the juice of them,
and withal produced a large vessel of wine. Sobeih and
some of his friends took the old man's advice, and drank so
freely of his liquor, that they went staggering to the army.
Amrou, understanding their condition, wrote about it to Abu
Obeidah ; by whose order they all received a certain number
of stripes upon the soles of their feet. The refreshment they
received by diinking the wine, was, in their opinion, so far
from counter-balancing the severity of the punishment, that
Sobeih swore he would kill the fellow that led him to it. And
he would have been as good as his word, if one that was
present had not told him, that the man was under the protec-
tion of the Saracens.
Constantine, the emperor Heraclius's son, guarded that
part of the country where Amrou lay, with a considerable
army ; and frequently sent spies (Christian Arabs) into his
camp. One of them went one time and sat do-wn amongst
.some J^rabs of Ayaman, or Arabia Felix, who had made
Hej. 17. A.D. 638. A SPT DETECTED. 2i5
them a fire, and conversed with, them as long as suited
his purpose, without being suspected. However, as he was
rising to go away, he trod upon his vest and stumbled ; upon
which he swore, "by Christ," unawares. The oath was no
eooner out of his mouth, than they immediately knew him to
be a Christian spy, and cut him to pieces in an instant.
Amrou was angry when he heard it, because he would have
wished to examine him first. Besides, he told them, " That
it oftentimes happened, that a spy, when put to it, came over
to them, and embraced the Mohammedan religion." He
therefore issued a strict order throughout the camp, that if
hereafter a stranger or spy should be seized, he should be
forthAvith conveyed to him.
The armies drawing near, a Christian priest came to the
Saracens, who desired that an emir, or principal officer, might
be sent to Constantine, to discoui-se with him. Upon this a
huge, monstrous fellow, a black, whose mvine was Belal Ebn
Rebah, proffered his service. But Amrou told him, that it
would be better to send an Arabian, who could talk more
politely than an Ethiopian. Belal, resolving, if possible, to
take no denial, adjured him by God to let him go. To which
Amrou answered, " That since he had adjured him by the
Most Mighty, it should be so." This Belal had formerly been
Mohammed's crier ; that is, the person that calls the people to-
gether to prayers. After Mohammed's death (as the author of
the History of Jerusalem says)'-' he never but once exercised
his office, and that was, when Omar commanded him to perform
that service at the taking of Jerusalem. On any other occasion,
it would, I suppose, have been beneath him, after being em-
ployed by the prophet, to serve any other person ; but the tak-
ing of Jerusalem, which had been the seat of the ancient
prophets, and was a place very much reverenced by the Mo-
hammedans, was an extraordinary occasion. f When he came to
the priest, he expressed his indignation that the Ethiopian had
been sent, and bade him go back again, telling him, that his
master Constantine had not sent for a slave, but an officer.
Belal, who valued himself very much upon his office, and ex-
pected every one should do so too, thought himself affronted ;
and let him know, that he had been no less a person than the
muezzin of the apostle of God, and that he was able to give
• MS. Arab. Pococ. No. 362. t Alwakidi.
246 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Oha».
his master an answer. But this not being thought sufficient,
he was forced to go back again ; and at last Amrou resolved
to go himself. And here, a short account of their conference,
as delivered by our author, will not be out of place, as it
will enable the reader to see what sort of a notion the Mo-
hammedans have of ancient history.
When Amrou came into Constantine's presence, he was
offered a seat by the prince ; but> according to the practice of
the Saracens, he refused to make use of it ; choosing rather
to sit cross-legged upon the ground, with his swcrd upon his
thigh, and his lance laid across before him. Constantine
told him that the Arabs and Greeks were near kindred, and
that it was a pity they should make war one upon the other.
Amrou answered, " That their religion was different ; upon
which score it was lawful for brothers to quarrel. However,"
he said, "he desired to know which way the Koreishites came
to be so near akin to the Greeks .'" Constantine answered
(according to our author), " Was not our father Adam, then
Noah, then Abraham, then Esau, then Isaac, which were
both sons of Abraham (the blessing of God be upon them
all).* Now, one brother ought not to do injustice to another,
and quarrel about that division which was made for them by
their forefathers." " Thus far you say true," answered Am-
rou, " That Esauf begot Isaac, and Ishmael is Esau's uncle;
and so we are the sons of one father, and Noah was our
father. Now Noah divided the land into parts when he was
angry with his son Ham ; with which division they were not
pleased, but quarrelled about it : and this land in which you
are, is not yours properly, but belongs to the Amalekites,
who had it before you. For Noah divided it among his
three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japhet ; and gave his son Shem,
Syria, and what lies round it, from Arabia Felix and Ha-
dramaut to Amau ; and all the Arabs are the offspring of
Shem and Kaftan, and Tesm, and Jodias, and Amalek, who
is the father of the Amalekites. To his son Ham he gave
* This is an expression used by the Arab writers whenever they mention
any of the ancient prophets.
t Amrou mdkes strange work of this genealogy ; but the Arabic may be
read, Esau walado Ishac, i. e. " Esau is the son of Isaac ;" not walada,
*' begot Isaac." But if, to help him out, we should read it 90, we contra*
diet him, for just before he reckons Esau before Isaac.
Hej. 17. A.D. 633. MOHAMMEDAN IDEAS OF HISTOKY. 247
the west and sea-shore ; and he left Japhet between the east and
west.* For the earth is the Lord's, he gives it an inherit-
ance to which of his servants he pleases, and the latter end
is to the faithful. "We, therefore," added Amrou, "desire to
have this ancient division restored, and make things equal
after this manner. "We will take what is in your hands, and
you shall take the stones and thorns and barren grounds
which we possess, in lieu of these pleasant rivers, rich pas-
tures, and stately buildings." Constantine told him, that .
the di\-ision was already made, and that it wovdd be great
injustice in them not to be content with what had fallen to
their share. To which Amrou answered, " That they liked
the provision and manner of living in Syria so much better
than their own coarse fare at home, that they could never
think of leaving the country till they had conquered it, and
could sit do^Ti quiet under those shady trees." A little
while after, he told those that were present, " That it would
be no hard matter for them to continue in the possession of
what they had ; for it was only changing their religion, and
the business was done." But both that and payment of tri-
bute being refused, Amrou told them, " That there was then
nothing left but to determine it by the sword. God knows,"
said he, " that I have told you the means by which you
may save yourselves, but you are rebellious, just as your
father Esauf was disobedient to his mother. You reckon your-
selves akin to us ; but we have no desire to acknowledge the
affinity, so long as you continue infidels. Besides you are
the offspring of Esau, we of Ishmael : | and God chose
• Koran, chap. ^ii. 125.
+ This the Mohammedans have from the Jews, who believe most Euro-
peans to be the offspring of Esau. Abarbanel takes a great deal of
pains to prove it, and those Jews I have conversed with are of the same
opinion.
X Amongst other strange stories which some of the Christian writers have
told of the Saracens, this is one, viz.: — " That they called themselves Sara-
cens, because they would have the world believe that they were descended
from Sarah, Abraham's lawful wife, being ashamed of Hagar, his slave."
But the contrary is most endent, for they were neither ashamed of Ishmael
nor Hagar. As for Ishmael, we have an instance in this very place ; and
for Hagar, the reader may consult the Jauharian (a famous Arab lexico-
grapher), who in the word Agiu^, says, " Hagar is the mother of Ishmael,
upon whom be peace."
248 HISTORY OF THE SARACE]!TS. Omau
our prophet Mohammed from Adam, to the time that he
came out of the loins of his father ; and made him the best
of the sons of Ishmael (and his father Ishmael was the first
that spoke Aral ic), and he made the tribe of Kenanah the
best of the Arabs ; and the family of Koreishites the best of
Kenanah ; and the offspring of Hashem, the best of the
Koreishites ; and the best of the sons of Hashem, Abdal
Motaleb, the prophet's grandfather ; and sent the angel Ga-
briel down to him [Mohammed] with inspiration."
The conference ending without any hopes of accommoda-
tion, Amrou returned to his army, and both sides prepared
for battle, awaiting only a favourable opportunity. One day,
there came forth out of Constantine's army, an officer very
richly dressed, which made many of the Saracens desirous of
accepting his challenge, and fighting with him, in hopes of
carrying off his spoil. Amrou used to say, " That he would
have no man to go to fight out of greediness ; for the reward
whicn was to be expected from God was much better than
the spoil of the enemy." He added, " That whosoever was
killed in battle, lost his life either for the sake of God, or
else for some other end which he proposed to himself. If
the former, then God would be his reward ; but if he pro-
posed any temporal thing, he was to expect nothing else, and
that he had heard the prophet speak to the same purpose."
To meet this officer there came forth a beardless stripling,
whose forward zeal had prompted him to leave Arabia Felix,
and venture himself in the wars. His mother and sister had
hitherto borne him company in his travels. To them this
youth used to say, " That it was not the delights of Syria
that moved him to go thither (because the delights of this
world were fleeting; but those of the other durable). His
only desire was to fight for the service of heaven, and gain
the favour of God and his apostle. For he had heard some
one say, that the martyrs shall be maintained with their
Lord." " How can that be," answered his sister, " how can
they be maintained when dead ?" He answered, " That he had
heard one that was acquainted with the apostle of God say,
that the spirits of the martyrs shall be p it into the crops of
green birds that live in paradise, which birds shall eat the
fruits of paradise, and drink the rivers ; this is the main-
tenancQ which God has provided for them." After he had
HeJ. 17. A .D. 638. THE LYING PEOPHET. 249
taken his last leave of his mother and sister, and told them
that they should meet again at that large water which be-
longs to the apostle of God in paradise, he went out to fight
with the Christian, who killed not only this youth, but two
or three more. At last Serjabil Ebn Hasanah came forth to
him ; but he was so emaciated with watching and fasting,
that he was not able to stand before him. The Christian at
last got him down, sat upon him, and was just going to cut
his throat ; when, on a sudden, there came a horseman out
of the Grecian army, who immediately kicked the Christian
off, and taking him at advantage, struck his head ofi". Serja-
bil, surprised at this imexpected deliverance, asked him who
he was, and from whence he came ? "I am," said he, " the
unhappy Tuleiha Ebn Khowailed, who pretended to prophesy
like the apostle of God ; and lied against God, saying, that
inspiration came down to me from heaven.'' Serjabil an-
swered, " 0 brother, God's mercy is infinite ; and he that
repents, and forsakes, and turns himself to God, God will
accept of his repentance, and forgive him what he has done ;
for the prophet says, ' Repentance takes away what was done
before it.' And dost thou not know, O Ebn Khowailed, that
God said to our prophet, ' My mercy is extended to every
creature that desires it ."' " adding moreover whatever he could
to comfort him. Notwithstanding which, conscious to him-
self of the grossness of his crime, he could not find in his
heart to return to the Saracens ; but being pressed by Ser-
jabil, he at last told him in plain terms, that he was afraid of
Kaled (the scourge of false prophets, who broke them to
pieces at first, and killed Moseilama, the chief of them)
Serjabil assured him, that Kaled was not present, but stayed
at Aleppo with Abu Obeidah. At last, with much ado, he
persuaded him to go with him to the army. This Tuleiha,
after the death of Moseilama, withdrew out of Arabia, which
would soon have been too hot for him, and went and lived
privately with a Mohammedan in S}Tia, who maintained him
for a time. At last, when they were become very familiar,
and thoroughly acquainted, Tuleiha made himself known,
and told him his whole story. His landlord, as soon as he
understood his character, treated him with the utmost aver-
sion, and refused to entertain him longer, but turned him out
of doors. Reduced to this extremity, he was almost at hia
250 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEKS. Omaa
wits' end, and had some thoughts of taking ship, and retiring
into some distant island. But Constantine's army coming
into those parts before he could put his design into execu-
tion, he chose rather to enlist under him, in hopes of ingra-
tiating himself with the Mussiilmans by some signal act of
ti'eachery.
Being at last prevailed upon to go back to the Saracens, he
was very courteously received by Amrou ; v/ho not only gave
him thanks for the great service he had done the faith, but
upon his expressing his apprehensions of Kaled, promised to
secure him, and wrote a commendatory letter in his behalf to
Omar, acquainting him with the signal proof whici Tuleiha
had given of his sincere and unfeigned repentance. Tuleiha
found the caliph at Mecca : delivering the letter, and withal
telling him that he repented, Omar asked who he was ? and
had no sooner heard his name mentioned, but he made off as
fast as he could, saying, " Alas for thee ! If I forgive thee,
how shall I give an account to God of the murder of Ocasahr"'
Tuleiha answered, " Ocasah indeed suffered martyrdom by
my hands, which I am very sorry for, and I hope that God
will forgive me what I have done." Omar desired to know
what proof he could give of his sincerity ; but having perused
Amrou's letter, he was abundantly satisfied, and kept him
with him till he returned to Medina, after which he employed
him in his wars against the Persians.
To return to Constantine's army. The weather was very
cold, and the Christians were quite disheartened, having been
frequently beaten and discouraged with the daily increasing
power of the Saracens ; so that a great many grew weary of
the service, and withdrew from the army. Constantine, having
no hopes of \-ictory, and fearing lest the Saracens should seize
Csesarea, took the opportunity of a tempestuous night to
move off; and left his camp to the Saracens. Amrou, ac- ,
quainting Abu Obeidah with all that had happened, received
express orders to march directly to Caesarea, where he pro-
mised to join him speedily, in order to go against Tripoli,
Acre, and Tyre. A short time after this, Tripoli wae sur-
prised by the treachery of Youkinna, who succeeded in get-
ting possession of it on a sudden, and without any noise.
Within a few djiys of its capture there arrived in the harbour
about fifty ships from Cyprus and Crete, with provisions and
Hej. 17. A.D. 638, ATTACK ON TYRE. 251
arms which were to go to Constantine. The officers, not
knowing that Tripoli was fallen into the hands of new
masters, made no scruple of landing there, where they were
courteously received by Youkinna, who proffered the utmost
of his service, and promised to go along with them. But
immediately seized both them and their ships, and delivered
the town into the hands of Kaled. who was just come.
"With these ships the traitor Youkinna sailed to Tyre, where
he told the inhabitants, that he had brought arms and provi-
sions for Constantine' s army. Upon which he was kindly re-
ceived, and, landing, he was liberally entertained, with nine
hundred of his men. But being betrayed by one of his own
soldiers, he and his crew were seized and bound ; receiving
all the Avhile such treatment from the soldiers, as their villain-
ous practices well deserved. In the meantime Yezid Ebn
Abu Sofian, being detached by Abu Obeidah from the camp
before Csesarea, came Avithin sight of Tyre. The governor
upon this, caused Youkinna and his men to be conveyed to
the castle, and there secured, and prepared for the defence of
the town. Perceiving that Yezid had with him but two
thousand men in all, he resolved to make a sally. In the
meantime, the rest of the inhabitants ran up to the walls, to
see the engagement. Whilst they Avere fighting, Youkinna
and his men Avere set at liberty by one Basil, of Avhom they
give the folloAving account : viz., That this Basil going one
day to pay a visit to Bahira the monk, the caravan of the
Koreishites came by, Avith Avhich were Kadija's camels, under
the care of Mohammed. As he looked toAvards the caravan, he
beheld Mohammed in the middle of it, and above him there
Avas a cloud to keep him from the sun. Then the caravan
having halted, as Mohammed leaned against an old Avithered
tree, it immediately brought forth leaves. Bahira perceiving
this, made an entertainment for the caravan, and invited them
into the monastery. They all Avent, leaving Mohammed be-
hind Avith the camels. Bahira missing him, asked if they
Avere all present. " Yes," they said, " all but a little boy Ave
have left to look after their things, and feed the camels."
" What is his name ;" says Bahirah. They told him, " Mo-
hammed Ebn Abdallah." Bahira asked, if his father and
mother Avere not both dead, and if he Avas not brought up by
his grandfather and his uncle. Being informed that it waa
262 HISTORY OF THE SARACEXS. Omar
SO, he said, " 0 Koreish ! Set a higli value upon him, for he
is your Lord, and by him will your power be great both in
this world, and that to come ; for he is your ornament and
glory." When they asked him how he knew that? Bahira
answered " Because as you were coming, there was never a
tree, nor stone, nor clod, but bowed itself and worshipped
God." Moreover Bahira told this Basil, that a great many
prophets had leaned against this tree, and sat under it since it
was first withered, but that it never bore any leaves before. And
I heard him say, says this same Basil, " This is the prophet,
concerning whom Isa (Jesus) spake, happy is he that believes
in him, and follows him, and gives credit to his mission."
This Basil, after the visit to Bahira, had gone to Constanti-
nople, and other parts of the Greek emperor's territories, and
upon information of the great success of the followers of
this prophet, was abundantly convinced of the truth of his
mission. This inclined him, having so fair an opportunity
offered, to release Youkmna and his men ; who sending word
to the ships, the rest of their forces landed and joined them.
In the meantime, a messenger in disguise was sent to
acquaint Yezid with what was done. As soon as he re-
turned, Youkinna was for falling upon the townsmen upon
the wall ; but Basil said, " Perhaps God might lead some of
them into the right way;" and persuaded him to place the
men so as to prevent their coming down from the Avail. This
done, they cry out " La Ilaha," &c. The people perceiving
themselves betrayed, and the prisoners at liberty, were in the
utmost confusion ; none of them being able to stir a step,
or lift up a hand. The Saracens in the camp, hearing the
noise in the city, knew what it meant, and, marching up,
Youkinna opened the gates and let them in. Those that
were in the city, fled ; some one way, and some another ; and
were pursued by the Saracens, and put to the sword. Those
upon the wall cried, " Quarter :" but Yezid told them, " That
since they had not surrendered, but the city was taken by
force, they were all slaves. However," said he, "we of our
own accord set you free, upon condition you pay tribute ; and
if any of you has a mind to change his religion, he shall
fare as well as we do." The greatest part of them turned
Mohammedans. ^Tien Constantine heard of the loss of
Tripoli and Tpe, his heart failed him, and taking shipping
Hej 17. A D. 638. C^SAREA TAKEX. 253
with his family and the greater part of his wealth, he departed
for Constantinople. All this Avhile Amrou Abn Al Aas lay
before Caesarea. In the morning, when the people ca'^e to
inquire after Constantino, and could hear no tidings of hirn
nor his family ; they consulted together, and with one con-
sent surrendered the city to Am:ou, paying down for their
security two thousand pieces of silver, and delivering into his
hands all that Constantine had been obliged to leave behind
him of his property. Thus was Caesarea lost, in the year of
our lord six hundred and thirty-eight, being the seventeenth
year of the Hejirah,* and the fifth of Omar's reign ; Avhich
answers to the twenty-ninth year of the emperor Heraclius.
After the taking of Caesarea all the other places in Syria,
which as yet held out, namely, Ramlah, Acre, Joppa, Asca-
lon, Gaza, Sichem, (or Nablos) and Tiberias surrendered, and
in a little time after, the people of Beiro Zidon, Jabalah, and
Laodicea, followed their example ; so that there remained
nothing more for the Saiacens to do in Syria, who, in little
more than six years from the time of their first expedition in
Abubeker's reign, had succeeded in subduing the whole of
that large, wealthy, and populous country.f
• Hej. 17, A.D. 638.
+ Lane, in his edition of the Arabian Nights, relates a circumstance
which took place during the war with Syria, and as it is exceedingly illus-
trative of the times, we insert it here : —
" On one occasion when the Mussulmans' army was besieging a fortified
town in S)'Tia, two of their number, who were brothers, exhibited so much
valoiur and impetuosity against the enemy, that the governor of the town
laid an ambush for them, and one was slain and the other taken pri-
soner. The captive was carried before the governor, who seeing him, said:
' The slaughter of this man would be an evil ; but his return to the Mus-
sulmans would be a calamity : can he not be persuaded to embrace Chris-
tianity, and become an auxiliary and helper V A Greek patriarch who was
present, answered him, and said, ' 0 Emir, I will tempt him to apostacy ;
for the Arabs are exceedingly fond of women, and I have a daughter en-
dowed with perfect beauty, who shall seduce him.' The governor, there-
upon, gave the prisoner into his charge, and the patriarch conveyed him to
his house ; and having arrayed his daughter in such attire as to increase
her grace and loveliness, he caused food to be brought, and ordered it to
be served to them by the beautiful Christian. The pious Mussulman saw
the temptation, smd endeavoured to escape it by closing his eyes, and occu-
pying himself with the worship of God, and the recital of the Koran ; but
here his excellent voice, and his superior talents in using it, were so etfec-
tive, that the daughter of the patriarch fell violently in lovs with him, and
254 EISTOUT OF THE SAEACEWS. 0«iA»
Syria did not remain long in the possesion of those persona
who had the chi<-f hand in subduing it; for in the eighteenth
at the expiration of seven days, begged him to teach her the religion of
Mohammed. The Saracen soon converted her to the true faith ; and after
she had acknowledged to him the state of her affections, they began
to consider the easiest means of becoming united. At length the maiden
resolved upon the following stratagem. Calling to her father and mother, she
said, ' The heart of the Mussulman is softened, and he is desirous of em-
bracing the faith, and I must also grant him the accomplishment of that
which he desireth of me. He hath however said, that this must not hap-
pen in the town where his brother was slain, but he must depart from it be-
fore he can do all that I desire. Send me with him, therefore, to some
other place ; no harm can ensue, for I am a surety to you and to the
king, that he embraces Christianity.' The patriarch advised with the gover-
nor, who rejoiced in the event, and immediately gave orders that the lovers
should be sent to a neighbouring village. Accordingly they departed from
the town, and reached the place appointed, where they stayed till the
evening, and then the Mussulman mounted a swift horse, and placing the
damsel behind him, they ceased not to travel till the morning was near, when
they performed theablution and recited the necessary prayers. While thus en-
gaged,they were suddenly alarmed by the clashing of weapons and the clinking
of bits and bridles, and thinking that they were being followed by a body of
Christians, and finding their horse jaded and weary, they fell to supplicating
God for assistance. Suddenly the young man heard the voice of his brother,
the martyr, saying, ' Fear not, 0 my brother, for the approaching troop is
the troop of God, and it is his angels whom he hath sent to witness your
marriage. Verily, God hath gloried in you before his angels, and hath con-
tracted the earth for you, so that in the morning thou wilt be among the
mountains of Medina.' Then the angels raised their voices, saluting him
and his wife, and said, ' Verily God married her to thee two thousand
years before the creation of your father Adam.' Upon this the two lovers
were released and oveijoyed, and when the day-break had fully arrived,
they performed the morning prayers.
" At this very time the caliph, Omar, was simultaneously performing the
morning prayers in the darkness before dawn, and the mosque was gradually
filled with people. Having read two short chapters and pronounced the
salutations, he looked towards his congregation, and suddenly said, ' Come
forth with us, that we may meet the bridegroom and bride.' The people
regarded each other with astonishment, and could not understand the
caliph, but as he left the mosque, they followed him until he came to the
gate of the city. By this time dayUght had appeared, and they beheld a,
young man and a maiden proceeding towards them, whom Omar met and
saluted. The lovers were then conducted to the toivn, where a feast was
immediately provided, and from that time the Mussulman and his bride
passed a life of perfect happiness, and were blessed wth children, who
fought in the way of God, till at length they were visited by the terminatoi
of delights and the separator of companions."
Dr. Weil ai^o relates the same story in his History of the Calipha.
I
M«j. 18. A.V.050- DEATH OF KAIED. 255
year of the Hejirah, the mortality in Syria, ooth among men
and beasts, was so terrible, particularly at Emaus and the
adjacent territory, that the Arabs called that year the year of
destruction.* By that pestilence the Saracens lost five and
twenty thousand men, among whom were Abu Obeidah (who
was then fifty-eight years old), Serjabil Ebn Hasanah, for-
merly Mohammed's secretary, and Yezid Ebn Abu Sofian,
with several other officers of note. Kaled survived them
about three years, and then died ;t but the place of his burial
(consequently of his death, for they did not use in those
days to carry them far) is uncertain ; some say at Hems,
others at Medina. |
Amrou Ebn Al Aas, having stayed as long in Syria as was
necessary, prepared, in obedience to the caliph's command,
for his expedition into Egypt. But whilst he was on his
route thither he was superseded ; whether it proceeded from
envy, which always attends great men, or Avhether Othman
Ebn Affam did not think him qualified for so important a
* Amo'l ramadah.
+ Author of the History of Jerusalem, above cited.
J An affecting instance of public ingratitude towards this distinguished ge-
Tieral is recorded by Major Price, in his elaborate " Mohammedan History :"
— ' Before the death of this noble Saracen, a base charge of appropriating to
himself the public treasure was preferred against him, or encouraged, by
■Omar. It seems that, among many others, one of the poets of the day,
Assauth, the son of Keyss Kaundi, had celebrated the glory of Kaled in
the following lines : ' Thy irresistible valour hath hushed the raging tem-
pest; in battle thou hast been armed with the tusks of the elephant and
the jaws of the alligatur; thy mace hath hurled the terrors of the day of
judgment through the Roman provinces; and the lightning of thy scimitar
hath spread wretchedness and mouminj,' among the cities of the Franks.'
For this effusion of his muse, Kaled, equally liberal as he was brave, be-
stowed on the poet a donation of 10,000 dirhems, or £229 sterling, but
equivalent to about ten times as much at the present day; an act which
awakened the observation and aspersions of envy, and excited the sus-
picions of Omar, more especially as on a former occasion Kaled had
advanced 100,000 dirhems as the dower of his wife. An examination was
accordingly instituted with every indignity, and his turban fastened round
his neck, in the ignominious grasp of the common crier. He submitted
with exemplary moderation, alleging that the dictates of resentment, how-
ever just, should not prevail with him to resist the will of his superiors.
The imposition of a fine satisfied the public justice; but when his horse,
his armour, and one slave, were found to constitute all his wealth, Omar
deigned to weep oyer the tomb, at Emesa, of the injured conqueror of
Syria."
256 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEN3. OuA*.
service, certain it is, that Omar was persuaded by some of
those about him to recall him. That Omar himself enter-
tained a good opinion of him, and that he superseded him
rather to gratify the importunate humour of his friends, than
out of any dislike, seems plain from the contents of the
letter. For whereas he could have commanded him positively
to return, he only wrote thus : " If this letter comes to you
before you get into Egypt, return. But if you be entered
into Egypt when the messenger comes to you, go on with the
blessing of God ; and assure yourself, that if you want any
supplies, I will take care to send them." The messenger
overtook Amrou before he was out of Syria ; but the general,
either suspecting, or having received secret information of its
purport, ordered him to wait upon him, till he should be at
leisure to read the letter. In the meantime he hastens his
march, fully resolved not to open it till he should be within
the confines of Egypt. When he arrived at Arish he as-
sembled the officers in his tent, and calling for the messenger,
opened the letter Avith as much gravity and formality as if he
had been altogether ignorant of the contents of it. Having
read it, he told the company what was in it, and inquired of
them whether the place where they had arrived belonged to
Syria or Egypt. They answered, " To Egypt." " Then,"
said Amrou, " we will go on." From thence he went to
Farma, called by some Farama and Faramia, which he took
after a month's siege : from thence to Misrah (formerly
Memphis, now Cairo), situate on the western bank of the river
Nilus, and which had been the seat of the ancient Egyptian
kings. This place the Greeks had fortified, as being, after
Alexandria, the most considerable in all that kingdom. The
castle, though old, was of great strength. About it the
Greeks had dug a large moat or trench, into which they threw
great quantities of nails and iron spikes, to make it more
difficult for the Mussulmans to pass. Amrou, Avith four
thousand men, laid hard siege to it ; but after closely investing
it for about seven months without effect, he was obliged
to send to the caliph for fresh supplies ; who, with all speed,
reinforced him with four thousand more. The prefect, or
lieutenant of Misrah, who held it for the emperor Heraclius,
was one Mokaukas, of the sect of the Jacobites, and a mortal
enemy to the Greeks. He had no design at all to serve the
Hej.lS. A. D. 639. TKEACHEROrs SURRENDER OF MISRAH. 257
emperor, but to provide for himself ; having behaved himself
so ill that he durst not come into the emperor's presence.
For when Cosroes, the Persian, had besieged Constantinople,
Mokaukas, perceiving the emperor in distress, and daily ex-
pecting his ruin, thought he had a fair opportunity offered
him of making his own fortune, and retained the tribute of
Egypt in his own hand, without giving account to the em-
peror of one penny. From that time, being conscious of his
deserts, he took every means to prejudice and hinder the
emperor ; so natural is it for men to hate those whom the)'
have injured. The chief care of Mokaukas was not to defend
the castle in good earnest, but to manage the surrender of it
so as to procure good terms for himself, and secure that vast
treasure which he had so ill gotten, without any regard to
what might become of the Greeks and the orthodox Chris-
tians, whom he mortally hated. Now there was in the river,
between the besieged castle and the opposite bank, a little
island. Mokaukas persuaded the Greeks to go with him out
of the castle into that island ; telling them, that since Amrou
had fresh supplies sent him, it would be impossible for them
to defend the castle much longer ; and that if they went into
that island, the river would be a much better protection for
them than the castle. This he did on purpose to strijj the
castle of its defenders, that the Saracens might take it the
more easily, and upon that account grant him the better
terms. At last he prevailed, and they went out of the south
gate, and going aboard some little vessels which they hac
there, they quickly landed on the island, having left only a
few Greeks to defend the castle, for all the Co2ots went out
with Mokaukas. Then Mokaukas sent messengers to Amrou
with orders to this effect : " You Arabians have invaded our
country, and given us a great deal of trouble and disturbance,
without any provocation on our side. And now assure your-
selves, that the Nile will quickly surround your camp, and
you will all fall into our hands. However, send somebody
to treat with us, and let us know your business, and what
you demand ; perhaps, when we come to talk about the
matter, things may be settled to the satisfaction of both
parties, and a peace concluded." His messergers had no
sooner delivered their errand, than Amrou despatched Aba-
dah Ebn Al Samet, a black, to Mokaukas with full instruc*
258 niSTOKT OF the SAKACEXS. OitAB..
tions. As soon as Abaclah came into his presence, he bade
him sit down, and asked him what the Arabs meant, and
what they would have. Abadah gave him the same answer
as the Saracens always used to do to such questions ; telling
him, that he had three things to propose to him in the name
of Amrou, who had received the same order from his master
Omar, the caliph ; viz. that they should either change their
religion, and become Mohammedans, and so have a right and
title to all privileges in common with the Saracens ; or else
pay a yearly tribute for ever, and so come under their pro-
tection. If they disliked this alternative, then they must
fight it out till the sword decided the controversy between
them. These, as we have already observed, were the con-
ditions which they proposed to all people wherever they
came ; the propagating their religion being to them a just
occasion of making war upon all nations. To these hard
terms Mokaukas made answer, that as to the first of them
they would never submit ; but he and his friends tha Copts
would willingly pay tribute. The Greeks obstinately refused
to become tributaries, and were resolved to fight it out to the
last ; but Mokaukas cared not what became of them, so long
as he saved himself and his money. Abadah, having finished
this business, returned from the castle to the camp ; and
when he had acquainted Amrou with all that had passed, and
that there were only a few Greeks in the castle, the Saracens
renewed their assault, and Zobeir scaled the walls, crying
out, " Allah Acbar." The Greeks, perceiving that the castle
was lost, went into their boats as fast as they could, and es-
caped to the island. The Saracens, as soon as they got pos-
session of the castle, killed and took prisoners those few that
remained. The Greeks, upon plainly seeing through the
villainy of Mokaukas, were afraid to trust themselves any
longer so near him. Embarking, therefore, in their ships,
they got to shore, and marched to Keram'l Shoraik, a place
between Cairo and Alexandria, and put themselves into as
good a posture of defence as they could. In the meantime,
Mokaukas discussed with Amrou the conditions of peace ;
and it was settled between them, that all the Copts who lived
both above and below Cairo, rich or poor, without any dif-
ference or distinction, should pay yearly two ducats ; boys
under sixteen years of age, decrepid old men, and all women,
Hej. 18. A.D. 639. CAIKO MADE XKIBUTARY. 259
being exempt. The number of the Copts, as they were then
polled, was six millions ; according to which account, the
yearly tribute of Cairo, and the neighbouring territory,
amounted to twelve millions of ducats. Mokaukas begged
of Amrou that he might be reckoned among the Copts, and
taxed as they were ; declaring, that he desired to have nothing
in common -with the Greeks, for he was none of them, nor of
their religion, but that he had only for a while dissembled for
fear of his life ; and entreated him never to make peace with
the Greeks, but to persecute them to death ; and, lastly,
desiring that when he died he might be buried in St. John's
church in Alexandria. All this Amrou promised to perform,
upon condition that the Copts should entertain for three days,
gratis, any Mussulman whatsoever who had occasion to pass
through the country ; and also repair tAvo bridges which were
broken, and provide quarters for himself and his army, and
take care that the country people should bring in provisions
to the camp, and open the road from Cairo to Alexandria
(which he was then going to besiege), by building such
bridges as were necessary for the march of the army. These
terms were readily accepted by the Copts, who assisted them
with everything they wanted. Amrou marched on without
interruption till he came to Keranil Shoraik, where the
Greeks that fled from Cairo were posted. Here they fought
three days successively ; but at last the Greeks were forced
to give way. He had also some other battles to fight before
he came to Alexandria, but in all of them the Saracens were
invariably victors. Those Greeks Avho escaped retired to
Alexandria, where they made the best preparation they could
for a siege.
Amrou was not long after them, but quickly came up, and
laid siege to the city. However, the Greeks made a stout
resistance, and made frequent sallies, so that there was a
great slaughter on both sides. The Saracens at last made a
vigorous assault upon one of the towers, and succeeded in
entering it, the Greeks all th^j while defending it with the
utmost bravery. In the tower itself the fight was sustained
so long and stoutly, that the Saracens were at last hard
pressed, and forced to retire. In this attempt Amrou, the
general, Muslemah Ebn Al Mochalled, and Werdan, Amrou's
slave, were taken prisoners. Being brought before the
s2
260 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. O.MAn
governor, he asked them what they meant by running about
the world in this manner, and disturbing their neighbours }^
Amrou ansAvered according to the usual form, and told him
that they designed to make them either Mussulmans or
tributaries before they had done. But this bold answer had
like to have cost him his life, for the governor taking notice
of his behaviour, concluded that he was no ordinary person,
and bade those that stood near to cut off his head. But
Werdan, his slave, who understood Greek, as soon as he
heard what the governor said, took his master, Amrou, by
the collar, and gave him a box on the ear, telling him " That
he was always putting himself forward, and prating, when it
would better become him to hold his tongue ; that he was a
mean contemptible fellow, and that he would advise him to
learn manners, and let his betters speak before him." By
this time Muslemah Ebn Al Mochalled had bethought him-
self, and told the governor, "• That their general had thoughts
of raising the siege ; that Omar, the caliph, had written to
him touchins; the matter, and designed to send an honourable
ambassy, consisting of several worthy persons and men of
note, to treat with him about matters ; and if he pleased to
let them go, they would acquaint their general how cour-
teously they had been used, and employ the utmost of their
endeavours to promote an accommodation." He added,
" That he did not in the least question but when the caliph's
ambassadors had treated with him, things would be made
very easy on both sides, and the siege speedily raised." Our
historian tells us, that this impolitic governor, observing how
Werdan treated his master, concluded him to have been as
moan as Werdan represented him, and believed the story that
Muslemah had told him concerning Omar's sending some of
the chief Arabs to treat with him. Wherefore, thinking it
would be of greater consequence to kill sis or ten consider-
able men than three or four of the vulgar, he dismissed these
in hopes of catching the others. They were no sooner out
of danger than the whole army of the Saracens shouted as
loud as they could, "Allah Acbar." When the Greeks upon
the walls heard those great tokens of joy, which were sho\vn
in the camp for the return ol tJaese men, tliey were convinced
• The same story is told, w>th «naaa variation of eircumstances, lx)th bj
tJmakin and Alwakidi.
Hej. 19. A.u 640. ALEXANDRIA TAKEN. 26X
that they were not such persons as the gcvernor had taken
them for, and repented too late of having let them go.
Presently after this the Saracens renewed their assault, and
so straitened the Alexandrians, that they were not able to
hold out any longer. At last the city was taken,* and the
Greeks who were in it dispersed, a considerable party of them
going further up into the country, and the others putting off
to sea. Its possession, however, was dearly purchased by
the Saracens, by a siege of fourteen months, and a loss of
twenty-three thousand men before it.f
To secure his conquest, and to prevent any alarm or dis-
turbance which might follow, Amrou thought it advisable to
reduce those Greeks who had escaped from the siege of
Alexandria, and gone further up into the country. For
he reasonably concluded that so long as any considerable
number of them should be in arms, the Saracens would
not be allowed to enjoy their new possessions in peace and
security. With this design, therefore, he marched out of
Alexandria, leaving but a few of his Saracens behind him in
the town, as apprehending no danger on that side. Dui'ing
his absence, the Greeks who at the taking of the town had
gone aboard their ships, and of whose return there was not
the least fear or suspicion, came back on a sudden, and
• The following tradition concerning Amrou is quoted by Dr. Weil.
At an early period of his life Amrou made a jovimey on business to Je-
rusalem. One day he chanced to be guarding his o^vn and companions'
camels upon a hUl in the vicinity of Alexandria, when a Greek ecclesiastic
came to him from the city, and begged a draught of water, as the weather
was unusually hot and oppressive. Amrou gave him his o^vn pitcher, and
the other having quenched his thirst, laid himself down and slept. Shortly
afterwards, Amrou saw a serpent creep from a hole and advance towards the
Greek, upon which he immediately sprang to his bow and killed the snake with
an arrow. When the Greek arose, and saw the dead reptile by his side,
and heard from Amrou how his life had been preserved, he said, " Thou
hast twice saved my life, and I will reward thee, though I am here but as
a poor pUgrim. Go mth me to Alexandria, and I ivill g've thee 2000
dinars." Amrou followed, and whilst in the city he was present at a game
of ball, and according to the faith and experience of the Alexandi-ians, this
ball had never as yet fallen into the hands of an individual without his
subsequently becoming a ruler over their kingdom. On the present
occasion, to the astonishment of all the Greeks, the ball fell into the hai.tJs
of Amrou, who aften\'ards became, as is related above, the conqueror ol
Eg^■pt. This story is *flld at a iireatei l«nftth bv Ebn Ab>lal Haken.
t Hej 20. A.D. 640.
262 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Oma»
surprising the town, killed all the Saracens that were in it.
The news of this event quickly came to Amrou's ear, and he.
immediately returned to Alexandria with the greatest speed,
and found there the Greeks who had put back from sea in
possession of the castle. They gave him a warm reception,
and fought bravely. At last, unable to hold out any longer
against his superior numbers, they were obliged to retire to
their ships again, and try their fortime at sea once more,
leaving Amrou and his Saracens in full and quiet possession.
This done, Amrou acquainted the caliph with his success,
letting him know that the Mussulmans were desirous of
plundering the city. Omar, having received his letter,-'"^ gave
him thanks for his service, but blamed him for ever enter-
taining for one moment the idea of plundering so rich a city,
and strictly charged him by no means to suffer the soldiers to
make any waste, or spoil anything in It, but carefully to
treasure up whatever was valuable, in order to defray charges
in the time of war. And lastly, ordering that the tribute
which was to be raised in that part of the country should be
laid up in the treasury at Alexandria, to supply the necessities
of the Mussulmans.
The inhabitants of Alexandria were then polled, and upon
this the whole of Egypt followed the fortune and example of
its metropolis, and the inhabitants compounded for their
lives, fortunes, and free exercise of their religion, at the price
of two ducats a head yearly. This head-money was to be
paid by all without distinction, except in the case of a man
holding land, farms, or vineyards, for in such cases he paid
proportionably to the yearly value of what he held. This
tax brought in a most prodigious revenue to the caliph.
After the Saracens were once arrived to this pitch, it is no
wonder if they went further, for what would not such a
revenue do in such hands ? For they knew very Avell how to
• "I have taken," writes Amrou to the caliph, " the great city of the
west. It is impossible for me to enumerate the variety of its riches and
beauty; and I shall content myself with observing, that it contains four
thousand palaces, four thousand baths, fom- hundred theatres or places of
amusement, twelve thousand shops for the sale of vesetable food, and forty
thousand tributary Jews. The town has been subdued by force of arms,
without treaty or capitulation, and the Mussulmans are impatient to seize
the fruits of their victory." — EiUycliius, as quoted by Gibbon.
HbJ. 20. ii.D. C«. THE ALEXANDKIAN LTBKARY. 263
husband their money, being at that time sumptuous in notning
but their places of public worship. Their diet was plain and
simple. Upon their tables appeared neither wine, nor any of
those dainties, the products of modern luxury, which pall the
stomach and enfeeble the constitution. Their chief drink was
water ; their food principally milk, rice, or the fruits of the
earth.
The Arabians had as yet applied themselves to no manner
of learning, nor the study of anything but their vernacular
poetry, which, long before Mohammed's time, they understood
very well, after their way, and prided themselves upon.
They were altogether ignorant of the sciences, and of every
language but their own. Amrou, however, though no scholar,
was a man of quick parts and of good capacity, and one who
in the intervals of business was more delighted with the con-
versation of the learned, and with rational and philosophical
discourses, than it is usual for men of his education to be.
There was at that time in Alexandria, one John, sirnamed
" The grammarian," an Alexandrian by birth, of the sect of
the Jacobites, and was the same that afterwards denied the
Trinity, and being admonished by the bishops of Egypt to
renounce his erroneous opinions, he was, upon his refusal,
excommunicated.* He was, however, a man eminent for
learning, and Amrou was greatly pleased with his conversa-
tion ; not only taking delight in frequently hearing him dis-
course on several sciences, but also occasionally asking him
questions. This person, perceiving the great respect shown
him by Amrou, ventured one day to petition him for the
books in the Alexandrian Library, telling him " That he
perceived he had taken an account of all things which he
thought valuable in the city, and sealed up all the repositories
and treasuries, but had taken no notice of the books ; that,
if they would have been any Avay useful to him, he would not
have been so bold as to ask for them, but since they were
not, he desired he might have them." Amrou told him,
" That he had asked a thing which was altogether out of his
power to grant, and that he could by no means dispose of the
books without first asking the caliph's leave. However,"
lie said, " he would write, and see what might be done in tho
* Abulfaragius.
264 HISTORT OF THE SARACENS. Owiifc.
matter." Accordingly he performed his promise, and having
given a due character of the abilities of this learned man,
ana acquainted Omar with his petition, the caliph returned
this answer, " What is contained in these books you mention
is either agreeable to what is written in the book of God
(meaning the Koran) or it is not : if it be, then the Koran is
sufficient without them ; if otherwise, it is fit they should be
destroyed." Amrou, in obedience to the caliph's command,
distributed the books throughout all the city, amongst those
that kept warm baths (of which there was at that time no fewer
than four thousand in Alexandria), to heat the baths with.
And notwithstanding the great havoc that must needs be
made of them at this rate, yet the number of books which the
diligence of former princes had collected was so great, that it
was six months before they were consumed. A loss never to
be made up to the learned world ! *
Amrou being now possessed of Egypt, began to look a lit-
tle further towards the western part of Africa ; and in a short
time made himself master of all that country which lies be-
tween Barcah and Zeweilah ; the inhabitants of Barcah bring-
ing in the tribute imposed upon them pimctually at the time
prefixed, without any collectors going among them to gather
* It is needless to apprize the reader of the variety of controversy regard-
ing this literary conflagration, some persons disputing even the existence of
any great collection; but the testimony of antiquity, joined to the passionate
desire of the Lagidas to accumulate manuscripts, and their vast wealth and
influence, render the circumstance a very probable one.
Gibbon says he felt strongly tempted to deny both the fact and the conse-
quences of this irreparable shipwreck of learning, as being founded on the
simple authority of Abulfaragius, whilst Eutychius and Al Makin are
both silent on the subject. Mr. Milman, however, adds that since this pe-
riod several new Mohammedan authorities have been adduced to support Abul-
faragius. That of, I. Abdollatiph, by professorWhite : II. Of Makrisi : III.
Of Ibn Chaldedun ; and after them Hadschi Chalfa. See Von Hammer's
History of the Assassins. Reinhard, in a German dissertation, printed at
Gottingen, 1792, and St. Croix (Magasin Encyclop., torn. iv. p. 433), have
examined the question. Among oriental scholars, Professor White,
M. St. Martin, Von Hammer, and Silv. de Jac}', consider the fact of the
burning of the library, by the command of Omar, beyond question. A
Mohammedan writer brings a similar charge against the crusaders. The
library of Tripoli is said to have contained the incredible number of three
millions of volumes. On the capture of the city, Count Bertram of St.
Gilles, entering the first room, which contained nothing but the Koran,
ordered the whole to be burnt, as the works of the false prophet of Arabia
See Wilken. Gesch. der Kreuzzuge, vol. ii. p. 211. — Milman's Gibbon.
Hoj. 21. A.D. C4L OMA.K ASSASSINATED. 265
it. "^Vhile these things were doing in Egypt, there was a
dearth in Arabia ; so that the inhabitants of Medina and the
neighbouring country, were reduced to the greatest scarcity
and want. Upon this Omar wrote to Amrou, and acquainting
him with their extremity, ordered him to supply the Arabs
with corn out of Egypt. This Amrou did so abundantly, that
the train of camels which were leaden with it, reached in a
continued line from Egypt to Medina ; the foremost of them
entering Medina, before the last of the caravans was yet
out of the bounds of Egjqot. But this way of conveying the
provision being both tedious and expensive, the caliph com-
manded Amrou to dig a passage from the Nile to the Red Sea,
for the more speedy and easy conveyance of their provision to
the Arabian shore. Shortly after this Amrou took Tripoli.
If we consider the extent of his success it alone is great
enough to command our admiration even though nothing else
had been accomplished in any other part. But in the east,
also, their victorious arms made no less progress, and the
Mohammedan crescent now began to shed its malignant in-
fluence upon as large and considerable dominions, as the
Roman eagle ever soared over. About this time,*-' Aderbijan,
Ainwerdah, Harran, Roha, Rakkah, Nisibin, Ehwaz, Siwas,
and Chorassan, were all brought imder subjection to the
Saracens. In all these conquests, many noble actions, and
well worth the relating, were without doubt performed ; but
the particular history of that part of their conquests not hav-
ing reached my hands, the reader is desired to excuse my
passing over them in silence.
About two years after this, Omar, the caliph, was killed.
The account of his death is as follows : — One Firuz, a Per-
sian, of the sect of the Magi, or Persees ; as being of a dif-
ferent religion from the Mussulmans, had a daily tribute of
two pieces of silver imposed upon him by his master, and
made his complaint to Omar, demanding to have a part of it
remitted. Omar told him, he did not think it at all unrea-
sonable, considering he could well afford it out of what he
earned. With this answer Firuz was so provoked, that he
did as good as threaten the caliph to his {a.-,e , who, however,
took little notice of his passion. P'iruz watched his opportu-
nity ; and not long after, whilst Oniar was saying the morn-
* Hej. 21. A.D. 641.
266 HISTOKY OF THE SA.KACENS. Omaii.
ing prayer in the mosque, stabbed him thrice in the belly with
a, dagger. The Saracen^ m the mosque rushing upon him
immediately, he made a desperate defence, and stabbed thir-
teen of them, of whom seven died.'^-' At last, one that stood
by, threw his vest over him, and seized him; when perceiving
himself caught, he stabbed himself. Omar lived three days
after the wound, and then died, in the month of Du'lhagjah,
in the twenty-third year of the Hejirah, a.d. 643,| after he
had reigned ten years, six months, and eight days, and was
sixty-three years old ; which is the same age, at which ac-
cording to some authors, Mohammed, Abubeker, and Ayesha,
Mohammed's wife, died.
He was of a dark complexion, very tall, and had a bald
head. As to his behaviour in the government, the Arabic
authors give him an extraordinary character. His abstinence
and self-denial, his piety and gravity of behaviour, procured
him more reverence than his successors could command by their
grandeur. His walking-stick, saysAlwakidi, struck more terror
into those that were present, than another man's sword. His
diet was barley-bread; his sauce, salt; and oftentimes, by way
of abstinence and mortification, he ate his bread without salt :
his drink was water. He was a constant observer of all his reli-
gious duties ; and in the course of the ten years he reigned, Avent
nine times on pilgrimage to Medina. His administration of
justice was very impartial, his ears being always open to the
complaints of the meanest; nor could the greatness of any
offender exempt him from punishment, j In his decisions he
* Ahmed Ebn Mohammed Abdi Rabbibi. M.S. Arabic. Huntingdon,
No. 254.
t History of the Holy Land, M. Arab. Poc. No. 362.
X Masudi relates that Omar's governors lived as piously and simply
as himself. The inhabitants of Hems once brought the follo^ring
accusations against their governor. 1st. That he never granted an
audience before sunrise ; 2nd. That he never attended to any one diu--
ing the night ; and 3rd. That he was altogether invisible for one whole
day in every month. When Omar desired him to explain his conduct, he
replied, " In the first place as I have no servant, I am forced, early in the
morning, to knead and bake my own bread ; secondly, during the night, I
pray to God, and read the Koran, until sleep overtakes me; and thirdly, aa
I have only one upper shii-t, I cannot show myself on the day I wash, and
dry it." Omar made the governor a present of 1000 dinars, the greatei
part of which, however, he gave to the poor. — Weil, Geschichte der Ch^'
a/en.
He>23AD.643. CHARACTER OF OMAR. 267
always kept punctually to the sense of the Koran and the
traditions of Mohammed, in whose life-time Omar gave a
signal proof of the sense he had of the duty of inferiors to
their governors, on the following occasion : —
An obstinate Mussulman had a suit at law with a Jew be-
fore Mohammed."^- The Jew being in the right, Mohammed
pronounced sentence against the Mussulman ; who said,
" That he would not be satisfied, unless Omar, who was
then only a private man, had the rehearing and examining the
cause." The plaintiff and defendant went both together to
Omar, whom they found at his own door, and opening their
case, and acquainting him with Mohammed's decision of it,
desired him to examine it again. Omar going into his own
house, bade them stay a moment, and told them he would
despatch their business in a trice. Coming back, he brings
his scimitar along with him, and at one single stroke, cuts oif
the head of the Mussulman, who had refused to be ruled by
Mohammed's decision; saying, with a loud voice, " See what
they deserve, who will not acquiesce in the determination of
their judges." It was upon this occasion that Mohammed
gave him the title or surname of Farouk ; intimating thereby,
that Omar knew as well how to distinguish truth from false-
hood, and justice from injustice, as he did to separate the
head of that knave from his body.
The conquests gained by the Saracens in his reign were
so considerable, that though they had never been extended,
the countries they had subdued would have made a very for-
midable empire. He drove all the Jews and Christians out
of Arabia; subdued Syria, Egypt, and other territories in
Africa, besides the greater part of Persia. And yet all
this greatness, which would have been too weighty for an
ordinary man to bear, especially if, as in Omar's case, it did
not descend to him as an hereditary possession, for which he
had been prepared by a suitable education, but was gotten on
a sudden by men who had been acquainted with, and used
to nothing great before, had no effect upon the caliph. He
still retained his old way of living ; nor did the growth of
his riches ever show itself by the increase of his retinue oi
expenses. He built a wall about Cufa, and repaired or ra-
* D'Herbelot Bibliotheque Orientale.
268 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. Omar.
ther rebuilt the temples of Jerusalem and Medina. He waa
the first of the Saracens that made rolls to enter the names
of all that were in the military service, or that received pay
from the public. He also was the first to employ the date of
the Hejirah, concerning which the reader may see more in the
Life of IMohammed, p. 31 ; moreover, he was author of the
law forbidding a woman, who had ever borne a child, to be
sold for a slave. The author of the History of Jerusalem,
already mentioned, adds, " That if he had nothing else to
recommend him besides his taking Jerusalem, and purging
it from idolatry, that alone were sufficient."
He never used to hoard up any money in the treasury, but
divided it every Friday, at night, amongst his men, according
to their several necessities. In which particular, his practice
was preferable to Abubeker's ; for Abubeker used to propor-
tion his dividends to the merit of the persons that were to
receive it, but Omar had regard only to their necessities;
saying, " That the things of this world were given to us by
God for the relief of our necessities, and not for the reward of
virtue; because the proper reward of that belonged to another
world."*
* The following story of this caliph is related by Mr. Lane, in his Notes
to the Arabian Nights: — " Omar was one day sitting to judge the people,
when a comely young man in clean apparel was brought before him
by two handsome youths, who had seized him by his vest. The caliph
having ordered the two youths to withdraw from their prisoner, demanded
the object of their application, to which they replied : — ' 0 prince of the
faithful, we are two brothers by the same mother, and we had a father pru-
dent and honoured among the tribes, who reared us from infancy, and
bestowed on us great favours : and he went forth into his orchard to
recreate himself and pluck its fruits, when this young man slew him. We
therefore request thee to retaliate his offence, and to pass judgment upon
him in accordance with the commands of God.'
" Omd,i casting a temfying glance upon the young man said, to him :
' What hast thou to say in reply to these two youths V Now that young
man was of fine heart and bold tongue ; he had cast off the garments oi
dastardy, and divested himself of the apparel of fear ; and after some pre-
liminarj- compliments to the caliph, delivered in elegant language, hereplied,
' These youths have spoken truth, and the command of God is an intermi-
nable decree ;' but I will state my case, and it is for thee to decide upon it.
Know, 0 prince, that I am of the choicest of the genuine Arabs, and I
grew up in the dwellings of the desert till an oppressive famine afflicted
my people, when I came to the environs of this town with my family and
wealth. Now I had several she camels of great estimation, and a most
Hej. 23. A-D. 643.
CHAEACTEE OF OMAR. 260
beautiful male camel of high breed, whereby the she camels bore abun-
dantly ; and whilst I was journeying on a road which passed through gar-
dens of trees, one of n:y she camels ran to the orchard of the father of
these young men, and nibbled at some trees which appeared above the wall.
1 drove her away from the orchard, but lo ! a sheikh appeared through an
interstice of the wall with a stone in his hand, and smiting the male camel
with it in the right eye, he killed it. Seeing my male camel fall, I became
hot with anger, and took up that same stone and smote him with it, and
the man was killed by that wherewith he had killed. Upon being struck
with the stone he uttered a great cry and a painful slu-iek, whereupon I
hastened from the place ; but being seized by these youths, I am brought
before thee.' Then Omar said, ' Thou hast confessed thy crime : libera-
tion hath become difficult, retaliation is necessary, and there is no escape.'
The young man replied, ' I hear and obey ; but I have a young brother,
whose father left him abundance of wealth and gold, and committed both
him and his treasure to my charge. Now the money is buried, and no one
but myself knoweth where : therefore, before passing sentence of death,
give me three days that I may appoint a guardian for the boy, by which
time I will return to discharge my obligations, and will give surety for my
return. The caliph asked who would be surety ; when the young man
looking round him pointed to Aboo Dhan-,* who thereupon consented to
become his guarantee for three days.
*' The third day had almost closed, and the ' companions of the prophet'
were surrounding Omar like stars round the moon ; but as yet, the young
man had not returned. Aboo Dharr was present, and the plaintiffs
who were waiting, said to him, ' Where is the delinquent 1 How shall
he who hath fled return ? But we will not move from oiu- place until
thou bring him to us, that oiu- blood revenge may be taken.' — Aboo
Dharr replied, ' By the Omniscient King, if the three days expire, and the
young man come not, I will discharge the obKgation and siurender myself
to the caliph.' And Omar said, ' By Allah, if the young man delay his
coming, I ml] assuredly pass sentence upon Aboo Dharr, according as the
law of Islam requireth !' Upon this the tears of the assembly flowed,
and the sighs of the spectators rose, and great was the clamour. The chiefs
of the ' companions' begged the jjouths to accept pecuniary compensa-
tion ; but they would be satisfied with nothing less than the revenge of
blood.
" Whilst the people were thus lamenting, lo, the young man approached
and stood before the caliph, with his face glistening with perspiration ; and
he said : — ' I have committed my brother to his maternal uncles, and
acquainted them with all his affairs, and the depository of his wealth ;
then I rushed through the sultry mid-day heat, and fulfilled my promise.'
And the people wondered at his veracity and good faitli, and praised him ;
hut he replied : ' Are ye not convinced that Avhen the period of death hath
arrived, no one can escape from it ? Verily I fulfilled my promise, that it
might not be said, — Fidelity hath departed from among men.' Then Aboo
Dharr said : — ' O prince, I became surety for this young man, and knew
not his tribe, nor had I previously seen him. But when he turned from all
* A celebrated and highly esteemed relater of the sayings and actions of tt«
prophet.
270 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Ojiak.
others and appealed to me, I deemed it not right to deny him, that it might
not be said, — Virtue hath departed from among men.' And upon this the
two youths said : — ' O prince, we give up to this young man the blood of
our father, since he hath converted sadness into cheerfulness, that it may
not be said,— Kindness hath departed from among men.' Then the caUph
rejoiced at the pardon granted to the young man, and greatly extolled the
humanity of Abeo Dharr and the kindness of the two youths. He then
offered to pay the latter the price of their father's blood from the govern-
ment treasury, but they refused to receive it."
" But little is known to us of the private life of Omar, but we learn that
he was married seven times ; three times in Mecca, and four times after
the flight to Medina ; which proves that he did not live entirely devoted to
God and Islamism. Beside his wives, he had two female slaves, both of
whom bore him children ; and he also got Ayesha to forward his suit with
two other women, but they both refused him. One was a daughter of Otba,
who would not accept him because, from jealousy, he always kept his wives
locked up. The otlier, Asma, a daughter of Abubeker, declined to receive
his addresses because she dreaded the hard living of the abstemious caliph,
who is said to have confined his household to barley iDread and camel's flesh.
Omar, however, was so much in love with Asma, that Ayesha was afraid to
acquaint him with her refusal, and therefore took counsel with Amrou Ebn
Aas. The latter accordingly went to Omar, and said to him, ' I have
heard you wish to marry Asma, and would dissuade you from it, for she
has grown up so uncontrolled amongst her brothers, that she wtil nei-
ther submit to thy restraints nor suit so strict a ruler ; and if she com-
plains of thy severity, all the people will support her cause, and condemn
thee, because she is the daughter of Abubeker.' This artful speech suc-
ceeded, and Ayesha was spared from fmther commissions. Omar con-
cluded a marriage with 0mm Kolthum, the daughter of Ali ; but Ali
expressed great un\iillingness in giving him his daughter, because of her
extreme youth ; and a somewhat similar scene took place as that which
preceded the marriage of Mohammed with Ayesha. Ali sent his daughter
to Omar, who unveiled her, and drew her towards him ; but she escaped
from his hands, and went and complained to her father, who accordingly
said to Omar, ' If thou wert not caliph, I would break thy nose and scratch
thy eyes out.' Omar subsequently won Ali over, by saying that ' Moham-
med had declared that all ties of relationship and marriage would cease
on the day of resurrection, save those in his own family ; therefore, as
0mm Kolthum was the grandchild of the prophet, through her mother
Fatima ; if he married her now, she would become one of his wives in pa-
radise.' 0mm Kolthum, however, again evinced a dislike to return to the
old voluptuary, as she called him ; but Ali overruled her objections by the
simple reply of, ' He is new thy husband.' " — See Weil, Geackichte def
Chali/en,
IIcj, 23. A.D. C34. ELECTION OF CALIPH. 271
OIHMAN EBN AFFAN, THIRD CALIPH AFTEK MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 23—35. a.d. 643—655.
During the three days which Omar survived his mortal
wound * his friends came about him, soliciting him to make
his will, and name a successor. Disliking this task, he merely
observed, that if Salem were alive he should approve of none
so well as him. Upon this they named several to him, but
with all they proposed he still found some fault or other.
Some recommended Ali, on account not only of his valour
and other great qualities, but also of his near relationship to
Mohammed. But Omar thought him scarcely serious enough
for so weighty a charge. Then Othman Ebn AfFan was
named ; and Omar rejected him also, as likely to misuse his
authority by favouring his own friends and relations. When
they saw that they could not name any one but Omar would
take an exception to him, they suspected, not without ap-
parent reason, that all the objections proceeded from a desire
that his son should succeed him. But his son being men-
tioned to him, he answered, that it was enough for one in a
family to have to give an account of so weighty a charge af
the caliphate. At last, when they could not persuade him to
name a successor, to meet their wishes in some degree he
appointed six persons, who were to consult upon and deter-
mine the matter within three days of his decease. During
their deliberations his son was to be present, but was not to
have a right of voting. The six commissioners were Othman,
.Vli, Telha, Zobeir, Abdarrhamanf Ebn Auf, and Saed Ebn
Abi Wakkas ; all of whom had been the familiar acquaint-
ance and companions of Mohammed. Omar being dead, they
met to consult ; and Abdarrhaman said, that for his part he
would willingly lay aside all pretensions to the office, pro-
vided they would agree to choose one of their own number.
* Hejirah 23. Which year beginning on the 18th of November, in the
year of our Lord 643, the greatest part of it answers to the year 644.
t .\bulfaragius, instead of Abdarrhaman puts in Abu Obeidah; but I
have chosen rather to follow Eutychius and Elmakin, because there are
more authors than one who say positively, that Abu Obeidah died of the
plague ill Syria, in the 18th year of the Hejirah
272 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Othmax.
All of them agreed at once to this proposition but Ali, who
thought himself injured, because he had not been the imme-
diate successor of Mohammed. At last, when Abdarrhaman
had sworn that he would neither vote for nor favour any man
whatsoever that should offer himself. Ali also gave his
consent. Upon this, Abdarrhaman consults with the rest,
who inclined to Othman Ebn Affan. Accordingly, Othman
was chosen caliph, and inaugurated three days after Omar's
death.* Abulfaragius says, that Abu Obeidah (whom he
puts in the room of Abdarrhaman) came to Ali, and asked
him if he would take the government upon him, upon con-
dition that he should be obliged to administer according to
what was contained in the book of God, the tradition of his
prophet, and the determination of two seniors. Ali answered,
that as for the book of God, and the tradition of his prophet,
he was content ; but he would not be .obliged to be deter-
mined by the constitutions of the seniors. The same terms
being offered to Othman, he embraced them without ex-
ception, and was immediately chosen caliph.
As soon as he was established in the government, Othman
followed the example of his predecessors, and sent his forces
abroad to enlarge his dominions. In a short time, Maho'l
Bassorah, and what remained of the borders of Ispahan and
Raya was taken ; so that the poor Persian king was now
eaten up on all sides, and had very little left him. The same
year that Othman was made caliph, Birah and Hamden were
taken, and Moawiyah, who was then prefect of Syria, and
afterwards caliph, invading the territories of the Grecian
emperor, took a great many towns, and wasted the country.
We have already observed, that Othman was suspected of
being too much inclined to favour his friends, and that upon
this account Omar had judged him unworthy of succeeding
him. This inclination showed itself plainly enough now that
he had got the government into his hands, and was in a
capacity to indulge it. Notwithstanding the signal services
that Amrou Ebn Al Aas had done the Saracens by adding
Egypt to their empire, Othman deposed him, and deprived
* There is some variety in the accounts of the time of Othman's inau-
guration. Some say there was but one day left of the last month in the
twenty-third year of the Hejirah. Others say it was on the 20th day «.•.
th* first month (IMoharram") of the twenty-fourth year.
Hej. 23. A.D. 645. AMROU PEPOSKD. 275
him of the prefecture, or lieutenancy of Egypt, for no ju-st
reason that ever I could learn, but only because he had a
mind to prefer his own foster-brother, Abdallah Ebn Said,
to a place of such dignity and profit. A greater imprudence
than this he scarcely could have committed ; for Amrou,
having been a considerable time in Egypt, had made himself
familiar with the persons and the customs of the Egyptians,
and had also won the love and confidence of the people.
On this account, and by reason of his admirable skill in
military affairs, he was, without doubt, the fittest men among
the Saracens for so important a charge. The order, how-
ever, of the caliph must be obeyed, but the result soon showed
how ill-advised it was ;*" for Constantine, the Grecian cm-
• Shortly after the government of Egypt had been consigned to Ab-
dallah Ebn Said, the final reduction of Africa, from the Nile to the
Atlantic, was projected by Othman, and a reinforcement of upwards of
20,000 Arabs marched from Medina, accompanied by Zobeir, and other
distinguished chieftains, and joined the Arabian camp at Memphis.
Mills quotes the following account : — " With the sword in one hand and
the Koran in the other, Abdallah, the general of Othman, conducted
40,000 valiant Arabs from the camp at Memphis, to the conversion or sub-
jugation of the unknown regions of the west. After a painful march they
pitched their tents before the walls of Tripoli, whilst a reinforcement of
Greeks, who were advancing to relieve the city, were surprised and cut to
pieces on the sea shore. But the siege was suspended by the appearance
in the field of the prefect Gregory, with 100,000 Roman troops, and
Moorish or barbarian auxiliaries. The representative of the Greek em-
peror rejected with disdain the usual choice of conversion or tribute, and
the Saracenic general broke up his camp before the walls of Tripoli. In
the midst of a sandy plain, the battle was prolonged for several days, from
the earliest appearance of light, till a noon-day sun compelled the soldiers
of each army to seek the shelter of their tents. But Zobeir, a genius m
war. terminated this irregular conflict. A part of the Mussulman force
had Deen separated from their general, and the commander of the division
sent twelve of his bravest soldiers to penetrate the camp of the Greeks. In
the darkness of the night they avoided the enemy, and with a perseverance
which despised all refreshment of the senses, reached their Mussulman
brethren in the battle of the morning. The searching eye of ZobeLr met
not Abdallah. ' Where,' said he, ' is our general V ' He is in his tent,'
was the reply. ' Is the tent a stition for the general of the Mussulmans V
indignantly exclaimed the indefatigable Saracen, on finding that Abdallah
had really retired from the field. ' Nay,' replied the chief, when he waa
discovered by Zobeir, ' a price has been set on my head; one hundred
thousand pieces of gold, and the hand of the daughter of the prefect
liave been offered to any Christian or Mussulman, who shall take the head
of the general of the Saracens into the camp of the enemy. She ia
S
274 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS.
Othman
peror, sent one Manuel, a eunuch, with an army, to retake
Alexandria, in which he succeeded by the help of the Greeks
in the city ; who, maintaining a secret correspondence with
the emperor's army, then at sea, received them at thei''
landing ; and Alexandria, which Amrou had taken four year&
before, was now once more in the hands of the emperor.
It was now evidently seen of what use Amrou had been
in Egypt, and it was not long before he was restored to
his former dignity ; for the Egyptians, conscious of treachery
and disloyalty to their sovereign, and fearing lest, if they again
fell into the hands of the Greeks, they should be punished ac-
cording to their deserts, humbly petitioned the caliph for the
restoration of their old general Amrou, on account both of his
thorough acquaintance with the state of their country, and oi
fighting by the side of her father, and her incomparable charms fire the
youth of both armies. My friends have solicited me to quit the field, as
the loss of their general might be fatal to the cause.' ' Retort on the
infidels,' said the undaunted Zobeir, ' their unmanly attempt : proclaim
tlirough the ranks, that the head of Gregory shall be repaid with his
captive daughter, and the equal sum of one hundred thousand pieces of
gold.' The adventurous Saracen conceived and executed a plan for th<
overthrow of the Greeks. On the following morning, a part only of thf
Mussulman army carried on the usual desultory conflict vnth their foes a;
long as the heat was supportable. The Mussulmans retired to their camp,
threw down their swords, laid their bows across their saddles, and by ever}
appearance of lassitude deceived the enemy into security. But at th''
signal of Zobeir, a large body of his troops, fresh, active, and vigorous,
sprang from the concealment of their tents, and mounted their horses.
Tlie Romans, astonished and fainting vnth fatigue, hastily seized their anna,
l)ut their ranks were soon broken by the impetuous Saracens. Gregory ^va i
slain, and the scattered fugitives from the field sought refuge in Sujetala.
But on the first attack, this city yielded; and, in the division of the spoil,
two thousand pieces of gold were the share of every horseman, and one,
thousand pieces of every foot soldier. The spirited daughter of Gregor}-
had animated, by her courage and her exhortations, the soldiers of hei
country, till a squadron of horse led her captive into the presence of
Abdallah. The affecting testimony of her tears at the sight of Zobeir,
proved that he was the destroyer of her father. ' Why do you not claim
the rich reward of your conquest V inquired Abdallah, in astonishment at
the modesty or indifference of Zobeir at the sight of so much beauty. 'I
fight,' replied the enthusiast, ' for glory and religion, and despise all
ignoble motives.' The general of the Saracens forced, however, upon the
reluctant chief the virgin and the gold, and pleased his martial spirit with
the office of communicating to the caliph at Medina the success of his
faithful soldiers."
riej. 27. A.D. 647. \.LEXANDRIA. — CYPKXJS — KHORASS IN. 275
his experiencfe in war. The request was no sooner made
than granted, the exigency of affairs indispensably demanding
it. Amrou, being nov/ reinstated in authority, advanced
against Alexandria with his whole force, ordering the Copts,
of whom there were a great many in his service, under the
command of the traitor Mokaukas, to provide the necessaries
for the army in its march. When Amrou encamped before
Alexandria, he found the Greeks well prepared to oppose
him. They gave him battle for several days together, and
held out bravely. The obstinacy of their defence so pro-
voked him, that he swore, if God gave him the victory, he
would pull down the walls of the town, and make it as easy
of access as a bagnio. He was as good as his word ; for
when, after a short time, he had taken the town, he demo-
lished all the walls and fortifications, and entirely dismantled
it. However, he dealt very merciful with the inhabitants,
and saved as many of their lives as he could: for the
Saracens were killing all they met, and he had great diffi-
culty in stopping the bloodshed. In the place, therefore,
where he first succeeded in staying their fury, he built a
mosque, which upon that account was called, " the mosque
of mercy." Manuel, the emperor's general, being totally de-
feated, retired, with as many of his men as he could carry off,
to the sea-shore ; where, weighing anchor with all possible
speed, they hoisted sail, and returned to Constantinople.
From that time, this most flourishing city, once the metro-
polis of Egypt, dwindled away and declined apace ; so that
there is little lielonging to it that is worth taking notice of
besides its excellent haven, and a few factories.
About this time, Moawiyah invaded Cyprus, which shortly
capitulated, the Saracen general agreeing to share the reve-
nues of the island with the Grecian emperor. By this agree-
ment the Cyprians engaged themselves to pay seven thousand
and two hundred ducats yearly to Moawiyah, and the like
sum to the emperor. The Mohammedans enjoyed this tribute
near two years, and were then dispossessed by the Christians.
The same year that Moawiyah agreed with the Cyprians,
Othman sent Abdallah Ebn Amir and Said Ebn Al Aas to
invade Khorassan ; and, to stimulate their enthusiasm, told
them " That whoever got there first should have the pre-
fecture of that territory." They took a great many strong
X 2
276 HISTORY OF THE SAKAUENS. CinxAn.
places, and so straitened Yezdejird, that the Persian king, so
i'ar from being able to meet the Saracens in open field
was obliged to fly from fortress to fortress to save him-
self. And that nothing should be wanting to complete his
misery, he was at last betrayed by a treacherous servant, a
calamity Avhich often befalls princes in adversity. For those
who have any private pique against them take advantage of
their misfortunes to revenge themselves ; others, again,
hoping to ingratiate themselves with the conquering party,
scruple at nothing that will win their favour, though it prove
the utter ruin of their former masters.
Yezdejird, being distressed on all sides, called in Tarchan,
the Turk, to his assistance, who accordingly came with an
army. But the Turk's stay was short, for Yezdejird, taking
offence at some trifle, sent Tarchan back again. In this
desperate circumstance he could have done nothing more
imprudent. Ke would have acted a much wiser part had he
put up v/ith a great many little affronts, rather than send
away the allies who were indispensable to his subsistence.
Upon this Mahwa, a person of note, who had an old gi-udge
against his master, Yezdejird, took the advantage of the
Turk's anger, who highly resented the indignity, and sent to
Tarchan, telling him, " That if he would come back and
revenge the affront, he might reckon on his assistance."
Upon this Tarchan returned. Yezdejird made the best pre-
paration he could to meet him, but was completely beaten.
In his flight, the traitor Mahwa set upon him, and destroyed
the shattered remnant of his army, which had escaped from
the Turks. Yezdejird got off himself, and coming to a mill,
in which he hoped to be able to defend himself, offered the
miller his belt, his bracelets, and his ring, for the use of it ;
but the churlish brute, considering neither the worth of the
things which were offered him, much less the compassion
which humanity binds us to show to all in distress, and
especially to our princes, told him, " That he earned four
pieces of silver with his mill every day, and if he would give
him that sum he would let it stand still for his benefit ; but
on no other terms." "Whilst they were debating this matter,
a party of horse, who were in search of him, came up and
immediately slew him. He was the last king of the Persian.s
and it is from the commencement of his reign that the Persiac
HeJ. 31. A.D. 631. PIKAL OVERTHROW OF PERSIA. 277
era, whicli is in use to this day in Persia, begins, being cal?od
Yezdejirdica after him. Thu.s the Persian government was
entirely destroyed, and all the territories belonging to it fell
into the hands of the caliph in the thirty-first year of tlie
Hejirah, which began on the twenty-third day of August, in
the year of our Lord 651.*
• Sir John Malcolm, in his History of Persia, gives the following account
of Yezdejirh, after the battle of Jaloulah, mentioned at page 215: — " In
A.D. 640, and the twentieth of the Hejirah, Said Ebn Wakass, who conti-
nued to govern all that part of Persia which he had conquered, from his
fixed camp, or rather, new city of Cufah, ^vas recalled by Omar, on account
of a complaint made against him by those under his rule ; and a chief,
named Omar Yuseer, was appointed his successor. Yezdejird, encouraged
by the removal of a leader that he so much dreaded, assembled an army of
one hundred and fifty thousand men, from the provinces of Khorassan,
Rh6, and Hamadan ; and, placing it under the command of Firouzan, the
bravest of the Persian generals, resolved to put the fate of his empire at
'ssue on one great battle. The caliph, when he heard of these prepa-
rations, ordered reinforcements to be sent to his army in Persia from everv
■.(Xiarter of his dominions, and committed the whole to the chief command
of Nooman. The Arabian force assembled at Cufah, and from thence
marched to the plains of Nahavund, on which the Persian army had esta-
blished a camp, siu-rounded by a deep entrenchment. During two months,
these two great armies continued in sight of each other, and many skir-
mishes were fought. The Persian general appearing determined not to
juit his position, but the zealous valour of the leader of the faitliful became
mpatient of delay. He drew up his army in order of battle, and thus ad-
Iressed them : — ' IMy friends ! prepare yourselves to conquer, or to drink
Oi the sweet sherbet of martjTdom. I shall now call the tukbeer three
times ; at the first, you will gird your loins ; at the second, mount your
steeds ; and at the third, point your lances and rush to victory, or to para'
dise. As to me,' continued Nooman, with a raised and enraptured voice,
* 1 shall be a martyr ! When I am slain, obey the orders of Huzeefah
Ebn Aly Oman.' The moment he had done speaking, the first sound of
the tukbeer, ' Allah Akbar,' or ' God is great,' was heard throughout the
camp ; at the second, all were upon their horses ; and at the thu-d, which
was repeated by the whole army, the Mohammedans charged vrith a fury
which was irresistable. Nooman was, as he predicted, slain ; but his army
gained a great and memorable victory. Thirty thousand Persians were
pierced by their lances, and eighty thov^and more were droivned in the
deep trench by which they had surrounded their camp. Their general,
Firouzan, with four thousand men, fled to the hills ; but such was the
effect of terror on one side, and of confidence on the other, that the chief w.^3
pursued, defeated, and slain, by a body of not more than one thousand
men. The battle of Nahavund decided the fate of Persia ; which, from
its date, fell under the dominion of the Arabian caliphs. Yezdejird pro-
tracted, for seven! years, a wretched and precarious existence. He firs!
278
HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Othmak.
Othnian, though a religious man in his way, and well dis-
posed, was nevertheless very unfit for government. He
committed a great many impolitic acts, which alienated the
minds of his subjects, and gave occasion to his enemies both
to murmur and to rebel against his government. The first
that we hear of, who began to make a stir, and talk publicly
against the caliph, was one Abudar Alacadi, who, in the
thirty-first year of the Hejirah, openly railed at him, and
made it his business to defame him. Othman took no other
notice of this conduct, than by forbidding him to come into
his presence. Upon this, Abudar went into Syria, where
he continued to defame the caliph, and to exaggerate every
fault or error that could be charged against him. Moawijah,
at that time lieutenant of Syria, wrote to Othman, who there-
upon sent for Abudar to Medina, and put him into prison,
where he continued till his death, which was but the year
after.
But this was only the beginning of troubles to the caliph,
for the Saracens grew every day more and more disaffected.
Factious and uneasy spirits, when once they have begun to
fled to Seistan, then to Khorassan, and lastly to Merv. The governor of
that city invited the Khakan of the Tartars to take possession of the person
of the fugitive monarch. That sovereign accepted the offer ; his troops
entered Merv, the gates of which were opened to them by the treacherous
governor, and made themselves masters of it, in spite of the desperate re-
sistance of the surprised, but brave and enraged inhabitants. Yezdejird
escaped on foot from the town during the confusion of the contest. He
reached a mill, eight miles from Merv, and entreated the miller to conceal
him. The man told him he owed a certain sum to the owner of the mill,
and tliat, if he paid the debt, he should have his protection against ail
pursuers. The monarch agreed to this proposal ; and after giving his sword
and belt as pledges of his sincerity, he retired to rest with perfect confi-
dence in his safety. But the miller could not resist the temptation of
making his fortune by the possession of the rich arms and robes of the un-
fortunate prince, whose head he separated from his body with the sword he
received from him, and then cast his corpse into the water-course that
turned the mill. The governor of Merv, and those who had aided him,
began, in a few days, to suffer from the tyranny of the Rhakan, and to re-
pent the part which they had acted. They encouraged the citizens to rise
upon the Tartars, and not only recovered the city, but forced the Khakan
to fly, with great loss, to Bolcharah. A diligent inquiry was made after
Yezdejird, whose fate was soon discovered. The miller fell a victim to
popular rage ; and the corpse of the monarch was embalmed, and cent to
Istakhfjto be interred in the sepulchre of his ancestora."
Hej. 35. A.v. 655. DISAFFECTION OF THE SARACENS. 279
disturb a government, will never rest till they nre either
themselves entirely crushed, or else succeed in obtaining
their ends. The murmuring increased daily, and almost
every province in the empire had some private wrong to
complain of, in addition to the grievances which were com-
mon to all ; so that in the five and thirtieth year of the
Hejirah all things were in a flame. Every man's mouth was
full of grievous accusations against the caliph, and of com-
plaints of his maladministration. The following were the
IJrincipal matters that they had to lay to his charge : — the
recall of Hhakem Ebn Al Aas to Medina, who had been
banished by the prophet, and had not been reinstated by
either of his predecessors, Abubeker or Omar : — the removal
from his prefecture of Said Ebn Abi Wakkas, one of the six
to whom Omar had committed the election of a caliph, and
the substituting for him a man of scandalous conversation, a
drinker of wine, and notorious for other debaucheries : — lavish
gifts to his friends out of the public treasure, having, for in-
stance, bestowed upon Abdallah four hundred thousand
ducats, and a hundred thousand on Hhakem : — the removal
of Amrou Ebn Al Aas from the lieutenancy of Egypt, to
make room for Said Ebn Abi Sharehh. This Said had been
one of those who helped to write the Koran, and afterwards
apostatized, and renounced the profession of Mohammedan-
ism. For all which Mohammed had resolved to kill him ;
when, in the eighth year of the Hejirah, he took Mecca, but
had, at Othman's entreaty, spared his life, and was content
with simply banishing him. Another grievance was " that
when he was first made caliph, he presumed to sit upon the
uppermost part of the suggestum, or pulpit, where Moham-
med himself used to sit, although Abubeker always sat
one step lower, and Omar two." These, and a great many
other things, made the people murmur at him.* At last, in
• Among other circumstances which prejudiced the people against
Othman's mle was the following, which we quote from Dr. Weil : " In
consequence of the multiplied variations which had crept into the readings
of the Koran, Othman had caused all the different copies which could be
foimd to be collected together and burnt, excepting one, which alone,
ianctioned by his own authority, he directed all believers to receive as the
only genuine transcript of the revelations of the prophet. Moreover, he
confided the editorship and revision ol this new and authentic edition to
2dO HISTORY OF THE SAEACE:NS. Othw^X
a public assembly, he told them from the pulpit, " That the
money which was in the treasury was sacred, and belonged
to God, and that he (as being the successor of the prophet)
would, in spite of them, dispose of it as he thought fit ; and
threatened and cursed all who should presume to censure or
murmur at what he said." Upon this Ammar Ebn Yaser
boldly declaring his disapprobation, Othman commanded
him to be beaten, and immediately some that stood by fell
upon him, and beat him till he swooned. These proceedings
so incensed the Arabs, that they, gathering together, flew to
arms, and encamped within a league of Medina. From their
camp they sent an insolent message to the caliph, demanding
of him either to do that which was right and just (i. e. what
they thought so), or else resign the government. The poor
caliph, for the sake of quiet, Avould now have done anything
"Tith all his heart. But it is a common observation, that
discontented and seditious subjects are not to be pacified
by complying with their demands, for the more is granted by
the prince in such circumstances, the more insolent they
become. However, the caliph went into the pulpit Avhich
was in the mosque at Medina, and there solemnly, before the
whole congregation, called God to witness that he was
heartily sorry for what was passed, and sincerely repented.*
those men who were the most devoted to him, rather than to those who
^ere the most learned." See also at the end of Abubeker's reign an
allusion to this proceeding. We are also told by the same author, that when
Othman made his pilgrimage to Mecca, he introduced several innovations,
and amongst others, he followed the practice of his heathenish predecessors,
and erected a spacious tent on the plains of Mina, under which he dis-
tributed various provisions to the pilgrims, although the prophet had care-
fully abolished this custom as a relic of lieathenism. Major Price adds,
that on his return to Medina another incident occurred which produced an
unfavourable impression on superstitious minds. In superintending some
workmen whom he had employed to sink a well about two miles from the
city, the prophet's seal, which he wore on his finger, and which had hitherto
securely passed from hand to hand through his predecessors, to his great
mortification dropped into the well, and notwithstanding the most diligent
search, could never afterwards be recovered.
* " The clamours of the assembly on this occasion were so violent and
outrageous, that the caliph descended from the pulpit in no small degree ol
terror. It is recorded by some authors, that part of the assembly pro-
ceeded to the extremity of pelting the aged monarch with stones; that
they dragged him from his place, broke his staff upon his own head, amI
«
HeJ.35 A.D.C55. OTHMAX's DEPOSITIOX THEEATE>-£D. 281
But it was all to no purpose, for by this time the pre vinces
weie in an uproar, and the strength of the rebels increased
daily. Almost every province sent some of its chief men to
represent its grievance, and they, meeting together at Medina,
determined to depose Othman. Upon this occasion, Malec
Alashtar brought two hundred men with him from Cufah ;*
and there came one hundred and fifty from Bassorah. and six
hundred from Egypt. The caliph being now in great per-
otherwise treated him with such marks of indecent ^-iolence and indignity,
that he swooned away, and in this state was conveyed to his palace." —
Frice.
* Dr. Weil and Major Price both give us detailed accounts of the revolt
at Cufah, which had taken place a short time previous to the above trans-
actions, about the year 33 of the Hejirah. We learn from these authors
that it was principally occasioned by the tyranny of the governor, Said Ebn
Aas, who was a cousin of Othman's. Besides exciting the hatred of the
principal inhabitants, he had particularly offended ^Malec Alashtar, who
was one of their great favourites; and from that time the house of Malec
became the resort of all the disaffected, who sought every opportunity of
brindng contempt, not only upon the administration of Said, but also upon
that of the caliph. An officer whom Said had sent to expostulate with the
rebels, hanng been severely chastised by them, that governor complained
to Othman of their proceedings, who instructed him to remove Malec and
his obnoxious associates to Syria, where their conduct would be properly
watched by the rigilant Moawiyah. The latter governor endeavoured to
conciliate these insurgents by mildness, but they still continued to revile the
caliph and his family ; and one day, after a sharp discussion upon the sub-
ject, they actually fell upon Moawiyah, and seized his beard, who, however,
only cried out, " You are not in Cufah I By heaven, if my SjTians knew
of your insults, I could not prevent your being torn to pieces." The
governor did not treat them with his usual seventy, but transferred his turbu-
lent charge to Abdarrhaman, the governor of Hems, whose inflexible temper,
and harshness of manner, soon reduced them to submission, and they were
permitted to return to Cufah, though .Malec, at all hazards, continued to re-
side at Hems. In the 34th year of the Heju-ah, the presence of Said was
required at Medina, and during his absence Malec returned to Cufah and re-
sumed his place at the head of the malcontents. Upon the return of Said
the inhabitants assembled in great numbers upon the walls, to intercept his
entrance into the town. Alarmed at their appearance, Sai'd retraced his
steps to Medina, when the cahph, thinking it prudent to make a virtue of
necessity, acceded to the wishes of the people, who desired that Abu
Musa inight be appointed governor in the room of Said. Upon this occa-
sion Othman sent an address to the Cufians, and through the mediation of
Aii, and the gold of Merwan, the secretary of the calipl , their seditious
proceedings were appeased for the time. That the rebels w^re never per-
manently reconciled to the govenunent of Othman, we may lfc<»n: from the
fact! stated in the text.
282 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. Othman
jjlexity, sent Mogeirah Ebn Shabah and Amrou Ebn Al Aaa
to treat with the malcontents, and endeavour to persuade
them to leave their complaints to be decided on by the Koran
and the Sunnet, i. e., the traditions of Mohammed. But they
had very little thanks for their pains, for the rebels used
them scurvily. Then he sent Ali to them, who ever since
the death of Mohammed had expected to be caliph, and had
a very considerable party. Him they received with more
reverence, and he bound himself to see that all that Othman
promised should be perfoimed ; and to make them the more
easy, Othman and Ali set both their hands to a paper, in
which they promised to remove all just causes of complaint.
