The history of Scotland : from the earliest accounts of that nation, to the reign of King James VI

PRESENTED TO THE LIBRARY

OF

PRINCETON THEOLOGICKL SEMINARY

BY

JVEfs. Alexander Ppoudfit.

Sec

3^75

v.Z

THE

HISTORY

OF

SCOTLAND,

FROM THE

EARLIEST ACCOUNTS OF THAT NATION,

TO THE

REIGN OF KING JAMES VI.

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN OF

GEORGE "BUCHANAN.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

TO. WHICH IS ANNEXED,

A Genealogy of all the Kings from Fergus I. to James VI.

SEVENTH EDITION.

REVISED AND CORRECTED FROM THE ORIGINAL,

BY MR. BOND.

EMBELLISHED WITH AN ELEGANT HEAD OF THE AUTHOR,
From an Original Painting in Anderfon's Institution in this City.

VOL. II.

GLASGOW,

jptintetJ fig Cfjaptan anu JUtt£.

1799.

(A. C. 1437J

THE

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND,

BOOK XI.

James II. the hundred and third king,

xVfter the punishment of the parricides, James the only son of
the deceased king, as yet scarce entered into the seventh year of
his age, began his reign on the 27th day of March, in the abbey
of Holyrood-house at Edinburgh. The king being as yet not fit
for government, there was a great dispute among the nobles, who
should be elected viceroy or regent. Archibald, earl of Douglas,
exceeded all the Scots at that time in wealth and power; but A-
lexander Livingston, and William Crichton, both of them of
knightly families, bore the best character in point of authority, and
in the fame which they got for their prudence in the administra-
tion of affairs in the then late reign. The nobility were unani^
mously inclined to give these two their votes, because they were
jealous of Douglas his power, which was great enough to make
even monarchs themselves uneasy at it. " Accordingly Alexander
Livingston was made regent, and William Crichton chancellor,
which office he had borne under the former king. The nobility
was scarce gone from the assembly, but presently factions arose :
For while the chancellor kept close with the king in the castle of
Edinburgh; and the regent with the queen, at Stirling; Douglas,
fretting that he was put by in the last assembly, not knowing which
faction he hated most, was well pleased to see all things in disor-
der; so that rather by his connivance, than consent, the men of
Annandale, who were always accustomed to thieving and rapine
infested all the neighbouring parts, ransacked them, and car-
ried off plunder, as if they had been in an enemy's country.
When complaint was made of it to the governors, they sent let-
ters to Douglas to suppress them (knowing that the Annandali-

A Z

4 history or Scotland. Book XL

ans were under his regulation and power) but these not prevail-
ing, they wrote others in a sharper style, to put him in mind
of his duty, but he was so far from punishing past offences, that
he rather emboldened the offenders, by screening them from pu-
nishment; for he gave forth a command, that none of them
should obey the king's officers if they summoned them into courts
of justice, or performed any other act of magistracy; in regard,
as he alleged, that this exemption was a privilege granted to him
(they commonly call it Regale, or Royalty) by former kings; and
that if any one should go a,bout to infringe it, it should cost him
his life.

The regent and the chancellor did bewail the state of things,
but they could not rectify it; so that the gangrene spread farther
and farther, and soon infected all those parts of Scotland which
lay within the Forth. And they themselves also disagreed, inso-
much that proclamations were publicly made in market towns
and villages, by Alexander, that no man should pay obedience to
the chancellor; and by the chancellor, that none should obey A-
lexander. And if a man addressed himself to either of them, to
complain of any wrongs, he was sure, at his return, to meet with
severe treatment from the men of the contrary faction; and mat-
ters were now and then carried with so high a hand, that the
complainant had his house fired about his ears, and was ruined to
all intents and purposes; so that both parties went beyond the
length of hostile fury, in their mutual butcheries of one another.
But the good men, who had joined neither faction, not knowing
well what to do, kept close at home, privately bewailing the de-
plorable state of their country. Thus, whilst every party sought
to strengthen itself, the public was neglected, and stood as it were
in the midst, forsaken and abandoned by every body.

T.he queen who was with the regent at Stirling, in order consi-
derably to strengthen her party, performed an attempt both bold
and manly. For she undertook a journey to Edinburgh, under
pretence of visiting her son, and so was admitted into the castle by
the chancellor. There she was courteously entertained, and, af-
ter some compliments had passed, her discourse turned upon a la-
mentation of the present state of the kingdom. She made a long
©ration about the many and great mischiefs that flowed from this
public discord, as from a fountain of iils; and signified, That, for
her part, she had alwas endeavoured to compose all differences so,
as if they could not attain to a perfect tranquillity, they might,
however, have some face of a civil government. But, seeing she
could not prevail, cither by her authority or counsel, to do any
good abroad, and in a public manner, she was now come to try
what she could do privately; for she was resolved to try her ut-
most, that her son, who was the hopes of the kingdom, should
have a pic us and a liberal education; that S0j in time, he might he

Book XI. HISTORY Ot? SCOTLAND. 5

able to apply some remedy to these spreading evils. And, seeing
this was a motherly care implanted in her by nature, she hoped it
would procure to her the envy of nobody: That, as for other parts
of the government, she desired they might take it, who thought
they were fit to manage and undergo so great a burden; but yet,
that they would manage it so, as to remember^ that they were to
give an account to the king, when he came of age.

This harangue slie made with a countenance so composed, that
the chancellor was fully convinced of her sincerity ; neither did he
discover any thing in her train of followers, which gave him the
least hint to suspect either fraud or force; so that hereupon he
gave her free admission to her son when she pleased ; and they
were often alone together, and sometimes she staid with him all
night in the castle. In the mean time, the artful woman fre-
quently discoursed the governor about making up of matters be-
tween the parties; and she called also some of the contrary faction
to the conferences; and thus she insinuated herself so far into the
man, that he communicated freely with her touching almost all
his affairs.

Having thus gained the chancellor, she easily persuades the
young king to follow her, as the author of his liberty, out of this
prison, and so to deliver himself out of the hands of a person who
used the royal name for a cloke to his wickedness; who had mo-
nopolized all public offices to himself; and neglecting the good of
the public, had highly advanced his own particular fortune. To
bring this happily to pass, she told him there wanted only a will
in him to hearken to the good counsel of his friends; and as for
other matters, he might leave them to her care and management.
By such kind of speeches, she, being his mother, and a sharp wo-
man, easily persuaded him, who was her sorr, and but a youth, to
put his whole trust and confidence in her; especially, seeing a
freer condition of life was proposed to him.