Then the Egyptians demanded to have Abdallah Ebn Said
removed from the lieutenancy of Egypt, and Mohammed, the
son of Abubeker, put in his room ; which Othman readily
complied with, and forthwith signed the appointment of Mo-
hammed. This condescension of the caliph apparently satis-
fied them, for the confederacy broke up, and every man
returned to his own country. The storm seemed to be blown
over, and any man would have thought that the caliph had
no reason to doubt of going to the grave in peace. But what
will not treachery do ? Nothing was omitted by the caliph's
enemies which might foment and keep alive the prejudices
which the people had already conceived against him. Ayesha,
Mohammed's Avidow, was his mortal enemy. Certainly it
would much better have become one that pretended to have
been the wife of an inspired prophet, to have spent the days
of her widowhood in devotion and good works, than in doing
mischief and embroiling the state. But she was so prejudiced
in favour of Telha, the son of Zobeir, whom she would fain
have raised to the dignity of caliph, that no consideration of
virtue or decency could hinder her from doing every thing in
her power to compass the death of Othman. Another of his
greatest enemies was Mohammed, Abubeker" s son, the same
whom the Egyptians had desired for their prefect. But none
did him more harm than Merwan Ebn Al Hhakem, his own
secretary, who may justly be looked upon as the principal
cause of his ruin,-'' which his Ruemies at last effected in the
following manner.
• Merwan seems to have been the 3vil genius of Othman. According tc
Major Price, the imbecile old calipb frequentli' advised with Ali, but th«
Hej. 35. A.D. 655. PROPHECY TO MERWAN. .283
As the ligyptians who had gathered together to depose
Othman were upon their journey homewards from Medina,
accompanied by Mohammed, the son of Abubeker, their new
malignant influence of this secretary perpetually interposed to prevent his
taking advantage of the good counsel he received. Though, however, hts
conduct was so injurious to the interests of the caliph, he seems to have
been exceedingly attached to Othman. See the end of the present reign.
Dr. Weil quotes the following story of this secretary from Ebn Abdah
Hhakem : — " When Abdallah Ebn Said was extending his conquests in Af-
rica, he despatched Merwan, with other Arabians, to report to Othman the
progress of his arms, and during the journey, Merwan met with a remarka-
ble adventure, which he subsequently related thus : One evening, my travel-
ling companion asked me to accompany him to visit a friend who resided
in the vicinity ; I consented, and accordingly he turned off the road and
conducted me to a convent. Upon pulling the bell, a man made his ap-
pearance, and admitted us ; and after bringing each of us a small bed,
he talked to my companion in his o^vn gibberish, and in such a way that I
began to feel alarmed. He then came to me and asked the degree of my
relationship to the caliph. ' He is my cousin ! ' I replied. ' Has the
caliph any more relations ? ' ' None, except his children.' ' Art thou lord
of the holy land?' 'No.' ' Then,' continued he, 'if you can become
80, do it ! Listen ! I wish to tell you something, but I am afraid you are
too weak to bear it.' ' What ! do you tell me that V said I, ' one who
' Here he interrupted me, and turned again to my companion, and said
something more in his gibberish. Then he repeated to me the same ques-
tions, and upon my giving him the same answer he said : ' Thy lord will be
killed ! the ruler of the holy land will be his successor ; therefore, seek
thou to be ruler !' This prophecy threw me into a great consternation. ' Did
I not tell thee, thou wouldst be unable to bear it ? ' said he. ' Why,' I replied,
' should not the news of the death of the prince of the faithful and lord of
the Mussulmans afflict me ? ' I travelled on to Medina, and lived there
an entire month without mentioning this scene to Othman. At length, one
day I went to visit him, and found him setting on a divan, with a fan in his
hand ; and I then related to him the whole of the adventure, but stopped
short and burst into tears at the part touching his death, but he said, ' Speak
on, and I will also speak ! ' I then told him the whole, and taking the edge
ofhisfan, he threw himself upon his back, and rubbed his heels with so much
fury that I regretted having mentioned the subject. He then said, ' You have
told me the truth ! know that when the prophet returned home from Tabuc,
he gave a portion of the booty to each of his companions, and to me a double
portion, which I thought was on account of my having so much assisted
him in the campaign ; but he said to me ' Not on that account do I give it
thee, but to show the people the high position you hold.' I then drew back,
and Abdarrahraan Ebn Auf followed me, and said, ' What hast thou said to
the ambassador of God that he watches thee so intensely ?' Where-
upon, thinking I must have displeased Othman, 1 waited till he went to
prayers, and then advanced towards him and said, ' Abdarrahman has just
told me 80 and so. I will do penance before God if I have said anything
28i HISTORY OF THE SA.RACENS. Othman.
lieutenant, they met with a messenger carrying letters from
the calijih to A.bdallah Ebn Said, at that time lieutenant of
Egypt. Him tliey detained and seized his letters ; Avhich
being opened were found to contain orders to Abdallah from
the caliph to this effect. " As soon as Mohammed, the son
Abubeker, and N. and N. &c., shall arrive in Egypt, cut off
their hands and feet, and impale them." This letter had
Othman's seal and superscription ; the whole business being
managed by the villainy of the secretary Merwan, Avho had
written this letter of his own accord, as, to the great injury
of the caliph, he had done many others, and so arranged the
departure of the messenger as that he could not fail to fall
into the hands of the Egyptians, on purpose to re-kindle the
differences which by the care of Ali, and the condescension
of the caliph had in a great measure been composed. It is
no hard matter to guess how INIohammed, Abubeker' s son,
and the Egyptians with him, were affected with this letter.
Their indignation knew no bounds ; and no ill language, no
revenge was thought sufficient for him, that had designed to
perpetrate such cruel treachery. They immediately hasten
back to Medina, loudly declaring all the way against the
falsehood and jserfidiousness of the caliph, and congratulating
themselves on their fortunate but narrow escape from so immi-
nent a danger. Such stories as this seldom lose any thing in the
telling, and no wonder then if they excited the most angry feel-
ings, especially if we consider that the old wound was but just
skinned over, and not healed ; for besides the faction at court,
there was also a great many disaffected persons, vvho spared
not to say the worst of the caliph. The news of the return
of the Egyptians, and how, if they had not accidentally inter-
cepted Othman's letter to Abdallah, they must have suffered
the utmost cruelty, flew quickly over the country. The de-
testation of the caliph became universal, and the deputies from
Cufa and Basora, who upon the accommodation of their dif-
ferences had returned, had scarce got home, before they were
alarmed with the evil tidings, and set out again to assist the
Egyptians in deposing Othman. This letter, they thought,
excused whatsoever they did, and even those who did not
wrong !' He replied, ' You have done nothing -vvrong, but you will eithercom-
mit a murder or be murdered ! prefer the latter !' " This Merwan aftenvards
became caliph and was murdered by his wife." See the Reign of Merwan I.
H«J. 35. A.D. 055. OTHMAN'S CRUEL DEATH. 285
believe that the caliph had v/ritton ;::, nevertheless, in order
to gain their own ends, did not scruple to make use of it to
vilify him. At last, they besieged him in his own h^use.
Othman, in the meantime, offered to make them every satis-
faction that could reasonably be demanded, and declared his
repentance for what he had done amiss. But all in vain ; they
were resolved to be revenged on one who in truth had never
designed to injure them. When he saw himself reduced to
this strait he sent for his cousin Ali, and asked him ; " If
he had a desire to see his cousin murdered, and his ov/n
kingdom rent in pieces ?" Ali answered, " By no means :"
And upon this sent his two sons, Hasan and Hosein, to de-
fend him, and keep the gate, to protect him from violence.
I am verily pursuaded, that Ali did not mean any harm per-
sonally to the caliph. Still, whether the prospect of succeed-
ing him, made him loath to disoblige the Mussulmans, who
were altogether set against Othman, or from some other
reason, it is plain, that he did not assist him with that zeal
and vigour which might otherwise have been expected. It is
true, he sent Hasan and Hosein ; but they, when the besiegers
had straitened the caliph, by cutting off his supply of water,
left him to their mercy. Then Mohammed, Abubeker's son,
and Ammar Ebn Yaser with several others, entered the house,
where they found the caliph with the Koran in his lap. They
immediately fell upon him, and one of them wounded him in
the throat with a dart ; a second stabbed him with his sword.
As soon as he fell, another sat upon his breast, and wounded
him in nine places. Thus died Othman,*-' the third after
Mohammed, when he was eighty-two years old, and after
having reigned nearly twelve. Authors differ concerning the
time of his being besieged in his house ; but it seems to have
been about six weeks. His corpse lay unburied for three
days : at last it was removed, (by whose order I find not)
bloody as it was, and buried in the same clothes he was killed
in, without so much as being washed, and without the least
funeral solemnity. A remarkable instance of the vanity of
human greatness and the uncertainty of all worldly felicity. "I
• Ht'jira 35. July 10, a. d. 655.
+ The foUowingadditionai particularsof this siege areextracted frota Majoi
I'rice: — " The palace of Othman was invested by the Egyptian and othei
insurgents, who insisted that if Merwan's letter was despatched by autho-
286 JIISTOKY OF THE SARA.CEXS. Othsiax
As to his person, he was very tall, of a good countenance,
dark complexion, and a large beard. His way of living waa
commendable enough for a Saracen. He was very diligent
rity, the life of the caliph must expiate the crime. During the siege one of
the order of the prophet's companions came forward, and requested that
Othman would appear upon the terrace as he had soinething to his advan-
tage to communicate. The caliph complied and the conference was opened,
when one of the besieged suddenly drew his bow from the battlements of the
])alace, and killed the officious adviser on the spot. The besiegers with
eager vociferation demanded, that the murderer should be delivered up ;
but Othman firmly and magnanimously refused, declarmg that those should
never suffer whose only crimes were loyalty and devotion. But the issue of
the contest was considerably accelerated by this useless piece of treachery.
The assailants set fire to the palace gates and forcibly rushed in through
the doors by the terraced roofs : on the other hand Merwan and Said Ebn
Aas, at the head of five hundred Mamelukes prepared to give the rebels a
gallant reception. The aged and venerable caliph jiow endeavoured to dis-
suade his adherents from a fruitless opposition. He told them that on the
previous night the prophet had appeared to him in a dream, and upon
hearing his complaints, had desired him not to be afflicted, for on the suc-
ceeding evening he should feast with him in paradise. Merwan in reply,
solemnly protested that whilst he possessed a spark of life, the slightest in-
jury should not touch his master. Othman then offered freedom to all his
slaves who would lay down their arms, and many of them accepted his
conditions. In the meantime the insurgents had forced their way into the
interior of the palace, and a short and sanguinary contest ensued in the
courts. Merv/an, who stood conspicuous at the head of his people, received
a stroke from a scimitar, which laid him senseless ; whilst Said was shortly
afterwards compelled by a wound to quit this scene of blood and outrage.
The contest, notwithstanding, raged with unabated fury until Mohammed
the son of Abubeker made his way into the apartment where Othman sat
with his eyes intently fixed on the sacred pages of the Koran. He seized
his sovereign by the beard, but Othman appealing to the memory of his
father, he ) /tired without doing him further injury. Kennanah the son of
Basher then entered the room and was preparing to strike, when several
others rushed in with naked swords and drew the first blood of the de-
fenceless monarch. Naylah the wife of Othman threw herself upon her
husband, and endeavoured to ward off the stroke of a scimitar, but in this
effort of tenderness she lost the fingers of one hand, and the unhappy
caliph soon afterwards expired under repeated wounds. Three days
elapsed before his murderers would permit his body to be bur'ed. At
length, through the intercession of Ali, permission was granted; and
having placed his corpse upon one of the palace doors which they tore
off as a substitute for a bier, they consigned his mutilated remains to a re-
cess between the public burying-place of Medina, and that of the Jews,
three of the Ansars, insisting that it should not be laid among true be-
lievers. At a subsequent period, however, Moawij ih took the spot into the
Mohammedan enclosure."
Hej. 35. A.D. 655. ALI, FODKTH CAl IPH. 287
in the performance of his religious exercises ; fasting \ery
often, and being frequent in reading and meditating on the
Koran. His charity was unbounded ; his riches very great.
Though he was hardly used at the last, yet it cannot be de-
nied, that he had given occasion to the discontent of the
people which a more politic governor would have avoided.
For he was so blindly disposed to promote his own family
and friends, that he scarce ever considered their merit. From
such a course much inconvenience must necessarily follow
to any government, for many would at this rate be put
into places of the greatest trust, who, however, were by no
means qualified for the discharge of the important duties
committed to them ; and whenever they did anything amiss,
the caliph who appointed them was sure to come in for a great
share in the reflections which were made upon their errors or
abuses. Moreover, through the treachery of that villain his
secretary, many ill things were laid to his charge, in which
he had never a hand. For it was a common thing with Mer-
wan to set Othman's seal to letters to the governors of the
different provinces, which the caliph had never written, but
Avhich conveyed oftentimes the most scandalous and grievous
commands. By which means, aversion was excited against
him with good reason apparently, and this ill feeling was
constantly fomented by his enemies, who never rested till at
last they succeeded in depriving him both of his government
and his life.*
A.LI EBN ABU TALES, SON-IN-LAAV OF MOHAMMED, AND
FOUKTH CAEIPH.
Hejirah 35—40. a.d. 655—661.
The unanimity of the Arabians in the profession of a
common faith, however apparently complete, was, neverthe-
less, not strong enough to eradicate old feuds and hereditary
* Ahmed Ebn Mohammed Al Makari alludes to a tradition quoted
by several respectable writers, which says that Othman sent an army to
the conquest of Andalusia. But he also adds, that it is incontrovertibly
proved, that the Arabs never invaded Spain till the caliphate of Al Walid,
and that Cairwan, the city from whence the expedition is said to have
started, was not built until twelve years after the death of tliat caliph.—
Don Pascual de Gayangos.
288 HISTOEY OF THE SARACENS.
hatreds. Telha and Zobeir, two of their leading men, and
Ayesha, the youngest and best beloved of Mohammed's
wives, were Ali"s irreconcileable and implacable enemies.
But Ali had married Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed,
who had left no male issue behind him ; and on this account
he was the general favourite of the Arabians, whose first
wish now was to be governed by a succession of caliphs
descended from the loins of the prophet. Of this Telha and
Zobeir were so well aware, that they thought it prudent to
dissemble their hatred so far, as to take the oath of allegiance
to Ali, who was elected on the very day that Othman was
murdered, with a stedfast resolution, however, of breaking it
as soon as a favourable opportunity should offer. For the
men of the several provinces, who, as already related, had
come together from all quarters of the empire, from Syria,
Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia, and Arabia, on occasion of the
complaints against Othman, were resolved not to separate until
they knew whom they were to look up to as their emperor.
Impatient of suspense, they threatened all the candidates
with death if they did not speedily agree among themselves,
and fix upon some one or other.
The Cufians, Egyptians, and the greatest part of the
Arabiaus were for Ali. A part of the Bassorians favoured
Telha, but the rest supported Zobeir ; threatening him, how-
ever, with death, if he did not either assume the govern-
ment himself, or take care to see it conferred upon some
other person. In this confusion several of the candidates
came to Ali, desiring him to accept the government. Upon
his excusing himself, and assuring them that he had no
wish for the dignity, but was quite ready to give his con-
sent to the election of any other person on whom their
choice should fall, they insisted that there was none so well
qualified as he, whether he were considered with regard to
his personal accomplishments, or his near relation to the
prophet. But to all their remonstrances he still replied, that
he had much rather serve any other whom they should think
fit to choose, in the capacity of %dzier,* than take the govern-
ment upon himself.
Ali being thus obstinate in his refusal, and all those of the
• Abulfeda.
Hej. 35. A.U 655. ALT CONSENTS TO BE CALIPH. 289
family of Ommiyah. (of whom more hereafter) that had an
opportuiiity, having in the meantime withdrawn themselves,
the greater part of the men from the several provinces, who,
however weU satisfied they were with the murder of Othman,
were highly displeased at this difiiculty in the choice of his
successor, assembled together, and came in a tumultuous
body into Medina. Addressing themselves to the chief
inhabitants, they told them that they were the proper persons
to determine this controversy, adding that they would allow
them one day to consider of it, in which time, if it was not
concluded, TeUia, Zobeir, Ali. and several others, should be
put to the sword. Upon this the people of Medina came to
Ali in the evening, earnestly entreating him to consider the
condition of their religion. But as he still declmed to accept
the caliphate, and desired them to think of some other
person, they said, "We adjure thee by God I dost not thou
consider in what condition we are ? Dost not thou consider
the religion r Dost not thou consider the distraction of the
people ? Dost thou not fear God ? " Overcome at last with
these pathetical expostulations, he answered, " If you will
excuse me, there shall be no other diflTerence between you
and me but this, that, whosoever you may set over me, I will
prove myself one of his most submissive and obedient sub-
jects ; but if not, and I must comply with your wishes in this
matter, then I %vill deal with you according to the best of ray
knowledge." When, upon these words, they proffered to
give him their hands (the form then in use amui;g them
upon such occasions), at his own house, he resolved not to
accept of their allegiance in private, requiring them to go
through the ceremony publicly at the mosque, in order that
ciU parties might be satisfied, and have no just cause of
complaint. For Ali was apprehensive of the intrigues of
Ayesha. Telha, Zobeir, and the whole house of Ommiyah (of
which Moawiyah, Othman's lieutenant in SjTia, was chief),
who, he knew, would avail themselves of every opportunity
to oppose and disturb his government. In the morning,
therefore, he went to the mosque, dressed in a thin cotton
gown, tied about him with a girdle, and having a coarse
turban upon his head, with his slippers in one hand, and a
bow in the other instead of a walking staff. Telha and
Zobeir not being present, he ordered them to be sent for.
290 HISTOKY OF TH£ SASACENS. Am
^^'hen they came, they offered him their hands as a mark or
token of their approbation. Upon this, Ali bade them, if
they did do it, to be in good earnest, assuring them that if
either of them would accept of the goverimient, he was quite
content, and would give them his hand in perfect sincerity.
This, however, they both declined, and gave him theirs. The
hand which Telha offered to Ali had been very much shattered
and maimed by some wounds which he had received in the
wars. One of the bystanders perceiving this (the eastern
nations, being generally addicted to superstition, are great
observers of omens), remarked, that it was a bad sign ; that
it was like to be but a lame sort of a business that was begun
with a lame hand. How far that presage was fulfilled will
best appear from the remaining history of Ali.
Soon* after this ceremony was over, Telha and Zobeir,
with some others of their party, came to Ali, and complained
to him of the murder of Othman ; insinuating that it ought
by all means to be revenged, and proffering their service to
that end. ThJr secret design was, if Ali attempted to
punish the murderers, to take advantage of the opportu-
nity to make a disturbance among the people, which they
did not in the least question would inevitably end in the
destruction of Ali and his party. Ali, who well understood
their meaning, represented to them how v.r )racticable an
undertaking it would be to attempt anything of the kind
against a party so considerable both in numbers and influ-
ence ; desiring them to inform him what method they woidd
propose as best suited to answer their end. They told him
they knew of none. Nor he neither, he swore, unless it
were the uniting of all parties together, if "rt shoidd so please
God :^ adding, that as these dissensions had their foundation
laid in the times of ignorance (meaning that they were
family quarrels more ancient than Mohammed's pretence to
inspiration), so the discontented would still increase ; " for
the devil never left the place he had taken possession of,
after once he had made a beginning. In such an affair as
this," says he. " one party will approve of what you propose,
a second will be of a different opinion, and a tliird will
dissent from both the others. Wherefore, consult among
yourselves."
• Ebn Al Athir. MS. Pocock, No. 137.
Hei 35. A.L. 655. THE CALIPH's EMBAEEASSMENTS. 291
All in the meantime was very instant in courting the good
■ Will of the Koreishites, the most noble tribe of the Arabians,
walking about from one to the other, and taking all possible
opportimities of showing his high consideration of them.
He did not fail to express the sense he entertained of their
excellency, and the dependence of the welfare of the people
upon their authority. For Ali was naturally anxious to
secure as many friends as possible, being extremely concerned
at the heats and di\asions which he observed among the
people, and especially at the sudden departure of the Ommiyan
family. And to complete his embarrassments, Telha begged
of Ali the government of Cufa, and Zobeir that of Bassorah,
assuring him that if anything extraordinary should happen,
they would be ready to take horse at a minute's warning.
As both places were of great importance, the one situate
upon the eastern bank of the river Euphrates, the other two
miles westward of the Tigris, he told them that he would
consider of the matter.* Other historians teU us that he
put them off with a compliment, teUing them that he had
nobody about him of equal capacity with themselves, or so
proper to consult with in those emergencies to which a newly
established government was liable. f This answer of his
touched them to the quick, and, therefore, knowing that
Ayesha was at Mecca (having gone thither on pilgrimage
whilst Othman was besieged), they begged leave of him to go
thither, which was granted.
As soon as Ali was acknowledged caliph, he resolved to
remove the governments and lieutenancies from all those
who had received their appointments from Othman, his pre-
decessor.;[ But Al Mogeirah, the son of Said, advised him to
postpone the execution of this design for a little at least, till
he should find himself more firmly established in his govern-
ment. Ali did not approve of this counsel.]: AJ Mogeirah
made him another visit the next day, and telling him that he
had changed his opinion, recommended him to follow his own
course, and to proceed in the way which he had at first pro-
posed. In the midst of this conference between Ali and
Al Mogeirah, Abdallah, the son of Abbas (who was at
* Ebn Al Athir. f See Dr. Herbelot under the title Ali. J Abulfeda.
§ D'Herbelot says, " Ali suivat son conseil," Ali followed his counsel.
Our manuscript says othenrise, and the sense proves it.
V 2
292 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS.
Au.
Mecca when Othman was killed, but upon the election of
AH was newly returned to Medina), chanced to come in, and-
finding Ali and Al Mogeirah together, inquired of Ali the
subject of their discourse. Upon this Ali replied, that "Al
Mogeirah had originally advised him to continue Moawiyah
and the rest of Othman's lieutenants in their places, till they
should have come in of their own accord to do him allegiance,
and he himseK was fixed in his government ; which I," added
he, not approving, " he has come and told me to-day that he
had altered his opinion, and that I was in the right." The
son of Abbas told him " that Al Mogeirah had given him good
advice the first time, but that the last was treachery. If it
were followed, all Syria, he was afraid, over which Moawiyah
was lieutenant, would immediately revolt. Besides," he re-
minded him, " no confidence could be reposed in Telha and
Zobeir, but rather there was good ground for suspecting that
they would soon be in arms against him. For these reasons,"
he continued, " I advise you to continue Moawiyah in his
place till he submits to your government ; and when he has
once done that, leave it to me to pull him out of his house
by the ears for you, whensoever you desire it." This pru-
dent counsel did not content Ali, who swore by God " that
nothing should be Moawiyah's portion but the sword." To
which AbdaUah could only remark, that he was indeed a
man of courage, but wanting in prudence. Ali told him that
however that might be, it was his business to obey. Where-
upon Al Mogeirah observed that for his part he did not
acknowledge any obligation of the kind. Upon this the con-
ference broke up, and in a short time Al Mogeirah retired to
Mecca.
Of the Helpers the greatest part came in and took the
oath of allegiance to Ali. The rest, consistmg chiefly of
Othman's almoners, and a few of his other ofiicers stood out,
who, from this circumstance received the title of Motazeli,
or separatists. Whereupon, Ali, deaf to all representations
to the contrary, resolved to make a thorough reformation in
all the lieutenancies. Accordingly, in the beginning of the
next year,* he sent out his new ofiicers to their respective
provinces. Othman, the son of Hanif, was ordered to Bas
» Aku Hej. 36.
Hej. 35 A.D. C55. OPPOSITION TO ALT. 293
Borah ; Ammarah, the son of Sahel, to Cufah (he was one of
the Flyers) ; Abdallah, the son of Abbas, to Arabia Felix
(he was one of the Helpers). To Syria he sent Sahel, the
son of Hanif, another of the Helpers.
^Mien Sahel came to Tabuk, he met a party of horse, who
reqiiiring him to give an account of himself, he answered
that he was governor of Syria. They told him that if any
one else besides Othman had sent him, he might go back
again about his business. Upon this he demanded if they
had not been informed of the fate of Othman? and they
replied, " Yes." Accordingly, perceiving that there was no
room for him there, he retui-ned to Ali. In the same manner,
when Kais came into Egypt, he was opposed by a party
of the Othmanians, who refused to submit to All's govern-
ment, till justice was done upon the murderers of Othman.
According to his appointment, Othman, the son of Hanif,
went to Bassorah, where he found the people di^dded in their
affections ; but Ammarah receiving information that the
Cufians were resolved not to part \vith their old governor,
Musa Alashari, who had been set over them by Othman,
returned to Ali with the news of their resolution. UjDon
Abdallah proceeding to Arabia Felix, where YaU governed
by Othman's commission, Yali resigned to him, but plundered
the treasury first; and making the best of his way to Mecca,
delivered the money to Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir.
The Separatists in the meantime, that nothing might be
wanting which could possibly give disturbance to All's
government, carried the bloody shu't in which Othman was
murdered, into S}Tia ; where they made a good use of it.
At times it was spread upon the pulpit in the mosque ; and at
others carried about in the army. To inflame the matter still
more, the fingers of Othman's wife, which were cut off at the
time that he was murdered, were pinned upon the shirt.
This object, daily exposed to view, exasperated the Syrian
army, who were greatly indebted to Othman's munificence.
Clamorous for revenge, they called impatiently for justice
on his murderers. And they, indeed, were in good earnest;
but there was less sincerity with the others who joined in the
cry. For Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir, who had always been
enemies to Othman, and were, in fact, the contrivers of his
death and destruction, when they saw Ali elected, whcra
294 HISTOEY OF THE SARACEIfS. All
they hated equally, if not more, made use of Othman's real
and sincere friends as instruments of their malice against the
new caliph. So that from very different motives they all
unanimously joined in demanding satisfaction for the murder
of Othman.
AS for Telha and Zobeir, Sahel having returned with his
answer from Syria before they had taken their leave, Ali
sent for them both, and told them that what he had cautioned
»hem against, was now come to pass ; that things already
were carried to too great a height to be made up without
such an expedient as should make all parties easy ; that
sedition was like fire, the more it burnt the stronger it grew,
and the brighter it shined. Upon this they asked him to
give them leave to go out of Medina, when, if the disturb-
ance did not cease, they would, they said, be answerable for
it. To which he answered, " I will contain myself as long as it
is possible ; but if nothing else will do, I must apply caustics."
He then wrote forthwith to Moawiyah in Syria, and Abu
Musa at Cufah. Abu Musa satisfied him that all the Cufians
were entirely at his service, but sent him at the same time a
list of those who came at first in of their own accord, and
another of those who waited to follow in the track of the
majority. As for Moawiyah, he did not vouchsafe to give him
one word of answer to all his messages. About three months,
however, after Othman's death, he called a messenger of his
own, and delivered him a sealed letter, with this subscription,
•' From Moawiyah to Ali." Having given him private in-
structions, he then sent him away to Medina, together with
All's mcpsenger, whom he had detained all this wliile. The
messenger, according to his directions, went into Medina in
the evening, when he was like to be seen by most people (for
in those hot countries the streets are most frequented in the
cool of the day), and carried the packet aloft upon a staff.
The people, who were well enough apprised of Moawiyah's
disaffection to Ali, thronged after him in great numbers, ex-
tremely curious to know the contents of his message. When
Ali opened the letter, he found it was a mere blank, not so
much as one word being written in it, which he rightly un-
derstood as a token of the utmost contempt and defiance.
The messenger being asked of Ali what news, answered, that
there were no less than sixtv thousand men in arras under
Hej 35, A.D. 653. REVOLT AT MECCA. " 295
Othman's shirt, which was set up as a standard upon the
pulpit of Damascus.* Upon this AH demanded whether they
required the blood of Othman at his hands ? calling God to
witness that he was not guilty of it, and begging his protec-
tion under so false a charge. Then turning to Ziyad,f who
sat by him, he told him that there must of necessity be a war
in Syria ; which Ziyad soon communicated to the people.
Accordingly Ali set himself to prepare for war, in the mean-
time doing all that in him lay to encourage the men of
Medina, and ^vriting circular letters to all the provinces, to
demand their assistance.
Whilst he was making these preparations, information
arrived of the revolt of Telha, Zobeir, and Ayesha, who had
formed a powerful faction against him at Mecca. For all the
malcontents, particularly those of the house of Ommiyah,
which was Othman's family, made common cause with the
deposed governors ; and having at their head the prophet's
widow, who had declared openly against Ali, they assembled
considerable forces, and resolved upon a war. Telha and
Zobeir J having acquainted the faction at Mecca with the
unsettled condition of Ali"s affairs at Medina, Ayesha wished
to persuade them to march thither directly, and strike at the
very root. Others were of opinion that it was better to join
the Syrians. However, upon consideration, Moawiyah ap-
• Price places this circiunstance in Hej. 36. He thus gives at full
length the messenger's reply to Ali : — " Fifty thousand men are assembled
about the robes of Othman, whose cheeks and beards have never been dry
from tears, and whose eyes have never ceased from weeping blood, since
the hour of that prince's" atrocious murder. They have drawn their swords
with a solemn pledge never to return them to the scabbard, nor cease fix)m
mourning, until they have extirpated all concerned m that detested trans-
action. This sentiment they have left as a solemn bequest to their descend-
ants; and the earliest principle that mothers instil into the minds of theii
infant offspring is, to revenge the blood of Othman to the last extremity."
This insolent speech excited the anger of the attendants of the caliph to
such a degree, that had not Ali interposed, serious consequences might
have ensued. Strange to say, this magnanimity on the part of Ali operated
like magic on the messenger of Moawiyah, who then declared himself con-
vinced of his error, and solemnly swore that for the future he would nevei
voluntarOv separate from the person of Ali, or acknowledge the authoritj
of anv other sovereign to his prejudice."
t This was Ziyad Ben Hentelah, of Arabia Felia.
X Alcamil MS. Pocock, No. 137.
296 HTSTOUT OF THE SAKACENS.
peared sufficiently strong to secure that part of the country
without their aid. At last, however, they resolved upon an
expedition against Bassorah, where Telha was represented to
have a strong interest. Accordingly, the following proclama-
tion was made about the streets of Mecca : — " The mother of
the faithful, and Telha and Zobeir are going in person to
Bassorah. Whoever, therefore, is desirous of strengthening the
religion, and is ready to fight, to revenge the death of 0th-
man, even if he has no convenience of riding, let him come."
They mounted six hundred volunteers upon the like number
of camels ; they went out of Mecca between nine hundred
and a thousand strong ; but the numbers who joined them in
their march, soon swelled their armament to three thousand.*
Ayesha had been presented by Menbah with a camel, whose
name was Alascar (which in the Arabic language signifies "the
army"), which had cost its owner a hundred pieces (about fifty
pounds of our money). Mounted upon this camel, in a litter,
she headed the forces in their march from Mecca towards
Bassorah. In their route, as they came to a rivulet called
Jowab, on the side of which there was a village of the same
name, all the dogs of the latter came running out in a body,
iUid fell a barking at Ayesha ; who thereupon, in great
amazement, immediately asked the name of the place. Being
informed that it was called Jowab, she quoted that versicle of
the Koran, which is frequently made use of in cases of immi-
nent danger, " We are resigned to God, and to him we have
recourse."! She then declared that she would not stir a step
further that day, for she had heard the prophet say when ho
was travelling with his wives, " I wish I had known it, and
they should have lodged within the barking of the dogs of
Jowab." Besides, that he had told her formei-ly that one of
his wives should at some time or other be barked at by the
dogs of this place ; that she ought to take care and lodge
there, because, if she went on, she would find herself in a
bad condition, and in very great danger.| Hereupon she
struck her camel upon the leg to make him kneel, in order
that she might alight, being resolved to stay there all night.§
Telha and Zobeir could not tell what to make of this whimsy,
and knowing of what importance it was for them to hasten
* Abulfeda, MS. Pocock, No. 303. t Koran, chap, ii 15).
J D'Herbelot in voce Ali ^ Abulfeda
HeJ. 35. A.D 655. SKIKMISH AT BASSORAH. 297
heir march, as having -"^ery good reason to think that Ali
would not be long after them, they told her, having suborned
nfty witnesses to swear to it, that it was a mistake of the
guide, and that that place had never been called by any such
name. But all to no purpose ; she would not stir. At last
one of them cried out, "Quick, quick, yonder comes Ali ; "
upon which they all scampered off immediately, and made
the best of their way to Bassorah.
The historians * say that this was the first solemn and pub-
lic lie that was ever told since the beginning of Mohammed-
anism. Whether it be so or not, is not very material ; this,
at any rate, is most certain, that they who made it found
their account in it, for it carried them with incredible speed
to Bassorah.
Othman,f who was Ali"s governor in that place, made but
a weak resistance. After a slight skirmish, in which he lost
forty men, he was taken prisoner. They tore out by the
roots his beard and eyebrows, and after a short confinement
dismissed him.
One of our authors J gives us a few more particulars.
Ayesha, he says, wrote to Othman at Bassorah, and to the rest
of the provinces, calling upon them to revenge the death of
Othman ; magnifying his good qualities, and ajDjolauding (as
she always had done since his death) the sincerity of his
repentance, and the barbarity of the murder ; and inveighing
against his enemies, as having violated and trampled upon
the most sacred obligations. Othman sent two messengers
to her. She gave them a hearing, and answered them in
similar terms to her letter. AVhen they returned and made
their report the Bassorians were in confusion. Othman,
helpless and timorous, dissuaded them from enterprising any
thing till the arrival of the emperor of the faithful, and,
having substituted Ammar in his room, withdrew to his own
house. Ammar, having called the men to arms, went to the
mosque to hold a consultation. Here one of the people
stood up and said, " If these people have come hither out of
fear, why they have left a country where a bird may be safe.
If they make inquiry after the blood of Othman, we did nut
kill Othman; wherefore take my advice, and send them back
* D'Herbelot. t This ^vas Othman Ben Haniph.
i Ebno Al Athir.
298 HISTORY OF THE SAKACEXS. Aw
to the p.ace from whence they came.'' Then another rose up
and said, " Either they suspect us to be guilty of the murder
of Othman, or they came to ask our assistance against those
that did murder him, whether belonging to us or not." This
orator had no sooner begun to speak, but some of the com-
pany threw dust in his face ; by which Ammar perceived that
the Separatists had a faction in Bassorah, which greatly dis-
couraged him. In the meantime Ayesha, advancing nearer,
the Bassorians went out to meet her ; and they that were so
inclined went over to her. The rest had a parley ; in which
Telha began first, and harangued the people in praise of Oth-
man ; he was seconded by Zobeir, who was succeeded by
Ayesha. When she had uttered what she had to say with
her loud shrill voice, the Bassorians were divided, some say-
ing she had spoken truly, the opposite party giving them the
lie, till at last they came to throwing the gravel and pebbles
in one another's faces. Ayesha, perceiving this, alighted from
her litter ; whereujoon one of the Arabs made up to her, and
said, " O mother of the faithful, the murdering of Othman
was a thing of less moment than thy coming out from thy
house upon this cursed camel. Thou hadst a veil and a pro-
tection from God ; but thou hast rent the veil, and set at
nought the protection. The same persons that are now wit-
nesses of thy quarrelling here will also be witnesses of thy
death. If thou camest to us of thy own accord, return back
to thy own house ; if thou camest hither by force, call for
assistance." At the same time a young man going up to
Telha and Zobeir, told them he perceived they had brought
their mother along with them, and asked them whether they
had brought their wives too ? All this was to reproach
Ayesha for her impudence in engaging in this expedition.
At last both sides drew their swords, and fought till night
parted them. The nest day they fought again ; in which
skirmish, a great many being wounded on both sides, most
were killed on Othman's. When they grew weary of fighting
they began to parley ; and at last agreed upon this article :
That a messenger should be sent to Medina, to inquire
whether Telha and Zobeir came into the inauguration of Ali
voluntarily or by compulsion. For there lay the whole diffi-
culty. If they had come in voluntarily all the Mussulmans
would have treated them as rebels ; if bv compulsion, liifcii
Hej. 36 A.D. 656. OTHMAN DEFEATED. 29&
party thought they could justify their standing by them.
\\Tien the messenger arrived at Medina, and delivered his
errand, the people were all silent for a while. At last Assa-
mah stood up and said that they were compelled. But his
saving so had like to have cost him his life, if a friend of his.
a man of authority, had not taken him by the hand and led
him home. As soon as Ali heard this news, he wrote tc
Othman, and taxed the weakness of his conduct, telling
him that Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir had not rejected or set
themselves in opposition to a party, but to the whole body of
the people. That if nothing less than the deposing him
would satisfy them, they were altogether without excuse ; but
if they had any other proposals to make, they might be con-
sidered on both sides. ^Miile these matters were transacting
at Medina, Ayesha's party sent to Othman to come out, and
deliver up the city to them ; but he answered that their
demand was not conformable to the agreement, which was to
stay for an answer from Medina. Notwithstanding which,
Telha and Zobeir. resolved to omit no favourable opportrmity,
took the advantage of a tempestuous night, and got into the
mosque ; where, after a skirmish, in which about forty of
Othman's men were kdled, and he himself was seized. "Word
was im-mediately sent of his capture to Ayesha, with a request
to know in what way it was her pleasure that he shoiJd be
disposed of. The sentence she at first pronounced was death ;
but one of her women saying to her, " I adjure thee by
God and the companions of the apostle, do not kill him,"
that penalty was changed into forty stripes and imprison-
ment.
"We will now leave Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir in the pos-
session of Bassorah, taking the suflFrages of the people for
themselves, and look back to Medina. Here Ali assembled
the people, and made a speech to them, in which, after having
(as is always their custom) first given due praise and thanks
to God ; he said, '• The later end of this affair wiU not be
rectified by any other means than those by which it was be-
gun ; wherefore help God, and he will help you and direct
your affairs." But the people did not show much zeal in
responding to this call, for it is ever the case, that when op-
posite parties are both strongly and pretty evenly matched ;
most people Icve to stand neuter, and act the part of specta-
300 HISTORY or THE SARACENS. Au.
tors, till they see on which side the scale M'ill turn, rather
than expose themselves to a doubtful hazard. Though Ali
was much beloved, and all knew very well that he had been
fairly elected ; yet all his eloquence, and he was allowed to
be the best orator in that age, was not sufficient to move his
audience to stir in good earnest.^-' Which Ziyadf perceiving,
he stepped ujd to Ali of his own accord, crying out, "Let who-
soever will hold back, we will be forward." Shortly after-
wards there stood up two of the religious, Helpers, doctors of
the law, and pronounced this sentence : " Alhucm, that is, the
decision is this : ' The Imam Othman, master of the two testi-
monies did not die by the master of the two testimonies.' "J In
other w'ords, in short, " Ali is innocent of the death of Othman."
Which sentence formally pronounced in favour of Ali was a
mighty inducement to *hem to engage in his quarrel. One of the
Ansars§ said to Ali, " The apostle of God, upon whom be
peace, girded me with this sword. I have kept it sheathed
a long while ; but now it is high time to draw it against these
wicked men Avho are always deceiving the peoj^le." And even
a woman, the mother of Salnah called out, " O Emperor
of the faithful ! if it would not be a sin against God, and that
thou wouldest not accept of me, I would go with thee myself ;
but here is my cousin-german, who, by God, is dearer to me
than my own life, let him go with thee and partake of thy
fortunes." Him Ali acceptf^d, and afterwards made governor
of Behhrin. And aii many as nine hundred marched with
him out of Medina, and at first he conceived some hopes of
overtaking Ayesha and her company before their arrival at
Bassorah ; but learning, from information he obtained at a
place called Arrabdah, that it was in vain, he rested there for
further deliberation.
Here he was found by his son Hasan, who told him that
he had given him his advice in three particulars, but that now
as the puishment of his former refusal of it, he might expect
to be murdered to-morrow without any body to help him.
Upon Ali's demanding what those particulars might be,
Hasan answered, " In the first place, I advised you when 0th-
* Ebn Al Athir. t Ziyad the son of Hantelah.
J By the two testimonies is meant the two articles of their faith, " There
is hut one God, Mohammed is the apostle of God.'
J That was Abu Kotadah.
Hej. 3fi * D. 656 ALl's LETTER TO CTJFAH. 30 i
man was besieged, to go out of the city, that you might not
be in it when he should be killed. Then, secondly, I advised
you not to be inaugurated till the ambassadors of the tribes
of the Arabs should arrive ; and all the province were come
in. Last of all I advised you, when this woman and those two
men went out, to sit still at home till they should be reconciled;
so that if there were any mischief done, the blame might ra-
ther be laid upon some other person than yourself." To which
Ali answered : •' As to your first complaint, if I had gone out
of the city when Othman was besieged ; that had been the
way to be surrounded myself. Then as to your saying that I
ought not to have been inaugurated till all tiie tribes had
come in ; you ought to know that the disposal of the govern-
ment is a privilege peculiar to the Medinians or Helpers ; and
they were not willing to lose it. As for your last advice, that
I should have sat still at home after Ayesha and Zobeir were
gone forth ; how could I do that in such circumstances, or
who in short would ? Would you have had me, like a wild
beast, lurk in a hole till I should be dug out ? If I do not
myself look after what concerns me in this affair, and provide
for my necessary defence, who will look after it ? Therefore,
son, hold you your tongue."
During his stay at Arrabdah, Ali sent Mohammed the son
of Abubeker, and Mohammed the son of Jaafar, to his friends
at Cufah, with a letter, in which he did not so much press
them to fight for him, as to come and arbitrate between him
and those that had made a separation from him. He told
them, •• how much he preferred them to all the rest of the
provinces, and what confidence he reposed in them in the time
of his extremity. That they should help the reUgion of God,
and repair to him in order to make use of such means as
might be proper for the reconciling this divided people, and
making them brethren again." In the meantime he did
not neglect to send to Medina, from which town he was plen-
tifully supplied with horses, arms, and all necessaries. In
his pubHc harangues he represented to the people '• the great
blessing with which God had indulged them by giving them
the religion, whereby those tribes were now united who
formerly by their quarrels used to reduce one another to a
despicable condition. That this peace continued, till this
man (meaning Othman) fell into the hands of those whom
302 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS. Al4
tne devil iiad set on work to make a disturbance. However it
was necissary that this people, like other nations had been
Defore il, should be divided; and we must therefore call on
God to avert the present evil." Then turning to his son he
said, " "V\Tiatsoever is, is of necessity. And the time will
come when this people shall be divided into seventy-three
sects ; the worst of which will be that, which sets me at nought
and will not follow my example. You have known this and
seen it ; wherefore keep close to your religion, and be directed
in the right way ; for it is the direction of your prophet. Let
alone all that is too hard for you, till you can bring it to the
test of the Koran. But whatever the Koran plainly approveth
that stand to firmly, and what it disapproveth reject. Delight
in God for your Lord ; and in Islam* for your religion ; in
Mohammed for your prophet, and in the Koran for your
guide and director."
^Vhen they were about to march from Arrabdah for Bas-
sorah ; the son of Rephaa stood up and asked him, " O emperor
of the faithful ! What is it thou wouldest have, and whither
wouldest thou carry us ? " Ali answered, " What I would
have and intend is peace, if they will accept of it at our
hands, if not, we will leave them alone to their rashness, and
do what is just on our part and bear with patience." " But
how," replied Rephaa, "if that will not satisfy them?"
" "Why then," says Ali, " we will let them alone so long as
they let us alone ; if not, the last remedy is to defend our-
selves." Upon this, one of the Ansars stood up, and told
him, that he liked his discourse better than his management ;
but subjoined immediately with an oath, " That they Avould
help God since he had called them Helpers."
S-oon after there came a party of the tribe of Tai to proffer
their service to Ali. Their chief, whose name was Said the
son of Obeidah thus addressed him : — " 0 emperor of the
faithful ! There are some men whose tongues are not ac-
cording to their hearts ; but I do not find it so with me. I
have a respect for thee always, both secretly and openly, and
will fight thy enemies wheresoever I meet them, for I look upon
thee as a person of the greatest merit, and the most excellent
* That is Mohammedanism, The word signifies the delivering one's
self up ; and, with the article Al, it is restrained to the signification of
delivering one's self up to God.
Hej. 3G. A D. G.5C. ARU MUSA WAVERS. .303
qualifications of any in the age thou livest in." Ali gave him
his blessing (God have mercy upon you), and told him, that
he was satisfied with his sincerity. He then removed from
Arrabdah, and the tribe of Ased and some more of Tai prof-
fered their service, but he said, they might go home, for he
had Mohajerins* enough for this pui-pose.
In the meanwhile, Ali was impatiently expecting news
from his two messengers that he had sent to Cufah. But
Abu Musa, who, as we have before observed, had sent him word
at first, that aU was well on that side the country, and ac-
quainted him mth the particulars of all that concerned hira
there, percei-ving how the face of things had sudderdy altered,
and apprehensive of the success of Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir
at Bassorah, began to waver in his allegiance. So that when
Mohammed the son of Abubeker, and Mohammed the son
of Jaafar, came to Cufah with Ali"s letter, and stood up
among the people according to his command, there was a
perfect silence. We may observe here once for aU, that upon
such occasions, the way was, for all the people to run to the
mosque, where everything was published in the hearing of
all present, and every free Mohammedan had the liberty of
assenting or dissenting to the matter in deliberation, accord-
ing as he was influenced by his prejudice or judgment. At
last, in the evening, there came some of the Hadjis, or pil-
grims,t and asked Abu Musa what he thought of going out ?
meaning to assist Ali. To which he gravely answered, " My
opinion to-day is difierent from what it was yesterday. "What
you despised in time past, hath drawn upon you what you
see now ; — the going out, and sitting still at home, are two
things. Sitting still at home is the heavenly way. The going
out, is the way of the world. Therefore, take your choice."
None of the people took any notice of what he said, nor re-
t;imed him any answer. But the two Mohammeds were in
a rage, and gave him reproachful language. To which he
answered "with an oath, that the inauguration of Othman hung
stiU both over his own neck and their master's (meaning
Ali), and as for the people, they were resolved not to engage
themselves, unless compelled by absolute necessity, tiU they
* Flyers, or refugees.
t All who have Ijer^n once on a pilgrimage to Mecca, are entitled to thia
Eiin?e, which ensure them resoect during life.
304 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. j^,,^
had got iteir hands clear of the murderers of Othman,
wheresoever they were. 'WTierefore, he contmued, you may
both get back to Ali, as fast as you can, and tell him so."
All * was then advanced as far as Dulkhar, where his
governor Othman came to wait upon him. Ali told him, that
ho had sent him to Bassorah with a beard, but he was come
back without one.f *' Thy sufferings," says Ali, " are merit-
orious. All mankind were satisfied in the choice of two of
my predecessors, who managed agreeably both to the written
law and the traditional. Then a third presided over them, to
whom they submitted. At last they chose me ; and Telha
and Zobeir came unto the election, but did not stand to their
word. "What I wonder at is their volxintary submission to
Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, and their opposition to me !
But, by God, they shall both know, that I am not a jot infe-
rior to my predecessors."
As soon as Ali had received Abu Musa's answer, he de-
spatched Alashtar (a man of resolution, and exactly fitted for
great emergencies), together with Ebn Abas, to Cufa, with
large powers and instructions, to use their own discretion in
rectifying whatsoever they should find amiss | "When they had
delivered their errand, and desired the assistance of the Cu-
fians, Abu Musa made his speech to them : — " Friends, the
companion of the apostle of God, upon whom be peace, know
more of God and his apostle, than those who have not con-
versed with him.§ It is for you, indeed, to decide in this
matter; I, however, will give you this my advice. It is then my
opinion, that you should not assume to yourselves the autho-
rity of God, nor make war against God. Let those that are
come to you from Medina return thither again, till the com-
panions be all agreed; they know best who is fit to be trusted.
' For this disturbance is such a one (it is a sentence of Mo-
hammed's), as he that sleepeth in it is better than he that is
awake ; and he that is awake, better than he that sitteth ;
and he that sitteth, better than he that standeth ; and he
• Abulfeda,
+ Othman's beard is said to have been of remarkable length and beauty,
aud the loss of it totally changed his appearance. Upon seeing him, Ali
observed with a smile, " That he had left him an old man, but returned tc
him a beardless youih."~-Prica
J Ebn Al Athir. § lb.
Hei. 36. A.D, 056. AYESHA's LETTER. 305
that standeth, better than he that walketh on foot ; and he
that walketh on foot, better than he that rideth.' Sheath your
swords and take the heads off your lances ; cut your bow-
strings, and receive him that is injured into your houses, till
this business is made up, and the disturbance ceased."
Ebn Abbas and Alashtar returning to Ali with this news,
he last of all sent his eldest son Hasan, and Ammar* along
with him. Abu Musa received Hasan with respect; but
when they came into the mosque to debate the matter of as-
sisting Ali, he opposed it with the same vigour that he had done
before, repeating all along the saying of Mohammed's,which he
affirmed to have had from his own mouth, "That there should
be a sedition, in Avhich he that sat shovdd better than him
that stood," &c. Ammar, upon this, took him up briskly,
and told him that the apostle directed that speech to him,
who was far better sitting than standing at any time. Still
Abu Musa persisted in exerting his utmost to hinder them
from complying with All's proposals. When the people be-
gan to be in a tumult, Zeid, the son of Sauchan, stood up
and pulled out a letter from Ayesha, commanding him either
to stay at home, or else to come to her assistance, together
with another to the Cufians, to the same effect. Having read
them both to the people, he said, " She was commanded to
stay at home in her house, and we to fight till there should
be no sedition.f Now she has commanded us to do her part,
and hath taken ours upon herself." This provoked the op-
posite party, who reproached him for reflecting upon the
mother of the faithful. The debate grew very warm on both
sides, till at last Hasan, the son of Ali, rose up and said,
'• Hearken to the request of your emperor, and help us in this
calamity which has fallen on you and us. Thus saith the
emperor of the faithful : ' Either I do wrong myself, or else
I sufi'er injury. If I sufier injury God will help me; if I do
wrong, he will take vengeance upon me. By Allah, Telha
and Zobeir were the first that inaugurated me, and the first
that prevaricated. Have I discovered any covetous inclina-
tion, or perverted justice ? Wherefore come on, and command
that which is good, and forbid that which is evil.'" J This
* Ammar, tlie sou of Yaser. f It is a teri in the Koran,
tit is a text that frequently occvire in the Koran,
X
306 HISTORY OF THE SARACENi. All-
moved the audience, and the heads of the tribes spoke one after
another, telling the people, that since they had given their
allegiance to this man, and he had done them the honour to
send several messages to them before, and afterwards his
son, to make them judges and arbitrators in an affair of such
importance ; that it was highly requisite for them to comply
with such a reasonable demand, and go to his assistance.
Hasan told them, that he was going back to his father, and
they that thought fit might go along with him, and the rest
follow by water. Accordingly, there came over to him nearly
nine thousand in all; six thousand two hundred by land, and
two thousand four hundred by water. Some say, that All
had sent Alashtar and Ammar along with him, after his son
Hasan to Cufah, and whilst they were debating in the mosque,
and every one intent upon the issue, Alashtar took a party
of men and seized the castle by surprise. Thereupon, having
ordered some of Abu Musa's men, whom he found there, to
be severely bastinadoed, he sent them back with this lament-
able news to their master Abu Musa, who was protesting
with great vehemence against the supply. This successful
stratagem made Abu Musa appear so ridiculous and con-
temptible, that if Alashtar had not interposed to prevent
it, his goods would immediately have been plvmdered by the
mob.*
Ali was very easy upon the accession of these reinforce-
ments, and went forwards to meet them and make them
Avelcome. When they came up to him he said, " You
Cufians were always men of distinguished valour ; you con-
quered the kings of Persia, and dispersed their forces till
you took possession of their inheritance. You have both
protected the weak ones among yourselves, and afforded your
assistance to your neighbours. I have called you hither to
be witnesses between us and our brethren of Bassorah. If
they submit peaceably, it is what we desire ; if they persist
we will heal them with gentle usage, unless they fall upon
us injuriously. We on our part will omit nothing that may
by any means contribute to an accommodation, which we
must prefer to the desolation of war."
Upon hearing this news from Cufah, Ayesha and her party
* This account is corroborated by Major Price.
Hej. 36. A.D. 656. THE TWO ARMIES MEET. 307
began to be in some perplexity at Bassorah. They held fre-
quent consultations, and seemed to be in a hopeless condition.
Messages passed backwards and forwards with a view to
compromise the matter ; and the negotiation went so far,
that Ali, Telha, and Zobeir had several interviews, walking
about together in the sight of both the armies, so that
every one expected that there would have been a peace
concluded. Ali"s army consisted of thirty thousand men, all
experienced soldiers, and if that of his enemies exceeded his
in number, yet it was principally composed of raw recruits ;
besides that, they had not a general to command them who
could in any way be a match for Ali. In one of their con-
ferences he reproached them with their infidelity, and put
them in mind of the judgments of God, who would infal-
libly take vengeance upon their perfidy. He asked Zobeir
if he did not remember how Mohammed had asked him once
if he did not love his dear son Ali ; and he having answered
" Yes," that Mohammed replied, " Notwithstanding this,
there will come a day when you shall rise up against him,
and be the occasion of a great many miseries both to him
and all the Mussulmans."'
Zobeir told him, that he remembered it perfectly well, and
that if he had recollected it before, he w^ould never have
carried things to that extremity. It is said, that upon this
hint he declined fighting with Ali ; but that having acquainted
Ayesha with the circumstances, that woman was so enve-
nomed against him, that she would not listen to an accom-
modation on any terms. Others say, that his son Abdallah
turned him again by asking him whether or no he was afraid
of All's colours. Upon Zobeir answering " No, but that he
was sworn to Ali," Abdallah bade him expiat^e his oath, which
he did by giving a slave his liberty,* and forthwith prepared,
without further hesitation, to fight against Ali.
The two armies lay in order of battle on their arms op-
posite to one another. During the night the Cufians fell
upon the Separatists, ^\^len Telha and Zobeir heard of it,
they said they Knew very well that Ali would never settle the
matter without bloodshed ; and Ali said the same of them.
Thus they were of necessity drawn to a battle, which was
• Koran, chap. v.
x2
308 HISTORY OF THE 8AEACEX8. Atl.
fouglit next day.''* Ayesll^. to give life and courage to her
friends, mounted upon lier great camel, was carried up and
down the field, riding in a litter of the shape of a cage.
From this circumstance, the day whereon this bloody battle
was fought is called, " the day of the camel ;"t and the men
that were engaged on that side, " the people of the camel."
In the heat of the battle, when the victory began to incline
towards Ali, Merwan said to him, " It is but a little while
ago since Telha was amongst the murderers of Othman, and
now he is so attached to worldlj' grandeur, that he appears
amongst those that seek to revenge his blood ;" and with
those words let tiy an arrow, and wounded him in the leg.
His horse, which was struck at the same time, threw him;
he called for help, and said, " O God ! take vengeance upon
me for Othman, according to thy will !" Perceiving his boot
full of blood, he ordered one of his men to take him up
behind him, who conveyed him into a house in Bassorah,
where he died. But just before he died he saw one of All's
men, and asked him if he belonged to the emperor of the
faithful. Being informed that he did, " Give me then," said
he, " your hand, that I may put mine in it ; and by this
action renew the oath of fidelity which I have already made
to Ali." The words were no sooner out of his mouth than
he expired. When Ali heard it, he said God would not call
* " To the very last moment Ali evinced a decided repugnance to shed
the blood of a Mussulman; and just before the battle he endeavoured to
turn the adverse party to their allegiance by a solemn appeal to the Koran,
A person named Mosslem immediately offered himself for the service ; and,
uplifting a copy of the sacred volume vfiih his right hand, this individual
proceeded to admonish the enemy to recede from their unwarranted designs.
But the hand which bore the holy manuscript was severed from his arm by
one of the infuriated multitude. Seizing the charge vnth his left, that
limb also was divided by another scimitar. Still, however, pressing it to
his bosom with the mutilated remnants, he continued his exhortations until
finally despatched by the swords of the enemy. His body was subsequently
recovered by his friends, and prayers pronounced over it by Ali in person:
after which, taking up a handful of dust, and scattering it towards the
i.i:5argents, that prince imprecated upon them the retribution of an avenging
Deity. In the meantime, the impetuosity of All's followers could no
longer be restrained. Drawing their swords and pointing their spears, they
rushed impetuously to the combat, which was supported on all sides with
extraordinary fierceness and animosity." — Price's Moh. Hist.
+ Ebn Al Athir. D'Herbelot in Ali,
Hej. 36. A.D. 656. ZOBEIR's DEATH. 309
him to heaven till he had blotted out his first brc.ch of his
word by this last protestation of his fidelity.
Mircond* \vrites, that Zobeir being informed that Ammar
Jaasser was in All's camp, and knowing that Mohammed had
formerly said that he was a person that was always for
justice and right, withdrew himself out of the battle, and
took the road towards Mecca. Being come as far as a valley
which is crossed by a rivulet called Sabaa, he met with
Hanaf Ebn Kais, who was there encamped with all his men,
awaiting the issue of the battle, in order to join himself to
the conquei-or.
Hanaf t knew who he was at a distance, and said to his
men, " Is there nobody can bring me any tidings of Zobeir ?"
One of them, whose name was Amrou Ebn Jarmuz, went off
immediately and came up to him. Zobeir at first bade him
keep his distance ; but after some discourse, growino- into
greater confidence of him, he cried out " Salat," that is, " to
prayers" (the hour of prayer being then come). " Salat,"
repeated Amrou ; and, as Zobeir was prostrating himself,
took his opportunity and struck his head off at one blow
with his sabre, and carried it to Ali. When Ali saw the
head, he let fall some tears, and said, " Go, wretched villain,
and carry this good news to Ebn Safiah in hell." Amrou
was so moved with these words, that, laying aside all respect,
he said to him, " You are the ill destiny of all the Mussul-
mans ; if one delivers you from any of your enemies, you
immediately denounce him to hell. And if a man kills any
one of your friends, he becomes instantly a companion of
the devil." His passion increasing into rage and despair, he
drew his sword and ran himself through.
So long as Ayesha's camel stood upon his legs, the hottest
of the battle was about him. Tabari says, that no less than
threescore and ten men that held his bridle had their hands
cut off. Ayesha's litter was stuck so full of arrows and
javelins that it looked like a porcupine. At last the camel
was hamstrung, and Ayesha was forced to lie where it fell
till all was over. J Ali, having got an entire victory, came to
• Mircond. D'Herbelot. Ebn Al Athir.
T fcnn Al Athir. D'Herbelot.
+ " Convinced that tlie battle must remain in suspense as long as the
caniel continued to exhibit a rallying point to the defenders of Ayesha,
3i0 HISTORl OF THE SAKACE?<S. Ali
her and asked her how she did. Some historians say that
there was some reproachful language exchanged between
them. However, he treated her civilly, and dismissed her
handsomely with a very good equipage,*' and commanded
his two sons Hasan and Hosein to wait upon her a day's
journey.f He confined her to her house at Medina, and
forbade her at her peril to intermeddle any more with affairs
of state. She went to Mecca, and stayed out the time of the
pilgrimage there, after which she returned to Medina. As
for the spoils, Ali proposed to divide them among the heirs
of his men that were killed, which did not exceed a thousand.
Then constituting Abdallah Ebn Abbas his lieutenant over
Bassorah, he went to Cufah, where he estabhshed the seat of
his government or caliphate.
This complete victory rendered Ali exceedingly powerful.;]^
He was now master of Irak, Egypt, Arabia, Persia and
Ali signified his desire to those around him that tlieir efforts should ht
directed to bring down the animal. After repeated and desperate assaults
Malec Alashtar succeeded at length in forcing a passage, and immediately
struck off one of the camel's legs. The animal preserved its posture
notwithstanding, erect and unmoved. Another leg was struck off equally
Trithout effect, and ISIalec Alashtar, under an impression of astonishment
and awe, was hesitating ivhether he should proceed, when Ali drew near
and called out to him to strike boldly, though the noble animal might
appear to be under the care of a supernatural agency. Thus stimulated,
Malec smote the third leg, and the camel immediately sunk to the earth.
The litter of Ayesha being thus brought to the ground, Mohammed, the
son of Abubeker, was directed by Ali to take charge of his sister, and
protect her from being injxired by the missiles which still flew from all
quarters. He drew near accordingly, but introducing his hand into the
litter, and happening to touch that of Ayesha, she loaded him with abuse
and execration, demanding wliat reprobate had presumed to stretch his hand
where none but the prophet's had been permitted to intrude. Mchammed
replied, that though it was tlie hand of her nearest in blood, it was also
that of her bitterest enemy. Recognizing, however, the well-known accents
of her brotlier, the apprehensions of Ayesha were speedily dispelled." —
Price's Moh. Hist.
* Abulfeda. Rejeb. anno 36.
■f- " By the direction of Ali, Ayesha was escorted by a retinue of women,
apparelled as men, and their familiar approach afforded a constant sub-
ject of complaint. On her arrival at Medina, however, she discovered the
delicacy of the imposture, and became as liberal in her ackiowledg-
ments as she had before been in her reproaches," — Price's Alohimmedan
History.
X Abulfeda.
Hej. 36. A.D. G56. DISTURBATfCSS IN SYltTA. 311
Khorassan. So that there was none left that could give him the
least disturbance, but Moawiyah and the Syrians under his
command. Ali seemed not to be apprehensive of any molestation
from them after such great success, and sent a messenger to
Moawiyah, entreating him to come in. Moawiyah kept putting
off the messenger by different excuses, till Amrou the son of
Ali, who was then in Palestine could come to him. Amrou,
to his great satisfaction, found the Syrians very eager to re-
venge the blood of Othman, and did what in him lay to urge
them on. Upon this, Amrou and Moawiyah resolved to stand
it out to the last against Ali. Amrou having first stipulated
for himself, that in case of success he should have the lieute-
nancy of Egypt, which he had conquered in the reign of
Omar. This*' was readily promised him, and Amrou, in the
presence of all the army took the oath of allegiance to Moa-
wiyah, acknowledging him to be lawful caliph and prince of
the Mussulmans.! This action which had been concerted
between them two, was followed by the acclamations of the
people, Avho unanimously took the same oath.
As soon as Ali was apprised of these commotions in Syria,
he made use of all manner of gentle means to reduce the
rebels to a sense of their duty. But perceiving that the peo-
ple of that large province had unanimously declared against
him, he was convinced that it would be idle to set on foot any
further negotiation; and accordingly he marched towards
that country with an army of ninety thousand men.
Just upon his entrance into the confines of Syria, he Avas
obliged to encamp in a place where there was a great scarcity
of water. J:
Not far from his camp there was a hermitage under
ground, the hermit whereof, who was a Christian, came and
presented himself to him. Ali inquired of him, if he knew of
a spring in the neighbourhood ; the hermit told him that
there was nothing but a cistern which had hardly three buckets
of water in it. Ali answered, " I know, however, that some of
the people of Israel, ancient prophets, formerly made their
abode here, and that they dug a pit here." The hermit said,
• D'Herbelot.
t Abulfaragius says that they did not swear to him by the title of caliph,
but only of emir.
i D'Herbelot.
312 HISTORY OF TifE SARACENS, Ali.
he had been informed that there was one that was now covered
up ; that nobody knew the place of it ; but that there was an
old tradition of the country, that nobody should ever find it,
and open it, but a prophet, or one sent by a prophet. All
was not long in discovering it. Ordering his men to dig in a
certain place, which he pointed out, they found first of all a
stone of a vast bigness, which being instantly removed, they
came to a beautiful and a most abundant spring.
Surprised at the sight of it, the hermit embraced All's
knees, and would never leave him afterwards. Besides, he
presented the caliph with an old parchment which he said
had been written by the hand of Simeon, the son of Safa (that
is Simon Cephas) one of the greatest apostles of Jesus Christ ;
wherein there was an account given of the coming of the last
prophet ; the arrival of his lawful heir and successor, and the
miraculous discovery of this well.
Ali, after having given thanks to God, and taken water
sufficient for his army, continued his march towards Sef-
fein, a place between Irak and Syria, where the enemies'
army v/as posted, consisting of fourscore thousand men. At
last, both the armies advancing, they came in sight of one
another, in the last month of the thirty-sixth year of the
flight of Mohammed.*
* The following interesting circumstance is related by Major Price aj
having taken place at the commencement of the war. " As Seffein com-
manded to a considerable distance, the only access to the waters of the
Euphrates, Moawiyah had stationed Abul Our, one of his generals, with
ten thousand men, to guard the communication from the troops of Ali. Ha
had not long placed his army in this advantageous position, when Ali
approached and pitched his camp in the same neighbom-hood, and his
followers soon found that their expected supply of water was intercepted.
Under these circumstances, Ali sent a deputation to Moawiyah to request he
would relinquish an advantage which api)eared so inconsistent between
kindred, though at present hostile tribes, assuring him that had he been
possessed of it, the passage should have been equally free to l)oth armies.
Moawiyah immediately made knowni the message to his courtiers, most of
whom contended that as the murderers of Othman had cut off all supplies
of water when they besieged his palace, so on the present occasion it would
only be just to retaliate. Amrou however dissented from this opinion,
declaring that Ali would not suffer his army to perish of thirst with the
warlike legions of Irak at his heels, and Euphrates before his eyes, and
added that they were contending for the caliphate, not for a skin of water
But the first counsel prevailed, and the messenger was dismissed ivith
the reply that Moawiyah was resolved not to forego what he considered
Hej. 37. A.D. 657. WANT OF -NVATEK. 313
The first month of the next year was spent,* -without doing
any thing but sending messengers backwards and forwards,
in order to an accommodation between them, but all to no
purpose. On the commencement of the next month, f how-
ever, they began to fight in small parties, without risking a
to be the earnest of future victory. The result of this application
occasioned Ali considerable vexation and perplexity, till at length the pri-
vation became unbearable, and Malec Alashtar, and Aishaath the son of
Keyss begged to be allowed to open the communication with their swords.
Permission being granted, and proclamation being made throughout the
camp, in less than an hour, ten thousand men had flocked to the standard
of Aishaath, and an equal number to the tent of Malec Alashtar. Dispos-
ing these troops in convenient order, the two chieftains conducted their
army towards the channel of the Euphrates, and after vainlj^ warning
Abul Our to quit the banks of the river, Malec at the head of the cavalry
and Aishaath at the head of the foot, immediately closed upon the enemy.
During the action that siicceeded, Malec was nearly exhausted with thiret
and exertion, when a soldier by his side begged him to accept a draught of
water ; but the generous warrior refused to accept the indulgence till the
sufferings of his followers had been allayed, and at the same time being
assailed by the enemy, he laid seven of their bravest soldiers in the dust.
But the raging thirst of Malec and his troops became at length intolerable,
and he directed all that were furnished with water-bags to follow him
through the ranks of their opponents without quitting his person until they
should have filled all their vessels. Piercing the line of the adverse party,
Malec made good his way to the river whilst his followers supplied them-
selves with water. The conflict raged with unabated fury in the bed of the
Euphrates, till Abul Our, finding his troops give way before the resistless
attack of their assailants, and being already beaten from his post, despatched
a messenger to Moawiyah, who immediatel}' sent Amrou with 3000 horse to
his relief. The arrival of that general, however, seems to have rendered
the nctory of Malec more signal and decisive. No sooner did the latter
descry the approach of Amrou than, covering himself vnth his shield, he
urged his courser towards him with irresistible impetuosity, and Amrou only
eluded the fury of his adversary by retiring ^rithin the ranks of the Syrians.
The latter, however, were put to the sword in great numbers, many were
dro>vned in the Euphrates, whilst the remainder fled for refuge to the camp
of Moawiyah ; and the troops of Ali having thus successfully dislodged the
enemy, established themselves in quiet possession of the watering place
and its approaches. Smarting under the reproaches of Amrou, Moa^viyah
now found himself reduced to the necessity of applying to his adversary foi
the indulgence which he had so recently mthheld ; but Ali, with the liberality
and magnanimity so congenial to his general character, readily granted to
his troops a free communication to the Euphrates, and from this time the
followers of either army passed and repassed to the river with equal confi-
dence and freedom of intercourse."
• An. Hej. 37.coepit Jun. 18, AD. 657. t Saphur.
314 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS.
Alt.
eneral engagement. It is reported, that in the spa:e of one
hundred and ten days, there were no less than ninety skir-
mishes between them;* that the number of the slain on
Moawiyah's side, was five and forty thousand, and that on
Ali's, five and twenty thousand f six and twenty of whom had
been present at the battle of Beder, and were honoured with
the title of Sahabah, that is, " the companions of the prophet."
Ali had commanded his men never to begin the battle first,
but stay till the enemy gave the onset, nor to kill any man
that should turn his back, nor to take any of their plunder,
or ill use the women. Nor were Moawiyah and Amrou want-
ing on their side, in expressing their concern for the effusion
of the blood of the Mussulmans ; especially when Ammar
Ebn Jasar, Ali's general of the horse, was killed. He was
about ninety years of age, and had been in three several en-
gagements with Mohammed himself. He lived reverenced,
and died lamented by all.;|: "Do you see," said Moawiyah, " at
* The authorities, quoted by Price, enter very minutely into various
individual contests which took place during this protracted campaign.
In several of these Ali was personally engaged ; but his extraordinary
strength and skill was so well known to the opposite party, that he was
obliged to disguise himself before an assailant would attack him. On one
occasion, being mounted on the horse and anayed in the armour of one of
his chiefs, he was attacked by a warrior from Moawiyah's army ; and we
are told that, %vith a single sweep of his scimitar, the caliph severed the
upper from the lower half of his body. It is said that such was the keen-
ness and temper of the steel, and the rapidity and precision of the stroke,
that the man thus severed in twain continued fixed in the saddle ; the
spectators concluding that Ali had missed his blow, until the horse chanced
to move, when the two halves of the body fell to the o-round.
In the life of Abultaieb al Motanabbi, as given ni the Oriental Collec-
tion, the following line by that poet, relating to Ah, is quoted : —
" Spears and swords in his hand are slaves and domestics."
* D'Herbelot says, five thousand, which must be a mistake
^ Ammar in spite of his venerable age, was one of the most enthu-
siastic combatants in Ali's army. A short time previous to his death he
thus addressed himself to the Irakians : — "By Allah! I do not know
a deed more pleasing to God than to war against these lawless vagabonds.
I would fight them even if I was assured of being run through wth a lance;
for the death of a martvT, and the paradise beyond, are only to be acquired
in the ranks of Ali. However courageously our enemies may fight, still
justice is on our side : they desire not to revenge Othman's death, but am-
bition drives them to revolt. Follow me, companions of the prophet ! tl)«"
gates of heaven are opened, and houris are waiting to receive us. Let u«
HeJ. 37, A.D. 657 ALIS TALOXJK. 815
what a rate the people expose their lives upon our account? "
"See!" saysAmrou, "would to God that Ihad died twenty years
ago." Upon the death of Ammar, Ali took twelve thousand
chosen men, and made so fierce an onslaught upon Moawiyah'a
army, that all the ranks of it were broken.* Then Ali called
out to Moawiyah, " How long shall the people lose their lives
between us r Come hither. I challenge you to appeal to the
decision of God. And which of us two kills his man, let him
have the whole himself." ^\Tiereupon Amrou said to
Moa-\viyah, "Your cousin has made you a fair proffer."
Moawiyah said it was not fair, because that Ali knew that no
man had ever yet come out against him, but he had killed
him. Amrou told him that his refusal would look dishonour-
able. Moawiyah answered, " You have, I see, a mind to enjoy
the government yourself, after I am gone.f "
triumph here, or meet Mohammed and his friends in paradise ! " With
these words he gave his charger the lash, and plunged with desperate
violence into the hottest of the fight, till, at length, he was surrounded by
the S}Tians, and fell a sacrifice to his own courage. His death stirred up
All's troops to revenge, whilst even the S}Tians regretted his loss, from the
high esteem in which Ammar had been held by the prophet. — Weil,
Geschicte der Chalifen.
* One day, towards the close of the campaign, Ali prepared for battle with
unusual solemnity. Clad in the prophet's mail and turban, and mounted
on the prophet's horse, Reyah, he brought out the old and venerated
standard of Mohammed. The appearance of the sacred relic, now worn to
ihreds, brought sobs and tears from the illustrious companions who had so
often fought and conquered under its shadow ; and the enthusiastic troops
drew out in formidable strength beneath tlie holy banner. Moawyah had
assembled twelve thousand of the best warriors of Hejaz, when Ali, sword
\n hand, rushed upon them at the head of his impetuous veterans to the cry
of Allah Acbar, and threw the enemy into immediate confusion. The Sjnrians
at length recovered from the disorder. The tribe of Auk on the side of Moa-
wiyah, and that of the Hamdanites on the part of Ali, each made a solenm
vow never to quit the fields whilst one of their opponents remained to dis-
pute it. A dismal slaughter among the bravest of both armies was the
result. Heads roUed about like tennis balls, and streams of blood polluted
the field in all directions ; but in the issue, the SjTians suffered a total de-
feat, and retired in the utmost confusion. — Price's Mohammedan History.
f Amrou, however, does not seem to have possessed a much largei
share of personal valour than Moaiviyah on this occasion. Price tells ua
that a short time aftenvards, Ali having changed his armour and disguised
himself, again appeared in the lists. Unconscious of his identity, Amrou
advanced a few steps, and Ali, pretending a, degree :f apprehension, still
further encouraged him to proceed. They were both on horseback, and aa
Acarou neared his foe, he repeated certain bragging lines, importing thg
316 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS.
iM.
The last battle they fought at SefFein continued all night
to the great disadvantage of the Syrians.* Alashtar pushed
them back to their camp, and Ali supported him. The vic-
tory had been complete but for the following stratagem of
Amrou's. Sending for Moawiyah in great haste, he advised
discomfiture and havoc he intended to carry ii.to the enemy's army, even
though a thousand such as Ali were numbered in their ranks. Ali replied
in a strain which rather unexpectedly announced his identity. Away went
Amrou, without a moment's delay, whipping and spurring as "fast as possible,
whilst All pursued with the utmost eagerness, and making a well directed
plunge, the point of his lance passed through the skirts of Amrou's coat of
mail, and brought him, head foremost, to the earth. Unfortunately, as
Amrou wore no drawers, and his heels were in the air, that part of his
person became exposed which we shall forbear to particularize. In this
situation Ali scorned to do him any further injury, and suffered him to
escape with the contemptuous remark, that he was never to forget the
circumstance to which he was indebted for life and safety. A very
humorous account has been preserved of the conversation that ensued
between Amrou and Moawyah at their next interview, which we here
insert.
Moawiyah. — I give thee credit, Amrou, for thy ingenuity, and believe
thou art the first warrior that ever escaped the sword by so scandalous an
exposure. You ought to be grateful to those organs to the dav' of thy
death.
Amrou. — Cease thy railing, Moawyah ! hadst thou been in my place, thy
pride had been completely humbled, and thy wives and children mdowed
and fatherless. These sarcasms come not well from you who turned pale
and trembling at Ali's challenge.
Moawiyah. — Pray, Amrou, how didst thou breathe ^vith thy legs swing-
ing in the air 1 If thou hadst known how thou were to be disgraced, thou
Burely wouldst have worn a pair of drawers.
Amrou. — I only retreated from the superior strength of my enemy.
Moawiyah. — Oh, I do not consider it disgraceful to yield to Ali; but I
maintain it was scandalous to make flag-staffs of thy legs, and expose thy-
self so shamefully to him and all the world.
Amrou. — It cannot be surprising that Ali should have spared me when
he recollected me to be his uncle's son.
Moawiyah. — Nay, Amrou, this is too arrogant. The prophet declared
that Ali was of the same descent as himself, and we all know that his father
was a chief of the illustrious race of Hashem, whereas thine was a com-
mon butcher, of the tribe of Koreish.
Amrou. — Great God ! Your remarks are worse than the swords and
arrows of the enemy. Had I never involved myself in thy quarrel, nor
bartered my eternal welfare for worldly profit, I should never have been
forced to b^r with such speeches, or endure such a burden of labour and
anxiety.
* Abuifeda.
Ha). 37. *.o. 657. A PIOTTS KTBATAGEM. 317
him to order his men to hoist up the Korans upcn the points
of their lances, and to cry out ; " This is the book that ought
to decide all our differences ; this is the book of God between
us and you."^' This stratagem did not fail of the desired
success ; for as soon as the Irakians, who formed the chief
strength of Ali"s army saw this, they threw down their arms,
and said to Ali, " Will you not answer the book of God ? " To
which Ali replied, " As you are men of truth and honour, go
on and fight your enemy, for Amrou and Moawiyah have no
relation to religion nor the Koran. Alas for you ! I know
them better than you do ; by God they have not put up these
Korans, but with a design to trick us." They persisted, how-
ever, declaring, that however that might be, it should not
hinder them from being determined by the book of God.
" That is it," said Ali, " which I have been fighting to bring
them to. but they have rebelled against God and his com-
mandment." At last they even threatened not only to desert
him, but to deliver him into the hands of his enemies, if he
did not sound a retreat : and some of the sectaries! (an en-
thusiastic people, that refuse obedience to their superiors,
both in things sacred and civil), declared to him, that they
svo\dd serve him as the son of AflTan had been served, that is
as Othman. who had been murdered. Ali therefore was
forced to call off Alashtar, who fell back with great reluctance
and only after repeated orders to retreat ; grieved at the
heart, to see a glorious victory snatched out of his hands by
such a stratagem.
As soon as the battle was over, a messenger being sent to
Moawiyah, to demand the meaning of that action, he answered,
'• That it was the wish of his party that the difference should be
left to the arbitration of two persons, who might determine it
according to the true sense of the Koran, and the tradition of
the people." J Whereupon Ashaath, the son of Kais, one of those
who had the greatest credit and influence among the soldiers
of Irak, and whose fidelity it was suspected had been tam-
pered with by Moawiyah, asked Ali, how he approved of this
expedient. Ali answered him coldly, saying, " He that is not
at liberty cannot give his advice. It belongs to you to
• Price informs us that Moawiyah procured 550 copies of the Koran foi
this purpose.
+ Karegites. t Sunner.
318 HISTOIIY OP THE SAEACENS. AlI.
manage this affair according as you shall think fit among
yourselves." The army however, determined to follow it.
Now the person that they nominated in Ali's behalf was Abu
Musa Al Ashari, a good honest well-meaning man, but exceed-
ingly simple. Ali did not approve of the choice, because
Musa had formerly been drawn aside, and forsaken his in-
terest. He had rather have had Ben Abbas ; but was an-
swered, that he was his own cousin- german, and they would
have none but such as should deal impartially between him and
Moawiyah. He next proposed Alashtar, but they were
resolved he should accept of Abu Musa. Moawiyah, on his
part, nominated Amrou the son of Aas, deservedly reputed
the quickest-witted man of the age. These two referees
took a security signed by Ali and Moawiyah, and both the
armies, in behalf of themiselves and their families, by which
they bound themselves to ratify and confirm the sentence of
the referees, which was to be determined by the next Rama-
dan.*" This arrangement being made, Ali retired to Cufah,
and Moawiyah to Damascus, leaving the command of their
respective armies to one of their generals, and the authority
of things relating to religion in the hands of a particular
Imam. But as soon as Ali came to Cufah, twelve thousand
of those that could read the Koran reproached him with his
base submission to this accommodation, as ha\'ing out of feai
of temporal calamity submitted to the determination of men,
when the Koran expressly says, that "Judgment belongeth to
God alone."
Eight months after the battle of SefFein, the two arbitrators
met in a placef situated between Mecca, Cufah, and SjTia.
There came along with them several of the Sahabah. or com-
panions of the prophet. At this conference Ebn Abbas bade
Abu Musa remember this, whatsoever else he forgot, that
Ali had no blemish to render him incapable of the govern-
ment, nor Moawiyah any virtue to qualify him for it. Amrou,
who knew very well the genius of his partner, treated him
with the utmost civility and respect, till he gained a com-
plete influence over him, and at last made him believe that
it was quite impracticable to attempt to accommodate matters,
• This agreement was signed on Wednesday the 13th of the month
3aphar, in the year thirty-seven,
t Dumat al Jondei.
Htj. 37, A.D. 657. AEBITKATIOn rUTTITLESS. S19
without deposing both the present competitors, and leaving
the choice of a third to the people. This important article
once fixed, a tribunal was erected between both the armies,
from which each of the umpires was iDublicly to declare his
opinion. Abu Musa wished Amrou to go up first, but he
alleged so many reasons why he ought to yield to All's
arbitrators the preference, that he easily overcame all his
scruples.
Accordingly Ab u Musa ascending the tribunal, pronounced
these words with a loud voice : " I depose Ali and Moawiyah
from the caliphate (or government) to which they pretend,
after the same manner as 1 take this ring from my finger."
Having made this declaration, he immediately came down.
Then Amrou went up and said, " You have heard how Abu
Musa has for his part deposed Ali ; as for my part I depose
him too, and I give the caliphate to Moawiyah, and invest him
with it after the same manner as I put this ring upon my
finger ; and this I do with so much the more justice, because
he is Othman's heir and avenger, and the worthiest of all
men to succeed him."
After the publication of these sentences, Ali's party, con-
founded at the unexpected issue of the arbitration, began to
complain grievously of Abu Musa. He for his own part
accused Amrou of not having performed the agreement be-
tween them. From complaints they came to ill language ;
and, in short, Abu Musa, fully atshamed of being outwitted by
Amrou, and not only having good reason to fear Ali's dis-
pleasure, but also, thinking himself hardly safe in the army,
took to flight, and retired to Mecca. This Abu Musa was
celebrated for the most harmonious voice that ever was heard ;
it is said that his common discourse was perfect melody.
The Syrians went back to Moawiyah, and wished him joy:
and from this time his interests prospered daUy, whilst Ali's
began to decline. The two opposite parties not only cursed
one another, but carried the matter so far as to pronounce
a solemn excommunication, which was always repeated when
they made any harangue to the people in the mosque, and
this custom continued a long time between the house of Ali
and that of Ommiyah, to which Othman and Moawiyah be-
longed.
Before we proceed any further, we must liere observe, that
320 HISTORY OP THE SAEACENS. All
when ir.e treaty of peace that followed the suspension of arms
between Ali and Moawiyah was being drawn up, the secretary
began with these words : " Ali, chief and commander, general
of the Mussulmans, agrees to a peace with Moawiyah upon the
following terms." Moawiyah, having read these words, said,
" Certainly I should be a very wicked man indeed, if I should
make war upon him, whom I acknowledge to be the chief, and
commander-general of the faithful." Upon this, Amrou Ebn Al
Aas said, that it was absolutely necessary to blot out that title
of chief, or emperor of the faithful.--' On the other hand,
Ahnaf the son of Kais, addressing himself to Ali, said, that
he ought by no means to suffer himself to be deprived of that
title. But Ali told him, that when he was formerly secretary
to his father-in-law Mohammed, he had himself drawn up
articles of peace between him and Sohail who had revolted
against him. That upon his having entitled Mohammed,
" apostle and messenger of God," Sohail said to him, " If I
had acknowledged your father-in-law for the apostle and
messenger of God, I should never have had any peace to
sign with him, for I should never have made war upon
him." I acquainted Mohammed with this difficulty, who
answered me, "Make no scruple of blotting out that title;
it does not depend upon this treaty, time will discover its
truth ; and remember, that there will come a day when you
shall find yourself in the same case." Ali, therefore, gave his
consent, that for that time they should omit that title, of
which his arbitrator. Abu Musa, as we have already seen, had
solemnly deprived him. All these things were transacted in
the thirty-seventh year of Hejira, or flight of Mohammed,
and of our Saviour the six hundred and fifty-seventh.
In the same year the Karegites. or Separatists, made an
insurrection against Ali. The occasion of their revolt was
as follows : Ali having, as already related, put his affairs into
the hands of two arbitrators, some of the Irakians told him
tliat he had done exceeding wrong, in referring to the judg-
ment of men, what ought to be deterii\n\ed by God alone.
ITierefore they said, that instead of standing to the peace
that he had made, he ought to pursue his enemies, who also
were the enemies of God, without quarter. Ali answered,
tliat having once passed his word, he was bound to keep it •
* D'Herbolet, Elm Al Attiir,
Hej. 37. A.D. 657. THE SEPAKA.TISTS EEBEL. 321
and that in this he followed what the law of God prescribed,
The people answered him, That there was no other judge or
arbitrator between him and Moawiyah but God alone : that
what he had done was a sin, and that he ought to repent of it.
Ali firmly remonstrated ydih them, telling them that the
sin lay at their door, in showing so much inconstancy and
stubbornness.* They ought also to remember, that when
Moawiyah caused the Korans to be carried at the head of the
two armies, he had warned them that it was only a trick of
their enemies, yet nevertheless they had left off fighting
without his order ; and that, in short, it was very wrong in
them to press him to the breach of a treaty, which they them-
selves had obliged him to sign.
The rebels, not at all satisfied with these reasons, chose for
their captain Abdallah, the son of Waheb, who appointed
Naharwan (a town between Bagdad and "Waset, four miles
east of the river Tigris) for the place of rendezvous. To this
place every one who was discontented with his government
repaired. Of the malcontents, a gi-eat number came from
Cufah, Bassorah, and Arabia.
Ali took little notice of them at first, his thoughts being
more taken up with Moawiyah, whom he looked upon as &
much more formidable enemy ; but being informed that they
were increased to the number of five and twenty thousand
men, that they condemned all persons as impious that did
not faU in with their sentiments, and that they had already
put to death several Mussulmans for refusing to comply -with
•their measures ; he resolved, in fine, to exterminate a sect
which tended to the subversion of the very foundations of
Mohammedanism. However, he preferred to win them over,
if possible, by gentleness, and to bring them back to their
duty by good advice ; but these means proving powerless, he
employed the forcible persuasion of a considerable army, at
the head of which he presented himself to their view. Never-
theless he determined to try peaceful measures once more
before he had recourse to force of arms. Accordingly, plant-
ing a standard without the camp, he made proclamation with
soimd of trumpet, that whosoever would come imder it should
ha-ve good quarter, and that all who should retire to Cufah,
should there also find a sanctuary.
* D'Herbelot
Y
322 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. All
This device succeeded well, for in a very little time the
army of the Karegites dispersed itself of its own accord, and
Abdallah, the son of Waheb, found himself reduced to four
thousand men. However, even with this small number, the
arch-rebel was resolved to signalize his bravery by a desperate
attempt. Notwithstanding the inequality of his force, he
boldly attacked Ali's army. But his rashness was duly
punished ; he and all his men were cut to pieces, nine oiil}
excepted, Avhich also was the total number of the slain oi]
Ali's side.
A little before this fight, Ali had foretold to his friend:
what would be the event. "You see," says he, " thest
people who make profession of reading the Koran, without
observing its commandments, they will quit the profession
which they make of their sect as quick as arrows fly from the
bow when they are shot off."
This victory, which was gained in the thirty-eighth year of
the Hejirah, having re-united all the Arabians under the
government of Ali, the Syrians alone remained to be reduced,
Ali was for marching against Moawiyah immediately after the
victory, but some of his great men represented to him that it
would be proper to give his army some refreshment, that
every one might make preparation for a war, which it was
plain would be more long-winded than the former. Ali fol-
lowed their advice, and formed his camp at Nakila, not far
from Cufah, where, that they might be the sooner in a readiness
for their expedition into Syria, he made proclamation, that
during the time of his encampment in that place, any one that
had any business to do in town, might go for one day and
return the next. The effect of this order was, that the camp
was entirely forsaken, and the general finding himself left
alone, was also obliged to go back to Cufah as well as the rest.
Ali, at the beginning of his caliphate, had conferred the
government of Egypt upon Sai'd, the son of Kais, who
acquitted himself of his charge with great prudence ; for
there being in Egypt a numerous faction of Othman's parti-
sans, he knew how to accommodate himself to the time, and
managed them with much address. This conduct of Said
furnished Moawiyah with an occasion of publishmg it
every where that this governor was his friend, and acted in
concert with him. These reports he spread abroad on pur-
H«|). 38. A.B. 058. MALEC POTSONED. 323
pose to raise a suspicion of him in Ali's mind, v/ho neverthe
less had no better friend belonging to him. To promote this
design, Moawiyah forged a letter in Said's name, directed to
himself, wherein he was made to confess that the reason why
he had not attacked the party of the Othmanians, was because
he was entirely in Moawiyah' s interest.* This device had its
desired effect, for as soon as the news reached Ali's ears he
recalled Saad from his government, and sent in his room
Mohammed, the son of Abubeker, the first caliph, which was
the cause of new troubles in that country ; for Mohammed
had no sooner set foot in Egypt than he began to chase out
of it all those who pretended to have had any tie of friendship
with Othman, or to preserve any respect for his memory.
His arrival, therefore, was quickly followed by dissensions
and civil wars, and these disorders grew to such a height
that Ali was obliged to send Malec Alashtar, who is some-
times called Malec Alashtar, to restore his authority there.
But Moawiyah, who had notice of the sending of this new
governor, instigated a countryman tha^t lived upon the con-
fines of Arabia and Egypt, and at whose house Malec Al Ashtar
was to lodge on his way to Egypt, to give him poison in the
entertainment which he had prepared for him.
This man, an old friend of Moawiyah's, punctually executed
his orders, and gave Malec some poisoned honey at supper,
of the effects of Avhich he died before he stirred out of the
house. As soon as MoaAviyah heard it, he said, " Verily God
hath armies of honey !"'■* Then he despatched Amrou Ebii
Aas, with sis thousand horse, to take possession of the
government of Egypt in his name, who made such speed, that
in a few days he came up to the capital city, where he was
joined by Ebn Sharig, the chief of Othman's party. With
this combined force the two marched together to engage
Mohammed, the son of Abubeker, who as yet retained the
name and authority of governor for Ali. Mohammed was
routed, and fell into his enemies' hands alive, who quickly
killed him, and, inclosing his dead body in the skin of an ass,
burnt him to ashes. As soon as Ayesha heard of the death
of her brother, Mohammed, she took it extremely to heart,
and kneeled down, at the end of all her prayers, to beg a
* Abulfeda. t IWd.
Y 2
324 HISIOEY OF THE SAKACE3fS. Am.
curse upon Moawiyah and Amrou.* Ali too was very much
concerned, and said, "We shall reckon for him before God."
All this year there was a continued succession of incursions
made into All's territories, who was all this while daily
employed in making speeches, and moving his army to go
against Moawiyah, but all his eloquence made no impression
upon them. Ali being informed of all this bad news, sent for
^bdallah, the son of Abbas, from Bassorah, where he was
governor, that he might comfort himself with his conversa-
tion, and by his advice take such resolutions as were most
expedient in the present condition of his affairs.f Abdallah,
having first constituted Ziyad his lieutenant in Bassorah, came
to Ali, and once again promised him inviolable fidelity.
Moawiyah, who was always watchful to take advantage of
every opportunity, was no sooner informed that Ebn Abbas
had left Bassorah, than he sent one Abdallah, surnamed
Hadrami, with two thousand horse, to seize that place.
Ziyad, who had not troops sufficient to stand against
Abdallah, left the city to him, and sent to inform Ali of the
pressing necessity he was under, and that unless speedy
succours were sent him, he should not be able to keep the
field. Ali promptly sent him assistance, under the command
of Hareth, which arrived so seasonably that Abdallah was
beaten and killed in the battle, which was fought near Bassorah.
Upon this the city surrendered to the government of Ali,
who immediately sent back Abdallah Ebn Abbas to take the
command of it, as he had done before. This was in the
thirty-eighth year of the Hejirah.
The next year passed over without any considerable ad-
ventures, for the Syrians, weary of the war, attempted nothing
against the Arabians, and the Arabians had enough to do to
preserve themselves.j In the beginning of this year Ab-
dallah Ebn Abbas, lieutenant of Bassorah, sent Ziyad to assume
the government of Persia, which had been brought into great
disorder by the dissensions between Ali and Moawiyah.
Ziyad behaved himself so well in that post, and managed so
much to the satisfaction of the people, that the Persians said
they had never, since the days of Nushirwan, met with an
administration equal to that of this Arabian. This Nushir-
• Abuheda, + D'Herbeiot. : Abulfeda.
Hej. 39. A.D. 659. MOAWITAH's INCUKSIONS. 325
wan was surnamed " the Just ;" he was the son of Hormisdas,
king of the Persians, and reigned contemporary with Maurice
and Phocas. Mohammed was born in his reign, as he says
himself, in the Koran, " I was born in the days of the Jusf
king."
The truce, however, was but of short duration, for in the
beginning of the fortieth year Moawiyah began to exert him-
self in earnest, and sent Ebn Arthah with three thousand
horse towards that province of Arabia called Hejaz, to seize
its two principal towns, Mecca and Medina, with which ho
had secretly kept up a correspondence ever since Othman's
death, and by this means to open himself a way into Yemen,
or "Arabia the Happy." Upon his approach All's two
governors abandoned their respective charges, for want of
forces sufficient to make a defence, and Ebn Arthah made
the inhabitants take the oath of allegiance to Moawiyah.
After shedding some blood at Medina, which gave the people
an aversion to Moawiyah's government, he proceeded in his
march to Arabia Felix, where he put some thousands to the
sword.
All this while Moawiyah was in Syria, at Damascus, and
Ali at Cufah. Ali always prayed publicly for Moawiyah,
Amrou, and Dehoc ; Moawiyah, on the other side, prayed for
Ali, Hasan, and Hosein.
Abdallah,* governor of Yemen, foreseeing very well that
he should be visited by Ebn Arthah, made the best prepar-
ation he was able, but to no purpose. He managed to es-
cape himself, but was obliged to leave his two little boys
behind him, both of whom Ebn Arthah barbarously mur-
dered. This cruel act not only occasioned great grief to the
father, but raised a just abhorrence in every body else. Ali
was extremely touched, and cursed the author of such a
horrible outrage, begging of God to take away his senses and
understanding. They say, that towards the latter end of his
days he did really turn fool, and was always calling for his
* D'Herbelot is here mistaken, for it was not, as he supposes, Abdallah
Ebn Abbas, who was governor of Bassorah ; but Abdallah, governor of
Yemen, whom, as we have before noted, Ali put into that lieutenancy at
his first coming to the caliphate. Besides, how should the governor of
Bassorah receive a visit from him in his retuz'n i'roni Arabia Felix into
Syria!
323 HISTOET OF THE SAEACEIfS. All
Bword, which his friends perceiving, gave him one made of
wood, and another hollow one full of air; and that th.s poor
wretch imagined that at every blow he struck with his
wooden sword against the other, he killed an enemy.
However, Ali did not omit the sending Jariyah to pursue
Ebn Arthah with four thousand horse ; but he had scarce set
out towards Yemen, when the other was retin-ning into Syria.
About the same time another great calamity befell Ali. His
brother Okail went over to Moawiyah, who received him
with open arms, and assigned him large revenues. Okail
alleged no other excuse for his defection, but that his
brother Ali had not entertained him according to his quality.*
A little while after the battle of Naharwan, three of those
among the Karegites that were the most zealous for the ad-
vancement of their sect, met together at Mecca, and making
frequent mention among themselves of those that were killed
in the battle, magnified their merit and bewailed their loss.
These three men, Abdarrhaman the son of Melgem, Barak
the son of Abdallah, whom some surname Turk, and Amrou
the son of Beker, said one to the other, " If Ali, Moawiyah,
and Amrou the son of Aas, these false Imams, were dead, the
affairs of the Mussulmans would be in good condition." Imme-
diately the first of them said to his companions, " For my
par*-^ if you will, I will give you a good account of Ali." The
• " Okail had complained to Ali of the slendemess of his means, and re-
quested that an addition to his salary might be made Jiim from the public
treasury. This Ali refused to do, but upon being repeatedly urged by his
brother, he at length desired Okail to meet him at night, when they would
break into the house of a wealthy neighbour, and find ample means for
his wants. ' Are you serious V demanded Okail, with a mixture of siu-prise
and indignation. ' On the great day of account,' replied Ali, ' how much
easier shall I acquit myself against the accusation of a soUtary individual,
than against the united cry of the whole community of Islam, indindually
possessed of that property which you ■nish me to give to thee V
" Other vn-iters, however, say, that when Okail applied to his brother for
an augmeijtation of his pension, the latter desired him to wait for a moment,
and withdrawing into his o\vn house, he presently returned with a piece of
red-hot iron, which he requested Okail to hold in his hand. The latter of
course declined. ' Nay, then,' said Ali, ' if you cannot sustain the heat
which has been produced by man, how can you expect me to expose myself
to the fire which God will kindle.' Okail thus seeing that his applcation
would not be attended to, left Cufah, and joined ]\'Ioa\viyah." — Priee c .U>
hammedan Hittory,
Hej. 40. A.D. 660. A CONSPIRACY BISCOYERED. 327
second, hearing this discourse, said he would undertake to
make a good riddance of Moawiyah ; and the third promised
to kill Amrou Ebn Aas. These three men being thus una-
nimously resolved to execute their murderous design, pitched
upon a Friday (the day of the solemn assembly of the Mus-
sulmans), which fell upon the seventeenth of the month Ra-
madan. After having poisoned their swords, every man took
his road; the first that to Cufah, the second that to Damascus,
and the third that to Egypt.
Barak, one of the three devotees, being arrived at Damas-
cus, struck Moawiyah in the reins, but the wound was not
mortal. The surgeon that was called to see him, after having
searched and considered it, gave him his choice, either to
be cauterized, or drink a potion that should render him in-
capable of generation. Moawiyah without any hesitation
chose the latter, and did in reality remain the rest of his days
without having any other children besides those which were
born to him before he received his wound.
The assassin, who was instantly seized, discovered the con-
spiracy which he had made with his two comrades, and was
condemned to have his hands and feet cut off, and be suffered
to live. He did survive the execution of this sentence ; but
one of Moawiyah's friends being informed of it, said that it
was by no means reasonable that the assassin who had hin-
dered Moawiyah from having children should have any of
his own, went and killed him with his own hands.
Amrou Ebn Beker, the second of the conspirators, was in
Egypt, on Friday the seventeenth of the month Ramadan,
the day appointed to strike his blow; Amrou Ebn Aas was
then, fortunately for him, troubled with a fit of the cholic,
which hindered him that day from performing the office of
Imam in the mosque ; wherefore he appointed another to
supply his place, who fell doAvn dead with the blow, which
the assassin, who mistook him for Amrou, gave him. The
murderer, as he v/as led to execution, said, without any
concern, " I designed Amrou, but God designed another."
Other authors say,* that when he was brought before Amrou,
he asked who that was. They told him Amrou. " Whom,
then," said he, " have I killed r" They answered Karijah.
• Abulfeda.
328 HISTORY OP THE SARACENS. AiJ
Then Amrou said to him, " You meant Amrou, but God
meant Karijah."
The third of these conspirators, Abdarrhaman,* in the exe-
cution of his wicked design against Ali, had better success than
his other two companions had against their intended victims.
On his arrival at Cufah, he took up his lodgings at a woman's
house, whose nearest relations had been killed at the battle
of Naharwan, and who for that reason cherished in heart a
strong desire of being revenged upon Ali.f Abdarrhaman,
finding this woman in a position so favourable to his design,
used his utmost efforts to gain her goodwill, at the same
time making her an overture of marriage, to which she an-
swered:— "The dowry which I will have of the man that mar-
ries me, shall be three thousand drachmas of silver, a slave, a
maid, and All's head." Abdarrhaman instantly accepted the
conditions. When he therefore was proceeding to put his
design in execution, she joined with him two other men,
whose names were Derwan and Sheith, to assist him.J
During all the month of Ramadan in which he was killed,
Ali had several presages of his death, and in private, Anong
his friends, used occasionally to let drop some words to that
purpose. Once, after he had undergone a great deal of un-
easiness, he was heard to say, " Alas ! my heart, there is need
of patience, for there is no remedy against death !" In short,
Friday the seventeenth of this month being come, he went
out of his house early in the morning to go to the mosque,
and it was observed that the household birds made a great
noise as he passed through his yard ; and that one of his
slaves having thrown a cudgel at them to make them quiet,
he said to him, " Let them alone, for their cries are only
lamentations foreboding my death."
As soon as he came into the mosque, those three vilhiini
* D'Herbelot.
t Price informs us that Abdarrhaman became violently enamoured of
this woman, whose uncommon beauty and attractions he was unable to re-
sist. Her name was Kettaumah. An Arab writer adds, " That her face was
like the glorious reward of the virtuous, and the tresses which adorned her
cheek like the black records of the villain's guilt."
J Abulfeda says, Werdan and Shabib. The same letters may be read for
both. D'Herbelot seems to have read it in Persian, in which writing, w y
like d, and sometimes r. But Werdan and Shabib are the right nances.
H«J. 40. A.D. ceo. All ASSA.SINATED.
who waited for him, pretended to quarrel among themselves,
and drew their swords.
Derwan ••• made a blow at Ali, but missed him, and the blow
fell upon the gate of the mosque. Abdarrhaman struck him
upon the head, just in the same place where he had received
a wound in the battle of Ahzab, which was fought in
Mohammed's time, and that stroke was mortal. The three
assassins had time to make their escape, without being appre-
hended. Derwan f crept home, where a man who had seen
him with his sword in hand against Ali, went and killed him.
Shabib took to his heels, and ran so well, that he was never
caught. Abdarrhaman concealed himself for some time.
When Ali was asked who was the author of such an enor-
mous attempt against his life, he answered, " You shall soon
hear tidings of him." In short a Mussulman having found
Abdarrhaman hid in a corner, with his sword in his hand,
asked him if it was not he that had wounded Ali ; the assas-
sin, willing to deny it, was constrained by his own conscience
to confess it ; and was instantly brought before Ali. Ali
delivered him in custody to his eldest son Hasan, with orders
to let him want nothing ; and if he died of his wound,
then to execute his murderer at one stroke only. Hasan
punctually obeyed the command of his father, who died on
the 19th, 20th, or 21st of the same month, that is, the third,
fourth, or fifth day after he was wounded. This is the
account which the learned D'Herbelot gives of the death of
the murderer, taken, as I suppose, from out of his Persian
authors. But Tabari and Abulfeda, authors of great account
among the Arabians, relate it quite difierently ; Abidfeda
says, " That first his hand was cut ofi", and then his foot on
the opposite side ; next they put out his eyes with a red hot
iron, then cut out his tongue, and afterwards burned him ;"
to which he adds, " the curse of God be upon him.";]: This
account I take to be much the more probable, considering the
neinousness of the crime and the temper of that people. For
though it is not at all improbable that Ali gave such orders, yet
I can by no means be induced to believe that they were so
mercifully executed. Doubtful, however, as may be the
manner of his death, it is quite certain that the heretica
look upon him as a martyr.
• Werduu ♦ Id. + Abulfeda.
330 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. An
As to All's age, also, authors differ. Some say he was
sixty-three, others sixty-six, and some fifty-uine. The time
of his caliphate was five years all but three months. Neither
are AVTiters 1 etter agreed as to the place of his burial ; accord-
ing to some he was buried opposite to the mosque in Cufah,
or according to others in the royal palace ; while a third class
igain asserted that his son Hasan conveyed him to Medina,
and laid him by the side of his wife Fatima.* The most
probable opinion is, that he was buried in that place which,
to this day, is visited by the Mussulmans as his tomb ;
at which a great many oblations are usually left by the
devotees.
As to his person, he had a very red face, large eyes, a
prominent belly, a bald head, a large beard ; he was very
hairy on the breast, rather short than middle-sized ; of a good
look, florid and youthful, and frequently smiling. He had in
all nine wives, the first of whom was Fatima, Mohammed's
daughter, during whose life he married no other. By her he
had three childi-en, Hasan, Hosein, and Mohassan, of whom
the last died in infancy.
The second wife was Omm-al Nebiyin, by whom he had
four children, Abdallah, Abbas, Othman, and Jaasar, who
were all four killed at the battle of Kerbelah.t
His third Avife, named Asimah, was the mother of Jahya
and Aoun.
The fourth, whose name was 0mm Habibah was the mother
of Omar.
The sixth, whose name was Caulah, was the mother of
Mohammed Ebn Hanifiyah, of whom we shall give a further
account in the sequel of the history.
I find no particular mention of the names of the rest of his
wives ; two more sons, however, are mentioned, Mohamm^ed
the younger, and Amrou, who were born of seme one or other
of them.
Though there are but fourteen sons mentioned here, it
is certain he had fifteen, whereof five only left any posterity
behind them : namely, Hasan, Hosein, Mohammed Ebn Hani-
fiyah, Abbas, and Amrou. As for the number of his daughterSj
they are usually reckoned at eighteen.
• Abulfeda says that in this opinion he chooses to follow Ebn Al Athir.
t D'Herbelot.
I
Hcj. 40.A.D. 660. ANECDOTES OV ALT. 333
This particular account of All's family may seem super-
fluous to some, but i\, a\'J1 hOD be so regarded by those who
consider the great changes aud revolutions which have been
made by it in the several sacceeding generations of the Mus-
sulmans, and of what impC/rtance it is throughout the whole
course of their history.
Strange things are repoi ted of Ali. One thing particularly de-
serving to be noticed is that his mother was dehvered of him at
Mecca, in the very temple itself; which never happened to
any one else. The name that his mother gave him first
was Caid ; but Mohammed his cousin-german changed it
into Ali.
Among the many surnames, or honourable titles, which
the Mussulmans bestow upon Ali, there are two principal
ones ; the first of which is "Wasi, which signifies, in Arabic,
legatee, mandatary, executor of a man s will, and heir, " that
is, of Mohammed."* His second title is Mortada or Mortadi.)"
which signifies " beloved by, or acceptable to, God." They
called him, even whilst he was alive, Esed Allah algalib, " the
victorious lion of God ; " to which may be added, Haidar,
which also in the Arabic language signifies " a lion." The Shii,
who are his followers, or rather adorers, frequently caU him.
Faid alanwar, " the distributer of lights or graces." And in
Persian, Shah Mordman, "the king of men," and Shir Khoda
" the lion of God."
The greatest part of the Mussulmans pretend that Ali was
the first that embraced their religion. And according to
tradition he was a very early Mussulman indeed, for it seems
he made profession of that religion in his mother's womb.
For aU the time she was big of him he hindered her from
prostrating herself before her idol which she used to worship.
The form of benediction or blessing which the Mussulmans
always add when they name him, is " God glorify the face of
him." They say, moreover, that Mohammed, talking of him,
said, " Ali is for me, and I am for him ; he stands to me in
the same rank as Aaron did to Moses ; I am the town
in which all knowledge is shut up, and he is the gate of it."
However, these great eulogies did not hinder his name,
• D'Herbelot.
t From whence it is that our Europuua travellers corruptly call Uiu
Mort'a Ali, which the leaders take to have been his name.
532 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACENS. Au
and that of all his family, from be<.ng cursed, and their per-
sons excommunicated through all the mosques of the empire
of the caliphs of the house of Ommiyah, from Moawiyah
down to the time of Omar Ebn Abdalaziz, who suppressed
this solemn malediction. There were besides several caliphs
of the house of Abbas, who expressed a great aversion to
Ali and all his posterity ; such as Motaded and Motawakkel,
to whom he is reported to have appeared in their sleep and
threatened with his indignation. On the other hand, the
Fatimite caliphs of Egypt caused his name to be added to that
of Mohammed in the publication of the times of prayer,
which is made from the turrets of the mosques.
It is said that the sepulchre of Ali was kept hid during the
reign of the family of Ommiyah, and not discovered till the
accession of the Abbasides, which is not credible. In the year
367 of the Hejirah(A.D. 977), Abhaudedaulatbuilt asumj)tuous
monument over it, which the Persians generally call Kon-
bud Faid alanwar, " the dome of the dispenser of the lights
and graces." Now, notwithstanding the sepulchre of Ali,
near the city of Cufah, is very well known, there are some of
his sect who believe him to be still alive, and affirm, that he
will come again at the end of the world, and fill the earth
with justice. Some among them are so extravagant as to
make him a divine person. The more moderate say, that he
is not truly God, but that in a great many things he partakes
of the divine nature.
Among all the Mohammedans alike Ali has a great reputa*
tion for wisdom. There is extant of his a " Centiloquium,"
or " a hundred sentences," which have been translated out of
Arabic into Turkish and Persian. There is likewise a collec-
tion of verses by him under the title of " Anwar Alokail."
And in the Bodleian library there is a large book of his sen-
tences, a specimen whereof we have annexed to this history.
But his most celebrated piece is that entitled " Jefr we
Jame." It is written on parchment in a mystic character
intermixed with figures, which narrate or typify all the grand
events that are to happen from the foundation of Mussul-
manism to the end of the world. This parchment, which is
deposited in the hands of his family, has not up to this time
been deciphered. Jaaf',>r Sadck has indeed succeeded in par-
tially interpreting it ; but the entire explication of it is
HeJ. 40. A. D 660. ALl's WRITINGS. 833
reserved for the twelfth Imam, who is surnamed by way of
excellence, the Mohdi, or " Grand Director."
Besides these books of v/hich we have been speaking, we
find in different authors several sentences and apophthegms,
under the name of Ali. The following, which is one of the
most instructive, is quoted by the author of " Rabi Alakyar,"
" He that would be rich without means, powerful without
subjects, and subject without a master, hath nothing to do
but to leave off sinning and serve God, and he will find these
three things." One of his captains having asked him one
day, with impudence enough, what was the reason that the
reigns of Abubeker and Omar his predecessors were so peace-
able, and that of Othman and his own Avere so full of troubles
and divisions, Ali answered him very wisely ; " The reason is
plain, it is because Othman and I served Abubeker and
Omar during their reigns ; and Othman and I found nobody
to serve us but you, and such as are like you.''
Somebody having told Ali one day that Moawiyah had
said that he and those of his house distingmshed them-
selves by their bravery, Zobeir and his family made a noise
with their magnificence, but that for his own part and his
family's, they did not pretend to distinguish themselves from
others, or by anything but their humanity and clemency.
Ali answered those that told him so, that it looked as if Moa-
wiyah had made use of artifice in his discourse, having a
mind, if possible, to spur on Zobeir and him to show off
their magnificence and bravery ; to the end that the one,
throwing himself into a vast expense, and the other into grea".
hazards, they might not be in a condition to oppose his usurp-
ation ; while he himself sought to gain the affections of the
people by boasting of the sweetness of his temper.
There is, moreover, in the book entitled " Rabi Alakyar"
another maxim of Ali, which is very memorable and very con-
trary to the conduct of those who vaunt themselves upon the
account of their being of his sect. " Take great care," said
he, " never to separate yourselves from the fellowship of the
otner Mussulmans ; for he that separates himself from them
belongs to the devil, as the sheep that leave the flock belong
to the wolf. Therefore give no quarter to him who marches
under the standard of schism, though he has my turban upon
his head, for he carries along with. the infallible mark of
334 HISTOET OF THE SARACENS. Al*
a man that is out of the way. ' It should here be remarkecl,
by the way, that those of the sect of Ali have not only a
turban made after a particular fashion ; but that they also
t\vist their hair after a manner quite different from the rest of
the Mussulmans.*
Hosain Waez also, in his paraphrase and commentary upon
the Koran, recites the following passage from Ali : — " God
hath given men two Imams, that is to say, two pontifs or
mediators between him and them. The first is the prophet
who is gone, and is no more among them. The second
which remains and shall continue always with them is the
prayer which they make to obtain pardon of sins."
Ali's sectaries are called by the Mussulmans (who entitle
themselves Somnites, that is, observers of the tradition, or
orthodox) by the scandalous name of Shii, which is formed
from the term Shiyah, and signifies properly a scandalous,
reprobate sect. A sect that follows approved opinions, is
called by the Arabs, Medheb. But these sectaries of Ali,
of whom we are speaking, do not call themselves by that
opprobrious designation. On the contrary, they apply it to
their adversaries, calling their own sect Adaliyah, which
means the religion of them that follow justice and the right
side.
The partisans of Ali have, in greater or less numbers, al-
ways been dispersed throughout all the countries of the
empire of the Mvissulmans, and have from time to time raised
considerable disturbances. They have possessed several
kingdoms both in Asia and Africa. At this day all the great
empire of the Persians, and one half of the princes of the
Uzbecks, whose dominions lie beyond the river Gihon, and
some Mohammedan kings of the Indies, make profession of
this sect.f
* D'Herbelot.
+ Somnites and Shiites are the two leading sects into which the Moham-
medan world is divided ; and they have gone on cursing and persecuting
each other, without any intermission for about eleven hundred years. Tlie
Somni is the established sect in Turkey, and the Shia in Persia. The
ditFerences between them turn chiefly upon trinal points, which are thui
happily satirized by Thomas Moore in the sixth letter of his " Twopenny
Tost Bag."
•* You know our Somnites, — hateful dogs
Whom every pious Shiite flogs,
HeJ-40. A.n.6e0. 50MNITES AND SHIITES. 335
These are the principal memoirs relating to that great
caliph, who, laying aside all those impertinent fabalous
stories which they tell of him, was, if he be considered witft.
Or longs to flog* — 'tis tnie, they pray
To God, but in an ill-bred way ;
With neither arms, nor legs, nor faces,
Stuck in their right canonic places, t
'Tis true, they worship All's name 1^ —
Their heaven and ours are just the same —
(A Persian's heaven is eas'ly made,
'Tis but black eyes and lemonade.;
Yet, though we've tried for centuries back —
We can't persuade this stubborn pack,
By bastinadoes, screws, or nippers.
To wear th' established pea-green slippers. $
Then, only think, the libertines !
They wash their toes — they comb their chins || —
With many more such deadly sins ;
And what's the worse (though last 1 rank i*-),
Believe the Chapter of the Blanket !
•* Yet, spite of tenets so flagitious,
(Which must, at bottom, be seditious;
Since no man living would refuse
Green slippers, but from treasonous view* ;
Nor wash his toes, but with intent
To overturn the government,) —
Such is our mild and tolerant way,
We only curse them twice a day,
(According to a form that's set).
And, far from torturing, only let
All orthodox believers beat 'em,
And twitch their beards, where'er they meet 'em."
• "Les Somnites, qui etaient conmie les Catholiquesde Musulmanisme."
—D'Herbelot.
f " In contradistinction to tlie Sounis, who la their prayers cross their
hands on the lower ]iart of the breast, the Schiahs drop their arms in
straight lines ; and the Sounis, at certain periods of the prayer, press
their foreheads on the ground or carpet, the Schiahs." — Forster's Voyage.
X " Les Turcs ne detestent pas Ali reciproquement ; au contraire, ils le
reconnaissent," &c., &c. — Chardin.
§ " The Shiites wear green slippers, which the Somnites consider as a
great abomination." — Mariti.
II For these points of difference, as well is for the Chapter of the
Blanket, see Picart's Moh<imr ^sdati Sects
33c HISTORY OF THE SA.RACENS. Ali
regard to his coiirago, temper, piety, and understanding, one
of the greatest men that was ever born in that nation. The
inscription of his seal was, " The kingdom belongs to the
only mighty God." *
* The following anecdotes of Ali are chiefly extracted from " Oriental
Table Talk," translated by Jonathan Scott, Esq. See Ouseley's "Oriental
Collections."
Once when Mohammed and Ali were eating dates together, the formei
placed all the shells on the plate of the latter unperceived, and on finishing
their repast, he said, " He who has most shells must have eaten most."
" No," says Ali, " he surely must have eaten most who has swallowed the
shells also."
An Arabian once, in a mosque where Ali was present, said his prayers
in such an improper manner of pronunciation, as enraged the caliph, who,
when he had ended, reproved him, and, hurling his slippers at his breast,
commanded him to repeat them, which the Arab did with great propriety
of tone and emphasis. After he had done, says Ali, "Surely thy last
prayers were better than the former." " By no means," replied the Arab,
" for the first I said from devotion to God, but the last from dread of thy
slippers."
A Jew said to the venerable Ali, in argument on the truth of their re-
spective religions, " You had not even deposited your prophet's body in the
earth when you quarrelled among yourselves." Ali replied, " Our divisions
proceeded from the loss of him, not concerning our faith ; but your feet
were not j-^et dry from the mud of the Red Sea, when you cried unto Moses,
saying, make us gods like those of the idolaters, that we may worship them."
Tlie Jew was confounded.
A person complained to Ali, sajing, " A man has declared he dreamed
that he slept with my mother, may I not inflict upon him the punishment
of the law ? — what is it 1" Ali replied, " Place him in the sun, and beat
his shadow ; for what can be inflicted on an imaginar}' crime but imaginary
correction ? "
The following decision is creditable to the ingenuity of Ali : — Two
travellers sat down to dine ; the one had five loaves, the other three. A
stranger passing by, asked leave to eat with them, and they liospitably
agreed thereto. After dinner, the stranger laid do^vn eight pieces of money
for his fare, and departed. The owner of the five loaves took up five
pieces, and left three for the other, who insisted upon getting half. The
case was brought before Ali for his decision, and he gave the following judg-
ment : — " Let the owner of the five loaves take seven pieces of money, and
the other but one." And this was the exact proportion of what each fur-
nished for the stranger's entertainment ; for, dividing each loaf into three
shares, the eight loaves gave twenty-four shares, and as they all fered alike,
each person's proportion was a third of the whole, or eight shares. The
stranger therefore, ate seven shares of the five loaves, and only one of the
three loaves ; and in this manner the caiiph divided the money between
the owners.
HeJ. 40.A.I). 660. SENTENCES OF XLI. 337
SENTENCES OF ALI,
SON-I\-LAW OF MOHAMMED, AND HIS FOURTH SVCCESSOB.
PREFACE.
If prondence hath removed us to a greater distance from the influence
of those genial rays which ripen the wits of the eastern nations, it hath
made us abimdant amends, by indulging us in this conceit, that we are
wiser than all the rest of the world besides.
There are some sorts of pleasing madness of which it would be cruelty
to cure a man. By bringing him to his senses you make him miserable.
You will ask me, perhaps, what is the meaning of all this ? Why, in
good truth, the meaning of it is, a just indignation against the impertinence
of those who imagine that they know every thing, when in reality they
understand nothing.
And, to be more particular, the folly of the westerns, in despising the
wisdom of the eastern nations, and looking upon them as brutes and barba-
rians ; whilst we arrogate to ourselves every thing that is ivise and polite;
and if we chance to light upon a just thought, we applaud ourselves upon
the discovery, though it was better understood three thousand years ago.
This happens to us through want of good reading, and a true way of
thinking; for the case is this, that little smattering of knowledge which we
have is entirely derived from the east. They first communicated it to the
Greeks (a vain, conceited people, who never penetrated into the depths of
oriental wisdom) ; from whom the Romans had theirs. And after bar-
barity had spread itself over the western world, the Arabians, by their
conquests, restored it again in Europe. And it is the wildest conceit that
can be imagined, for us to suppose that we have greater geniuses, or greater
application, than is to be found in those countries. If it be allowed that
we have of late made greater advances in the sciences, that is not so much
to our present purpose, as the consideration of things of imiversal necessity,
the fear of God, the regulation of our appetites, prudent economy,
decency and sobriety of beha\'iour in all conditions and emergencies of
life; in any of which articles (which, after all, are the grand concern), if
the westerns have made any, even the least improvement, upon the eastern
wisdom, I must confess myself to be very much mistaken.
They have their wisdom by inheritance, derived &om their forefathers
through numerous generations. They are tenacious of their ancient cus-
toms, and retain the precepts of their ancestors; they couch more solid
wisdom under one single aphorism, than some Eiuopean writers would pat
into a system.
They govern their families with prudence and discretion. We make
their polygamy an objection against them; but we must consider that thej
are not Christians, and therefore continue their way of living after the
patriarchal manner. But, to say no more upon that point, how would
Z
338 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Ali.
they abhor and abominate the horrible instances which we have of Euro-
pean lewdness !
How would they smile, to see a man jangling it out vvdth his wife, for
thirty or forty years together, which of the two should govern the family '.
Others, calling riot and excess, impertinence and rage, good fellowship !
Another, bespeaking a new suit this week, lest he should be the jest of the
town and country for being out of fashion the next ! And some, encum-
bering one house with far-fetched and dear-bought superfluities, at such an
expense as would provide decent furniture for fifty !
Some persons of understanding have been of opinion, that the wisdom of
a nation may be judged of by the sententiousness of their proverbs and
sayings in common use among them : in this the Arabs excel aU nations.
As for their proverbs, strictly so called, in which there is allusion to some
history, animal, vegetable, or the like, they cannot be understood without
a comment, and do not come under our present consideration. What we
here present the reader with, is a Uttle collection of wise sentences, calcu-
lated for the direction of a man's conduct in affairs of the greatest consi-
deration, and are of the same nature as the Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus.
They are called the Sentences of Ali the Son of Abu Taleb. The
whole book is, as near as I can guess, not much less in bulk than our New
Testament. I shall not add any more concerning Ali in this place,
because I have written his life at large.
But I am far from believing that Ali was the author of all these sen-
tences. He might collect them, for aught I know, and add some more of
his own; but this I am sure of, that they savour of much greater antiquity
than the time in which he lived. He was contemporary with Mohammed,
who flourished in the year of our Lord six hundred and twenty-two.
Perhaps there are some svho will not allow the Arabians to have had so
much learning among them at that time, as to be able to undertake such a
work. But I shall not enter into that dispute at present.
The book is a venerable piece of antiquity, and it is pity but we had
it all translated ; which would be difficult to be exactly performed, unless
by a person who has had the advantage of travelling into the ea:>tem
countries.
To criticise upon it in the proper manner, one ought to have regard not
only to precepts of that kind, contained in the Old Testament, but what-
soever else can be found that is Je\vish, either in Ecclesiasticus, the
Talmud, Sentences of Ben Syra, or any other rabbinical records. Not that
I believe that the Arabians derived their knowledge from the Jews, but
that they were collateral with them in that respect; and that there are a
great many things which they derived from Abraham and Ishmael. The
same is to be conceived of the Idumeans, Moabites, and Ammonites; of
all which there is no question but there are remains in Arabia, though aa
yet lying undiscovered.
Which, that I may not seem to suggest without any reason at all, give
me leave to offer this for the present; that the contest, before the time of
Alexander the Great, lay between the eastern powers and the more western
parts of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Ethiopia. The peninsula of Arnbia
being conterminous, and yet quite out of the way of those numerous
armies ; it is reasonable to suppose that the distressed inhribitants, through
Hej .40. A.D. 660. SENTENCES OF ALL 339
whose country these forces were to pass, retired thither. And it was their
custom always, either at the parting with their children, and especially
upon their death-beds, to recommend to them some few precepts founded
upon their own or their forefathers' experience, which, afterwards increas-
ing, were collected into volumes by wise and learned men. After the same
manner Ecclesiasticus was written, as appears by the preface of it, and this
Arabic one of ours, without aU question ; but how or by whom remains
yet undiscovered.
The sentences are full, and to the purpose. They breathe a spirit of
devotion, strictness of life, and express the greatest gravity, and a most
profound experience in all the affairs of human life. It is not expected
that there should be a point in every one of them, nor that we need be
surprised at every line, when we knew from the divine books the contents
of it before.
All that I say, is, that there is enough, even in this little handful, to
vindicate the Arabians from the imputation of that gross ignoreuice fastened
upon them by modem novices.
SENTENCES OF ALL
1. Fear God, and you will have no cause to fear any one else.
2. Resist thyself, and thou shalt have peace.
3. The fear of God purifieth the heart.
4. The best riches are those employed in the service of God.
5. Resignation to the divine will, is the healing of the heart.
6. The disease of the heart is in concupiscence.
7. A man's behaviour is the index of the man ; and his discourse is
the index of his understanding.
8. The coin of the miser is as worthless as a pebble.
9. A single offence counts for much, a thousand services for verj little,
10. The remembrance of youth is a sigh.
11. The sight of a friend brighteneth the eye.
12. Honour thy father, and thy son vriW honour thee.
13. The enjoyment and delight of life consisteth in security.
14. The order of a wise man is the highest of orders.
] 5. Thy lot (or portion of life) is seeking after thee ; therefore be at
rest from seeking after it.
16. The restraining the soul [or self] from its appetite, is the greatest
holy war.
1 7. Consider well the consequences, and thou shalt escape from ai false
stops.
18. The favour of God is the greatest of all ends to be obtained.
z 2
S40 HISTOUT OF THE SABACENS. Am.
19. The favour of God is joined to obedience to him.
20. Thy delight in thyself arises from the corruption of thy
understanding.
21. Thy delight in the world arises from the badness of thy choice, and
the misery of thy labour.
22. He delights in contempt who confideth his grievance to another.
23. The showing mercy to the afflicted bringeth down mercy.
24. He dehghts in disappointment who depends upon bad men for hia
subsistence.
25. I delight more in the determination [or opinion] of a Religious,*
than in the strength of a man.
26. The control of thy appetites will prociu-e thee riches.
27. The control of the appetites cuts off men's observation.
28. A man's advice is the proof of his understanding.
29. Every man's portion is as much determined as his latter end.
30. A man's advice is according to the measure of his experience.
31. A man's subsistence is according to what he proposeth, i. e. accord-
ing to his management ; because every action of his life tends to some-
thing or other which contributes either to the increasing or diminishing him.
Not that this can be affirmed of every action considered abstractedly, but
as it connects those actions together which necessarily tend to the
determining a man's condition of life.
32. Gentle behaviour and liberality procure the love even of your
enemies.
33. A man's messenger is the interpreter of his meaning ; but his letter
is of more efficacy than his discourse.
34. The apostles of God, he be praised, are the interpreters of the
truth, and the ambassadors between the Creator and the creature.
35. The delight of the servant in himself is inseparable from the
displeasm-e of his master.
36. Consider before thou doest any thing, and thou shalt not be blamed
in what thou doest.
37. The glittering ornaments of the world spoil weak understandings..
38. Liberality produces love.
39. The performance of promises causes unity.
40. Abstinence is the pathway of pure rjli.ion.
41. Concupiscence is the forenmner of certain destruction.
42. Trust in God is the cause of pure faith.
43. Desire tends to the destruction of the understanding.
44. The love of thj present world is the source of misery.
* In the Arabic it is Assheick, which signifies a professed doctor, that
Uveth up to the strictness of the law.
tttJ. 40. A. D. 660. SENTENCES OF ALL 341
45. Infidelity is the cause of the removal of God's blessing.
46. Giving way to anger is the cause of destruction.
47. Good education is the cause of a refined disposition.
48. Gentleness of behaviour causes esteem.
49. The power of religion enforces abstinence.
50. Thankfulness engenders increase.
51. For the soul to be employed about what shall not accompany it
after death, is the greatest weakness.
52. To depend upon every one without distinction, is weakness of
undei-standing.
53. He is the man of tmderstanding, that overcometh his appetite, and
will not sell his world to come for his present world.
54. He is the cunning man that looks more narrowly after himself than
other people.
55. It is fear which withholds the soul from sin, and restrains it from
transgression.
56. He is a prudent man that restrains his tongue from detraction.
57. He is a believer that purifieth his heart from doubt.
58. Riches are a damage to the owner, except that part of them which
he sends before him.
59. The world is the shadow of a cloud, and the dream of sleep.
60. The works of the truly pious are pure, their eyes weeping, and theu
hearts trembling.
61. The souls of the truly pious are contented, and their appetites dead;
their countenances cheerful, and their hearts sorrowful.
6"2. The believer always remembers God, and is full of thought : he is
thankful in prosperity, and patient in adversity.
63. Partnership in possession leadeth to confusion : partnership in counsel
leadeth the right way.
64. Knowledge caUeth out to practice; and if it answereth, well; if not^
it goeth awa\' .
65. The things of this life proceed by divine decree, not by our adminis-
tration.
66. There are two sorts of patience ; the one, by which we bear up in
adversity, which is fine and beautiful ; but the other that by which wo
withstand the commission of evil, is better.
67. A man's entertaining a mean opinion of himself is a demonstration
of the gravity of his understanding, and a branch of the r.bundance of his
excellency.
68. A man's admiring himself is a demonstration of his deficiency, and
a branch of the weakness of his understanding.
69. He that firmly believeth in a future state, is, upon his own account,
the most melancholy man of all men in the world.
842 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEJfS. Aju.
70. He that perishes, is one that busies himself beside himself, and
whose to-day is worse than his yesterday.
71. He is thy true friend, that takes care of thee as himself, and prefers
thee to his riches, children, and wife.
72. He is a wise man who can govern himself both in his anger, desire,
and fear.
73. Weeping out of the fear of God, enlighteneth the heart, and
fortifieth against the return of sin.
74. Opportunity is swift of flight, slow of return.
75. To make one good action constantly succeed another is the perfection
of goodness.
76. Patience in poverty, with a good reputation, is better than a plentiful
maintenance with contempt.
77. A wise enemy is better than a foolish friend. *
78. A man's affliction is the forerunner of his prosperity. *
79. Men are more like the time they live in than they are like theii
fathers.
80. A man that knoweth the just value of himself doth not periah.
8 1 . The value of every man is the good which he doth,
82. He that knows himself, knows his Lord.
83. A man is hid imder his tongue.
84. No praise with pride.
85. Innocence is incompatible with covetousness.
86. There is no rest where there is envy.
87. It concerns thee more to flee from thyself, than from a lion.
88. He that hath no courage, hath no religion.
89. A wise man is never poor.
90. There is no generosity in a liar.
91. He that is fearful, will be secure at his journey's end.
S2. No health with gluttony.
93. No generosity of spirit with a bad education.
94. A man govemeth his people by doing them good.
95. The tongue of a wise man lieth behind his heart.
96. The heart of a fool lieth behind his tongue.
97. The complaisance of a fool is like a garden in a dunghill.
98. Impatience is more irksome than patience.
99. He that pursueth that which is not suitable for him, loseth that
which is suitable for him.
100. A man that is given to jesting will never fail of hatred sot
contempt.
.
HeJ. 40. A. D. 660. SENTENCES OF ALT. 343
101. Despair is a freeman, hope is a slave.*
102. The opinion of a wise man is as an oracle.
103. Enmity is business enough.
104. A covetous man doth not live.
105. His life is long whose labour is short.
106. The pursuit of good education is better than the pursuit of riches.
107. His grief is long whose hope is short.
108. Happy is he that hath no family.
109. It is better that kings should be unjust, than mean-spirited.
110. The thirst after wealth is greater than the thirst after drirJc.
111. He cheats you who makes you angry about a trifle.
112. A man's glory from his virtue is greater than the glcty of hia
pedigree.
113. Your victory over your enemy is your forbearance.
114. The freedom of a man consists in speaking truth.f
115. The strength of the heart is from the soundness of the faith.
116. The word of God is the medicine of the heart.
117. Death will rid you of the faults of the world.
118. There is a cure for all enmity but the enmity of the envious man.
119. Being acquainted with bad men is going to sea.
120. He that holdeth his peace doth not repent.
121. He that gives a listening ear to reproach is one of those that
deserve reproach.
122. Your being angry is reproachful before God.
123. The praise of a man is under his tongue.
124. The conversation of young men is destructive of religion.
125. A learned conversation is the garden of paradise.
126. The destruction of a man is the vehemency of his temper.
127. The forgetfulness of death is the rust of the heart.
128. The light of thy heart is in prayer in the darkness of the night.
129. The grejTiess of thy head is the news J of thy own death.
* So long as a man is in expectation, his thoughts are in suspense, and
he is in a slavish condition ; but as soon as he gives over his pursuit, he is
free and at liberty.
+ Not that a man is obliged to speak every truth that he knows or be-
lieves, but that a habit of speaking truth, as it flows from, so it naturally
supports, a generosity and freedom of spirit.
♦ That word which is here translated news, is used in a very pjirticularly
emphatic manner , for it signifies the veport of any person's death.
344 HISTORY OF THE SAKACENS. Ali.
130. Trust in God is the believer's castle.
131. Holy wars* are the pillars of religion, and the highways of the
happy : and to those that are engaged in them, the gates of heaven shall
be open.
132. Repentance purifieth the heart, and washetii away sin.
133. Mankind is divided into two parts or sorts; the one seeketh, and
doth not find ; another findeth, and is not contented.
134. The good man liveth, though he be translated to the mansions of
the dead.
135. The abstinence from evil is better even than doing good.
136. Knowledge is the ornament of the rich, and the riches of the poor
137. He that omitteth practice hath not sufficient faith in the rewarc
annexed to it.
138. Clemency in power, is a defence against the vengeance of God.
139. The reverence of God blotteth out a great many sins.
140. Resignation to the providence of God makes the greatest afflictionB
easy.
141. Quarrelling discovereth a man's folly, but addeth nothing to the
truth of his cduse.
142. Truth is the conformity of speech to the end for which God
ordained it.
143. A lie is perverting language from the end for which God ordained it.
144. Adversity makes no impression upon a brave soul.
145. Trust in God is a castle of defence to him that fleeth to it.
146. Impatience under affliction is worse than the affliction.
147. That man hath a brave soul who abstaineth from things unlaivful,
and keepeth at a distance from what is criminal.
148. Covetousness is the head of poverty, and the foundation of
wickedness.
149. A deceiver's tongue is sweet, and his heart bitter.
150. Perfection consists in three things ; patience in affliction ; modera-
tion in our pursuits ; and assisting him that asketh .
151. A wise man knoweth a fool, because he hath formerly been
ignorant himself ; but a fool doth not know a wise man, because he never
was wise himself.
152. The believer is always cautious of his sins : he dreads temptation,
and hopes for the mercy of his Lord.
153. Religion is a tree, the root of which is faith ; the branch, the fear
of God ; the flower, modesty ; f and the fruit, generosity of spirit.
* That is, wars undertaken for the support of religion, i. e. Mohammedan.
t Modesty is not here to be understood m opposition to unchasteness :
feut as proper deportment.
Hej. 40. A.D. 660. SENTENCES OF ALL 345
154. Anger is a fire kindled : he that restraineth it, putteth it out ; but
he that letteth it loose, is the first that is consumed by it.
155. Folly is an incurable disease.
156. They whose friendship is fixed on the Most High, their love
remaineth as long as the cause of it : but as for the friends of this present
world, their love is broken off as scon as the causes of it cease.
157. A fool doth not know what maketh him look little; neither will he
hearken to him that adnseth him.
158. Riches, without God, are the greatest poverty and misery.
159. Liberality and fortitude are noble things ; which God, giveth to
him whom he loveth and maketh trial of.
160. That man travels the longest journey, that undertakes the search
of a sincere friend.
161. He is the greatest of all fools, that doth no good, and would yet be
respected ; and doth that which is evil, and yet expecteth the reward of
the good.
162. The most odious of men to the most high God is he whose thoughts
are fixed upon his belly and his lust.
163. The most happy man, as to this life, is he to whom God hath given
wherewithal to be content, and a good mfe.
164. He is the most just man that doth justice upon himself without
any one else to judge him.
165. That man best deserv'eth a kindness who, when he is put off,
beareth it patiently ; when he is refused, excuseth it ; and when he
receiveth it, is thankful.
166. The diligence of the world, is idleness ; the honour of it, vileness ;
the height of it, lowness.
167. He that walketh upon the back of the earth,* is going into its belly.
168. A believer should be ashamed, when any action passeth him which
his religion doth not oblige him to do.
169. Justice is the balance of God, which he hath set for men ;
wherefore do not contradict him in his balance, nor oppose him in hia
dominion.
* By the back of the earth, he means the outside ; by the belly, the
graTC
346 HISTOEY or THE SAEAOENS. Hasan.
HASAN THE SON OF ALT, THE FIFTH CAIIPH AFTEE
MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 40, 41. a.d. 660, 661.
Aftee Ali had received his mortal wound, and there was no
room left for any hopes of recovery ; his friends inquired his
wishes as to his successor. He told them, that with regard
to that affair, he intended to foUow the example of the apostle
of God, who did not nominate any successor. That if it did
please God to favour the people, he would undoubtedly unite
their judgments, and enable them to make a good choice. So
the election fell of course without any scruple upon All's
eldest son Hasan, a man who inherited more of his father's
piety than his courage ; and was reverenced not only upon
the account of his near relationship to Ali, but also because
he was very studious of the practical part of religion, and
accounted by all a very good man.
As soon as his father Ali was dead, Hasan performed the
office which belonged properly to him as the eldest son.
Standing up he pronounced his father's eulogy, and said to
the people ; " You have killed a man (meaning his father)
on that same night in which the Koran came down fi-om
heaven, and Isa (Jesus), upon whom be peace, was lifted up
to heaven, and in which Joshua the son of Nun was killed ;
by God, none of his predecessors exceeded him, nor will any
of his successors ever be equal to him."* After this they
proceeded to Hasan's inauguration, which was begun by
Kais, addressing him in this form: — " Stretch out your hand,
as a token that you wUl stand by the book of God and the
tradition of the apostle, and make war against aU opposers."f
Hasan answered, " As to the book of God and the tradition
of the apostle, they will stand." Then the rest came in,
with whom he stipulated, that they should be subject and
obedient to him, and be at peace with his friends, and at war
with his enemies. This they generally did, but some of the
Irakians, who were quite weary of the Syrian war, hesitated
• Ebn Al Athir. t Abulfeda.
Hej. 41. A.D.661. HASAN WOUNDED. 347
at that condition, and said, " This man will never serve us for
a master; we are for no more fighting."
Notmthstanding the remissness and insubordination of the
greater party of Ali's men, forty (and some say sixty) thou-
sand had, it is said, before he was murdered, bound themselves
in an association, to stand by him to death, and that he was
making preparation to march against his rival at the head of
them. With this trusty body of his father's troops, Hasan
was persuaded, contrary to his o^vn inclination, to insist upon
his right, and renew the dispute with Moawiyah, who held
possession of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, and was proclaimed
caliph in those countries, even before All was killed, and re-
fused to acknowledge Hasan's title, because he accused him
of having been an accomplice in the murder of Othman.
Hasan was totally unqualified for such an undertaking,
being naturally of a peaceable disposition, and looking upon
the efiusion of Mussulmans' blood with the greatest horror
imaginable. Over-persuaded howe-s"er, by others, he set for-
wards on his march, having sent Kais before him with twelve
thousand men. Moawiyah was already on his route to meet
them, and after a skirmish between Kais and the Syrians, he
halted and determined to await Hasan's arrival. When the
latter came to Madayan, a disturbance broke out in his camp,
occasioned by the sudden murder of one of his men, which
was no sooner knoAvn, but the whole host was in such an up-
roar, that no regard was paid to his dignity or presence, but
in the tumult he was not only jostled from his seat, but re-
ceived a wound.* Upon this he retired into Madayan castle,
where the governor's nephew proposed to his uncle to put
him in irons, and make a present of him to Moawiyah : his
uncle gave him a hearty curse, and said, " What ! would you
betray the son of the daughter of the apostle of God?"
Hasan perceiving the people divided, and himself ill used and
almost deserted by the Irakians, weary of the fatigue and dis-
orders of the government, wrote to Moawiyah, profi"ering to
resign the caliphate to him upon certain terms.
Hosein his younger brother was utterly against Hasan's
abdication, as being a reflection upon, and disparagement to
the memory of their father Ali ;t but Hasan, well apprised of
• Ebn Al Athir. t Abulfaragiun,
348 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACENS, HAa*R«
Moawiyah's resolution on the one side, and the fickleness of
his own Irakians on the other, persisted in his determination.*
It is said that before the last battle he wrote to Moawiyah,
proposing certain conditions ; but that Moawiyah, before he
received his letter, had sent him a blank paper signed at the
bottom, bidding Hasan write what terms he pleased in it, and
he would take care to see them punctually performed. Hasan
took the pajDcr and doubled the conditions which he had
demanded in his letter ; and when he and Moawiyah came
together, he insisted upon the terms written in the blank
paper : which Moawiyah refused, and told him, that it was
reasonable he should be contented with those that he had
expressed in his letter, since it was his own proposition. The
articles that Hasan then stipulated for were these. First,
that Moawiyah should give him all the money in the treasury
of Cufah. Secondly, the revenues of a vast estate in Persia.
Thirdly, that Moawiyah should make no reproachful reflec-
tion upon his father Ali.f Moawiyah would not consent to the
last article. Then Hasan requested that he would at least
forbear doing it in his hearing ; which Moawiyah pronused
him, but did not keep to his engagement. J
The conditions agreed upon, Hasan and Moawiyah went
into Cufah together, when Amrou Ebn Al Aas gave Moawiyah
a hint, that he thought it proper for him to order Hasan to
stand up and testify his abdication. § Moawi3'ah did not
approve of that motion, for he knew very well that it was
superfluous for Hasan to acquaint the people with what
they were all eye-witnesses of, and that if he did speak at
all, it was more than probable that he would leave a sting
behind him ; but, overcome with Amiou's importunity, he
at length commanded Hasan to do it. Then Hasan stood up,
and having first praised God, said, " O people ! God, whose
name be magnified and glorified, directed you the right way
by the help of the first of our family, and hath prevented
the effusion of your blood by the means of the last of us.
Moawiyah contended with me concerning a matter, to which
I had a better pretension than he ; but I chose rather to
surrender it to him, than to shed the blood of the people.
♦ Tabari. Elmakin. + Abulfeda.
X Darajerd. § Tabari. Elmakin.
HeJ.41.A.D. 6CL RESIGNATION OF HASAN. 349
But even this affair also hath a time prefixed for its duration,
and the world is liable to changes."* Which last ■words, as
presaging a revolution, Moawiyah so disrelished, that he im-
mediately commanded Hasan to sit down, and chid Amrou
severely for his advice. Some authors, moreover, go so far
as to say, that he was so exasperated against Amrou, as
never to be heartily reconciled to him as long as he lived. +
Hasan, before his departure, stood up and told the Irak-
ians, that he had three things to lay to their charge : —
The murder of his father, the affronts offered to his own
person, and the robbing him of his goods. For, though
Moawiyah had promised him the treasury of Cufah, they
refused to let him have it, insisting that it was their property,
and could not, therefore, be alienated without their consent.
However, it was no great loss to him, for Moawiyah, once
possessed of the caliphate, which was the only thing he aimed
at, never grudged him any amount of revenue he might re-
quire. He assigned him about a hundred and fifty thousand
pounds a year, besides large presents. He and his brother
Hosein retired and lived privately at Medina.]: He spent
most of his vast revenue in deeds of charity. So little was
he attached to the things of this world, that twice in his
life-time he stripped himself of all that he had ; and three
other several times he divided half his substance among the
poor. His seal or motto during his caliphate was, " There is
no God but God, the true and manifest King."
Authors differ as to the precise time of his reign ; but
most assign him about six months, or a little over. Upon
his coming to Medina,§ Hasan was blamed by some of his
friends there for ha\dng so tamely and easily resigned ; but
the followers of Ali, Hasan, and Hosein to this very day look
upon it as a singular demonstration of his excellent dispo-
sition, and tender care of the people, upon account of which
he had been before commended by the prophet himself. To
those that asked him what induced him to resign so easily, he
answered, that he was weary of the world. Besides that,
the Cuiians were such a faithless people, that among
them never a man ever trusted another but he was a sufferer
* Abulfaragius. t ^IS. Hunt. No. 495.
J D'Herbelot, § MS. Hunt. No. 4.05.
350 HISXOBT OF THE SARACENS. Hasan
by it ; that never two of them concurred in their opinion and
desire of the same thing ; nor had they any regard either to
good or evU. Moreover, that their behaviour towards his
father had quite turned his thoughts from entertaining any
the least hopes of rectifying, by their assistance, anything
that was amiss ; and, to sum up their character, they were
the most thievish, mischievous people in the world.
Though this is the true character of the Cufians they yet
expressed a great reverence and aifection for Hasan. For
when, having made up his mind to resign, he began his
speech to them with these words : " We are your com-
manders and your chiefs, and we are of the family of the
house of your prophet, from which God hath removed pol-
lution, and whom he hath purified ;" there was not a man
present in the congregation but wept so .loud that you might
hear him sob. At his departure, too, from Cufah to Medina:
they evinced their love and sorrow with tears.
"VVhUst Hasan was living at Medina, some of the Kare-
gites, those heretics that had given his father so much disturb-
ance, made an insurrection against Moawiyah, who wi'ote to
Hasan, calling upon him to take the field against them. Hasan
desired to be excused ; and told him that he had relinquished
the chief care of public affairs on purpose to avoid it ; and
that if he had cared for fighting at all, it should have been
against him.
At last, in the forty-ninth year of their date, which falls in
with the six hundred and sixty-ninth of ours, Hasan died at
Medina, of poison, administered to him by one of his wives,*
whom Yezid, the son of Moawiyah, suborned to commit that
wickedness, on the promise of marrying her afterwards. But
instead of a new husband, she was forced to be contented
•with a good sum of money, which Moamyah gave her for
her pains ; for Yezid was not so mad as to trust him.self to
her embraces.
* " The woman's name was Jaidah, the daughter of Ashaath. The
method which she adopted for the accomplishment of her design was not
less remarkable than its consummate perfidy. Upon an occasion of anoint-
ing her hushand's person after the bath, she used a napkin which she had
previously impregnated with poison. The subtle preparation soon per-
vaded the frame of Hasan, and speedy and inevitable death was the con-
sequence. It is stated, on respectable authority, that she had made five
HeJ. 41. A D. Ml THE CALIPH POISONED. 351
Some writers say, that Moawiyah himself suborned some
of Hasan's servants, and net his wife, to poison him. How-
ever that may be, when the time of his death drew near, his
physician, as he was walking backwards and forwards about
the room, and, eyeing him narrowly, had said that his bowels
were eaten up with poison, his brother Hosein begged of
him to tell who had given him the fatal draught, and swore
to avenge his death on the murderer vdth his own hand
before his burial, if he could reach him ; if not, to send
somebody that should. But Hasan answered, " O brother !
the life of this world is made up of nights which vanish away ;
let him alone till he and I meet together before God :" and
refused to mention the person.
Hasan was born at Medina, in the middle of the month
Ramadan, i*' the third year of the Hejirah. There is an
infinity of ticditions concerning him and his brother Hosein;
and no wonder, considering they were the grandchildren of
one reputed to be an inspu-ed prophet by his only daughter.
Hasan is said to have been in person very like his grand-
father Mohammed, who, when he was born, spit in his mouth
and named him Hasan. Mohammed v/as used to express his
fondness for his grandchild in his infancy after the strangest
manner possible. And after he was a little older, when he
was kneeling at prayers, he would elbow the little Hasan to
come and clamber upon him ; and, to humour him, Moham-
med would hold him on, and prolong the prayers on purpose.*
Nay, sometimes in the midst of a discourse to the people, if
he saw Hasan and Hosein running towards him, he would
come down to them and embrace them, and take them up
^vith him into the pulpit ; then, making a short apology in
behalf of their innocency and tender age, proceed in his
discourse.
One of my authorsf says, "That the Syrians indeed set up
successive attempts without effect, but his constitution yielded to the sixth.
The siun which Jaidah is said to have received was 50,000 dirhems, about
£1,146."— Price,
* The Mohammedans say their prayers prostrated, sc that their fore-
heads touch the ground, though not all the while. Aid so we are to
imderstand it in the Old Testament, when it is said of an^ one, " he fell
down and worshipped ;" for the same word that signifies worship is used
for a ^lohammedan's saving his prayers.
t :MS. Hunt. No. 495.
852 HISTOET OF THE SAEACENS. Hasaw
Moawiyali at Jerusalem, because there was none to oppose them,
and that the Irakians set up Hasan against him, and would
undoubtedly have succeeded in their attempt, but for their mis-
management and divisions among themselves. Had they
but understood aright, they would have magnified the mercy
of God in giving them the apostle's grandson. What we
find in the book entitled, ' The Demonstrations of Prophecy,'
from the tradition of Sephinah, who was a servant or freed-
man of the apostle of God, is a proof that he was the right
successor. Here Mohammed is recorded to have said, ' The
caliphate shall continue after me thirty years, and after that
shall be a kingdom.' Now Mohammed died in the eleventh
year of the Hejirah, and Hasan's abdication was in the
fortieth. From whence it is plain, not only that Mohammed
is a prophet, but that Hasan is his rightful successor. Mo-
hammed, too, had prophetically praised Hasan, for thus
relinquishing the present perishable world, and desiring that
other which is permanent, and on this account sparing to shed
the blood of this people ; for Mohammed having one day
mounted the pulpit, while Hasan sat by him (which he fre-
quently used to do), after looking sometimes upon him, and
sometimes upon the people, called oiit, ' O people ! this son
of mine is lord, and God shall unite by his means two great
contending parties of the Mussulmans.' " The last anecdote
is from Al Bokhari, the great collector of the traditions of
Mohammed."*^
A woman once having presented Hasan with a bunch of
fine herbs, he asked her if she was a free woman ; the woman
told him she was a slave, but that the present she had made
was rare and curious. Hasan gave her her liberty, saying to
those that were present, " We have received this instruction
from God himself, that we ought to give to those that make
* I have not yet been able to find out who this author is from whom I
have taken this last arrjument, because the book is imperfect both at the
beginning and the end, and I could never find any other copy of him.
But he hath been of singular use to me throughout the whole course of
this history to the life of Merwan, the son of Hakem, where the copy
fails. I find in another passage, that he was himself the author of the
book of the ' Demonstrations of Prophecy which he mentions. He also
affirms, that he wrote another treatise to prove that it was impracticable
for Mohammed to marry Abu Sofian's daughter, of which more afterwards.
Whoever he was, it is certain he was a great Imam.
Hej. 47. A.D. G61. CHARACTER OF HASAX. 353
US presents something of more value than that which tliey
give us.'*'- Meaning, that this moral instruction is cou:hed
in the Koran, which *.he Mussulmans, blind as they are, yet
as they look upon it as the word of God, are careful to obey.
A wonderful instance is related of the moderation of the
caliph. A slave having spilled upon him, as he sat at table,
a dish of scalding broth, instantly threw himself down at his
knees, repeating these words of the Koran, " Paradise is open
to those that govern their passion;" Hasan answered him,
" I am not at all in a passion." Encouraged by this mildness,
the slave went on, " And to those who pardon offences." " I
pardon you yours," said Hasan. And when the slave con-
tinued to the end of the verse, which says, " God loves those
above all who do good to them that have offended them ; "
Hasan concluded too, with these generous words, " Since it is
6o, I give you your liberty and four hundred drachms of
silver."
Among my authorities I find one who, treating of Hasan's
death, asserted that in the treaties between him and Moa-
wiyah, it had been stipulated that Moawiyah should never
declare a successor so long as Hasan lived, but should leave,
as Omar had done before, the election in the hands of a cer-
tain number of persons, to be non^inated by Hasan. Moa-
wiyah therefore being desirous of leaving the caliphate to his
son Yezid, and thinking he could not bring his design about
so long as Hasan was alive, determined to get rid of him.
Hasan had twenty children, fifteen sojis and five daughters.
Though his wives Avere all of them remarkably fond of him,
yet he was apt very frequently to divorce them and marry
new ones.f Among the sectaries of Ali some draw the line or
descent of the true Imams from Abdallah, one of Hasan's
children, who had a son named Yahya ; while, according to
the Persians, the succession passed from Hasan to his younger
brother Hosein.
The Mussulmans are fond of quoting the following sentence
of Hasan's : " The tears which are let fall through devotion
should not be wiped off, nor the water which remains upon
the body after legal washing ; because this water makes the
face of the faithful to shine, when they present themselves be-
fore God."
* D'Hprholot. t MS. Hunt, ubi supra. D'HerbdoU
A A
354 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. OMwrvAB
He died at the age of forty-seven years, in the month
Sefer of the forty-ninth year of the Hejirah.* He left directions
in his will that he should be buried near his grandfather Mo-
hammed : but to prevent any disturbance, and lest his body
should be forcibly carried to the common burial-place, he
thought it proper to ask Ayesha's leave, which she granted.
Notwithstanding this, when he was dead, SaYd who was go-
vernor of the town, and Merwan the son of Hakem, and ah
the whole family of the house of Ommiyah that were then at
Medinah, opposed it. Upon which the heats between the two
families arose to a great height. At last Ayesha said, " that it
was her house, and that she would not allow him to be buried
there." Wherefore they laid him in the common burying-
place. When Moawiyah heard of Hasan's death, he fell down
and worshipped.
OMMIADES.
The Caliphs of the fajiily of Ommiyah,! which are
fourteen in all, the first of which is, moa-
"WIYAH I., THE SON OF AbTJ SoFIAN, BEING THE SIXTH
CALIPH AFTER MoHAMMED.
Hejirah 41—60. a.d. 661—679.
All opposition being now removed by the death of Hasan,
MoawiyahJ took possession of the whole caliphate. The family
of Hashem, of which were Mohammed and Ali, lay like coals
raked up in embers not able to stir.§ The hearts of the people
* Ebn Al Athir.
f From the middle of the seventh to a like period of the eighth century
of the Christian era (a space of about ninety-two years) the family of
Moawiyah were invested with the regal and sacerdotal office. This dynasty
is called the dyn.asty of the Ommiades, from the caliph Moawiyah or Om-
mia, tlie first of the house, the son of Abu Sofian, the successor of Abu
Talet, in the principality of Mecca. — Mills,
J " Moa'.viyali Avas called the ' son of the liver-eater,' because, after the
battle of Ohud (see Life of Mohammed), his mother Hind, finding the body
of Hamza, Mohammed's uncle, amongst the slain, immediately tore out hif
liver, and eat it in her rage." — iVeil.
§ MS. Hunt. No. 495.
Hej. 41. A.D. 661 OMMIYAH S OEtGCN. oOO
were entirrty in the interest of Hosein the younger bi other of
Hasan, but Moawiyah had possession and the army, and was,
moreover, a man of great abilities and steady conduct. But
before we proceed to give an account of his government, it
will not be amiss to inquire a little into his origin.*^
His father Abu Sofian was one of the heads of the noble
tribe of the Koreish, to which Mohammed also belonged.
"When Mohammed took up arms, not so much for the defence
as for the propagation of his pretended revelation, Abu Sofian
was made generalissimo of the infidels against him : and after
the battle of Beder, he stood very fair for the headship of that
tribe. He wanted nothing to recommend him ; his courage,
his gravity and immense riches, set him above competition.
Butf at last he was convinced (as it seems, by a signal victory
gained by Mohammed over his enemies), of the truth of the
prophet's pretensions. The conversion of Abu Sofian was
no small accession to Mohammed's party, which had been suf-
ficiently galled and harassed by the Koreish. Moawiyah
with his wife came in on the same day as their father, who,
on his adhesion to the new religion, begged three things of
Mohammed. The first was, that in order to make amends for
the offences committed by him against the true religion, when
he commanded the forces of the infidels, he might now have
the honour of leading the army of the faithfhl against the
infidels ; a request which was readily granted. His second
petition was, that his son Moawiyah might be his secretary,
to which also Mohammed assented. The third was, that the
apostle would vouchsafe to marry his second daughter Gazah ;
— an honour which Mohammed begged leave to decline.
Our author says, it was not lawful ; but he omits to give the
reason, referring us to a particular treatise which, as we have
before observed, he hath written on that subject.
Moawiyah was no sooner settled in his government, but
the Kare'gites, enemies to all government both ecclesiastical
and civil, began to disturb him.| It was one of their opiniona
* " The families of Moawiyah, and of Mohammed, were of the same
tribe, but, according to the principles of legitimacy, the throne belonged to
the descendants of Fatima, and even the children of Albas, the \incle d
the prophet, had a claim prior to that of Moawiyah." — Alills,
t Yaumal phethi. " The day of victory.
J Ebn Al Athir.
A a2
356 HISTORY OF THE SAKACENS. Moawiyah I
that the person who had the rule in spirituals should not be
one of man's appointment, nor descend by any succession ;
but one whose spirituality should recommend him to the
approbation of the godly. Upon Hasan's refusal to take up
arms, Moawiyah ordered the Syrians to march against them ;
but the Separatists beat the Syrians. So he applied himself
to his new subjects the Cufians, and the inhabitants of all
that part of Babylonia, telling them that now was their time
to give him proof of the sincerity of their obedience ; and
that he could have no better security for their loyalty than
their vigorous opposition to this rebellion. When accordingly
they took up arms, the Separatists would have persuaded
them to desist, and asked them whether or no Moawiyah was
not their common enemy. " Let us alone," said the Kare-
gites, " to make war upon him ; if we kill him, we shall have
ridden you of your enemy; if he kills us, you are rid of us."
The Cufians did not think it prudent to hearken to this sug-
gestion, and the war was soon ended by the discomfiture of
the rebels.
After this rebellion we meet with little worth observing till
the three and fortieth year ; * which was remarkable for the
death of the famous Amrou,f of whom it is reported by tradi-
tion, that Mohammed said, " There is no truer Mussulman, nor
one more stedfast in the faith than Amrou." t He served in
* MS. Hunt. No. 495.
t An. Hej. 43, coepit April 14, a,d. 663.
X When Amrou perceived death approaching, he wept like a child,
which caused his son to ask him if he feared its approach. " No," he
replied, "but I dread that which follows it!" \yhen the young man
endeavoured to cheer him by reminding him of his victories in the cause of
Islamism, he said, " My life has been divided into three periods. Had I
died within the first two, then I should have known what the world would
have said of me. When Mohammed began to preach his mission, I was
his bitterest foe, and wished for nothing better than his death. Had I died
then, people would have exclaimed, ' Amrou has left this world an
unbeliever, an enemy to God and his ambassador ; and he will belong to
the inhabitants of hell.' But after that God filled my heart with faith, and
I repaired to Mahommed, and held lut my hand towards him and said,
'I yield reverence to thee if thou wilt ensure me forgiveness for all my
past sins,' for I believed at that time that I should sin no more as a
Mussulman. The ambassador of God replied, ' Amrou ! Islamism bring!
foi'giveness for all past transgressions.' If I had died then, people would
n«|,41. A.i>.661. DEATH OF AMKOXT. 357
the wars of Syria, where he behaved with singular courage and
resolution. Always excellent in advice, he was also steady in
execution. Afterwards Omar sent him into Egypt, which he
reduced, and became lieutenant of the conquered country.
Othman continued him in that post four years, and then re-
moved him ; whereupon he retired to Palestine, where he
lived privately till Othman's death. Upon this event, he
went over to Moawiyah upon his invitation ; and took a great
part in the dispute between Ali and Moawiyah. The latter
restored him to the lieutenancy of Egypt, and continued him
in it till his death, allowing him all the revenues of that rich
country, upon condition that hb should maintain the necessary
troops for its defence.
Amrou was justly reckoned one of the most considerable
men among the Arabians, both for the quickness of his natu-
ral parts, and also for his valour and good judgment. Before
he turned Mohammedan, he was one of the three poets who
were famous for writing lampoons upon Mohammed, in which
style of composition Amrou particularly excelled. There are
some fine proverbs of his remaining, and also some good
verses. His dying speech to his children is pathetic and
masculine. He laments in it very much, his ever having
exercised his wit in ridiculing the prophet.*
have said, ' Amrou has become one of tlie faithful, and has fought mth the
apostle of the Lord ; we hope he will find happiness with God.' Then I
was made governor, and this was the time of temptation which I dreaded.
Oh ! Allah, 1 cannot justify myself before thee, but only beseech thee for
thy grace ; for I have not done that which thou hast commanded me to do,
but have done that which thou hast forbidden. There is no other God but
thee ! " These last words were then repeated by Amrou till his breath failed
him and he expired. — Weil.
* " Amrou was one of Mohammed's earliest proselytes. In the battles
of the prophet, and in every war of Abubeker and Omar, he exhibited the
various qualifications of a commander and a soldier. His satirical verses in
early youth display vivacity of talent ; and his observation in riper years
has been justly preserved among the sayings of the \vise. ' Show me,'
demanded Omar, ' the sword with which you have fought so many battles,
and slain so many thousands of infidels.' Amrou unsheathed his scimitar,
and to the caliph's ejaculation of surprise and contempt at its common
appearance, made reply, * Alas ! the sword itself, without the arm of its
master is neither sharper, nor more weighty, than the sword of Farezdak
the poet.' [Farezdak was a poet famous for his fine description of a swoid,
but not equally renowned for his personal prowess.] " — Mills,
358 HISTORY OF THE SAUACENS. Moawiyaii 1
The same year died Abdallah Ben Salem a Je^vish Rabbi,
who had turned Mahommedan betimes. He used to say that
when Mahommed came first to Medina, he pressed amongst
the crowd to get a sight of him ; and that at the first glance
he perceived that he had nothing in his countenance that
looked like an impostor.
"We have before observed,* that Ziyad was in All's reign
made lieutenant of Persia ; this office he discharged much
to his own credit, and to the advantage of the people. He
was a man of incomparable parts, and singular greatness of
spirit. He was Moawiyah's brother by the father's side, but
a bastard ; and old Abu Sofian durst not own him for fear of
Omar's severity. He was born in the year of the Hejirah, and
as he grew up, quickly distinguished himself by his great
abilities and masterly eloquence. So powerful was his
rhetoric that once in the reign of Omar, at a meeting of the
companions, he made so great an impression that Amrou said.
" Had the father of this youth been of the family of the Ko-
reish, he would have driven all the Arabians before him with
his walking-stick." Moawiyah was resolved to secure him in
his interest ; and he thought nothing so likely to effect this
object as publicly to own him for his brother. Ziyad, in
Omar's time, was made a Cadi or judge ; and when witnesses
came before him, accusing Al Mogeirah of incontinency,
Avhether out of favour, or because they failed in their proof,
he not only acquitted Al Mogeirah, but also scourged the w't-
nesses severely. This endeared him to Al Mogeirah for evci'
after. Ziyad, having been placed in the lieutenancy of Persia
by Ali, upon Hasan's resignation in favour of Moawiyah, he
kept at a distance from, the new caliph, and refused to ac-
knowledge his government. This gave Moawiyah no small
uneasiness, who was much afraid lest Ziyad should make a
league with the family of Hashem. and embroil his affairs by
renewing the war. However, Al Mogeirah, to whom Moawi-
yah had given the lieutenancy of Cufah, making the caliph a
x-isit in the forty-second year, was informed by Moawiyah of
the causes of his uneasiness. The lieutenant of Cufah, in con-
sequence, asked leave to go to Ziyad, to which the caliph
consented, and sent by him a civil letter to the Persian go%'er«
• An. Hej. 44, crepit Apr. 3, a.d. 664.
Hej. 44. A.D. 664. ZIYAD, THE CALIPH's BEOTHER. 359
nor, with, a kind invitation. Al Mogeirah made so good usa
of his friendship with Ziyad, that he never ceased importun.
ing him till he had prevailed upon him to go along with him
to Moawiyah. Upon his arrival at Damascus, he immediately
acknowledged him caliph. Soon after which, Moawiyah
owned him to be his brother by his father's side.
For Abu Sofian, in the days of ignorance, before drinking
wine was made a sin by the Koran, while travelling in Taif,
put up at a public house. Here, after drinking somewhat
freely, he lay with this Ziyad's mother, Somyah, who was
then married to a Greek slave. The old man that kept the
house was yet alive ; and Moawiyah, in order to make his re-
cognition of Ziyad as public as might be, had him examined
upon a set day in a full assembly, touching the conversation
of Abu Sofian with Somyah. The old man gave in such a
strong evidence that Ziyad was acknowledged to be a true
Arabian, of the noble blood of the family of the Koreish,
which, though illegitimate, was a greater honour than he
could otherwise have ever obtained. For let his achieve-
ments have been never so great, he must still have been ob-
noxious to reproach on account of the baseness of his
origin.
It is observed that this is the first time that the law, i. e.
the Koran, was openly violated in a judicial way of proceed-
ing.* For the child belonged to his legal father, the Greek
slave that married his mother. Moreover, Mohammed had
left it as his decision in such cases, " The child to the blan-
kets, and the adulteress to the stone." That is, bring up the
child, and stone the adulteress. As for Moawiyah's relations
they stormed, and were quite out of patience at the proceed-
ings ; they said that he had not only introduced the son of a
harlot into the family, to the disparagement of all their kin-
dred ; but had raked into the ashes of old Abu Sofian hi?
father, who had lived and died with a good reputation. Moa-
wiyah, however, could well bear all their murmurs verj
patiently. He knew he had gained his point, and entirely
secured in his interest the greatest man of the age.
Abdallah, the son of Ammar, was at this time governor oi
Bassorah ; but IMoawiyah removed him as unequal to that
* Ahlllfpfi:i.
360 HISTORY OF THE SAEACEXS. MoawiVah I
charge, because of the too great gentleness of his disposition :
for the country was overrun with thieves and murderers for
want of discipline. Abdallah, for his part, never cared to
punish any, but thought rather to win and reform them by the
sweetness of his temper, and his gentle rule. Insupportably
afflicted with this grievance, the people made their complaint
to Moawiyah, who appointed Hareth for a time, until he
could make them amends for Abdallah's lenity, by sending
them Ziyad, who drew the sword, and with exemplary punish-
ments chastised the insolence of the brigands.* When he
came to Bassorah things were in such a bad condition that
there was hardly any walking the streets, even in the day ;
but still less in the night, which was always marked by dis-
order and bloodshed. On his arrival at Bassorah he made a
very severe speech to the inhabitants, at which he had an ex-
cellent talent, being reckoned the best orator next to Ali, who
never had any equaLf One of the polite Arabians used to
say " That he never in his life heard a man speak well,
but he wished he would say no more, for he always began to
be in pain for him, lest he should fall beneath himself, and
speak worse." With Ziyad, however, this was never the
case, for the more he spoke, the more you felt he would still
excel. In this speech, he acquainted the Bassorians that he
was very well aware of the lamentable condition they were
in, through these disorders ; and that he was resolved to put
an end to them. He next published an order forbidding,
upon pain of death, any person, whatsoever might be his rank
or quality, to appear in the streets, or other public place,
after the hour of evening prayer. And to put his order into
execution, he appointed a strong watch to go the rounds, and
put to the sword every one they met out of their houses after
that hour. Two hundred persons were killed the first night,
but only five the second, and on the third, no blood at all
was shed.
Besides the lieutenancy of Bassorah, Moawiyah gave
Ziyad those of Khorassan, Sejestan, India, Bahrein, and
Amman. Not unadvisedly ; for the more he committed to
nis care, so much the lighter to himself was the burthen
• An. Hej. 45, ccepit Mart. 23, a.d. 664.
t MS. Hunt.
Hcj. 45. A.D. 664. CHARACTER OF ZITAP. 361
of the government. The very name of Ziyad made all the
villains within the precints of his province tremble. _ He was
not, indeed, savage or cruel in his temper, but strictly just,
though, at the same time, absolute in his way of governing ;
impatient of the least neglect of his commands ; and never
giving up any of his authority. But notwithstanding all his
greatness, he met with a rebuff in his five and fortieth year ;
which it is uncertain how he would have resented, if the per-
son that offered it had lived a little longer. He had sent
Hakem the son of Aniar to take a place called Mount Ashal:--'
Hakem succeeded in the enterprise, killing a great number
of the enemy, and carrying off all the riches of the place.
Upon this, Ziyad sent him word that he had received a letter
from Moawiyah, the emperor of the faithful, commanding
him to put aside all the white and yellow (meaning thereby
the silver and gold), from among the spoil, that it might be
paid into the treasury. Now, as to this particular there is a
decisive rule in the Koran, a chapter being made on the sub-
ject, occasioned by a mutiny among Mohammed's soldiers
about the division of some spoil. f It is there ordered, that
alter any -s-ictory, a fifth part of the spoils shall first be taken
out and reserved for the treasury, and the rest be divided
among the soldiers. Hakem stuck close to the text of the
Koran, and sent Ziyad word that the authority of the book
of God was superior to that of the emperor of the faithful's
letter ; and that it had also this promise, " Though the
heavens and the earth conspire together against a servant of
God, who puts his trust in him, he shall find him a secure
place of refuge, and a means of deliverance." Then he laid
aside the fifth part of the spoil, according to the text ; and
divided the rest among the soldiers. After this, for he
expected no mercy, he said : — " O God ! if I be in the
favour, take me." His request was granted ; and he died soon
after.
This same year died Zeid the son of Thabet, one of Mo-
hammed's secretaries, to whom he dictated the Koran. He
wrote that copy which was used by the caliphs or Imams at
the command of Othman the son of Affan.
• MS. Hiint. No. 495.
t Surat' alamphal. " The chapter of spoils." which is the ei^hUi.
362 HISTORY OP THE SARACENS. Moawitah L
The author,* Avhom I am here following, had seen it ; and
adds, that all his writing was an extraordinary fair and strong
hand. This Zeid was a man of the greatest parts of any in
his age. He learned Hebrew in fifteen days, so as to be
able to read the books of the Jews. He learned Persian in
eighteen days, of one of Cosroes' ambassadors, and acquired
a knowledge of vEthiopic, Greek, and Coptic, from one of
Mohammed" s slaves. He was fifteen years old at the battle
of the Ditch ; and was the most pleasant, facetious man in
the world at home, and one of the most reserved when abroad.
Once he saw the people coming from prayers, and he made
what haste he could to get out of their way, as not wishing to
be seen by them, for he used to say, "• He that doth not
reverence men will not reverence God."
This year Merwan the son of Hakem went on pilgrimage
to Mecca ; he was governor of Medina.
The next year Abdarrhaman son of Kaled the Great, was
poisoned in Syria.f His death was occasioned by Moawi-
yah's jealousy; for the soldiers of Abdarrhaman, especially
those who had been witnesses of the skill and courage of his
father, whose equal he appeared in every respect, favoured
him to that degree, that Moawiyah was afraid of him. During
his absence, therefore, upon an expedition against the Greeks,
the caliph tampered with a Christian servant of his to poison
him, promising not only to remit him his own tribute, but to
give him the lieutenancy of Hems. Upon Abdan-haman's
return, the conditions were punctually performed on both
sides. But the murderer did not long enjoy the reward of his
treachery; for Kaled the son of Abdarrhaman, receiving in-
formation of it, came into Syria, and revenged his father's
death upon that wicked slave. For this act Kalt d was im-
prisoned for a time, by Moawiyah, who also made him pay
the money for the expiation of his murder. After a short
incarceration he was liberated, and the caliph returned to
Medina.
Not long after this, happened the death of a very great
man among the followers of Ali.J His name was Hejer, a
person remarkable for his singular abstinence, piety, and
* MS. Hunt. No. 495.
+ Altabari. Moawiyah I. An, Heg. 46, coepit Mart. 13. a.D. (iliCi.
* Abulfedii,
•
Hci. 46. A.D. GGC, HEJEK OFFENDS ZIYAD. 363
strictness of life, his constant purifications according to the
Mohammedan law, and exactness in observing the hours of
devotion. He lived at Cufah. Now, it was the custom of
Moawiyah and his lieutenants, in their harangues every Fri-
day to the people, to be very lavish in the praise and com-
mendation of Othman, but to rail at and revile Ali. This
was done by Al Mogeirah when he was lieutenant of Cufah,
more out of complaisance to Moawiyah, than from any incli-
nation of his own. As he was one day pronouncing these re-
proaches against Ali, Hejer and his company stood up, and
interrupted him, and returned the ill language back again
iipon himself ; but Mogeirah passed it by, and forgave them,
without taking any further notice. Hejer, however, was not
so quietly treated by Ziyad upon a similar provocation. The
latter used to divide the year into two equal parts, residing
six months at Cufah, and the other six at Bassorah. Com-
ing according to his custom to Cufah, in his harangue he
called Ali by the name of Abu Torah, which signifies in
Arabic, " Father of dust."* This was the most acceptable
nick-name to Ali in the world, having been given him by-
Mohammed himself. But Hejer, resolved to affront Ziyad,
stood up and said, " He seems to have designed a compli-
ment to Ali." This remark provoked Ziyad to such a degree,
that he immediately seized him, and thirteen of his com-
panions, and sent them all in chains to Moawiyah.
But though this was the occasion of Hejer's punishment,
it was not the sole cause ; there were, besides, several old
offences.f For before this, Ziyad, fearing lest the peace and
quiet of the reigning caliph should be disturbed by Hejer,
v,-]io was an avowed enemy of Moawiyah, but the declared
friend of Ali and his party, and moreover, extremely popular
on account of his piety, M'ished to carry him along with him
to Bassorah from Cufah. But Hejer excused himself, by saying
that he was indisposed. Ziyad answered angrily, that he
was indisposed as to his religion, heart, and understanding ;
adding with an oath, that he would have an eye over him,
and that if he dared to raise any commotion, he should suffer
for it. Another time, when Ziyad was making a speech to
* Or dusty, for it is common mih the Arabians to use the word " iktlief*
in such cases.
t Ebn Al Athir. M.S. Hunt.