Accordingly she, having prepared all things for their flight,
went to the chancellor, and told him, that she would stay that
night in the castle, but early in the morning she was to go to *
White-kirk (that was the name of the place) to perform a vow
which she had made for tire safety of her son, and in the mean
time, commended him to his care, till she returned. He sus-
pecting no deceit in her words, wished her a good journey and a
safe return, and so parted from her.

Hereupon (as was agreed before) the king was put into a chest,
wherein she was wont to put her woman's furniture, and, the day
after, carried by faithful servants out of the castle to the sea-side
at Leith. The queen followed after with a few attendants, to
prevent all suspicion: There, a ship lying ready to receive them,

* Situate below Linton-bridge, on the Tyne, in East Lothian.

6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XT.

they went aboard, and, with a fair gale, made for Stirling. The
king's servants waited late in the morning, expecting still when lie
would awake, and arise out 'of bed; so that, before the fraud was
detected, the ship was quite out of danger, and the wind was so
favourable, that beforethe evening, they landed at Stirling. There
the king and queen were received with great joy and mighty ac-
clamations of the regent, and of all the promiscuous multitude.
The craft of the queen was commended by all, and the great
fame for wisdom which the chancellor had obtained, became now
to be a ridicule, even to the vulgar. This rejoicing and thanks-
giving of the populace lasted (as is usual) two days, and was cele-
brated with general shouts and acclamations of joy.

The third day, those of Alexander's faction came in, some out
of new hopes, others invited by authority of the king's name; to
whom, when the series of the project was declared in order; the
courage of the queen, in undertaking the matter ; her wisdom in
carrying it on; and her happiness in effecting it, were extolled to
the skies. The avarice, and universal cruelty of the chancellor,
and especially his ingratitude to the qUeen and regent, were highly
inveighed against. He was accused as the only author of all the
disorders, and consequently of all the mischiefs arising from
thence; moreover, that he had converted the public revenue to his
own use ; that he had violently seized on the estates of private
persons, and what he could not carry away, he spoiled; that he
alone had all the wealth, honour, and riches, when others were
pining in ignominy, solitude, and want; these grievances, though
great, yet were like to be seconded with more oppressive ones, un-
less, by God's aid and counsel, the queen had, no less valiantly
than happily, freed the king out of prison, and so delivered o-
thers from the chancellor's tyranny; for, if he kept his king in
prison, it was evident what private men might fear and expect
from him. What hope could there ever be, that he would be recon-
ciled to his adversaries, who had so perfidiously circumvented his
friends? And how could the inferior sort expect relief from him,
whose insatiable avarice, all their estates were not able to satisfy ?
And therefore, since by God's help, in the first place, and next, by
the queen's sagacity, they were freed from his tyranny, all courses
were to be taken that this joy might be perpetual : And to make
it so, there was but one way, which was to pull the man, as it
were, by the ears, out of his castle, that nest of tyranny; and either
to kill him, or in such a manner to disarm him, that, for the fu-
ture, he should not have the ability of doing them any more mis-
chief; though (said they) merely disarming him was not a very
safe way, because such a savage as he, who had been accustomed
to blood and rapine, would never be at quiet so long as the breath
was in his body.

This was the purport of Alexander's discourse in council, to

Book XL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 7

whom all did assent; so that an order was made, that every one
should go home, and levy what force they could to besiege the
castle of Edinburgh, from which they were not to depart till they
had taken it. And that this might be accomplished with the
greater facility, the queen promised to send thither a great quan-
tity of provision which she had in her store-houses in Fife; but
dispatch was the main thing to be consulted at that juncture,
while their counsels were yet private, and the enemy had no warn-
ing to provide things fit and necessary for a siege: And in the in-
terim, they had no room to apprehend any thing from Douglas,
who was, they knew, a mortal enemy to the chancellor; so that
now, as they had all the power, treasure enough, and likewise the
authority of the king's name (that being now taken from the chan-
cellor) he could have no hope, no other resource, but to put him-
self upon their mercy.

Thus, the assembly being dissolved, all things were speedily
provided for the expedition, and a close siege laid to the castle.
The chancellor was acquainted well enough with their designs,
but he placed the greatest hope of his safety, and of maintaining
his dignity, in bringing over Douglas to concur with him in his
defence.

For this end he sent humble suppliants to him, to acquaint
him, « That he would always be at his devotion if he would aid
« him in his present extremity; urging, that he was deceived if

* he thought that their cruelty would rest in the destruction of
« himself alone; but that they would make his overthrow as a

* step to destroy Douglas too.'

Douglas answered his message with more freedom than advan-
tage, viz. « That both Alexander and William were equally
' guilty of perfidiousness and avarice, and that their falling out

* was not for any point of virtue, or for the good of the public,
« but for their own private advantages, animosities, and feuds;
' and that it was no great matter which of them had the better
« in the dispute; nay, if they fell both in the contest, the public
< would be a great gainer by it; and that no good man would de-

* sire to see a happier sight, than two such fencers hacking and

* hewing one another."

This answer being noised abroad in both armies (for the cas-
tle was already besieged) was the occasion of a peace being soon-
er clapt up, than any one thought was possible. A truce was
made for two days, and Alexander and William had a meeting,
where they debated it together, how dangerous it would be,
both for their public and their private estates too, if they should
persist in their hatred, even to a battle; insomuch as Douglas
did but watch the event of the combat, that he might come
fresh, and fall upon the conqueror, and bv that politic means at-

Vol. II. E

8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

tract all the power of the kingdom to himself, when either one
of them was slain, or both weakened and broken; and therefore
the hopes of both their safeties were placed in their common
and mutual agreement. Thus the threatening dangers easily re-
conciled those two, who were, upon all other accounts, prudent
enough. William, according to agreement, gave up the keys of
the castle to the king, professing, That both himself, and it,
were at his service; and that he never entertained any other
thought than that of obedience to the king's will. Upon this
profession he was received into favour with the universal assent
of all that were present. The king supped that night in the
castle, thus surrendered to him, and the next day, the govern-
ment of the castle was bestowed on William, and the regency
on Alexander. Thus, after a deadly hatred between them, it
was hoped, that for ever after, the foresight of their mutual ad-
vantage, and the fear of their common enemy, had bound them
up in one firm and indissoluble knot of friendship.

After these civil broils between the factions were composed;
besides robberies, and the murders of some cf the common sort,
which were committed in many places, without punishment,
there were some remaining feuds, which broke out between
some noble families. The year after the king's death, on the
2ist of September, Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock had treacher-
ously slain Allan Stuart of Darnly in a truce, as he met him
between Linlithgow and Falkirk. The next year after, on the
oth of July, Alexander, Allan's brother, with his party, fought
Thomas, where many were slain on both sides, their numbers
being almost equal ; and, amongst the rest, Thomas himself
fell.

The death of Archibald Douglas happened very opportunely
r.tthis time, because, in his life-time, his power was universally
formidable. He died of a fever, the next year after the death of
James I. His son William succeeded him, being the sixth earl
of that family; he was then in the fourteenth year of his age, a
young man of great hopes, if his education had been answerable
to his ingenuity. But faftery, luhicb is the perpetual pest of great
families, corrupted his tender age, puffed up by entering so soon
on his estate. For such men as were accustomed to idleness, and
who made a gain of the folly and indiscretion of the rich, did
magnify his father's magnificence, power, and almost more than
royal retinue; and, by this means, they easily persuaded a plain,
simple disposition, unarmed against such temptations, to main-
tain a great family, and to ride abroad witli a train beyond the
State of any other nobleman; so that he kept his old vassals about
him, in their former offices, and obtained also new, by his profuse
largesses; lie also made knights and senators, and so distinguished

Book XL history of Scotland. 9

•the order and degrees of his attendants, as to imitate the public
conventions of the kingdom: in fine, he omitted nothing which
might equal the majesty of the king himself. Such gallantries
were enough to create suspicions of themselves; but good men
were also much troubled for him upon another account, that he
would often go abroad with 2000 horse in his train, amongst
whom some were notorious malefactors and thieves, and many ot
them worthy of death ; yet with these he would come to court,
and even into the king's presence, not only to shew his power,
but even to strike terror into the hearts of others. This his in-
insolence was further heightened, by his sending some eminent
persons as his ambassadors into France, viz. Malcolm Fleming,
and John f Lauder, who declaring how much his ancestors had
merited of the kings of France, easily obtained for him the title
of Duke of Tours; an honour which had been conferred on his
grandfather by Charles VII. for his great services performed in
the wars; and his father enjoyed it after him. Grown proud by
this accession of grandeur, he undervalued the regent and the
chancellor too* being, as he alleged, his father's enemies ; nei-
ther did he much stand in awe of the king himself. For these
causes, the power of the Douglasses seemed too exorbitant; and
pver and above all this, a further cause of suspicion was added.

William Stewart had a large patrimony in Lorn; his brother
James, after the king's death, had married the queen, and had
children by her; but very haughtily resenting that he was admit-
ted to no share in the administration, to the end he might more
easily obtain what he desired, and revenge his concealed grief, he
seemed well inclined to Douglas his faction; and it was thought,
that the queen was not ignorant of his design: for she also took it
amiss, that the regent had not rewarded her merits as she expect-
ed. On account of these suspicions, the queen, her husband,
and her husband's brother, were committed to prison the second
of August, jn the year of our Lord .... The queen was shut up
in a chamber narrow enough indeed of itself, but yet even there
she was diligently and watchfully guarded: for the rest, they were
laid in irons in the common prison, and were not freed till in an
assembly of noblemen, held the 31st of August, the queen had
cleared herself from being any way privy to these new plots; and
James and his brother had given in sureties that they would act
nothing against the regent; and that they would not take any post
in the government without his consent.

Amidst this uncertainty of affairs, the Western Islanders made
a descent upon the continent, and wasted all with fire and sword,
without distinction of age or sex, so that their avarice and cruelty

f Or Lother, a great and ancient familv in Lothian.

B 2

IO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

was not to be paralleled by any example : neither were they con-
tented to prey only upon the sea-coast, but they also slew John
Colchoun, a noble person in Lennox, having called him out from
Inch-merin, in the Loch Lomond, to a conference, and after
having publicly plighted their faith for his security: this was done
the 23d of September. Many foul offences of this nature were
committed ; so that partly on the account of want of tillage, and
partly of unseasonable weather, provisions came to be very dear ;
and moreover there was a pestilence for two years, so dreadful and
fierce, that they who were visited with it died within the space of
a day. The vulgar ascribed the cause of all these calamities to the
regent •, for matters succeeding prosperously with him, lie despised
the chancellor, and the nobles of that faction, and brought the ad-
ministration of all things within the compass of his own power.
Complaints were made against him, that he caused noble and e-
minent persons to be imprisoned upon light and ungrounded sus-
picions, and afterward inflicted upon them very heavy and un-
warrantable punishments; and that he gave indemnity to those,
who were really guilty, merely according to his own arbitrary will
and pleasure; and that he held secret correspondence with Dou-
glas. The chancellor could not bear these things with patience,
nor pass them over in silence; neither was he able to prevent them
by force; and therefore he suppressed his anger for the present,
and resolved to leave the court. And accordingly, upon the first
opportunity, he left the king and the regent at Stirling, and with
a great train of followers came to Edinburgh ; and there he fixed
himself in that strong castle, being intent and vigilant in all occa-
sions of change which might occur.