364 HISTORY OF THE 3A.IIACEN3. Moawiyah 1
the people, he spoke so long, that the hour of prayer came
before he had finished. Hejer, who in aU things belonging
to the exercise of his religion was the strictest man alive,
eried out, Salat ; " to prayers." Ziyad took no notice of
him, but went on with his discourse. Hejer fearing, lest the
time should be past, began the prayers in tl e congregation
himself, upon which Ziyad was forced to break oiF, and come
down and join with them. This affront he never forgave,
looking upon it as a great detriment to his own character for
piety, but wrote a long letter to Moawiyah, aggravating the
matter, and desiring that he might put Hejer in irons, and
send him to him. But there was also a still sorer and more recent
provocation. Ziyad having returned from Bassorah to Cufah,
Hejer and his company refused to acknowledge his lieutenant,
and even went so far as to throw dust at him as often as he
entered the pulpit. Upon receiving this information, Ziyad
was forced to return to Cufah, where, dressed in a silk cas-
sock, and a vest of gold brocade, he went into the pulpit and
made a severe speech to the people, telling them, he should
make but a very insignificant figure in his post, if he suffered
his authority to be thus set at nought and trampled upon,
without making an example of Hejer. In his oration he fre-
quently, as occasion served, used these words, " And it be-
longs to the emperor of the faithful ;" at which Hejer took
up a handful of dust and flung it at him, with these words :
" God curse thee, thou liest." Whereupon Ziyad came
down and went among the people. Then retiring to the
castle, he sent for Hejer, who refusing to come, he sent a
party to fetch him, between whom and Hejer's friends there
was a little skirmish with stones and cudgels, so that they
did not carry him off" that time. But he was taken soon
after in the mosque, and sent to Moawij^ah, attended mth a
sufficient number of witnesses to testify against him, that he
had spoken reproachfully of the caliph, affronted the emir
(Ziyad), and affirmed, that the government did not, of right,
belong to any but the family of Ali. On their arrival, Moa-
wiyah sent officers with orders to put them to death, and
authors differ as to the circumstance of their being ad-
mitted into his presence or not. Gadrah, a village behind
Damascus, was the place appointed for their imprisonment ;
and during their stay there, Moawiyah advised with hia
H(i|. M. A.o. OW. EXECUTION OF HEJER. 365
friends how they should be disposed of. Some were for put-
dng them to death, others for dispersing them through the
several territories of his vast dominions. Ziyad sent him
word, that if he wished to retain the kingdom of Irak, they
must die. Notwithstanding, the chief men of the court
begged off six of them. When Hejer was come near
the place of execution, h« desired space to wash himself,
which he always punctually observed. This bemg granted,
having made his ablutions, he repeated two short prayers,
and rising up, said, " If I had been afraid of death, I could
have made them longer." When, however, he saw the grave
ready dug for him, his winding-sheet spread out, and the
executioner with bis naked sword, he was observed to
tremble. Whereupon, being asked if he had not said a
moment before that he was not afraid ; he merely asked in
turn, " If it was possible not to be moved at such a sight ?"'
When the executioner bade him stretch out his neck straight,
he answered that he would not be assistant to his own
death. After these words, his head was struck off. His
body being washed, he was, according to his own directions,
buried in his chains.
Ayesha had sent a messenger to intercede for him, who
unfortunately arrived too late. Afterwards, when Moawiyah
went to Medina, he visited Ayesha, who said to him from
behind the curtain, " What was become of your compassion,
Moawiyah, when you killed Hejer and his companions ? "
'* I lose that, mother," said he, " when I am absent from
such persons as you are."
About the latter end of the eight and fortieth year,
Moawiyah sent his son Yezid with a powerful army to
besiege Constantinople. Our authors give us no account of
the particulars of that siege, but only mention three or four
of the most eminent of the companions, whose zeal, notwith-
standing their great age, prompted them to undergo such
fa;;igue and hazard. The army suffered the greatest ex-
tremities and hardships in their march ; but they had a
tradition sufficient to encourage them in all then- sufferings,
it being no less than a plenary indulgence.* Mohammed,
the tradition ran, had said, " The sins of the first army thai
• MS. Hunt. No. 495, Albokkari.
S66 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS, Moawiyah I.
takes tl e city of Caesar are forgiven." It was in this ex-
pedition that the famous Abu Jyub was killed, who had been
with Mohammed at the battles of Beder and Ohi.d. His
tomb is held in such veneration by the Mohammedans, that
to this very day the emperors of the Ottoman family, upon
their accession to the throne, go to it to have their swords
girt on.*
In the fiftieth yearf of the Hejirah died Al Mogeirah, the
governor of Cufah. A great plague had been raging in the
city, which made him retire from it ; but returning upon its
violence abating, he nevertheless caught it, and died of it.
He was an active man, and of very good parts ; he had lost
one of his eyes at the battle of Yermouk, though some say
that it was -with looking upon an eclipse. By the followers of
Ali he was accounted to be of the wrong -party, and one of
the chief of them. For thus they reckon : there are five
elders on All's side; Mohammed, Ali, Fatima, Hasan. Hosein;
and to these are opposed, Abubeker, Omar, Moawiyah,
Amrou, and Al Mogeirah.
The same year Kairwan, the metropolis of that province
which is properly called Africa, was built, though not finished
till the fifty-fifth year. J It lies thirty-three leagues distant
from Carthage, towards the north-east, and twelve from the
sea. The account the Saracens give of it is as follows : —
The place of the governor's residence before being in Zeweilah
and Barca, it was the custom of the inhabitants of this
neighbourhood, upon the approach of the Saracen army, to
make profession of Mohammedanism, and upon their departure
to return to their old religion again. But Moawiyah having
constituted Okbah § governor of the province of Africa, he
put all those to the sword that had revolted from Islam.
Resolving to have a garrison on the spot, to keep the people
in awe, he pitched upon Kairwan. As his march had been
• D'Herbelot. t An Hej. 50, coepit Jan. 28, a.d. 670.
+ Abulfeda. Goliusin Alferp;ak. p. 162. Ebn Al Athir.
§ "This general crossed the wilderness, in wliich were afterwards erected
the magnificent cities of Fez and Alorocco, and arrived at the Atlantic
Ocean, at the mouth of the Susa. He spurred his horse into the waves, and
raising his eyes to heaven, exclaimed, " Great God ! if my course we.'-e not
stopped by this sea, I would still go on, to the unknown kingdoms of the
west, preaching the unity of thy holy name, and putting to the sword the
rebellious nations who worship any other gods but thee." — AIU/s.
Hej. 50. A n. «70. MOHAMMEd's PULPIT. 867
interrupted and perplexed by the woodiness of the country,
■which was full of wild beasts and serpents, he felled all the
trees in the neighbourhood, and employed them in the build-
ing. This city was of great use to the Saracens ; it was well
situated for keeping the country in subjection ; and being re-
mote from the sea, and bordering upon the desert, was secure
from the invasions of the Sicilian and Roman navies. It
soon became a flourishing city, considerable not only for its
public and private buildings, riches, and the like, but also for
the study of the sciences and polite literature.
This same year is remarkable for the death of one Rahya,
who was one of the earliest professors of Mohammedanism,
although he was not present at the battle of Beder.'^'' Mo-
hammed used to say of him, that of all the men he had ever
seen, Rahya did most resemble the angel Gabriel. The year
after died SaVd Ben Zend ; he was the last of those (I think
they were ten in all) that had a positive promise of paradise. f
About this time Moawiyah, who kept his constant residence
at Damascus, had a fancy to remove Mohammed's pulpit
thither from Medina. He said, that the walking-stick and
pulpit of the apostle of God should not remain in the hands
of the murderers of Othman.J Great search was made for
the walking-stick, which was at last found. Then they went, in
obedience to his commands, to remove the pulpit ; but imm.e-
diately, to their great terror and amazement, the sun was
echpsed to that degree that the stars appeared. This put
them all into a great consternation, for they looked upon it
as a manifest indication of the divine displeasure, for their
presuming to lay hands upon the apostle's pulpit, and at-
tempting to remove it from the place where he had himself
Bet it up. This made Moawiyah desist from the enterprise,
and the Medinians were left in the peaceable possession of
Jhis holy relic, till some years afterwards, when Abdalmelik
nad a mind to it. On this occasion, however, one of the
Medinians said to him, " For God's sake do not attempt
such a thing, for Moawiyah did but move it once, and the
sun was eclipsed ! " He urged besides a tradition from
Mohammed, who was reported to have said, " Whosoever
• Abulfeda. t An. 51, 52.
t Ebn Al Athir. Altabari. It miis" be in the year 54, for then thcia
vas an eclipse of the sun.
368 HrSTOEY OF THE SARACENS. MoAWivmi
shall swear upon my jjulpit falsely, hell shall le his man-
sion." "And,'' added he, "will you go and take away the
pulpit fi'om the Medinians, when it is to them the ordeal of
all their controversies ? " This representation prevailed, and
Abdalmelik forbore, and never mentioned the subject again.
After him Al Walid, in his pilgrimage, made the same
attempt, but when he sent for it his messenger received this
answer, " Bid your master fear God, and not expose himseli
to the divine displeasure." With which answer Al Walid
remained very well satisfied. Afterwards, when Solyman,
the son of Abdalmelik came on pilgrimage that way, Amrou,
the son of Abdalaziz, w^as mentioning these things to him,
" I do not love," answered Solyman, " to hear these things
mentioned either of the emperor Abdalmelik, or of Walid.
What have we to do with it ? We have taken possession of
the world, and it is in our hands, and we will stand to the
determination of the ?vlussulman doctors."
And now the famous Ziyad"s time was come. He died of
the plague on the third day of the month Ramadan in the
fifty-third year of the Hejirah,* and also of his own age. A
little before he died he wrote a letter f to Moawiyah, ac-
quainting him that he had reduced all Irak, from north to
south, into perfect subjection to his authority, and begged
the caliph to give him the lieutenancy of Arabia Petreea. It
is superfluous to add that it was granted, for it was not in
Moawiyah's power to deny him anything, or rather, shall I
say ? because it was his interest to have him employed every-
where, if possible. As soon as the Arabians J heard of the
appointment, they were under the greatest concern in the
world, for fear he should exercise his tyranny over them as
he had done before upon the poor Irakians. Upon the first
news of it, the son of Ammar rose up and went to the temple
of Mecca to deprecate his coming amongst them, § and the
people prayed in faith. Ziyad, struck with the plague, felt
such an intolerable pain in his hand that he consulted a cadi,
as a point of conscience, whether it were better to cut it ofl
or not. Ihe cadi told him, that he was afraid, if his time
♦ An. Hej. 53, coepit Dix:. 26, a. d. 672. + MS. Hunt. No. A9&.
J Ebn Al Athir. § Arab. VVaonaso Yumin ibia.
HeJ. 53. A.D. 572. "DEATH OF ZIYAD. 369
>rt.s come, he would have to go before God without that hand,
\ich was cut off to avoid the appearing before him ; and if
it vas not come, he would remain lame among men, whicli
would be a reproach to his child : •'' wherefore he was ol
opnion, that live or die he had better let it alone : and so Icit
him. However, notwithstanding this grave decision, Ziyud,
impatient of the pain which increased every moment, resolved
to have it cut off, but when he saw the fire, and the cauteriz-
ing irons, his heart failed him. It is said, that he had about
him no less than a hundred and fifty physicians, three of
which had belonged to Cosroes, the son of Hormuz. king of
Persia, but it was not in their power to reverse the sealed
decree, nor the thing that was determined. He had been
MoawiyaIi"s lieutenant over Irak five years. He was buried
near Cufah, whicli he had passed in his journey towards
Arabia, in order to take possession of his new government
there. When Abdallah, the son of Ammar, heard of his
death, he said, '• Go thy way, thou son of Somyah, this world
did not stay with thee, neither hast thou attained to the
other."
Upon the death of Al Mogeirah, Moawiyah, who could
never do enough for his brother Ziyad, or rather for himself,
had added the lieutenancy of Cufah to all those vast terri-
tories he had entrusted him witli before. He was the first
that joined those two great trusts of Bassorah and Cufah to-
gether. When Ziyad first came to Cufah, having left Bassorah
to the care of Samrah, in his inaugural address he told the
Cufians, that he once had thoughts of bringing along with
him two thousand of his guards, but recollecting that they
were honest men. he had brought no other attendance but
only his own family. They threw dust at him, upon which
he sat down and gave private directions to some of his do-
mestics to close and guard the doors of the mosque. This
being done, he placed himself upon a seat near the principal
door, and had the people brought before him, four by four,
and made every one of them swear distmctly, " It was none
of us four that threw dust." Those that took the oath he
* There is nothing more common among the Arabians than to r.L-k-nanie
children fiom the imperfections of their parents, as to call such an oae tho
•on of the lame, or the son of the lilind.
£ B
370 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. Moawiyah L
dismissed, they that refused it were bound and ordered to
stand aside. "Wlien he had thus gone through the whole
congregation, there remained thirty, and some say fourscore,
that would not take the oath, Avhose hands were immediately
cut off upon the spot.
Not long after Ziyad entered upon his government, he
issued an order that no one should appear in the street after
a certain hour, and that every citizen should leave his door
open all night, engaging to be responsible for all the damage
that any person should sustain in consequence. * One night
it happened that some cattle getting into a shop, put the things
in disorder. As soon as Ziyad was informed of this, he gave
every one leave to have a hurdle or harrow at his door, which
continued in use ever after, not only in Bassorah, but in a
great many other towns of Irak, of which he was governor.
One night his archers that were upon the watch, having
met with a shepherd coming through the town with his flock,
carried him before Ziyad. The shepherd excused himself
upon the account of his being a stranger, and ignorant of the
order. Ziyad said to him, " I am willing to believe that
what thou tellest me is true ; but since the safety of the in-
habitants of this town depends upon thy death, it is necessary
that thou shouldst die," and instantly commanded his head
to be cut ofi". t
Now though Ziyad was so strict in seeing his orders
punctually executed, and severe in inflicting exemplary
punishments, yet his behaviour was gentle in respect of that
of Samrah, his lieutenant at Bassorah, who was abhorred by
all men for his cruelty. J Ziyad himself Avas ashamed of it.
For during Ziyad's six months' absence at Cufah, Samrah had
put to death no less than eight thousand persons at Bassorah
Ziyad asked him if he was not afraid lest in such a number
he might have put to death one innocent man. He answered,
that he should be under no concern, if at the same time that
he had killed them, he had killed as many more. Abu Sawar
said that he killed seven and forty of his men one morning,
every one of which had got the Koran by heart.
Once as Samrah's horsemen went out on an expedition,
* D'Herbelot. t D'Herhelot of Khcmdemir.
* Ebn Al Athir. MS. No. 495.
Itel.M. /^n.fl7<l. IiA.ST DEEDS OE ZIYAD. 371
they met Avith a countryman, and one of them struck him
through with his lance. They went on, and Samrah coming
up after them, found the poor man wallowing in his own blood.
Inquiring what was the matter, he was answered, that the
man having met the vanguard the soldiers had killed him.
All that Samrah said to it Avas merely to repeat the verse,
" When you hear we are mounted, beware of our lances."
When Ziyad came to Cufah. he inquired who was the most
religious man there, and one Abul Mogeirah Avas recommended
to him in this character. He sent for him, and told him,
that if he Avould keep Avithin his OAvn doors, and not go out,
he Avould give him as much money as he desired. The re-
ligious told him, that if he Avould give him the empire of the
whole world, he Avould not omit going out to say his prayers
on the congregation-day.* " Well then," says Ziyad, " go
to the congregation, but do not talk about anything." He
said he could not help " Encouraging that Avhich is good,
and reproving that Avhich is e\'il." f For Avhich ansAver
Ziyad commanded him to be beheaded.
A little before his death, he gathered the people together,
and filled both mosque, and street, and castle Avith them, in
order to impose upon them by oath the renunciation of the
line of Ali. Whilst they were Avaiting, full of vexation and
perplexity, one of his servants came out, and told them, that
they might go about their business, for his master Avas not at
leisure. The plague had just seized him, and the incident
was afterwards looked upon by all as a providential
deliverance.
A famous Persian historian]: reports, that a letter Avritten
by Ziyad to MoaAviyah, when he asked him for the lieute-
nancy of Arabia, Avas expressed in these terms : " My left
hand is employed here in governing the people of Irak. In
the meantime my right hand lies idle. Give it Arabia to
govern, and it Avill render you a good account of its admini-
stration."
He adds, Avith some little variation from my Arabic author
above-mentioned, that MoaAviyah having granted him this
government, the principal inhabitants of Medina who were
* Yaumo'l Jom-ah, i. e. Friday,
f It is a precept frequently repeated in the Koran.
;J: Khondemir. See D'llerbelot in the word Ziad.
B B 2
872 HISTORY OF THE SAKACENS. MoAwlYA»t
afraid of his rough and violent temper, were very much
alarmed; and that Abdallah the son of Zobeir/-' who was one
of them, made this public prayer to God, AUahomma
ectaphi yemin Ziyadihi. " O God ! Satisfy this right hand,
which is idle and superfluous to Ziyad."' There is in these
words a very elegant allusion to the name of Ziyad, which
signifies in Arabic, " abundant and superfluous." And they
say, that immediately after this prayer, a pestilential ulcer
broke out in one of the fingers of his right hand, of which he
died a few days after.
There was afterwards a dynasty of princes of his posterity,
who reigned in Arabia Felix under the name of the children
of Ziyad.
Several persons, both of the sect of Ali. and of the Kare-
gites or heretics, endeavoured to disturb Ziyad's administra-
tion, but these commotions were soon extinguished by his
skilful management. The particulars are to be found at large
in our historians ; but I have purposely omitted them, because
they would orJy interrupt the thread of our history, and
contribute nothing either to illustrate the character of this
great man, or to throw light on the customs and genius of the
people.
This same fifty-third year died Jabaleh, the son of Ayham,
the last king of the tribe of Gasan, who were Christian Arabs,
and of whom we have already given a full account.
"We will now return to Moawiyah,t who in the fifty-fourth
year deposed Sai'd from the government of Medina, restoring
Merwan, the son of Hakem to that office. Then he wrote to
Merwan commanding him to demolish Said's house, and to
seize all his effects that were in Hejaz. Merwan accordingly
iDroceeded to execute the caliph's command, and took his
iuule along with him to carry away whatsoever he found of
value. Said was surprised, and told him he hoped he would not
serve him so. Merwan answered, " It must needs be ;" add-
ing, " If Moawiyah had commanded you to have pulled down
my house, when you were governor, you would certainly have
done it." But upon this Said produced a letter of the caliph's
to himself, when he was governor, commanding him to de-
molish Merwan' s house ; which however, out of friendship,
* Mv author savs Abdallah the son of Ammar.
t Ebn Al Athir. MS. Hunt. IS'o. 4.05.
He). 55 A.D.674. SAMEAH CUBSES MOAWIYAH. 373
he had ventured to disobey, and by so doing incurred the
displeasure of the caliph. Merwan was surprised at this.
and readily acknowledged the superior generosity of Said's
temper. They both perceived too, that this was only a con-
trivance of the caliph"s to set them at variance, though it-
really proved the means of uniting them in a stricter friend-
ship than ever. Merwan never left off interceding with
Moawiyah, till he desisted fi'om urging the execution of his
unjust command. ^Moawiyah was himself ashamed after-
wards of his ungenerous dealing, and asked the pardon of
both his intended victims.
This year Moawiyah deposed Samrah, who was Ziyad"s
deputy over Bassorah. As soon as Samrah heard the news,
he said, " God curse Moawiyah. If I had served God so well
as I have served him, he would never have damned me to all
eternity." One of my authors tells this without any reserve;
another seems to scruple at the truth of it.
Ziyad being dead, Obeidollah his son came to pay his duty
to MoaAviyah, who received him very courteously, and inquired
of him concerning the characters and behaviour of his father's
deputies in their respective provinces. He gave him such a
satisfactory account, that he made him lieutenant of Khoras-
san, when he was but twenty-five years old. He went to his
charge, and passed over the river as far as the mountains of
Bockhara. There he encountered the Turks, and having
bravely charged them, he put them to such a precipitate flight,
that the Turkish queen had only time to put on one of her
buskins, and left the other behind her in the camp, for the
Arabians, v»^ho valued it at two thousand pieces of gold.
Obeidollah* the son of Ziyad did not continue long in
his lieutenancy of Khorassan, being removed to Bassorah,
the place of Abdallah the son of Amrou. The occasion of
Abdallah's removal was this. A leading man of one of the
tribes of the Arabs threw dust at him, whilst he was preach-
ing. He followed Ziyad's example, and commanded his hand
to be cut off. Upon this some of the man's tribe came to
Abdallah and told him, that if the emperor of the faithful
should know that he had cut off the man's hand for such an
action, he would deal with him, and all that belonged to him,
• An. Hej. 55, ca'pit Dec. 5, a.d. 674.
374 HISTOKY 01 THE SARACEXS. Moawitah 1
as he had done by Hejer and his companions. "Wherefore,
added they, give it us under your hand, that you did it indis-
creetly. This he fooHshly compHed with, imagining thereby
to pacify them, as he knew them to be greatly provoked.
They kept the paper by them for a time, and went with it
afterwards to Moawiyah, and complaining that his deputy
over Bassorah had cut off their master's hand upon an uncer-
tainty ; and desired of him to execute the law of retaliation
upon him. Moawiyah said, " They could have no retaliation
against his deputy; but a mulct they should have:" which
was accordingly paid out of the treasury.* And Abdallah, to
satisfy them, was deposed from his lieutenancy, and Obeidol-
lah the son of Ziyad substituted in his room. Obeidollah
left Khorassan to oneAslam, a worthless man, who did nothing
in his government deserving of notice. This same year
Merwan, the son of Hakem, and governor of Medina, con-
ducted the pilgrims to Mecca.
The next yearf Moawiyah made Said, who was Othman's
grandson, lieutenant of Khorassan, who, passing over the river
Jibon (formerly Oxus), marched to Samarcand, (afterwards
the capital of the great Tamerlane), and Sogd.| Having
there routed the idolaters, he proceeded to Tarmud, which
surrendered to him.
Hitherto the caliphate had been elective ; but Moawiyah
designed, if possible, to secure the succession in his own
family, and make it hereditary. For this end he used all
the means imaginable to induce the people to declare his son
Yezid his heir and successor. § He seems to have first enter-
rained some thoughts of it in the days of Al Mogeirah ; for
Al Mogeirah had come to Moawiyah, to beg leave to resign the
lieutenancy of Cufah ; which, in consideration of his great
age and infirmities, Moawiyah granted him, and designed to
put Said the son of Aas in his place. But when Al Mogeirah
heard this, he repented of what he had done : and advised
Yezid to go to his father, and beg him to nominate him his
heir. Upon Yezid' s coming with this request, Moa^wiyah
asked him who had counselled him to make this demand.
He told him Al Mogeirah ; which surprised Moawiyah, and
• MS. Hunt. >'uin. 494. + An Hej. 56, coepit Nov. 24, A.P. 675.
t Abu]feda. j MS. Hunt.
He:. 5C. a.d. 675. STCCESSIOX TO THE CALIPHATE. 375
he restored him immediately to his lieutenancy of Cufah.
This proposal -s^Tought so powerfully upon Moawiyah's mind,
that he v.Tote to Ziyad to ask his advice about it ; who how-
ever did not by any means approve of it, for he knew that
Yezid was a profligate young fellow, wholly given up to sport-
ing, gaming, and drinking. "Wherefore he sent an intimale
friend of his to Damascus, to divert both the father and the
son from the project. This friend first applied himself to
Yezid, and satisfied him that it would be much better to de-
sist, at least for the present. Afterwards he talked with
Moawiyah ; till at last he also consented to lay it aside. Thus
it rested as long as Ziyad lived ; till, in this fifty-sixth year,
Moawiyah, who had fondly cherished the idea ever since the
day it was first suggested, at last revived it again in good
earnest, and wrote circular letters about it to all the provinces.
The Syrians and Irakians concurred at once in the proposal.
Malec, who was then governor of Medina, would have had
him proclaimed in that city heir-apparent to his father : but
Hosein the son of Ali, AbdaUahthe son of Ammar, Abdarrha-
man the son of Abubeker, and Ayesha"s brother, and Abdallah
the son of Zobeir, absolutely refused it. Their protest kept
the people back. Moawiyah, to forward the business with
his presence, went in person to Medina, with a thousand
horse, where he had a conference with Ayesha about it.^' The
result was, that in general the people of the province of
Hejaz came into the measure. However, the four already men-
tioned, with their adherents, stood it out to the last. Though
Moawiyah blustered in the mosque, and would have terrified
them if he could ; they stood their ground resolutely, and let
him see by their answers that they despised his threats ; and
though he was vehemently angry, he was obliged to content
himself with menaces, for they were too considerable, and too
popular to suffer any violence.
• There is a tradition that Ayesha was murdered by the direction of
Moawiyah, and the following particulars are recorded : — Ayesha having
resolutely and insultingly refused to engage her allegiance to Yezid, Moa-
wiyah invited her to an entertainment, where he had prepared a verj- deep
well or pit in that part of the chamber reserved for her reception, and had
the mouth of it deceptively covered over with leaves and straw. A chair
was th-^n placed upon the fatal spot, and Ayesha, on being conducted to her
seat, instantly sank into eternal night, and the mouth of the pit was imme-
diately covered with stones and mortar. — See Price.
376 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Moawivah I.
After this, Moawiyah took an opportunity of saying to his
son Yezid, " Look you, you see I have made the way jjlain
before you : there is none that refuses to come in, except
these four only. Hosein has the Irakians in his interest, wIjo
will never let him rest till they draw him out into the field.
Remember, however, that he is your near relation, and a per-
son of merit, wherefore if he comes under your power
let him go. Abdullah the son of Ammar is a man wholly given
up to devotion ; and Avhen nobody else stands out, he will
come in. As for Abdarrhaman, he is guided by example ;
what he sees other people do, that he does too. For himself
he minds nothing but women and play. But the man that
will attack thee with the strength of the lion, and the subtilty
of the fox, is Abdallah the son of Zobeir ; if you get him
into your power, cut him to pieces. '"*•'
In the fifty-eighth year f diod Ayesha, daughter of Abu-
beker,| who had that name from her. For Mohammed
marrying his daughter Ayesha when she was very young,
his name was changed into Abubeker, that is " the father
of the girl." She survived her husband Mohammed a
long time, who died in the eleventh year of the Hejirah. She
was invariably treated with the utmost respect, except on one
occasion when she exposed herself in the expedition against
Ali. Sometimes she was called prophetess, and generally when
any one spoke to her, he qualified her with the title of " mother
of the faithful." Her brother Abdarrhaman, one of the four
wlio stood out against Yezid's inauguration, died the same
year.
The next year died§ Abu Horeirah, that is " the father of the
cat ;" so nicknamed by Mohammed, because of his fondness
of a cat, which he always carried about with him. He was
called so constantly by this name, that his true name is not
known, nor his pedigree. He was such a constant attendant
upon Mohammed, that a great many traditions go under his
name ; so many, indeed, that the multitude of them make
people suspect them. Nevertheless others receive them all
without the least hesitation, as of an undoubted authority.
• MS. Hunt. No. 49,5.
t An. Hej. 58, coepit Nov. '3, a.d. G77. Abulfeda.
+ Beer, in Arabic, signifies "a gir.," and Abu, " fatlior."
§ An. Hej 59. coepit Oct. 22, a.d. 678.
Hej. 60. A.D. 679. TEZIB ACKNOWLEDGED. 377
I find notiiing worth remarking between this great attempt
of Moawiyah, to change an elective monarchy into a heredi-
tary one, and his death.* Great it may very justly be called,
considering not only the strength of Ali"s party,who, though kept
under for the present, would be sure to fall into any measures
opposite to Moawiyah their mortal enemy ; but also with
regard to the fact, that several of the old companions of the
apostle still survived, who looked for the dissolution of
Moawiyah, with no less impatience than the papal cardinals
long for the possession of the apostolic chair. Besides
Yezid"s character was so obnoxious, whatsoever it might seem
in his father's eyes, that his uncle Ziyad, who had capacity
and exp«rience to understand men, as well as courage and
spirit to govern them, thought him too unpopular to be the
subject of such a proposition to the provinces. And yet,
notwithstanding all these difficulties, Moawiyah so managed
matters, that the son was more secure of succeeding the
father, than could have been supposed by any who considered
the insolence and innovation of the attempt, and the vigorous
opposition it was likely to provoke. And Moawiyah at last
succeeded in getting his son acknowledged for his successor.
As soon as this point was settled, Yezid sat and gave audience
to the ambassadors, who were sent from all the countries round
to proffer their allegiance, and to congratulate him.f Amongst
the rest came old Al Ahnaf, who was Yezid' s uncle. Moa-
wiyah, who was very fond of his son, bade Al Ahnaf dis-
course with him; and to give him a fair opportunity of trying
his parts, left them some time alone. "When Al Ahnaf
came out, Moawijah asked him what he thought of his
nephew. The old man very gravely answered : — " If we lie,
we fear to offend God ; if we speak truth, we fear to offend
you. You know best both his night and his day ; his inside
and his outside ; his coming in and his going out ; and you
know best what you design to do. It is our business to hear
and obey; yours to give counsel to the people,";}:
• Anno 60. f MS. No. 495.
J Several sayings of this celebrated chief are recorded in the Biographi-
cal Dictionary of Ebn Khallikan, translated by Baron De Slane. We
extract the following : —
" At the battle of SefFein (see reign of Ali), Al Ahnaf had fought on
the side of Ali, and when Moawiyali was solidly established on the throne,
ho came one day to his presence. ' By Allah,' said the calii)li, ' never till
378 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACEKS. Moawiyah 1.
It was part of the agreement between Moawiyah and Hasan*
that after Moawiyah"s decease, the government should return
to Hasan ; but he being dead, Moawiyah's thoughts were en-
tirely bent upon his own son Yezid ; and there either really
was in him, or else paternal tenderness made him fancy it,
something so grand and majestic, and a capacity so well
fitted for the government of a mighty empire, that his
father grew every day fonder of him ; and though in other
respects, a wise and prudent man, he could not help fre-
quently expressing in conversation the great opinion he en-
tertained of his abilities. It is said, that once, in one of his
harangues to the people after this business was over, he said,
" O God ! if thou knowest that I have settled the government
upon him, because according to the best of my judgment I
think him qualified for it, confirm it to him ! But if I have
done it out of affection, confirm it not!"'
The last speech made in public, when he perceived him-
self in a weak condition, was to this purpose :* — " I am like
the corn that is to be reaped, and I have governed you a
long time till we are both weary of one another ; both willing
the day of judgment shall I call to mind the battle of SefFein, without feel-
ing my heart glow with anger.' ' By Allah,' replied Al Ahnaf, ' we have
still in our bosoms those hearts which detested you, and we still bear in our
scabbards those swords with which we fought you ; if you advance an ir.ch
towards war, we shall advance a foot ; and if you walk to give us battle,
we shall run to meet you !' He then rose up and withdrew. A sister of
Moamyah, who had heard the conversation from behind the tapestry, tlien
asked him who was the person who had used such threatening laiiniiage,
and Moawiyah answered :— 'That is the man, who, if angered, has lob.oTiO
of the tribe of Tamin to share his anger, without asking him the reason
of it ?'
'* One of Al Ahnafs sayings was this :— ' I have followed three lines of
conduct : I never interfered between two parties unless invited by them to
do so ; I never went to the door of princes unless sent for by them ; and
I never rose from my place to obtain a thing which all men were anxious to
possess.' Another time he said, 'Excess in laughter drives away respect;
excess in jesting drives away politeness ; and the man is know-n by the'
company he keeps.' Again, "he said, ' In our assemblies avoid the mention
of women or of food ; I detest the man who is always speaking of hia
belly or his pleasures.'
" Al Ahnaf had a weak and indolent son called Bahr. The latter was
once asked why he did not take example from his father. Hi replied,
from laziness.' With him died all Al Alinafs posterity."
• Ebn Al Athir.
Hej. 60.A. D. 679. DEATH OF MOAWIYAH. 379
to part. I am superior to all who shall come after me ; as
my predecessors "were superior to me. '\^^losoever loves to
meet God. God loves tc meet him. O God ! I love to meet
thee ! do thou love to meet me !"' He had not walked far
after this speech before he was taken very ill. When he per-
ceived death approaching, his son Yezid being absent.*' he
called the captain of his guards to him, and another faithful
servant, and said to them, '" Remember me to Yezid, and tell
him this from me : — Look upon the Arabians as your root
and foundation, and whenever they send you any ambassadors,
be sure to treat them with courtesy and respect. Take care
of the Syrians, for they are entirely in your interest, and you
may depend upon them whenever you are insulted by your
enemies. But if ever you have occasion to make use of them
out of their own country, as soon as they have answered
your purpose, send them home again ; for they alter for
the worse with being abroad. Oblige the Irakians, though
they were to ask you for a new deputy every day ; you
had better in such a case part with the dearest friend you
have in this world, than have a hundred thousand swords drawn
upon you. I am not in fear for you from any of the Koreish
but three, Hosein. Ben Ammar, and Abdallah son of Zobeir
(here he repeated the characters given of them before). If
Abdallah appears against you, oppose him ; if he offers you
peace, accept it. and spare the blood of your people as much
as lies in your power."
Moawiyah reigned nineteen }ears three months and seven
and twenty days, from the time that the government came
entirely into his hands upon Hasan's resignation.! There are
different reports concerning his age ; some say seventy years,
and others seventy-five. When he was dead, Dehac, the son
of Kais, went into the mosque, and stepped up into the
pulpit with Moawiyah' s winding-sheet in his hand ; where,
having made an enconwim upon him, and satisfied the people
that he was dead, and that that was his winding-sheet, he
said the burial prayers over him. Yezid was then absent at
a town called Hawarin, belonging to the territory of Hems.
They wrote to him aixl desired his presence ; but he did not
come till after his i^ther was buried, and then went and
prayed at the tomb.
• MS. Hunt No. 495. ^ Abulfeda.
•"S*^ HISTOllY OF THE SAEACEKS. MoAwrvAH 1
^ Moawiyah embraced the Mohammedan religion at the same
time with his father, which was in the year of the victory.
Mohammed made him his secretary, and Omar gave him the
lieutenancy of Syria, which he held during four years of that
caliph"s life. Othman continued him in that post durin"- the
whole space of his reign, which was about twelve years.
Four years more he kept Syria in his own hands by force,
whilst he held out against Ali. Taking all together, there-
fore, he had held possession of Syria, either as governor or
caliph, for nearly forty years.
He was of a merciful disposition, courageous, of a quick
capacity, thoroughly skilled in the administration of govern-
ment. His good nature prevailed over his anger, and the
sweetness of his temper exceeded its fierceness.* He was
easy of access, and very obliging in his behaviour.f
There is a tradition that goes under the name of one
Hasan, aBassorian, of great authority among the traditionists.|
According to it, four things are to be objected against
Moawiyah, for each of which he deserved destruction. 1 . His
having seized the caliphate by force of arms, without having
tirst consulted the people, amongst whom, besides the com-
panions of the apostle, there were a great many persons of
merit and distinction. 2. His leaving the caliphate by way
of inheritance to his son Yezid, a man of scandalous cha-
racter, a drunkard, a lover of music, and one that wore silk.
3. His disgraceful procedure in the business of Ziyad, when
he owned him for his brother, in violation of the rule of
Mohammed for the regulation of such matters. 4. His
cruelty to Hejer and his companions. Shaphei reports, that
* The reader \n\\ easily perceive that this manner of expression is not
English but Arabic, as he may observe in abundance of passages throughout
the whole book. ''
t " Moawiyah was so voracious, that his greediness was proverbial, and in
old age he became inordinately fat."— See Fret/lag's Proverbia Meidanii.
" Abu Abdarrhaman, the chief traditionist of his age, and author of a
Sunan, advocated the rights of Ali, and xvas one day asked what traditions
he knew of Moawiyah. Abdarrhaman replied, ' I know of none to his
special merit, save this, May God never satiate thy belly.' This circum-
stance took place at Damascus, and the sarcasm is said to have been so
bitter, that the people struck him on all sides, and his death was occasioned
by the injuries he then received."— JJdw Khallikan's Biog. Did. traml. by
Baron de Slane.
t MS. Hunt. No. 495.
HeJ. 60 A.D. CrO. CHARACTER OF MOA-\VrY\TT 381
he put Ali Rebiyah in chains, because there were four of the
companions whose testimony he rejected, viz. Moawyah,
Amrou, Al Mogeirah, and Ziyad.
Once, when the cahph was holding his court for the redress
of wrongs, there came before him a young man, and repeated
to him a copy of verses, detailing his present condition, and
demanding justice at his hands. Moawiyah was A^ery well
pleased with the verses.* The Arabians delight in poetry,
and to address the severest tjTant of them all after this
manner, with something that is fanciful and pungent, is the
surest way in the world either for a man to gain his point,
or, if such be the necessity, to save his neck. The young
man's case, however, was not quite so extreme. He had
married a fair Arabian purely for love, and out of fondness
had spent upon her all his substance, which was consider-
able. She was charmingly beautiful ; and the governor of
Cufah cast his wanton eyes upon her, and by force tore her
from her husband's bosom. He, to whom the loss of his
property, though it had been all the world, was nothing in
comparison with the loss of her, being pierced to the very
heart, and ready to die with sorrow and vexation, made his
appeal to Moawiyah. Moawiyah resolved to do him justice,
and sent an express to the governor commanding to give
up the woman. The governor, who had not the worst taste
in the world, told the messenger, that if the caliph would be
pleased to allow him to retain her one twelvemonth, he would
be content to pay for so much happiness by ha%'ing his head
struck off at the end of it. But the caliph rigidly insisted
upon her being delivered up, and had her brought before
him. He was very much surprised at her beauty, but much
more at the politeness and elegance of her expression. He
that had received so many embassies, and always conversed
with the greatest men of his country, had never in his life
heard such a torrent of eloquence as flowed from the mouth
of that charming Arabian. The caliph asked her jocosely,
* Moawiyah was a great patron of letters, Sismondi says he was more
favourably disposed towards them than even Ali. The same writer adds,
" He assembled at his court all who were most distinguished by scientific
acquirements; he surrounded himself with poets; and as he had subjected
to his dominion many of the Grecian isles and prorinces, the sciences o/
Greece first began, under him, to obtain an influence over tlie Arabians."
382 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. MojimvAH ^
whicli she would have, him, or the governor, or her husband.
She answered him in verse ; and I forbear to translate her
answer, because I have no hopes of coming up to the spirit
of it. It was, however, marked with the modesty that
became her sex, and the general sense of it was, that though
a person in his eminent station might be able to do for her
much that was beyond her merit or expectation, yet it could
not be put into the balance against everlasting damnation ;
she therefore begged of him, if he really designed her any
favour, to restore her to her own dear husband. This he
very generously performed, and moreover presented her with
a very rich equipage and plenty of gold, to repair her hus-
band's shattered circumstances.
He was in fact always munificent. He made a present to
Ayesha of a bracelet worth a hundred thousand pieces of
gold, which she accepted. He gave Hasan three hundred
thousand pieces, and Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, one hun-
dred thousand. He used to bid those that came to see
him to take away with them anything they desired. He
bestowed a hundred thousand pieces upon Hosein, who dis-
tributed them among ten of his acquaintance. A hundred
thousand more were granted by him to Abdallah, the son of
Faafar, who gave them to his wife at her request. Merwan,
the son of Hakem, who was afterwards caliph, received from
him a hundred thousand pieces, half of which he divided
amongst his friends. At another time he bestowed four
millions on Hasan.*
The following anecdote is related of Moawiyah by Abul-
faragius. It happened that Sapor, who had seized Armenia
by force of arms, sent an ambassador named Sergius, to
Moawiyah, desiring his assistance against the Grecian
emperor, who, at the same time, sent one Andrew, a eunuch,
a great favourite. Moawiyah told them, that they were both
equally enemies, and that he would assist that side that
offered him most.
* "Strict Mussulmans were not a little offended at the richness of Moa-
wi^'ah's dress; for till his time the caliphs had worn only woollen garments.
But as soon as he became governor of Syria, he began to make use of silk,
and ever afterwards was clothed in rich and cosily array. He also lived in
a very splendid manner, and made no scruple of constantly drinking wine,
contrary to the usjige of his predecessors, who had always looked ujpon that
liquor to be totally prohibited." — Marii/ni/.
Re;. BO. A. c. 670, CHARACTEE OF JiOA"\VI YAIT. 383
Moawiyah was the first caliph that in troduopd the meksourah
into the mosque, or that spoke to the people sitting.*' The mek-
sourah is a place raised above, and separate from the rest of the
mosque, where the caliph, who was chief pontiff in religious,
as well as sovereign in civil affairs, began and chanted the
prayers, which are, as one may say, the public office of the
Mussulmans. It was in this place also, that he made the
cotbah to the people, which is a sort of homily or preachment.
Before his time it used to follow the prayers, but Moawiyah
commenced \vith it, for fear he should forget what he had
prepared to say. f He was also the first caliph that obliged
ih.e people to swear allegiance to his son.| The first that laid
post horses upon the roads. §
An Arabian robber being once condemned to have his
hand cut off, Moawiyah pardoned him for the sake of four
very ingenious verses that he made and repeated to him on
the spot. II They remark that this was the first sentence pro-
nounced among the Mussulmans that was not put in execu-
tion ; the caliphs not having as yet, before this instance of
Moawiyah, taken the liberty of showing favour to those
whom the ordinary judges had condemned.
Abulfeda relates the following as a remarkable instance
of his patience and clemency. Arwah, the daughter of
Hareth, the son of Abdal Motaleb, the son of Hashem, came
to make him a \-isit. She Avas his aunt, a very old woman,
• Abulfeda. D'llerbelot. t Abulfaragius. J Abulfeda.
§ "Moawiyah was also the first caliph who allowed Mussulmans to embark
in ships, and who sent maritime expeditions against the enemies of his em-
pire. Previous to his reign no Arab had been permitted to go on board a
vessel: the cause of the prohibition was as follows. When Egypt was
conquered by Amrou Ebn Aas, in the reign of Omar, that caliph vrrote to
his lieutenant for a description of the sea. Amrou replied : ' The sea is
a great pool which some inconsiderate people furrow, looking like worms on
logs of wood.' On the receipt of this answer, Omar forbade all navigation
amongst the Mussulmans, and from that time until the reign of Jloawiyah
all transgressors were severely punished. The real cause of this prohibitidn
was, that when the Arabs began their conquests they were entirely imac-
customed to that element ; while, on the contrary, the Romans and the
Franks, through their almost continual practice, and their education in the
midst of the waves, were enabled to navigate the seas, and, by dint cf ex-
perience and successful enterprize, to become almost congenial to that
element." — Don Pascual de Gayangos.
U D'Herbelot from Rabialakyar.
884 HrSTORT OF THE SABACEKS. Moawivah I.
and of All's branch of tlic familJ^ As soon as Moawiyah liaj
saluted her, she began to reproach him, "O nephew," said she,
" you have been very ungrateful, and injurious to your cousin.
who was a companion of the apostle ; and you called yourselc
by a name that was none of your own, and took possession of
what you had no right to. And our family exceeded all men
in sufferings for this religion, till God took his prophet to re-
ward his labours, and to exalt his station ; and then you in-
siilted us, and we were amongst you like the children of
Israel in the family of Pharaoh ; though Ali was to the pro-
phet, as Aaron was to Moses."' Upon this, Amrou, who was then
present, had no patience, but took her up, and said, " Hold
your tongue, old woman, and do not talk thus like one out of
your wits." ""What," says she, "do you prate to me who
am an honest Moman, while your mother was known all over
Mecca to be of very easy virtue, and as you were most like
old Aasi, he was forced to father you r " Moawiyah, however,
only said to her, " God forgive what is past : M'hat would you
have?" She answered, "Two thousand pieces, to buy an
estate for the poor of our family ; and two thousand more to
marry our poor relations : and two thousand more for myself
to secure me in time of extremity." All wliich was, by .Moa-
wiyah's command, immediately paid down to her.
This caliph was buried in Damascus, where he had esta-
blished the seat of the caliphate ; and that city always retained
this prerogative of dignity so long as the Ommiyades, or de-
fenders of Moawiyah reigned. In the time of the Abba-
sides it was transferred to Anbar, Haschemyah, and Bagdad.
The inscription of Moawiyah's seal was, " Every work hat
its reward," or as others say, " There is no strength but in
God.- ■=■■
* It was Juring the reign of Moawiyah that some of tlie pnne'';i
incidents connected with tlie Paradise of Sheddad the son of Ad,+ are sail
to have taken place. This Paradise, though invisible, is still supposed to li"
standing in the deserts of Aden, and sometimes, though very rarely, God
permits it to be seen. Lane in his notes to the Arabian Nights relates the
following storv : —
" Abdallah the son of Aboo Kilabeh, pro(;eeding one day over the
deserts of El Yemen in search of a runaway camel, chanced to amve at a
+ The Additcs are a race of ancient Arabs : the smallest of their tr'be
is said to have been 'JO cubits hi;;hj and the largest 100 cubits !
Hej. 60. A.D. 679. PAKADISE OF THEDDAD. 385
Taat city encompassed by enormous fortifications, around the circuit of
which were pavilions rearing their heads into the clouds. As he approathed
it, he imagined that there must be inhabitants within it ; but he found it
desolate and in utter solitude.
"'I alighted from my camel,' says he, 'and entered the city. I found
the fortifications had two enormous gates, the like of which I had never
seen for size and height, and these were set with a variety of jewels and
jacinths, white, red, yellow, and green. In a state of terror, and with a
wandering mind, I entered the fortifications, and found them to be as exten-
sive as the city ; they comprised elevated pavilions, every one of which
contained lofty chambers, constructed of gold and silver, and adorned with
rubies, chrysolites, pearls, and various coloured jewels. The folding-doors
of these pavilions were as beautiful as the gates of the fortificationf-, and
the floors were overlaid with large pearls and with balls like hazel-nuts,
composed of musk and ambergris and saffron. And I came into the midst
of the city, but 1 saw not a single created being of the sons of Adam ; and
I almost died of terror. I then looked down from the summits of the
lofty chambers and pavilions, and saw rivers running beneath them ; and in
the great thorough-fare streets of the city were fruit-bearing trees, and tall
palm-trees; and the construction of the city was of alternate bricks of gold
and silver : so I said within myself, ' No doubt this is the Paradise
promised in the world to come.'
" ' I carried away of the jewels, which were as its gravel, and of the musk
which was as its dust, as much as I could bear, and returned to my district,
and acquainted my people with the occurrence. And when the news
reached Moawiyah, he wrote to his lieutenant, and I was summoned to his
presence. And I informed the caliph of what I had seen, and showed him
the pearls, and the balls of ambergris, musk, and saffron ; and the latter
retained somewhat of their sweet scent, but the pearls were yellow and
discoloured.
" ' At the sight of these Moa\viyah wondered, and sent for Kaab-el-Ahbar,*
who, on hearing the story, said that the city was Irem-el-Emad, and
accordingly related the following :
"'Ad the Greater had two sons, Shedeed and Sheddad, and on the death
of their father they reigned conjointly over the whole earth. At length
Shedeed died, and his brother Sheddad ruled after him. Sheddad wf,s fond
of reading the ancient books, and when he met vnih descriptions of
Paradise and of the world to come, his heart enticed him to build its like
upon the earth. He had under his authority 100,000 kings, each of whom
commanded 100,000 chieftains, and each of these were at the head of
100,000 soldiers. And he summoned them all before him, and said, 'I
desire to make a Paradise upon earth. Depart ye therefore to the most
pleasant and most spacious vacant tract in the earth, and build for me in it
a city of gold and silver ; for its gravel spread chrysolites, rubies, and pearls;
and make columns of chrysolite as supports for the vaulted roofs. Fill the
city with pavilions, and over the pavilions construct lofty chambers, and
* A famous traditionist of the tribe of Hemyer, v^n embraced Tslamism
in the reign of Omar, and died in the year of the Hej. 32, during the reign
of C'thman j the anecdote therefore presents an anacnronism.
C C
386 HISTOKY OF THE SARACENS. Moawiyah t
beneath them plant, in the by-streets and great throughfare-streets, varieties
of trees bearing different kinds of ripe fruits, and make rivers to run
beneath them in channels of gold and silver.' To this they all replied,
' How can we accomplish that which you have described ? ' But he said,
• Know ye not that all the kings of the earth are under my authority ?
Depart to the mines and the pearl provinces : gather their contents and
take ye from the hands of men such things as ye find : spare no exertions
and beware of disobedience ! '
" ' Sheddad then wrote to each of the kings of the earth, commanding them
to collect all the above-mentioned riches that their subjects possessed, and
to gather them from the mines ; and all this was done in the space of
twenty years. Then he sent forth geometricians, sages, labourers, and
artificers from all countries and regions ; and they dispersed themselves
until they came to a desert, wherein was a vast open plain, clear from hills
and mountains ; in the plain were springs flowing and rivers gushing, and
here they busied themselves in building the city according to his commands.
Then the kings of the earth sent thither their gold and jewels and riches
upon camels and in great ships, beyond all description and calculation : and
the workmen laboured at the city for three hundred years. When it was
completed, king Sheddad desired them to build around it impregnable
fortifications, and to construct around the circuit of the fortifications a
thousand pavilions, each with a thousand pillars beneath it, in order that
each pavilion might hold a vizier. This also was accomplished in twenty
years.
" ' Then Sheddad ordered his thousand viziers, and his chief officers and
principal troops to prepare themselves for departing to Irem-el-Emad ;
he also ordered those whom he chose from his women, his harem, his
female slaves, and his eunuchs, to fit themselves out : and they passed
twenty years in equipping themselves. Then Sheddad proceeded with his
troops, his women, and his slaves till he came within one day's journey of
Irem-el-Eamad, when God sent down upon him and the obstinate infidels
who accompanied him, a loud cry from the heaven of his power, and it
destroyed them all by the vehemence of its sound. Neither Sheddad nor
any that were with him arrived at the city, and God obliterated all traces
of the road ; and there that city remaineth until the day of judgment.'
" At this narrative related by Kaab, Moawiyah wondered and asked if any
one of mankind could arrive at that city. To which Kaab replied that
one of the 'companions of the prophet,' like Abdallah, could do so,
without doubt."
Esh Shaabe relates that when Sheddad was destroyed, his son Sheddad
the Less reigned after him ; and soon as the latter heard of his father's
death, he ordered the body to be carried to Hadramant, where a sepulchre
was excavated for him in a cavern. The corpse was then covered with
seventy robes, interwoven with gold and adorned with precious jewels, and
placed upon a couch in the cavern.
The history of Zobeide in the Arabian Nights is evidently founded upon
this tradition, and it will be immediately recognized by all readers of
Southey's poem of " Thalaba."
HeJ.60.A.i».679. YEZID I. SEVENTH CALIPHATE. 387
VEZID I., THE SON OP MOAWITAH, THE SECOND CALIPH OP
THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE SETENTH AFTER
MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 60—64. a. d. 679—683.
Yezid, the son of Moawiyah, was inaugurated caliph or
the new moon of the month Rejeb, of the sixtieth year of
the Hejirah, which coincides with the seventh day of April,
in the year of our Lord six hundred and eighty.* He was
born in the twenty-sixth year of the Hejirah, according to
which account he was thirty-four (lunar) years old when he
was saluted emperor. He was forthwith acknowledged law-
ful caliph in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Persia, and all
the other Mohammedan countries. But the cities of Mecca
and Medina, and some others of Chaldea, refused at first to
submit themselves to him. Among the great ones none but
Hosein and Abdallah the son of Zobeir opposed his succes-
sion, and they disputed the caliphate with him to their death.
He confirmed all his father's lieutenants and ofl[icers in
their appointments. The governor of Medina was Walid the
son of Otbah ; of Cufah, Nooman the son of Bashir ; of
Bassorah, Obeidollah the son of Ziyad ; of Mecca, Abdallah
Amrou. After his accession, the object he had most at bean
was to bring in those that had opposed his nomination
as his father's heir and successor. With this view, he Avrote
the following letter to Walid governor of Medina. " In the
name of the most merciful God. From Yezid emperor of the
faithful to Walid the son of Otbah. Moawiyah was one of
the servants of God, who honoured him and made him caliph,
and extended his dominions, and established him. He lived
his appointed time, and God took him to his mercy. He
lived beloved, and died pure and innocent. Farewell. Hold
Hosein, and Abdallah the son of Ammar, and Abdallah the
son of Zobeir, close to the inauguration without any remis-
sion or relaxation." Walid. upon the receipt of this letter,
sent for Merwan the son of Hakem, and consulted him on
the contents of it. Merwan advised him to send for Hosein
and Abdallah, and tender them the oath before they were ap-
prized of the caliph's death ; and if they refused to take it,
• MS. Hunt. No. 495. Abulfeda.
c c 2
388 HISTOEY or the SARACENS. Yb"B l
then at once to strike off their heads. But either this scheme
was not so closely concerted but the parties concerned
received s-ome private intelligence of it, or else they had
themselves suspicion of it. Whichever way it was, Wa-
lid"s messenger, who found them at the mosque, was sent
back with this answer, " That they would come presently."
After a short deliberation, Hosein went to the governor's
house, attended with a number of his friends and domestics,
whom he placed about the door, with orders to rush in if they
should hear any disturbance. The governor, having ac-
quainted him with Moawiyah's decease, invited him to swear
allegiance to Yezid. He answered, " That men of his dis-
tinction did not use to do things of that nature in private ;
neither did he expect that he would ever have desired it of
him ; that he thought it better to wait till, according to the
custom upon such occasions, all the people were met together,
and then do it with one accord. Walid consented. But
Merwan, who easily saw through this excuse (as indeed the
governor did too), said to Walid, " If he does not do it now,
before he goes away, there will be a great deal of blood shed
between you and him ; wherefore hold him close, and do not
let him go out till he hath owned his allegiance ; but if he
will not, strike his head off." Hosein leaped out, and having
first reproached Merwan for his advice, went to his own house.
Merwan swore to the governor that he was never like to see
Hosein any more. The governor told him he did not trouble
himself about it ; adding, that he had everything he
desired in this world, and as for the next, that he did not be-
lieve that that man's balance would be light who should be
guilty of the murder of Hosein. It is an article of the Mo-
hammedan faith, that at the last day there shall be a balance,
supported by the divine power, that shall extend to the ut-
most limits of heaven and earth, in which the most minute
actions of mortal men shall be weighed, and he whose evil deeds
outweigh his good ones shall be damned ; on the contrary, he
whose good deeds overbalance his evil ones, shall be saved.
For this reason Walid said, " That his balance, who should kill
Hosein, would not be light," meaning that wherein his evil
deeds were put. Then Walid sent for Abdallah the son of Zo-
beir, who put him off for a space of four and twenty hours ;
and, in the meantime, taking along with him all his family
B«i. 60. A.B. 679. T£ZID DISPLACES WALID. SftJ
and his brother Jaafar, departed for Mecca. Walid sent a
party of horse to pursue him, but to no purpose. Whilst
Walid was thus taken up with Abdallah, he had little time to
take notice of Hosein, who, whenever he sent for him, put
him off with an excuse, and in the meantime made all the pre-
paration he could in secret to follow Abdallah. He left none
of all his family behind him except his brother Mohammed
Hanifiyah, who, before they pailed, expressing the most tender
aflPection and concern for him tliat can be imagined, advised
him by no means to venture himself in any of the provinces,
but to lie close either in the deserts or the mountains, till his
friends were gathered together in a considerable body, and
then he might trust himself with them. But if he was re-
solved to go into a town, he could not be so safe anywhere
as in Mecca : where, if he met with the least appearance of
anything to alarm him, he should immediately withdraw and
retire to the mountains. Hosein. having thanked him heartily
for his sincere advice, made the best of his way to Mecca,
where he met with Abdallah.
Yezid, not well pleased with Walid's remissness, removed
him from the government of Medina, and gave it to Amrou, a
very proud man, the son of Said, who was governor of Mecca.
He gave Amer the son of Zobeir, who mortally hated his
brother Abdallah, a commission to march against him. Ab-
dallah engaged him in the field, routed him, and put him in
prison, where he kept him till he died.
Now though Abdallah seemed to have interest sufficient
to carry his point, and had beat down all opposition before
him, and the Medinians had openly declared for him, so that
his fame was spread round about the country, yet Hosein' s
glory so far outshone his that he had no chance of being the
choice of the people, so long as he was alive. Hosein, both
upon the account of his near relationship to Mohammed, and
his OAvn personal qualifications, was reverenced above all men
alive. Moawiyah, so long as he lived, treated him with the
utmost respect. And when Hasan had resigned in favour of
Moawiyah, the caliph used often to invite both him and his
brother Hosein, always receiving them with the utmost cour-
tesy, and never failing to dismiss them with noble presents.
After Hasan's death, Hosein frequently sent to Moawiyah,
and paid him a visit once every year. He also joined with
390 HISTOET OF JCHE SABACEWS, Y>zn> i
his son Yezid in his expedition against Constantinople. Ho-
sein was the hopes of all the Irakians ; never were people
more overjoyed than they were at the death of Moawiyah,
whom they had all along detested as a tyrant and usurper.
They thought that now there was a period put to their slavery,
and they should be under the gentle government of a man
that was sprung of an almost divine race. The Cufians were
so impatient, that they sent message after message to him,
assuring them that if he would but make his appearance
amongst them, he should not only be secure of his own per-
son, but in consideration of the esteem wi.ich they had for
his father Ali, and his family, they would render him their
homage and services, and acknowledge him for the only law-
ful and true caliph. They assured him that there was no
manner of difficulty in the matter; all the country being
entirely devoted to him, and ready to expend in his cause
their lives and fortunes. The messengers they had sent, one
after another, came to him at last in a body, pressing him
with the utmost vehemence, to do what he himself had little
aversion to ; only he thought it the part of a prudent man,
in an affair of so great consequence, and attended Avith so
much hazard, to use a little caution and circumspection.
Accordingly, he sent his cousin Muslim into Irak, to feel the
pulse of the people, and see whether or no they were so
imanimously in his interest as had been represented ; and
ordering him, that if he found things favourable, to head a
body of them, and beat down all opposition that should be
made. Besides he gave him a letter to the Cufians to the same
purport. Muslim left Mecca and passed through Medina, from
whence he took along with him a couple of guides, who led him
into a vast desert, where there was no road ; one of them
perished with thirst, and the other soon after died of the cohc.
This unprosperous beginning seemed ominous to Muslim, and
discouraged him to that degree, that having reached a spot
where there was water, he refused to proceeed in his jour-
ney, till he should receive further instructions from He-
sein, to whom he despatched a messenger. Hosein ordered
him, by all means, to go on to Cufah, and act pursuant to the
directions he had already received. Whea he came to Cufah,
he communicated his business privately '^o such as he (tould
trust, and the matter was so cautiously whispered about, that
Hej. 60. A.D. 679. H08EIX, SON OF ALL Mi
they reckoned themselves secure of eighteen thousand adher-
ents before Yezid's deputy Nooman had heard of it. Mus-
lim, satisfied with this success, did not defer to acquaint
Hosein with it. He wrote to him, and told him that every
thing was made plain and easy for him now, and that nothing
was wanting but his presence. Upon this notice, Hosein set
out upon his journey from Mecca to Cufah.
Nooman at last received information of the increasing
popularity of Hosein, and the forwardness of his party.
Surprised and concerned, he immediately made a speech to
the people, exhorting them to a peaceful behaviour, and to
avoid all manner of strife and contention. He assured them
that for his o\ra part he would not be the aggressor, nor
meddle vnth. any person, unless he was first insulted or pro-
voked ; nor would he take up any man upon suspicion. But
at the same time he swore by that God, besides whom is no
other, that if they revolted from their Imam (Vezid), and
withdrew their allegiance, he would fight against them as
long as he could hold a sword in his hand. Upon this one
of the bystanders told him that this was a matter that
required stirring, but that he talked like one of the weak
ones. He answered, that " He had rather be one of the
weak ones in obedience to God, than one of the strong ones
in rebelling against him." With those words Nooman came
down. News of the whole was carried to Yezid, who sent
immediately and removed Nooman from the lieutenancy of
Cufah, and gave it to ObeidoUah, the son of Ziyad, together
with that of Bassorah, which he had before. This he did at
the instance of Sarchun, the son of Moawyah ; for before
that time he was not affected well towards ObeidoUah, pro-
bably because his father, Ziyad, was against his being declared
heir to Moawiyah.
Upon this appointment ObeidoUah went from Bassorah to
Cufah. He rode into the town in the evening, with a black
turban on (which was Hosein's dress), and as he passed
along and saluted the crowd, he was re-saluted by the title of
the son of the apostle, they imagining it had been Hosein, of
whose coming they were in hourly expectation. But to their
no smaU grief and mortification, they were soon undeceived,
when some of ObeidoUah's retinue bid them stand off, and
make room for the Emir ObeidoUah. With his retinue,
392. HISTORY or the SARACENS. YbziuI
which was but seventeen horse in all, he went directly to thft
castle, and began to think of proper means for the extinguish-
ing this sedition. For this purpose, he gave three thousand
pieces to one of his domestics, who was to pretend that he
had come out of Syria to promote the inauguration of Hosein,
and to contribute to liis interest. Muslim had a house in
to"\vn, where he polled great numbers every day. Here
accordingly Obeidollah's man presented himself, and managed
his business so well, that he easily gained credit to his story,
and was introduced to Muslim, who took down his vote for
Hosein. And the better to colour the matter, he gave some
of his money towards the buying arms, to one whom Muslim
had appointed to receive all the money that was contributed
by the party, and to purchase arms with it. He also con-
tinued a few days among the adherents of Hosein, till he had
sufficiently informed himself of all their plans and circum-
stances, and then made his report to ObeidoUah. Muslim
had changed his quarters, which at first he had taken up at
Hani's house, and removed to Sharik's, who was one of the
grand Omeras. Sharik being sick, ObeidoUah sent him word
that he would pay him a visit. Upon this Muslim was
secreted in the chamber, with the design of surprising and
killing the governor. The signal for his onslaught was to be
the sick man's calling for water. ObeidoUah came attended
by Hani and one servant. Tliey sat down (except the ser-
vant) and talked with Sharik a while, but Muslim's courage
failed him. The girl that was bringing the water, spying
Muslim standing there, was ashamed, and went back with it
three times.'^'' At last Sharik called out loud, " Bring me
some water, though it kills me." This made Obeidollah's
man suspect that there was something more than ordinary in
the matter, so he gave a hint to his master, who immediately
left the house. When they were gone Hani and Sharik
asked Muslim why he did not kill him. He answered, " He
had heard a tradition of the apostle, who had said, ' The
faith is contrary to murder : let not a believer murder a man
unawares.' Wherefore," he said, " he durst not kill him in his
house." They told him that if he had done it, nobody would
have concerned themselves to revenge his death, and they
could have secured him in the possession of the castle.
• MS. Hunt. No. 495.
ttej. 60. A.D. 679. HANI IJIPEISONED. 393
Sharik died three days after. As for Hani, upon Obeidollah's
commanding the registers'^'' to be strictly searched, under the
severest penalty, he was found standing upon record as an
old offender, and one that had opposed ObeidoUah before.
Obeidollah remembered him, and sent some of the Omeras.
who brought him to the castle. When he came there,
Obeidollah asked him what was become of Muslim. He at
first pretended to know nothing of him, but being confronted
by Obeidollah's servant, who had seen Muslim at his house,
and paid him money to buy arms for the service of Hosein,
he had nothing to say for himself but that Muslim intruded
himself upon him into his house, and did not come thither by
his invitation. Obeidollah commanded him to produce him.
He answered, " That if he was under his feet, he would not
take them off from him." At this Obeidollah gave him suck
a blow with his mace, that he wounded him in the face, and
broke his nose. Upon this Hani attempted to seize one of
the swords of the guards, but was prevented. Obeidollah
told him he had forfeited his life, and commanded him to be
imprisoned in a room in the castle. The people of Hani's
tribe presently came flocking about the castle, imagining that
he was murdered, but the cadi sent one to tell them that he
only was detained to be asked some questions about Muslim,
and bade them be quiet, and return peaceably to their houses,
for though the emir had struck him, the blow was not mortal.
Muslim having heard this news, mounted his horse, and gave
the word, " Ya mensour ommet V] which was the signal for a
general rising agreed upon among Hosein's party. Four
thousand men joined him, and he led them to the castle
under two colours, the one red, the other green. J Obeidollah
was then in the castle prison, discoursing with the Omeras
and chief men concerning Hani's business, and cautioning
them against sedition, when the watch came and surprised
them all with the news of Muslim's appearance before the
castle. Obeidollah sent out of the castle several men of note
and authority among the people, who rode backwards and
forwards, dissuading them from hazarding their lives in so
• See Esther vi. 1.
+ " 0 thou that art helped by the people !" meaning Hosein.
J " Red was the colour of the Ommiyades, green that of the Alidcflj snA
black that of the Abaasides." — Baron be Slane.
394 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS. Yezid 1
perilous an enterprise. In the meantime Obeidcllah bade
those that were with him to look out of the castle, and
encourage the loj-alists. A woman called out to Muslim, and
told him he might go about his business, or the people
would find him more work than he would like ; and Muslim's
followers, considering that the event was dubious, began to
desert by degrees, till he had no more than thirty men left with
him ; so he retired in the evening and hid himself. Taking
the opportunity of the twilight, he departed from Cufah,
without so much as a guide left to show him the way, or any
one to comfort him or give him shelter. Night came on,
and he was upon the road alone in the dark, not knowing
one step of the way, nor whither he was going. At last he
found a house standing alone in the field, and knocked at the
door, and was answered by an old woman. In the days of
her youth and beauty she had belonged to a great man, but
afterwards had by another a sou, whom she expected out of
the field. Muslim asked her for some water, which she gave
him ; but perceiving that he made no haste to go away, she
told him that it was not proper for him to stand there at her
door, neither would she allow it. At last he let her under-
stand that it was in her power to do a thing which she should
have no reason to repent of. She asked him what it was ;
he told her his name was Muslim, and that the people of the
country had deceived him. She no sooner heard his name
but she readily let him in, and having conveyed him into the
most secret and retired part of her house, made the best
provision for him she was able. At last her son came home,
and observing his mother going backwards and forwards very
often, would not rest satisfied till she had acquainted him
with the occasion of it, which to satisfy his importunity she
did, having first enjoined him to secrecy. But he, having
heard that Obeidcllah had promised a reward to any one who
should give information of Muslim's hiding place, went and
informed in the morning. Wherefore, before Muslim AveU
knew where he was, he found himself surrounded with three
or four score horse. In this strait he betook him to his
sword, and defended himself bravely, for he beat them thrice
out of the house. They pelted him with stones, and put fire
upon the ends of canes, and flung at him; till at last he went
out and fought them in the open air. Here, overpowered
Hej. 60.A.D. 679. MUSLIM TAKEN PKISONEK. 395
with numbers, and grievously wounded in a great many
places, particularly in his lips, which were almost cut to
pieces, he was seized and disarmed, and being bound, was
mounted upon his ovm mule. When he perceived that it
was quite out of his power to help himself, he wept. One of
the men that was present told him that it did not become a
man that had entered upon so great an undertaking to weep ;
but he answered that it was not upon his own account that
he shed tears, but for the sake of Hosein and his family, who
he feared were upon their journey from Mecca to Cufah,
having, as he supposed, set out either that very day or the
day before. Then turning to Mohammed, the son of Alashat,
he begged of him, if it was possible, to send to him in his
name, to entreat him to go back. This Mohammed granted,
but the messenger did not do his part. \Vhen Muslim came
to the castle gate, he found there a great many of the
Omeras, some of whom he knew, and others knew him, w^aiting
for admission to Obeidollah. Muslim was very thirsty, and
begged for a draught of water ; but one of the men told him
he should have no drink till he drank the hanim, that is, the
scalding liquor which the Mohammedans feign is to be the
drink of the damned in heU. "When Muslim was brought
into the presence of Obeidollah, he did not salaam or salute
him, at which, when the bystanders wondered, he said if
Yezid were there himself, he should not think himself
obliged to do it, unless he would give him his life. Obei-
dollah told him that he had come thither to make a dis-
turbance, and sow the seeds of division amongst people that
were all unanimous, and all agreed upon the same thing.
Muslim resolutely answered, " It is not so ; but the people of
this province know very well that your father, Ziyad, has
killed the best of their men, and shed their blood, and
exercised over them the tjTanny of a Cosroes or a Caesar,
and we come to govern with justice, and appeal to the
determination of the book." Obeidollah called him a rogue,
and told him he did not use to appeal to the determination
of the book when he was tippling wine at Medina. For the
truth of which accusation Muslim appealed to God. Ha\ang
ipave given him to make his will, he whispered one of his
friends, and left him seven hundred pieces, desiring him to
beg his dead body of Obeidollah, and tc take care to prevent
396 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS, Yntia I
Hosein's advancing any further in his journey. He was over-
heard by one that stood by, who told every word he said to
ObeidoUah. He did not disapprove of any one article in it ;
and as for Hosein, he said if he would be quiet nobody would
meddle with him, but if he was the aggressor, they would
not flinch from him. Muslim was then carried to the top of
the castle and beheaded. The head was first thrown down
to the bottom, and the body after it. Then Hani was
brought forth and beheaded in the street. Both the heads
were sent for a present to Yezid, with a letter specifying the
several circumstances of their crime and death. This was on
the eighth day of the month Dulhagiah, in the sixtieth year
of the Hejirah.
The earnest and repeated solicitations of the Cufians made
Hosein resolve to accept their invitation, and go directly to
Cufah. They had sent him in a poll of a hundred and forty
thousand : which, together with their letters he bundl-cd up,
to carry along with him. The wisest of his friends looked
upon it as nothing less than madness, to embark in so des-
perate an undertaking. At last, when he seemed resolved to
go, they told him it was his destiny that precipitated him.
Abdallah, the son of Abbas,* told him, that there was a report
spread of his intended journey to Cufah, and desired to know
what he meant by it. Hosein told him, that if it pleased God
he had so determined. The son of Abbas answered, " that
indeed if the Cutians had taken arms, killed their emir [Obei-
doUah], and taken the whole country into their own hands,
and then invited him to come and assume the government,
there would be something in it, and he should advise him to
go. But that so long as they were under the command of
their emir, whose forces were dispersed throughout those ter-
ritories for the security of the country, they had, in effect,
done nothing more than invite him to a war ; and that he had
no security that they would not oppose him, and that they
who had been the most forward in showing an interest in his
cause might not in the end prove his greatest enemies." Ho-
sein said, " he would leave the event to God." After this,
Abdallah, the son of Zobeir came to make him a visit, and
inquire into his design. Among other discourses, he said.. " I
• MS. Hunt. No. 495.
I
HeJ.60. A.D. 679 HOSEIN GOES TO CUFAH. 397
do not see any reason why we should leave everything to the
disposal of these men, when we are the sons of the Moha-
jerins or Refugees, and have a better right and claim to the
government than they." Hosein told him that the chief of
the nobility had written to him, and that his sect (the Shii)
were already to stand up for him to a man. To which the
son of Zobeir answered, " that for himself, if he had such a
sect to stand up for him, he would not neglect the opportu-
nity." Hosein easily saw through his meaning ; for Abdallah,
who was a man of a restless, aspiring temper, knew very well
that aU his o^vn pretensions would be in vain, so long as
Hosein should be alive, but if any thing should befall him,
the way to the caliphate would be made clearer for himself;
and this, as soon as he was gone, Hosein took notice of.
However, Abdallah the son of Abbas, was still very uneasy ;
and resolved to leave no means untried to dissuade him from
his undertaking. He came again to Hosein, and represented
to him the fickle temper of the Irakians, and entreated him
either to stay till they had got rid of their enemy the emir, o,r
at least to go into that part of Hejaz, where there were places
of strength. He had recommended him, if he was determined
on making the attempt, to write circular letters to all his friends,
and keep himself retired till they had formed a body, and
were capable of making a formidable appearance. By this
course, things, he hoped, might succeed according to his desire,
Hosein told him, he knew that he advised him as a friend.
"At least," added the son of Abbas, "if you be resolved to go,
do not take your wives and children along with you, for, by
God, I fear your case will be like Othman's, who was mur-
dered whilst his wives and children stood looking on. Be-
sides, you have rejoiced the heart of Abdallah the son of
Zobeir, in leaving him behind you in Hejaz. And,"' he con-
cluded, "by that God, besides whom there is no other, if 1 knew
that by taking you by the hair of the head I should succeed
in detaining you at Mecca, I would do it."' Then he left him,
and, meeting with Abdallah the son of Zobeir, he told him, he
had no reason to be sad, and immediately repeated the verses
" Ya leka ming kobeiratin," &c., in which the Arabian poet
so beautifully addresses the lark, and bids her, as long as the
field and season favour her, to enjoy herself, and sing, and
rake pleasure in her young ones, and Avhatsciever else delighted
898 HISTORY OP THE SAEACBNS. reftB L
her ; but still to assure herself she should not escape the nets
of the fowler.
No remonstrance having any influence on Hosein * though
Abdallah the son of Abbas sat up with him all night, trying
to move him from his purpose, he set out from Mecca with a
suitable retinue on the eighth day of the month Dulhagiah,
being the very same day on which his cousin Muslim was
killed at Cufah, (though some say the day before) concerning
whom he had received no other intelligence than what he had
sent him, that all things went well. The Emir Obeidollah
was apprised of Hosein"s approach ; and sent a body of a
thousand horse to meet him under the command of Harro the
son of Yezid, of the tribe of Temimah, a man no way disaf-
fected to Hosein's cause. It was at Asseraph that the two
armies came together ; Hosein's men had been for water at
the river, and drawn a great deal for the horses, which he
ordered them not to make use of for themselves alone, but also
to water the horses of his enemies. At noon he commanded
the people to be called together, according to the custom of
the Mohammedans, and came out to them with nothing on but
his vest, his girdle and his shoes, and alleged the invitation
of the Cufians as the reason of his undertaking that expedi-
tion. Then he asked Harro, " if he would pray amongst his
men ; '' who replied, " that after him he would." They parted
that night and went every man to his tent, and the next day
Hosein made a speech to them, wherein he asserted his title
to the caliphate, and exhorted them to submit to him, and
oppose all that stood against him, and who wrongfully usurped
authority over the people. Harro told him. " That he did not
know who had written to him, nor on what subject." Upon
Hosein's producing the letter, Harro said, after he had read a
little of it, " We are none of those that had any hand in writ-
ing of it, and we are commanded as soon as we meet you to
bring you directly to Cufah into the presence of Obeidollah
the son of Ziyad." Hosein told him, that he would sooner
die than submit to that, and gave the word of command to his
men to ride; but Harro wheeled about and intercepted them;
whizk provoked Hosein to say, " May your mother be cbiJd-
le8>t of you!"! (a common curse amongst the Arabians.;
• MS. Laud. No. 161, A. f Arab. Thacolatka Ommokc
Kti. n. A.u. no. HABRO AND HOSEIIC. 399
"What do you mean?" Harro answered, "If any man but
yourself had said so much to me, I would have had satisfac-
tion, but I have no wish to mention your mother, otherwise
than with the greatest respect." Then speaking to his men
they retreated, and he told Hosein, that he had no com-
mission to fight with him, but was commanded not to part
with him, tiU he had conducted him to Cufah. But he bade
him choose any road that did not go directly to Cufah, or
back again to Medinah. " And do you," says he, " write to
Yezid or ObeidoUah, and I will write to Obeidollah. Per-
haps it may please God that something will occur to relieve
me from the risk of being exposed to any extremity upon
your account." Hosein, upon this, turned a little out of the
way towards Adib and Kadesia, and Harro told him, " that it
was his opinion, that if he would be the aggressor and first
set upon the Cufians, he might gain his point; but if he suf-
fered himself to be attacked he would perish." Hosein asked
him, " if he thought to terrify him with death." "VMien they
came to Adib they met ^vith four horsemen, who turned out
of the way to come up to Hosein. Harro would have ridden
between them and Hosein, but he would not permit it. As
soon as they came up, Hosein asked them what news. Thir-
mah, who was their guide, answered, " All the nobUity, to a
man, are against you ; as for the rest, their hearts are with
you, but to-morrow their swords will be dra%vn against you."
Hosein then asked him, if he could give him any tidings of
his messenger Kais ? (one that he had sent before him to pre-
pare the way). Thirmah said, " As for your messenger Kais
he was brought before Obeidollah, who commanded him
to curse you and your father Ali ; instead of which he
stood up and prayed for you and your father, and cursed
Obeidollah and his father Ziyad, and exhorted the people to
come into your assistance, and gave them notice of your com-
ing. For which Obeidollah commanded him to be thrown
do\vn headlong from the top of the castle." At this news Ho-
sein wept, and repeated this verse of the Koran, " There are
some of them who are already dead, and some of them that
stay in expectation and have not changed." He then added.
" 0 God ! let their mansions be in paradise, and gather us
and them together, in the fixed resting-place of thy mercv,
and the delights of thy reward." " Then," said Thirmah to Urn,
400 HISTORY OF THE SAEACENS. Tnio 1
" I do not think the people that are along with you a suffi-
cient match for those that are against you. How is it possi-
ble, when all the plains of Cufah are full of horse and foot
ready to meet you ? I beg of you, for God"s sake, if it be pos-
sible, do not go a span's breadth nearer to them ; but if you
please, I will conduct you to our impregnable mountain Aja,
in which God hath secured us from the kings of Gasan and
Hamyar, and from Nooman,*- the son of Almundir, and from
the black and the red ; you may retire thither, and stay among
us as long as you please. And if any calamity befalls us then
you can send to the tribe of Tay ; for I believe there will be no
less than ten thousand of that tribe with their swords ready
at your service, and by God, nobody shall ever get at us."
Hosein said, " God reward thee;" but still persisted in his
resolution of going forwards, and Thirmah took his leave.
When night came on, he ordered his men to provide as
much water as they should have occasion for, and continued
his march. f As he went on he dosed a little, and waking on
a sudden, said, " We belong to God, and to him we return.
I saw a horseman, who said, ' Men travel by night, and the
destinies travel by night towards them.' This I know to
be a message of our deaths." In the morning, as soon
as the prayers were over, he mended his pace, and taking
the left hand road came to Nineve (not the ancient,
but another town of the same name), and as he rode, with
his bow upon his shoulders, there came up a person who
saluted Al Harro, but took no notice of him. He delivered
a letter to Al Harro, containing orders from ObeidoUah, to
lead Hosein and his men into a place where there was neither
town nor fortification, till his messengers and forces should
come up. This was on Friday the second day of the month
Moharrem, in the sixty-first year of the Hejirah, that is, on
the first day of October, in the year of our Lord six hundred
and eighty.
The day after, Amer the son of Said came up with four
thousand men, which ObeidoUah had ordered to Deilam.
They had pitched their tents without the walls of Cufah ;
and when they heard of Hosein's coming, ObeidoUah com-
manded Amer to defer his intended march to Deilam, and go
* Concerning him, see Socrates' Hist. Eccleaiast. lib. vii. cap. 18.
< MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
HeJ. 61. A.D. 680 HOSEIN's PROPOSITIONS. 401
against Hosein. Amer begged his pardon ; and when Obei-
dollah threatened him upon his refusal, he desired time to
consider of it. Every one that he advised wifh dissuaded
him from it; insomuch, that his nephew said to h'm, " Be-
ware that you do not go against Hosein, and rebel against
your Lord, and cut off mercy from you ; by God, you had
better be deprived of the dominion of the whole world, than
meet your Lord with the blood of Hosein upon you." In
these expostulations he seemed to acquiesce, and to be over-
ruled ; but, upon ObeidoUah's renewing his threats, he
marched against him ; and, meeting him in the place above-
mentioned, sent to inquire what had brought him thither.
Hosein answered, that the Cufians had written to him, but
since they had rejected him he was willing to return to
Mecca. Amer was glad to hear it, and said, he hoped in
God he should be excused from fighting against him. Then
Amer wTote concerning it to Obeidoliah, who sent him this
answer, " Get between him and the water, as he did by
Othman the innocent and righteous, the injured emperor of
the faithful. Make him and his companions acknowledge
the government of the emperor of the faithful, Yezid ; w^hen
they have done that, we will consider of further measures."
From that time Amer's men began to hinder Hosein" s from
getting any water. Now the name of the place where they
intercepted him w^as called Kerbela, and as soon as Hosein
heard it, he said, " Kerb and bala ;" that is, " trouble and
affliction." At last, Hosein proposed a conference with
Amer between the two armies. Accordingly they met, at-
tended, each of them, by twenty horse, who whilst they dis-
cour'sed kept a due distance. In this conference (according
to Abulfeda and some others) Hosein proposed one of these
three conditions for Amer's decision : either that he might
go to Yezid, or else have leave to return back to Arabia, or
else be placed in some garrison where he might fight against
the Turks. Amer Avrote word of this to Obeidoliah, who
seemed at first to look upon it as a reasonable proposal ; till
Shamer stood up and swore that he ought not to be admitted
to terms till he had surrendered himself ; adding, that he had
been informed of a long conference between him and Amer.
This remark totally changed ObeidoUah's mind. I'here is a
tradition from one that attended Hosein all the way from
i» n
402 HISTOKY OF TH£ SAEACENS. Y«zilJ k.
IMecca. and overheard this conference ; according to which,
Hosein did not ask either to be sent to Yezid, or to be put
into any of the garrisons, but only that he might either have
leave to return to the place from whence he came, or else be at
liberty to go where he would about the country, tiU he should
see which way the inclinations of the people would turn.
Obeidollah, who was resolved not to run any risk by suf-
fering Hosein to come too near to Cufah, for fear of an insur-
rection, sent Shamer with orders to Amer, that if Hosein
and his men would sun-ender themselves, they should be
received ; if not, that Amer should fall upon them and kill
them, and trample them under their horses' feet. Shamer
had besides secret instructions, authorizing him, if Amer neg-
lected to execute these orders, to cut off his head, and com-
mand the forces himself. Obeidollah gave a letter of pro-
tection and security to four of All's sons, Abbas (whom he
had by Obeidollah's aunt), Abdallah, Jaafar, and Othman ;
which they refused to accept, saying, that the security of God
was better than that of the son of Somyah.* Obeidollah also
sent a letter to Amer, chiding him for his remissness, which
made him undertake to fight against Hosein when Shamer
proposed it to him, without knowing that his refusal was to
cost him his head. Amer drew up his forces in the evening,
on the ninth of the month Moharram, and came up to
Hosein's tent, who was sitting in his door just after evening
prayer. He and his brother Abbas desired time till the next
morning, when he would answer them to anything they
should demand of him. This was granted ; and one of
Amer's men said, that if a Deilamite (a nation which they
mortally hated) had asked such a small request, it ought not
to have been refused. As they were keeping watch during
the night, Hosein leaned upon his sword and slept. His sister
came and waked him ; and as he lifted up his head, he said,
'* I saw the prophet in my dream, who said, ' Thou shalt rest
with us.' " Then, beating her face, she said, " Woe be to
us ;" but he answered, " Sister, you have no reason to com-
plain. God have mercy upon you ; hold your peace." In
the night she came again to him sighing, and saying, " Alas,
for the desolation of my family ! I wish I had died yester-
* Obeidollah was not the son of Somyah, but her grandson. The mma
elyic of designation is frequently uaed in the Old Testament.
Hej. 61. A.i). 680. PREPAEATIONS FOE BATTLE. 403
day, rather than have lived till to- lay; my mother Fatima
is dead, and my father Ali, and my brother Hasan ! Alas.
for the destruction that is past, and the dregs of it tha
remain behind." Hosein looked upon her and said, " Sister,
do not let the devil take away your temper." Then beating
her face, and tearing open her bosom, she fell down in a
swoon. Hosein, having recovered her with a little cold water,
said, " Sister, put your trust in God, and depend upon the
comfort that comes from him ; and know that all people of
the earth must die, and the people of the heaven shall not
remain ; but everything shall perish, but the presence of God
who created aU things by his power, and shall make them
return, and they shall return to him alone. My father was
better than I, and my mother was better than I, and my
brother was better than I ; and I, and they, and every
Mussulman has an example in the apostle of God." Then
charging her not to use any such behaviour after his death,
he took her by the hand, and led her into her tent ; and ad-
dressing his friends, he told them, that these men wanted
nobody but him, and desired them to shift for themselves,
and get away if possible to their respective habitations ; but
Al Abbas replied, they would not, and said, " God forbid we
should see the time wherein we should suiwive you." Upon
this he commanded his men to cord the tents closer together,
and to run the ropes into one another, that the enemy might
not get between them. Thus they made a line of their
tents, and a trench being dug at one end of it by Hosein's
orders, they threw into it a quantity of wood and cane, which,
to prevent their being surrounded, they set on fire, so that
they could be attacked only in the front. They spent all
that night in hearty prayer and supplication, the horse of the
enemy"s guard riding round about them all the while. The
next morning both sides prepared for battle ; and Hosein
put his small force, which amounted to no more than two and
tliirty horse, and forty foot, into good order. Amer, having
drawn up his men, and delivered his standard to or.e of his
servants, advanced close to Hosein's camp. In the mean-
time, Hosein went into a tent, and having first washed and
anointed, he then perfumed himself. Several of the great
men did the like ; and when one of them asked what was
the use and meaning of so doing, another answered, " Alas 1
s c 2
404 HISTOEY OF THE SAHACEITS. Ysno I,
there is nothing between us and the black-eyed girls, but
only the brief interval till these people come down upon us
and kill us." Then Hosein mounted his horse, and took the
Koran and laid it before him, and, coming up to the people,
invited them to the performance of their duty : adding, " O
God, thou art my confidence in every trouble, and my hope
in all adversity !" He set his son Ali on horseback, the
eldest of that name, for there were two of them, but the
other was very sick. Then he cried out, " Hearken to the
advice that I am going to give you ;" at which they all gave
attention with profound silence. Then, having first praised
God, he said, " 0 men ! if you will hearken to me and do
me justice, it will be better for you, and you shall find no
handle for doing aught against me. But if you will not
hearken to me, bring all that are concerned with you together
that your matter be clear, and then make report of it to me
without delay >' My protector is God, who sent down the
book (i. e. the Koran), and he will be the protector of the
righteous."!