When this matter was noised abroad, it excited envy against
the regent because of his power; and procured favour to the chan-
cellor, because of his retirement: Neither did William neglect his
opportunity to make advantage of these feuds: for he resolved, by
some bold attempt, to curb the insolence of his adversary, and to
remove the contempt he had cast upon him. And therefore,
having understood by his spies, that the king went every day a
hunting, and was ■ slightly guarded, watching the season when
Alexander was absent, arid having made sufficient enquiry into
the conveniency of the country, the fitness of the time, and the
certain number of the guards, he chose out a fit place not far
from Stirling, where the faithfullest of his friends, with what
force they could make, should meet and wait for his coming :
And he, with a few Lorse, lodged himself in a wood near the
castle of Stirling before day, and there waited for the king's com-
ing ; neither did providence fail him in this bold attempt. The
king came into the wood early in the morning, with a small train,
and those unarmed too; and $0 he fell among the armed troops

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. X I

of the chancellor; they saluted him as king according to custom,
and bid him to be of good ckear> and take courage. The chancel-
lor, in as few words as the time would permit, advised him to
provide for himself and the kingdom, and to deliver himself out
of Alexander's prison, that so he might live hereafter at liberty,
and as a king; and might not accustom himself to fulfil the lusts
and dictates of other men; but might, himself, lay those com-
mands, which were just and equal, upon others; and so might
free all his subjects from their present misery, which they had
been plunged into by the ambition and lust of their subordinate
governors, and that so deeply, that there could be no remedy
found for them, unless the king himself would undertake the go-
vernment; and this he might easily do without peril or pain: For
he himself had provided a good body of horse near at hand, who
would attend him to what fit place soever he would go. The
king seemed by his countenance to approve of what he had said:
Either that he really thought so; or else, that he dissembled his
fear. Whereupon the chancellor took his horse's bridle in his
hand, and led him to his own men: They which were with the
king, being few, and unarmed, not able to encounter so many
men, returned back in great sadness. Thus the king came to
Edinburgh, guarded with 4000 armed men, where he was receiv-
ed by the commonalty with great demonstrations of joy.

After the regent heard of what was done, his mind was con-
founded betwixt anger and shame, insomuch that he returned to
Stirling, to consider what was most advisable in the case. His
great spirit was mightily troubled to see himself so childishly de-
luded by his own negligence; he suspected it was done by the
fraud and connivance of his own followers; and thus he stood
long wavering whom to trust, and whom to fear; shame, anger
and suspicion, reigned alternately in his mind. At length he
took a little heart, and began to bethink himself what remedy to
apply to his present misfortune. He knew that his own strength
was not sufficient against the chancellor, a man .politic in coun-
sel, and strong in force; and besides, he had the favour of the
people, and the authority of the king's name to support him.
As for the queen, he had so offended her by her close imprison-
ment, that she was hardly ever like to be reconciled to him; and
if she was, he had no great confidence in her assistance. And
for Douglas, it is true, he had strength enough, but no prudence;
his age was tender; his mind infirm; he was corrupted by flat-
teries, and swayed by the persuasions of others; and (as in such
circumstances it usually falls out) the worst of men could do
most with him, and therefore he thought it below his dignity to
have any thing to do with such i rascality of men: But the chan-
cellor, though he was of a contrarv faction to him, yet was a

12 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

wise man, and his age and disposition might more safely be
trusted; neither was the cause of offence between them so great,
but that it was superable by their ancient offices of respect one to
another; but the greatest likelihood of their reconciliation was
grounded upon the similitude of their danger, and their joint
consent to maintain the safety of the commonwealth. Besides
the enmity of the chancellor was what was most of all to be dread-
ed ; for if he joined the other factions, he had power in his hands
either to reduce or banish him. Having pondered upon these
things in his mind, for some days, and communicated them to
some of his most familiar friends, good men, and lovers of their
country, by :heir advice, he took an ordinary train of attend-
ants, and went to Edinburgh.

It happened that the bishops of Aberdeen and Murray were
then there; men, according to the judgment of those days, high-
ly advanced both in learning and virtue. By their means and
intercession, the regent and chancellor had a meeting in St.
Giles's church, with some few of their friends on each side.
The regent first began to speak;

" I think it not necessary (says he) to make a long discourse in
*' bewailing those things, which are too well known to all, or in
« reckoning up the mischiefs arising from intestine discords, and
" the benefits springing from concord; I wish we might experi-
" ence those miseries rather by foreign than domestic examples;
" I will then come to those things which concern the public safe-
" ty of all the people; and, next to theirs, our own, most of all.
" This disagreement betwixt us, ariseth neither from covetous-
" ness, nor from ambition to rule; but because, in the admini-
" stration of public affairs, which both of us wish well to, we are
" not of one mind, but take different measures; yet we are to
" take great care, lest this our dissension should be puT)licly pre-
" judicial to the kingdom, or privately injurious to ourselves.
*' The eyes of all men are upon us two: Wicked persons propose
" to themselves a licentiousness to do any thing, when we are de-
" stroyed ; and ambitious ones think then also, to obtain an op-
" portunity to get wealth and power; and besides, we have a
" great many maligners and enviers, as usually men newly raised
«f up to the highest dignity are wont to have. All these, as they repine
" at our successes, and caluminate our prosperity, so they wil-
" lingly receive the news of our adversity, as thereby hoping, and
" wishing for our ruin; and therefore it will be worth both our
" labours, to consult our own safety, which is closely interwoven
" with that of the public, and so to revenge ourselves on our e-
" nemies and detractors, as may redound to our great glory and
«■* praise. The only way to accomplish those ends, is this, that
" we forget our private injuries, and contribute all our thought?

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 3

« and counsels for the good of the public; remembering, that
" the king's safety is committed to our care, and so is also the
" safety of the kingdom; yet so, that we are both liable to an ac-
« count. And therefore, as heretofore we have been to blame
" in contending which of us should be the greater in honour and
« authority; so, for the future, let our contest be, which shall ex-
" ceed the other in moderation and justice: and, by this means,
" we shall bring it to pass, that the commonalty, who now hate
" us, and impute all their calamities to us, will be reconciled to,
*« and revere us again. The nobility, who, upon our disunion,
« have launched forth into the most unwarrantable excesses, may
" be brought back to a due sense of moderation; and the more
'« powerful sort, who despise- us, as weakened by division, may
" stand in awe of us, when united and reconciled, and so behave
11 themselves towards us with greater sobriety than ever. As for
« me, I willingly give up the tender age of the king to be model-
« led and governed by you, as his father, in his lifetime, appoint-
« ed; for as often as I seriously think of that service, I judge my-
« self rather to be eased of a burden, than despoiled of honour :
" If I have received any private injury from you, I freely for-
« give it for the sake of the public; and if I have done you any
" wrong, let honest arbitrators adjust the damage, and I will
** make you satisfaction to the full; and I will take special care
" that such shall be my behaviour for the future, that neither
" my losses nor advantages, shall put the least stop to the pub-
" lie prosperity. And if you are of the same mind, we may
« both of us rest secure for the present, and also leave our me-
" mories more grateful to posterity; but if you think otherwise,
" I call all men to witness, both here and hereafter, that it is
" not my fault, that the evils under which we now labour,
" are not either fully cured, or, at least, in some sort relieved
" and mitigated."