As soon as he uttered these last words, his sisters anrl
daughters lifted up their voices in weeping ; at which Hosein
said, " God reward the son of Abbas ;" alluding to his having
advised him to leave the women behind him. Then he sent
his brother Al Abbas and his son Ali to keep them quiet.
He next reminded them of his excellency, the nobility of his
birth, the greatness of his power, and his high descent, and
said, " Consider with yourselves whether or no such a man
as I am is not better for you ; I who aui the son of your pro-
phet's daughter, besides whom there is no other upon the
face of the earth. Ali was my father ; Jaafar and Hainza.
the chief of the martyrs, were both my uncles ; and the
ajiostle of God, upon whom be peace, said both of me and
my brother, that we were the chief of the youth of paradise.
If you will believe me, what I say is true, for by God, I
never told a lie in earnest since I had my understar ding ; for
God hutes a lie. If you do not believe me, ask the com-
panions of the apostle of God [here he named them^, and
they wiU tell you the same. Let me go back to what I
have." They asked, " "\\Tiat hindered him from being rule'i
* Koran, chap. x. 72. + lb. vi. ] 94,
Hej. CI. A.D. 680. SINGLE COMBATS. 405
by the rest of his relations." He ansAvered, " God forbid
that I should set my hand to the resignation of my right after
a slavish manner. I have recourse to God from every tyrant
that doth not believe in the day of account."
Just upon this, a party of about thirty horse wheeled
about, and came up to Hosein, who expected nothing less
than to be attacked by them.* At the head of them was
Harro, that had first met with Hosein. He came to testify
his repentance, and proffer his service to Hosein, declaring
that if he had once thought it would ever have come to that
extremity, he would not have intercepted his march, but have
gone with him directly to Yezid. However, to make the
best amends for his mistake that his present circumstances
would admit of, he was resolved now to die with him. Hosein
accepted his repentance ; whereupon Harro stood forth and
called to the people (to Amer in particular), " Alas for you !
Will you not accept those three articles, which the son of
the apostle's daughter offers you." Amer told him, that if it
lay in his power he would, but Obeidollah was against it,
and had been chiding and reproaching the Culians, for ex-
pressing the least inclination to hearken to them. Then said
Harro, " Alas for you ! You invited him till he came, and
then deceived him ; and this did not satisfy you, but you are
even come out to fight against him ! Nay, you have hin-
dered him, and his wives, and his family, from the water of
the Euphrates, where Jews, and Christians, and Sabaeans
di-ink, and hogs and dogs sport themselves ; and he is like a
prisoner in your hands, incapable of doing himself either
good or hurt." Then Amer said to the slave, to whom he
had given the flag, " Bring up the colours." As soon as they
came up to the front of the troops, Shamer shot an arrow,
and said, " Bear witness that I shot the first arrow." The
battle thus begun, they exchanged arrows apace on both
sides. Two of Amer's men, Yaser and Salem by name, Avent
out, and offered themselves to single combat. Abdallah, the
son of Ammar, having first asked leave of Hosein, answered
them, and killed Yaser first, and Salem next ; though Salem
had first cut off all the fingers of his left hand. The next
that offered himself came up close to Hosein, and said to him,
• M& Laud. No. 161. A. AIS. Hunt. No. 495.
406 HISTOKY or THE SAKA-CEXS YezidI,
" Hoseln, you are just at hell." To whom Hosein replied,
" By no means ; alas for thee, I go to a merciful Lord, full of
forgiveness, easy to be obeyed ; but you are more worthy of
hell.'' Upon this, as the man turned about, his horse ran
away Avith him, and he fell off. His left foot, however, was
caught in the stiiTup, and as he was dragged along, one of
Hosein's men lopped off his right leg. His horse continuing
his speed, his head was all the way dashed against the stones
till he died. There were several single combats fought, in
all which Hosein's men were superior, because they fought
like men that were resolved to die. This made some of the
leading men advise Amer not to expose his men any longer
to the hazard of single combats. Then Amrou, the son of
Hejaj, who commanded the right wing-, gave an onset with
these words, " Fight against those who separate from the
religion, and from the Imam LYezid^j, and from the congre-
gation." "Alas!" said Hosein, "how is it that you thus
encourage your men against us ? Are we the men that
separate from the religion, and you those that keep to it ?
When your souls are separated from your bodies, you will
know which of us most deserve hell-fire." In this attack
]Muslim, the son of Ausajah was killed ; he was the first that
died on Hosein's side, and Hosein went and commiserated
him at his last gasp. Hobeib said to him, having first told
him that he was near paradise, " If I was not sure that I
should soon follow you, I would fulfil your will, whatsoever
it was." To whom Muslim answered in a very low voice,
" This is my Avill (pointing to Hosein), that you die for him."
Then Shamer gave an onset with the left wing with such
violence, that they almost penetrated to the spot where
Hosein was, but Hosein's horse bravely repulsed them; so
that they sent to Amer for some archers, who ordered above
five hundred to advance. As soon as they came up, they let
fly their arrows so thickly amongst Hosein's horsemen, that
they were all immediately reduced to foot. Harro, perceiving
his horse wounded, leaped off from him with his sword in
his hand, as eager as a lion.
Amer, percei nxig that the enemy was inaccessible every
where but in the front, commanded his men to pull down
the tents ; but that not succeeding, for Hosein's followers
killed those that went about it, Shamer, (God confound him,}
HsJ. 61. A.D. 680, THE BATTLE. 407
called for fire to burn Hosein's tent (having first struck his
javelin into it) with all that were in it. The women shrieked
and ran out of it. " How," said Hosein, " what, wouldst thou
burn my family ? God burn thee in hell-fire." One of the
great men came to Shamer, and represented to him how
scandalous, and how unbecoming a soldier it was to scare the
women. He began to be ashamed of it, and was thinking of
retreating, when some of Hosein's men attacked him, and
drove him off the ground with the loss of several of his men.
It was now noon, and Hosein bade some of his friends speak
to them to forbear, till he had said the prayers proper for that
time of day. One of the Cufians said, " They will not be
heard." Habib answered, " Alas for you, shall your prayers
be heard, and not the prayers of the apostle's family, upon
whom be peace !" Habib fought with great courage till he
was killed. Then Hosein said the noon prayers amongst the
poor remainder of his shattered company, and to the rest of
the office he added the prayer of fear, never used but in cases
of extremity. During the time of the fight he said several
prayers, in one of which there is this pathetical expression,
" Let not the dews of heaven distil upon them, and withhokl
thou from them the blessings of the earth, for they first in-
vited me and then deceived me." After the prayers were
over the fight was renev\'ed with great vehemence on both
sides, till the enemy came up close to Hosein, but his friends
protected him. One of them killed ten besides those he
wounded ; till, at last, both his arms being broken, he was
taken prisoner, when Shamer struck off" his head. Hosein's
party were now almost all cut off, and his eldest son Ali was
first wounded witli a lance, and afterwards cut in pieces.'^"
* " Ali Akbar, the eldest son of Hosein, aspired to the distinction of
being the first of his family to lay down his life in defence of his parent.
Having announced aloud his name and descent, he rushed into the thickest
of the enemy, and, animated by the presence of his father, he made ten
different assaults, in each of which he sacrificed two or three of his oppo-
nents. At last, almost suffocated with heat and thirst, he complained l)it-
terly of his sufferings. His agonised father arose, and introducing his own
tongue within the parched lips of his favourite child, thus endeavoured lo
alleviate his sufferings by the only means of which his enemies had not yet
been able to deprive him. The gallant youth then rushed for the last time
into the confli'^t, but jeing wounded from behind, he fell and was cut to
pieces in his father's sight. This overwhelming spectacle wrunj; I'roui
408 HESXORY OF THE 8AKACENS. YaitoL
The rest were most of them singled out by the archers and
shot. As for Hosein, hardly any of them could find in his
heart to kill him. At last one came and struck him with a
sword upon the head and wounded him, so that his head-
piece was full of blood, which he took oft' and flung away, say-
ing, that he had neither eaten nor drunk out of it, and bound
up his head in his turban. Quite tired out, he sat down at
tlie door of his tent, and took his little son Abdallah upon
his lap, who was presently killed with an arrow. Hosein
took his hand full of the child's blood, and throwing it to-
wards heaven, said, " 0 Lord ! if thou withholdest help from
us from heaven, give it to those that are better, and take
vengeance upon the wicked." At last he grew extremely
thirsty, and whilst he was drinking, he was shot in the mouth
with an arrow. Then lifting up to heaven his two hands,
which were full of blood, he prayed very earnestly. Shamer
now encouraged some of the stoutest of his men to surround
him. At the same time a little nephew of his, a beautiful
child, with jewels in his ears, came to embrace him, and had
his hand cut off with a sword : to whom Hosein said, " Thy
reward, child, is with God ; thou shalt go to thy pious fore-
fathers." Being surrounded, he threw himself upon his foes,
charging sometimes on the right, and sometimes on the left,
and which v/ay soever he turned himself, they flew oft" as so
many deer from before a lion. His sister Zeinab, the daughter
of Fatima, came out and said, " J wish the heaven would
fall upon the earth :" then turning to Amer, she asked him
if he could stand by and see Hosein killed. Whereupon the
tears trickled down his beard, and he turned his face away from
her. Nobody ofiered to meddle with him, till Shamer,
with reproaches and curses, set on his men again, and one
of them, for fear of Shamer, threw a lance at him, but made
it fall short, because he would not hurt him. This act how-
ever emboldened the rest, and at last one wounded him upon
the hand, a second upon the neck, whilst a third thrust him
through with a spear. When he was dead, his head was cut
off. In his body, when examined, thirty-three wounds Avere
Hosein his first and only cry ; whilst his sister Zeinab tnrew herself on the
mangled remains of her nephew, and gave a loose to the most violent ex-
pressions of despair and sorrow." — Price.
Hej. 61. A.D. 680. HOSEIN KILLED. 409
counted, and thirty-four bruises.* Shamer would also have
killed Ali the youngest son of Hosein, who was afterwards called
Zein Alabedin, i. e. " The ornament of the religious," but was
then very sick, had not one of his companions dissuaded him.
* The follo\ving pathetic circumstances attending the death of Hosein are
extracted from Major Price : —
" An arrow having transfixed his horse, the unfortunate Hosein came to
the ground, and was left, fainting with thirst and fatigue, to contend alone
and on foot against a remorseless multitude. The hour of prayer, between
noon and sunset, had amved, and the devoted Imam began his religious
duties. Whilst thus engaged several of the enemy drew near, but,
impressed with a sentiment of awe at his appearance, successively retired.
His child Abdallah was killed in his arms, and having repeated the passing
formula for the spirit of his slaughtered infant, he implored his Creator to
grant him patience under these accumulated afflictions. At length, almost
exhausted by thirst, he directed his languid steps towards the Euphrates,
but the enemy, with loud vociferations, endeavoured to frustrate his
intentions. Hosein, however, had already thrown himself on his breast over
the stream, and was beginning to taste the luxury of the refreshing element,
when an arrow pierced his mouth. Rejectin:; the now ensanguined draught,
Hosein indignantly arose, and having extracted the winged mischief, he
withdrew to the entrance of the tents .and there took his last stand, his
mouth streaming with blood. His adversaries now closed round the person
of the devoted Imam, who, notwithstanding, continued to defend himself
with such admirable intrepidity and presence of mind as to excite the
surprise and terror of his assailants, and kill or disable not a few of their
numl)er. Labouring undor such extreme anguish of mind from thfe
appalling spectacle of a miurdered family, covered with wounds, deprived
of water for so many days, and assailed by such multitudinous odds, as well
as by distress and horror in every shape and form, he exhibited such an
example of courage and constancy as seemed to be beyond the scope of
human prowess. Wounded in four and thirty places by different weapons,
extremely weakened through loss of blood, and fainting with intoleral^le
heat and thirst, he still opposed an invincible resistance to the assaults
which were directed against his person from every side. Reduced to this
extremity he was at last approached by seven of the enemy, one of whom
drawing near to assail him, found a fatal opportunity, and struck off one of
his arms close to the shoulder. He now fell ; but, by a kind of convulsive
effort he sprung once more to his feet and endeavoured to make at the
assailant ; but again sinking to the earth, the soldier approached from
behind and thurst him through the back with a javelin till the point came
out at his breast ; then withdrawing the fatal weapon, the soul of Hosein
fled through the orifice. His head was struck off, and his body was
exposed by his miu'derers, whilst several of the barl)arous conquerors
proceeded to pillage the tents, and stnpped the women of their head-dresses
and wearing apparel, and would have proceeded to still greater outrage,
had not Amer stopped the progreaeof the plunderers by ejecting them fioro
tho tenta."
410" HISTOE-y OF THE SABACENS. Ybiid L
They took Hosein's spear, and the rest of the spoil, and
divided all his riches, and his furnitui-e, and even went so far
in thus plundering, as to take away the women's richest
clothes : though Amer had forbidden their going near the
women, and had expressly declared, that whosoever took any-
thing fr )m them, should be made to return it again. For all
this nothing was restored. All of Hosein's seventy-two men
were killed* (seventeen of which were descended from Fati-
ma), and on the other side, there were eighty-eight killed,
besides the w^ounded. They now rode their horses over
Hosein's body backwards and forwards so often, that they
trampled it into the very ground. Haula, who had his head,
went away post with it to ObeidoUah ; but finding the castle
shut, he carried it home to his own house, and told his wife,
that he had brought her the rarity of the world. The woman
was in a rage, and said, " Other men make presents of gold
and silver, and you have brought the head of the son of the
apostle's daughter. By God, the same bed shall never hold
us two any more ;" and immediately leaped out of bed from
him and ran away. He however, soon procured another of
his countrywomen to supply her place, who afterwards re-
ported that she was not able to sleep all that night, because
of a light which she saw streaming up towards heaven from
the place where Hosein's head lay, and white birds continu-
ally hovering about it. Haula the next morning carried the
head to ObeidoUah, who treated it \\dth great indignity, and
even struck it over the mouth with a stick. Upon which
Zeid the son of Arkom said to him, " Cease striking w^ith
that stick, for I swear by him, besides whom there is no other
God, I have seen the lips of the apostle of God (upon whom
be peace) upon these lips." ObeidoUah angrily replied,
" That if he was not an old man, and out of his wits, he
would strike his head off."
"When the news of her nephew Hosein's disaster reached
Zeinab, All's sister, she put on her worst clothes, and, attended
by some of her maids, went and sat down in the castle. Obei-
doUah asked thrice her name before any one told him. As
Boon as he learned who she was, he said, " Praise be to God,
v/ho hath brought you to shame, and hath killed you, and
• MS. Laud. No. 161. A. MS. Hunt. No. 495.
Hej. Gl. A.D. 630. OBEIDOLLAH REJOICES. 411
proved your stories to be lies." But she answered, " Praise
be to God, who hath honoured us with Mohammed (upon
whom be God's peace), and hath purified us, and not [dealt
with us] as you say, for [none but] the wicked is brought
to shame, and the lie is given [to none but] to the evil one."
He replied, " Do not you see how God hath dealt with your
family?" She answered, " Death was decreed for them, and
they are gone to their resting-place ; God shall bring both
you and them together, to plead your several causes before
him." This put him into a rage ; but one of his friends
bade him remember that she was a woman, and not to take
anything amiss that she said. Obeidolhih then told her,
" That God had given his soul full satisfaction over their
chief [Hosein] and their whole rebellious family." Zeinab
answered, " You have destroyed all my men, and my family,
and cut off my branch, and tore up my root. If that be sa-
tisfaction to your soul, you have it." He swore, she Avas
a women of courage, adding, " That her father was a poet,
and a man of courage." She answered, " That courage was
no ingredient in a woman's character, but she knew how to
speak." Then, after ordering tlie women of Hosein's com-
pany to be sent to Yezid, he looked upon Ali, Hosein"s son,
and commanded him to be beheaded. Here Zeinab, all in
tears, embraced her nephew, and asked ObeidoUah, if he
had not yet drunk deep enough of the blood of their family ;
and entreated him, if he was resolved to kill the lad, to give
her leave to die along with him. Young Ali begged of him,
for the sake of the near relationship that existed between him
and the women, not to send them away without so much as
one man to attend them in their journey. ObeidoUah, paus-
ing a while, and looking sometimes upon Zeinab, and some-
times upon Ali, w^as astonished at her tenderness, and swore
he believed she was in good earnest, and had rather die
with him than survive him. At last he dismissed him, and
bade him go along with the women. This the people looked
upon as a very providential deliverance, and said that
ObeidoUah would have kiUed Ali, but God diverted him
from it.
ObeidoUah now went from the castle to the great mosque,
and going up into the pulpit, said, " Praise be to God. who
hath manifestly shown the truth, and those that are in the
412 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. yKz:D 1
jfossesslon of it; and hath assisted Yezid the governor of the
faithful, and his party ; and killed the liar the son of the H.^r,
Hosein, the son of Ali and his party." This provoked All's party
to the last degree ; several of them rose up in great indignation,
and amongst the rest there was one who was blind of both
his eyes, which he had lost in two several battles, and used to
continue in the mosque, praying from morning to night.
He, hearing the son of Ziyad s speech, cried out, •' O son
of Merjanah! (that was his mother's name) the liar, the son
of the liar, are you and your father, and he that gave you
your commission and his father.*' O son of Merjanah ! you
kill the sons of the prophets, and yet speak the words of
honest men." For this speech the blind man was blamed by
every one, even of his own party, who feared that by his rash-
ness, he had not only brought destruction upon himself, but
upon them too. He was seized by ObeidoUah's order, but
upon his crying out, he was rescued by his party, of whom
there was not less than seven hundred at that time in the
town. Notwithstanding his escape at the time, he was soon
after killed, and his body hung upon a gibbet on the heath
for an example.
Hosein's head was first set up in Cufah, and afterwards
carried about the streets, and tlien sent to Yezid at Damas-
cus, along with the women and young Ali. When Obeidol-
lah's messenger came to Yezid, wishing him joy of his suc-
cess, and the death of Hosein, Yezid wept and said:— I
should have been very well pleased without the death of
Hosein. God curse the son of Somyah ; if I had had Ho-
ggin in my power, I should have forgiven him. God loved
Hosein, but did not suffer him to attain to anything." Shamer
and Mephar, with a body of men, conducted the captives;
but Ali, who tra\elled with a chain about his neck, would
not vouchsafe one word to them all the way. It is said, that
while they were upon the road, Yezid consulted with his
courtiers how he should dispose of them. One of them said,
" Never bring up the whelp of a cur ; kill Ali the son of
Hosein, and extinguish the whole generation of them." At
this speech Yezid held his peace. Another of a milder
temper said, " 0 emperor of the faithful, do with them as the
• That is Yezid and Moawijah.
MeJ. 61. A.D. 680. ZEINAB BEFORE YEZID, 413
apostle of God would do, if he were to see them in this ccb-
dition." This moved him to compassion. Wlien he saw
Hosein's head, he said : " O Hosein, if I had had tliee in my
power, I would not have killed thee!" Then sitting down, he
sailed in the chief of the Syrian nobility, and orde'red Ho-
sein's wives and childi'en to be brought before liim. When
he saw the mean condition of the women he \\'as very
angry, and said, " God curse the son of Somyah; surely if
he had ever been related to these women, he could never
have treated them after this scandalous manner." Then turn-
ing to Ali, he said, pointing to Hosein's head : — " This was
your father, who set at nought my right, and tried to jostle
me out of my government ; but God hath disposed of him as
you see." Upon this Ali briskly answered with this verse of
ilie Koran : — " There is no calamity befalls you, eithet in the
earth, or in your ownselves, but it was in a book before
we created it.'"* Yezid, turning to his son Kaled, bade him
answer him ; but Kaled was young and ignorant, and had
nothing to say. Then said Yezid, " What calamity hath
befallen you, is what your own hands have drawn upon you,
and he pardoneth a great many."f One of the Syrians bagged
Yezid to give him Fatima, All's daughter. She, being but
d little girl, could not tell but it was in Yezid's power to grant
this, and in a great fright, laid hold upon her sister Zeinab s
clothes for protection, who knew very well that it was con-
trary to the law to force any one out of their own S'Ct.
Zeinab exclaimed : — " He lies ! By God, though I die it
neituer is in your power nor his."'| At which Yezid was
angry, and told her, that it was in his power, and he would
do it if he pleased. She, however, insisted that he could
not force them out of their own religion ; at which he startfid
up in a passion, and demanded, " Is this the language that
you come before me withal ? It was your father and your
brother that went out from the religion." Then, cried she,
" You, and your father, and grandfather were all in the
right !" This provoked him to call out, " It is thou that
liest, thou enemy of God." " How," said Zeinab, " you, the
governor of the faithful, and reproach us unjustly, and make
* Koran, ch. Ivii. 22. + lb. cli. xiii. 29.
t She used that word to express her contempt of him ; and gave him
the lie for demanding what was impracticable.
414 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Yaiio I.
an ill use of your power!" At which he bluslied and held
his peace. The Syrian petitioning again for Fatima, Yezid
cursed him, and bade him be quiet. He then ordered the
women to be conducted to the hot bath, and sent them
clothes and all provisions necessary for their refreshment
after the fatigue of their tedious journey. He entertained
the women with all possible respect in his palace ; and Moa-
wiyah's wives came, and kept them company the space of
three days, mourning for Hosein. So long as they stayed, he
never walked abroad, but he took Ali and Amrou, Hosein' s
two sons, along Avith him. Once he asked Amrou, who was
very little, whether he would fight with his son Kaled ; Am-
rou immediately answered, " Give me a knife, and give him
one." An enemy to the family of Ali, a court flatterer, said
upon this : — " Depend upon it always, that one serpent is the
parent of another."
After they had taken a competent time for their refresh-
ment, and were resolved to set out for Medina, Yezid sent
for Hosein's wives and children to take their leave of him,
and commanded Nooman, the son of Bashir, to provide them
with all necessary provisions, and send them home under a
safe convoy. When he dismissed them, he said to Ali,
" God curse the son of Marjanah ; if your father had fallen
into my hands I would have granted him any condition he
would have desired, and done whatsoever lay in my power
to have saved him from death, though it had been with the
loss of some of my own children. But God hath decreed
what you see. Write to me : whatsoever you desire shall be
done for you.*'
They travelled by night and day, and the person to whose
care Yezid had committed them was very vigilant, and
behaved himself so civilly and respectfully all the way, that
Fatima said to her sister Zeinab, " Sister, this Spian hath
behaved himself so kindly to us, do not you think we ought
to make him a present ?" " Alas !"' said Zeinab, " we have
nothing to give him but our jewels." "Then," said the girl,
"let us present him with them." She consented, and they
look off their bracelets, and sent them to him with an apology,
begging of him to accept of them as a token of their respect
for his courtesy. He, however, modestly declined them with
this generous answ-er, " If what I had done had been onljr
HeJ. CI. A.D. 680. HOSEIN's HEAD. 415
with regard to this world, a less price than your jewels had
been a sufficient reward ; but what I did was for God's sake,
and upon the account of your relationship to the prophpt,
God's peace be upon bin.." "When they came to Medina
there was such lamentation between them and the rest of the
family of Hashem, as is beyond expression.
There are different reports as to what became of Hosein's
head.* Some say it w^as sent to Medina, and buried by his
mother ; others, that it was buried at Damascus, in a place
called the Garden-gate, from whence it was removed to
Ascalon, and afterwards, by the caliphs of Egypt, to Grand
Cairo, where they interred it, and erected a monument over
it, wdiich they called the " Sepulchre of Hosein the martyr." f-
Those Egyptian caliphs, w'ho called themselves Fatimites,
and had possession of Egypt from before the year four
hundred, till after the year six hundred and sixty, pretend
that Hosein's head came into Egypt after the five hundredth
year of the Hejirah.j: But the Imams of the learned say that
there is no foundation for that story, but that they only
invented it to give currency to their pretended nobility of
extraction, since they called themselves Fatimites, as being
descended from Mohammed's daughter Fatima.
Some again pretend to show its burying-place, near the
river of Kerbela ;§ others say that there are no traces of it
remaining. The first Sultan, however, of the race of the
Bovides built in that spot a sumptuous monument, which is
* " A curious tradition respecting Hosein's head has been preserved by-
Imam Ismail : When Hosein's head was sent to be presented to Yezid,
the escort that guarded it halting for the night in the city of Norwil, placed
it in a box, which they locked up in a temple. One of the sentinels, in tlie
midst of the night, looking through a chink in one of the doors, saw a man
of immense stature, with a white and venerable beard, take Hosein's head
out of the box, kiss it affectionately, and weep over it. Soon after, a crowd
of venerable sages an-ived, each of whom kissed the pallid lips, and wept
bitterly. Fearing that these people might con-ey the head away, he
unlocked the door and entered. Immediately, one of their njmber came
up, gave him a violent slap on the face, and said, ' The prophets have come
to pay a morning visit to the head of the martyr. Whither dost thou
venture so disrespectfully V The blow left a black mark on his cheek. In
the morning he related the circumstances to the commander of the escort,
and showed his cheeks, on which the impression of the hand and fingers
Wiia plainly perceptible." — Taylor's Mohammedanism,
■^ Meshed Hosein. J MS. Hunt. No. 495. JAdLadedoulat.
416 HISTORY OF THE SARACEN'S. YliiDl.
visited to this very day with great devotion by the Persians.*
This sultan called his edifice by the name of Kunbud FaVz,
which signifies, in the Persian language, the " Magnificent
Dome ;" but it is now commonly called, in Arabic, Meshed
Hosein, " The sepulchre of Hosein the martyi'."
The caliph Al Motawakkel, who began to reign in the year
two hundred and thirty-two, persecuted the memory of Ali
and his family to that degree, that he caused Hosein's
sepulchre (called by the Persians " the holy, sublime, and
pure place ") to be quite razed and destroyed; and in order
the more completely to obliterate the least vestige of it,
designed to bring a canal of water over the spot. However,
he was frustrated in this attempt, for the water Avould never
come near the tomb, but, out of respect to the martyr, kept
its distance. From this circumstance that Avater was called
Hair, which signifies "astonished" and "respectful," a
name which, upon account of the miracle, has since passed to
the sepulchre itself. Lastly, among the different statements
of the fate of Hosein's head, we meet with an accovmt of one
Nairn, who used to be angry with any one that pretended to
know the place of its burial. f
The two titles which they generally give Hosein in Persia
are, that of Shahid, " the martyr," or that of Seyyid, " the
lord ;" and by the word Alseidani, which signifies "the two
lords," without adding anything more, they always understand
the two eldest sons of Ali, who were Hasan and Hosein.;]:
Arabian writers report, amongst other acts of piety which
Hosein practised, that he used every twenty-four hours to
make a thousand adorations or prostrations before God, and
that at the age of five and fifty years he had gone five and
twenty pilgrimages on foot to Mecca, whereas, to be ac-
counted a good Mussulman, it is not requisite to go above
once in a whole life.
Yezdi, in a treatise concerning the divine love,§ relates
that Hosein having one day asked his father, Ali, if he loved
him, and Ali having answ'ered that he loved him tenderly,
Hosein asked him once more if he loved God, and Ali having
also answered that question affirmatively, Hosein said to him,
" Two loves can never meet in the same heart, neither hath
• D'Herbelot in Motawakkel. + MS. Hunt. No. 495.
J D'Herbelot, § The title is Resalat phi b.yani'l mehabbat.
H«,. 61. A.D. 680. AMBOU DEPOSED. 417
God given a man two tearts." At these words All's heart
was moved, and they say he wept.
Hosein, touched with his father's tears, resumed the dis-
course, and to comfort him said, " If you had your choice
between the sm of infidelity towards God or my death, what
would you do?" Ali answered, " I would sooner deliver you
up to death than abandon my faith." " Then you may know
by this mark," replied Hosein, " that the love you have for
me is only a natural tenderness, while that which you bear
towards God is a true love."
Hosein was killed on the tenth day of the month Moharram,
in the year of the Hejirah 61.* This date is so celebrated
amongst the Persians, that to this very day they call it the
day of Hosein, Yaum Hosein, Rus Hosein. The memory of,
and mourning for his death, are still annually celebrated
among them. It is this anniversary weeping, and extrava-
gant lamentation, that still keeps up the aversion of that
nation to all the Mussulmans that are not in the same senti-
ments with themselves. And causes, for the time at least, an
implacable hatred between them and the successors of the
family of Ommiyah ; between all those who do not look upon
Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, to have been usurpers, and
those who regard Ali as the only rightful and lawful succes-
sor of Mahomet. +
* October 19, a.d. 680. Though the English reader must not suppose
that they keep annually the ninth of our Oc-toi>er, bat the tenth of ilohar-
ram, according as it falls, because theirs is the lunaj year.
t Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, in her Portraiture of Mohammedanism in India,
gives the following description of this Biourning : —
" I have been present," says she, "^ when the effect produced by the
superior oratory and gestures of a manbree (reading the history of the house
of Ali), has almost terrified me ; the profouaitl grief evinced in his tears and
groans, being piercing and apparently sincere. I have even witnessed blood
issuing from the breasts of sturdy men, who beat themselves simultaneously
as they ejaculated the names 'Hasan !' ' Hosein !' for ten minutes, and
occasionally for a longer period in that part of the service called Nintem.
.... The expressions of grief manifested by the ladies are far greater,
and appear to be more lasting, than with the other sex : indeed, I never
could have given credit to their bewailings, without wtnessing, as I have
done for many years, the season for tears arnl profound grief return with
the month Moharram. In soirowing for the martyred Imam, they seem to
forget their private grief, the bereavement of a beloved object even is
almost overlooked, in the dutiful remembrance of Hasan and Hosein at
thil season; and I have had opportunities of observing this triumph of
E £
418 HISTOKf OF THE SARACBNS. Y«»io L
My anonymous autlior is very severe upon the sect of
Ali,* both upon the account of the many fables they have in-
vented concerning Hosein, and their superstitious observance
of the day of his death. Let us hear him in his own words.
"The sect of Ali," says he, "have forged a multitude of
abominable lies upon this occasion. They say that the sun
was eclipsed, so that the stars appeared at noon day ; that
you could not take up a stone but there was blood under it ;
that the sides of the heavens were turned red, and when the
sun arose the beams of it looked like blood ; that the heavens
looked like clotted blood ; that the stars came one against
the other ; that the heavens rained gore ; and that before
this day there was no redness in the heavens ; that when
Hosein's head was brought into the palace, the walls dropped
with blood ; that the earth was darkened for the space of
three days ; that nobody could touch any safiron or juniper f
all that day but it burnt his fingers ; and that when one of
Hosein's camels that was killed was boiled, the flesh of it
was as bitter as coloquintida ; besides innumerable other lies
without any manner of foundation. But this is true, that
they that had a hand in his death, soon fell sick, dwindled
away, and came to nothing, and most of them died mad. In
the time of the government of the family of the Bowides,
they used to keep this day as a solemn fast, and throw dust
and ashes about the streets of Bagdad, and clothe themselves
with black sackcloth, and making use of every mark of sorrow
and mourning, a great many of them would not even take a
draught of water, because Hosein was killed when he was
drinking. But all these are abominable inventions and vile
practices, contrived on purpose to cast an aspersion upon the
government of the house of Ommiyah, because he was killed
religious feelings in women who are remarkable for their affectionate
attachment to their children, husbands, and parents : — they tell me, ' We
must not indulge selfish sorrows of our own, whilst the prophet's family-
alone have a right to our tears My poor old Ayah (maid servant)
resolves on not allowing a drop of water, or any liquid, to pass her lips
during the ten days' mourning ; as she says, ' her Imam, Hosein, and his
family, suffered from thirst at Kerbela, why should a creature as she is be
indulged with water ? ' This shows the temper of the people generally ;
my Ayah is a very ignorant old woman, yet she respects the memory of
hei Imam."
• MS. Himt. No. 495. f Arab. Wars.
Hej. 51. A.D. 680. DIVERSE VIEWS OF HOSEIN. 419
in their time. Now they that killed him urge in their
defence, that he came ^o depose a person that hnd been set
over them by the consent of all the people, and attempted,
by means of Muslim, to make a division among them. Some
of the learned doctors, however, with the utmost indignation,
object to this as a pernicious and dangerous way of arguing.
They determine thus : — If a certain number did interpret [the
law] against him, they had no right to kill him, but ought
rather to have accepted one of his three proposals. But still,'^'
if a party of insolent fellows find fault with a whole people,
and rise against its prophet (upon whom be God's peace),
the matter is not to be [determined] according to their prac-
tice and example, but according to the majority of the nation,
both ancient and modern. Those that were concerned in
Hosein"s death, were only a small handful of Cufians (God
confound them), and the greatest part of them had written
to him, and brought him into their pernicious counsels and
designs ; neither did all that army [that went against him]
approve of that which fell out ; nor did Yezid, the son of
Moawiyah, the governor of the faithful, at that time approve
of his death (though God knows), nor had any aversion to
him. What appears most probable is, that if he had had
him in his power before he was killed, he would have spared
his life, according to his father's direction, as he said he
would himself.
" Now certainly every Mussulman ought to be concerned at
the sad accident of his death (God accept him), for he was one of
the lords of the Mussulmans, and one of the learned men of the
society, and son of the most excellent of the daughters of the
apostle of God, and one, besides, who was devout, courageous,
and munificent. Yet, notwithstanding all this, what these peo-
ple do in making an outward show of sorrow, which, perhaps, is
all that most of them do, is not at all becoming. His father
was a better man than him, yet they did not keep the day
upon which he was murdered, as they do that of Hosein ;
and Ali was killed as he went out to morning prayer, on the
seventeenth of the month Ramadan, in the fortieth year.
Othman, too, the son of AfFan, was a better man thai'i
Ali, according to those that follow the tradition and the
• MS. Hunt. No. 495.
£ £ 2
420 HISTOEY OF THE SAKACENS. Ybzjd i
church ; * and he was killed after he had been besieged in
his own house, in the hot days of the month Dulhagiah, in
the thirty-sixth year ; and yet the people never kept his day.
And so in like manner Omar, the son of Al Khattab, was a
better man than Othman. He was killed as he was saying
the prayers in the Imam's desk, and was reading the Koran,
and his day was never kept. And Abubeker was a better
man than he, but the day of his death was never observed.
And the apostle of God (upon whom be peace), who is abso-
lute lord of all the sons of men, both in this world and that
which is to come, God took him to himself, even as the
prophets before him died ; yet the Mussulmans never made
such a stir about the observance of the day of his death as a
solemn day, as these fools do about the day in which Hosein
was killed." Thus far my author in his own words.
This same year Yezid made Salem, the son of Ziyad, lieu-
tenant of Sejestan and Chorassan, upon his coming as ambas-
sador to him.f Salem was then twenty-fow years of age.
As soon as he came to his charge, he gathered together a
select number of forces, and the best horses that could be
found, in order to make an invasion upon the Turks. He
carried his wife along with him (the first Arabian woman that
ever passed over the river Jihon), who was brought to bed of
a son in that part of the country which is called the Sogd of
Samarcand, being the neighbouring plains and villages that
lie round about that city, from whence he was afterwards
surnamed Sogdi, that is the Sogdian. When she lay in, she
sent to the Duke of Sogd's lady to borrow her jewels ; who
sent to her her golden crown, which was set full of them.
She had not, however, the good manners to restore it, but
carried it along with her upon her return to Ai'abia. Salem
sent Mohalleb to Chowarezm, the chief city of the Turks,
who were willing to purchase peace at any rate. He there-
fore assessed them and their cattle at so much a head.
Salem having taken out of the whole sum, which was very
* What the Jews call iTl^ Edah, the Greeks iKK\r)aia, and we "church,"
the Arabians call "jemaah," and mean the very same thing by it, namely,
the congregation of the faithful united under their la\rful Imam, or head.
And they denominate as we do, those that separate from them, according
Im their particular tenets or opinions,
t MS. Laud. No. 161, A.
Hej. 61. A.D. 680. ABDALLAH, 80N OF ZOBEIE. 421
considerable, what he thought fit, sent the rest to Yezid. He
then marched forwards towards Samarcand, whose inhabit-
ants also pui'chased peace at a high price.
This same year, in the beginning of the month Dulhagiah,
Yezid made Walid the son of Otbah governor of Medina,
who headed the people on pilgrimage to Mecca, both this and
the following year. Bassorah and Cufah were still in the
hands of ObeidoUah.
Hosein, being now out of the way, Abdallah the son of
Zobeir, who had never submitted to Yezid"s government, be-
gan now to declare publicly against him, and deposed him at
Medina. The inhabitants of Mecca and Medina, perceiving
that Yezid did all that lay in his power to suppress the house
of Ali, rebelled against him, and proclaimed Abdallah
caliph. As soon as he had taken their suffrages, in order
to strengthen his interest by popularity, he made long
speeches to the people, greatly exaggerating all the circum-
stances of Hosein" s death. The Irakians in general, and
the Cufians in particular, he represented to be the most per-
fidious villains upon the face of the earth ; having first in-
vited him, and then basely betrayed him afterwards. He
dwelt upon the scandalous extremity they had reduced a per-
son of his dignity to, either of surrendering himself into
the hands of the son of Ziyad, or else of fighting at so
great a disadvantage. He depicted at length his heroism in
preferring an honourable death to an ignominious life. He
magnified his merits, and reminded them of his exemplary
sanctity, his frequent watchings, fastings, and prayers. In a
word, he made a skilful use of every topic that might contri-
bute towards the endearing his memory, and stir up in the
people a desire of revenge, and an utter abhorrence and de-
testation of that government which was the cause of his
death. The people, who were always well afiected to Hosein,
heard these discourses with delight, and Abdallah's party
grew very strong. When Yezid heard of his progress, he
swore he would have him in chains, and accordingly sent a
silver collar for him to Merwan then governor of Medina,
with orders to put it about his neck, and send him to Damas-
cus, in case he persisted in his attempts ; but Abdallah ridi-
culed both them and their collar.
There was at this time one Abdallah the son of Amrou in
422 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACENS. YatiB L
Egypt, a person of great repute for his profound understand*
ing. He used to study the prophet Daniel. Amrou, the eon
of Said, governor of Mecca, sent to him to know what he
thought of this man, meaning Abdallah the son of Zebeir.
He answered, " That he thought of him no otherwise than as
of a man that would carry his point, and live and die a king."
This answer from a man of his character gave great encou-
ragement to Abdallah and his party, for it had a great influ-
ence upon the generality of the people. Amrou the son of Said,
the governor of Mecca, was in his heart a mortal enemy to
Abdallah and his pretensions, yet still he thought it the best
way to carry it fair with him. Some of Yezid's courtiers
represented to him, that if Amrou had been heartily in his
interest, it was in his power to have seized and sent Abdallah
to him ; upon which suggestion Yezid removed him, and put
Walid the son of Otbah into his place.
As soon as Walid had taken possession of his new govern-
ment of Mecca,* he began to exert his authority by imprison-
ing three hundred of the servants and dependants of his
predecessor Amrou. But Amrou sent a private message to
them, bidding them break the prison at such an hour, when
he promised there should be a sufficient number of camels
ready for them kneeling in the street, which they were imme-
diately to mount, and repair to him. This measure succeeded.
When Amrou came before Yezid, he first received him
courteously, and bade him sit down by him, and then began
to rebuke him for his remissness in the execution of his
commands, and not taking sufficient care to put down Abdallah
and his party. To which he answered, " Governor of the faith-
ful, he that is present sees more than he that is absent. The
greatest part of the people of Hejaz and Mecca were favourably
inclined to Abdallah's party, and encouraged one another as
well in public as in private. I, however, had no forces suffi-
cient to oppose them, if I had attempted it. Besides he was
always upon his guard, and in fear of me, and I carried it fair
with him in order to take a proper opportunity of getting
him into my power. Notwithstanding his influence and cau-
tion, I nevertheless often reduced Inm to great straits, and
hindered him from doing a great many things he wished to do.
Thus I placed men round about the streets and passages ol
• An. Hej 62, coepit Sept. 19, a.d. 681.
Hej. 62. A.D. 681. COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE CALIPH. 423
Mecca, that suffered no man to pass till he had written down
his own name and his father's, and from which of God's
countries he came, and what was his business ; and if any one
was a friend of his, or one whom I suspected to favour his
designs, I sent him away ; if otherwise, I permitted him
quietly to go about his concerns. However, you have now
sent into my place Walid the son of Otbah, who in all pro-
bability will give you such an account of his administration as
will justify my conduct, and convince you of the fidelity of
my services." Yezid was very well satisfied, and told him,
that he was an honester man than they that had incensed him
against him, and that he should depend upon him for the
future." In the meantime the new governor Walid was em-
ploying all his skill to ensnare Abdallah, who was always
upon his guard, and was still too cunning for him.* At the
same time Walid had to watch the movements of one Naidah,
a Yemanian, who, upon the death of Hosein, appeared in
arms with a body of men against Yezid ; as for Abdallah, he
and Naidah were so familiar that it was generally believed
that Naidah would give him his allegiance. Quickly after
Walid' s arrival,! Abdallah sent a letter to Yezid, complaining
that he had sent a fool of a governor thither, that was not
worthy of so important a trust ; that if he would appoint a
man of a tractable disposition, their differences might be
compromised as well for the good of the public as their own
in particular. Yezid, desirous of peace upon any terms, in-
discreetly hearkened to the voice of his mortal enemy,
removing Walid, and sending, in his stead, Othman the son of
Mohammed and grandson of Abu Sofian. This Othman was
by no means qualified for a trust of that importance, being
raw, ignorant, and altogether inexperienced. He sent ambas-
sadors from Medina to Yezid, who received them kindly, and
gave them presents ; but they took such offence at his man-
ners and conversation, that when they returned, they did all
they could to inflame the people against him. They told the
lledinians that their caliph had no religion at all ; that he
l\-as frequently drunk with wine, and minded nothing but his
labors, his singing wenches, and his dogs ; that he used^ to
ipend whole evenings in talking with vile fellows and singing
jirLs. For their part, they declared they did depose him ; in
• MS. Laud, No. 191, A. t MS. Hunt. Naidah.
424 HtSTOET OF THE SAEACEITS. YniD I.
whioh action they were followed by a great many, who, as it
is said, gave their allegiance to one Abdallah the son of Han-
telah. One of the ambassadors, Almundir by name, did not
return with the rest to Medina, but went to ObeidoUah to
Bassorah, who entertained him in his house, with a great deal
of friendship, for they were old acquaintances. As soon as
Yezid was informed how the rest of the ambassadors had
used him at Medina, he \vrote to ObeidoUah to bind Almun-
dir, and keep him close till further orders. This ObeidoUah
looked upon as a breach of hospitality, and instead of obey-
ing the order, showed it to Almundir, and advising him when
the people were come together, to pretend very urgent busi-
ness, and in the presence of them aU to ask leave to be gone.
Accordingly the request was made and granted, and away
goes Almundir full of resentment to Medina, where he con-
firms all that the other ambassadors had said before to Yezid's
disadvantage ; adding, that though he confessed thatYezid had
presented him with a hundred pieces, yet that could not influ-
ence him so far as to hinder him from speaking what he was a
witness of, his drunkenness, idle conversation, and neglecting
prayers oftener than any of his men. Yezid was informed of
all, and vowed to be revenged on him for his ingratitude.
Yezid now sent Nooman the son of Bashir to Medina to
quiet the people, and persuade them to return to their duty
and allegiance. When he came there, he represented to
them the folly of their proceedings, and the danger they ex-
posed themselves to by such seditious practices ; assuring
them that they were not a match i or the forces of Syria. One of
them asked him what motive induced him to come upon suck
an errand ? Nooman told him, " Because he was loath there
should be any blood shed between the two parties, and see
these poor creatures (meaning the Ansars or inhabitants of
Medina) killed in their streets and mosques, and at the doors
of their own houses." They would not be ruled by him, and
he left them ; but they found afterwards to their cost that his
warning was only too true.
The Medinians, iij their obstinacy, ha\'ing renounced all al-
legiance to Yezid, set over the Koreish, Abdallah the son of
Mothi, and over the Ansars, Abdallah the son of Hantelah, a
noble person of excellent endowments, very religious, and
universally respected : he had eight sons, and they had all
H^. 62. A.0. 681. BEBELLION AT MEDITTA. 425
gone along with him on the embassy, to Yezid, who presented
him, besides vests, with a hundred thousand pieces, and each
of his sons with ten thousand. In the beginning of the sixty-
third year, the Medinians broke out into open rebellion, after the
following manner : — Gathering together in the mosque round
about the pulpit, one of them said, "I lay aside Yezid, as I
lay aside this turban," throwing, with these words, his turban
upon the ground. Another said, " I put away Yezid as I put
away this shoe." Their examples were followed by others,
till there was a great heap of shoes and turbans. The next
step they took was to turn out Yezid" s lieutenant Othman,
and banish all the family of Omraiyah, together with all their
friends and dependants, from Medina. The latter being in
all about a thousand, took refuge in the house of Merwan the
son of Hakem, where the Medinians besieged them so closely
that they sent word to Yezid, " That imless they received
speedy relief they must inevitably perish." Yezid, when he
heard they were so many, wondered that they should have
ever suffered themselves to be shut up without making the
least resistance. He then consulted with Amrou, the son of
Said, as to the fittest person to be sent upon this expedition ;
at the same time offering the commission to him. Amrou,
however, excused himself, telling him, " That he had done
him all the service he could there before, and yet he was
pleased to remove him from his government ; but now, since
the blood of the Koreish was to be poured upon the dust, he
begged that somebody not so nearly related to them as he
was might be employed in that business. Upon this the
caliph sent for Meslem, the son of Okbah, who, though very
ancient and infirm, was willing to undertake the command of
the forces, consisting of twelve thousand horse and five thou-
sand foot. Meslem told Yezid that those thousand men who
suffered themselves to be so distressed without fighting, did
not deserve any assistance ; that they had neither shown per-
sonal courage nor loyalty to their sultan ; that they ought to
be let alone till they had exerted themselves, and shown that
they deserved support." But Yezid told him, " that his life
would be a burden to him, if their safety were not provided
for." Yezid rode about with his sword by his side, and an
Arabian bow over his shoulders, viewing the troojis, and giv-
ing directions to his general Meslem. Particularly he ordered
426 HISTOKT OF THE SARACENS* Tmuo I.
nim to take care of Ali, the son of Hosein, concerning whom
he had been informed that neither he, nor any of his family
were parties to the measures of the rebels, wherefore he com-
manded him to show him respect. As for the town, he was
to summons it three days successively, and if it did not sur-
render upon the third summons, then, whenever he took it,
he was to leave it for three days entirely to the mercy of the
soldiers.
Tlie Medinians, who had dug a large ditch round about
the city, refused to surrender, and the general made pre-
parations for a storm. He was advised to make his assault
on the east side, that the besieged might have the sun in
their faces : this proved of service to him. The Medinians
made a vigorous defence, and held out a considerable time.
In the end, however, most of the Ansars and considerable
men being killed, finding themselves hard pressed, they
would have surrendered on terms, but Meslem, from whose
hands they had refused peace at the beginning of the siege,
would not receive them but at discretion.
At last, forcing an entrance into the city, sword in hand,
he first of all sent for Ali, and treated him with respect ;
and, to quiet all his apprehensions, he dismissed him honour-
ably, calling for his own camel and sending him home upon
it. Then his men put all to the sword that they mot, plun-
dered everything that was valuable, and ill-treated the women.
"Without any reverence for its being the burying-place of the
prophet, they sacked it for three days ; and those that
escaped the edge of the sword Meslem took under the pro-
tection of the government, but only upon this condition, that
they should own themselves slaves and vassals to Yezid ;
upon which account he purchased the name of Musriph,
which signifies in Arabic, " extravagant, exorbitant," because
he had exceeded his orders.* This battle was fought when
there were three nights left of the month Dulhagiah.f
Meslem, having thus severely chastised the insolence of the
* Abulfeda.
t When Meslem took the command he was obliged to take medicine,
and was only allowed to eat a little, but he only followed the medical pre-
scriptions until the taking of Medina. After that was captured he ate most
voraciously, and said, " Now that the rebels are punished I am ready fol
death. In reward for having slain the murderers of Othman, God will for
give me my sins," — Weil.
Hej.64.A.D. 6«S DEATH OF MESLEM. 427
Mediniaiis, inarclied directly with his army towards Mecca,
but died by the way, in the month Moharram of the sixty-
fourth year. Upon his death, Hosein took upon him the
command of the army, and besieged Abdallah in Mecca
during the space of forty days, during which time he bat-
tered it so roughly, that he beat down a great part of the
temple,* and burnt the rest ; and this city had run the same
fortune with Medina, if the news of Yezid's death had not
recalled Hosein into Syria, f
AbdoUahj heard of Yezid's decease before the Syrian army
uad received any intelligence of it, and called out to them
from the walls, and asking them what they fought for, for
their master was dead. But they, not believing him, con-
tinued their siege with great vigour, till they received further
and authentic information. Hosein now told Abdallah that
he was of opinion that it would be the best way to forbear
shedding any more blood, and proJfFered him his allegiance
if he would accept of the government ; assuring him, that
all this army, wherein where the leading men of all Syria,
would be in his interest, and that there was no fear of any
* Some autnors, however, gay that the temple was not set on fire by the
besiegers, but that Abdallah, hearing in the night a shouting from the
mountains of Mecca, and wishing to discover the cause, put some fire on
the end of a spear, which, being wafted by the wind, the sparks laid hold
first on the hangings, and then caught the wood-work.
+ An Abyssinian superintended the engines that were throwing stones
and combustibles upon the city, and was delighted at the destruction of the
place and the sacred temple, whose columns were completely shattered.
He likewise filled several barrels with pitch, set fire to them, and threw
them against the Kaaba, so that every thing around it was burnt. Here a
miracle is related. One day, when this Abyssinian was about to send a num-
ber of these pitch- barrels against the temple, a fierce wind suddenly arose,
the flames seized the machines, and burnt the black and ten of his com-
panions. This took place on the same day that Yezid died at Damascus
The fire likewise p.irsued all those who assisted in assaulting the city, and
consumed them altogether. When the Syrians beheld this manifestation
of the wTath of God, they were struck with terror, and raised the siege, say-
ing, " With God's temple we will have nothing more to do." Hosein, who
as yet knew nothing of the death of Yezid, wrote to Damascus and described
the position of Abdallah. On the following day the latter sent a messenger
to Hosein, to ask him for whom he was fighting, as Yezid was dead. Ho-
sein supposed the information to be false, and waited till Thabit Ebn Kaij
arrived from Medina and confirmed the news of Yezid's decease. — Weil.
X MS. Laud. No. 16'..
428 HISTOBT OF THE SAEACENS. Ybiid 1
opposition. But Abdallah was afraid to trust him. As they
were talking together, just where the pigeons from the
temple of Mecca were pecking something upon the groimd,
Hosein turned his horse aside, which Abdallah taking notice
of, demanded his reason ; he said he was afraid his horse
should kill the temple pigeons. Abdallah asked him how he
could scruple that, and at the same time kill the Mussul-
mans. Hosein told him, that he would not fight against him
any more, and only desired that they might have leave to go
round the temple of Mecca before their departure ; which
was granted. Abdallah afterwards, when it was too late,
repeated of having rejected the services of Hosein, who was
accompanied on his retui-n into Syria by all those of the house
of Ommiyah that were in Medina.
Yezid died in Hawwarin,* in the territories of Hems, when
four nights were passed of the first Rebiyah, in the sixty-
fourth year of the Hejirah, in the thirty-ninth year of his
age, after he had reigned three years and six months. He
was a man of a ruddy complexion, pitted with the small pox,
with curly hair and black eyes. He had a handsome beard,
and was thin and tall. He left behind him several children
of both sexes, of whom his son Kaled is reported to have been
skilled in the art of alchymy, and his son Abdallah to have
been the truest bowman of all the Arabians in his time. His
mother's name was Meisun, of the family of the Kelabi.
She was an excellent poetess,t and had pleased Moawiyah's
• Abulfeda.
+ Meisun was the Bedouin bride of Moawiyah, and amidst all the pomp
of Damascus she still sighed for the desert. Some of her verses are thua
translated in Carlyle's " Specimens of Arabian Poetry."
" The russet suit of camel's hair,
With spirits light and eye serene,
Is dearer to my bosom far
Than all the trappings of a queen.
" The humble tent, and murmuring breeze
That whistles through its fluttering walls,
My unaspiring fancy please,
Better than towers and splendid halls.
•* The attendant colts, that bounding fly,
And frolic by the litter's side,
Are dearer in Meisuna's eye
Than gorgeoui mules in all their pride.
Hej 64. A.0. 683. CHAEACTER OF YEZID. 429
fancy to that degree with some of her verses, that he made
her go back into the desert amongst her oAvn relations, and
take her son Yezid along with her, that he also might be
brought up a poet. This part of his education succeeded, for
he was reckoned to excel that way, though his chief talent
consisted in making a drunken catch.
It is observed of him, that he was the first caliph that
dranlc wine publicly, and was waited upon by eunuchs.*
Besides, the Arabians reproach him with bringing up and
being fond of dogs, which the more scrupulous Mohammedans
have in abomination.
But the greatest vices of this caliph were his impiety and
covetousness, which occasioned a certain authorf to say, that
for the empire of the Mussulmans to flourish, it ought to be
in the hands of princes either pious, like the first four caliphs,
or liberal, as Moawiyah ; but that when it was again
governed by a prince who, like Yezid, had neither piety nor
generosity, all would be lost.
The Mohammedan doctors look upon Yezid's allowing the
soldiers to commit such abominable outrages in the city of
the prophet,! ^^^ suffering it to be so profaned, as a very
wicked action. § They do not scruple to say, that although
he did it thinking to preserve his life and government, God
nevertheless had dealt with him as a tyrant, and, by cutting him
off in the flower of his age, had inflicted judgment upon him
for his presumption. In condemnation of Yezid, they quote
this saying of Mohammed, " Whoever injureth Medina shall
melt away, even as calt melteth away in the water."
By Persian authors he is never mentioned without abomi-
nation, and ordinarily this imprecation is added to his name,
" The watch-dog's voice, that bays whene'er
A stranger seeks his master's cot.
Sounds sweeter in Meisuna's ear
Than yonder tnunpet's loud-drawn note.
^ The rustic youth, unspoii'd by art,
Son of my kindred, poor, but free,
Will ever to Meisuna's heart
Be dearer, pamper'd fool, than thee !"
• D'Herbelot + Rabi Al Akvar.
t MS. Hunt. No. 495. § MS. Laud. ' No. ICl. A. ,,
430 HIBTOBT OF THE SARACENS. Moawtyah II.
Laanabullah, that is, " The curse of God be upon liim ;" in
reference not to his vices, but to the death of Hosein, the son
of Ali, whom he first of all attempted to destroy by poison,
and afterwards caused to be killed, with all his family, on
the plains of Kerbela.*
Under his caliphate the Mussulmans conquered all Kho-
rassan and Khowarezm, and put the estates of the prince of
Samarcand under contribution. The motto of his seal was,
" God is our Lord."
MOAWIYAH II., THE SON OF YEZID, THE THIKD CALIPH
OF THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE EIGHTH AFTEB
MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 64. a.d. 683.
As soon as Yezid was dead, his son Moawiyah was pro-
claimed caliph at Damascus. He was near one and twenty
years of age, but of a weak constitution ; very religious,f but
of the sect pf the Alcadarii.j Moawiyah's favourite master
was Omar Al Meksous ; and he consulted him whether he
ought, or not, to accept the caliphate. His master told him,
that if he thought himself able to administer justice duly tc
the Mussulmans, and to acquit himself of all the duties of
that dignity, he ought to accept it ; but otherwise he ought
not to charge himself with it.
This caliph had scarcely reigned six weeks, when he found
himself too weak to sustain the weight of the government,
and resolved to lay it down. To this end he called a council
of the greatest men of the court, and told them that when
he first entertained the thought of abdicating himself, he
designed to follow the example of Abubeker, and nominate a
successor, as that first caliph had done ; but that he had not
found, as Abubeker had done, men like Omar upon whom to
fix his choice. Then he told them that he had also a design
• D'Herbelot. f Abulfeda. Abulfara^ius. D'Herbelot.
i These are a branch of the Motazeli, and differ in their opinions from
the orthodox Mussulmans in that they deny God's decree, and assert froe-
nill; affirming that the contrary opinion makes God the author of e\il.
Bej. 64 A. D. 683. ABDICATION OF THE CALIPH. 431
of imitating Omar, and naming six persons, upon one of
which the choice should fall by lot, hut that he had not found
60 many among them capable of it, and therefore could not
determine upon that course.
" I am therefore resolved," added he, " to leave the choice
entirely to you." Upon this the principal statesmen told him
that they had nothing to do but to choose that person amongst
them that he should please, and that all the rest w^ould obey
him. Moawiyah answered them in these terms : " As I have
not hitherto enjoyed the advantages of the caliphate, it is not
reasonable that I should charge myself with its most odious
duty, therefore I hope that you will not take it amiss if I
discharge my conscience towards you, and leave you to judge
for yourselves who is most capable among you to fill my
place."
Accordingly, as soon as Moawiyah had made his abdication
in so good form, they proceeded to the election of a caliph,
and their choice fell upon Merwan, the son of Hakem, who
was the fourth of the caliphs of Syria ; Abdallah, the son of
Zobeir, having been declared caliph in Arabia, Irak, Kho-
rassan, Egypt, and a great part of Syria.
Moawiyah had no sooner renounced the caliphate but he
shut himself up in a chamber, from whence he never stirred
till he died, not long after his abdication, of the plague
according to some, according to others by poison. The
family of Ommiyah was, it is said, so greatly irritated at his
proceeding, that they vented their re&entment upon the
person of Omar Al Meksous, whom they buried alive,
because they supposed that it was by his advice that Moa-
wiyah deposed himself. This caliph was nick-named Abu-
leilah, that is to say, " The father of the night," because of
his natural weakness and want of health, which hindered him
from often appearing abroad in the day time. The inscrip-
tion of his seal was " The world is a cheat."
We must now look backwards a little towards the eastern
parts of the empire.* As soon as ObeidoUah heard of Yezid's
death, he acquainted the Bassorians with it in a set speech,
wherein he represented to them " the near relationship be-
tween him and them, and reminded them that the place
of his nativity was amongst them ; thai , as appeared
• M.S. Laud. No. 161. A.
432 HISTOET OF THE SARACENS. MoawjyahII
by the books, he had since his government over them de-
stroyed a hundred and forty thousand of their enemies ; that
there was no person left of any consideration whom they need
to fear, who was not already in their prisons ; that they were
every way the most considerable nation in the empire, both
with regard to their courage, number, and extent of country ;
that they were very well able to subsist independently of any
help, but that the rest of the provinces were not able to sub-
sist without them ; that there was a faction in Syria, and till
that was appeased, he thought it advisable for them to choose
a person duly qualified to be the protector of their state ;
that after that was done, if the Mussulmans agreed upon a
successor whom they approved of, it would be well, if other-
wise, they might continue as they were till they did." The
Bassorians approved of his proposal, and told him that they
knew no person so well qualified for such a trust as himself.
He refused it several times, with little sincerity, as may be
supposed by his speech; but overcome, as he pretended, by
their importunity, accepted it at last. So they gave him
their hands to be subject to him till all things were settled,
and the Mussulmans were agreed upon an Imam or caliph.
This being done, he sent a messenger to the Cufians, to persuade
them to follow the example of the Bassorians. The Cufians
received the message with indignation, and were so far from
complying with it, that they flung dust upon their governor.
Though the Cufians did not follow the example of the Bas-
sorians, yet the Bassorians foUowed theirs. For, having
learnt the repulse Obeidollah had met with at Cufah, they
revoked their promise of allegiance to him ; and the faction
ran so high, that finding Bassorah too warm for him, he was
fain to make the best of his way into Syria.
There was at that time in the treasury of Bassorah sixteen
millions of money, part of which he divided among his rela-
tions , the remainder he carried along with him. He attempted
to persuade the Najari, who are a tribe of the Arabian Ansars,
to fight for him ; but they refused, as did also all his own
relations, for he had rendered himself so obnoxious by his
cruelty, that he was dreaded and abhorred by all, beloved by
none. His brother Abdallah told the Bassorians, that since
they had promised their subjection, he and his brother Obei-
dollah would not fly away from them, but stay and be killed,
EeJ. 64. A.D. 683. FALL. OF OB£IDOI.X^H. 43S
and leave it as a reproach upon them till the day of judg-
ment. Obeidollah lay concealed in women's clothes in
Mesoud's house, who advised him to scatter money liberally
among the people, and induce them to renew their oath.
Abdallah, his brother, tried his utmost with two hundred
housand pieces, and Mesoud also stirred for him as much as
he was able, till at last he was killed in the tumult, though
he owed his death chiefly to an old grudge. Obeidollah was
at last constrained to fly, and as soon as he was gone the
people plundered his effects, and pursued him. He had a
hundred men with him that were left him by Mesoud. In
the night time he grew weary of riding upon his camel, and
exchanged it for an ass. One of his friends observing him
riding in that manner, with his feet dangling down to the
ground, began to reflect upon the uncertainty of human
affairs, and said to himself, " This man was yesterday
governor of Irak, and is now forced to make his escape upon
an ass." Then riding up to him, he asked him if he was
asleep (for he had been silent a long time). He said no, he
was talking to himself. The other told him he knew what
it was that he was saying ; it was, " I wish I had not killed
Hosein." Obeidollah told him he was mistaken, for he
chose rather to kill Hosein than to be killed by him. Then,
having first mentioned a few matters about his property, and
how he wished to dispose of it, he said that what he was sorry
for, and what he was speaking to himself about, was this, that
he wished he had fought the Bassorians at the beginning of
their revolt, and struck their heads off for their perjury.
But perhaps if he had attempted it, he might have lost his
own, for the Karegites, who were his mortal enemies, were
got to a great head, and resolved either to kill him, or to
drive him from Bassorah.
We will leave Obeidollah, therefore, riding upon an
ass, and talking to himself, and return to Hosein, who,
much about this time, was come back from the siege of
Mecca to Damascus. He gave an account of the posture of
affairs on that side of the country, and of his having proffered
his allegiance to Abdallah, who had refused to accept it, or
at least to come into Syria. He told Merwan, and the rest
of the family of Ommiyah, that, in the present disorder of
their affairs, they would do well to look about them quickly j
w t
434 HISTORY OF THE SARACEJTS. Abdallah
that they ought to settle the government before faction,
which is both deaf and blind, should overwhelm them.
Merwan was for submitting to Abdallah ; but Obeidollah, who
also had now arrived, told him that it was a shame for a
person of his distinction, who was the head of the noble
family of the Koreish, to think of anything so mean. The
people of Damascus had constituted Dehac, the son of Kais,
their protector till the Mussulmans should be agreed upon an
Imam. Dehac favoured Abdallah, and Hassan, the son of
Malec, was in that part of Palestine that lay near Jordan,
and was of the party of the house of Ommiyah. The Bas-
sorians were in tumult and confusion, and could not agree
about a governor. During the interregnum, they set up first
one, and then another, till at last they wrote to Abdallah, to
take the government upon him.
ABDALLAH THE SON OF ZOBEIK, THE NINTH CALIPH
AFTER MOHAMMED. HE WAS NOT OF THE HOUSE OF
OMMIYAH.
Hejirah 64. a.d. 683.
There being two caliphs at the same time, will, of neces-
sity, occasion the repetition of a few circumstances. This
however -will give no oflfence to the ingenuous reader. Though
Abdallah had been proclaimed before, in the days of Yezid,
yet this is the place that our Arabian authors assign him in
their histories, because he seemed now to be fully settled and
established, all the territories of the Mussulmans, with the
single exception of SjTia, being under his command. But
when we talk of the entire subjection of the Mohammedan
countries, we must on all occasions be understood as not
speaking of the heretics and schismatics, the Karegites and
Motazeli, for they, as we have observed already, would never
be subject to any ; but on the least prospect of a favourable
opportunity, used their utmost efforts to break from off their
necks the yoke of all government wtiatsoever.
Hej. 64. A.D. 683. TWO CAMPHS. 435
As soon as Yezid was dead,* the people of Mecca stood up
for Abdallah, the son of Zobeir : Merwan the son of Hakem
(who was of the house of Ommiyah) was then at "Medina,
and was preparing himself to go to Abdallah, and acknow-
ledge him ; for all took it for granted that his interest was
so powerful, that it would be to no purpose to oppose him ;
when on a sudden there was a report spread, that Abdallah
had sent word to his deputy in Medina, not to leave a man
alive of the house of Ommiyah. This proved his ruin ;
whereas if he had gone along with Hosein, as he wished
him, or had he caressed Merwan and the house of Ommi-
yah, he had been fixed immoveably in the government.
But there is no reversing what God hath decreed. "When
they proclaimed him at Mecca, Obeidollah was at Bassorah,
from whence, as we have seen, he afterwards fled into Syria.
The Bassorians, Irakians, Hejazians, Yemanians, and Egyp-
tians, all came into Abdallah, who, moreover, had a strong
private party even in Syria itself, and in Kinnisrin and Hems.
In short, they were very near coming in universally ; but he
wanted some qualifications necessary for the critical juncture.
He was brave and courageous enough, and also exemplarily
religious, but he wanted both tact and generosity.
MEEWAN THE SON OF HAKEM, THE rOITRTH CALIPH OF
THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE TEKTH AFTER MO-
HAMMED.
Hejirah 64, 65. a.d. 683, 684.
Upon the rumour of Abdallah's cruel designs against the
house of Ommiyah, ^Merwan made haste into SjTia, where his
friends came about him, and, resolving to make a bold stand
in self-defence, they proclaimed him caliph. Sj-ria was now di-
vided into two factions ; Hassan and the Yemanians in Spia,
siding with Merwan, and Dehac the son of Kais, with Ab-
dallah. This Dehac was a man of great note ; he had been
* Abulfeda.
F F 2
436 HISTORY OF TH£ SARACEKS. isDAiLAH
at the first siege of Damascus, and in the fifty-fourth year
Moawiyah made him his deputy over Cufah. Because ^he
general's father's name was Kais, the party that followed lim
were called Kaisians. There were a great many parleys be-
tween the two factions, which it would be tedious to relate.
At last the brought it to the decision of a battle in the plains
or meadows of Damascus. The issue was, that the Kaisians
were shamefully beaten, Dehac himself being killed, and a
great slaughter made amongst the horse. When the Kaisians
were routed, Merwan sounded a retreat, and would not suffer
his men to pursue. With Dehac, no less than fourscore of
the nobles of Syria were killed. WTien Dehac's head was
brought to Merwan, he expressed some concern, and said,
" That I who am an old man, whose bones are wasted, and
am next to nothing, should bring armies together to break
one another in pieces !"
He then went into Damascus, and took up his lodgings at
the house where Moawiyah used to reside. There he mar-
ried Yezid's widow, for it had been agreed Merwan should
not transfer the government to his own posterity, but leave it
to Yezid's son Kaled, who was then a minor, and of whom
the people had some expectation. Wherefore his friends
thought it safer for him to marry Kaled's mother, and take
upon him the guardianship of the child, than run the risk of
standing upon the sole foundation of his own interest.
When the news of the defeat of the Kaisians and tlie
death of Dehac came to Emessa, which was under the com-
mand of Nooman the son of Bashir, he fled away with his
wife and family. The Emessians, however, pursued him, and
cut off his head, and brought it, together with his wife and
family, to Emessa.
Merwan after this marched towards Egypt, and sent be-
fore him Amrou the son of Sai'd, who, going into Egypt,
tiOimed out Abdallah's lieutenant, and brought the Egyptians
to own Merwan for their sovereign. As Merwan was upon
his return to Damascus, news was brought him that Abdallah
had «ent his brother Musab against him with an army ;
wherefore he turned back and routed Musab before he en-
tered Damascus.
This year the people of Khorassan chose Salem the son ol
Ziv-^d. who was their former governor, for their protector, tiU
Htj. 64. AD 683. REVENGE OF HOSEIN's DEATH. 437
the Mussulmans should be agreed in the choice of an Imam.
In that post he continued about two months. The people of the
country never had any governor that they loved so well ; they
respected him to that degree, that in those few years that he
governed them, there were more than twenty thousand
children named Salem, purely out of love to his name.
This year the sect of Ali began to stir in Cufah, and sent
circular letters to their friends round about the country, ap-
pointing a rendezvous in Nochailah for the next year follow-
ing, intending to march into Spia to revenge the death of
Hosein. The occasion was the following : — When after the
death of Hosein, the Cufians came to reflect coolly upon that
matter, their consciences accused them of having failed him
both in honour and duty, and they thought they could make
no atonement for their crime but by taking up arms to
revenge his death. They therefore applied themselves to
five leading men of the sect, Solyman the son of Sorad, who
was one of the companions ; and Mosabbib the son of Nah-
bah, one of the choicest of the friends of Ali ; Abdallah the
son of Said ; Abdallah the son of Wall ; and Refaah the son
of Shadad. These all met together in Solyman's house, be-
sides a great many others of the chief men of the sect, to
whom Mosabbib made a speech, wherein he enlarged upon
" the heinousness of their neglect, in having deserted Hosein
after so solemn an invitation, and having received so many
letters and messages from him; that they had neither assisted
him with their hands, nor spoken for him with their tongues ;
neither supported him with their money, nor looked out for
any assistance for him. What excuse would they have when
they should come to appear before God, or how should they be
able to look his prophet in the face, when by their means
his son* was killed, and his beloved with his off"spring and
his posterity cut off ! There was, he told them, no way to
atone for this but by revenging his death upon his murderers,
which was no hard matter, provided they chose a proper gene-
ral, one that the people would be willing to fight under."
This was seconded by Refaah, who added, that as to a general,
his opinion was, that they should choose the chief of the sect,
a person reveren ^ed by all for his years, dignity, piety, and
• Grandson, a» before*
438 HISTOKY OF THE SAEACEXS. AnnAi.i-AH
experience, Solymanthe son of Sorad. Solyman, ha\mg first
made a speech suitable to the occasion, accepted the com-
mand ; and when some other persons arose and made
speeches to urge on the matter (for there were above a hxm-
dred of the chief men amongst them), he told them, that
there was enough said already, and the next step they ought
to take should be to put what each of them designed to
contribute into the hands of Abdallah the son of Wall, to
be distributed amongst the poorest of the sect. The contents
of Solyman's circular letter was as follows : — ■
" In the name of the most merciful God.
" From Solyman the son of Sorad to Said the son of
Hodaifah, and whosoever is with him of the Mussulmans ;
peace be to you. The present world is a mansion upon
which every thing that is good turneth its back, and to which
every thing that is bad draweth near, (or turneth its face ;)
:'.nd treateth persons of uprightness ill. The chosen servants
of God have resolved to leave it, and to sell the little of the
present world that remaineth not, for the great reward that is
with God and shall never fail. The friends of God, your
brethren of the sect of the family of your prophet, have
considered with themselves the trial they have undergone in
the business of the son of the daughter of your prophet, who
was called and answered, and called and was not answered ;
and would have returned but was detained ; and asked for
security but was hindered : and he let the people alone, but
they would not let him alone ; but dealt ^\Tongfully by him
and killed him, and then spoiled him and stripped him
wickedly, despitefully, and foolishly. Nor did they act as in
the sight of God, neither had they recourse to God, and they
that have done evil shall know what shall be the end of their
actions.* Now what your brethren have seriously considered
concerning the events of that in which they formerly engaged
is this. They see they have sinned in deceiving the inno-
cent, the good ; and in the delivering him up, and the omit-
ting the healing and helping him. A great sin ! from which
there is no way left for escape, ncr any repentance but by
killing those that killed him, or l^ing killed themselves, and
reiigning their spirits upon this account. Now, therefore,
• Koran, passim.
Hcj. G4, A.D. 683. BETTER FROM SOLYMAW. 439
your brethren are lestirring themselves in earnest, as also is
your enemy ; therefore do you get together all the assistance
you are able. And we have fixed a time for our brethren to
meet us at a place appointed. The time is the new moon
of the month of the latter Kebiyah, in the sixty-fifth year,
and the place where they shall meet us is Nochailah. O ye
who never cease to be of our sect and our brethren ! We
have determined to invite you to this business which, as your
brethren say, God would have them undertake, and as they
show to us that they repent, so would we give you an
opportunity to prove that you are persons didy qualified for
the search of excellency, and the laying hold of the reward
and repentance towards your Lord for your sin, though it
be the cutting off your necks, and the killing your children,
and the consumption of yoiir wealth, and the destruction of
your tribes and families. He [God] hath not hurt the coura-
geous, religious men that were killed, but they are now alive
with their Lord, sustained as martyrs ;* enduring (affliction)
patiently, they met their Lord ; they are made account of,
and God hath given them the reward of good men.f If it.
please God, persevere patiently in tribulation and affliction,
and in the day of battle (God have mercy upon you !) for it is
not fit that any of your brethren should persevere in any
affliction in seeking his repentance, without you who are
equally worthy and fit to seek the like reward by the same
means ; neither is it fit that any one should seek the favour
of God by any means, though it were by death itself, but
you should have the same privilege. ' For the best provi-
sion for a voyage is the fear of God in this world, and every
thing besides shall perish and vanish away. 'J Wherefore
let your souls be assured of this, and your desire be fixed
upon the mansion of your safety, and the engaging in the
holy war against the enemy of God and your enemy ; and
the enemy of the family of the daughter of your prophet, till
you come before God with repentance and desire. God pre-
serve both us and you to the happy life, and remove both us
and you from hell, and grant it may be our reward to die by
• It is a saying ol Mohammed's.
+ The next sentence is much to ^he same purpose, but it is obscurel
represented in the manuscript, and I have not yet found it in the Koran.
% Koran.
440 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Mfrwab I
the hands of that part of mankind that is the m tet odious of
all to him, and are his most T-ehement enemies. He is the
most powerful over what he pleases, and disposeth of his
friends according to his will. Farewell to you."
Sa'id read the letter to all the people, who readily gave
their assent, and despatched a very encouraging answer to
Solyman and his friends.* The truth of the matter is, that
the sect of Ali had been contriving this affair from the time
of Hosein's death till the death of Yezid the son of Moawiyah,
(which was three years, two months, and four days) and had
sent privately to one another, and laid up magazines, and
strengthened their party.
Six months after Yezid's death, in the midst of the month
Ramadan, Al Moktar came to Cufah, and at the same time
came Ibrahim, the son of Mohammed the son of Telha, to
receive the tribute of Cufah for Abdallah the son of Zobeir.
The sect of (Ali)f readily joined themselves to this Captain
Al Moktar, who made use of the authority of Mohammed,
the son of Hanifiyah, who was All's son, and the hope of the
party. He told them he was come to them as a counsellor
and trusty assistant from the son of Al Hanifiyah. This cir-
cumstance, added to their confidence in his known abilities,
endeared him to them exceedingly. He made it his business
to disparage Solyman, the son of Sorad. as a person by no
means qualified for the trust he had undertaken ; but one that
would most certainly destroy both them and himself, having
no manner of experience in warlike affairs. Abdallah, the
son of Yezid, was then governor of Cufah, and having re-
ceived information that the sect had a design to seize the
city, he called a congregation, and told them "that these
people pretended indeed to seek revenge for Hosein's death,
but he was persuaded that that was the bottom of their de-
signs. For his part they had no reason to fight against him
who was no manner of way concerned in the matter, but had
been a sufferer upon the same account. If on the other bar d
they would in good earnest follow up those who were guilty
of the death of Hosein, he should be willing to assist them."
Then turning to the people he said : " Ii short it was the son
• MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
+ See the catabgue of Ali's children at the end of his life.
HeJ C4. A.O. 683. DISPUTE AT CTTFAH. 441
of Ziyad that killed Hosein, and that killed the most valuable
men amongst you ; and the best thing you can do is to make
preparation of war against him, who is the greatest enemy
you have in the whole creation, rather than exercise your
force upon one another, and shed each other's blood." Ibra-
him the collector rose up and bade the people not be deceived
with the governor's smooth speeches ; and declared, that if
any rose up in arms they should be put to death, both father
and son, without distinction. As he 'S'as proceeding, Mosab-
bib cut him off short, and asked him, whether he pretended to
threaten or terrify them ? That it was more than lay in his
power ; " "We have," says he, " already killed your father and
grandfather, and we hope, before you go out of this country,
to make you the third." Ibrahim threatened him with death,
when Abdallah the son of Wall stood up, and asked Ibra-
him what business he had to intermeddle between them and
their governor, telling him that he had no manner of autho-
rity over them, but that he might go about his business, and
look after his tax. The sect were wonderfully pleased with
Abdallah the son of Yezid's speech, and the people very much
offended at Ibrahim's behaviour ; there were high words on
both sides till Abdallah came down and left the mosque. After-
wards the governor, being informed that Ibrahim had threat-
ened to write to Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and acquaint
him with the purports of his smooth speech to the Cufians,
made haste to pay him a visit, and swore that he meant
nothing by it, but to appease the people, and keep the peace,
to prevent their doing any further mischief. With this ex-
cuse Ibrahim was very well satisfied ; but Solyman and his
party encouraged by his public speech, and throwing off the
mask, appeared openly in arms.
At this time the Separatists who had before joined Abdallah
the son of Zobeir, and assisted him whilst he was besieged in
Mecca, deserted him. The case was thus : Obeidollah, when
governor at Bassorah, had been their implacable enemy, and
exerted himself to the utmost to extirpate the whole genera-
tion of them, root and branch, from off the face of the earth.
Distressed by his unmerciful persecution they took the op-
portunity, when Abdallah the son of Zobeir first made his
appearance at Mecca, to apply to him. He, as matters then
Rtood with him, was no less glad of their assistance than they
442 HISTORY OP THE SARACEXS. M«rwa» 1.
were of his protection, and embraced them without any scru-
tiny about principles, or asking any questions for conscience'
sake. Afterwards, however, they began to say among them-
selves, that they had committed an eiTor in engaging them-
selves in a man's interest whose principles were dubious ; and
resolved, before they advanced one step further, to bring him
to the test. They had not forgotten how both he and his father
Zobeir had persecuted them upon the account of Othman's
death, and they were resolved to make use of it as a test of his
present sentiment. They came to him accordingly in a body,
and told him, " That hitherto they had assisted him without
any previous examination of his principles ; now, for satisfac-
tion, they desired to know what he thought of Othman ? " Ab-
dallah understood them very well, but seeing but few of hia
friends about him at the time, he told them, that they were
come at an unreasonable moment, when he wished to be at
rest ; if, however, they would wait a little, and return in the
evening, they should have a satisfactory answer. In the
meantime he gathered together a strong body of soldiers, and
placed them in double ranks round about his house. At last
the Separatists came again, but percei\-ing how matters stood,
and what preparation Abdallah had made for their reception,
did not think fit to come to blows. One of them, however,
a man of a voluble tongue, eminent for his eloquence, made a
speech, wherein he briefly recapitulated the most considerable
dispensations of providence towards them, and the several
successions of their caliphs since Mohammed, concluding with
hard reflections upon Othman's administration, his partiality
in favour of his relations, and, in a word, justified his murder.
Abdallah told him in reply, " That as to what he had said
concerning the prophet (who was very great) he was not only
what he had said, but much more ; all too that he had said
of Abubeker and Omar was just enough ; but as for Othman,
he had more reason to know him than any man alive ; and he
was sure he was murdered wrongfully, for he never wrote
that letter whereof he had been accused ; and for his own
part, he should be a friend of Othman's both in this world
and that to come, a friend of his friends, and an enemy of his
enemies." To this they answered, " God is clear of thee, thou
enemy of God !" which he echoed back again, " God is clear
of you, ye enemies of God ! " Upon this they parted. As fof
Hcj. 64. .D. 683. AL MOKTAR IMPRISOXED. 443
A bdallah, he x)uld easily spare them. Some of them \< ent
to Yemanah, the rest to Bassorah. Those that went to Bas-
sorah began to say among themselves, " Would to God some
of our people would go out in the way of God ! for there hath
been negligence on our side since our companions went out.
and our teachers stood up in the earth, and were the lights of
mankind, and exhorted them to religion, and sober and coura-
geous men went out and met the Lord, and became martjTS
maintained with God alive."* Thus they encouraged one
another mutually till they had gathered together a body of
about three hundred, just about the time that the Bassorians
made an insurrection against ObeidoUah. and, taking the ad-
vantage of the disorders among the people, they broke open
all the jails. But when ObeidoUah was driven into Syria,
and the disturbance was completely over, they were soon
routed and driven away from Bassorah.
So many things being transacted in several parts of the
empire much about the same time, it was necessary to des-
patch these first, to clear the way for Moktar,t that great and
terrible scourge of the enemies of Ali"s family ; and because
he makes so considerable a figure in this part of our history,
it will be necessary to be a little more particular in the account
of his affairs. The sect of Ali had entertained no very favour-
able opinion of him ever since the time of Hasan ; for he was
considered to have been remiss in his service ; but he regained
their good opinion when Hosein sent Muslim to Cufah to take
the suffrages of the Cufians, for he not only entertained him
in his house, but also made use of all his interest privately to
serve him ; all the while, to prevent suspicion, making his
appearance in public among Obeidollah"s men. Going one
morning to wait upon the governor, ObeidoUah asked him,
"whether he was come with his men to serve Muslim?"
Moktar said, " that he was not, but had been under the ban-
ner of Amrou the son of Horith,and stayed with him all night,"
which Amrou confirmed. This, however, did not satisfy
ObeidoUah, who had good inteUigence of his secret practices.
He struck him over the face with his stick, knocked out
one of his eyes, and sent him immediately to prison, where he
was detained tiU after Hosein' s death. Upon which event
Al Moktar, finding means to make application to Yezid the
" MS. Land. Num. 161. A. + Theophanes calls him Mo;^rup.
444 HISTOKY OF THE SABACEKS. Merwax I.
caliph, was, by his express command, set at liberty. Obeidol-
lah knew well that it was not to the caliph's interest to let
him go, but forced to obey. He told Al Moktar that he al-
lowed him three days, after which, if he took him, he would
be under no obligation to spare him.
Al Moktar made the best of his way to the part of Arabia
called Hejaz (which is generally taken by our geographers to
be Arabia Petrsea), and meeting with a friend, who asked him
what ailed his eye, he answered, " ObeidoUah injured it :
but God kill me if I do not one day cut him to pieces." His
friend wondered at his speech, there being then little proba-
bility of its ever being in his power, and Moktar inquired of
him concerning Abdallah the son of Zobeir. He answered
him, " That he had made Mecca the place of his refuge ;" to
which Moktar answered, " I do not believe that he will make
anything of it ; but when it comes to pass, that you see Moktar
up at the head of his men to revenge the death of Hosein,
then, by thy Lord, I will kill, upon the account of his murder,
as many as were killed upon the account of the blood of John
the son of Zacharias, upon whom be peace."
For the clearing of which passage it must be understood
that the Mohammedans entertain a profound veneration for
the memory of St. John the Baptist, upon the account of the
honourable mention made of him in the third chapter of the
Koran, in these words, " Then prayed Zachariah to his Lord,
and said, ' My Lord, give me from thee a good progeny, for
thou art the hearer of prayers.' And the angels called to
him as he stood praying in the oratory, ' God sends thee the
good news of John, who shall confirm the truth of the word
from God, and shall be a great person, chaste, a prophet, and
one of the just,' or rather, ' and one of the just prophets.' " *
Which passage Hosein Waes paraphrases in these words,f
" John the Baptist, your son, shall publish and give authority
to the faith in the Messias Jesus the son of Mary, who is the
Word of God, or the Word proceeding from God ; for he
shall be the first who shall believe in him. He shall become
chief and high-priest by his knowledge, by the austerity of
his life, and by the sweetness of his behaviour, which are
three qualities requisite to make a man an Imam or high
priest of the law "of God. He shall abstain from women,
• Koran, cliap.-iij. 33. f D'Herbelot, in Jaliia
Hej. M. A.D. 683. TKADITIOXS OP ST. JOHN. 445
and from all the pleasures of sense, and, in short, he shall be
a prophet descended from good men such as his father
Zachariah and his grandfather Saleh had been before hmi.
teaching men the ways of justice and salvation."
They have, moreover, a tradition that St. John Baptist,
having been beheaded by the command of a king of Judea,
the blood which flowed from his body could not be stanched
till it was avenged by a great desolation Avhich God sent
upon the people of the Jews. This is what Al Moktar
alluded to.
When they parted, Al Moktar went to Mecca, which he
reached just at the time that Abdallah set up for the caliph-
ate, whom he told that all things about Cufah were in the
utmost confusion ; and then, whispering, said that he was come
to proffer him his allegiance, if he would make him easy. I do
not find what answer he received, nor whether or no he received
any at all.'^' However, from that time he was seen no more
at Mecca till about a twelvemonth after, when, as Abbas the
son of Sahel and Abdallah happened to be talking concerning
him, he appeared on one side of the temple. Abbas went to
him immediately, to find out which way he stood inclined,
and asked him if he had been all that while in Ta'if (for he
had seen him there himself) ; he told him " No, in TaVf and
other places," but seemed to make a secret of his affairs.
Abbas told him that, like the rest of the Cufians. he was very
reserved ; that all the noble families of the Arabians had sent
some great man or other to offer their allegiance to Abdallah,
and that it would be very strange if he should be singular,
and refuse it. To this Al Moktar replied, that he had offered
his services the year before, but receiving no satisfactory an-
swer, he supposed Abdallah had no occasion for them ; and,
as he thought Abdallah had more occasion for him than he
had for Abdallah, he felt himself slighted. At last Abbas
prevailed upon him so far, that he said he would visit
Abdallah after he had said the last evening prayer. They
appointed to meet at the Stone, and Abbas in the mean-
time rejoiced the heart of Abdallah with the news. When
they were admitted into Abdallah's house, Al Moktar told
him that if he gave him his allegiance he expected to have
access to him upon all occasions before any other person, and
• MS. Laud, No. 161. A.
446 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. Mbrwan I.
to be employed upon his most weighty affaii-s; Abdallah
would have had him been content with being governed,
" according to the book of God and the tradition," A^
Moktar answered, " That that was no more privilege than wha^^^
the farthest man alive enjoyed, and that he would never come
in upon any other terms than what he had proposed." Ab-
dallah's afiairs being as yet in an vmsettled state, it was
thought most advisable to indulge him in his humour ; A]
Moktar accordingly continued with Abdallah during the siege
of Mecca, and fought brav»iy in the defence of it, till, as we
have related before, upon the news of Yezid's death
the siege was raised, and the army returned into Syria.
After the death of Yezid, Al Moktar continued with Ab-
dallah five months and some days ; but perceiving that
Abdallah was still shy of him, and did not employ him in
any considerable post, nor make any great use of him in his
counsels, he began to inquire diligently into the condition of
the Cufians, and All's friends on that side of the country.
At last he was informed, by one in whom he confided, that
there was only a small party, supported by a few provincial-
ists, in the interest of Abdallah ; whereas the friends of Ali
wanted nothing but a man of their own opinion to head them
in order to consume the whole earth. Al Moktar swore that
he was their man, and that, by their assistance, he would beat
down " all haughty tyrants."* His informant also told him,
for his further satisfaction, they had already gone so far as to
set one over them, who was, however, a person of but little
experience. Al Moktar said he did not intend to call them
to sedition, but to the right way, " and to the church," and
forthwith set forth for Cufah. All the way he went he made
it his business to pay his respects to the congregations of the
several mosques, and say his prayers among them, and
harangue them, assuring them of success and victory, and a
speedy deliverance from all their grievances. When he came
to Cufah he called the sect together, and told them that he
was come "from the mine of excellency,! the Imam that
directs the right way, who commanded medicines to be
applied, and the veil to be removed, and the perfection of
* It is an expression used in the Koran.
t That was Mohammed Ebn Hanifiyah, All's son, thea resident at
Mecca.
K«j. 64. A.o. 683. SOLTMAN AND HIS PENITENTS. 447
gracious works, and the killing of their enemies. He then
represented to them the incapacity of Solyman for such an
undertaking, as being altogether inexperienced in war, and one
that would only destroy both them and himself." This he re-
peated so frequently that he drew over a great many of the
sect into his interest, who began every day to favour him
more and more in their common discourse, and magnify his
merit, and promise themselves great things from him. But
notwithstanding all this, Solyman's interest was still superior
amongst the sect, as being the most ancient, and of the great-
est authority. Solyman now resolved to go forwards accord-
ing to his own appointment, with what forces he had, expecting
to be joined by a great army of the sect at Nochailah. Al Moktar
stayed behind, awaiting the issue of the expedition, not doubt-
ing in the least, but that if Solyman miscarried, as he thought
he would, the sole command of the sect would inevitably fall
into his hands. By some of Solyman's party he was sus-
pected of having a secret design of seizing the province, upon
which account they surrounded his house, and having sur-
prised him, advised the governor to bind him and make him
walk barefoot to prison. The governor answered that he would
never do so to a man that had not openly declared himself an
enemy, but was only seized upon suspicion. Then they
demanded that he should be put in irons ; but the governor
answ^ered that the prison was restraint enough. And being
conveyed thither upon a mule, we must leave him there for a
while.
We return now to Soljnnan and his penitents, for so all those
who confederated under him to revenge the death of Hosein
•were called, because of their sorrow for their former neglect
of him in his extremity. According to agreement, in the
new moon of the latter Rebiyah, they set out for the general
rendezvous at Nochailah, a place not very far distant from
Cufah. When he came there, and had taken a view of the
camp, he was greatly concerned at the smallness of the num-
ber collected there, and despatched tw^o horsemen post to
Cufah, with orders to cry round about the streets, and in the
great mosque, " Vengeance for Hosein." As they passed
tkrough the streets they stimulated the people, and amongst
the rest an Arabian, who was married to the greatest beauty
of her time, whom he doated upon to an excess. As soon
448 HISTORY OF THjE SARACENS. Merwaki.
as lie heard that proclamation, he neither answered them one
word, nor went out to them ; but, pxitting on his clothes in
all haste, he called for his arms and his horse. His wife
asked him if he was possessed ; he answered, " By God, no !
but I have heard God's herald calling for revenge for the
blood of that man (Hosein), and I will answer him, and I
will die for him, or God shall dispose of me as he pleases."
" To whom," said she, " do you leave this child of yours ?"
" To God," saith he, " who hath no partner. O God ! I
commend to thee my family and my child ! 0 God, preserve
me in them." This said, he followed them, and left her to
bewail him.
After parading through the street they went to the great
mosque,* where they found a great many people after the last
evening prayer, and repeated among them the same cry.
Upon which, among others, a person of distinction went
home, and armed himself and called for his horse. His
daughter asking him whither he was going, he answered,
" Child, thy father flies from his sin to his God." Then
calling his nearest relations together, he took his leave, and
arrived at Solyman's camp the next morning. Here they
looked over the rolls to see how many had given their hands
at first and kept their engagement. They found the former
to be sixteen thousand, whereof not more than four thousand
were present. One said that Al Moktar had drawn off" two
thousand ; so that, according to that account, there still re-
mained ten thousand guilty of perjury. At last Mosabbib
told Solyman, that they who did not come out of hearty
good-will would do them no service. After the muster,
Solyman, and several others of the chief men, made speeches
to the handful of men they had, telling them, that it was not
this world they fought for ; that they had neither silver nor
gold, but were going to expose themselves to the edges of
swords and the points of spears. To which the people an-
swered, with one voice, " It is not this world that we seek,
neither did we come out for the sake of it." They next con-
sulted together as to the most proper method of carrying on
their design ; one proposed to march directly into Syria to
be revenged on ObeidoUah ; another would have them go
ond destroy all that had a hand in Hosein's death ^t Cufah,
• MS. Laud. No. 161, A.
Hej. 65. A.D. 634. IBRAHIM AND SOLYMAN. 449
where there were a great many of the chiefs of the tribes,
and several other leading men. The last advice Solyman did
by no means approve of; but said, that they ought to take
vengeance upon that individual who had beset him with
armed men, and said to him, " You shall have no protection
from me, unless you surrender yourself entirely to my dis-
posal ;'' that wicked wretch,* the son of that wicked wretch,
is your object ! Besides, he did not think it by any means
advisable to begin a massacre in their own province, since it
would alienate their friends, and exasperate the people to see
their fathers, and brethren, and near relations murdered
before their faces. On this account he advised them to leave
that matter for future consideration, if it should please God
to grant them a safe return out of Syria.
In the meantime, Ibrahim (who, as we have mentioned
before, was sent from Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, to gather
the tribute) and Abdallah, the son of Yezid, the governor of
Cufah, being informed of Solyman's expedition, entertained
the thought of joining forces with him. They thought it
was both prudent and practicable to secure themselves in
that part of the country, under the pretence of revenging
the death of Hosein. Besides, they knew that Obeidollah's
cruelty had won him the ill-will and hatred of all the pro-
vinces that had been under his jurisdiction. They went,
therefore, together to Solyman, and requested him to wait
till they could raise forces to assist him, or else to abide
where he was till Obeidollah should come within their bounds,
which they had very good reason to think would not be long
after the alarm was raised in Syria. But not prevailing with
him, Ibrahim entreated him at least to stay till he could
furnish him with money (no less than the tribute of the
whole province). But the only answer he got to this last
proposal was, that their going out was not for this world.
Thus the conference broke off, and Solyman continued his
march into Syria, and Ibrahim and the son of Yezid returned
back to Cufah.
In the meanwhile, Obeidollah was not idle, but was upon
nis march towards them. Solyman's men, perceiving that
their friends of Madayen and Bassorah did not join thera
according to promise, began to murmur. Notwithstanding
t That is, Obeidollah, the son of Ziyad.
Q a
450 KISTOKY OF XHi SAKACENS. Merwaw I
all his endeavours to pacify them, they deserted in troops ;
so that when he mustered them at Eksas, upon the banks of
the Euphrates, there were a thousand of them wanting. To
the rest Solyman said, " It is a good riddance ; for if they
had stayed, they would have been only a burden to you.
The Lord did not approve of their going out, and therefore
he hath withdrawn them, and held them back for the better,
wherefore praise ye your Lord."
Marching all night, they came the next morning to Hosein's
burying-place, where they stayed a night and a day, which
they spent in prayer for him, and begging pardon for their
own sins. When they first came to his tomb, they all cried
out with one voice, and Avept, and wished that they had been
partners with him in his death. There never was seen a
greater day of weeping than that. Solyman said, " O God !
be merciful to Hosein the martyr, the son of the martyr ; the
guide, the son of the guide ; the righteous, the son of the
righteous ! O God ! we call thee to witness, that we are in
their profession of religion, and in their way, and that we
are enemies of those that killed them, and friends of those
that loved them." Another account (not contradictory to the
former) says, that when they drew near to Hoseins tomb
they cried out unanimously, " O Lord ! we have deceived the
son of the daughter of our prophet ; forgive us what is past,
and repent towards us, for thou art the repenter, the mer-
ciful ! Have mercy upon Hosein and his followers, the
righteous martyrs ! And we call thee to witness, 0 Lord !
that we ar" *h.e very same sort of men with those that were
killed for his b'ake, and if thou dost not forgive us our conduct
to him, we also must be sufferers." They did not move tUI
the morning after, but continued bewailing him and his friends
at his sepulchre, the sight of which renewed their sorrow.
Nay, when Solyman commanded them to march, there was
never a man of them would stir till he had first stood over
Hosein's tomb, and begged his pardon. One that was.
present there swears that he never saw such crowding and
pressing even round the black stone. From thence they
marched to Hesasah, from Hesasah to Alambar, from Alam-
bar to Sodud, and from Sodud to Kayj^arah.
Whilst they were at Kayyarah, Abdallah the son of Yezid,
the governoi of Cufah, sent them a friendly letter, admoiii&li-
Hej. 65. A-D. 684. THE PEITITEXTS EEFTTSE ADVICE. 45 1
ing them of the hopelessness of their undertaking, in en.
countering such a multitude as they must expect to meet,
with such a handful ; assuring them of his being in the same
interest Avith them, and desiring them to return. He con-
cluded thus : " Do not set at nought my advice, nor contra
diet my command ;* come as soon as my letter is read to
you. God turn your faces towards his obedience, and your
backs to the rebellion against him."' ^\^len the letter was
read, and the people had asked SoljTuan's advice, he told
them that he saw no reason for going back, that they were
never like to be nearer the two Hoseinsf than now, and
that the meaning of their persuading them to return was, that
they might assist Abdallah the son of Zobeir, which he be-
lieved they were not required to do. But if they died now,
they should die in a state of repentance for their sins." At
last he came to Hait, from whence he "\\TOte an answer to
the governor of Cufah, wherein he gave him thanks for
his kind letter, but told him that his men could not accept
of his invitation. They were true penitents, and determined
to go forwards and leave the success to God. The governor,
as soon as he received the letter, said that they were resolved
to die, and that would be the next news of them. From
Hait they went to Karkisia, from thence to Ainwerdah.
Their design was to depose both the caliphs, viz. : [Abdal-
melik| the son of] Merwan, and Abdallah the son of Zobeir,
and restore the government to the family of the prophet.
Not to enter into a long detail of the tedious particulars of
their march and engagement, they fell in at last with
Obeidollah and twenty thousand men, who cut them all to
pieces.
Not long after, in the month Ramadan, the caliph Mer-
wan died. We must here remember, that after Moawiyah's
* Arabic, Amri. It doth not always signify strictly a command, because
that supposes superiority, but anything that one friend desireth of another.
t Hasan and Hosein, as we have observed before.
J There must be a mistake here ; for this action was before Merwan 'a
death. See Elmakin. Sol}-man and his penitents met at Nochailah on
the new moon of the latter Rebiyah. Merwan died in the month of Rama-
dan ; so, that unless we can suppose them to have been above five montha
m their march (which would not take them so many weeks), this actio
must have been over before the death of Merwan ; therefore, inatead
AbdalmcJikj I would propose to read Merwan.
a O 2
452 HISTORY OP THK SAKACENS. Mekvaic I.
d'^cease, Merwan was chosen caliph upon this condition, that
Kaled the son of Yezid should succeed him, excluding his
own children, and that Kaled had refused to take the go-
vernment upon himself, because he was as j-et too young ;
and that to secure the succession to Kaled, Merwan married
Yezid's widow, who was Kaled's mother.
Afterwards however, Merwan, having altered his mind,
was desirous that the succession should pass to his own
children to the exclusion of Kaled, and accordingly caused
tiis eldest son Abdalmelik to be proclaimed his lawful and
proper successor.
Kaled, who always hated him, came to him one day,
when there were a great many of the nobility about him
m the garden, and reviled him in the mo.-^ opprobrious
terms. This moved the old man's choler to such a de-
gree, that he called him bastard. Kaled went immedi-
ately and told his mother all that had passed, and the lady,
touched to the quick with this affront, resolved secretly
to be revenged. She said, however, to Kaled, " Child, you
must have a care of such behaviour, for he will never bear it;
let me alone, and I will take care of him for you." Merwan,
coming in soon after, asked her if Kaled had said anything
concerning him ; she told him no ; he had too much respect
for him to do so.
Merwan did not long survive this event, however ; some
say his wife poisoned him, others that she laid a pillow upon
his face when he was asleep, and sat upon it till he was dead,
and then told the people that he died on a sudden.
Some say his age was sixty-three ; others, with more pro-
bability, seventy-one. He reigned two hundred and ninety-
eight days.
He was called Ebn Tarid, " The son of the expelled ;"
because Mohammed had banished his father Hakem for
divi4ging a secret.* He continued in his exile during the
reigns of Abubeker and Omar, and his recall was objected to
" When the father of Merwan was disposed to treat him reproachfully,
he would sahvte his son with the appellation of Bennu or Zerreka, the latter
being the name of his grandmother, a woman of infamous character, who,
previous to her union with Abi Al Aas, gave lodging to licentious females,
and announced her occupation to the public, by exhibiting a ^ag at th«
top of the house." — Price.
H^J. 65, A.D 684. ABDALMELIK CALIPH. 453
Othman as one of the greatest crimes ; it being nothing less
than reversing the sentence of the prophet. Othman, mild
and good-natured as he was, thought that since the cause
of his banishment and all the bad effects of it that could
possibly happen from it, Avere at an end, the punishment
ought to cease also.
ABDALMELIK THE SON OF MEEWAN, FIETH CALIPH OP
THE HOUSE OF OMMIYAH, AND THE ELEVENTH AFTEK
MOHAMMED.
Hejirah 65—86. a.d. 684—705.
On the third day of the month Ramadan,* in the sixty-
fifth year of the Hejirah, Abdalmelik the son of Merwan was
inaugurated caliph, and succeeded his father in the govern-
ment of Syria and Egypt. It is reported, that when the
news was first brought to him, he was sitting with the Koran
in his lap ; whereupon he folded it up and laid it aside, and
said, " I must take my leave of thee now."
Abdallah still holding out against him at Mecca, Abdal-
melik was not willing the people should go thither on pil-
grimage. For that reason he sent and enlarged the temple
of Jerusalem, so as to take the " stone into the body of
the church,"f and the people began to make their pilgrim-
ages thither.
All this while Al Moktar was making the best use of his
time. During his imprisonment he found means to keep up
his correspondence with the sect. Letters being conveyed
to him in the lining of a cap, he was soon informed of Soly-
man's fate, and thought the season was arrived for him t
exert himself. Abdallah the son of Zobeir being still in arms
at Mecca against Abdalmelik the new caliph, Ttirahim the son
of Alashtar was courted by the sect, Avho answered, that he
• Abulfeda.
t See p. 214, at the siege of Jerusalem. MS. Laud. No. 161. ,.,
454 HISTOKY or the SAKACEXS. ABDALtitUM,
would join with them if they Avould place themselves under
his command ; but they told him that that was impossible,
because they were already engaged to Al Moktar, who soon
afterwards being released, produced, at a meeting where
Ibrahim was present, a letter from Al Mohdi the son of Mo-
hammed, the son of AH, Avho was head of the sect in a lineal
succession, and Ibrahim gave him his hand without any more
to do. Accordingly Al Moktar took upon him the sole com-
mand of the forces. Not only so, but a great many of them
inaugurated him caliph upon these terms, that he should govern
according to the contents of the book of God and the tra-
dition of the apostle, and destroy the murderers of Hosein
and the family.*' The first Al Moktar proceeded to seize w^as
Shamer, whom he overcame and killed ; the next was
Caula, who had carried Hosein's head to Obeidollah, him he
beseiged in his own house, and slew and burned him to death.
Afterwards he slew Ammar, who commanded the army that
had murdered Hosein, and gave orders that the horsemen
should trample over his back and breast ; he also took the
life of his son, and sent both their heads to Mohammed Ben
Hanifiyah. The sect were afraid lest he should pardon Ali
the son of Hathem, and therefore begged of him to let them
kill him ; he told them that they might dispose of him as
they thought fit. They took him and bound him, saying,
" You stripped the son of Ali before he was dead, and we
will strip you alive ; you made a mark of him, and we will
make one of you." Thereupon they let fly a shower of ar-
rows at him, which stuck so thick over all parts of his body
that he looked like a porcupine. In short, Al Moktar found
means to surprise the enemies of Hosein wherever they
were, and destroyed them with a variety of deaths.
Abdalmelikf had about this time sent an army against Ab-
dallah the son of Zobeir. who was at Medina ; Al Moktar,
who had two such powerful enemies to deal with, determined
to try if he could get rid of them one by one. Accordingly,
he endeavoured in the following manner to overreach Abdal-
lah, by sending an army, pretendedly, to his assistance.
Abdalmelik having sent an army out of Syria towards Irak,
Al Moktar was afraid lest they should not only fall upon him on
• Abulfeda. f MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
HeJ v.. A.a 885. MANCKTJVRES OF At MOKTAE. 455
that side, but that he should be at the same time hard pressed
on the other by Abdallah's brother Musab, from Bassorah.
He therefore w^ote a deceitful letter to Abdallah, tell-
ing him, that being informed that Abdalmelik the son of
Merwan had sent an army against him, he was ready
to come to his assistance with a competent force. Ab-
dallah answered, " That if he would only assure him of
the sincerity of his allegiance he might come ; and in order
to satisfy him in that point, he desired him to take the votes
of his men for him. If he did this, he would believe him,
and not send any more forces into his country ; and that in
the meantime he must send his proffered assistance with all
possible speed against Abdalmelik's army that lay at Dilkora.'*
Upon this, Al Moktar called Serjabil the son of Wars to
him, and despatched him with three thousand men, most of
them slaves, for there were not above seven hundred Arabs
amongst them, and bade him march directly to Medina, and
write to him from thence for further orders. Al Moktar's
design was, as soon as they came to Medina, to send an Emir
to command them, whilst Serjabil should go and besiege Ab-
dallah in ]\Iecca. But Abdallah, who had no great con-
fidence in Al Moktar, especially as he had not given him the
security he expected, did not intend to allow himself to be
surprised. He therefore sent Abbas the son of Sahel, from
Mecca to Medina, with two thousand men, ordering him, if
he found the army in his interest, to receive them, if other-
wise, to use the best of his endeavours to destroy them.
When Abbas, who observed no order in his march, came up
with Serjabil, he found his men in order of battle, the horse
on the right, and Serjabil himself marching before the foot
on the left. After they had saluted one another. Abbas took
Serjabil aside, and asked him if he did not own himself to
be Abdallah's subject ? To which question when Serjabil
had answered in the affirmative, Abbas bade him march
along with him to Dilkora ; but Serjabil told him, that he
had received no such orders from his master, who had com-
manded him to proceed directly to Medina. Abbas how-
ever told him, that his master took it for granted, that he
was come to join the expedition against Dilkora ; but the
Other still insisted that his mstructions were to move upon
Medina. Abbas, perceiving how matters stoca, concealed
456 HISTORY OV THE SAEACRNS. Abdalmelik
his suspicion, and told him lie was in the right to obey his
orders ; but for his own part he must go to Dilkora. Now
Serjabil and his men were almost famished for the want of
provision, which in their long march had run short. Abbas
therefore made Serjabil a present of a fat sheep, and also
sent one to every ten of his men. The sharpness of their
hunger soon set them on work, and, leaving their ranks,
they were quickly in disorder, running backwards and
forwards for water, and whatsoever else was necessary for
the dressing their victuals. Abbas in the meantime having
drawn up a thousand of his best men, advanced upon Serja-
bil, who, perceiving his danger, attempted to rally his men ;
but had scarcely got together a hundred of them, before
Abbas was close upon him, crying out to his men, " O troop
of God ! come out and fight with these confederates of the
devil ; you are in the right way, but they are perjured vil-
lains !" They had not fought long before Serjabil and seventy
of his guard were killed ; whereupon Abbas held up a flag
of quarter, to which Serjabil' s men readily ran, except three
hundred, who were all afterwards put to the sword. When
Al Moktar heard the news, he wrote to Mohammed the son
of Hanifiyah, acquainting him with the disaster, and proffer-
ing to send a powerful army to his assistance, if he would
please to accept of it. Mohammed answered, that he was very
well assured of the sincerity of his zeal ; that if he thought
fit to make iise of arms, he would have no want of
assistance ; but that he was resolved to bear all with patience,
and leave the event to God, who was the best judge.
When the messenger who had brought Al Moktar"s letter
took his leave, Mohammed said to him, " Bid Al Moktar fear
God, and abstain from shedding blood." The messenger asked
h'.m, if he had not better write that word to him. But Mo-
hammed replied, " I have already commanded him to obey
the great and mighty God ; and the obedience of God con-
sists in the doing all that is good, and the abstaining from all
evil." When Al Moktar received the letter he gave it another
turn, and said to the people, "I am commanded to do that
which is just, and reject infidelity and perfidiousncss."'
This same year the Hoseinians went to Mecca, and per-
formed a pilgrimage there, under Abu Abdallah Aljodali,
Upon this occasion- Abdallah seized Mohammed the son oi
Hoj. 66. A.D. e3J. HOSEINIAMS IMPRISONED. 457
Hanifiyah, and all the rest of All's family, though they be-
haved themselves very inoffensively, and were so far froir
making any disturbance, that they strongly recommended
peace to their friends, who were ready to hazard their lives in
their service ; Abdallah had found by experience, that it would
be impossible for him to succeed as long as they were alive,
and refused the oath of allegiance. For though they did not
stir themselves, they had a very strong party ; and a great
many others made good use of the pretext of revenging the
death of Hosein to cover their disaffaction. Resolving
therefore to make an end of it all at once, he seized Moham-
med and his family, and seventeen of the principal Cufians,
and imprisoned them in the Zemzem, and, setting a guard
over them, threatened them, that if they did not come in
within a certain time and do him homage, he would put them
to death, and burn them to ashes. The Zemzem is the name
of a pit at Mecca which (the Mussulmans say) was made out
of that spring which God caused to appear in favour of
Hagar and Ishmael. when Abraham had turned them out of
his house, and obliged them to retire into Arabia. Here
they were shut up. but (says my author) God, whose name
be magnified and glorified, gave to them courage and resolu-
tion not to come in, though Abdallah should execute all his
threats upon them. Whilst they were in this condition, they
found means to write to Al Moktar and acquaint him with their
circumstances, entreating the Cufians also not to desert them,
as they did Hosein and his family. When Al Moktar re-
ceived the letter, he called the people together, and, having
read it to them, said, " This is from your guide, and the purest
of the family of the house of your prophet, upon whom be
peace ; they are left shut up like sheep expecting to be killed
and burnt ; but I will give them sufficient assistance, and
send horse after horse, as the streams of water follow one
another."* Then he sent Abu Abdallah Aljodali with three-
score and ten troopers, all men of approved valour. AJtcr
him a second with four hundred. Then a third with one
hundred. A fourth with one hundred. A fifth with forty.
And last of all a sixth with forty more. In all, seven hun-
dred and fifty. These went out at several times one aftei
• Here the Arabic is somewhat obscure.
458 HISTOET OF THE SARACENS, Abdalmelik.
Ihe other, and Abu Abdallah the chief who had first gone
out, made a halt by the way, till he was joined by the two
companies, consisting of forty each, and with this one hun-
dred and fifty made haste to the temple of Mecca, crying out
" Vengeance for Hosein !" At last they went to the Zemzem,
where they arrived opportunely, for Abdallah had got the
wood ready to burn his ju-isoners, if they did not swear
allegiance within the appointed time, to the expiration of
which there wanted but two days. Having beaten off the
guard, and broken open the Zemzem, they begged of Moham-
med to allow them full liberty in treating with the enemy of
God, Abdallah the son of Zobeir; but Mohammed answered
that he would not permit any fighting in the sacred place of
the most high God.* Abdallah, now coming up, said to them,
" Do you think I will dismiss them, unless they swear allegi-
ance to me ? nay, and you shall swear too." But Abu Ab-
dallah answered, " By the Lord of this sacred place, thou
shalt let them go, or we will cut thee to pieces." Abdallah,
despising the smallness of their number, swore that he had
only to give the word to his men and within an hour all their
heads would be off. Mohammed the son of Hanifiyah kept
back his friends, and would not let them fight, and in the
meantime another captain came up with a hundred men, and a
second with the like number ; then two himdred more in a
body; who, as they came into the temple all cried out,
"Allah Acbar, vengeance for the death of Hosein." At this
sight Abdallah' s passion began to cool, and before he could
leave the temple he was taken prisoner. His captors en-
treated Mohammed to give them leave to dispose of him as
they thought fit, but he would not suffer them. The money
which they brought with them was distributed amongst four
thousand of All's friends, and the whole business, through
the exceeding gentleness of Mohammed's temper, was ami-
cably compromised.
Before Merwan's death, Obeidollah was sent towards Cufah
with an army, with leave to plunder it for three days.^
Against him was sent Yezid the son of Ares, who is Avorthy
to be mentioned for his heroic courage and presence of mind*
• It is prohib'ted in the Koran, chap. ii. 187.
t MS. Laud. No. 161. A. Abulfeda.
HeJ,C7. A.D. 686. OBEIDOLtAH KILLED. 459
for, ^561115 wounded in the battle, when death appeared in his
face, and he was forced to be held by two men on his ass, he
appointed three generals who if necessary were in succession
to take the command of the army during the fight.* Obei-
doUah never reached Cufah. In the first month of the sixty-
seventh year, Al Moktar sent his forces against him under
the command of Ibrahim the son of Alashtar. There was one
thing very remarkable in his preparation ; he made a throne, ,
and pretended that there was something mysterious in it,
telling the people, that it would be of the same use to them
that the ark had been to the children of Israel. Accordingly,
in this expedition against ObeidoUah, it was carried into the
battle upon a mule, and a prayer was said by the whole army
before it. " O God ! " they prayed, " grant us to live long in
thy obedience, and help us and do not forget us, but protect
us." And the people answered, " Amen, Amen. " After a
sharp engagement, ObeidoUah' s forces were beaten and himself
killed in the camp. A greater number of the son of Ziyad's
men were drowned in the flight than were slain in the field.
Ibrahim, having cut off his head and sent it with several
others to Al Moktar, burned his body.f Thus did God
avenge the death of Hosein by the hands of Al Moktar,
though Al Moktar had no good design in it. J After the
* " With 3000 cavalry Yezid ventured to oppose 6000 troops of
ObeidoUah, and though chained to his litter by a violent and fatal disorder,
yet he obtained a very signal victory. As a foretaste to the scheme of
vengeance which the avengers of Hosein seemed determined to pursue,
three hundred prisoners of different descriptions, who had fallen into their
hands, were massacred in cold blood ; Yezid, who was speechless, and in the
agonies of dissolution, could only communicate the sanguinary fiat by passing
his hand across his throat. This general soon afterwards expired, and his
successor, receiving intelligence of the approach of ObeidoUah at the head
of the main body of the Syrians, thought it expedient for the present to
retire within the frontiers of Irak." — Price.
t Abulfeda.
X " After a most sanguinary conflict, and towards the decline of day,
victory declared for the standard of Al Moktar, and the defeat of the
SjTian general was rendered more complete by the following circumstance.
Ibrahim was perambulating the bank of the river after the hour of evening
prayer, when his attention was attracted by the appearance of a stranger,
whose splendid apparel bespoke him to be of the highest distinction. The
curiosity of Ibrahim, was however more especially excited by the rich
and valuable scimitar which the stranger bore in his hand, and to make
himself master of this he immediately attacked and killed him. Next day
460 HI5T0BY OF THE SAKACENS. Abbalmblik.
success of tHs battle,* the people had such a reverence fci
this ark, that they almost idolized it. f
Al Moktar was now sole master of Cufah, where he
persecuted all that he could lay his hands on, who were not
of Hosein's party ; but this year, Abdallah sent his brother
Musab to govern Bassorah. Musab rode muffled into
Bassorah, and when he alighted at the temple, and went up
into the pulpit, the people cried out Emir, Emir, that is, " a
governor, a governor." He bade Hareth his predecessor give
place, which he did immediately, sitting one step below
Musab. Then, having first, according to custom, praised God,
he began with these words of the twenty eighth-chapter of
in relating the circumstance, he expressed an opinion that the person he had
slain was no other than the Syrian general, as he was known to be
extravagantly fond of musk, and the murdered stranger was highly scented
with that perfume. In this he was not mistaken, for, on proceeding to the
spot, the body was found and identified to be that of Obeidollah Ziyad."
* MS. Laud. Num. 161. A.
t Price declares it was the chair of Ali which Moktar exhibited, and
gives the following account : —
" Not less artful than ambitious, Moktar about this period determined to
employ the chair from which the venerated Ali had been accustomed to
pronoxmce his decisions, as a means to animate the enthusiasm of his
followers. Of this precious deposit, TefFeil, the nephew of Ali, now
residing at Cufah, was supposed to be either in possession, or capable of
giving information concerning it ; and to him Moktar applied, promising
him the most valuable compensation if he could contrive to procure it.
Either un^villing to part with the article or ignorant of its existence, TefFeil
vainly made use of every protestation to relieve himself from the threats
and importunities of Moktar ; but at last the latter admonished him to
produce it in three days at his peril. In the anxiety of his heart TefFeil
had recourse to an imposition, and going to a dealer in oil who lived at the
head of the same street, he purchased an old chair ; which, having secretly
conveyed home, he carefully washed and scoured, and carried to Mok-
tar. With as much apparent transport as if the mantle and staff of
the prophet had fallen into his hands, the latter rewarded TefFeil to the
utmost of his promise ; then quitting his seat, he pressed the precious relic
to his lips, and raised it above his head, and, having repeated two courses of
prayer, he declared to his auditors that the chair should be as much an
object of reverence to the Schiahs as the sanctuary of Abraham was to the
Mussulmans, or the ark of the covenant to the children of Israel. He
further hailed it as a pledge that God would be present in ail their
enterprises ; and when it had been received by his followers with the same
veneration, he caused the sacred memorial to be enclosed in a wooden
tabinct under a lock and key of silver, and lodged in the principal mosque
Hej. 67. i D. 686. SHEBET's COMPLAINT. 461
the Koran;* " V/e relate to thee the history of Moses and
Pharaoh with ti'uth, for (the satisfaction of) those that
beheve ; " going on till he came to these words, and " was of
them that defile the earth ; when he pointed out with his
fcands towards SjTia." f And when he came to the words,
" who were weakened in the earth, and we shall make them
rulers, and make them heirs ;" he pointed towards Hejaz or
Arabia Petraea : while at the words, " and we showed Pharaoh
and Haman, and their armies what they most feared," he
pointed again towards Syria. Then he said to the Bassorians,
" I hear that you used to gave names to your emirs ; I have
named myself Hejaz, that is Arabia."
Soon after one came into Bassorah, upon a crop-eared bob-
tailed mule, with his clothes rent, crying out as loud as he
could, Ya gautha, ya gautha, " help ! help ! " As soon as
they had described the manner of his appearance to Musab,
he said, " he was sure it must be Shebet, for nobody else
would do so but him, and ordered them if it was so to give
him instant admission." Musab was right. Shebet had come
with a hea'N'y complaint, enforced by the names of a great
many of the chief men of Cufah, who represented the great
disorders committed in that city, and their sufferings under
the administration of Al Moktar. They particularly com-
plained of an insurrection of their slaves, which Al Moktar, if
he did not encourage, did not endeavour to put down, and
therefore begged his assistance, entreating him earnestly to
march with an army against Al Moktar. He was very much
inclined to hearken to their proposal, but was resolved not to
stir till Al Mohalleb his lieutenant over Persia should come to
his assistance. He therefore wrote to summons Al Mohalleb,
who, however, made no great haste, not overmuch approving
of the expedition. But he obeyed the second summons, and
of Cufah ; where it remained in the custody of a particular set of men
whom he distinguished by the appellation of 'guards of God.' It continued
here to excite the veneration of the people, and in the expedition against
Obeidollah it was carried at the head of the army, and may possibly have
produced such ai> impression at the battle, as to have contributed in no
Bmall degree to the ultimate success of the day." — Price.
* Kcoran, ch. xxs-iii.
+ When he pointed towards Syria he meant Abdalmelik, whom he
compares to Pharaoh and Haman; and wheii he pointea towards Arabin he
meant his brother Abdallah.
462 HISTOBT OF THE SARACENS.
came with large supplies both of men and money. Joining
their forces, they marched towards Cufah against Al Moktar,
who was not wanting to his own defence, but mustered his
forces, and gave them battle. After a bloody fight Al Moktar
was beaten, and made his retreat into the royal castle of Cufah,
where Musab closely besieged him. Al Moktar defended the
castle with great bravery till he was killed ; and, upon his
death, his men surrendered, at discretion, to Musab, who put
them every man to the sword.* They were in all seven
thousand.!
Thus, in the sixty-seventh year of his age died that great
man,:]: who had beaten all the generals of Yezid, Merwan, and
Abdalmelik, all three caliphs of the house of Oramiyah, and
made himself master of all Babylonian Irak, whereof Cufah
was the capital. He never pardoned, when he had them in
his power, any one of those who had declared themselves ene-
mies of the family of the prophet, nor those who, as he be-
lieved, had dipped their hands in Hosein's blood, or that of
his relations. On this account alone, without reckoning those
who were slain in the battles which he fought, it is said that
he killed nearly fifty thousand men.
• This was in the month Ramadan, an. 67.
+ The particulars of the death of Al Moktar are thus related by Price ••
" With six thousand troops, the remnant of his army, Al Moktar prepared
to defend himself against his pursuers in the palace at Cufah. He was
soon invested by the army of Musab, and as the place was entirely desti-
tute of provisions, he proposed to his followers to cut their way through the
besiegers and perish, sword in hand, rather than by the accumulating hor-
rors of famine. This they declined, desiring to throw themselves on the
merov of Musab ; but Moktar had resolved never to throw himself on the
discrel.on of his enemies, but to combat them to the last extremity and sur-
render his sword only with his life. The next morning, accordingly, after
performing his ablutions, and despatching the early duties of his raligion,he
took leave of his followers with a solemn assurance, that when he was fallen
they were not to flatter themselves that they should escape the unsparing
vengeance of the enemy. Perceiving, however, that they continued deaf to
QV&cy appeal, he finally quitted the palace at the head 'of nineteen of his
most faithful associates, all clad like himself in their winding-sheets ; and
generously sought, and obtained a glorious death in the thickest ranks of
the enemy. The besieged immediately surrendered at discretion ; and
being led handcuffed to the great square of Cufah, they were all put to
death through the importunities of their fellow citizens, although Musab
himself seemed verv well disposed to spare them."
l JD'Herbelot inMoktar.
H«j. e». A.D. 688. AMKOU, abdalmelik's eival. 463
This year* the sect of Separatists called Azarakites, sworn
enemies to all established government, both temporal and spi-
ritual, and particularly to the house of Ommiyah, made an
eruption out of Persia, and overran all Irak, till they came
near Cufah, and penetrated as far as Madayen. They com-
mitted all manner of outrages as they went, destroying all
they met, and exercising the utmost cruelty without distinc-
tion of sex or age. There was a lady of extraordinary piety
as well as beauty, which one of them would have spared, to
whom another answered, " What ! thou art taken with her
beauty, thou enemy of God, and hast denied the faith ! " and
killed her. Al Mohalleb, the governor of Mausal and Meso-
potamia, mustered his chosen troops at Bassorah, and met
them at a place called Saulak, where they fought desperately
for eight months, without intermitting one day. This year
there was such a famine in Syria, that they could not under
take any expedition, nor lay siege to any tOAvn, because of the
great scarcity of provisions. Abdalmelik encamped in a place
called Botnan, near to the territories of Kinnisrin ; his camp
was very much incommoded by the great showers of rain ;
however, he wintered there, and afterwards returned to
Damascus.
In the sixty-ninth year, Abdalmelik left Damascus to go
against Musab the son of Zobeir, and appointed Amrou the
son of Said to take care of Damascus, who seized upon it for
himself,! which obliged Abdalmelik to return. Others say,
that when he went out, Amrou the son of Said to him, "Your
father promised me the caliphate after him, and upon that
consideration I fought along with him, and you cannot be
ignorant of the pains I took in his service ; wherefore, as you
are going to Irak, give me your nomination to the caliphate
after you. Abdalmelik would not hearken to his proposal,
and Amrou returned to Damascus, whither Abdalmelik fol-
lowed him close. They skirmished in the streets several
days ; at last the women came between them with their chil-
dren, crying out, " How long will you fight for the government
of the Koreish, and destroy one another ? " and with some dif-
ficulty, parted them ; and articles of peace were drawn be-
Iween Amrou and Abdalmelik.
But standing in competition for a crown is a crime never to
• An. Hej. 68, coepit July 17, a.d. 687. f MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
464 HISTOBY OF THE SARACENS. Abdalmei,
be forgi en. Three or four days after, Abdalmelik sent for
Amrou, who, when the messenger arrived, was in company
with his wife and two or three friends. They all tried to dis-
suade him from trusting himself into the caliph's hands, but
he resolved to run the risk. As he went out he stumbled ;
and his wife, taking the omen, repeated her persuasions to
stay him, but to no purpose. He put on his sword, and took
a hundred men along with him. When he came to Abdal-
melik's house, he was admitted himself, but the gates were
shut upon his men, and only a little foot-boy permitted to gc
in Avith him. T\Tien he came in, Abdalmelik spoke very
civilly to him, and placed him by his side on his o\vn couch.
After a long discourse, he commanded a servant to take
his sword off. Amrou, showing some unwillingness to part
with it, " What," said Abdalmelik, " would you sit by me
with your sword on?" Amrou at this submitted, and was dis-
armed ; whereupon Abdalmelik told him, that when he first
rebelled against him he had taken an oath, that if ever he
got him into his power, he would put him into fetters.
Amrou said he hoped he would not expose him in them to
the people. Abdalmelik promised him he would not, and at
the same time pulled the fetters from under his cushion,
which were accordingly put upon his hands and feet. Then
he pulled him so violently against the couch that he beat out
two of his fore-teeth. After which he told him that he
would still let him go if he thought he would continue in
his duty, and keep the Koreish right. " But," said he,
" never were two men in one country engaged in such an
affair as you and 1 are concerned in, but one pursued the
other to the death." Some say that when Abdalmelik saw
Amrou's teeth dropped out, as he took them in his fingers, he
said, " I see your teeth are out ; after this you will never be
reconciled to me," and immediately commanded him to be
beheaded.
The muezzin at the same time called to evening prayers.
Abdalmelik went out to prayers, and left the execution or
Amrou to his brother Abdolaziz the son of Merwan ; whom,
as he stood over him with his drawn sword, Amrou begged
for God's sake not to do that office himself, but to leave it
to some other person that was not so nearly related to him ;
whereupon he threw awaj his sword and let him alone. Ab-
1
HeJ.eO. A.B. e8& A.MEOTT BEHEADED. 465
dalmelik made but snort prayers, and when he came back,
the people observing that Amrou was not long ago with
him, acquainted his brother John with the matter, who, im-
mediately gathering together some of his own friends, and a
thousand of Amrou's slaves, made an assault upon Abdal-
melik's house, broke open the gates, and killed several of the
guards. In the meantime Abdalmelik. wondering to find
Amrou alive, asked Abdolaziz the reason of it, and learn-
ing that he had forborne to kill him out of compassion,
Abdalmelik gave him reproachful language, and calling for
a javelin, struck Amrou with it, but as it did not penetrate,
he repeated his blow, but still to no pui-pose. Thereupon,
feeling Amrou's arm, he discovered that he had a coat of
mail beneath his vest, at which he smiled and said, " Cousin,
you come well prepared ! " Then, calling for his sword, and
commanding Amrou to be thrown upon his back, he killed
him ; but he had no sooner despatched him, than he was
seized with such a trembling that they were forced to take
him up and lay him upon his couch. All this while John
and his friends were pressing in, killing and wounding all
they met. "Wherefore, by Abdalmelik's command, to satisfy
them that their fighting would be to no purpose, they threw
out Amrou's head ; and Abdolaziz the son of Merwan, to
appease their rage, threw money amongst them in plenty.
When they saw the head and the money, they left off fight-
ing and fell to picking it up. After the heat was over, how-
ever, it is said that Abdalmelik, such was his covetousness,
recalled it all again, and ordered it to be repaid into the public
treasury. John Avas taken prisoner and sentenced to death,
but Abdolaziz begged of his brother not to kill two of the
Ommiyan family in one day : whereupon he was put in
prison. After a month or more, Abdalmelik consulted with
those about him as to the putting him and his friends to
death ; but he was answered that it would be better to
leave them alone, for they were near relations ; and the
best way, perhaps, would be to give them their liberty and
let them go, if they woidd, to his enemy Musab the son
of Zobeir. For if they were kUled in that service^ he
would be rid of them by the hands of others ; but if they
returned and fell into his hands again, he might then,
without incurring any censure, deal with them according to
H H
466 HISTOBY OF THE SASACEKS. AhOAhMmuK.
his own discretion. This advice was followed, and they
went to Musab the son of Zobeir. When Abdalmelik sent
to Amrou's wife for the articles of peace between him and
her husband which he had signed, she bade the messenger go
back, and tell him that she had ^vrapped them up in his wind-
ing-sheet, in order that Amrou might have them to plead his
cause with against him before God. There was an old
grudge between Abdalmelik and his cousin Amrou which
dated from their infancy, and was occasioned by an old wo-
man of their own family, whom when they were boys they
frequently visited. She used to dress victuals for them, and
give each of them his dish by himself ; and always managed,
by showing a preference to one or the other, to raise a
jealousy between them, and set them together by the ears ; so
that they were either always quarrelling, or else so obsti-
nately sulky as not to exchange a single word. Merwan, before
he died, had received information that Amrou entertained
hopes of the caliphate after his decease, which made him
seize the first opportunity to propose to the congregation to
swear allegiance to his sons Abdalmehk and Abdolaziz after
him, with which, without any exception, they aU readily
complied.
In the seventieth year,* the Greeks made an incursion into
Syria. Abdalmelik, who had business enough on his hands
already, between the two sons of Zobeir, AbdaUah in Arabia,
and Musab in Irak, was not at leisure to go against them,
but agreed to pay the Grecian emperor a thousand ducats
every week. This same year, Musab went to Mecca mth pro-
digious wealth and cattle, which he distributed amongst the
Arabians. Abdallah the son of Zobeir also went the pilgrim-
age this year.
Abdalmelik, being now resolved upon an expedition into
Irak against Musab, put to death the principal persons among
those who had been confederates of Amrou the son of Said, f
He had sent before him to Bassorah Kaled the son of Asid,
who, privately entering the city, began to form a party for
him. Musab, having received intelligence of his proceedings,
went to Bassorah in hopes of surprising him. But Kaled,
• An. Hej. 70, coepit Jun. 24, a.d. 689.
f An. Hej. 71, coepit Jun. 14, a.d. 690.
ns!.r«. A.B.CQO. EXPEDITION AGAINST MUSAB. 467
getting out of the way, he sent for the chief of the Bassorians,
and upbraided them, reproaching one with the meanness of his
family ; another with some scandalous action, either of his
own or some of his relations ; in short, raking up something
against all of them. But this way of proceeding only ex-
asperated them, and made them more averse to his interest.
In the meantime, Abdalmelik had\ sent letters, full of large
promises, to each of the leading men. Amongst the rest, he
sent one to the faithful Ibrahim the son of Alashtar, who de-
livered it to Musab sealed up as it came to him. The pur-
port of it was to offer him the lieutenancy of Irak if Ibrahim
would come over to his party. Ibrahim told Musab that he
might depend upon it that Abdalmelik had -written to the
same purpose to all his friends, and advised him to behead
them. Musab, however, not approving of that measure, be-
cause, he said, it would alienate all their tribes, Ibrahim
advised him at least to imprison them or put them in chains,
and set some one to watch them, who if he should be
conquered should strike their heads off, but if he got
the victory he might make a present of them to their tribes.
Musab answered, " I have other business to mind ; God bless
Ahubehran, who gave me warning of the treachery of the
Irakians, as if he had foreseen this very business wherein I
am now engaged."
The Syrian nobility did not approve of Abdalmelik's en-
gaging in this enterprise. They did not, indeed object
to the expedition itself, but they wished rather that he
should stay at home ^Yith. them at Damascus, and reduce
Irak by hi.- ^:enerals, and not expose his person to the hazards
of war ; for 'hey feared lest, if he were to miscarry, the
caliphate migtij be unsettled, and their own affairs embroiled.
To this he answered, that nobody was fit for that imder-
taking but a man of sense as well as of courage ; and perhaps
if he chose a man of courage he might nevertheless be
wanting in prudence ; but he considered himself qualified for
it, both by his abilities in war and his personal courage. As
for the danger, Musab, he remarked, was of a courageous
family, and his father Zobeir had been one of the most
valiant of the Koreish, and he was himself also brave enough,
but he did not understand war, and loved an easy life.
Moreover, Musab had some with him that would be against
H H 2
468 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS. ABCALMBtiK,
him, whereas he could depend on the fidelity of his own
men.
The battle was joined at a place called Masken. The
Irakians, according to their custom, had made up their minds
to betray Musab, for they did not intend to expose their
country to be ravaged by a Syrian army for his sake. His
faithful friend Ibrahim, the son of Alashtar, gave the first
charge, and repulsed Mohammed,* the son of Haroun, to
whose support Abdalmelik advanced with a fresh company,
M^hen at the second charge Ibrahim was killed. Musab's
general of the horse ran away, and a great many of the rest
stood by and would not obey his command. Then he called
9ut, " O Ibrahim ! but there is no Ibrahim for me to-day."
It is said, that when Musab was upon his march against
Abdalmelik, Abdalmelik asked if Omar, the son of Abdallah,
was with him ; being answered, " No, he has made him lieu-
tenant of Persia," he next inquired if Almohalleb was there,
and was told "No, he is lieutenant over Mausal;" and
Avhen he had demanded the third time if Ibad, the son of
Hossem was there, and was answered in the negative, for he
had been left behind at Bassorah, he was exceeding glad,
and presaged a certain victory ; " for," said he, " he wiU
have nobody to help him."
^Vhen Musab perceived his forlorn condition, he endea-
voured to persuade his son Isa to ride with the men under
him to Mecca, and acquaint his uncle with the treachery of
the Irakians. But Isa (who must be very young, for his
father was but six and thirty) would not leave him, but told
him that his lifef would be hateful to him if he survived his
father, and advised him rather to retreat to Bassorah, where
he would find his friends, and from whence he might be able
to join the governor of the faithful, meaning his uncle Ab-
dallah, the son of Zobeir. But Musab said, " It shall never
be said among the Koreish that I ran away, nor that I came
defeated into the sacred temple of Mecca." He therefore
bade his son, if he chose, to come back and fight ; which
order he joyfully obeyed, and died in battle, his father Musab
being killed shortly after him. It is said, that dui'ing the
engagement Abdalmelik sent to Musab, tendering him quaiter ;
• That is, as we pronounce, Mahomet, the son of Aaron.
+ Yacut Hamawi.
Hej. 71. A.B. 690. MTJSAB SLAIN. 469
but he answered, that men like himself did not use to go from
such a place as that (meaning the field of battle) without
either conquering or being conquered. After being grievously
wounded with several arrows, he was stabbed, and his head
being cut off, was carried to Abdalmelik, Avho proffered the
bearer a thousand ducats ; but he refused to accept them,
saying, that he had not slain Musab from any wish to do
him service, but to avenge a quarrel of his own, and for that
reason he would take no money for bringing the head.*"
Musabf had been Abdalmelik' s intimate friend before he was
caliph, but marrying afterwards Sekinah, Hosein's daughter,
* The death of Musab was commemorated by a distinguished poet of
the time named Ubeid Allah Ebn Kais, who was on terms of friendship
with him, and had fought in his cause. The poet seems, however, to have
possessed more genius than principle; for he subsequently became as warm
a panegyrist of his friend's adversary, Abdalmelik. The following incident
is recorded by Weil : — " When Musab was surrounded by the enemy, he
said to Ubeid Allah, ' Take as much as you wish from my treasury, and
preserve your life.' ' Not so,' replied the poet, ' I will never forsake
thee.' He then continued fighting by the side of Musab until the latter
was slain, when he fled to Cufah. At this place, whilst looking cautiously
round the entrance of a house, lie was invited into it by a female,
who concealed him in a top room for a space of four months ; during
which time she lodged and attended him without even desiring to know his
name, though every morning and evening, throughout the whole period, the
public crier was proclaiming his flight, and offering a price for his head.
One day, he expressed a wish to his hostess to return to his home and
family, and in the evening she invited him down stairs, when he beheld
two camels standing at the door, one for himself, and one for two slaves,
whom she presented to him to be his guides. Before he started he begged
to know her name ; but she replied by reciting some of his own verses, and
adding, ' To me didst thou dedicate them.' He now departed, and tra-
velled without halting to Medina, where he arrived in the depth of night,
and was received by his family with tender affection, though at the same
time they warned him that his life was in the greatest danger there, as the
very day before he had been sought for everywhere. He accordingly re-
sumed his journey, and repaired to Abdallah Ebn Djafar, and begcred his
protection; who thereupon rode off to Abdalmelik, and prayed him to
grant him a favour. ' AH that thou desirest is already g-.-anted,' said th»
caliph, ' only do not ask pardon for Ubeid Allah.' ' Hitherto thou hast
always granted my requests \rithout reserve,' answered Abdallah. ' Then
I make no exceptions this time,' said Abdalmelik; ' what is thy wish?'
' Pardon for the offences of Ubeid Allah,' cried Abdallah. ' I pardon
him,' said the caliph; and the poet immediately repaired to the court of
Abdalmelik, and recited to him an ode in his praise."
f Abulfeda.
470 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. .Aboalmblib.
and Ayesha, the daughter of Telha, by those maniages he
was engaged in the interest of two families who were at
mortal enmity with the house of Ommiyah.
As soon as this battle was over, Abdalmelik* entered into
Cufah, and with it took possession of both the Babylonian
and Persian Irak. As soon as he signified to the people his
command that they should come in and take the oaths to
him, they obeyed unanimously. Soon after he came into the
castle he inquired for John, the brother of Amrou, whom
he had put to death. Being informed that he was not far
off, he commanded him to be produced; but this the
Cufians refusing, unless he would promise to do him no
harm, Abdalmelik seemed at first to take it ill that they
should presume to stipulate with him, but at last he conde-
scended to make the required promise, and John made his
appearance. When he came into his presence, Abdalmelik
thus greeted him, " Thou vile wretch ! with what face wilt
thou appear before thy Lord, after having deposed me?"t
" With that face," answered John, " that he himself hath
created." As John took the oath of allegiance to him, there
was an end of that business. Abdalmelik ordered vast sums
of money to be distributed among the people, and made a
splendid entertainment, to which everybody that would come
was welcome. When they were sat down to supper, Amrou,
tlie son of Hareth, an ancient Mechzumian came in. Ab-
dalmelik called to him, and placing him by his side upon
the sofa, asked him what meat he liked best of all that ever
he had eaten ; the old Mechzumian answered, " An ass's neck
well seasoned and roasted."^ " You don't know what's
good," says Abdalmelik ; " what say you to a leg or a
shoulder of sucking lamb, well roasted, and with a sauce of
butter and milk ?"§ Whilst he was at supper he said,
" How sweetly we live, if a shadow would last ! '
» MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
t That is as much as in him lay; for they use that expression, though a
prince were not actually deposed.
+ MS. Laud. No. 161. A,
§ Hence I observe, that the Arabians had not altered their cookery
since Abraham's time, who made use of butter and milk when he enter-
tained the angels. See Gen. xviii. 8. There is some obscurity in the
Atebic.
rfej. 71. A.D. 690. CASTLE OF CTTPAH. 471
After supper was over he took the old Mechzumian along
with him to satisfy him concerning the antiquities of the
castle ; and when the answers to all his questions began, of
course, with " this was," and " that was," and " he was," and
the like, it raised a melancholy reflection in the caliph, and he
repeated the verse out of an ancient Arabic poet : —
" And everything that is new (0 Omaim !) goes to decay, and he that is to-
day is hastening to he was yesterday."
Then, returning to his sofa, he threw himself upon it, and
repeated these verses : —
"Proceed leisurely because thou art mortal, and chastise thyself, O man !"
" For what was will not be when it is past, also what is will soon be it was."
When Musab's head was brought to him in the castle, one
that stood by said, " I will tell you something particular
that has passed within my own observation. In this same
castle I saw Hosein's head presented to Obeidollah, Obei-
dollah's to Al Moktar, Al Moktar's to Musab, and now at
last Musab's to yourself."* The caliph, surprised and
alarmed at this coincidence, commanded the castle to be
forthwith demolished, to avert the ill omen.
When the news of Musab's death was brought to his
brother Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, he immediately made a
speech to the people.f " Praise be to God," he said, " to
whom belongs the creation and the command of all things ;
who bestows and withdraws dominion to and from whom he
pleases ; who strengthens and weakens whom he pleases ;
only God never weakens him that hath truth on his side,
though he stands alone, nor doth he strengthen him whose
friend is the devil, though all the world should join in his
assistance. There is news come from Irak which is matter
both of sorrow and joy to us — it is the death of Musab, to
whom God be merciful. Now what rejoiceth us is, that his
death is martyrdom to him. and what is matter of grief to us
is the sorrow wherewith his friends will be afflicted at his
departure ; but men of understanding will have recourse to
patience, which is of all the most noble consolation. As for
my own part, if I be a sufferer in Musab, I was so before in
• MS. Hunt. No. 195. D'Herbelot f MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
472 HISTOKY OF THE SAKACET^S. ABDALMStm
(my father) A/zobier. Nor was Musab augbt else b\it one of
the servants of God, and an assistant of mine.* But the
Irakians are treacherous and perfidious ; they betrayed him
and sold him for a vile price. And if we be killed, by Allah,
we do not die upon beds, as the sons of Abilasi die. By
Allah, there was never a man of them killed in fight, either in
the days of ignorance or Islam. But we do not die but
pushing with lances and striking under the shadow of swords.
As for this present world, it diverts from the most high King,
whose dominion shall not pass away, and whose kingdom
shall not perish ; and if it (the present world) turns its face I
shall not receive it with immoderate joy, and if it turns its
back I shall not bewail it with indecent sorrow. I have said
what I had to say, and I beg pardon of God both for myself
and you."
Whilst Mohalleb was engaged against the Separatists, they
received intelligence of Musab's death before he and his men
knew anything at all of it.f Whereupon they called out to his
men, " What ! will you not tell us what you think of
Musab ?" They said, " He is the Imam of the right way."
" And he is," replied the Separatists, " your friend both in
this Avorld and that to come?" They answered, "Yes."
"And you are his friends, both alive and dead?" "Yes."
" And what do you think of Abdalmelik, the son of
Merwan?" They said, "He is the son of the accursed; v/e
are clear of him before God, and we feel ourselves more free
to shed his blood than yours." " And you are," continued
the Separatists, "his enemies both alive and dead?" Yes;
Ave are his enemies both alive and dead." " Well," said the
Separatists, " Abdalmelik hath killed your Imam Musab, and
you will make Abdalmelik your Imam to-morrow, though you
wash your hands of him to-day and curse his father." To
which the other answered, " You lie, ye enemies of God." But
the next day, when they were informed of the truth of the matter,
they changed their note, and Mohalleb and all his men took
the oath to Abdalmelik. Upon this account they were bitterly
reproached by the Separatists, who said to them, " Now, you
enemies of God ! yesterday you were clear of him both in this
world and the world to come, and aflarmed that you were his
• Here is a difficulty in the Arabic.
t An. Heg. 7'2. coepit Jun. 3, a.». 691.
HflJ. 71 A.D. 691. THE CALIPH's LETTER. 473
enemies both alive and dead; and now to-day he is youj
Imam and your caliph, who killed your Imam whom you had
chosen for your patron. Which of these two is the right ?"
They could not deny what they had said the day before, and
were loath to give themselves the lie, so they answered, " You
enemies of God ! we were pleased with the other so long as
he presided over us ; and now we approve of this as we did
before of the other." To which the Separatists answered,
" No, by Allah ! but you are brethren of the devils, com-
panions of the wicked, and slaves of the present world."
This is the account of that conference.
Abdalmelik, upon his return into Syria, made Bashur hia
brother governor of Cufah, and Kaled, the son of Abdallah,
governor of Bassorah. When Kaled came to the latter city, he
made Mohalleb supervisor of the tribute, indiscreetly enough,
for Mohalleb was the best general of the age, and in all
probability the victory of the Azarakites now was owing to his
absence ; for Abdolaziz being sent against them, they defeated
him and took his wife prisoner. While they were disputing
about her worth, some valuing her at about a hundred
thousand pieces, one of their chief men said, " This heathen
doth nothing but cause disturbance amongst you, and shall
she escape ?" at which words he cut her head off.* Some of
the bystanders telling him upon this that they did not know
whether to praise him or blame him for what he had done, he
answered, he at least had done it out of zeal. When Kaled
wrote to Abdalmelik, acquainting him with the loss of the
army, and desiring to know his pleasure, he received the
following answer : — " I understand by your letter that you
sent your brother to fight against the Separatists, and have
received the account of the slaughter and flight. When I
inquired of your messenger where Mohalleb was, he informed
me that he was your supervisor of the tribute. God rejected
thy counsel when thou sentest thy brother, an Arabian of
Mecca, to battle, and kept Mohalleb by thy side to gather
taxes, who is a man of a most penetrating jvidgment and good
government, hardened in war, and is the son of the grandson
of it ; see, therefore, and send Mohalleb to meet them in
Ehwaz, or beyond Ehwaz. I have sent to Bashur, ordering
•MS. LauiL Num. 161. A,
474 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS. Abdalmelik.
him to assist thee with an army of Cufians ; and if thou goest
and meetest thy enemy, do not undertake any enterprize
against him until thou hast shown it to Mohalleb, and asked his
advice about it, if please God. Peace be unto thee, and the
mercy of God." Kaled was not well pleased with the contents
of the letter, both because Abdalmelik had blamed him for
sending his brother to manage the war, and because he had
laid him imder an injunction to do nothing without the
advice of Mohalleb. Abdalmelik kept his word, and ordered
Bashur to assist them with five thousand Cufians ; but first he
was to send a messenger to consult with Mohalleb, who was
a person of too great consideration not to be treated with the
utmost respect.
Their combined forces being now ready, Kaled and Bashur
marched, and met the enemy near the city Ehwaz, for the
Azarakites were advanced so far. There were in the river
certain ships which Mohalleb advised Kaled to seize ; but
before that design could be put in execution, a party of the
enemies' horse set them on fire. As Mohalleb passed by one
of his generals, and perceived he had not intrenched himself,
he asked him the reason of it. The other swore, he was no
more afraid of them than of a fly. Mohalleb bade him not
despise them, for they were the lions of the Arabians. The
Azarakites remained in their entrenchments about twenty
days ; when at last Kaled and Mohalleb fell upon them, and,
after as bloody a battle as was ever fought in the memory of
man, entirely routed them and took possession of their camp.
Kaled sent David to pursue them, and despatched an express
to Abdalmelik, acquainting him with the success; who
immediately commanded his brother Bashur to send four
thousand horse more to join David and pursue them into
Persia : these orders were obeyed till they had lost almost all
their horses, and were themselves quite worn out, and almost
starved to death, so that the greatest part of the two armies
returned on foot to Ehwaz.
Thus Abdalmelik, in the seventy-second year, having
brought all the eastern part of the Mussulman empire entirely
under his subjection, had no opposition to encounter, but
that of old Abdallah the son of Zobeir at Mecca. Against
him Abdalmelik sent Hejaj the son of Joseph, one of the
most eloquent as well as Avarlike captains that flourishpd
HcJ. 73. A.D. 692. HEJAJ'S DEEAJtf. 475.
amongst them, during the reigns of the caliphs. One reason
among others that led to his employment in that service was
the following. When Abdalmelik was upon his return into
Syria, Hejaj said to him, " I have had a dream that I had taken
the sen of Zobeir and slayed him ; wherefore send me against
him, and commit the management of that war to my charge."
The caliph was pleased with the dream, and sent him with a
strong body of Syrians to Mecca, whither he had written
before, promising pardon and security, upon condition of their
submitting immediately to his authority. Abdallah sent out
parties of horse against him, but in all the skirmishes they
came by the worst. Hereupon Hejaj wrote to Abdalmelik to
send him sufficient force to besiege Abdallah, assuring him
that his fierceness was very much abated, and that his men
deserted daily. Abdalmelik ordered Tharik the son of Amer
to assist him, w^ho joined him with five thousand men.
Hejaj came to Ta'if (a town lying sixty miles eastward of
Mecca) in the month Shaaban in the seventy-second year,
and Tharik came to him in the new moon of Dulhagiah, but
he did not go round the temple, nor come near it, because he
was under a vow ; but kept himself in arms, neither sleeping
with his wives, nor anointing himself till after the death of
the son of Zobeir. Abdallah killed the sacrifice (either camels
or oxen) on the killing day,* that is the tenth of Moharram ;t
but neither he nor his friends performed the rites of
pilgrimage, because they had not been at Mount Arafat,
which however is necessary to make a true pilgrimage. As
they were under siege it was impossible for them to do so.
This same year Abdalmelik wrote to Abdallah the son of
Hazim to persuade him to come in, promising him if he did
to give him the revenues of Khorassan for seven years. But
he received the offer with so much disdain, that he made the
messenger eat the letter he had brought, telling him at the
same time that if it were not for making a disturbance
between the two tribes, he would have killed him. After-
wards Abdalmelik sent against him a general with sufficient
force, who defeated and slew him. Others say, that he was
not killed till after the death of Abdallah the son of Zobeir,
and that Abdalmelik sent the head of the son of Zobeir to
tlie son of Hazim, imagining that he would not after that
• Arabic, Yaumolnehri. f An. Hej. 73. coepit Mali 22, a.d. 692,
476 HISTOHT OF THE SAKACENS. Abdilmkli*
sight stand out any longer. But it had the quite contrary
effect, for as soon as he saw it, he swore he would never
acknowledge his authority as long as he lived. Then calling
for a bason he washed the head and embalmed it, and ^vrapped
it up in linen, prayed over it, and sent it to Abdallah's
relations at Medina. He then cut off the messenger's hands
and feet, and afterwards beheaded him.*
The siege of Mecca lasted eight months and seventeen
nights. The Syrians battered the temple with their engines,
and it thundered and lightened so dreadfully, as put them
into a terrible consternation, and made them give over.f At
this Hejaj, sticking the corner of his vest into his girdle, and
putting into it one of the stones they used to propel with the
engines, slang it towards the city; his example encouraged
his men to resume their work afresh. The next morning
there came upon them storm after storm, and killed twelve of
his men, which quite dispirited the Syrians. Hejaj, how-
ever, said to them, " 0 Syrians, do not dislike this, I am a son
of Tehamah. This is the storm of Tehamah. Victory is
just at hand : rejoice at the news of it. The enemy's men
suffer as much by it as you do." The next day there was
• According to Price, the government of Khorassan was oiFered ta
Abdallah, the son of Hazim, for seven years longer, provided he would
transfer his allegiance from the son of Zobeir to Abdalmelik. The
proposal was however rejected with disdain, though the messenger returned
unhurt ; and the irritated caliph wrote to Wokkeil, the lieutenant of
Abdallah, offering the government of Khorassan to him, if he would put
his principal to death. The temptation was too powerful for the integrity
of Wokkeil, and he accordingly proceeded to swear the inhabitants against
the authority of his master ; but the latter, discovering the treachery, put
himself at the head of his troops and attacked his lieutenant, before his
designs were ripe for execution. The treason was however already too
formidable and extensive. In the midst of battle Abdallah Hazim was
attacked from behind by a body of Arabs, and thro\ra from his horse
covered with wounds. In this situation Wokkeil approached him for the
purpose of taking off his head, when Abdallah suddenly opened his eyes
and recognized his lieutenant. " Miscreant," said he, spitting in his face,
"art thou, whom I have reared to manhood, the wretch to supersede
me ? Away 'ivith thee ! no longer disturb the attention of the l)rave by thy
polluted presence." But these stem reproaches were not sufficient to deter
Wokkeil from his purpose : he immediately struck off his head and sent it
to Abdalmelik, and for this acceptable piece of service he retained the
govemm_ent of Khorassan till an. Hej, 75.
+ MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
Hej. 73. A.D.692. A MOTHER'S ADVICE. 477
another storm, and some of Abdallah's men were killed,
which gave room to Hejaj to encourage his men and say,
" Do not you see that they are hurt, and you are in a state of
obedience, and they of disobedience?" Thus they continued
fighting till a little before Abdallah was killed. His fol-
lowers in the meanwhile deserted from him every day, and
went over to Hejaj. The inhabitants of Mecca having done
so, to the number of ten thousand : even his two sons Hamza
and Chobeib left him, and went and made conditions for
themselves. When he perceived himself forsaken on all
sides, he went to his mother (who was grand-daughter to
Abubeker the first caliph, and was then ninety years of age,
a woman of a most undaunted spirit) and said to her, '• O
mother ! The people, and even my own children and family,
have deserted me, and I have but a few left who will hardly
be able to stand it out one hour. These people are ready to
give me, if I will submit, whatsoever I can desire in this
world; what do you advise me to do?" "Son," said she,
"judge for yourself; if, as you pretend to be, you know
that you are in the right, persevere in it, for your friends
have died for the sake of it. Be not so obstinately re-
solved to save your neck as to become the scorn of the boys
of the Ommiyan family ! But if thou choosest the present
world, alas ! bad servant ! thou hast destroyed thyself, and
those that were killed with thee. And if thou sayest I stood
to the truth, and when my friends declined I was weakened !
this is neither the part of an ingenuous nor a religious man.
And how long can you continue in this world ? Death is
more eligible." Then Abdallah drew near, and kissed her
head, and said, " By AUah, this is the very thought which I
have ever persisted in to this day ; neither did I incline to-
wards this world, nor desire to live in it, nor did any other
motive but zeal for God, persuade me to dissent. However,
I had a mind to know your opinion, and you have confirmed
my own : wherefore, mother, look upon me as a dead man
from this day ; nor let your grief be immoderate, but resign
yourself to God's command; for your son hath not stood in
the footsteps of the scandalous, nor done anything worthy
of reproach. He has not prevaricated in the judgment of
God, nor dealt treacherously in giving his faith: nor sup-
ported himself by doing mjury to any person that delivered
478 HISTOET or IHE SA-RACEWS. XsoAhMEUK.
up himself or entered into covenant ; nor did any injustice
done by any of my officers ever reach me that I approved of,
and did not discourage ; nor was there any thing that I pre-
ferred before the doing the will of my Lord. O God ! thou
knowest that I do not say this for the justification of myself,
but to comfort my mother, that she may receive consolation
after my decease " She answered, " I hope in God, I shall
have good comfort in thee, whether thou goest before me, or I
before thee. Now go out and see what will be the issue."
To which he answered, " God give thee a good reward, O
mother ! You wUl not cease praying for me, both before
and after.'' She answered, " That I never shall ; others are
killed in vain, but thou for the truth. O God ! be merciful
to him for his watchfulness in the long nights and his dili-
gence,* and his piety towards his father and me ; O God, I
resign myself to what thou shalt command concerning him ;
I am pleased with what thou dost decree ; give me in Abdal-
lah the reward of those that are grateful and persevering."
This was about ten, or according to some only five, days before
he was slain. The day whereon he was killed he went into the
house of his mother, with his coat of mail on and his helmet,
and took hold on her hand and kissed it. She said, " This
farewell is not for a long time." He told her he was come
to take his leave of her, for this was his last day in this life.
As he embraced her, she felt the coat of mail, and told him
that the putting that on did not look like a man that was re-
solved to die, and when he said that he had only put it on, in
order to be the better able to defend her ; she said she would
not be so defended, and bade him put off". Then she bade
him go out, assuring him that if he was killed he died a
martyr ; he said he did not so much fear death as the being
eziposed after it ; to which she courageously answered, " That
a sheep when it was once killed never felt the flaying. "f
Before he went out she gave him, to increase his courage, a
draught with a pound of musk in it. At last he went to the
field and defended himself to the terror and astonishment of
his enemies, killing a great many with his own hands, so that
they kept at a distance, and threw bricks at him ; which
• Here is a word or two which I do not so well apjrehend the meaning
of: Watthema, Phi'l Hawajeri'I Medina wa Mecca. f Elmakin.
lIej.73.A.D. 692. ABD ALLAH SLAI3T, 479
made him stagger ; and when he felt the blood run down his
face and beard, he repeated this verse : —
" The blood of our wounds doth not fall down upon our heels, but upon
our feet,"
meaning, that he did not turn his back upon his enemies.
Then they killed him, and as soon as Hejaj heard the news
he fell down and worshipped. His head was cut off, and his
body himg up ; and for several days after, they smelled the
perfume of the musk he had drunk.
Tharik said to Hejaj that never woman bore a braver man.
" How," said Hejaj, " do you commend a man that was in
rebellion against the emperor of the faithful ?" Yes, answered
Tharik, and he himself will agree with us; for only consider
we have been besieging him these seven months, and he had
neither army nor strong place of defence, nevertheless he was
always a match for us, nay superior to us. This discourse of
theirs reached Abdalmelik's ears, who said that Tharik was
in the right.
Abdallah was caliph nine years, being inaugurated in the
sixty-fourth year of the Hejirah, immediately after the death
of Yezid the son of Moawiyah. He was a man of extra-
ordinary courage, but covetous to the last degree. So that
this sentence passed among the Arabians for a sort of a pro-
verb, " That there was never a valiant man, but was also
liberal, till Abdallah the son of Zobeir." He was in a great
repute for his piety. He is said to have been so fixed and
vmmoved when he was at prayer, that a pigeon once lighted
upon his head, and sat there a considerable time, without
his knowing any thing in the matter. Abulfeda says he wore
a suit of clothes* forty yearsf without putting them off his
back, but doth not inform us of what they were made. This
family of the Zobeirs passed amongst the Arabians for a half-
witted sort of people.
After he was dead, all Arabia acknowledged Abdalmelik
for their caliph, and Hejaj took the oaths of allegiance for
• Abujfed. MS. Poc. No. 303. t The Arabian historians never use
figures to express their numbers, but write them in words at length. It is
hardly to be supposed that the transcriber would be guilty of such a mis-
take as to write Arbaina for Arbaah, i. e. forty for four ; and yet the othe<
account is incredible
480 HTSTOTIT or THE SABA.CENS. Abuauielik.
him. This year Mohammed the son of Merwan took Assa-
phiyah, and beat the Greeks ; and in this same year it was
that Othman the son of Walid fought the Greeks on the side
of Armenia with four thousand men, and beat their army
consisting of sixty thousand.
Hejaj--' being now, in the seventy-fourth year, master of all
Arabia, pulled down the temple of Mecca, which Abdollah
had repaired, placing the stone on the outside of it again,
and restoring it to the very form it had before Mohammed's
time. He exercised the most pitiless cruelties on the poor
Medinians, branding them in their necks and hands. He
used frequently to pick quarrels with them without provoca-
tion, and punish them without any crime. Meeting once
with one of them, he asked what was the reason he did not
assist Othman the son of AfFan? He answered, he did.
Hejaj told him he lied, and immediately commanded a
stamp of lead to be put upon his neck. Thus he continued
plaguing and tormenting them, till the Azarakites rising new
commotions in the east, Abdalmelik thought his service ne-
cessary in those parts, and made him governor of Irak, Kho-
rassa»i, and Sigistan ; upon which he removed from Medina
to Cufah, Abdalmelik's brother Bashar being then dead.
As he entered into Cufah, muffled up in his turban,f curi-
osity drew the people round him ; whereupon he assured
them that they should soon know who he was. Going directly
to the mosque, he mounted the membar or pulpit, where he
assailed them with very rough words, swearing that he would
make the wicked bear his own burden, and ht him with his
own shoe. And a great deal more said he to the same pur-
pose, both then and on other occasions, which increased
their terror and aversion. Thus, one day,| he went into
the pulpit, and after a short pause, he rose up and said :—
" 0 Irakians ! methinks I see the heads [of men] ripe and
ready to be gathered, and turbans and beards sprinkled with
blood."
The day after he came to Cufah, hearing a noise in the
street, he went directly to the pulpit, and made a most re-
proachful speech, protesting that he would make such an
* An. Hej. 74. coepit Man 12, a.d. 693.
t An. Hej. 75. coepit Maii 1, a.d. 694.
t Abulfara'pius. MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
»«J. 7C. JL.D. 895. SEBELLION OF THE IRAKlAKS. 481
example, of them by the severity of his punishments, as
should excr ed all that went before, and be a pattern for all
that should come after. He then began to give daily instances
of his cruelty, and his rage vented itself particularly upon
those that lad any hand in the murder of the caliph Oth-
man. Not long after this he went to Bassorah, where he
made them a speech much to the same purpose as those he
had delivered at Cufah ; and to give them a taste of his dis-
cipline, caused one of them, who had been informed against
as a rebel, to be beheaded upon the spot. This provoked the
Irakians to such a degree, that they made an insurrection
against him ; but having beaten them in a drawn battle, he
quickly put it down, and then sending eighteen of their heads
to Mohalleb, returned to Bassorah.
The Azarakites now appearing in considerable force, Hejaj
sent Mohalleb and Abdarrhaman the son of Mehnef against
them. These generals had good success at the beginning ;
but Abdarrhaman, thinking it a disparagement to his own
dignity to be commanded by Mohalleb, neglected his advice
and would not entrench, which gave the enemy an opportu-
nity of cutting him off. But whatever encouragements the
insurrection of the Bassorians against Hejaj gave the Azara-
kites at first, who hoped to make the best use of the
dissensions of their adversaries, that tumult was soon quelled,
and they found themselves disappointed.
But the greatest opposition that Hejaj* ever met with in the
whole course of his life, was begun by Shebib a Karegite,
and Salehh another sectary, who having been both on pil-
grimage at Mecca, in the seventy-fifth year, when Abdalmelik
was there, formed a conspiracy against him. The caliph
being informed of it, sent orders to Hejaj to seize them.
But notwithstanding Hejaj's vigilance, Salehh remained safe
for a month, at least, in Cufah, where he concerted measures
with his friends, and provided all things necessary for his
undertaking. His sect were called the Safrians, and he was
the first of them that ever appeared openly in arms ; he was
a man much given to devotion, and had a great many fol-
lowers both in Mausal and Mesopotamia, to whom he used
to read and expound the Koran. Some of his hearers ae •
eir&i him to send them a copy of what they once iieaid
• An. Heg. 76, capit April 21, a.d. 695.
I I
482 HISTOEY OF THE SAEACEKS. Abbahhuc
him deliver ; he condescended to their request, and wrote
as follows : —
" Praise be to God,* who hath created the heavens
and the earth, and appointed the darkness and the light.
They that deny the faith make an equal to the Lord. ' O
God ! as for us, we wiU not make any equal to thee,' nor-
will we hasten but to thee ; nor will we serve any be-
sides thee. To thee belong the creation and the govern-
ment, and from thee come good and evil, and to thee we
must go.f And Ave testify that Mohammed is thy servant,
and thy apostle whom thou hast singled out. and thy pro-
phet whom thou hast chosen, and in whom thou hast de-
lighted, that he should convey thy message, and thy warning
to thy servants : and we bear witness that he conveyed the
message, and admonished the people, and invited to the
truth, and stood in righteousness, and helped religion, and
made war upon the associators,;]; till God took him, on whom
be peace. I exhort you to trust in God, and to abstain from
the present world, and to desire the other, and frequently to
remember death, ai.d to love the believers, and to separate
yourselves from the conversation of evil doers. For absti-
nence from the present world increaseth the desire of the
servant towards that which is with God, and causeth his
body to be at leisure to obey God ; and the frequent remem-
brance of death maketh the servant stand in the fear of his
Lord, so as to be moved with love towards him, and to
humble himself before him. The separating from evil doers
is a law to the Mussulmans. God Most High saith in his
book ; — ' Never pray for any of them that are dead, nor stand
at their grave, for they denied God and his apostle, and died
doing evil,'§ And the love of the faithful is a means whereby
the favour of God is attained, and his mercy, and his para-
dise (God make us and you of the number of those that bear
witness to the truth, and persevere). Now it is of the
gracious doing of God towards the believers, that he sent
them an apostle of their own, who taught them the book and
wisdom, and cleansed them, and puriiied them, and kept
* Koran, ch. vi. 1. + Arabic, "is the going."
X So they call all idolaters and Christians, as joining ^^irtners witli God
^ Koran, ch. ix, 85.
Hej. "C. 4.D. 695. SPEECH OF SALT.HH, 483
them in their religion, and was gentle and merciful to the
faithful, till God took him, the blessing of God be upon
him. And then the verifier* succeeded him, with the good
liking of the Mussulmans, and governed according to his direc-
tion and tradition, till he went to God, God be merciful to him.
He left Omar his successor, and God made him the governor of
his flock, and he managed by the book of God, and revived the
tradition of the apostle of God ; neither did he cease to do
justice to the people committed to his charge, nor feared any
accusation in the cause of God tiU he went to him. God have
mercy upon him. After him Othman governed the Mussulmans,
and he pursued a shadow, and broke do-\vn the bounds, and
perverted judgment, and weakened the faithful, and strength-
ened the wicked, and the Mussulmans went to him and killed
him, and God and his apostle are clear of him. And after
him the people agreed to give the government to AJi the son
of Abu Taleb, who did not make it his business to judge ac-
cording to the command of God to men ; but joined himself
to erroneous people, and was mixed among them, and played
the hypocrite ; and we are clear of Ali and his sectaries.
Wherefore prepare yourselves (God have mercy upon you)
with alacrity for the holy war against these jarring people,
and these erroneous ' and unjust Imams; and for the going
out of this transitory mansion to the mansion that shall re-
main, and for the being joined to your brethren the faithful,
who have certain assurance, who sold the present world for
the other, and laid out their substance in quest of the favour
of God in the latter end. Neither be afraid of being killed
for the sake of God ; for the being killed is easier than death ;
and death cometh upon you quicker than thought, and makes
a separation between you, and your children, and your fami-
lies, and your present world, notwithstanding your exceeding
aversion to it, and your fear of it. Wherefore sell yourselves
and your substance in obedience to God, that you may se-
curely enter into paradise, and embrace the black-eyed girls.
God make us and you thankful, and full of remembrance, and
keep us among such as are directed in the truth, and do ac-
cording to that which is right."
t Arabic, Assidik. It is the surname of Abubeker, which Mohammed
gave him because he veriSed or asserted the trutli of Mohammed's journey
lo heaven in the night.
I I 2
484 HISTOKY OF THE SAEACENS. Abdai.mf.uk
Once, wlien he was amongst his friends, he troke out into
these expressions, " What do you stay for ? How long will
you stand still ? For iniquity hath spread itself, and this in-
j^ustice is grown to an exceeding height and vast distance
from the truth, in defiance of the Lord. Wherefore let us see
what is to be done, and come to some resolution." In the
midst of these speeches there came a letter from Shebib to
Salehh, desiring him, since he had complied with his request,
to make an attempt upon the present powers, to inform him
in what condition his affairs were ; for there was no time to
be lost ; since he could not be sure that he would not be over-
taken by death before he had an opportunity of engaging in a
holy war, against these wicked ones. vSalehh returned answer,
'• that he only waited for him ; that his delay had already raised
some suspicion in the rest, who were making all neces-
sary preparations, and stayed for nothing but his commg."
Shebib gathered together his small company and joined Salehh
in Dara'leizirah, over which Mohammed Ben Merwan was
governor. They seized some of his horses in a neighbouring
village, upon which they mounted their foot. Mohammed
soon received intelligence of their movements ; but despising
the smallness of their number (which did not exceed one
hundred and twenty), commanded Adi to go against them with
five hundred men, who however begged to be excused, affirm-
ing that he knew that one of their men was as good as a
hundred of their o%vn, and that it was unreasonable to send him
with such an unequal force. Mohammed thereupon ordered
him five hundred more : but with this thousand he marched
from Harrad as unwillingly as if he had been going to
the place of execution. When he drew near to Salehh, he
sent a messenger to let him know that he had no wish to at-
tack him ; but if he would depart out of that territory, he
might invade som> other, and he would not oppose him.
Salehh replied to the messenger, " Go and tell him, that if he
is of our opinion, it shall be so ; but if he be in the measures
of the tyrants, and the Imams of enmity, we know what to
do." To which Adi answered, " that he was not cf his
opinion, but that he did not come to fight either against h.im
or any one else." Salehh had no sooner received this answer,
than he ordered his men to ride full speed, and by this means
surprised Adi saying the noon prayers, who suspected nothing
Hej. 76. A.D 695. BATTLE AT AMED. 485
of the kind, till lie saw the horsemen close upon his camp :
Adi's men were all out of order, and put to the rout before
they could offer any resistance. Salehh trampled down Adi
and his standard as he was at prayers, and moving directly to
his camp, took possession of all that was in it. They that
escaped carried the sad news to Mohammed, who was very
angry, and ordered Kaled the son of Jora to march against
them with one thousand five hundred men, and Hareth with
one thousand five hundred more. Calling them both together,
he bade them go out against these wicked Separatists ; and, to
add to their speed, told them that he that first came up with
the enemy should have the supreme command.* Being in-
formed that the enemy had marched towards Amed, they
kept together in pursuit, and towards the evening came up
with Salehh, who sent Shebib against Hareth, whilst he
charged the other general himself. Notwithstanding the dis-
proportion of numbers, the victory was a long time doubtful ;
for one of the Separatists could beat ten or twenty of the
others. At last Kaled and Hareth, perceiving that their horse
were repulsed, alighted and fought on foot. This movement
quite altered the condition of the combatants, for by this
means, they supported themselves with their lances against
the enemies' horse, while at the same time their archers galled
them, and the remainder of their horse trampled them down.
Thus they continued fighting till night parted them, by which
time Salehh had lost thirty men, and Kaled and Hareth more
than threescore and ten. Both parties were sufiiciently weary
of one another, for the battle was very sharp as long as it
lasted, and a great many were wounded on both sides. After
they had said prayers, and refreshed themselves with such
fragments as they had, Salehh asked Shebib his advice, who
told him that they were over-matched, and that the enemy
would by entrenching themselves render hopeless any attempt
against them. Upon this they decamped under the protection
of the night, and marched across Mesopotamia till they came
to Mausil, aAd from thence to a place called Dascarah, where
Hejaj having received intelligence of their approach, sent against
them a body of five thousand men. under the command of Hareth
Aihamdani. Three thousand of them were Cufians, and tried
veterans, and the other two thousand were chosen men. On
* MS. Laud. No. 161. A.
486 HISTOET OF THE SAKACENS. Abdalmelik
the marcli to Dascarah, Salelih., having gone with a smaC
party to Jalouta and Catikin, Hareth pursued him to a place
called Modbage, on the borders of Mausil, between Mausil
tnd Juchi. There they came to an engagement. Salehh
laad then with him no more than ninety men, and these he
divided into three companies, thirty in each. In a short
time Salehh was killed. Shebib, having had his horse killed
under him, fought on foot till he came to the place where
Salehh lay dead ; whereupon he called out to the Mussulmans
to come to him, for they had no commander left, and bade
them turn back to back, and so make good their retreat to a
deserted castle in the neighbourhood. This they performed
in good order, seventy of them getting there in safety. Hareth
surrounded them in the evening, and bade his men set fire to
the castle-gates, and then leave them till the morning, when
they would be sure to find them. Shebib, having called his peo-
ple together, told them that, whatever they proposed to do
must be done by the favour of the night, because it would be
absurd to expect that they should be able to defend them-
selves against such a force in the morning ; upon this his men
having first given him their hands in token of their submission,
he ordered them to sally out and attack the enemy in their
camp ; the gates of the castle being burnt to coals, they wet-
ted their saddle cloths, and, spreading them over the coals,
stepped over. Hareth and his men were sleeping in their tents
without any apprehension of danger, when about midnight
they found Shebib and his men in the midst of the camp, slay-
ing all before them. Hareth himself was struck down to
the ground, but his men succeeded in carrying him off, and
ran away in the greatest confusion and consternation. This
victory, which is the first that Shebib got, added such courage
to his' party that his numbers daily increased, and became
terrible to Hejaj himself, who made every exertion to extir-
pate them. After a great many battles, in all which Shebib
came off superior, he seized the city of Cufah, in the absence
of Hejaj, who was gone to Bassorah.
This year Mohalleb died, whom Hejaj had made governor
of Khorassan. He was a person of extraordinary character
both for his abilities and his generosity of temper. When he
felt the approach of death, he called his sons about him, and
gave them a bundle of arrows to break, which they told him
M»i 77. AD. 696. AEABIAN MONET FIHST COINED. 487
they could no*. Upon this he asked them, if they could
break them one by one, and when they answered in the
affirmative, he bade them imagine themselves to be like that
bvmdle of arrows.
This year Abdalmelik caused money to be coined ;* this
was the first coinage of their own that ever was in use among
the Arabians ; for before they used to trade with Greek or
Persian money. The following was the occasion of his so
doing. Abdalmelik used to commence the letters that he
sent to the Greek emperor, with these words, " Say, God is
one ; " f or, " Say, there is one God," and then mention the
prophet with the date of the Hejirah. Whereupon the Gre-
cian emperor sent him word, that he had made certain inno-
vations in his style of writing, and therefore requested him to
alter it, or else he would send him some coins with such a
mention of their prophet upon them as he would not very
well like. Abdalmelik was angry at this, and said, " A curse
upon their coins ;" and from that time began to make money
of his own. Hejaj stamped some with this inscription, " Say,
there is one God,"" which gave great offence to the Mussul-
mans, because, they said, the sacred name of God would be
exposed to the touch of unclean persons of both sexes.