To this the chancellor replied;
" As I unwillingly entered upon this stage of contention, so
" I am very willing to hear any mention made of an honourable
" agreement: For as I did not take up arms before the injuries
« I suffered, provoked me; so your modesty hath urged me not to
«* 9urfer the public to be damaged by my pertinacious,ness. For
" I see, as well as you, by this our discord, that good men are ex-
" posed to the injuries of the bad; in the mind of the seditious
'« are excited hopes of innovation; our country is left for a prey;
" the kingly dignity is lessened; public safety betrayed; autho-
« rity bearded and ridiculed, even by the meanest of the people.
" And whilst we thus betray the safety of the public, our private
" affairs are in no better posture. In the mean time, men, who
«* are given to sedition, make advantage of our discords; and our

14 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

" enemies behold them as a pleasant sight, (for they hate us both
«"« alike), and if the loss fall on either of us, yet they count them-
" selves gainers by what either of us shall lose: and therefore I
« I will not repeat the causes of our feuds, lest I make old sores
" bleed afresh-, but in short, I declare, that I forgive all private
" wrongs and injuries, upon the score of my country, for there
** never was, nor shall be, any thing that I prefer to the safety of
" the people, and the good of the commonwealth."

Those who were present, did highly commend both their reso-
lutions; and so, by joint consent, arbiters were chosen to compose
differences; and, to the great joy of all, old discords were pluck-
ed up by the roots, and new foundations of amity laid; and thus
they, by joint counsel, again undertake the management of the
kingdom. After this concord, an assembly of the estates was held
at Edinburgh. Thither came not a few persons, as is usual, but
even whole clans and tenantries (as if they had removed their ha-
bitations) to complain of the wrongs they had sustained; and in-
deed, the sight of such a miserable company could not be enter-
tained without deep affliction of spirit, every one making his wo-
ful moan, according to his circumstances; that robbers had de-
spoiled fathers of their fathers; widows of their husbands; and
all, in general of their estates. Whereupon, after commiseration
of the sufferers, the envy as is usual, and reflection was carried to,
and fixed upon, the captains of those thieves, whose offences
were so impudent, that they could in noways be suffered ; and
their faction was so far diffused, that no man was able to defend
his life or fortune, unless he was of their party; yea, their power
was so great, that the authority of the magistrate could afford lit-
tle help to the poorer and weaker sort against their violence and
force. Wherefore the wiser sort of counsellors were of opinion.
That, seeing their power was insuperable by plain force, it was best
to undermine it by degrees. They all knew well enough, that
the earl of Douglas was the fountain of all those calamities, yet no
man durst name him publicly: and therefore the regent, dissem-
bling his anger for the present, persuaded the whole assembly,
That it was more advisable for them to keep the peace with
Douglass, at present, than to iritate him by suspicions: for he had
so great a power, that he alone, if he remained refractory, was a-
bleto hinder the execution of the decrees of all the estates; but if
he joined in with the assembly, then he might easily heal the pre-
sent mischiefs.

In pursuance of this advice, a decree was made, that letters of
compliment, in the name of the estates, should be sent to him,
to put him in mind of the place he held, and of the great and
illustrious merits of his ancestors, for the advantage of their
countrv; and withal, to desire him to come to the public as-

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 5

sembly of the estates, which could not well be held without
the presence of him and his friends. If he had any complaint
to make in the assembly, they would give him all the satisfaction
they were able to do; and if he or his friends had done any
thing prejudicial to the public, in respect to his noble family,
which had so often deserved well of their country, they were rea-
dy to remit many things upon the account of his age, of the
times, of his own person, and the great hopes conceived of him.
And therefore they desired that he would come and undertake
what part of the public government he pleased ; for, inasmuch as
Scotland had often been delivered from great dangers by the arms
of the Douglasses, they hoped that, by his presence, he would,
at this juncture, strengthen and relieve his country which labour-
ed under intestine evils.

The young man, whose age and disposition made him covetous
of glory, was taken with the bait ; and his friends added their
persuasions. For they were all blinded by their particular
hopes; so that their minds were turned from all apprehension of
danger, to the sole consideration of their several advantages.
When the chancellor heard that he was on his journey, he went
out several miles to meet him, and gave him a friendly invitation
to his castle, which was near the road (it was called Crichton)
where he was magnificently entertained for the space of two
days ; in which time the chancellor shewed him all imaginable
respect, that he might the more easily entrap the unwary young
man. For, to shew that his mind was no way alienated from
him, he began, in a familiar manner, to persuade him to be
mindful of the king's dignity, and of his own duty; that he
should own him for his liege lord, whom right of birth, the laws
of the country, and the decree of the estates, had advanced to
the sovereignty; that he should transmit the great estate, which
his ancestors had got by their blood and valour, to his posteri-
ty, in like manner as he had received it; and also the name of
the Douglasses, which was illustrious for their loyalty and at-
chievements, free from the horrid stain, and even from all sus-
picion of treason; that he and his tenants should forbear oppres-
sing the poor common people; that he should put all robbers
out of his service; and, for the future, maintain the laws of jus-
tice in so inviolable a manner, that if he had offended hereto-
fore, it might be easily attributed to the ill counsel of bad men,
and not to the depravity of his own nature; for, in that tender
and infirm age, his repentance would pass for innocence. By
these and the like speeches, he persuaded the young man that
he was his entire friend, and so drew him on to Edinburgh,
with David his brother, who was privy to all his projects and
Ji/si^ns. But his followers had r,omc suspicion of deceit, bv
Vol. II. C

I<5 - HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

reason of the frequent messages that came from Alexander the
regent; for expresses were flying to and fro every moment;
and besides, the chancellor's speech seemed more dissembling
and flattering, than was usual for one of his place and dignity.
All the earl's followers muttered this secretly among themselves,
and some freely told him, « That if he was resolved to go on,
" yet he ought to send back David his brother, and (according
" to his father's advice to him, on his death-bed) not to lay his
" whole family open to one stroke of fortune." But the im-
provident youth was angry with his friends that had thus advised
him, and caused a kind of proclamation to be made among all
his followers, that not a whisper of that kind should be heard
among them. To his more particular friends he made answer,
" That he knew well enough, that it was the common plague
" of great families, to be troubled with men who loved to be
" restless and uneasy, and who made a gain of the dangers and
" miseries of their patrons: And that such men, because, in time
" of peace, they were bound up by laws, were the authors and
fi advisers to sedition, that so they might fish the better in trou-
" bled waters; but, for his part, he had rather trust his person
f* to the known prudence of the regent and chancellor, than give
" ear to die temerity and madness of seditious persons." Hav-
ing spoken these words, to cut off any occasion of further ad-
vice in the case, he set spurs to his horse, and with his brother,
and a few more of his best confidents, hastened to the castle,
with more speed than is usual in an ordinary march; and so,
fate drawing him on, he precipitated himself into the snares of
his enemies.

In that very moment of time, the regent came in too, for so it
was agreed, that the whole weight of so great envy might not lie
on one man's shoulders only. Douglas was kindly received, and
admitted to the king's table ; but in the midst of the feast, some
armed men beset him, quite defenceless as he was, and put a
bull's head upon him, which, in those times, was a messenger and
sign of death. When the young man saw that, he was troubled
and went to rise from his scat, but the armed men seized him, and
carried him to a court near the castle; where he paid for the
intemperance of his youth, with the loss of his head. David his
brother, and Malcolm Fleming, whom, next to his brother, he
trusted most of all, were also put to death with him It is said,
that the king, who was then grown up to a youth, wept ior his
death; and that the chancellor rebuked him mightily for his un-
seasonable tears at the destruction of an enemy; whereas the pu-
blic peace was never like to be settled, as long as he was alive.
William dying thus without children, James (suinamed Cras-
s#!S, or the Gross, from his disposition) succeeded him in the earl-

Book XL HISTORY OF SCOTLAD. 1 7

dom, (for it was a male-fee, as lawyers speak) the rest of his patri-
mony, which was very great, fell to his only sister, Beatrix, a ve-
ry beautiful person in her days. This James, the Gross, though
he was no bad man, yet he was no less suspected by the king, and
hated by the commons, than the former earl; because, though he
did not maintain robbers, as the former earl had done; yet he was
not very zealous in subduing them-, but he was delivered from
this state of envy, by his death, which happened two years after.

William, the eldest of his seven sons, succeeded him, and being
emulous of the ancient power of the family, that he might restore
it to its pristine splendor, resolved to marry his uncle's daughter,
who was the heiress of many countries: Several of his kindred
did not approve of the match, partly because it was an unusual,
and by consequence an unlawful thing; and partly, because, by
the accession of so much wealth, he would be envied by the peo-
ple, and also formidable to the king. For a rumour was spread
abroad, and that not without ground, that the king himself would
do his utmost to hinder the match. This made William hasten
the consummation of the marriage, even within the time when
marriages are prohibited, that he might prevent the king's endea-
vours to the contrary. Thus having obtained great wealth, he
grew insolent, and envy followed his insolence, in regard troops of
robbers did swarm every where, whose captains were thought to
be no strangers to Douglas's design. Amongst them there was
one John Gormac of Athol, who pillaged all the country about
him, and set upon William Ruthen, sheriff of Perth, because he
was leading a thief of Athol to the gallows, and fought with him,
as it were in a battle. At last Gormac the captain, and thirty of
his followers were slain, and the rest fled to the mountains. This
skirmish happened in the year of Christ 144 3.

A few days after, the castle of Dumbarton, impregnable by
force, was twice taken in a little time: Robert Semple was com-
mander of the lower castle, and Patrick Galbreath of the higher,
and their government was so divided, that each had a peculiar en-
trance into his own part. These two were not free from factions
amongst themselves: For Patrick was thought secretly to favour
the Douglasses. Whereupon Semple, perceiving that his part
was but negligently guarded, seized him, and commanded him to
remove his goods. The day after, Patrick entered with four com-
panions attending him, without arms, to fetch out his goods; where
first, he lights upon the porter alone, and^then, seizing some arms,
drove him and the rest out of the upper castle; and thus, sending
for aid out of the neighbouring town, he heat them out of the
lower castle also, and so reduced the whole fort into his own
hands.

About that time there were very many murders committed

C %

1 8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

upon the inferior sort ; which were partly perpetrated by the
Douglassians, and partly charged upon them by their enemies.
The king being now of age, and managing the government him-
self, Douglas, being unable to stand against the envy of the no-
bles, and the complaints of the commons too, resolves to become
a new man, to satisfy the people, and, by all means possible, to
win back the heart of the king, which was alienated from him;
and, in order thereunto, he came with a great train to Stirling.
And, when he had intelligence by some courtiers, whom he had
bribed and made his own, that the king's anger was appeased
towards him, then, and not before, he came into his presence, and
laid down his life and fortune at his feet, and submitted and left
them all to his disposal. He partly excused the crimes of his
former life, and partly (because that seemed the readier way to re-
conciliation) he ingenuously confessed them; withal • affirming,
that whatever fortune he should have hereafter, he would ascribe
it solely to the clemency of the king, not to his own innocency;
but if the king would be pleased to receive satisfaction from him,
by his services and obsequiousness, he would do his utmost endea-
vour for the future, that no man should be more loyal and observ-
ant of his duty than himself; and that, in restraining and punish-
ing all those exorbitant offences which his enemies cast upon him,
none should be more sharp and severe than he ; in regard he was
descended from that family, which was not raised by op-
pressing the poor, but by defending the commons of Scotland by
their arms. By this oration of the earl's, and the secret commen-
dation of the courtiers, the king was so changed, that he forgave
him all the crimes of his former life, and received him into the
number of his favourites, and communicated all his secret designs
to him.