Somyor a Jew regulated their coinage, which was but rude at
first, but, in the succeeding reigns, it received several im-
provements.
Shebib had beaten the army which Hejaj had sent against
him, and made such a vigorous opj^osition, that the Cufians
were not able to keep the field. J Hejaj, however, resolved
not to bear his insults any longer, represented the state of
that part of the country to the caliph Abdalmelik, who re-
inforced him with a strong number of Syrians ; whereupon
Hejaj gave Shebib battle near Cufah. Shebib, who had in
all but six hundred men, made a noble defence, but was forced
at last to give way to the Syrians, when Hejaj was scarce
able to hold up against him. At last Shebib's brother was
killed, and his wife Gazalah, who had attended him when he
went first to Cufah, having made a vow to say her prayers in
the great temple, and read the " Cow '" and the '' Family of
» Ebn Al Athir. MS. Pocock, 137.
t Koran. Where God is introduced, speaking so to Mohammed,
% An. Hej. 77. coepit April S. a.d. 6'J<k MS. Laud. 161 , A.
488 HISTORY OF THE SARACEXS. Abdaimuk
Amram" there, (i. e. the second and third chapters of the
Koran), all which she had duly performed. A body of Syrians
pursued Shebib, who killed a hundred of them with the loss of
only thirty of his own men. Some of them were so tired
with their march and the fight, that when they struck with
their swords the blows fell powerless ; and some of them
struck as they sat, being unable to rise. In this condition
Shebib left them, and, despairing of doing anything, passed
over the Tigris and went towards Juchi. Afterwards repass-
ing the Tigris at Waset,* he bent his course towards Ehwaz ;
going from thence into Persia, and so on to Kerman, where
he rested and refreshed himseK and his men. In the mean-
time Hejaj ordered his wife Gazalah's head to be washed and
buried. Soon after Shebib began to advance again, when
Hejaj sent against him Sofian the son of Alabrad, whom
Abdalmelik had sent to his assistance out of Syria. They
met at a bridge called DojaO. el Ehwaz. Shebib was the first
to pass the bridge, but after a sharp encounter was repulsed.
Returning once more, he renewed the battle with fresh vigour,
but was again beaten back ; and when he came to the bridge,
he made a stand with about a hundred men, who fought so
bravely till the evening, that the Syrians declared they had
never been so roughly handled before. Sofian, perceiving
that at close quarters he could prevail nothing against them,
commanded the archers to shoot at them, which they did for a
while, till Shebib and his men rushed in upon them, and, hav-
ing killed above thirty of them, wheeled about, and fell upon
the main body, where they continued fighting desperately till
night, when, they retreating, Sofian commanded his men not to
pursue them. ^Vhen Shebib, who had resolved to renew the
fight in the morning, came to the bridge, he ordered his men
to go over before him, and he brought up the rear himself.
He was the last upon the bridge, and, his horse suddenly
rearing, Shebib" s foot struck against a boat which was moored
alongside the bridge, by which he was suddenly dismounted,
and fell into the water. When he came up to the surface,
he said, " When God decrees a thing it is done." Then com-
ing up a second time, he cried, " This is the decree of the
• This is by way of prolepsia, for Waset wa» not then built, — Lbn AJ
4.thir.
H«J. 77. A D. (596. SHEBIB DKOAVNED. 489
Almighty, the all-wise [God] !" and sank to rise no moie.
These were the last words of that great captain, concerning
whose mother they relate the following remarkable story.*
Yezid the son of Naim was sent by Othman to assist the
Syrian Mohammedans against the Greeks in the twenty-fifth
year of the Hejirah. The Mussulmans, obtaining the victory,
the Christians were exposed for sale. Among the captives,
Yezid espied a tall, beautiful, black-eyed maid, whom he
bought, and, carrying her to Cufah, commanded her to turn
Mohammedan. Upon her refusal he caused her to be beaten,
which only increased her aversion towards him to such a de-
gree that, to bring her to a good humour, he was glad to let
her alone. Afterwards she proved with child of Shebib, and
her fondness to her master increasing daily, she turned Mo-
hammedan of her own accord, in order to please him, so that
she changed her religion before Shebib was bom, which was
on the tenth of the month Dulhagiah, being the day on which
the pilgrims kill the sacrifices at Mecca. Awaking out of a
slumber, she said, " I saw, as one that sleeps sees, that there
went out from before me a fiame which diffused itself round
about the heavens, and spread itself to every quarter ; after
which, I saw that a coal dropped into a great water, and
was quenched. Now, as I brought him forth upon the day
wherein you shed blood, I thus interpret my dream. This
son of mine wiU be a man of blood, and his condition, in
a short time, ^vill be exalted to a very high degree."
Hearing once a false rumour of his being killed, she gave
no credit to it, but as soon as she heard he was drowned
she believed it, sapng that she knew from the time of his
birth that he would come to no other end.f
His body being drawn up ^nth a net, his head was cut off,
and sent to Hejaj ; when he was opened, his heart was found
prodigiously firm and hard like a stone. J
• Elmakin.
+ MS. Laud. No. 161. A. Ebn AI Athir. MS. Pocock, Nc. 137.
J " As a proof o." the spirit of Shebib, we are told that on one occasion
he appeared suddenly before the gates of Cufah, and would have made
himself master of the place but for the unexpected return of Hejaj from
Bassorah. Compelled to quit the town, Shebib detennined to leave behind
hira a proof at least of his matchless personal strength, and with a sint^U
stroke of his mace demolished cht; castle gate." — Price,
493 HISTOHY OF THE SAEACENS, Abdalmelik
In the eighty-first year* died Mohammed Ebn Hanlfiyah,
the third son of Ali, who, because he was not descended
from Mohammed as Hasan and Hosein were, is not reckoned
amongst the Imams, notwithstanding there were many who,
after Hosein' s death, secretly acknowledged him to be lawful
caliph. Some of the sectaries look upon him as a great pro-
phet, and believe that God hath taken him away, preserving
him alive in a certain mountainf where he is to appear again,
and fill the earth as full of justice and piety as it is at present
of impiety and wickedness.
The Saracenic empire was free from all internal dissension
from the time of Shebib's death till the eighty-second year,J
when Abdarrhaman, the son of Mohammed, raised a dan-
gerous commotion in the east, upon the following occasion.
Hejaj, who hated him, sent him against Zentil, king of the
Turks, with orders to caiTy the war into the midst of his
country. Having a malicious design to destroy him, he gave
him a very inconsiderable force. Abdarrhaman received
secret intelligence of his barbarous intentions towards him,
and soon acquainted his men wi*-h the object of the expe-
dition they were engaged in. Tfjc soldiers were all in a rage
at being so basely betrayed, and under a pretence of war sent
to be murdered as a sacrifice to Hejaj 's malice against theif
general. Vowing revenge, they unanimously swore to be
true and faithful to Abdarrhaman, and, renouncing the servicfe
of Hejaj, prepared themselves to revenge his perfidiousness.
Abdarrhaman, having first concluded a peace with the Turk,
returned into Irak and marched directly against Hejaj, who,
having been informed of his hostile intentions, had petitioned
Abdalmelik for succour from Syria, who sent him a consider-
able army. With these supplies Hejaj marches against
him, but being beaten in the first battle, Abdarrhaman moved
with his victorious army to Bassorah, where a great many
of the citizens, throwing off" their allegiance to Abdalmelik,
took the oath to him. Entrenching himself on one side of
the city, he soon obtained a second victory over his enemies.
From thence he proceeded to Cufah, where he was so far
from meeting with any opposition, that the citizens came out
of their own accord to meet him, and took the oath of alle-
* An. Hej. 81. coepit Feb. 25, a.d. 700. f Redwa.
J An. Hej. 82. coepit -Feb. 14. a.d. 701
HeJ. S2. AD. 701. SUICIPE OF ABDARRHAMAN. 491
gia.nce to him. In the meantime, Hejaj gathered togethef
all the forces he could ; while, on the other hand, Abdarrha-
man's army increased to the number of a hundred thousand
men, among whom were several of prime note among the
Bassorians, by whom Hejaj was hated for his cruelty. The
two armies encamped near one another ;* and in the space of
a hundred days fought fourscore and one battles. At last,
Hejaj put Abdarrhaman to flight, and slew four thousand of
his men. Abdarrhaman retreated to Sahan, where he was
seized by Hejaj 's lieutenant. But Zentil the Turk, Abdar-
rhaman's friend and ally, having received notice of it, rescued
hmi as lie was being carried captive to Hejaj. Zentil, how-
ever, being threatened with a war by Hejajf in case he re-
fused to deliver him up, was preparing to surrender him ;
but Abdarrhaman, abhorring the thought of falling into the
hands of his most implacable enemy, took an opportunity of
killing himself by falling from the top of a high house.]:
" Hejaj in Dairkorrah, and Abdarrhaman in Dairalimaiim.
+ Abulfeda.
X " Of the many distinguished persons who had associated with Al>
darrhaman. Said, the son of Hoban, rendered himself particularly
obnoxious to Hejaj ; but on the finfU defeat of the design Said escaped
to Mecca. Several years afterwards, in the reign of Al Walid, Kaled the
son of Abdallah was created governor of Mecca; and one of his first
actions was to apprise Hejaj of the residence of Said, with other of the
rebellious chiefs, at Mecca; in consequence of which orders were de-
spatched that the obnoxious persons should be seized and conveyed to
Hejaj. Said was one of the last of the survivors of the prophet's com-
panions ; and such was the veneration in which he was held, that during
the journey one of his guards entreated him to escape ; but the latter,
resolving to abide his destiny, declined the offer. On being taken into the
presence of Hejaj, he candidly acknowledged his error, and the tyrant
appeared to relent; but being exasperated by some further observations of
Said, he directed the executioners of his vengeance to strike off his head.
Strange to relate, after the head was severed from the lifeless trunk, and
weltering on the floor, it repeated three times, in a perfectly intelligible
manner, the former half of the Mohammedan creed, ' La illah il Allah,'
' there is no God but God !' Surprised and disconcerted by a circumstance
so extraordinary, Hejaj gave expression to his feelings by bitterly cursing
that spawn of" a Christian parent, Kaled, the son of Abdallah, whose
olhciousness had compelled him to wtness so appalling a spectacle. In
forty days from the execution of the son of Hoban, Hejaj was himself
summoned before the eternal Judge to answer for his deeds, the ghastly
resemblance of Said never ceasing to haunt his imagination to the day of
hie death." — Price.
4^2 HI8T0TIT OF THE SARACENS. Abdalmku*.
^ In the eighty-third year,* Hejaj buiit a city upon the
river Tigris, which he called Waset, from its lying in the
middle between Bassorah and Cufah, that being the signifi-
cation of the Arabic word. The Persian geographerf says,
that it is situate at an equal distance from Bagdad, Cufah,
Ehwaz, and Bassorah, that is, about fifty leagues from each
of them.
Hejaj survived Abdalmelik, and managed all the chief
affairs for some time under his son Walid. We, however,
must terminate this part of our history (which we intended
to carry down to the line of the Abbassides) with the reign of
the former caliph ; and it is uncertain whether we shall ever
have either opportunity or inclination to continue it ; there-
fore, before we take our leave of this great man, by whose
vigilance, courage, and conduct, the empire of the Saracens
was restored to perfect quiet, and firmly established under the
government of the house of Ommiyah, it wiU not be amiss to
relate here a few instances of the greatness and singularity of
his genius.
One day, as he was taking a walk in the field, he met with
a wild Arab, who knew nothing at all of him, and asked him
what sort of a man this Hejaj was, whom every one talked
80 much of.f The Arab answered that he was a very wicked
man. " Then," said Hejaj, "do you not know me?" The
Arab answering " No," " I would have you to know, then,"
said Hejaj, " that it is Hejaj you are talking to now." The
Arab, having heard this, said, without expressing the least
concern, " And do you know who I am ?" " No," answered
Hejaj. " I am," said the Arab, " of the family of Zobeir,
whose posterity all become fools three days in the year, and
this I suppose is one of them." Hejaj could not forbear
laughing, and admiring the ingenuity of the Arab. Although,
therefore, he was extremely severe, and reckoned cruel, for
he had, they say, in his lifetime, put to death a hundred
and twenty thousand persons, and when he died had fifty
thousand in his prisons, yet he pardoned this Arab out oi
esteem for his wit and courage.
The following anecdote, while it shows plainly enough
what Hejaj's general character was, gives a remarkable trait
♦ An. Hej. 83. ccepit Feb. 3, a.d. 702.
t D'Herbelot in Yassath. i D'Herbelot in HeJ8J.
He. 83. 4.D. 702. AKECD0TE8 OF H£JA7. 493
of his occasional generosity. Having taken a great many
officers prisoners in the battle where he defeated Abdarrha-
man, he resolved to put them all to the sword. One of the
captives cried out, just as he was going to be executed, that
he had a piece of justice to demand of Hejaj. Greatly
surprised, Hejaj asked what he had to demand of him. The
prisoner answered, " When our general, Abdarrhaman,
railed against you most violently, I told him he was in the
wrong." Upon this Hejaj asked the prisoner if he had any
witness to produce. " Yes," answered the prisoner ; and
pointed out one of his comrades condemned to death as
well as himself, who was present when he said it. Hejaj,
being satisfied of the truth of the fact, said to the witness,
" And why did not you do so as well as your comrade ?"
This undaunted man answered him fiercely, '* I did not do it
Decause you are my enemy." Hejaj gave them both their
lives ; the one in acknowledgment of his obligation, the
other for having confessed the truth with so much frankness
and courage.
Some people having complained of the cruelty of his be-
haviour towards his subjects, and set the fear of God before
his eyes ; he instantly mounted the pulpil to harangue the
people, and without any preparation, with his usual eloquence,
addressed them in these words : — " God hath at present
given me the power over you, and if I exercise it with
some severity, do not think that you will be better off after
my decease ! In the way you live you will always be treated
with severity. God hath a great many servants, and when I
shall be dead he will send you another, who may possibly
execute his commands against you with greater rigour.
Would you have a prince sweet and moderate .' Then exer-
cise justice among yourselves and obey his orders. Depend
upon it, that the behaviour of yourselves is the origin and
the cause of the good or Ul treatment which you receive.
The prince may justly be compared to a looking-glass ; all
that you see in that glass is nothing but the reflection of the
objects you present to it."
Once, when he was hunting, he lost his company, and
found himself in a lonesome place, where an Arab was feed-
ing his camels. His sudden appearance scared away the
camels, which made the Arab, who at the time was minding
494 HISTOKT OF THE SAEACENS, ABDALsiELm
BometMng else, lift up his head in a great passion and say,
" Who is this with his fine clothes that comes here in the
desert to scare my camels? the curse of God light upon him."
Hejaj, without taking notice of what he said, came up to him,
and saluted him very civilly, wishing him peace ; but he, in-
stead of returning his salutation, answered him roughly, that
he neither wished him peace, nor any blessing of God. Hejaj
pretended not to understand him, and being parched with
tliirst, begged of him some water to drink. The Arab told
him, that if he had a mind to drink, he might alight and help
himself, for he was neither his fellow nor his man. Hejaj did
as he bade him, and having dnmk, asked him, " Whom do
you believe to be the greatest and most excellent of all men r"
" Why, the prophet sent by God, to be sure," said the Arab.
" And what do you think of Ali," added Hejaj ? The Arab
answered, " His excellency cannot be expressed in words "
Hejaj, continuing his discourse, inquired what he thought of
Abdalmelik ! The Arab was silent at first, but being pressed,
gave him to understand that he took him to be a bad prince.
" Why so ?" answered Hejaj. " Because he has sent us for
a governor the most wicked man under the heavens."
Hejaj, knowing that the Arab meant him, said no more;
but just at that moment, it happened that a bird flying over
their heads made a sort of noise, which the Arab had no
sooner heard, but he looked stedfastly upon Hejaj, and asked
him who he was. Hejaj, having asked the reason of his ques-
tion, the Arab replied that the bird which flew by a mo-
ment ago, told me that there was a company of people
not far off"; and I think very likely you are the chief of
them. The Arab had no sooner made an end of this dis-
course, when Hejaj's people came up, and received orders
to carry the Arab along with them.
The day after, Hejaj called for him, and made him sit
down at his table, and commanded him to eat ; the Arab,
before he began to eat, said his usual grace, " God grant
that the end of this meal may be as fortunate as the be-
ginning." Whilst they were eating, Hejaj asked him if he
remembered the discourse that had passed between them the
day before. The Arab answered him immediately ; " God
prosper you in everything; btit as for yesterday's secret, take
care you do not divulge it to day." " That I will," siid
B«|. 83 4.D. 702. AXECDOTES OF KEJAJ. 495
Heiaj ; " but you must choose one of these two things, either
to acknowledge me for your master, and then I will retain
you in my service ; or else to be sent to Abdalmelik, to whom
I will give an account of all that you have said of him."
The Arab, having heard Hejaj's proposal, answered him in-
stantly : " There is a third way you may take, which seems
to me to be much better." " What is that?'' said Hejaj.
"■ It is," said the Arab, '" to send me home, and never to let
me see your face any more." Hejaj, as fierce as he was, be-
ing pleased to hear the man talk with so much spirit, sent
him home according to his desire, and gave him ten thousand
drachms of silver.
It is proper to observe here, with regard to this bird that
made itself understood by the Arab, that there are people in
Arabia who pretend to know the language of birds. They
say that this science has existed among them ever since the
time of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, who had a bird
called Hudhud, that is "the houp," who was the messenger
of their amours.
There lived in the time of Hejaj, one Kumeil, the son of
Ziyad, a man of fine wit, who by no means approved of his
conduct in the government. One day Hejaj summoned him
before him, and reproached him with having in a certain
garden, and before such and such persons, whom he named,
uttered many imprecations against him, such as, " The Lord
blacken his face,'' that is, "Fill him with shame and
confusion," and " May his neck be cut oS", and his blood
shed."
Kumeil, who had a very ready wit, answered him instantly :
" It is true that I did say these words in that garden, but
then I was under a vine-arbour, and was looking upon a
bunch of grapes that was not yet ripe, and I wished that
they might soon turn black, that they might be cut off and
made wine of." This ingenious explication pleased Hejaj
so well, that he sent Kumeil home, and restored him to his
favour.
Hejaj also admitted to his familiar intercourse Ebn Cor-
rah,* a person celebrated for his piety and his learning, and
whose father had been one of the companions of the apostle.
* D'Herbelot in Corrah.
496 HISTOET OF THE SAEACENS. Abi.aljibijk
One day when lie was with him, the porter came to say that
there was a Kateb or secretary at the gate ; on which Ebn
Corrah said : — " These secretaries are the worst of all sorts
of people." The secretary, however, was well received by
Hejaj, who, after he had dismissed him, said to Ebn Corrah,
" Were it not for the title of companion of Mohammed that
is in your family, I would slit your neck, for the Koran says,
• Honour the writers.' " Ebn Corrah immediately answered,
" I spoke of the secretaries of the Divan, and not of the
angels who are called writers in the Koran, because they
write the actions of men to produce them at the last judg-
ment."
It is reported that Hejaj,* to excuse the severity which he
exercised over those that were under him, used frequently to
say, " That a severe, or even violent government, is better
than a weak and indulgent one. Because the former doth
wrong only to some particular persons, whereas the latter
hurts and injures the whole people."
He also used to say, that the obedience due to princes is
more absolute and necessary than that which men owe to
God. For the Koran, speaking of the latter, says, " Obey
God as far as you are able." In which words there is a
condition or exception. But of that which concerns princes,
it is said, "Hear and obey," without any exception. "There-
fore," said he, " if I command any one to submit to such or
such a thing, and he refuses it, he is guilty of disobedience,
and is consequently worthy of death."
Some one having heard him talk after this manner, said to
him : — " You are an envious and an ambitious man, because
you desire to have greater authority than others." To
which he answered : — " He is still more envious and ambi-
tious, who says to God, ' Give me, O Lord, a condition of life
which nobody can enjoy after me.' "
Hejaj having once commended himself to the prayers of
a religious Mussulman, he instantly prayed that it would
please God to kill him quickly, for, said he, nothing better
can happen either for him or for the people.
Mircond writes, that when he was seized with his last sick-
ness, he consulted his astrologer, whether he did not fixid
• D'Herbelot in Hejaj.
Hej. «. AD. 702. DEATH OF ABDAIMELIK. 497
irom his ephemerides that some great captain was near the
end of his days. The astrologer answered, that according
to his observations, a great lord, called Kolaib, was threatened
with speedy death. Hejaj replied, " That is the very name
which my mother gave me when I was a child." This word
signifies in Arabic, " a little dog."
The astrologer, no less imprudent in his discourse, than
skilful in his art, went on very bluntly to say : — " Then it
is you that must die ; there is no room to doubt it." Hejaj,
oflfended at this discourse, said instantly to the astrologer,
" Since I must die, and you are so dexterous in your predic-
tions, I will send you before me into the other world, that I
may make use of you there ;" and at the same time, gave
orders for his being despatched.
The death of Hejaj is placed in the ninety-fifth year of the
Hejirah, and the fifty-fourth of his age. They say he was
so magnificent in his entertainments, that he had sometimes
a thousand tables furnished, and that he was so liberal in his
presents to his friends, as to give away a million of pieces of
silver at one time.
Abulfaragius observes, that he fell sick with eating dirt.
This dirt was a sort of medicinal clay, called by the Latins
" Terra Lemnia," and by the Arabians, Thin, and Thin
Mechtoum, Lutum, et Lutiun sigillatum ; this threw him in-
to a consumption of which he died. Thus much concerning
Hejaj out of Monsieur D'Herbelot.
In the 86th year of the Hejirah,* Abdalmelik died. When
he was sick the physicians had told him, that if he drank he
would die ; but his thirst increased so violently, that he was
not able to forbear any longer, but commanded his son Walid
to give him some water which the son refusing he called to
his daughter Fatima to do so ; but Walid, willing to keep
him alive as long as he could, held her, and would not suflTer
it. Whereupon Abdalmelik told him in a passion, that if he
did not let her go, he would disinherit him. So she gave him
water, and he quickly expired. He died in tlie middle of
the month Shewal : but he was always afraid of the month
Ramadan, and used to say he should die in it ; because in
it he was born and weaned, had learned the Koran by heart,
and also was saluted emperor.
* An. Hej. 86. coepit Jan. 1. a.d. 705. Ebr. Ai Atlur.
K K
498 HISTOKT OF THE SAEACENS. ABDAtMftHI.
He had two nicknames given him, the one was " the sweat
of a stone,"* because of his extreme covetousness ; the
otner was " father of flies," upon the account of his stinking
breath, which was so nauseous that it killed all the flies that
'ighted upon his lips.
The inscription of his seal was, " I believe in God out
Saviour."
Abulfeda says, " that he was a man of foresight, and of
very good capacity and understanding ; he was courageous,
learned, and wise ;t but his being made caliph quite turned
him, and spoiled all his good qualities."
• Arab. Rafhhol Hejer.
+ Abdalmelik, who was himself a poet, assembled around him at his court,
the most distinguished poets of his time, whom he rewarded in a most princely
manner, and upon some settled handsome salaries. The poet Djerir re-
ceived, for a single panegyrical ode, one hundred camels, eighteen slaves,
and a silver jug. A Bedouin poet of some eminence once recited to the
caliph a poem with which he was very much pleased. At the conclusion
of it, the caliph asked him which he considered to be the best verse
in any panegyrical ode ; upon which the Bedouin selected and recited the
following verse, which had been addressed by Djerir to Abdalmelik : " Art
thou not the noblest among all who ride on camels 1 Is not thy hand the
most generous in the whole world ?" The caliph then inquired what he
considered the best lyrical and satirical verses, when he again quoted from
the compositions of Djerir. The latter, who was present, but unknown to
the Bedouin, was so delighted with his opinions, that he immediately kissed
and embraced him, and begged the caliph to present him with the whole oi
his own running salary, amounting to 1S,000 dirhems. " Good !" said the
prince of the Faithful, " That he shall have, and I myself will add to it
another sum of the same amount.''
On one occasion Abdalmelik caused a camel to be laden with gold, and
then summoned the three IjTical poets, Omar the son of Abdallah, Djamil
Ebn Mimar, and Kutheir Azza, and said, " Whichever of you three im-
provise the most tender verses upon his beloved, shall receive the camel."
Omar commenced thus : —
" Oh might I but venture to kiss thy cheeks when my last moment ap-
proaches ! might I, when dead, be moistened with the dew of thy lips, and
embalmed with thy blood and with the dust of thy feet ! Oh would that
Suleima (this was the name of his beloved) might rest beside me in the
grave, and be my companion whether in paradise or in hell."
Djamil next began : —
" 0 Butheima ! I swear — and be sure my oath is sincere, for let me be-
come blind if I swear falsely ! — I swear by the consecrated animals which
are sacrificed with the knife, that love has broken my heart, and I can no
longer endure my life. But, if after I am dead, an exorciser will seek lo
resuscitate me with one single word from the lips of my beloved, 1 wili
instantly return to lif*, '
H«i. 86. A.D. 705. ABDALMELIK's CHAKACTER. 499
He died in the sixtieth year of his age. He ^vas much
more powerful than any of his predecessors. He subdued
Abdallah the son of Zobeir, and added Arabia to his do-
minions ; quelled all the revolts of the Sectaries. In his
reign India was conquered in the east, while in the west his
victorious arms penetrated as far as Spain.*
Kutheir in his turn repeated : —
" By the life of my father and that of my mother ! My beloved Azza
puts all her enemies to the blush. Beautiful women visit me to preju-
dice me against Azza, but their cheeks are not to be compared to the
beauty of the soles of my Azza's feet. Verily, should my Azza dispute
with the morning star for the prize of beauty, impartial judges must in-
evitably award it to her."
Abdalmelik then said : " Friend of hell ! (Omar) take the camel with
all it bears upon its back."
Even the Christian poet, Achtal, experienced a kind reception from thjs
caliph, and took his place in the first rank amongst the royal poets ; for
he had praised Yezid the son of Moawiyah, and derided the companions
of the prophet who had opposed him. He was a contemporary and rival
of Djerir and Ferasdak, and together with them formed the poetical tri-
umvirate of the period.
DjamO died in an. Hej. 82. In Egypt he was once asked why he loved
Butheima, who was so lean that birds might be cut to pieces with her bones.
He replied, " Thou seest her only with thine eyes, othenvise thou wouldst
not hesitate to appear before God as an adulterer in order to possess her."
Butheima was inconsolable at the tidings of Djamil's death. On one
occasion she appeared before Abdalmelik, but her presence prepossessed him
80 little in her favour, that he observed to her, " Tell me what is it that
excited Djamil to compose and dedicate to thee such tender verses." To
which she replied, " What is it that the people found in thee, that they
should have created thee caliph V Abdalmelik smiled and granted her what
she desired. — Weil.
* The following anecdotes of Abdalmelik are extracted from Lane's
notes to the Arabian Knights : —
" Al Walid, the son of this prince, spoke so corrupt a dialect that he oftep
could not make himself understood by the Arabs of the desert. Alidal-
melik was greatly grieved at this deficiency in his son, which he considered
would incapacitate him from being a future ruler of the Arabs, as they
were great admirers of purity of speech, although a large proportion of them
spoke very comiptly. To remove this defect he sent him to be instructed
by a grammarian, but after the youth had remained there a long time, he
returned to his father more ignorant than before. Vulgarisms, however,
would sometimes escape from the mouth of Abdalmelik himself ; yet, so
fully did he appreciate eloquence, that when a learned man, with whom he
was conversing, informed him in elegant language of an error of this kind,
he ordered his mouth to be filled with jewels. " These," said his courteous
admonisher, " are things to be treasured up ; not to be expended : " and for
this delicate hint, he was further rewarded with tliirty thousand pieces of
X K 2
600 HISTORY OF THE SABACENS, Abdalmblw.
silver, and several costly articles of apparel. This caliph was, in the begin-
ning of his reign, an unjust monarch ; and is said to have been recalled
to a sense of duty by the following hint : — Being one night unable to sleep,
he called for a person to tell him a story for his amusement. " O prince
of the faithful," said the man thus bidden, " there was an owl in El-.VIosil,
ana an owl in El-Basrah ; and the owl of El-Mosil demanded in marriage,
for her son, the daughter of the owl of El-Basrah : but the latter said, * I
will not consent unless thou give me, as her dowry, a hundred desolate farms.'
' That I cannot do,' said the owl of El-Mosil, ' at present ; but if our
sovereign, may God preserve him ! live one year more, I wiU give thee what
thou desirest' " This simple fable sufficed to rouse the prince from his
apathy, and he thenceforward applied himself to fulfil the duties of hia
Station.
" Abdalmelik was the first who gave his, lieutenant in Africa, (who at
that time was Hassan the son of An Nooman), instructions to possess him-
self of the arsenal in Tunis, to build vessels, and to collect all kinds of
maritime stores, so as to enable the Arabs to continue by sea their conquests
and incursions. It was with these vessels that Sicily was conquered." — Don
Pascuai de Gayangos,
Here Ockley's history terminates. It was his wish to complete the
dynasty of the Ommiades, but this he was prevented from accomplishing,
first, by "inexorable necessity," as he himself tells us in his preface
(page xxvi.), and subsequently by his death, which took place soon after
the publication of the second volume of his work.
It is the intention of the publisher to give, in a future volume, not only
a history of the remaining caliphs of the house of Ommiyah, in completion
of the design of Ockley, but also a history of the long dynasty of the
Abassides, do\vn to the barbarous murder of Al Mostaseiii, the last caliph
of that family, when Bagdad, the metropolis of Islamism, fell into the
hands of Houlagou Khan, emperor of the Moguls and Tartars, and
Saracenic history becomes merged in that of their conquerors.
This period will comprise 538 years; and though the history of the
Saracens becomes less stiiTmg and romantic the farther it is removed from
the time of Mohammed and his immediate successors, i\\o first four caliphs,
Jdlled " companions of the prophet," yet it records many memorable events,
md some even of as great celebrity as any that have preceded; such as the
conquest of Spain and the Criusades.
Some indication of what is to follow is given in the accompanying
Chronological Tables of the Caliphate, commencing with that of Walid I.,
the son and successor of Abdalmelik the last caliph recorded by Ockley.
TABULAR VIEW
OF
THE HISTORY OF THE SARACENS,
In continuation of Ockley.
DYNASTY OF THE OMMIADES.
(For Table of the previous Caliphs, see commencement of volume.)
6. Walid I. An. Hej. 86—96. a.m. 705—715.
Musa reduces the Berbes in Africa, and subdues Mauritania and the
whole northern coast. Victory of Catibah over the Turks. Conquest of
Bokhara and Samarcand. Expedition into India. Conquest of Spain.
7. SoLiMAN. An. Hej. 96—99. a.d. 715—717.
Defeated before Constantinople, and died of grief.
8. Omar H. An. Hej. 99—101. a.d. 717—720.
Endeavoured to reconcile the sects of Omar and Ali, and died of
poison,
9. Yezid n. An. Hej. 101—105. a.d. 720—724.
His generals successful, but he gives up his life to pleasiu-e.
10. Hashem. An. Hej. 105—125. a.d. 724—743.
Armenia, and the Khozens of the Caucasus, subdued. Charles Martel
checks the conquests of the Arabs in the west. Rise of the Abassides.
11. Walid n. An. Hej. 125, 126. a.d. 743, 744.
Of a voluptuous disposition, and slain in his palace by conspirators.
12. Yezid HI. An. Hej. 126. a.d. 744.
Reigned five months, and died of the plague.
13. Ibrahim. An. Hej. 126. a.d. 744.
Deposed by Merwan after a reign of three months.
14. Merwan H. An. Hej. 127—132. a.d. 744—750.
The Abassides make head in Khorassan, under the brothers Ibrahim
and Abul- Abbas; and refuse to acknowledge Merwan. The latter, after
being defeated on the banks of the Zab, flees into Eg}'pt, whither he ia
followett by Abdallah, and, in another battle on the banks of the Nile,
ia defeated and slain.
502 HISTORY OP THE SAUACENS.
DYNASTY OF THE ABASSIDES.
An. Hej. 132—656. a.d. 750— 1258. Thirty-seven CALii-ss.
♦■ Abtjl-Abbas. An. Hej. 132 — 136. a.d. 750—754.
The fourth in descent from Abbas, the uncle of Mohammed.
2. At: Mansuk. An. Hej. 136 — 158. a.d. 754 — 775.
Destroys the cities of Ctesiphon and Seleucis, and founds Bagdad,
which becomes the seat of the caliphs and the centre of commerce. In
these two reigns all the Ommiades are put to death except Abdarrhaman,
who escapes, and founds the d}'nasty of the Ommiades in Spain, which
IS lost to the caliphate, a.d. 755.
3. Al Mahdi. An. Hej. 158—169. a.d. 775—785.
Expends 666,000 gold cro^vns in a pilgrimage to Mecca. Haroun AI
Rashid pushes as f;u: as Nicomedia, on the sea of Marmora, and compels
the Empress Irene to pay a yearly tribute of 70,000 dinars in gold.
4. Al Hadi. An. Hej. 169, 170. a.d. 785, 786.
C-. Hakoun Ae Rashid (" Aaron the Sage,'' — the celebrated
hero of the Arabian Nights). An. Hej. 170 — 193.
A.D. 786—809.
He was the friend and patron of learning — was always surrounded by
learned men, and never built a mosque without attaching a school to it.
Haroun sends an embassy to Charlemagne : among the presents is an
hydraulic clock. Defeats the Greeks, ravages Asia Minor, captures
Cyprus, and compels Nicephorus to pay tribute.
A FLOURISHING PERIOD OF ARABIAN ASTRONOMY, POETRY, PHILOSOPHY,
ARCHITECTURE, AND GENERAL LITERATUBB.
Dynasty of the Aglabites founded at Kairwan and Tunis, a.d. 800 —
941. Edrisites at Fez, a.d. 808—908.
6. Al Amin. An. Hej. 193—198. a.d. 809—813.
7. Al Mamtjn. An. Hej. 198—218. a.d. 813—833.
Augustan period of Arabian literature. First dismemberment of the
Arabian monarchy in the east. A ])and of Spanish Arabs take Crete.
Euphemius invites the Saracens of Africa into Sicily — they take
Palermo.
D)'nasty of the Taherites founded at Khorassan, a.d. 820 — 872.
8. Al Motassem. An. Hej. 218—227. a.d. 833—841.
Builds Saumara, which he makes the seat of government Wars
with TheophDus— their savage character. Turkish captives formed into
*he body guards of the caliphs. Gradual decline of the caliphate.
dynasty of the abassides. 503
9. Al Wathek. An. Hej. 227—232. a.d. 841—847.
10. Ax MoTAWAKKEL. An. Hej. 232—247. A.D. 847—861.
A |iersecutor of the Jews and Christians, whom he compels to wear
broaa belts of leather to distinguish them from Mussulmans.
Motawakkel was a tyrant, and trusted to his Turkish guar*', whfl.
subsequently murdered him, and placed his son on the throne, AfU;.
this act of treason they disposed of the throne at their pleasure.
11. Al Mostansek. Ax. Hej. 247, 248. a.d. 861, 862.
12. Al Mostain. An. Hej. 248—252. a.d. 862—866.
13. Al Motaz. An. Hej. 252—255. a.d. 866—869.
14. Al Mohtadi. An. Hej. 255—256. a.d. 869—870.
15. Al Motamed. An. Hej. 256—279. a.d. 870—892.
Re-establishes the capital at Bagdad, and reduces the strength and
power of the Turkish guards.
Taherites ove^th^o^vn, and SafFarian dynasty founded, by Yakub Ebn
Seis, in Persia, a.d. 87'2.
Carmathians, or Karamites, in Eastern Arabia, a.d. 890—951. A
set of fanatics who declare eternal war against the pomp of the couit ol
Bagdad.
16. Al Motadhed. An. Hej. 279—289. a.d. 892—902.
Turkistan independent under Ismail Samani, a.d. 892. He conquers
Persia.
17. Al Moktafi. An. Hej. 289—295. a.d 902—908.
The caravan to Mecca plundered by the Karamites, and 20,000
pilgrims slain.
Ismael Samani conquers Persia.
18. Al Moktader. As. Hej. 295—320. a.d. 908—932.
A dissolute prirce, who leaves the government to his ministers. The
Karamites, under Taher, storm and plunder ]SIecca.
Fatimites in Egj'pt, a.d. 908. Mohammed Al Mahdi, descended
from Hosein, the son of Ali and Fatima, whence the race is called
Fatimite, claims the caliphate in Western Africa, and subverts the
Aglabite and Edrisite dynasties.
19. Al Kaher. An. Hej. 320—322. a.d. 932—934.
Blinded and deposed.
Insurrections in Persia end in the elevation of Imad Al Daulah, who
founds the Buyide, or Deylimite Dynasty, a d. 983—1056. Under
their sway the language and genius of Persia revive.
504 histoey op the saracens.
20. Al Radhi. An. Hej. 322—329. a.t), 934—940.
An annual tribute of 50,000 dinars paid to the Karamites. Radhi
was the last caliph who was invested with any considerable spiritxial or
temporal power; "the last," says Abulfeda, "who harangued the people
from the pulpit, who passed the cheerful hours of leisure with men of
learning and taste; whose expenses, resources, and treasures, whoso
tablo oT magniKcence, had any resemblance to those of the ancient
caliphs."
21. Al Motaki. An. Hej. 329—333. a.d. 940—944.
22. Ax MosTAKFi. An. Hej. 333, 334. a.d. 944, 945.
Ahmed, the Buyide, establishes himself vizier of the caliph at Bagdad,
and he and his descendants, under the title of Emir Al Omra, engross
all political power.
23. Al Moii. An. Hej. 334—363. a.d. 945—974.
Maiz Ad Din, fourth Fatimite caliph, subdues all Africa and Egypt,
and builds Cairo, a.d. 958 — 972.
Principality of Ghizni established, a.d. 961.
24. Al Tai. An. Hej. 363—381. a.d. 974—991. Deposed.
25. Al Kadeb. An. Het. 381—422. a.d. 991—1031.
A just and pious prince. Mahmdd, sultan of Ghizni, a.d. 997 — 1028,
makes twelve expeditions into Hindustan, and enriches Ghizni with the
spoil. Patronizes literature. Ferdusi, the Persian Homer, about a.d.
1020— Shahnameh of 60,000 distiches. Ghizni declines after a.d. 1032,
and is confined to India ; falls, 1183.
Rise of the Seljukian Turks.
26. Al Kaim. An. Hej. 422—467. a.d. 1031—1075.
Toghrel Beg, grandson of Seljuk, subdues and conquers Persia; takes
Bagdad, marries the daughter of Al Kaim, and becomes Emir Al
Omrah.
27. Al Moktadi. An. Hej. 467 — 487. a.d. 1075—1094.
Rise of Hassan Jubah, of Nishapur (old man of the mountain) : hi*
followers, called Assassins, numerous in Persia and Syria.
Seljuks in Syria, under Shah, capture Jerusalem; insult, rob, and
oppress the Christian pilgrims — a cause of the Crusades. Melek dies,
a.d. 1092; his kingdom is divided, and the Seljukian power declines.
28. Al Moetader. An. Hej. 487—512. a.d. 1094 — 1118.
Egypt. Mustali, the eighth Fatimite caliph, takes Jerusalem, a.d,
1096. Loses it to the Crusaders, a.d. 1099. Godfrey of Bouillon
elected king of Jerusalem, Bohemond, prince of Antioch, Joecelyn^
prince of Edessa. Acre taken, a.d. 1104. Tripolis taken, a.d. 1109
Berytus and Sidon, a.d. 1111.
29. Al Mostabshed. An.Hej.512 — 529. .\.d. 1118 — 1135.
Murdered by the Assassins.
BTNASTT OF THE ABASSIDES. .505
30. ^ii. Rashid. An. Hej. 529- -530. a.d. 1135 -1136.
Defends Bagdad against the Turks, but is murdered hv the Assaa-
sins.
31. Ar MoKTAFi. An. Hej. 530—555. a.d. 1136—1160.
Defeated and taken by the Ghuz, a rebellious tribe of Turks in
Balkh. He is carried about in an iron cage. Escapes and dies at
Mene, a.d. 1157.
The Second Crusade, a.d. 1146.
32. Al MosTANJED. An. Hej. 555- 566. a.d. 1160 — 1170.
Great disorders in Persia; the governors of provinces assume inde-
pendence, and contend with each other for supremacy.
33. Al Mostadhi. An. Hej. 566—575. a.d. 1170—1180.
Proclaimed caliph in Egj'pt by Saladin.
Saladin, sultan of Egypt, conquers Syria, Assyria, Mesopotamia, and
Arabia.
34. Al Naser. An. Hej. 575—622. a.d. 1180—1225.
The Assassins murder many eminent men, both Mohammedans and
Christians.
Saladin directs his attention against the Crusaders. Gains the
victory of Tiberias, a.d. 1 1 87. Captures Jerusalem, which leads to the
THIRD Crusade, in which Richard Cceur de Lion, Philip Augustus, and
Frederic Barbarossa engage. Richard defeats Saladin at Azotus, storms
Jaffa, and concludes an honourable peace. Saladin dies, a.d. 1193; his
dominions dinded.
Conquests of Jengiz Khan, a.d. 1206 — 1227, Khan of the Mongols.
35. Al Zaheb. An. Hej. 622, 623. a.d. 1225, 1226.
Reigns a few months.
36. Al Mostanser. An. Hej. 623—640. a.d. 1226—1240.
Persia subject to the Mongols, but the native princes suffered to rule
as feudatories.
37. Al Mostasem. An. Hej. 640—656. a.d. 1240—1258.
Houlakou, grandson of Jengiz Khan, enters Persia, and becomes
sultan, A.D. 1256 — 1265. Destroys the last of the Assassins. Takes
Bagdad (1,600,000 killed at its capture), and puts the caliph, Mostasem,
to death, a.d. 1258. End of the Caliphate of Bagdad.
The uncle of the last caliph went to Egypt, a.d. .261, where the
caliphate continued as a spiritual oower till a.d. 1577.
INDEX.
Aazaz, stratagem employed against it, 227.
Aban Ebn Said killed with a poisoned ar-
row, 131 ; courage ot his wife, ib.
Abbas, the son of Sahel, circumvents Ser-
jabil, 455.
Abdallah Ebn Hodafa taken prisoner, 242 ;
released, 243.
Abdallah Ebn Jaafar attacks Dair Abi'l
Kodaa with five hundred men, 164 ; re-
lieved by Kaled, 167 ; his progress in Af-
rica, 273, note.
Abdallah, the son of Abbas, 291 ; made go-
vernor of Arabia Felix, 293 ; dissuadeth
Hosein in vain from complying with the
invitation of the Irakians, 396.
Abdallah, the son of Hazim, makes the
messenger that brought a letter to bribe
him, eat it, 475 ; story of his death, 476,
note.
Abdallah, the son of Zobeir, refuseth to ac-
knowledge Yezid's title, 375 ; he decla-
reth publicly against him at Medina, upon
Hosein 's death, 421 ; is besieged in Mecca,
427 ; repents that he did not upon Ye-
zid's death go into Syria, 428 ; acknow-
ledged caliph, 434 ; imiirisons Moham-
med Ben Haniflyah in the Zemzem, 4.')fi ;
terrified by the Hoseinians at Mecca, 458 ;
his grave speech to the people upon the
occasion of his brother Musab's death,
278 ; is besieged in Mecca by Hejaj, 476 ;
courageous behaviour of his mother, 477 ;
and himself, 478 ; his character, 479.
Abdalmelik proclaimed caliph, 453 ; kills
Amrou, the son of Said, 465 ; uses his
utmost application to gain the eastern
part of the empire, 466 ; takes possession
of Cufah, 470 ; his reflection upon the
vicissitude of human affairs, 471 ; sends
Hejaj against Abdallah, the son of Zobeir,
474 ; upon the death of Abdallah, the son
of Zobeir, he becomes entire master of the
whole Saracenic empire, 479 , causes the
firstArabic money to be stamp-d, 487; dies,
497; his nick-names, 498 ; his partiality
for poets, 498, note ,■ rewards a grammar-
ian, 499, note.
Abdarrhaman, Abubeker's son, takes Bostra,
101 ; kills the governor, 102.
Abdarrhaman, the son of Melgem, conspires
against Ali, 326 ; his death, 329.
AbdaiThaman, the son of Kaled the Great,
poisoned by Moawiyah'« order, 362.
Abdarrhaman raises a fonnidable power
against Hejaj, 490 ; rather than fall into
his hands, be kills himself by a fall from
a house, 491.
Abubeker gives his daughter to Mohammed,
19 ; chosen caliph, or immediate successor
of Mohammed, 82 ; Mohammed's father-
in-law, 83 ; why called Assidik, ib. ,• pro-
jects the conquest of Syria, 92 ; his direc-
tions to his generals, 94 ; dies, 138 ; his
will, ib. ; the first that collects the Ko-
ran into one volume, 139 ; his age and
character, 140.
Abu Jyub is killed before Constantinople,
366 ; his tomb in great veneration, ib.
Abu Mogeirah, put to death by Ziyad, 371.
Abu Midjan, his fondness for wine and
drinking songs, 148, >wte.
Abu Musa Alashtari, made one of the arbi-
trators between All and Moawij-ah, 318 ;
u outwitted by Amrou, 319.
Abu Obeidah Ebn Masud sent into Irakia,
142 ; his death, 143, and 7iote.
Abu Obeidah Ebn Jerahh pulls the arrow
heads from the mouth of Mohammed at
the battle of Ohud, 37; made general of
the Saracen army in Syria, 97 ; removed
from that post, ib.; his gentle disposition,
134; his contest with Kaled about th«
surrender of Damascus, 136 ; made gene-
ral of the forces in Syria, 163 ; besieges
Hems, 172; takes Kinnisrin, 179; be-
sieges Baalbec, 179 ; takes the city, 195 ;
appoints Rati governor, 187; takes Ar-
restan and Shaizar, 191 ; besieges Hems
a second time, 189 ; its surrender, 194 ,
sends a summons to Jerusalem, 204 ; takea
Aleppo, 227 ; attempts Aazaz, ib. ; takea
Antioch, 239 ; his death, 257.
Abu Sofian, mortal enemy to Mohammed,
17 ; loses the battle of Beder, 33 ; collects
an army of three thousand men, 36 ; gains
the battle of Ohud, 37; Amrou sent to
assassinate him, 40 ; embraces Islamism,
53 ; his son Yezid appointed general of
Abubeker's force- , 94 ; proved to be the
father of Ziyad, 359.
Ajnadin, battle of, 118.
Al Ahnaf, his answer to Moawiyah, Zll ;
anecdotes of, ib., note.
Alchemy studied by Kaled, the son of Yezid,
428.
Alcoran, see Koran.
Aleppians make articles for themselves with
Abu Obeidah, 219.
Aleppo, the castle of besieged, 218 ; taken
by a stratagem of Dames, 225.
INDKX.
507
Alexandria besieged by the Saracens, 259 ;
taken, 261 ; library of, 263 ; burned by
order of Omar, 264 ; various opinions
upon, ib. ; retaken by the Greeks, 274 ;
taken again by the Saracens, 27-
Algazali, his interpretation of the Moham-
medan faith, 72,
Albadir, its surrender, 218.
Ali Akbar, Hosein's eldest son, defends his
father, 404 ; lays down his life for him,
4 7, note.
Ali, Hosein's youngest son, answers Yezid
from the Koran, 413.
Ali, son of Abu Taleb, becomes vizier to
Mohammed, 15 ; marries Fatima, 19 ;
overcomes Amrou, the son of Abdud, 41 ;
candidate for caliphate, 82 ; is displeased
at his disappointment, 83; prays at Mo-
hammed's tomb for Abdallah's good jour-
ney, 197 ; persuades Omar to go to the
siege of Jerusalem, 207 ; assists Othman
in his troubles, 285; proclaimed caliph,
289 ; removes the governors, and lieuten-
ants appointed by Othman, 291 ; pursues
Ayesha, Telha, and Zobeir, 306 ; routs
tliem, 309 ; discovers a wellbythe spirit of
prophecy, 311 ; engages Moawiyah's forces
at Seffein, 312 ; challenges Moawiyah
to single combat, 313, and note ; he
leaves his cause to arbitration, 319 ; de-
feats the Karegites, 322 ; deserted by his
brother Okail, 326 ; killed by an asfassin,
329 ; his family, 330 ; anecdotes of, .331 ;
anecdotes from " Oriental Table-talk,"
336, note ; sentences of, 337-
Al Mogeirah, the son of Said, 291 ; brings
Ziyad into Moawiyah's interest, 359 ; his
death, 366.
Al Mohalleb, Musab's lieutenant over Per-
sia, 461 ; bantered by the Separatists,
473 ; his death and character, 486.
Al Moktar makes his appearance at Cufah,
pretending to revenge the death of Ho-
sein, 446 ; imprisoned by ObeidoUah,
443 ; is saluted caliph by a party, 454 ;
destroys Hosein's enemies, particularly
Shamer, Amer, Caulah (or Haulah), and
Adi, ib. ; endeavours to circumvent Ab-
dallah, the son of Zobeir, 455 ; causes a
throne to be carried into the battle, 459,
460, and note ; defeated and killed by Mu-
sab, 462, and note.
Al Mothanna joined with Abu Obeidah
£bn Masud, and sent to Irak, 142, and
note.
Amer, Ebn Refaa, turns Christian, 235.
Amer, the son of Said, marches against
Hosein, 400 ; engages him, 406 ; tramples
him into the ground, 410 ; killed by Al
Moktar, 454.
Ammar Ebn Yafer, 280 ; one of the mur-
derers of Othman, 285.
Ammar Ben Jasar, his death, 314, and
iiaCe.
Amrou Ebn Al Aa«, Rent to assassinate Aba
Sofian, 40 ; sent into Palestine, 86 ; story
of, 207, note; sent to Egypt, 217; his
conference with Constantine, 246 ; takes
Ceesarea, 253 ; invades Egypt, 255 ; takei
Misrah (Cairo), 259 ; taken prisoner with
his slave Werdan, 259 ; escapes, 260 ;
Alexandria taken, 261 ; story of, ib. ; his
letter to the caliph, 262, note ; Alexan-
drian Library, 263 ; takes Tripolis in Bar-
bary, 265 ; is deprived of his commission
by Othman, 273 ; restored to it, 274 ; re-
takes Alexandria, 275 ; assists Moawiyah,
311 ; his humorous dialogue with Moa-
wiyah, 315, note; is made one of the ar-
bitrators between Ali and Moawiyah,
318 ; conspiracy against, 327 ; cajoles Abu
Muisa, 319 ; insulted by Arwah, the daugh-
ter of Hareth, 363 ; his death and cha-
racter, 356, 357, and note.
Amrou, the son of Beker, undertakes to as-
sassinate Amrou Ebn Al Aas, 326 ; kills
Karijah instead, 327.
Amrou Ben Jamiuz, provoked by Ali, killi
himself in a pas.sion, 309.
Amrou, the son of Said, rebels against Ab-
dalmelik, 463 ; killed, 465 ; his wife's an-
swer to Abdalmelik, 406.
Antioch, the seat of the Grecian emperor,
104 ; taken, 239.
Arabians, ancient, their religion, 3.
Arrestan taken, 191.
Arzemidocht, queen of the Persians, 144 ;
deposed by her subjects, 145.
Ayesha marries Mohammed, 19 ; accusedo!
adultery, 44 and note ; her enmity to
Othman, 282 ; goes in person against Ali,
296 ; defeated, 308 ; escorted by a retinue
of women, 310, vote; reproves Moa-
wiyah for putting Hejer to death, 365 ;
her death, 376 ; murdered by Moawiyah.
ib. note ; called prophetess and mother of
the faithful, ib.
Azarakites, see Separatists.
Baalbec, formerly Heliopolis, is summoned
to surrender by the Saracens, 179; ca-
pitulates, 185.
Bahira, a monk of Bostra, foretells Moham-
med's greatness, 9.
Barak, the son of Abdallah, conspires against
Moawiyah, 326 ; stabs him, 327.
Basil, his account of Mohammed, 251 ; he
betrays Tyre, 252.
Beder, battle of, 33 ; miracles there, 34 ;
elegy on, 35.
Ben Arthah, one of Afoawiyah's generals,
325 ; his barbarous cruelty, and the
vengeance that followed it, 3l'6.
Bostra, a city of Syria Damascena, attacked
by Serjabil, 97 ; betrayed to the Saracen%
102.
Cadesia, battle of, 147, note,
Cairo taken, 2«0.
508
INDEX.
Caliph, its signification, 78, note, 141.
Calous, one of Heraclius'a generalaj 104 ;
ij3 taken prisoner by Kaled, 107 ; killed,
108.
Casarea, surrendered to the Saracens, 253.
Caulah, Derar's sister, taken prisoner by
Peter, 114; her extraordinary courage,
115.
Constantine, the Emperor Heraclius's son,
196 ; his conference with Ararou, 246
Constantinople, besieged by Yezid, the son
of Moawiyah, 365.
Copts, Egyptian Christians, 257- become
tributaries, 259.
Cosroes, king of the Persians, ,'.0.
Cufah, a famous city of Irak, 277, note ; re-
volt at, 281, note.
Culians, they assist All, 306; they invite
Hosein to come and take the govern-
ment upon him, 390.
Cyprus Invaded by the Saracens, 275.
Dair Abi'l Kodas, fair at, 164 ; attacked by
Abdallah Ebn Jaafar, 165 ; plundered by
the Saracens, 168.
Damascus besieged by the Saracens, 103
inhabitants of Damascus sally out upon
the Saracens, 113 ; inclining to surrender
are hindered by Thomas, 129 ; surrender
to Abu Obeidah, 135 ; leave Damascus,
150 ; are overtaken by the Saracens and
murdered, 160.
Dames takes the castle of Aleppo by a
stratagem, 225 ; is taken prisoner, 237 ;
his strange escape, 238.
Derar Ebn Al Azwar beheads Malec Ebn
Noweirah, 86 ; taken prisoner, 111 ; res-
cued, 112 ; recovers his sister Caulah
from Peter, 117 ; destroys Werdan's
ambuscade, 123 ; kills the prefect of
Tripolis, 167 ; is put into a chest at Ar-
restan, 191; taken prisoner, 197; his
contest with Serjabil, 202 ; is taken pri-
soner by Haim, 232; narrowly escapes
death, 234.
Fatima, daughter of Mohammed, marries
Ali, 19.
Fatimite caliphs in Egypt, 415.
Fii'uz assassinate Omar, 266.
Gfcbriel conducts Mohammed in his night-
jonmey to heaven, 20.
Greeks make an incursion into Syria, 365.
Hafsa, one of Mohammed's wives, Omar's
daughter, 195 ; entrusted with the au-
thentic copy of the Koran, 102.
Hakem obeys the text of the Koran in
opposition to Ziyad's command, 361 ; his
remarkable death, ib.
lUmia, Mohammed's uncle, killed at the
battle of Ohud, 37.
H»ni, a favourer of Hosein, 392 ; beheaded,
396.
Harmozan, story of, 215, note.
Haroot and Maroot, fable of, 50.
Harro meets with Hosein and intercept!
him, 398; he repents, and joins him,
405.
Hasan, eldest son of Ali, taxeth his father's
conduct, 390 ; succeeds his fathei, 346 ;
resigns to Moawiyah, 348 ; his character,
349, &c.; death, 350 and note t anecdotes
of, 352, &c.
Haula carries Hosein's head to ObeidoUah,
410 ; is killed by Al MokUr, 454.
Hejaj, the son of Joseph, an eloquent and
warlike captain, sent against Abdallah
the son of Zobeir, 474 ; besieges him in
Mecca, 476, 477 ; pulls down the temple
of Mecca and rebuilds it, 480 ; his cruelty,
481 ; he builds Wasset, 492 ; anecdotes of
his character, &c., 492 ; his death, 497.
Hejer, his character and behaviour, 362;
offends Hejej, 363; his death, 365.
Hems makes a truce with the Saracens, 173 ;
besieged, 189 ; surrendered, 194 ; sends
5000 men to defend Damascus, 104.
Henda, her barbarity to the body of Hamza
after the battle of Ohud, 38.
Heraclius, Emperor, 79 ; sends an army to
check the Saracens, 95 ; sends 5000 men
under Calous to relieve Damascus, 104 ;
sends Werdan with 100,000 men, 109;
sends another large army under Mahan,
194; his wardrobe at Damaseus, 150; re-
ported by the Saracens to have died a
Mohammedan, 239.
Herbis, a Christian officer at Damascus,
137; leaves Damascus, 150 ; killed, 159.
Herbis, governor of Baalbec, rejects Abu
Obeidah's summons with scorn, 180 ; be-
haves himself bravely, 181 ; is besieged
in a monastery, 184 ; makes articles for
Baalbec, and is dismissed 186 ; killed by
his own men, 188.
Hirah, a city of Irak, taken by Kaled, 97.
Hosein, All's second son, 330 ; refuseth to.
acknowledge Yezid's title, 387 ; invited
by the Cufians, 390 ; and complies, 396 ;
intercepted by Harro, 398 : engaged by
Shamer and Amer, 402 ; his death, 408,
409, and jwte; trampled into the ground,
410 ; a light streams up over his head all
the night, and white birds hover over it,
ib. I his head set up in Cufah, 412 ; tradi-
tions concerning it, 415, and note; his
tombj ib. ! worketh a miracle, 416 ; his
titles, ih. ; devotions and pilgrimages, ib. ;
his answer to his father Ali concerning
the divine love, 417; superstitious ob-
servation of the day of his death, ib. and
note ; fables concerning him, 418 ; lamen-
tation of the penitents at his tomb, 450.
Hosein besieges Mecca, 427.
H oseinians, (that is the partisans of Hoaein)
go to Mecca and terrify Abdallah tho MB
of Zobeir, 15£.
INDEX.
£09
Ibrahim, the son of AUehtar, his fidelity to
Musab, 467.
Irak, called Babylonia by Ptolemy, is first
invaded by Kaled, 9/'.
Irakians, influenced by Abdalmelik, betray
Musab the son of Zobeir, 468 ; they rebel
against Hejaj, and are beaten, 481.
Izrail, governor of Damascus, 107 ; is taken
prisoner by Kaled, and killed, 108.
Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham offends Omar, 171 ;
sent to assist the governor of Kinnisrin,
178 ; joins Mahan, the emperor's general,
195; is beaten by Kaled, 197; suggests
the assassination of Omar, 237 ; last king
of the Christian Arabs, dies, 372.
Jaloulah, battle of 215, and note.
Jerusalem besieged by the Saracens, 207 ;
surrendered to Omar, 211.
Jews, their treaty with Mohammed, 35;
bewitched Mohammed, 49.
John, Youkinna's brother, 213 ; killed by
Youkinna, 221.
John the grammarian, 263 ; is excommuni-
cated, ib.
John, the son of Said, attempts to rescue
his brother Amrou, 465 ; his bold answer
to Abdalmelik, 470.
Jonas, a Christian nobleman of Damascus,
152 ; is taken prisoner by the Saracens,
and turns Mohammedan, 153 ; instigates
Kaled to pursue the Damascenes, 154 ;
loses his wife, 157 ; is shot at Yermcuk,
160 ; seen in a vision by Eafi Ebn Omei-
rah,i6.
Jowab, Ayesha is frightened at the barking
of the dogs there, 296.
Kaab, son of Zohair, becomes a Mohamme-
dan, 57.
Kaab, a Jew, assassinated by Mohammed,
.36 ; a Jew of the same name converted by
Omar, 216.
Kaaba, temple of, 3.
Kadija, wife of Mohammed, 8 ; death of,
17, 82 ; tomb of, 17, note-
Kais Ebn Amer examined by the emperor
concerning the Mohammedan religion,234.
Kairwan built, 366.
Kaisians, why so called, 435 ; they are
beaten. 436.
Kinnisrin taken by the Saracens, 179,
Kaled Ebn .41 Walid leads the right wing
of the idolaters in the battle of Ohud, 37 ;
slaughter of the Meccans, 53 ; his cruelty,
55 ; subdues the rebellious Arabs, 85 ;
marries the wife of Malec, 80, note ; sur-
named "The Sword of God," 87; routs
Moseilama the false prophet, 88 ; invades
Irak, 92 ; recalled, and made general of
the forces in Syria, 97 ; takes Bostra, 102 ;
beheads Caious and Israil, 108 ; beats the
Christians at Ajnadm, 118 ; conference
with Werdan, 122 ; retunis to Damascus,
128 i contends with Abu Obeidab, 13C ;
pursues the Damascenes, 154 ; overtakea
and destroys them, 157 ; deposed by Omar,
163; relieves Abdallah at DairAbilKodas,
167; intercepts the governor of Kinnisrin,
178 ; beats Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, 197 ;
his conference with Mahan, 200 ; com-
mands the Saracen army at the battle of
Yermouk, 201 ; relieves the Aleppians,
222 ; subdnes the country as far as Eu-
plrrates, 241 ; his death, 255 ; story of
public ingratitude towards him, 255, note.
Kaled, the son of Asid, a manager for Ab-
dalmelik in Bassorah, 466.
Kaled, the son of Yezid, skilled in alchemy,
428 ; he abuseth Merwan the son of
Hakem, 452.
Koran, account of, 64 ; first collected into
one volume, 139.
Koreish, or Koreishites, a noble tribe
aui-ng the Arabs, persecute the followers
of Niohammed, 16 ; determine to assas-
sinate the prophet, 30.
Lebid, story of, 11, note.
Leon, Theodorus, his son, releases You-
kinna, 230.
Luke, governor of Al Hadir and Kinnisrin,
174.
Luke, Theodorus's son, murders his father,
230.
Madayen, a city of Persia, plundered by the
Saracens, 215.
Magic, believed by the Mussulmans, 49. nofe.
Mahan, general of the emperor's forces in
Syria, 194 ; his conference with Kaled,
199 ; defeated at the battle of Yermouk.
201; his injustice, 203; he is killed at
Damascus, 204.
Mahran, general of the Persians, 144 ;
killed, 145.
Malec Alashtar, 228 ; rebels against Oth-
man, 281, and note; cuts off the lege of Aye-
sha's camels, 309, note; obtains water for
the troops at Seffein, 312, note ; poisoned,
323.
Malec Ebn Noweirah, refusing to pay tha
Zacat, is killed by Kaled's order, 86, and
nott; his beautiful wife, ii.
Manuel, re-takes Alexandria, 254 ; being
beaten, he flees to Constantinople, 275.
Mary, the Coptic girl, beloved by Moham-
med, 51.
Mecca, the birth-place of Mohammed, 5, 30,
80 ; slaughter there by Kaled, 53.
Mecca besieged by Hosein, 427; the siege
raised upon the news of the death of
Yezid, *., and note , the temple battered
by the Sj-rians, 476.
Medina taken by Mesiem, 420.
Medina, the place of Mohanimed's burial, I
30, 80 ; besieged by the Meccans.
Meisarah Ebn MesrouK, invades the moau'
tainous part of SjTia, 241.
MoiDun, the Bedooian wiie of Moawiysb,
510
INDEX.
428 ; translation from her poetry, ib.
7u)te.
THerwan Ebn Al Hakem, Othman'a secre-
tary, 282, and note ; kills Telha, 308 ; is
made governor of Medi na, 372 ; proclaimed
caliph at Damascus, 435 ; married Yezid's
widow, 436 ; she stifles him, 452 ; called
Ebn Tarid, and why, ib.
Mesiem sent by Yezid to besiege Medina,
425 ; enters the city, 426 ; his death, 427.
Miracles of Mohammed, 66, note,
Misrah, formerly Memphis, now Cairo,
256 ; taken by the Saracens, 259.
Moawiyah invades Cyprus, 275 ; Othman's
lieutenant in Syria, 289 ; his opposition
and messages to Ali, 294, 295, and 'oote ;
encounters Ali at Seifein, 314 ; challenged
by Ali to sirgle combat. 315 ; his humour-
ous dialogue with Amrou, ib. note ; leaves
liis cause to arbitration, 319, poisons Malec
Alashtar, 323; wounded by an assassin,
327 ; obligeth Hasan to abdicate, 348 ;
proclaimed caliph, 354 ; owns Ziyad to be
his brother, 359 ; puts Hejer to death,
365 ; sent his son Yezid to besiege Con-
stantinople, ib. ; designs to remove Mo-
hammed's pulpit from Medina, 367; his
perfidious dealing between Said the
governor of Medina, and Merwan the
son of Hakem, 372 ; makes the cali^ihate
hereditary, 374; establishes his son Yezid
in the succession, ib. murders Ayesha, 375
note ; his last speech, 378 ; and charac-
ter, 379 ; objections made against him
by Hasan the Bassorian, 380 ; anecdotes of,
381, (Sic. his patronage of letters ib. note ,-
the first caliph who formed a navy, 383,
note; Paradise of Sheddad the son of
Ad. 384.
Moawiyah II., proclaimed caliph, 430 ; re-
signs the government, 431 ; dies, ib.
Mohammedan faith, 67; practice, 70 ; illus-
tration of their creed, 71.
Mohammed, birth of, 5; traditions of his
childhood, 7 ; marries Kadija, 8 ; writes
the Koran, 10 ; his poetry, 11 ; commence-
ment of his mission, ib. ; his first prose-
lytes, 13 ; persecuted 16 ; his affection for
Kadijah, 17; chief points of his religion,
18 ; marries Ayesha, 19 ; Hafsa, and
Sawda, 19; story of his ascent to heaven,
20; traditions connected with it, 26; flight
to Medina, 31 ; commences preaching war-
fare, 32 ; changes the Kebla and appoints
the fast Ramadan, 32 ; gains a victory
at Beder, 33 ; defeated at Ohud, 37 ; re-
peats prayers over the slain, 38 ; sends
Amrou to assassinate Abu Soiian, 40 ; pro-
hibits wine and games at chance, 40, and
note; falls in love with Zainab and mar-
ries her, 43 ; his wife Ayesha accused of
adultery, 44 ; his pilgrimage to the Kaaba,
at Mecca, 45, 53 ; nearly poisoned at
Khaibar, id ; bewitched by the Jews, ih. ;
debauches his slave Mary, 51 ; eeoii
Kaled to destroy idols, 55 ; his respect to
his nurse, 56 ; besieges Talf, 56 ; marches
to Syria, 57 ; his farewell pilgrimage with
100,000 people to Mecca, 58 ; his death,
61 ; his character and personal appear-
ance, 62; anecdotes of his wives, 63, «ote;
his miracles, G6, ■note, 233 ; his tomb re-
verenced by the Mohammedans, 198, 208 ;
invoked by his followers, 219 ; what ac-
count he gave of his inspiration, 232 ;
his prophecy concerning the duration
of the caliphate, 352 ; his fondness for
Hasan and Hosein, 357 ; his character
of Amrou Ebn Al Aas, 356 ; his deci-
sion in the case of fornication, 359;
his indulgence to the army that should
take Constantinople, 365 ; his walking-
stick and pulpit, 367; his sentence upon
him that should injure Medina, 429.
Mohammed, son of Abubeker, r.iade lieute-
nant of Egypt, 323 ; bis death, ib.
Mohammed, the son of Hanafiyah, chief of
All's family, 440 ; his piety, 456 ; he and
his friends are seized by Abdallah the
son of Zobeir, and imprisoned in th^
Zemzem, 456 ; dies, 490.
Mokaukas, lieutenant of Misrah, 256 ; his
perfidy, 257.
Money, when first coined amongst the
Arabians, 487
Motazeli, a sect amongst the Arabians ;
whence denominated, 292.
Moseilama the prophet, opposed to Moham-
med, 88 ; his connection with Sejaj, 89,
note ; his death, ib. Mothanna, sent into
Irak, 142, and nott ; kills the Persian
general, 145.
Musab, brother to Abdallah, the son fA
Zobeir, is routed, 436 ; made governor of
Bassorah, 4H0 ; marches against Al Mok-
tar, 461 -, he irritates the Bassorians, 467 ;
killed, 468 ; his head taken to Abdalmelik,
471.
Muslim, Hosein's cousin, goes to Irak, to
make interest for him, 390 ; conspires
to assasinate ObeidoUah, 393 ; attacks the
castle of Cufah, ib.; is deserted, 394 ;
taken and killed, 396.
Nestorius, a Christian general, takes Dames
prisoner, Vi37.
Nooman, the son of Bashir, his speech, sent
by Yezid to compose the tumults at
Medina, 424.
ObeidoUah, (the son of Ziyad, made tieo-
tenant of Khorassan, 373 ; and of Cufab,
391 ; treats Hosein's head contumeliously,
410 ; is forced to retire into Syria, 432 ;
imprisons Al Moktar, 443 ; cuts Solymac
and his penitents to pieces, 451 ; niarchci
against Cufah, 45S ; is beaten and kille«l
459, and noti.
INDEX.
511
Oh<id, battle of, 37.
Okail, All's brother dr>8ert8 to Moawiyali,
32G, and note.
Okbah, punishes the rsvolters fron; Mo-
hammedanism, 3S6 ■ bis conquests, ij>.
note.
Omar, his first conversion to Islamiam,
15 ; candidate for the caliphate after
Mohammed's decease, 80 ; swears to Abu-
beker, 81 ; compels Ali to do the same,
83 ; says prayers publicly during Abuhe-
ker's sickness, 138 ; appointed caliph by
Abubeker's will, ih. ; inaugurated, 141 ;
sends forces into Irak, 142 ; deposes
Kaled, 161 ; writes to Abu Obeidah about
Jabalah Ebn Al Ayham, 171 ; rebukes
Abu Obeidah for not fighting, 177 ; travels
to Jerusalem, 208 ; his execution of jus-
tice, 208 ; punishes a man for having two
Bisters as wives, 209 ; relieves some poor
tributaries, 210 ; reproves two men for
having one wife between them, 210 ;
preaches to the camp, 211 ; articles of
agreement with the Jenisalemites, ibid ;
enters the city, 213 ; builds a temple
where Solomon's stood, 214 ; returns to
Medina from Jerusalem, 217 ; his wonder-
ful deliverance, 237 ; his letter to the
emperor, 243 ; he accepts of Tuleiha's re-
pentance, 2:;0 ; his opinion of all other
books except the Koran, 264 ; is assassi-
nated, 266 ; his character, ib. ; story of,
268, Tiote ; his wives, 270, note.
Opheirah, a woman of great courage, 115.
Othman, Ebn Affan, his quarrel with Kaled,
86, note ; dissuades Omar from going to
Jerusalem, 207; chosen caliph by six
commissioners, 271 ; takes away Amrou's
commission, 273 ; the murmurs of the
Saracens against him, 278, &c. causes of
the disaffection, 279, note; besieged in
his palace, 284, and 285, note; his death
and character, i6., his bloody shirt car-
ried by the Separatists, 283.
Othman, the son of Hanif, taken prisoner
by Ayesha, 299 ; loses his beard, 304.
Paul, a Christian officer at Damascus, 113;
killed, 118.
Persians, assertors of the right of Ali,
82 ; conquered Sj-ria and Eg_vpt, 90 ; de-
feated by the Arabians, 150, 215, and
Jiofes ; their date or ei-a, 150 ; totally sub-
dued by the Saracens, 329.
Peter, a Christian officer at Damascus, 113 ;
takes CauUh prisoner, 114 ; killed, 117.
Plague in Syiia, 2.55.
Pulpit of Mohammed, reverenced by his fol-
lowers, 367 ; the sun eclipsed upon
Moawiyah's attempt to remove it, ibid.
Bafi, Ebn Abdallah, is made lieutenant of
Baalbeo, 187.
Bafi, Ebn Omeirah, 110 ; takes the em-
peror's daughter prisoner, 1.57 ; his visioa
of Jonas, 160 ; is taken prisoner, 197.
Refaa, bewails his son's turning Christian,
235.
Bomanus, governor of Bostra, his mock
combat with Kaled, 99 ; betrays Bostra
to the Saracens, 103.
Rustani, general of the Persians, 146; his
death, 147 and note.
Said, the son of Hobans, story of, 491.
Said, Othman's grandson, made lieutenant
of Khorassan ; goes to Samarcand, 374.
Said, Ebn Kaled, created general by Abu-
beker, but patiently resigns his com-
mission, 96.
Sai'd, Ebn Abi Wakkas, gains the battle of
Cadesia, 147 ; takes Madayen, 215 ; re-
moved from his prefecture, 279.
Said, Ebn Amir, captain of the recruits
sent by Omar, before the battle at Yer-
mouk, 198 ; beats the prefect of Amman,
Salehh, a Karegite, joined with Shebib, 481 ;
his sermon, 482 ; is killed, 486.
Salem, the son of Ziyad, invades the Turks
in Sogd, 4'20 ; chosen governor of Kho-
rassan, 436 ; how well beloved, 437.
Samrah, Ziyad's lieutenant over Bassorah,
370 ; he curseth Moawiyah, 373
Seffein, skirmishes there, between Ali and
Moawiyah, 314, 315, and notes.
Sejaj, the prophetess, her connexion with
Moseilama, 89, note.
Sentences of Ali, 337.
Separatists carry Othman's bloodv shirt
into Syria, 293 ; revolt against AH, 320 ;
they desert Abdallah the son of Zobeir,
441 ; are beaten from Basorah, 443 ;
sworn enemies to all established govern-
ment, 463 ; their cruelty, ih. banter Al
Mohalleb, upon the subject of the oath of
allegiance, 473 ; rise against Hejaj, 481.
Serjabil Ebn Hasanah (formerly Moham-
med's secretary), attacks Bostra, 9" ; en-
gages with Thomas, 134 ; his death, 255
Shaddad, Ebn Al Aus, proclaimed at Da-
mascus, as Omar's representative, 163.
Shaizar taken by the Saracens, 191.
Shamer begins the battle with Hosein, 406 ;
he is killed by Al Moktar, 454.
Shebib, a Karegite, opposes Hejaj, 481 ; hla
death, 488 ; his mother's dream concern-
ing him, 489.
Sheddad, the son of Ad, paradise of, 384, 7!.
Shiites, the sect of Ali, 334 and note.
Sogd, conquered by the Mohammedans, 374.
Sohail, Ebn Sabah, by a breach of Jisciplino
preserves the Saracen army, 182.
Solyman, the son of Sorad, headeth a party
of the sectaries of Ali, 437 ; his circular
letter, 438 ; he sets out 'gainst Obeidol-
lah, 448 ; his lamentation at Hoaeln'g
tomb, 450 ; is killed, 451.
512
INDEX.
Bonnites, tho&e Mohammedans that follow
the tradition, 334 and note. \
Spies, Christian, discovered in the Saracen
army, 223, 228.
Swine's flesh forbidden in the Koran, 207.
Syria, story of the war, 253, note.
Tai'f, siege of, 56.
Tarchan, a Turk, defeats Yaedejerd, 276.
Theodonis, governor of the castle of Aazaz,
227 ; takes Youkinna prisoner, 228 ;
killed by his own son, 230.
Thomas, son-in-law of Heraclius, dissuades
the Damascenes from surrendering, 129 ;
engaging with the Saracens, is wounded
by Aban's wife, 131 ; leaves Damascus,
150 ; is killed, 157 ; his wife, the daughter
of Heraclius, taken prisoner, ib.i pre-
sented to Jonas, 158.
Tripoli, a town in Syria, snrprised by You-
kinna's treachery, 250.
Tripoli in Barbary, taken by the Saracens,
265.
Tuleihha, Ebn Khoweiled, the false pro-
phet, 87 ; is received into favour by the
Saracens, 249.
Tyre taken by the Saracens, 252.
Ubeid Allah Ebn Kais, story of, 469, note.
War, Saracenic laws of. 94, note.
Waset, built by Hejaj, 492.
Werdan, a general sent by Heraclius to re-
lieve Damascus, 109; his ambuscade to
take Kaled, 122 ; proffers the Saracens
vests and money to cease their hostilities,
but is rejected, 121 ; endeavours to cir-
cumvent kaled, 122 ; his death, 123.
Werdan, Ararou's slave, 259.
Wine forbidden in the Koran, and the
drinkingof it punished, 40, and rwte, 169.
Women take arms, and defend themselves
against the Greeks, 115 ; restore the
battle at Yermouk, 201 ; wickedness of,
13, note; beautiful and black-eyed, ex-
pected in paradise, 160.
Vali plunders the treasury, 293.
Yazdejerd, elected king of Persia, 145 ; his
conference with three Arab chiefs, 146,
note ,■ loses the battle of Cadesia, 154 ; he
retires to Ferganah, 215 ; his death, 27T
and note.
Yermouk, battle of, 201.
Yezid, Ebn Abu Sofian, made general of tha
Saracen army in Syria, 94 ; is taken pri-
soner, 107 ; sent to besiege Jerusalem,
204; sent to Palestine, 217; death, 255.
Yezid, the son of Moawiyah, goes to be-
siege Constantinople, 365 ; he is owned
his father's successor ty the provinces,
377 , succeeds him, 387 ; bewaileth the
death of Hosein, and entertaineth the
women courteou.'sly, 411 ; sends a silver
collar to put about Abdallah, the son of
Zobeir's neck, 421 ; the ambassadors from
Medina give him a Lad character, 423 ; he
sends an army to besiege Medina, 425 ;
dies, 427; his character, 428, &c. ; opinion
of the Mohammedan doctors, 429.
Youkinna, governor of the castle of Aleppo,
218 ; engages Kaab Ebn Damarah, ib. ,■ '
persecutes the Aleppians, 221 ; kills his
brother John, ib. ; turns Mohammedan,
227; is taken prisoner by Theodorus, his
cousin, 228 ; released by Leon, 230 ;
goes to Antioch, 231 ; surprises Tripoli,
250; sails to Tyre, 251 ; takes the city,
252.
Zaid, Mohammed's slave, and second dis-
ciple, 14, 82 ; divorces his wife to gratify
Mohammed, 43.
Zainab, manies Mohammed, 43.
Zeid, Ebn Waheb, a messenger from Omar's
army, 240.
Zeinab, All's sister, confronts ObeidoUah,
411 ; and Yezid, 413 ; she, at the request
of her sister Fatima, presents their guide
with both their jewels, 414.
Zemzem, sacred well of, 4 and note, 457.
Ziyad, the son of Somyah, made lieutenant
of Basorafa, 324; his justice, ib. ,- is
owned by Moawiyah for his brother, 358 ;
his exemplary severity, 360; his lieu-
tenancies, ib. ; affronted by Hejer, 363 ;
sends him to Moawiyah, who puts bira
to death, 365 ; dies of the plague, 368 ;
anecdotes of 369, &e.
Zobeir (or Azzobeir), Ali'e enemy, 288 ; il
kiUed, 308.
LONDON : PRINTED BT WIX-LIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFOED STKEET
AND CHARING CROSS.
CATALOGUE OF
BONN'S LIBRARIES.
740 Volumes, ^158 14^-.
The Publishers are new issuing the Libraries in a NE W AND
MORE ATTRACTIVE STYLE OF BINDING. The original
bindings endeared to many book-lovers by association will still be
kept in stocky but henceforth all orders will be executed in the New
bindiftg, unless the contrary is expressly stated.
New Volumes of Standard Works in the various branches of
Literature are constantly being added to this Series^ which is
already unsurpassed in respect to the number^ variety., and cheapness
of the Works contained in it. The Publishers beg to announce the
following Volumes as recently issued or now in preparation : —
Goethe's Faust. Part I. The Original Text, with Hayward's Translation
and Notes, carefully revised, with an Introduction and Bibliography, by C. A. Buch-
heim, Ph.D., Professor of German Language and Literature at King's College,
London. \Itmnediately.
Arthur Young's Tour in Ireland. Edited by A. W, Hutton, Librarian,
National Liberal Club. 2 vols. \_Preparing.
Euripides. A New Literal Translation in Prose. y E. P. Coleridge.
2 vols. 5^. each.
Vol. I. — Rhesus — Medea — Hippolytus — Alcestis — Heraclidae — Supplices — Troades— loa
— Helena.
1 1 . — Andromache — Electra — Bacchae — Hecuba — Hercules Furens — Phoenissae —
Orestes — Iphigenia in Tauris — Iphigenia in Aulis — Cyclops. {See p. 15.
Voltaire's Tales. Translated by R. B. Boswell. Vol. L 35. dd. [Seep. 8.
CoiJtnt Grammont's Memoirs of the Court of Charles II. With the
Boscobel Tracts, &c. New Edition. 5^. \_See p. 9.
Gray's Letters. New Edition. Edited by the Rev. D. C. Tovey, M.A.
[/« tlie press.
Schools and Masters of Fence. By C. Egerton Castle. New Edition.
With numerous Illustrations. [/« the press.
Montaigne's Essays. Cotton's Translation, revised by W. C. Hazlitt. New
Edition. 3 Vols. [/« the press.
Hartley Coleridge's Essays and Marginalia. Edited by the Lord Chief
Justice. [Preparing.
Hoffmann's Works. Translated by Lieut.-Colonel Ewing. Vol. II.
[In tJie press.
Bohn's Handbooks of Games. New enlarged edition. In 2 vols.
See p. 21.
Vol. I. — Table Games, by Major-General Drayson, R.A., R. F. Green, and 'Berkeley.'
II.— Card Games, by Dr. W. Pole, F.R.S., R. F. Green, 'Berkeley, and Baxter-
Wray.
Bohn's Handbooks of Athletic Sports. 8 Vols. [See p. 21.
For BOHNS SELECT LIBRARY, step. 23.
March, 1892.
BONN'S LIBRARIES.
STANDARD LIBRARY.
338 Vols, at 3j. 6^. each, excepting those marked otherwise.
(59'- I2J.)
ADDISON'S Works. Notes of Bishop
Hurd. Short Memoir, Portrait, and 8
Plates of Medals. 6 vols.
This is the most complete edition of
Addison's Works issued.
ALFIERI'S Tragedies. In English
Verse. With Notes, Arguments, and In-
troduction, by E. A. Bowring, C.B. 2 vols.
AMERICAN POETRT. — See Poetry
0/ America.
BACON'S Moral and Historical
Works, including Essays, Apophthegms,
Wisdom of the Ancients, New Atlantis,
Henry VII., Henry VIII., Elizabeth,
Henry Prince of Wales, History of Great
Britain, Julius Csesar, and Augustus Caesar.
With Critical and Biographical Introduc-
tioa and Notes by J. Devey, M.A. Por-
ttait.
^^ See also Philosophical Library.
BALLADS AND SONGS of the Pea-
santry of England, from Oral Recitation,
private MSS., Broadsides, &c. Edit, by
R. Bell.
BEAUMONT AND FLETCHER.
Selections. With Notes and Introduction
by Leigh Hunt.
BECKMANN (J.) History of Inven-
tions, Discoveries, and Origins. With
Portraits of Beckmann and James Watt.
2 vols.
BELL (Robert).— i"** Ballads, Chaucer,
Green.
BOSWELL'S Life of Johnson, with
the TOUR in the HEBRIDES and
JOHNSONIANA. New Edition, with
Notes and Appendices, by the Rev. A.
Napier, M.A., Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, Vicar of Holkham, Editor of the
Cambridge Edition of the ' Theological
Works of Barrow.' With Frontispiece to
each voL 6 vols.
BREMER'S (Frederlka) Works.
Trans, by M. Howitt. Portrait. 4 vo!s.
BRINK (B. ten). Early English
Literature (to Wiclif). By Bernhard ten
Brink. Trans, by Prof. H. M. Kennedy.
BROWNE'S (Sir Thomas) W^orks.
Edit, by S. Wilkin, with Dr. Johnson's
Life of Browne. Portrait. 3 vols.
BURKE'S V^orks. 6 vols.
Speeches on the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings ; and Letters. 2 vols.
Life. By Sir J. Prior. Portrait.
BURNS (Robert). Life of. By J. G.
Lockhart, D.C.L. A new and enlarged
edition. With Notes and Appendices by
W. Scott Douglas. Portrait.
BUTLERS (Bp.) Analogy of Reli-
gion. Natural and Revealed, to the Con-
stitution and Course of Nature ; with Two
Dissertations on Identity and Virtue, and
Fifteen Sermons. With Introductions,
Notes, and Memoir. Portrait.
CAMOEN'S Luslad, or the Discovery
of India. An Epic Poem. Trans, from
the Portuguese, with Dissertation, His-
torical Sketch, and Life, by W. J. Mickle.
5th edition.
CARAFAS (The) of Maddalonl.
Naples under Spanish Dominion. Trans.
from the German of Alfred de ReumoDt.
Portrait of Massaniello.
CARREL. The Connter-Revolntion
in England for the Re-establishment of
Popery under Charles II. and James II.,
by Armand Carrel ; with Fox's History of
James II. and Lord Lonsdale's Memoir of
James II. Portrait of Carrel.
CARRUTHERS. — iV« Pop*, in IUum-
trated Library.
CART'S Dante. The Vision of Hell,
Purgatory, and PajaJise. Trans, by Rev.
H. F. Gary, M.A. With Life, Chronolo-
gical View of his Age, Notes, and Index
of Proper Names. Portrait.
This is the authentic edition, containing
Mr. Gary's last corrections, with additional
notes.
BOHirS LIBRARIES.
CELLINI (Benvennto). Memoirs of,
by himself. With Notes of G. P. Carpani.
Trans, by T. Roscoe. Portrait.
CERVANTES' Galatea. A Pastoral
Romance. Trans, by G. W. J. Gyll.
Exemplary Novels. Trans, by
W. K. Kelly.
Don Quixote de la Mancha.
Motteux's Translation revised. With Lock-
hart's Life and Notes. 2 vols.
CHAUCER'S Poetical Works. With
Poems formerly attributed to him. With a
Memoir, Introduction, Notes, and a Glos-
sary, by R. Bell. Improved edition, with
Preliminary Essay by Rev. W. W. Skeat,
M.A. Portrait. 4 vols.
CLASSIC TALES, containing Rasselas,
Vicar of Wakefield, Gulliver's Travels, and
The Sentimental Journey.