And indeed the earl, in a very little time, had so obliged the
king by his obsequious carriage: and had won so much on his
ministers by his liberality; nay, had so ingratiated himself with
ail men by his modest and courteous condescension; that the or-
dinary sort of peopk conceived great hope of his gentle and plia-
ble deportment; but the wiser were somewhat afraid, whither so
sudden a change of manners would tend: And especially Alexan-
der Livingston and William Crichton, imagining that all his coun-
sels would tend to their destruction, having resigned their places,
retired each of them from court, Alexander to his own estate, and
William into the castle of Edinburgh, there to watch and observe,
where the dissimulation of Douglas would end. Nor were these
men of penetration out in the opinion they had entertained; for
Douglas, having gotten the king alone, and destitute of graver
counsel, and who was somewhat unwary too, by reason of the
inexperience of his years, thought now that he had a fit opportunity

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTT. ANI>. 10.

to revenge the deaths of his kinsmen; and so easily persuaded the
king to send for William Crichton and Alexander Livingston,
with his two sons Alexander and James, to give him a legai ac-
count of the administration of their former offices. His design
herein was, if they came to court, to bring them under by the
power of his faction; but if they refused to come, then to declare
them public enemies; and so, having the authority of the kings
name, as a pretence for his power, to sequester their estates.
Hereupon they were summoned to appear, but returned answer
by letters, « That they had never any thing move prevalent and
" superior in their thoughts, titan the good of the king and king-
" dom; and that they had so managed their offices, that they de-
" sired nothing more than to give up a full account, provided it
" was before impartial judges; but, for the present, they desired
" to be excused, in regard they perceived, that the minds of those
t* who were to be their judges, were prepossessed with the fa-
" vours and bribes of their enemies; and besides all passages were
" beset with armed men; not that they shunned a legal hearing,
" but only withdrew from the violence of their mortal enemies at
" the present, and reserved their lives for better times, till the
" commanders of thieves being driven from the king's presence
" as they had often been in doubtful times before, they might
" then justify and assert their innoceney to the king and all good
» men."

When this answer was received, in a convention which was
held at Stirling, the fourth day of November, Douglas carried the
matter so, that they were declared public enemies, and their goods
confiscated. And then he sends out John Froster* of Corstor-
phin, his confident, with forces to ravage their landsf ; and bring
their goods into the king's exchequer. He took in their castles by
surrender; part of them he demolished, and into part he put new
garrisons; and thus making mighty waste, without any resistance
he carried off" a very considerable booty. The Douglassians had
scarce retired, before Crichton had gathered dn army of his
friends and vassals, sooner than was expected; and with them he
over-ran the lands of the Foresters, and of the Douglasses, even
as far as Corstorphin, 5trabrock|, Abercorn, and Blackness. He
burnt their houses, spoiled their corn, and brought away as much
of the plunder as he was able; and, amongst the rest, a stately
breed of mares: and thus he did his enemy much more mischief
than he received. Douglas, knowing that Crichton had done
this by the assistance of others, rather than his own force, turns

* Or Forester.

f In Mid Lothian, two miles west of Edinburgh.

f A town on the river Brock, in West Lothian, a castle standing on a rock,
king near the frith of Forth above Abercorn.

20 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

his anger upon his friends, who, he was informed, had sent him
aid privately, for few durst do it openly. The chief of them
were James Kennedy, archbishop of St. Andrews, George earl of
Angus, John earl of Morton; both the latter of Douglas's own
family; but one born of the king's aunt, the mother of James
Kennedy; the other had married the king's sister. These per-
sons did always prefer the public safety, and the duty incumbent
upon them to preserve it, before all private respects to their fami-
hes. But Kennedy exceeded the rest hi age, counsel, and conse-
quently in authority; and therefore the adversary's wrath was
principally incensed against him : Whereupon the earl of Craw-
ford and Alexander Ogilvie raised a sufficient body of men, and
destroyed his lands in Fife; and, having a greater eye to the
plunder, than they had to the cause, they ransacked the neigh-
bouring farms into the bargain; and then, without any opposition,
returned into Angus, laden with spoil. In this case, Kennedy be-
took himself to his proper church-arms; and, because Crawford
would not answer in court, he laid him under ecclesiastical cen-
sures; which Crawford despised, according to his wonted contu-
macy:' But a little while after, he was justly punished for his con-
tempt of all laws, human and divine. For, the same year these
things were acted, the college of the Benedictines, at Aberbro-
thick, (because it was not for monks to intermeddle, and set them-
selves up for judges in civil causes) had made Alexander Lindsay,
eldest son of the earl of Crawford, their chief jydge in civils, or,
as they call him, sheriff or bailiff. He, with his huge train of fol-
lowers, became burdensome to the monastery; and besides, he car-
ried himself as their master, rather than their bailiff; so that they
dispossessed him of his office, and put Alexander Ogilvie in his
place: Lindsay looked upon this as a wrong done to him; which
made each of them gather together what force they could, as if a
war had been deckled between them. When both armies stood
in a readme; s to fight, the earl of Crawford, having notice of it,
made ail ha?tc lie could, and rode in betwixt them both, thinking
that the sole authority of his name had been armour of proof to
- and, whilst he was hindering his son from engaging, and
.aiiing out Ogilvie to a conference, a soldier darted a spear into his
jnouth (it was not known whom it was, nor what he aimed at)
and struck him down dead from his horse. His death was an a-
larm to both armies, and, after a sharp conflict, many being
wounded on both sides, the victory fell to the Lindsays: They
say the cause of it was, that, whilst both armies stood with their
opears upright, appearing in the perfect form of a grove, a certain
man cried out, Why do you bring these goads with you, as if you
had to do with oxen? Pray throw them away, and let us fight it
out with our swords, hand to hand, by true valour, as becomes

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 2T

men. This said, they all threw away their pikes on both sides,
except ioo Clydesdale men, whom Douglas had sent in to aid the
Lindsays. These held the tops or points of their pikes in their
hands, and trailed them at their backs; but, when they came to
handy-blows then they held them out as a thick fence before them,
and broke the ranks of their enemies, daunted at the sight of wea-
pons, which they did not expect. The conquering side lost ioo-,
the conquered 500, and amongst them many men of note. Alex-
ander Ogilvie was taken prisoner, and died a few days after, of the
pain of his wounds, and grief of mind together. Gordon earl of
Huntly, was put upon a horse by a friend of his own, and so escap-
ed. The slaughter had been much greater, if the night had not
covered the fugitives, for the battle began a few hours before
night, on the 24th of January.