COLERIDGE'S (S. T.) Friend. A Series
of Essays on Morals, Politics, and Reli-
gion. Portrait.
Aids to Reflection, Confessions
of an Inquiring Spirit ; and Essays on
Faith and the Common Prayer-book. New
Edition, revised.
Table-Talk and Omnlana. By
T. Ashe, B.A.
Lectures on Shakespeare and
other Poets. Edit, by T. Ashe, B.A.
Containing the lectures taken dovni in
1S11-12 by J. P. Collier, and those de-
livered at Bristol in 181 3.
- Blographia Literarla; or, Bio-
graphical Sketches of my Literary Life
and Opinions ; with Two Lay Sermons.
Miscellanies, .Esthetic and
Literary ; to which is added. The Theory
OF Life. Collected and arranged by
T. Ashe, B.A.
COMMINES.— 5e« Philip.
CONDE'S History of the Dominion
of the Arabs in Spain. Trans, by Mrs.
Foster. Portrait of Abderahmen ben
Moavia. 3 vols.
COWPER'SCompleteWorks, Poems,
Correspondence, and Translations. Edit,
with Memoir by R. Southey. 45 En-
gravings. 8 vols.
COXE'S Memoirs of the Duke ot
Marlborough. With his original Corre-
spondence, from family records at Blen-
heim. Revised edition. Portraits. .3 vols.
•»* An Atlas of the plans of Marl-
borough's campaigns, 4to. los, 6d.
COXE;s History of the House of
Austria. From the Foundation of the
Monarchy by Rhodolph of Hapsburgh to
the Death of Leopold II., 1218-1792. By
Archdn. Coxe. With Continuation frora
the Accession of Francis I. to the Revolu-
tion of 1848. 4 Portraits. 4 vols.
CUNNINGHAM'S Lives of the most
Eminent British Painters. With Notes
and 16 fresh Lives by Mrs. Heaton. 3 vols.
DEFOE'S Novels and Miscellaneous
Works. With Prefaces and Notes, in-
cluding those attributed to Sir W. Scott.
Portrait. 7 vols.
DE LOLME'S Constitution of Eng.
land, in which it is compared both with the
Republican form of Government and the
other Monarchies of Europe. Edit., with
Life and Notes, by J. Macgregor.
DUNLOP'S History of Fiction. New
Edition, revised. By Henry Wilson.
2 vols., 5 J. each.
EDGEWORTH'S Stories for Chil-
dren. With 8 Illustrations by L. Speed.
ELZE'S Shakespeare.— 6'f« Shakespeare
EMERSON'S Works. 3 vols.
Vol. I.— Essays, Lectures, and Poems.
Vol. II.— English Traits, Nature, and
Conduct of Life.
Vol. III. — Society and Solitude — Letters
and Social Aims — Miscellaneous Papers
(hitherto uncollected)— May-Day, &c.
FOSTER'S (John) Life and Corre*
spondence. Edit, by J. E. Ryland. Por-
trait. 2 vols.
Lectures at Broadmead Chapel.
Edit, by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols.
Critical Essays contributed to
the ' Eclectic Review,' Edit, by J. E.
Ryland. 2 vols.
Essays : On Decision of Charac-
ter ; on a Man's writmg Memoirs of Him-
self; on the epithet Romantic; on one
aversion of Men of Taste to Evangelical
Religion.
Essays on the Evils of Popular
Ignorance, and a Discourse on the Propa-
gation of Christianity in India.
Essay on the Improvement of
Time, with Notes of Sermons and other
Pieces.
Fosteriana : selected from periodical
papers, edit, by H. G. Bohn.
FOX (Rt. Hon. C. 3.)— See Caml.
STANDARD LIBRARY.
GIBBON'S Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire. Complete and unabridged,
with variorum Notes ; including those of
Guizot, Wenck, Niebuhr, Hugo, Neander,
and others. 7 vols. 2 Maps and Portrait.
GOETHE'S Works. Trans, into English
by E. A. Bowring, C.B., Anna Swanwick,
Sir Walter Scott, &c. &c. 14 vols.
Vols. I. and II. — Autobiography and An-
nals. Portrait.
Vol. III.— Faust. Complete.
Vol. IV.— Novels and Tales : containing
Elective Affinities, Sorrows of Werther,
The German Emigrants, The Good Wo-
men, and a Nouvelette.
Vol. v.— Wilhelm Meister's Apprentice-
ship.
Vol. VI.— Conversations with Eckerman
and Soret.
Vol. VII. — Poems and Ballads in the ori-
ginal Metres, including Hermann and
Dorothea.
Vol.VIII.— Goetzvon Berlichingen, Tor-
quato Tasso, Egmont, Iphigenia, Clavigo,
Wayward Lover, and Fellow Culprits.
Vol. IX. — Wilhelm Meister's Travels.
Complete Edition.
Vol. X. — Tour in Italy. Two Parts.
And Second Residence in Rome.
Vol. XI. — Miscellaneous Travels, Letters
from Switzerland, Campaign in France,
Siege of Mainz, and Rhine Tour.
Vol. XII. — Early and Miscellaneous
Letters, including Letters to his Mother,
with Biography and Notes.
Vol. XIII. — Correspondence with Zelter.
Vol. XIV.- Reineke Fox, West-Eastern
Divan and Achilleid. Translated in
original metres by A. Rogers.
Correspondence with SchiUer.
2 vols. — See SchiUer.
Faust.— 6"^^ Collegiate Series.
GOLDSMITH'S Works. 5 vols.
Vol. I .—Life, Vicar of Wakefield, Essays ,
and Letters.
Vol. II.— Poems, Plays, Bee, Cock Lane
Ghost.
Vol. III.— The Citizen of the World,
Polite Learning in Europe.
Vol. IV. — Biographies, Criticisms, Later
Essays.
Vol. v.— Prefaces, Natural History,
Letters, Goody Two-Shoes, Index.
GREENE, MARLOWE, and BEN
JONSON (Poems oQ. With Notes and
Memoirs by R. Bell.
GREGORYS (Dr.) The Evidences,
Doctrines, and Duties of the Christian Re-
ligion.
GRIMM'S Household Tales. With the
Ongmal Notes. Trans, by Mrs. A. Hunt.
Introduction by Andrew Lang, M.A. 2
vols.
GUIZOT'S History of Representative
Government in Europe. Trans, by A, R.
Scoble.
English Revolution of 1640. From
the Accession of Charles I. to his Death.
Trans, by W. Hazlitt. Portrait.
History of Civilisation. From the
Roman Empire to the French Revolution.
Trans, by W. Hazlitt. Portraits. 3 vols.
HALL'S (Rev. Robert) 'Works and
Remains. Memoir by Dr. Gregory and
Essay by J. Foster. Portrait.
HAUFF'S Tales. The Caravan — The
Sheikh of Alexandria — The Inn in the
Spessart. Translated by Prof. S. Mendel.
HAWTHORNE'S Tales. 3 vols.
Vol. I.— Twice-told Tales, and the Snow
Image.
Vol. II. — Scarlet Letter, and the House
with Seven Gables.
Vol. III. — Transformation, and 61ithe>
dale Romance.
HAZLITT'S (W.) Works. 7 vols.
Table-Talk.
The Literature of the Age of
Elizabeth and Characters of Shakespeare's
Plays.
English Poets and English Comic
Writers.
The Plain Speaker. Opinions on
Books, Men, and Things.
Round Table. Conversations of
James Northcote, R.A. ; Characteristics.
Sketches and Essays, and Winter-
slow.
Spirit of the Age; or, Contem.
porary Portraits. New Edition, by W.
Carew Hazlitt.
HEINE'S Poems. Translated in the
original Metres, with Life by E. A. Bow-
ring, C.B.
Travel-Pictures. The Tour in the
Harz, Norderney, and Book of Ideas, to-
gether with the Romantic School. Trans,
by F. Storr. With Maps and Appendices.
HOFFMANN'S Works. The Serapion
Brethren. Vol. I. Trans, by Lt.-Col.
Ewing. {Vol. II. in Hit press.
HOOPER'S (G.) 'Waterloo : The
Downfall of the First Napoleon : a His-
tory of the Campaign of 1815. By George
Hooper. With Maps and Plans. New
Edition, revised
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
HUGO'S (Victor) Dramatic "Worts.
Hernani— RuyBlas— TheKing'sDiversion.
Translated by Mrs. Newton Crosland and
F. L. Slous.
— Poems, chiefly Lyrical.
H. L. Williams.
Collected by
HUNGARY: Its History and Revo-
lution, with Memoir of Kossuth. Portrait.
HUTCHINSON (Colonel). Memoirs
of. By his Widow, with her Autobio-
graphy, and the Siege of Lathom House.
Portrait.
IRVING'S CWashington) Complete
Works. 15 vols.
Life and Letters. By his Nephew,
Pierre E. Irving. With Index and a
Portrait. 2 vols.
JAMES'S (G. P. R.) Life of Richard
Coeur de Lion. Portraits of Richard and
Philip Augustus. 2 vols.
Louis XIV. Portraits. 2 vols.
JAMESON (Mrs.) Shakespeare's
Heroines. Characteristics of Women. By
Mrs. Jameson.
JEAN PAUL.— .?«« Richter.
JOHNSON'S Lives of the Poets.
Edited, with Notes, by Mrs. Alexander
Napier. And an Introduction by Pro-
fessor J. W. Hales, M.A. 3 vols.
JONSON (Ben). Vo<iima oU— See Greene.
JOSEPHUS (Flavins), The /Works of.
Whiston's Translation. Revised by Rev.
A. R. Shilleto, M.A. With Topographical
and Geographical Notes by Colonel Sir
C. W. Wilson, K.C.B. 5 vols.
JUNIUS 'S Letters. With Woodfall's
Notes. An Essay on the Authorship, Fac-
similes of Handwriting. 2 vols.
LA FONTAINE'S Fables. In English
Verse, with Essay on the Fabulists. By
Elizvu- Wright.
LAMARTINE'S The Girondists, or
Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the
French Revolution. Trans, by H. T.
Ryde. Portraits of Robespierre, Madame
Roland, and Charlotte Corday. 3 vols.
— — The Restoration of Monarchy
in France (a Sequel to The Girondists).
5 Portraits. 4 vols.
The French Revolntlon of 1848.
Portraits.
LAMB'S (Charles) Ella and Ellana.
Complete Edition. Portrait.
LAMB'S (Charles) Specimens of
English Dramatic Poets of the time of
Elizabeth. With Notes and the Extracts
from the Garrick Plays.
Talfonrd's Letters of Charles
Lamb. Nev/ Edition, by W. Carew
Hazlitt. 2 vols.
LANZI'S History of Painting In
Italy, from the Period of the Revival of
the Fine Arts to the End of the i8th
Century. With Memoir and Portraits.
Trans, by T. Roscoe. 3 vols.
LAPPENBER&S England under the
Anglo-Saxon Kings. Trans, by B.Thorpe,
F.S.A. 2 vols.
LESSING'S Dramatic VP'orks. Com-
plete. By E. Bell, M.A. With Memoir
by H. Zimmern. Portrait. 2 vols.
Laokoon, Dramatic Notes, and
Representation of Death by the Ancients.
Trans, by E. C. Beasley and Helen
Zimmern. Frontispiece.
LOCKE'S Philosophical Works, con.
taining Human Understanding, Controversy
with Bishop of Worcester, Malebranche's
Opinions, Natural Philosophy, Reading
and Study. With Introduction, Analysis,
and Notes, by J. A. St. John. Portrait.
2 vols.
— ;• Life and Letters, with Extracts from
his Common-place Books. By Lord King.
LOCKHART (J. G.)—See Bums.
LUTHER'S Table-Talk. Trans, by W,
Hazlitt. With Life by A. Chalmers, and
Luther's Catechism. Portrait after
Cranach.
Autobiography. — See Michelet.
MACHIAVELLI'S History of Flo-
rence, The Prince, Savonarola, Historical
Tracts, and Memoir. Portrait.
MARLOWE. Poems of.— Set Greem.
MARTINEAU'S (Harriet) History
of England (including History of the Peace)
from 1800-1846. 5 vols.
MENZEL'S History of Germany,
from the Earliest Period to 1842. Por-
traits. 3 vols.
MICHELET'S Autobiography of
Luther. Trans, by W. Hazlitt. With
Notes.
The French Revolution to the
Flight of the King in 1791. Frontispiece.
MIGNET'S The French Revolntlon,
from 1789 to 1814. Portrait of Napoleon.
STANDARD LIBRARY.
MILTON'S Prose "WorlCB. With Pre-
face, Preliminary Remarks by I. A. St.
John, and Index. 5 vols. Portraits.
Poetical Works. With 120 Wood
Engravings. 2 vols.
MITFORD'S (Miss) Onr VUlage.
Sketches of Rural Character and Scenery.
2 Engravings. 2 vols-
MOUERE'S Dramatic W^orks. In
English Prose, by C. H. Wall. With a
Life and a Portrait. 3 vols.
' It is not too much to say that we have
here probably as good a translation of
Moliere as can be given.' — Academy.
MONTAGU. Letters and Works of
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. Lord
WharnclifFe's Third Edition. Edited_ by
W. Moy Thomas. New and revised
edition. With steel plates. 2 vols. SJ.
each.
MONTESQUIEU'S Spirit of Laws.
Revised Edition, with D'Alembert's Analy-
sis, Notes, and Memoir. 2 vols.
NEANDER (Dr. A.) History of the
Christian Religion and Church. Trans, by
J. Torrey. With Short Memoir. 10 vols.
Life of Jesus Christ, In Its His-
torical Connexion and Development.
The Planting and Training of
the Christian Church by the Apostles.
With the Antignosticus, or Spirit of Ter-
tuUian. Trans, by J. E. Ryland. 2 vols.
Lectures on the History of
Christian Dogmas. Trans, by J. E. Ry-
land. 2 vols.
Memorials of Christian Life In
the Early and Middle Ages ; including
Light in Dark Places. Trans, by J. E.
Ryland
NORTH'S Lives of the Right Hon.
Francis North, Baron Guildford, the Hon.
Sir Dudley North, and the Hon. and Rev.
Dr. John North. By the Hon. Roger
North. Ediledby A. Jessopp, D.D. With
3 Portraits. 3 vols. 3^. td. each.
' Lovers of good literature will rejoice at
the appearance of a new, handy, and com-
plete edition of so justly famous a book,
and will congratulate themselves that it
has found so competent and skilful an
editor as Dr. Jessopp." — Times.
OCKLET (S.) History of the Sara-
cens and their Conquests in Syria, Persia,
and Egypt. Comprising the Lives of
Mohammed and his Successors to the
Deathof Abdalmelik, the Eleventh Caliph.
By Simon Ockley, B.D., Portrait of Mo-
hammed.
PASCAL'S Thoughts. Translated from
the Text of M. Auguste Molinier by
C. Kegan Paul. 3rd edition.
PERCY'S Rellques of Ancient Eng-
lish Poetry, consisting of Ballads, Songs,
and other Pieces of our earlier Poets, with
some few of later date. With Essay on
Ancient Minstrels, and Glossary. 2 vols.
PHILIP DE COMMINES. Memolra
of. Containing the Histories of Louis XI.
and Charles VTII., and Charles the Bold,
Duke of Burgundy With the History of
Louis XI.. by Jean de Troyes. Trans-
lated, with a Lile and Notes, by A. R.
Scoble. Portraits. 2 vols.
PLUTARCH'S LIVES. Translated, with
Notes and Life, by A. Stewart, M.A.,
late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge,
and G. Long, M.A 4 vols.
POETRY OF AMERICA. Selections
from One Hundred Poets, from 1776 to
1876. With Introductory' Review, and
Specimens of Negro Melody, by W. J.
Linton. Portrait of W. Whitman.
RACINE'S (Jean) Dramatic Works,
A metrical English version, with Bio-
graphical notice. By R. Bruce Boswell,
M.A. Oxon. 2 vols.
RANKE (L.) History of the Popes,
their Church and State, and their Conflicts
with Protestantism in the i6th and 17th
Centuries. Trans, by E. Foster. Portraits
3 vols.
History of Servia. Trans, by Mrs.
Kerr. To which is added. The Slave Pro-
vinces of Turkey, by Cyprien Robert.
History of the Latin and Ten-
tonic Nations. 1494-1514. Trans. \sy
P. A. Ash worth, translator of Dr. Gneist s
•Histor>' of the English Constitution.'
REUMONT (Alfred de). —.?<•<; Carafoi.
REYNOLDS' (Sir J.) Literary Works.
With Memoir and Remarks by H. W.
Beechy. z vols.
RICH TER (Jean Paul). Levana,
a Treatise on Education ; together with the
Autobiography, and a short Memoir.
Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces,
or the Wedded Life, Death, and Marriage
of Siebenkaes. Translated by Alex. E wing.
The only complete English translation.
ROSCOE'S CW.) Life of Leo Xy with
Notes, Historical Documents, and Dis-ser-
tation on Lucretia Borgia. 3 Portraits,
a vols.
Lorenzo de' Medici, called 'The
Magnificent,' with Copyright Notes,
Poems, Letters, &c. With Memoir of
Roscoe and Portrait of Lorenzo-
RUSSIA, History of, from the
earliest Period to the Crimean War. By
W. K. Kelly. 3 Portraits. 2 vols.
BONN'S LIBRARIES.
SCHILLER'S Works. 7 vols.
Vol. I.— History of the Thirty Years' War.
Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. Portrait.
Vol. II.— History of the Revolt in the
Netherlands, the Trials of Counts Egmont
and Horn, the Siege of Antwerp, and the
Disturbance of France preceding the Reign
of Henry IV. Translated by Rev. A. J, W.
Morrison and L. Dora Schmitz.
Vol. III.— Don Carlos. R. D. Boylan
— Mary Stuart. Mellish — Maid of Or-
leans. Anna Swanwrick — Bride of Mes-
sina. A. Lodge, M.A. Together with the
Use of the Chorus in Tragedy (a short
Essay). Engravings.
These Dramas are all translated in metre.
Vol. XV. — Robbers — Fiesco — Love and
Intrigue — Demetrius — Ghost Seer — Sport
of Divinity.
The Dramas in this volume are in prose.
Vol. v.— Poems. E. A. Bovmng, C.B.
Vol. VI.— Essays, jEsthetical and Philo-
sophical, including the Dissertation on the
Connexion between the Animal and Spiri-
tual in Man.
Vol. VII. — Wallenstein's Camp. J.
Churchill. — Piccolomini and Death of
Wallenstein. S. T. Coleridge. — William
Tell. Sir Theodore Martin, K.C.B., LL.D.
SCHILLER and GOETHE. Corre-
spondence between, from a.d. 1794-1805.
Trans, by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols.
SCHLEGEL (F.) Lectures on the
Philosophy of Life and the Philosophy of
Language. Trans, by A. J. W. Morrison.
The History of Literature, Ancient
and Modern.
-^ The Philosophy of History. With
Memoir and Portrait. Trans, by J. B.
Robertson.
Modern History, with the Lectures
entitled Caesar and Alexander, and The
Beginning of our History. Translated by
L. Purcell and R. H. Whitelock.
■ — JEsthetic and Miscellaneous
Works, containing Letters on Christian
Art, Essay on Gothic Architecture, Re-
marks on the Romance Poetry of the Mid-
dle Ages, on Shakspeare, the Limits of the
Beautiful, and on the Language and Wis-
dom of the Indians. By E. J. Millington.
SCHLEGEL (A. W.) Dramatic Art
and Literature. By J. Black. With Me-
moir by Rev. A. J. W. Morrison. Portrait.
SCHUMANN (Robert), His Life and
Works. By A. Reissmann. Trans, by
A. L. Alger.
Early Letters. Translated by May
Herbert. With Preface by Sir G. Grove.
SHAKESPEARE'S Dramatic Art.
The Hibtory and Character of Shakspeare's
Plays. By Dr. H. Ulrici. Trans, by L,
Dora Schmitz. 2 vols.
SHAKESPEARE (William). A
Literary Biography by Karl EIze, Ph.D.,
LL.D. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. is.
SHERIDAN'S Dramatic Works. With
Memoir Portrait (after Reynolds).
SISMONDI'S History of the Litera-
ture of the South of Europe. Trans, by
T. Roscoe. Portraits. 2 vols.
SMITH'S (Adam) Theory of Moral
Sentiments ; with Essay on the First For-
mation of Languages, and Critical Memoir
byDugald Stewart.
See Economic Library.
SMYTH'S (Professor) Lectures on
Modern History ; from the Irruption of the
Northern Nations to the close of the Ameri-
can Revolution. 2 vols.
— - Lectures on the French Revolu-
tion. With Index. 2 vols.
SOUTHEY See Caivper, WesUy, and
(Illustrated Library) Nelson.
STURM'S Morning Communings
with God, or Devotional Meditations for
Every Day. Trans, by W. Johnstone, M.A.
SULLY. Memoirs of the Duke of,
Prime Minister to Henry the Great. With
Notes and Historical Introduction. 4 Por-
tEaits. 4 vols.
TAYLOR'S (Bishop Jeremy) Holy
Living and Dying, with Prayers, contain-
ing the Whole Duty of a Christian and the
parts of Devotion fitted to all Occasions.
Portrait.
TEN BRINK.— 6-« Brink.
THIERRY'S Conquest of England by
the Normans ; its Causes, and its Conse-
quences in England and the Continent.
By W. Hazlitt. With short Memoir. 2 Por-
traits. 2 vols.
ULRICI [Jir.)—See Shakespeare.
VAS ARI. Lives of the most Eminent
Painters, Sculptors, and Architects. By
Mrs. J. Foster, with selected Notes. Por-
trait. 6 vols.. Vol. VI. being an additional
Volume of Notes by Dr. J. P. Richter.
VOLTAIRE'S Tales. Translated by
R. B. Boswell. Vol. I., containing ' Ba-
bouc,' Memnon, Candide, L'Ingenu, and
other Tales.
W^ERNER'S Templars in Cyprus.
Trans, by E. A. M. Lewis.
WESLEY, the Life of. and the Rise
and Progress of Methodism. By Robert
Southey. Portrait, s^.
WHEATLEY. A Rational Illustra-
tion of the Book of Common Prayer.
YOUNG (Arthur) Travels in France.
Edited by Miss Betham Edwards. With
a Portrait.
HISTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARIES.
HISTORICAL LIBRARY.
23 Volumes at 5j. each. (5?. \^s. per set.)
EVELYN'S Diary and Correspond-
dence, with the Private Correspondence of
Charles I. and Sir Edward Nicholas, and
between Sir Edward Hyde (Earl of Claren-
don) and Sir Richard Browne. Edited from
the Original MSS. by W. Bray, F.A.S.
4 vols. 45 Engravings (after Vandyke,
Lely, Kneller, and Jamieson, &c.).
N.B. — This edition contains 130 letters
from Evelyn and his wife, printed by per-
mission, and contained in no other edition.
JESSE'S Memoirs of the Court of
England under the Stuarts, including the
Protectorate. 3 vols. With Index and 42
Portraits (after Vandyke, Lely, &c.).
Memoirs of the Pretenders and
their Adherents. 6 Portraits.
GRAMMONT (Count), Memoirs of
the Court of Charles II. Edited by Sir
Walter Scott. Together with the ' Bos-
cobel Tracts,' including two not before
published, &c. New Editioa, thoroughly
revised. With Portrait of Nell Gwynne,
PEPYS' Diary and Correspondence.
With Life and Notes, by Lord Braybrooke.
With Appendix containing additional
Letters and Index. 4 vols., with 31 En-
gravings (after Vandyke, Sir P. Lely,
Holbein, Kneller, &c.).
N.B. — This is a reprint of Lord Bray-
brooke's fourth and last edition, containing
all his latest notes and corrections, the
copyright of the publishers.
If U GENT'S (Lord) Memorials of
Hampden, his Party and Times. With
Memoir. 12 Portraits (after Vandyke
and others).
STRICKLAND'S (Agnes) Lives of the
Queens of England from the Norman
Conquest. From authentic Documents,
public and private. 6 Portraits. 6 vols.
Life of Mary Queen of Scots.
2 Portraits. 2 vols.
Lives of the Tudor and Stuart
Princesses. With 2 Portraits.
PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY.
17 Vols, at ^s. each, excepting those marked otherwise. (3/. igs. per set.)
BACON'S Novum Organum and Ad-
vancement of Learning. With Notes by
J. Devey, M.A.
BAX. A Handbook of the History
of Philosophy, for the use of Students.
By E. Belfort Bax, Editor of Kant's
' Prolegomena.'
COMTE'S Philosophy of the Sciences.
An Exposition of the Principles of the
Cours de Philosophie Positive. By G. H.
Lewes, Author of ' The Life of Goethe.'
DRAPER (Dr. J. W.) A History of
the Intellectual Development of Europe.
2 vols.
HEGEL'S Philosophy of History. By
J. Sibree, M.A.
KANT'S Critique of Pur© Reason.
By J. M. D. Meiklejohn.
Prolegomena and Metaphysical
Foundations of Natural Science, with Bio-
graphy and Memoir by E. Belfort Bax.
Portrait.
LOGIC, or the Science of Inference.
A Popular Manual. By J. Devey.
MILLER (Professor). History Phllo*
sophically Illustrated, from the Fall of the
Roman Empire to the French Revolution.
With Memoir. 4 vols. 3^. td. each.
SCHOPENHAUER on the Fourfold
Root of the Principle of Sufficient Reason,
and on the Will in Nature. Trans, from
the German.
Essays. Selected and Translated by
E. Belfort Bax.
SPINOZA'S Chief 'Works. Trans, with
Introduction by R. H. M. Elwes. 2 vols.
Vol. I. — Tractatus Theologico-Politicus
—Political Treatise.
Vol. II. — Improvement of the Under,
standing — Ethics — Letters.
10
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.
15 Vols, at 5^. each {except Chilling-worth, y. 6d,). (3/. 135. dd. per set.)
BLEEK. Introduction to the Old
Testament. By Friedrich Bleek. Trans,
under the supervision of Rev. E. Venables,
Residentiary Canon of Lincoln. 2 vols.
CHI LLI N GWORTH'S
Protestants. 35. 6d.
Religion of
EUSEBIUS. Eccleslaatlcai History
of Eusebius Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea.
Trans, by Rev. C. F. Cruse, M.A. With
Notes, Life, and Chronological Tables.
EVAGRTUS. History of the Chnrcti,
— See Theodoret.
HARDWICK. History of the Articles
of Religion ; to which is added a Series of
Documents from a.d. 1536 to a.d. 1615.
Ed. by Rev. F. Proctor.
HENRY'S (Matthew) Exposition of
the Book of Psalms. Numerous Woodcuts.
PEARSON (John, D.D.j Exposition
of the Creed. Edit, by E. Walford, M.A.
With Notes, Analysis, and Indexes.
PHILO.JUD.EUS, Works of. The
Contemporary
C. D. Yonge.
of Josephus.
4 vols.
Trans, by
PHILOSTORGIUS. Ecclesiastical
Historj' of. — See SozoTtien.
SOCRATES' Ecclesiastical History.
Comprising a History of the Church from
Constantine, a.d. 305; to the 38th year of
Theodosius II. With Short Account of
the Author, and selected Notes.
SOZ OMEN'S Ecclesiastical History.
A.D. 324-440. With Notes, Prefatory Re-
marks by Valesius, and Short Memoir.
Together with the Ecclesiastical His-
tory OF PHILOSTORGIUS, as epitomised by
Photius. Trans, by Rev. E. Walford, M.A.
With Notes and brief Life.
THEODORET and EVAGRIUS. His-
tories of the Church from a.d. 332 to the
Death of Theodore of Mopsuestia, a.d.
427 ; and from a.d. 431 to a.d. 544. With
Memoirs.
WIESELER'S (Karl) Chronological
Synopsis of the Four Gospels. Trans, by
Rev. CanoB Venables.
ANTIQUARIAN LIBRARY.
35 Vols, at 5 J. each. (81. l^s. per set,)
ANGLO-SAXON
Bede.
CHRONICLE. — See
ASSER'S Life of Alfred Set Six O. E.
Chronicles.
BEDE'S (Venerable) Ecclesiastical
History of England. Together with the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. With Notes,
Short Life, Analysis, and Map. Edit, by
J. A. Giles, D.C.L.
BOETHIUS'S Consolation of Philo-
sophy. King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon Ver-
sion of. With an English Translation on
opposite pages. Notes, Introduction, and
Glossary, by Rev. S. Fox, M.A. To
which is added the Anglo-Saxon Version of
the Metrbs of Boethius, with a free
Translation by Martin F. Tupper, D.C.L.
BRAND'S Popular Antiquities of
England, Scotland, and Ireland. . Illus-
trating the Origin of our Vulgar and Pro-
vincial Customs, Ceremonies, and Super-
stitions. By Sir Henry Ellis, K.H., F.R.S.
Frontispiece. 3 vols.
CHRONICLES of the CRUSADES.
Contemporary Narratives of Richard Coeur
de Lion, by Richard of Devizes and Geof-
frey de Vinsauf; and of the Crusade at
Saint Louis, by Lord John de Joinville.
With Short Notes. Illuminated FroDtis-
piece from an old MS.
DYER'S (T. F. T.) British Popular
Customs, Present and Past. An Account
of the various Games and Customs asso-
ciated with diflferent Days of the Year in
the British Isles, arranged according to the
Calendar. By the Rev. T. F. ThiseltOD
Dyer, M.A.
EARLY TRAVELS IN PALESTINE.
Comprising the Narratives of Arculf,
Willibald, Bernard, Ssewulf, Sigurd, Ben-
jamin of Tudela, Sir John Maundeville,
De la Brocquiere, and Maundrell ; all un-
abridged. With Introduction and Notes
by Thomas Wright. Map of Jerusalem.
ANTIQUARIAN LIBRARY.
II
ELJUS (G.) Speclmene of Early En-
glish Metrical Romances, relatin? to
Arthur, Merlin, Guy of Warwick, Richard
Coeur de Lion, Charlemagne, Roland, &c.
&c. With Historical Introduction by J. O.
Halliwell, F.R.S. Illuminated Frontis-
piece from an old MS.
ETHEL W^ERD, Chronicle of Set
Six O. E. Chronicles.
FLORENCE OF WORCESTER'S
Chronicle, with the Two Continuations :
comprising Annals of English History
from the Departure of the Romans to the
Reign of Edward I. Trans., with Notes,
by Thomas Forester, M.A.
GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH.
Chronicle of. — See Six O. E. Chronicles.
GESTA ROMAJIORUM, or Enter-
taining Moral Stories invented by the
Monks. Trans, with Notes by the Rev.
Charles Swan. Edit, by W. Hooper, M.A.
Gn.DAS. Chronicle of See Six O. E.
Chronicles.
GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS' Histori-
cal Works. Containing Topography of
Ireland, and History of the Conquest of
Ireland, by Th. Forester, M.A. Itinerary
through Wales, and Description of Wales,
by Sir R. Colt Hoare.
HENRT OF HUNTINGDON S His-
tory of the English, from the Roman In-
vasion to the Accession of Henry II. ;
with the Acts of King Stephen, and the
Letter to Walter. By T. Forester, M.A.
Frontispiece from an old MS.
INGULPH'S Chronicles of the Abbey
of Croyland, with the Continuation by
Peter of Blois and others. Trans, with
Notes by H. T. Rilev, B.A.
KEIGHTLEY'S (Thomas) Fairy My-
thology, illustrative of the R.omance and
Superstition of Various Countries. Frontis-
piece by Cruikshank.
LEPSIUS'S Letters from Egypt,
Ethiopia, and the Peninsula of Sinai ; to
which are added, Extracts from his
Chronology of the Egyptians, with refer-
ence to the Exodus of the Israelites. By
L. and J. B. Horner. Maps and Coloured
View of Mount Barkal.
MALLET'S Northern Antiquities, or
an Historical Account of the Manners,
Customs, Religions, and Literature of the
Ancient Scandinavians. Trans, by Bishop
Percy. With Translation of the Prosb
Edda, and Notes by J. A. Blackwell.
Also an Abstract of the ' Eyrbyggia Saga '
by Sir Waher Scott, With Glossary
and Coloured Frontispiece.
MARCO POLO'S Travels ; with Notes
and Introduction. Edit, by T. Wright.
MATTHEVSr PARIS'S English His-
tory, from 1235 tD 1273. By Rev. J. A.
Giles, D.C.L. With Frontispiece. 3 vols.—
See also Roger of Wendover.
MATTHEW OF W^ESTMINSTER'S
Flowers of History, especially such as re-
late to the affairs of Britain, from the be-
ginning of the World to a.d. 1307. By
C. D. Yonge. 2 vols.
NENNIUS. Chronicle of.— See Six
O. E. Chronicles.
ORDERICUS VITALIS' Ecclesiastical
History of England and Normandy. With
Notes, Introduction of Guizot, and the
Critical Notice of M. Delille, by T.
Forester, M.A. To which is added the
Chronicle of St. Evroult. With Gene-
ral and Chronological Indexes. 4 vols.
FAULTS (Dr. R.) Life of Alfred the
Great. To which is appended Alfred's
Anglo-Saxon Version of Orosius. With
literal Translation interpaged. Notes, and
an Anglo-Saxon Grammar and Glossary,
by B. Thorpe. Frontispiece.
RICHARD OF CIRENCESTER
Chronicle of. — See Six O. E. Chronicles.
ROGER DE HOVEDESPS Annals ol
English History, comprising the History
of England and of other Countries of Eu-
rope from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1 201. With
Notes by H. T. Riley, B.A. 2 vols.
ROGER OF ^TENDOVER'S Flowers
of History, comprising the History of
England from the Descent of the Saxons to
A.D. 1235, formerly ascribed to Matthew
Paris. With Notes and Index by J. A.
Giles, D.C.L. 2 vols.
SIX OLD ENGLISH CHRONICLES :
viz., Asser's Life of Alfred and the Chroni-
cles of Ethelwerd, Gildas, Nennius, Geof-
frey of Monmouth, and Richard of Ciren-
cester. Edit., with Notes, by J. A. Giles.
D.C.L. Portrait ot Alfred.
WILLIAM OF MALMESBURY'S
Chronicle of the Kings of England, from
the Earliest Period to King Stephen. By
Rev. J. Sharpe. With Notes by J. A.
Giles, D.C.L. Frontispiece
YULE-TIDE STORIES. A Collection
of Scandinavian and North-German Popu-
lar TaJej and Traditions, from the Swedish,
Danish, and German Edit, by B. Thorpe.
12
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY.
78 Vols, at 5^. each, excepting those marked otherwise, {igl. "js. 6ci. per set.)
ALLEirS (Joseph, R.N.) Battles of
the British Navy. Revised edition, with
Indexes of Names and Events, and 57 Por-
traits iind Plans. 2 vols.
ANDERSEN'S Danish Fairy Tales.
By Caroline Peachey. With Short Life
and 120 Wood Engravings.
ARIOSTO'S Orlando Furloao. In
English Verse by W. S. Rose. With Notes
and Short Memoir. Portrait after Titian,
and 24 Steel Engravings. 2 vols.
BECHSTEIN'S Cage and Chamber
Birds : their Natural History, Habits, &c.
Together with Sweet's British War-
blers. 43 Coloured Platrs and Woodcuts.
BONOMI'S Nln«Teh and Its Palaces.
The Discoveries of Botta and Layard
applied to the Elucidation of Holy Writ.
7 Plates and 294 Woodcuts.
BUTLER'S Hudlbras, with Variorum
Notes and Biography. Portrait and 28
lUustrations.
CATTERMOLE'S Evenings at Had-
doB Hall. Romantic Tales of the Olden
Times. With 24 Steel Engravings after
Cattermole.
CHINA, Pictorial, Descriptive, and
Historical, vnth some account of Ava and
the Burmese, Siam, and Anam. Map, and
nearly 100 Illustrations,
CRAIK'S (G. L.) Pursnlt of Know-
ledge under Difficulties. Illustrated by
Anecdotes and Memoirs. Numerous Wood-
cut Portraits.
CRUIESHANK'S Three Covirses and
a Dessert ; comprising three Sets of Tales,
West Country, Irish, and Legal ; and a
Melange. With 50 Illustrations by Cruik-
shank.
Pnnch and Judy. The Dialogue of
the Puppet Show ; an Account of its Origin,
&c. 24 Illustrations and Coloured Plates
by Cruikshank.
DANTE, in English Verse, by I. C.Wright,
M.A. With Introduction and Memoir.
Portrait and 34 Steel Engravings after
Flaxman.
DIDRON'S Christian Iconography;
a History of Christian Art Lo the Middle
Ages. By the late A. N. Didron. Trans.
by E. J. Millington, and completed, witk
Additions and Appendices, by Margaret
Stokes. 2 vols. With numerous Illustrations.
Vol. I. The History of the Nimbus, the
Aureole, and the Glory ; Representations
of the Persons of the Trinity.
Vol. II. The Trinity; Angels; Devils;
The Soul ; The Christia» Scheme. Appen-
dices.
DYER (Dr. T. H.) PompeU : its Bund-
ings and Antiquities. An Account of the
City, with full Description of the Remains
and Recent Excavations, and an Itinerary
for Visitors. By T. H. Dyer, LL.D.
Nearly 300 Wood Engravings, Map, and
Plan. js. 6d.
Rome : History of the City, with
Introduction on recent Excavations. 8
Engravings, Frontispiece, and 2 Maps.
GIL BLAS. The Adventures of.
From the French of Lesage by Smollett.
24 Engravings after Smirke, and 10 Etch-
ings by Cruikshank. 612 pages. 6s.
GRIMM'S Gammer Grethel; or, Ger-
man Fairy Tales and Popular Stories,
containing 42 Fairy Tales. By Edgar
Taylor. Numerous Woodcuts after Cruik.
shaink and Ludwig Grimm. 3J. 6d.
HOLBEIN'S Dance of Death and
Bible Cuts. Upwards of 150 Subjects, en-
graved in facsimile, with Introduction and
Descriptions by the late Francis Douce
and Dr. Dibdin.
INDIA, Pictorial, DescriptlvOi and
Historical, from the Earliest Times. 100
Engravings on Wood and Map.
JESSE'S Anecdotes of Dogs. With
40 Woodcuts after Harvey, Bewick, and
others ; and 34 Steel Engravings after
Cooper and Landseer.
KING'S (C. W.) Natural History of
Precious Stones and Metals. Illustra-
tions. 6s.
ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY,
«3
LO£>GB'S Portraits of mnetrloue
Personages of Grfeat Britain, with Bio-
graphical and Historical Memoirs. 240
Portraits engraved on Steel, with the
respective Biographies unabridged. Com-
plete in S vols.
LONGFEI.LO"WS Poetical Works,
including his Translations and Notes. 24
full-page Woodcuts by Birket Foster and
others, and a Portrait.
— — Without the Illustrations, 3^. td.
Prose Works. With 16 full-page
Woodcuts by BLrket Foster and others.
LOUDON'S (Mrs.) Entertaining Na-
turalist. Popular Descriptions, Tales, and
Anecdotes, of more than 500 Animals.
Numerous Woodcuts.
MARRYAT'S (Capt., R.N.) Master-
man Ready ; or, the Wreck of the Pacific.
(Written for Young People.) With 93
Woodcuts. 3J. dd.
Mission; or, Scenes in Africa.
(Written for Young People.) Illustrated
by Gilbert and Dalziel. 3J. i>d.
Pirate and Three Cutters. (Writ-
ten for Young People.) With a Memoir.
8 Steel Engravings after Clarkson Stan-
field, R.A. 3J. td.
Prlvateersman. Adventures by Se»
and Land One Hundred Years Ago.
(Written for Young People.) 8 Steel En-
gravings. 3^. dd.
Settlers In Canada. (Writtoi for
Young People.) 10 Engravings by Gilbert
and Dalziel. 3J. fid.
Poor Jack. (Written for Young
People.) With 16 Illustrations after Clark-
son Stanfield, R.A. y. td.
Midshipman Easy. With 8 full-
page Illustrations. Small post Svo. y. td.
Peter Simple. With 8 full-page Illus-
trations. Small post Svo. 3J. td.
MAXWELL'S Victories of WeUlng-
ton and the British Armies. Frontispiece
and 4 Portraits.
MICHAEL ANGELOand RAPHAEL,
Their Lives and Works. By Dappa and
Quatremere de Quincy. Portraits and
Engravings, including Uie Last Judgment,
and Cartoons.
MUDIE'S History of British Birds.
Revised by W. C. L. Martin. 52 Figures of
Birds and 7 colovu-ed Plates of Eggs.
1 vols.
NAVAL and BflLITART HEROES
of Great Britain ; a Record of British
Valour on every Day in the year, from
William the Conqueror to the Battle of
Inkermann. By Major Johns, R.M., and
Lieut. P. H. Nicolas, R.M. Indexes. 24
Portraits after Holbein, Reynolds, &c. 6x.
NICpLINI'S History of the Jesuits :
their Origin, Progress, Doctrines, and De-
signs. 8 Portraits.
PETRARCH'S Sonnets, Triumphs,
and other Poems, in English Verse. With
Life by Thomas Campbell. Portrait and
15 Steel Engravings.
PICKERING'S History of the Races
of Man, and their Geographical Distribu-
tion ; with An Analytical Synopsis of
THE Natural History ok Man. By Dr.
Hall. Map of the World and 12 coloured
Plates.
POPE'S Poetical Works, including
Translations. Edit., with Notes, by R.
Carruthers. 2 vols. With numerous Illus-
trations.
Homer's Iliad, with Introduction
and Notes by Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A.
With Flaxman's Designs.
Homer's Odyssey, with the Battlb
OF Frogs and Mice, Hymns, &c., by
other translators including Chapman. In-
troduction and Notes by J. S. Watson,
M.A. With Flaxman's Designs.
Life, including many of his Letters.
By R. Carruthers. Numerous Illustrations.
POTTERY AND PORCELAIN, and
other objects of Vertu. Comprising an
Illustrated Catalogue of the Bemal Col-
lection, with the prices and names of the
Possessors. Also an Introductory Lecture
on Pottery and Porcelain , and an Engraved
List of all Marks and Monograms. By
H. G. Bohn. Numerous Woodcuts.
With coloured Illustrations, loi. td.
PROUT'S (Father) Reliques. Edited
by Rev. F. Mahony. Copyright edition,
with the Author's last corrections and
additions. 21 Etchings by D. Maclise,
R.A. Nearly 600 pages.
RECREATIONS IN SHOOTING. Witk
some Account of the Game found in the
British Isles, and Directions for the Manage-
ment of Dog and Gun. By ' Craven.' 6a
Woodcuts and 9 Steel Engravings after
A. Cooper, R.A.
i4
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
RENNIE. Insect Architecture. Re-
vised by Rev. J. G. Wood, M.A. i86
Woodcuts.
ROBINSON CRUSOE. With Memoir of
Defoe, 12 Steel Engravings and 74 Wood-
cuts after Stothard and Harvey.
Without the Engravings, ■\s. 6d.
ROME IN THE NINETEENTH CEN-
tury. An Account in 1817 of the Ruins cf
the Ancient City, and Monuments of Modem
Times. By C. A. Eaton. 34 Steel En-
gravings. 2 vols.
SHARFE (S.) The History of Egypt,
from the Earliest Times till the Conquest
by the Arabs, a.d. 640. 2 Maps and up-
wards of 400 Woodcuts. 2 vols.
SOUTHEY'S Life of Nelson. With
Additional Notes, Facsimiles of Nelson's
Writing, Portraits, Plans, and 50 Engrav-
ings, after Birket Foster, &c.
STARLING'S (Miss) Noble Deeds of
Women ; or. Examples of Female Courage,
Fortitude, and Virtue. With 14 Steel Por-
traits.
STUART and REVETT'S Antiquities
of Athens, and other Monuments of Greece ;
with Glossary of Terms used in Grecian
Architecture. 71 Steel Plates and numerous
Woodcuts.
SWEET'S British Warblers. 5s. —Set
Beclutein.
TALES OF THE GENII; or, the
Delightful Lessons of Horam, the Son of
Asmar. Trans, by Sir C. Morrell. Numer-
ous Woodcuts.
TASSO'S Jerusalem DeUyered. In
English Spenserian Verse, with Life, by
J. H. Wiffen. With 8 Engravings and 24
Woodcuts.
WALKER'S Manly Exercises; con-
taining Skating, Riding, Driving, Hunting,
Shooting, Sailing, Rowing, Swimming, &c,
44 Engravings and numerous Woodcuts.
WALTON'S Complete Angler, or the
Contemplative Man's Recreation, by Izaak
Walton and Charles Cotton. With Me-
moirs and Notes by E. Jesse. Also an
Account of Fishing Stations, Tackle, &c.,
by H. G. Bohn. Portrait and 203 Wood-
cuts, and 26 Engravings on Steel.
Livesof Donne, W^ottonj Hooker,
&c., with Notes. A New Edition, re-
vised by A. H; Bullen, with a Memoir
of Izaak Walton by William Dowling. 6
Portraits, 6 Autograph Sienatures, &c.
WELLINGTON, Life of. From the
Materials of Maxwell. 18 Steel En-
gravings.
Victories of.— See Maxwell.
WESTROPP (H. M.) A Handbook of
Archaeology, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan,
Roman. By H. M. Westropp. Numerous
Illustrations.
WHITE'S Natural History of Sel-
bome, with Observations on various Parts
of Nature, and the Naturalists' Calendar.
Sir W. Jardine. Edit., with Notes and
Memoir, by E. Jesse. 40 Portraits and
coloured Plates.
CLASSICAL LIBRARY.
Translations from the Greek and Latin.
105 Vols, at 55. each, excepting those marked otherwise. (25/. 13^. per set.)
ACHILLES TATIUS. — See Greek
Romances.
£SCHTLUS, The Dramas of. In
English Verse by Anna Swanwick. 4th
edition.
The Tragedies of. In Prose, with
Notes and Introduction, by T. A. Buckley,
B.A. Portrait. 3^. 6d.
AMMIANUS MA.RCELLINUS. His-
tory of Rome during the Reigns of Con-
stantius, Julian, Jovianus,Valentinian, and
Valens, by C. D. Yonge, B.A. Double
volume. 7i. 6d
ANTONINUS (M. Aurelius), The
"Thoughts of. "Translated, with Notes.
Biographical Sketch, and Essay on the
Philosophy, by George Long, M.A.
T,s. 6d. Fine Paper edition on hand-made
paper. 6.?.
APOLLONTUS RHODIUS. ' The Ar-
gonautica.' Translated by E. P.Coleridge.
APULEIUS, The Works of. Com-
prising the Golden Ass, God of Socrates,
Florida, and Discourse of Magic, &c.
Frontispiece
CLASSICAL LIBRARY.
15
ARISTOPHANES' Comedies. Trans.,
with Notes and Extracts from Frere's and
other Metrical Versions, by W. J. Hickie.
Portrait. 2 vols,
ARISTOTLE'S Nicomachean Ethics.
Trans., with Notes, Analytical Introduc-
tion, and Questions for Students, by Ven.
Archdn. Browne.
• — ; Politics and Economics. Trans.,
with Notes, Analyses, and Index, by E.
Walford, M.A., and an Essay and Life by
Dr. Gillies.
Metaphysics. Trans., with Notes,
Analysis, and Examination Questions, by
Rev. John H. M'Mahon, M.A.
- History of Animals. In Ten Books.
Trans., with Notes and Index, by R.
Cresswell, M.A.
Organon ; or. Logical Treatises, and
the Introduction of Porphyry. With Notes,
Analysis, and Introduction, by Rev. O.
F. Owen, M.A. 2 vols. 35. dd. each.
Rhetoric and Poetics. Trans., with
Hobbes' Analysis, Exam. Questions, and
Notes, by T. Buckley, B.A. Portrait.
ATHEN.ff:US. The Deipnosophlsts.
Trans, by C. D. Yonge, B.A. With an
Appendix of Poetical Fragments. 3 vols.
ATLAS of Classical Geography. 22
large Coloured Maps. With a complete
Index. Imp. 8vo. 71. td.
BION.— .S"«^ Theocritus.
CiESAR. Commentaries on the
Gallic and Civil Wars, with the Supple-
mentary Books attributed to Hirtius, in-
cluding the complete Alexandrian, African,
and Spanish Wars. Portrait.
CATULLUS, Tibullus, and the VlgU
of Venus. Trans, with Notes and Bio-
graphical Introduction. To which are
added, Metrical Versions by Lamb,
Grainger, and others. Frontispiece.
CICERO'S Orations. Trans, by C. D.
Yonge, B.A. 4 vols.
On Oratory and Orators. With
Letters to Quintus and Brutus. Trans.,
with Notes, by Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A.
On the Nature of the Gods, Divi-
nation, Fate, Laws, a Republic, Consul-
ship. Trans, by C. D. Yonge, B.A.
Acatiemlcs, De Finibus, and Tuscu-
lan Questions. By C. D. Yonge, B.A.
With Sketch of the Greek Philosophers
mentioned by Cicero.
CICERO'S Offices; or, Moral Duties.
Cat(, Major, an Essay on Old Age; Laelius,
an Essay on Friendship ; Scipio's Dream ;
Paradoxes ; Letter to Quintus on Magis-
trates. Trans., with Notes, by C. R. Ed-
monds. Portrait. 3^. 6rf.
DEMOSTHENES' Orations. Trans.,
with Notes, Arguments, a Chronological
Abstract, and Appendices, by C. Rann
Kennedy. 5 vols. (One, 3^.60' ; four, 5^.)
DICTIONARY of LATIN and GREEK
Quotations ; including Proverbs, Maxims,
Mottoes, Law Terms and Phrases. With
the Quantities marked, and English Trans-
lations. With Index Verborum(622 pages).
DIOGENES LAERTIUS. Lives and
Opinions of the Ancient Philosophers.
Trans., with Notes, by C. D. Yonge, B.A.
EPICTETUS. The Discourses of.
With the Encheiridion and Fragments.
With Notes, Life, and View of his Philo-
sophy, by George Long, M.A.
EURIPIDES. A New Literal Trans-
lation in Prose. By E. P. Coleridge.
2 vols.
EURIPIDES. Trans, by T. A. Buckley,
B.A. Portrait. 2 vols.
GREEK ANTHOLOGY. In Englisk
Prose by G. Burges, M.A. With Metrical
Versions by Bland, Merivale, and others.
GREEK ROMANCES of HeliodoruB,
Longus, and Achilles Tatius ; viz.. The
Adventures of Theagenes and Chariclea ;
Amours of Daphnis and Chioe ; and Loves
of Clitopho and Leucippe. Trans., witk
Notes, by Rev R. Smith, M.A.
HELIODORUS.— i-^,? Greek Romances.
HERODOTUS. Literally trans, by Rev.
Henry Cary, M.A. Portrait. 3^. 6d.
HE SI op, CALLIMACHUS, and
Theognis. In Prose, with Notes and
Biographical Notices by Rev. J. Banks,
M.A. Together with the Metrical Ver-
sions of Hesiod, by Elton ; Callimachus,
by Tytler ; and Theognis, by Frere.
HOMER'S Iliad. In English Prose, with
Notes by T. A. Buckley, B.A. Portrait.
Odyssey, Hymns, Epigrams, and
Battle of the FVogs and Mice. In English
Prose, with Notes and Memoir by T. A.
Buckley, B.A.
HORACE. In Prose by Smart, with Notes
selected by T. A. Buckley, B.A. Por-
trait. i,s. 6d.
JULIAN THE EMPEROR. Containing
Gregory Mazianzei's Two Invectives and
Libanus' Monody, with Julian's Theosophi-
cal Works. By the Rev. C. W. K ing, M.A,
i6
BONN'S LIBRARIES.
JUSTIN, CORNELIUS NEPOS, and
Eutropius. Trans., with Notes, by Rev.
J. S. Watson, M.A.
JUVENAL, PERSIUS, SULPICIA,
and Lucilius. In Prose, with Notes,
Chronological Tables, Arguments, by L.
Evans, M.A. To which is added the Me-
trical Version of Juvenal and Persius by
Gifford. Frontispiece.
LIVY. The History of Rome. Trans.
by Dr. Spillan and others. 4 vols. Portrait.
LONGUS. toaphnisand ChXo^.—See Greek
Rotiia.Hces,
LUCAN'S Pharsalia. In Prose, with
Notes by H. T. Riley.
LUCIAN'S Dialogues of the Gods,
of the Sea Gods, and of the Dead. Trans,
by Howard Williams, M.A.
LUCRETIUS. In Prose, with Notes and
Biographical Introduction by Rev. J. S.
Watson, M.A. To which is added the
Metrical Version by J. M. Good.
MARTIAL'S Epigrams, complete. In
Prose, with Verse Translations selected
from English Poets, and other sources.
Dble. vol. (670 pages). 7J. td.
MOSCHUS.— .Sff TheocHtus.
OVID'S Works, complete. In Prose,
with Notes and Introduction. 3 vols.
PAUSANIAS' Description of Greece.
Trans., with Notes and Index, by Rev.
A. R. Shilleto, M.A., sometime Scholar of
Trinity College, Cambridge. 2 vols.
PHALARIS. Bentley's Dissertations
upon the Epistles of Phalaris, Themisto-
cles, Socrates, Euripides, and the Fables
of iEsop. With Introduction and Notes
by Prof. W. Wagner, Ph.D.
PINDAR. In Prose, with Introduction
and Notes by Dawson W. Turner. To-
gether with the Metrical Version by Abra-
ham Moore. Portrait.
PLATO'S Works. Trans, by Rev. H.
Gary, H. Davis, and G. Burges. 6 vols.
Dialogues. A Summary and Analysis
of. With Analytical Index te the Greek
text of modem editions and to the above
translations, by A. Day, LL.D.
PLAUTUS'S Comedies. In Prose, with
Notes by H. T. Riley, B.A. 2 vols.
PLINY'S Natural History. Trans.,
with Notes, by J. Bostock, M.D., F.R.S.,
and H. T. Riley, B.A. 6 vols.
PLINY. The Letters of Pliny tlie
Younger. Melmoth's Translation, revised,
with Notes and short Life, by Rev. F. C.
T. Bosanquet, M.A.
PLUTARCH'S Morals. Theosophical
Essays. Trans, by Rev. C. W. King, M.A.
Ethical Essays. Trans, by Rev
A. R. Shilleto, M.A.
Lives. See page T.
PROPERTIUS, The Elegies of. With
Notes, translated by Rev. P. J. F.
Gantillon, M.A., with metrical versions
of Select Elegies by Nott and Elton.
3J. td.
QUINTILIAN'S Institutes of Oratory.
Trans., by Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A.
2 vols.
SALLUST, FLORUS, and VELLEIUS
Paterculus. Trans., with Notes and Bio-
graphical Notices, by J. S. Watson, M.A.
SENECA DE BENEFICHS. Trams-
lated by Aubrey Stewart, M.A. 3J. td.
SENECA'S Minor Essays. Translated
by A. Stewart, M.A.
SOPHOCLES. The Tragedies of. la
Prose, with Notes, Arguments, and Intro-
duction. Portrait.
STRABO'S Geography. Trans., with
Notes, by W. Falconer, M.A., and H. C.
Hamilton. Copious Index, giving Ancient
and Modem Names. 3 vols.
SUETONIUS' Lives of the Twelve
Caesars and Lives of the Grammarians.
The Translation of Thomson, revised, with
Notes, by T. Forester.
TACITUS. The Works of.
with Notes. 2 vols.
Trans.,
TERENCE and PH^EDRUS. In Eng-
lish Prose, with Notes and Arguments, by
H. T. Riley, B.A. To which is added
Smart's Metrical Version of Phaedrus.
With Frontispiece.
THEOCRITUS, BION, MOSCHUS,
and Tyrtaeus. In Prose, with Notes and
Arguments, by Rev. J. Banks, M.A. To
which are appended the Metrical Ver-
sions of Chapman. Portrait of Theocritus.
THUCYDIDES. The Peloponnesian
War. Trans., with Notes, by Rev. H.
Dale. Portrait. 2 vols. 3^. td. each.
TYRT.a:US.— 5« Theocritus.
VIRGIL. The W^orks of. In Prose,
with Notes by Davidson. Revised, with
additional Notes and Biographical Notice,
by T. A. Buckley, B.A. Portrait. 3J. td.
XENOPHON'S Works, Trans., with
Notes, by J. S. Watson, M.A., and Rev.
H. Dale. Portrait. In 3 vols.
COLLEGIA TE SERIES AND SCIENTIFIC LIBRAE Y.
17
COLLEGIATE SERIES.
II Vols, at $s. each, (2/. i$s. per set.)
DANTE. The Inferno. Prose Trans.,
with the Text of the Original on the same
page, and Explanatory Notes, by John
A. Carlyle, M.D. Portrait.
-^ The Purgatorio. Prose Trans., with
the Original on the same page, and Ex-
planatory Notes, by W. S. Dugdale.
DOBREE'S Adversaria. (Notes on the
Greek and Latin Classics.) Edited by the
late Prof. Wagner. 2 vols.
DONALDSON (Dr.) The Theatre of
the Greeks. With Supplementary Treatise
on the Language, Metres, and Prosody of
the Greek Dramatists. Numerous Illus-
trations and 3 Plans. By J. W. Donald-
son, D.D.
GOETHE'S Faust. Parti. German Te.xt,
with Hayward's Prose Translation and
Notes. Revised, with Introduction and
Bibliography, by Dr. C. A. Buchheim. 5^.
KEIGHTLEY'S (Thomas) Mythology
of Ancient Greece and Italy. Revised by
Dr. Leonhard Schmitz. la Plates.
HERODOTUS, Notes on. Original
and Selected from the best Commentators.
By D. W. Turner. M.A. Coloured Map.
Analysis and Summary of, with
a Synchronistical Table of Events — T.ibles
of Weights, Measures, Money, and Dis-
tances— an Outline of the^History .nnd
Geography — and the Dates completed f mm
Gaisford, Baehr, &c. By J. T. Wheeler.
NEW TESTAMENT (The) in Greek.
Griesbach's Text, with the Readings of
Mill and Scholz, and Parallel References.
Also a Critical Introduction and Chrono-
logical Tables. Two Fac-similes of Greek
Manuscripts. 650 pages. 3J. dd.
or bound up with a Greek and English
Lexicon to the New Testament (250 pages
additional, making in all gooj. 5.;.
The Lexicon separately, 2S.
THUCYDIDES. An Analysis and
Summary of. With Chronological Table
of Events, &c., ky J. T. Wheeler.
SCIENTIFIC LIBRARY.
48 Vols, at ^s. each, excepting those marked othenuise. (12/. l()s. per set.)
▲GASSIZ and GOULD. Outline of
Comparative Physiology. Enlarged by
Dr. Wright. With Index and 300 Illus-
trative Woodcuts.
BOLLEY'S Manual of Technical
Analysis ; a Guide for the Testing and
Valuation of the various Natural and
Artificial Substances employed in the Arts
and Domestic Economy, founded on the
work of Dr. BoUey. Edit, by Dr. Paul.
100 Woodcuts.
BRIDGEWATER TREATISES.
Bell (Sir Charles) on the Hand ;
its Mechanism and Vital Endowments, as
evincing Design. Preceded by an Account
of the Author's Discoveries in the Nervous
System by A. Shaw. Numerous Woodcuts.
— Klrby on the History, Habits,
and Instincts of Animals. With Notes by
T. Rymer Jones. 100 Woodcuts. 2 vols.
Buckland's Geology and Miner-
alogy. With Additions by Prof. Owen,
Prof. Phillips, and R. Brown. Memoir of
Buckland. Poruait. 2 vols. 15^. Vol. I.
Text. Vol. II. 90 large plates with letter-
press.
BRIDGEWATER TREATISES.
Continued.
Chalmers on the Adaptation of
External Nature to the Mora! and Intel-
lectual Constitution of Man. With Memoir
by Rev. Dr. Gumming. Portrait.
Front's Treatise on Chemistry,
Meteorology, and the Function of Diges-
tion, with reference to Natural Theology.
Edit, by Dr. J. W. Griffith. 2 Maps.
Roget's Animal and Vegetable
Physiology. 463 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 6t.
each.
Kidd on the Adaptation of Ex-
ternal Nature to the Physical Condition of
Man. 3i. 6d.
CARPENTER'S (Dr. W. B.) Zoology,
A Systematic View of the Structure, Ha-
bits, Instincts, and Uses of the principal
Families of the Animal Kingdom, and of
the chief Forms of Fossil Remains. Re-
vised by W. S. Dallas, F.L.S. Numerous
Woedcuts. 2 vols. 6s. each.
Mechanical FhUosophy, AstrO'
nomy, and Horology. A Popular Expo-
sition. i3i Woodcuts.
I8
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
CARPENTER'S W orT^B.—Contintied.
— Vegetable Physiology and Sys-
temaiic Botany. A complete Introduction
to the Knowledge of Plants. Revised by
E. Lankester, M.D., &c. Numerous
Woodcuts. 6s.
—— Animal Physiology. Revised Edi-
tion. 300 Woodcuts. 6j.
CHEVREUL on Colaur. Containing
the Principles of Harmony and Contrast
of Colours, and their Application to the
Arts ; including Painting, Decoration,
Tapestries, Carpets, Mosaics, Glazing,
Staining, Calico Printing, Letterpress
Printing, Map Colouring, Dress, Land-
scape and Flower Gardening, &c. Trans,
by C. Martel. Several Plates.
With an additional series of 16 Plates
in Colours, 7s. 6d.
ENNEMOSER'S History of Magic.
Trans, by W. Howitt. With an Appendix
of the most remarkable and best authenti-
cated Stories of Apparitions, Dreams,
Second Sight, Table-Tumiag, and Spirit-
Rapping, &c. 2 vols.
BOGG'S ( Jabez) Elements of Experi-
mental and Natural Philosophy. Being
an Easy Introduction to the Study of
Mechanics, Pneumatics, Hydrostatics,
Hydraulics, Acoustics, Optics, Caloric,
Electricity, Voltaism, and Magnetism.
400 Woodcuts.
HUMBOLDT'S Cosmos ; or, Sketch
of a Physical Description of the Universe.
Trans, by E. C Otte, B. H. Paul, and
W. S. Dallas, F.L.S. Portrait. 5 vols.
3J. 6d. each, excepting vol. v., 5i.
Personal Narrative of his Travels
in America during the years 1799-1804.
Trans., with Notes, by T. Ross. 3 vols.
Views of Nature ; or, Contem-
plations of the Sublime Phenomena of
Creation, with Scientific Illustrations.
Trans, by E. C. Otte.
HUNT'S (Robert) Poetry of Science ;
or, Studies of the Physical Phenomena of
Nature. By Robert Hunt, Professor at
the School of Mines.
.JOYCE'S Scientific Dialognes. A
Familiar Introduction to the Arts and
Sciences. For Schools and Young People.
Numerous Woodcuts.
JUKES-BROWNE'S Student's Hand-
book of Physical Geology. By A. J.
Jukes-Browne, of the Geological Survey of
England. With numerous Diagrams and
Illustrations, 6i.
JUKES-BROWNE'S Works.— Co«<.
Tlie Student's Handbook of
Historical Geology. By A. J. Jukes-
Brown, B.A., F.G.S., of the Geological
Survej' of England and Wales. With
numerous Diagrams and Illustrations. 6*.
- The Building of the British
Islands. A Study in Geographical Evolu-
tion. By A J. Jukes-Browne, F.G.S.
js. 6d.
KNIGHT'S (Charles) Knowledge la
Power. A Popular Manual of Political
Economy.
LILLY. Introduction to Astrology.
With a Grammar of Astrology and Tables
for calculating Nativities, by Zadkiel.
MANTELL'S (Dr.) Geological Ex-
cursions through the Isle of Wight and
along the Dorset Coast. Numerous Wood-
cuts and Geological Map.
Petrifactions and their Teach-
ings. Handbook to the Organic Remains
in the British Museum. Numerous Wood-
cuts. 6s.
W^onders of Geologry ; or, a
Familiar Exposition of Geological Phene-
mena. A coloured Geological Map of
England, Plates, and 200 Woodcuts, a
vols. "js. 6d. each.
SCHOUW'S Earth, Plants, and Man.
Popular Pictures of Nature. And Ko-
bell's Sketches from the Mineral Kingdom.
Trans, by A. Henfrey, F.R.S. Coloured
Map of the Geography of Plants.
SMITH'S (Pye) Geologry and Scrip-
ture ; or, the Relation between the Scriptures
and Geological Science. With Memoir.
STANLEY'S Classified Synopsis of
the Principal Painters of the Dutch and
Flemish Schools, including an Account of
■some of the early German Masters. By
George Stanley.
STAUNTON'S Chess Works. — See
page 21.
STOCKHARDT'S Experimented
Chemistry. A Handbook for the Study
of the Science by simple Experiments.
Edit, by C. W. Heaton, F.C.S. Nu-
merous Woodcuts.
URE'S (Dr. A.) Cotton Manufacture
of Great Britain, systematically investi-
gated ; with an Introductory View of its
Comparative State in Foreign Countries.
Revised by P. L. Simmonds. 150 Illus-
trations. 2 vols.
Philosophy of Manufactures,
or an Exposition of the Scientific, Moral,
and Commercial Economy of the Factory
System of Great Britain. Revised by
P. L. Simmonds. Numerous Figures.
800 pages. 7^. 6d.
REFERENCE LIBRARY.
•9
ECONOMICS AND FINANCE,
5 Volumes, (i!. 2s. per set.)
GILBART'S History, Principles, and Practice of Banking. Revised to i88i by
A. S. Michie, of the Royal Bank of Scotland. Portrait of Gilbart. 2 vols. lor.
RICARDO on the Principles of Political Economy «nd Taxation. Edited
by E. C. K. Conner, M.A., Lecturer, University College, Liverpool, ^s.
SMITH (Adam). The Wealth of Nations. An Inquiry into the Nature and
Causes of. Edited by E. Belfort Bax. 2 vols. 7^-.
REFERENCE LIBRARY.
32 Volumes at Various
BLAIR'S Chronological Tables.
Comprehending the Chronology and His-
tory of the World, from the Earliest Times
to the Russian Treaty of Peace, April 1856.
By J. W. Rosse. 800 pages, xos.
Index of Dates, Comprehending
the principal Facts in the Chronology and
History of the World, from the Earliest to
the Present, alphabetically arranged ; being
a complete Index to the foregoing. By
J. W. Rosse. 2 vols. 55. each.
BOHN'S Dictionary of Quotations
from the English Poets. 4th and cheaper
Edition, ds.
BOND'S Handy-book of Rules and
Tables for Verifying Dates with the Chris-
tian Era. 4th Edition. 5J.
BUCHANAN'S Dictionary of Science
and Technical Terms used in Philosophy,
Literature, Professions, Commerce, Arts,
and Trades. By W. H. Buchanan, with
Supplement. Edited by Jas, A. Smith, ts.
CHRONICLES OF THE TOMBS. A
Select Collection of Epitaphs, with Essay
on Epitaphs and Observations on Sepul-
chral Antiquities. By T. J. PettigreWi
F.R.S., F.S.A. 5J.
CLARK'S (Hugh) Introduction to
Heraldry. Revised by J. R. Planche. Jt.
950 Illustrations.
With tht lUustratiotu coloured, 15*.
COINS, Manual of.— i"** Humphrtyt.
COOPER'S Biographic^.! Dictionary,
Containing concise notice^, of upwards of
15,000 eminent persons of all ages and
countries. 2 vols. 5^. each.
DATES, Index ot.—See Blair.
DICTIONARY of Obsolete and Pro-
vincial English. Containing Words from
English Writers previous to the 19th
Century. By Thomas Wright, M.A..
F.S.A. , &c 2 vols. sj. each.
Prices. [81. $s. per set. )
EPIGRAMMATISTS (The), A Selec-
tion from the Epigrammatic Literature ef
Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modem Times.
With Introduction, Notes, Observations,
Illustrations, an Appendix on Works con-
nected with Epigrammatic Literature,
by Rev. H. Dodd, M.A. 6i.
GAMES, Handbook of. Edited by
Henry G. Bohn. Numerous Diagrams.
5^. {See also page 21,)
HENFRET'S Guide to English
Coins. Revised Edition, by C. F. Keary
M.A., F.S.A. With an Historical Intro-
duction. &i.
HUMPHREYS' Coin Collectors'
Manual. An Historical Account of the
Progress of Coinage from the Earliest
Time, by H. N. Humphreys. 140 Illus-
trations. 2 vols. Si. each.
LO'WNpES' Bibliographer's Manual
of English Literature. Containing an Ac-
count of Rare and Curious Books pub-
lished in or relating to Great Britain and
Ireland, from the Invention of Printing,
with Biographical Notices and Prices,
by W. T. Lowndes. Revised Edition by
H. G. Bohn. 6 vols, cloth, 5^. each, or in
4 vols. , half morocco, 2/. 2s.
MEDICINE, Handbook of Domestic,
Popularly Arranged. By Dr. H. Davies.
700 pages. Si-.
NOTED NAMES OF FICTION.
Dictionary of. Including also Familiar
Pseudonyms, Surnames bestowed on Emi-
nent Men, &c. By W.A.Wheeler, M.A. 5*.
POLITICAL CYCLOP.SDIA. A
Dictionary of Political, Constitutional,
Statistical, and Forensic Knowledge ;
forming a Work of Reference on subjects
of Civil Administration, Pelitical Economy,
Finance, Commerce, Laws, and Social
Relations. 4 vols. 3i. td. each.
20
BOHN'S LIBRARIES.
PROVERBS, Handbook of. Con-
taining an entire Republication of Ray's
Collection, with Additions from Foreign
Languages and Sayings, Sentences,
Maxims, and Phrases. 5^.
—— A Polyglot of Foreign. Com-
prising French, Italian, German, Dutch,
Spanish, Portuguese, and Danish. With
English Translations. 55.
SYNONYMS and ANTONYMS; or,
Kindred Words and their Opposites, Col-
lected and Contrasted by Ven. C. J.
Smith, M.A. 5^.
WRIGHT (Th.)— 5m Dictionary.
NOVELISTS' LIBRARY.
13 Voluvies at 3^. 6d. each, excepting those marked otherwise. (2/. %s. 6d. per set.)
BJORNSON'S Arne and the Fisher
Lassie. Translated from the Norse with
an Introduction by W. H. Low, M.A.
BURNEY'S Evelina ; or, a Young
Lady's Entrance into the World. By F.
Bumey (]\J me. D'Arblay). With Intro-
duction and Xotes by A. R. Ellis, Author
of 'Sylvestrii,' &c.
— Cecioa. With
Notes by A. R. Ellis.
Introductior
2 vols.
and
DE STAEL. Corinne or Italy.
By Madame de Stael. Translated by
Emiiy Baldwin and Paulina Driver.
EBERS' Egyptian Princess. Trans,
by Emma Buchheim.
FIELDING'S Joseph Andrews and
his Friend Mr. Abraham Adams. With
Roscoe's BiograpTiy. Cruikshank's IlluS'
trations.
Amelia. Roscoe's Edition, revised.
Cruikshank's Illustrations, ^s.
History of Tom Jones, a Fonnd-
ling. Roscoe's Edition. Cruikshank's
Illustrations. 2 vols.
GROSSI'S Marco Viscontl. Trans.
by A. F. D.
MANZONI. The Betrothed ; being
a Translation of ' I Promessi Sposi.'
Numerous Woodcuts, i vol. $s.
STOWE (Mrs. H. B.) Uncle Tom's
Cabin ; or. Life among the Lowly. 8 full-
page Illustrations.
ARTISTS' LIBRARY.
9 Volumes at Various Prices. (2/. %s. 6d. per set.)
BELL (Sir Charles). The Anatomy
and Philosophy of Expression, as Con-
nected with the Fine Arts. 5^. Illustrated.
DEMMIN. History of Arms and
Armour from the Earliest Period. By
Auguste Demmin. Trans, by C. C.
Black, M.A., Assistant Keeper, S. K.
Museum. 1900 Illustrations. 7^. 6d.
FAIRHOLT'S Costume in England.
Third Edition. Enlarged and Revised by
the Hon. H. A. Dillon, F.S.A. With
more than 700 Engravings. 2 vols. 5^.
each.
Vol. I. History. Vol. II. Glossary.
FLAXMAN. Lectures on Sculpture.
With Three Addresses to the R.A. by Sir
R. Westmacott, R.A., and Memoir of
Flcixman. Portrait and 53 Plates. 6s.
HEATON'S Concise History of
Painting. New Edition, revised by
W. Cosmo Monkhouse. 51-.
LECTURES ON PAINTING by the
Royal Academicians, Barry, Opie, Fuseli.
With Introductory Essay and Notes by
R. Wornum. Portrait of Fuseli. 5^.
LEONARDO DA VINCI'S Treatise
on Painting. Trans, by J. F. Rigaud, R.A.
With a Life and an Account of his Works
by J. W. Brown. Numerous Plates. 5^.
PLANCHE'S History of British
Costume, from the Earliest Time to the
loth Century. By J. R. Planche. 400
Illustrations. 5^.
21
LIBRARY OF SPORTS AND GAMES.
14 Volumes at y. 6d. and ^s. each. (zl. \%s. per set.)
BOHN'S Handbooks of Athletic
Sports. With numerous Illustrations. In
8 vols. 3J. (id. each.
Vol. I. — Cricket, by Hon. and Rev. E.
Lyttelton ; Lawn Tennis, by H. W. W.
Wilberforce ; Tennis, Rackets, and Fives,
by Julian Marshall, Major Spens, and J. A.
Tait ; Golf, by W. T. Linskill ; Hockey,
by F. S. Cresweil.
Vol. II. — Rowing and Sculling, by W.
B. Woodgate ; Sailing, by E. F. Knight ;
Swimming, by M. and J. R. Cobbett.
Vol. III.— Boxing, by R. G. Allanson-
Winn ; Broad-sword and Single Stick, &c.,
by R. G. Allanson-Winn and C. Phillipps-
Wolley ; Wrestling, by Walter Armstrong ;
Fencing, by H. A. Colmore Dunn.
Vol. IV.— Rugby Football, by Harry
Vassall ; Association Football, by C. W.
Alcock ; Baseball, by Newton Crane ;
Rounders, Field Ball, Baseball-Rounders,
Bowls, Quoits, Curling, Skittles, &c., by
J. M. Walker, M.A., and C. C. Mott.
Vol. V. — Cycling and Athletics, by H. H.
GritSn ; Skating, by Douglas Adams.
Vol. VI. — Practical Horsemanship, in-
cluding Riding for Ladiss. By W. A.
Kerr, V.C.
Vol. VII. — Driving, and Stable Manage-
ment. By W. A. Kerr, V.C. {.Preparing.
Vol. VIII. — Gymnastics, by A. F. Jenkin;
Clubs and Dumb-bells, by G. T. B. Cobbett
and A. F. Jenkin. [/« the press.
BOHN'S Handbooks of Games, New
Edition, entirely rewritten. 2 volumes.
3i. td. each.
Vol. I. Table Games.
Contents :— Billiards, with Pool, Pyra-
mids, and Snooker, by Major-Gen. A. W.
Drayson, F.R.A.S., with a preface by
W. J. Peall— Bagatelle, by ' Berkeley '—
Chess, by R. F. Green— Draughts, Back-
gammon, Dominoes, Solitaire, Reversi,
Go Bang, Rouge et noir. Roulette, E.G.,
Hazard, Faro, by ' Berkeley.'
Vol. II. Card Games.
Contents :— Whist, by Dr. William Pole,
F.R.S., Author of 'The Philosophy of
Whist, &c.'— Solo ^\^list, and Poker, by
R. F. Green ; Piquet, Ecartc, Euchre,
Bezique, and Cribba^e, by 'Berkeley;'
Loo, Vingt-et-un, Napoleon, Newmarket,
Rouge et Noir, Pope Joan, Speculation,
&c. &c., by Baxter- Wray.
CHESS CONGRESS of 1862. A col-
lection of the games played. Edited by
J. Lowenthal. New edition, sj.
MORPHY'S Games of Chess, being
the Matches and best Games played by the
American Champion, with explanatory and
analytical Notes by J. Lowenthal. With
short Memoir and Portrait of Morphy. 5.f.
STAXJNTON'S Chess-Player's Hand-
book. A Popular and Scientific Intro-
duction to the Game, with numerons Dia-
grams. 5^.
Chess Praxis. A Supplement to the
Chess-player's Handbook. Containing the
most important modern Improvements in
the Openings ; Code of Chess Laws ; and
a Selection of Morphy's Games. Annotated.
636 pages. Diagrams, jj.
Chess-Player's Companion.
Comprising a Treatise on Odds, Collection
of Match Games, including the French
Match with M. St. Amant, and a Selection
of Original Problems. Diagrams and Co-
loured Frontispiece. 5J.
Chess Tournament of 1851.
A Collection of Games played at this cele-
brated assemblage. With Introduction
and Notes. Numerous Diagrams. 'jS.
22
BOHN'S CHEAP SERIES.
Price \s. each.
A Series of Complete Stories or Essays^ mostly reprinted from Vols, in
Bokn's Libraries, and neatly bound iti stiff paper cover, with
cut edges, suitable for Railway Reading.
ASCHAM (Roger),
By Professor Mayor.
Scholemaster.
CARPENTER (Dr. W. B.j. PhyBi-
ology of Temperance and Total Abstinence.
EMERSON. England and English
Characteristics. Lectures on the Race,
AbiHty, Manners, Truth, Character,
Wealth, Religion. &c. &c.
Nature : An Essay. To which are
added Orations, Lectures, and Addresses,
Representative Men : Seven Lec-
tures on Plato, Swedenborg, Mon-
taigne, Shakespeare, Napolbon, and
Goethe.
— — Twenty Essays on Various Sub-
jects.
The Conduct of Life.
FRANKLIN (Benjamin). Autobio-
graphy. Edited by J. Sparks.
HAWTHORNE (Nathaniel). Twice-
told Tales. Two Vols.
Snow Image, and Other Tales.
Scarlet Letter.
House with the Seven Gables.
Transformation ; or the Marble
Fawn. Two Parts.
HAZLITT (W.), Table-talk: Essays
on Men and Manners. Three Parts.
Plain Speaker : Opinions on Books,
Men, and Things. Three Parts.
Lectures on the English Comic
Writers.
Lectures on the English Poets.
Lectures on the Characters of
Shakespeare's Plays.
Lectures on the Literature of
the Age Elizabeth, chiefly Dramatic.
IRVING (Washington). Lives of
Successors of Mohammed.
Life of Goldsmith.
Sketch-book.
Tales of a Traveller
Tour on the Prairies
Conquests of Granada and
Spain. Two Parts.
Life and Voyages of Columbus.
Two Parts.
— Companions of Columbus :
Voyages and Discoveries.
Their
— - Adventures of Captain Bonne-
ville in the Rocky Mountains and the
West.
Knickerbocker's History of New
York, from the beginning of the World to
the End of the Dutch Dynasty.
Tales of the Alhambra.
Conquest of Florida under Her-
nando de Soto.
Abbotsford & Newstead Abbey,
Salmagundi ; or, The Whim-Whams
and Opinions of Launcelot Langstaff,
Esq.
Bracebridge Hall; or, The Hu-
mourists.
Astoria ; or. Anecdotes of an Enter-
prise beyond the Rocky Mountains.
Wolfert's Roost, and other Tales.
LAMB (Charles), Essays of Elia.,
With a Portrait.
Last Essays of Elia.
Eliana, With Memoir.
MARRY AT (Captain). Pirate and
the Three Cutters. With a Memoir of
the Author.
Bohn's Select Library of Standard Works.
Price i^. in paper covers, and is. 6d. in cloth.
1. Bacon's Essays. With Introduction and Notes.
2. Lessing'S Laokoon. Beasley's Translation, revised, with Intro-
duction, Notes, &c., by Edward Bell, M.A. With Frontispiece.
3. Dante's Inferno. Translated, with Notes, by Rev. H. F. Cary.
4. Goethe's Faust. Part I. Translated, with Introduction, by
Anna Swanwick.
5. Goethe's Boyhood. Being Part I. of the Autobiography
Translated by J. Oxenford.
6. Schiller's Mary Stuart and The Maid of Orleans. Trans-
lated by J. Mellish and Anna Swanwick.
7. The Queen's English. By the late Dean Alford.
8. Life and Labours of the late Thomas Brassey. By Sir
A. Helps, K.C.B.
9. Plato's Dialogues: The Apology— Crito—Phaedo—Protagoras.
With Introductions.
ID. MOLi^RE'S Plays : The Miser — Tartuffe — The Shopkeeper turned
Gentleman. Translated by C. H. W.ilt, M.A. With brief Memoir.
11. Goethe's Reineke Fox, in English Hexameters. By A. Rogers.
12. Oliver Goldsmith's Plays.
13. Lessing'S Plays : Nathan the Wise — Minna von Barnhelm.
14. Plautus'S Comedies: Trinummus — Menaechmi — Aulularia —
Captivi.
15. Waterloo Days. By C. A. Eaton. With Preface and Notes by
Edward Bell.
16. Demosthenes — On the Crown. Translated by C. Rann
Kennedy.
17. The Vicar of Wakefield.
18. Oliver Cromwell. By Dr. Reinhold Pauli.
19. The Perfect Life. By Dr. Channing. Edited by his nephew,
Rev. W. H. Channing.
20. Ladies in Parliament, Horace at Athens, and other pieces,
by Sir George Otto Trevelyan, Bart.
21. Defoe's The Plague in London.
22. iRviNG's Life of Mahomet.
23. Horace's Odes, by various hands. \0 id of Print.
24. Burke's Essay on ' The Sublime and Beautiful.' With
Short Memoir.
25. Hauff's Caravan.
26. Sheridan's Plays.
27. Dante's Purgatorio. Translated by Cary.
28. Harvey's Treatise on the Circulation of the Blood
29. Cicero's Friendship and Old Age.
30. Dante's Paradiso. Translated by Cary.
31. Chronicle of Henry VIII. Translated by Major M. A. S.
Hume.
The only authorized and complete 'Webster.'
WEBSTER'S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY.
An entirely New Edttio?i, thoroughly Revised, considerably Enlarged,
and reset in New Type.
Medium 4to. 2iiSj>ages, 3500 illustrations.
Prices: Cloth, £1 iis. 6d.; half-calf, £2 2s.; half-russia, £2 5s.;
calf, £2 8s. Also in 2 vols, cloth, £1 14s.
In addition to the Dictionary of Words, with their pronunciation, ety-
mology, alternative spellings, and various meanings, illustrated by quotations
and numerous woodcuts, there are several valuable appendices, comprising a
Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World ; Vocabularies of Scripture, Greek, Latin,
and English Proper Names ; a Dictionary of the noted Names of Fiction ; a
Brief History of the English Language ; a Dictionary of Foreign Quotations,
Words, Phrases, Proverbs, &c. ; a Biographical Dictionary with 10,000
Names, &c.
This last revision, comprising and superseding the issues of 1847, 1864,
and 1880, is by far the most complete that the Work has undergone during
the sixty-two years that it has been before the public. Every page lias been
treated as if the book were now published for the first time.
SOME PRESS OPINIONS ON THE NEW EDITION.
' We believe that, all things considered, this will be found to be the best
existing English dictionary in one volume. We do not know of any work
similar in size and price which can approach it in completeness of vocabulary,
variety of information, and general usefulness.' — Guardian.
' The most comprehensive and the most useful of its kind.' — National
Observer.
' A magnificent edition of Webster's immortal Dictionary. ' — Daily
Telegraph.
' A thoroughly practical and useful dictionary.' — Standard.
•A special feature of the present book is the lavish use of engravings,
which at once illustrate the verbal explanations of technical and scientific
terms, and permit them to remain readably brief It may be enough to refer
to the article on " Cross." By the use of the little numbered diagrams we are
spared what would have become a treatise, and not a very clear one. . . .
We recommend the new Webster to every man of business, every father of a
family, every teacher, and almost every student — to everybody, in fact, who is
likely to be posed at an unfamiliar or half-understood word or phrase.' —
Si. James's Gazette.
Prospectuses, with Specimen Pages, on applicatioti.
London : GEORGE BELL & SONS, York Street, Covent Garden.
A
The only authorized and complete 'Webster.'
WEBSTER'S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY.
A?t entirely New Ediii07i, thoroughly Revised, C07isiderably Enlarged,
and reset in New Type.
Medium j^to. 211^ pages, 3500 illustrations.
Prices: Cloth, £1 iis. 6d. ; half-calf, £2 2s.; half-russia, £2 5s.;
calf, £2 8s. Also in 2 vols, cloth, £1 14s.
In addition to the Dictionary of Words, with their pronunciation, ety-
mology, alternative spellings, and Tarious meanings, illustrated by quotations
and numerous woodcuts, there are several valuable appendices, comprising a
Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World ; Vocabularies of Scripture, Greek, Latin,
and English Proper Names ; a Dictionary of the noted Names of Fiction ; a
Brief History of the English Language ; a Dictionary of Foreign Quotations,
Words, Phrases, Proverbs, &c. ; a Biographical Dictionary with 10,000
Names, &c.
This last revision, comprising and superseding the issues of 1847, 1864,
and 1880, is by far the most complete that the Work has undergone during
the sixty-two years that it has been before the public. Every page has been
treated as if the book were now published for the first time.
SOME PRESS OPINIONS ON THE NEW EDITION.
' We believe that, all things considered, this will be found to be the best
existing English dictionary in one volume. We do not know of any work
similar in size and price which can approach it in completeness of vocabulary,
variety of infomiation, and general usefulness.' — Guardian.
' The most comprehensive and the most useful of its kind.' — National
Observer.
' A magnificent edition of Webster's immortal Dictionary. ' — Daitjf
Telegraph.
' A thoroughly practical and useful dictionary.' — Standard.
'A special feature of the present book is the lavish use of engravings,
which at once illustrate the verbal explanations of technical and scientific
terms, and permit them to remain readably brief. It may be enough to refer
to the article on " Cross." By the use of the little numbered diagrams we are
spared what would have become a treatise, and not a very clear one. . . .
We recommend the new Webster to every man of business, every father of a
family, every teacher, and almost every student — to everybody, in fact, who is
likely to be posed at an unfamiliar or half-understood word or phrase.' —
St. Jameses Gazette.
Prospectuses, with Specimen Pages, on application.
London : GEORGE BELL & SONS, York Street, Covent Garden.
\
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11