The Lindsays managed their victory with great cruelty; they
pillaged and demolished houses, and utterly spoiled the country.
The war was as hotly carried on between the factions in other
parts, Douglas had besieged William Crichton some months in
the castle of Edinburgh: and, to make a more close siege, the as-
sembly of the estates, which was summoned to be held on the
1 5 tli of July, and was already begun at Perth, was removed to
Edinburgh. When the siege had lasted nine months, both the
besiegers and the besieged, grew equally weary, and so a surren-
der was made on these conditions, viz. That William should be in-
demnified for whatsoever he had done against the king, and he and hits
should inarch safely off. Thus, in every dispute, he ivho is most
powerful, would seem to be most innocent. And, not long after,
Crichton was received into the king's favour, and was made
chancellor again, by the general consent of all : but he refrained
the court, and all public business, as much as ever his office would
suffer him to do. Douglas, having thus rather terrified than o-
verthrown Crichton, turned the rest of his fury upon the Living-
stons. But before I come to that part of my history, I will touch
upon the slaughter of some of the nobles of those times, for it
would be a work without end, to record the fates of them all.

James Stewart, a noble knight, was slain by Alexander Lisle
and Robert Boyd, at Kirkpatrick, about two miles from Dumbar-
ton ; neither could they satisfy their cruelty with his death, but
they endeavoured to get his wife also, who was then big with
child, and just upon the point of lying-in, into their power; in
order where unto, they sent a priest to her, as in great haste, to
tell her, that all the roads were full of horse and foot, and that
there was no way for her to escape the present danger, but to go
on shipboard, and fly to Robert Boyd at Dumbarton, who had so-
lemnly promised to return her safe ho me. The credulous woman,
who did not know that Robert was present at the perpetration of
the murder, being carried from Cardross into the castle, perceiv-

22 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI#

ing that she was circumvented by the fraud of her enemies,, and o-
vtrcome with excess of grief, fear, and indignation, brought forth
an abortive birth, which, with the mother, died a few hours
after.

About the same time, Patrick Hepburn, earl of Hales, kept
the castle of Dunbar, and had with him Joan, the wife of James I.
who in these tumultuous times had fled thither for refuge. Archi-
bald Dunbar, thinking this to be a just cause for a quarrel, set
upon Hales, Hepburn's castle, in the night, killed the garrison
soldiers on the first onset, and took it; yet, in a few hours, for
fear, he gave it up to the earl of Douglas, upon condition that he
and his should march safely off. Not long after, queen Joan
died, leaving these children by her latter husband, John earl of
Athol, James earl of Buchan, and Andrew, afterwards bishop
of Murray. After she was dead, Hepburn delivered up the castle
of Dunbar, ungarrisoned and empty, to the king.

In Angus, Alexander earl of Crawford, put John Lyons to
death in the market-place at Dundee, because he had been raised
up to great wealth and honour, even to a match in the royal fami-
ly, by Crawford's father; yet he proved ungrateful, and forgot
the courtesies he had received.

Amidst these discords, the men of Annandale embroiled the
adjoining countries in all sorts of calamities. The cause of all
these mischiefs was imputed to the carl of Douglas, who yet did
all he could to conceal these misdemeanors of his clans; for he o-
penly studied nothing more than to afflict the men of different
parties, in regard he was grown to that height of power, that it
was a capital offence to call any thing he did in question. He
caused James Stewart, the king's uncle, to fly the land, because
he spoke something freely concerning the state of the kingdom;
whose ship being taken by the Flandrians, put an end to his life.
Now Douglas thought it was high time to attempt the Living-
stons; whereupon he caused Alexander, the head of the family,
and his son James, and also Robert the king's treasurer, and Da-
vid, to be summoned to an assembly at Edinburgh; and of his
friends, Robert Bruce, James and Robert Dundasses. Of these,
Alexander, and the two Dundasses were sent back to prison to
Dumbarton; the rest were put to death. Of what crime they
were guilty, meriting so great a punishment, the historians of
those times do not mention; neither will I interpose my own con-
jectures, in a business so remote from our memory; only I will
relate what I have heard, that James Livingston, when he came
to the place of execution, complained heavily and expressly of the
inconstancy of fortune. " That Ids father, who was honoured
" with a power next to the king's, did yet freely give up the invi-
" dious title of regent, and went to his own estate, fax from

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 23

" court, and out of his enemies sight, whose cruelty was never
" satiated with his miseries; and therefore was forced to take
" arms to preserve his life, which he again laid down at the king's
" command. If there were any fault in that, he had long ago ob-
« tained his pardon; and since that time, he had lived remote, and
" free from all suspicion of any crime; of which this wa9 an evi-
" dent token, that the nobility thought them innocent, and did
" solicitously deprecate their punishments; and yet notwithstand-
« ing, the severe cruelty of their enemies prevailed more than
" the former demerits and good offices of their family, or, than
" the king's pardon obtained; or, than the interceding supplica-
K tions of the nobility. And therefore he intreated all who were
" then present, to look upon these empty titles of empire and
" dominion, to be nothing else but the flattering compliments
" of fortune, who then intended to do most mischief; and that
" they were rather flowery embellishments for one's funeral, than
" safeguards to a man's life; especially since bad men can do
u more to destroy the good, than the consent of the good can do
" to save them." And, having thus spoken, to the great grief of
all the spectators, he submitted his neck to the executioner.

Amidst these combustions, Crichton was sent into France,
partly to renew the ancient league, and partly to obtain from
thence a royal bride. Douglas took his absence very well, tho'
in an honourable employment ; because, though he was a pru^
dent and potent person, yet there were some relics of their former
discords that made him not overfondofhim. In this troublesome
state of the kingdom, the same disease which vexed others, did
also infest the ecclesiastical order. John Cameron, bishop o£
Glasgow, had himself committed many acts of cruelty and avarice
among the husbandmen of his diocese, (which was very large)
and he had also given encouragement to those who were in power
to do the like; that so, when the owners were unjustly condemned,
their estates might be confiscated to him; so that he was believed
to be the author or the favourer of all the mischiefs which wejte
acted by his people. It is reported, that the man came to an end
Worthy of his wicked life. The day before the nativity of Christ,
as he was asleep in a farm of his own, about seven miles from
Glasgow, he seemed to hear a loud voice*, calling him to the
tribunal of Christ, to plead his cause. That sudden fright awak-
ened him out of his sleep ; he called up his servants to bring a
candle, and set by him; he took a candle in his hand, and began to
read; but presently the same voice was heard louder than before ;
which struck all those present with a great horror. Afterwards,

* The bishop of Glasgow frightened by a voice from heaven#for his wicked
fife; which is the occasion of his death.

Vol. II. D

24 HfSTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XL

when it sounded again more terribly and frightfully than before,
the bishop gave a great groan, put out his tongue, and was found
dead in his bed. This so eminent an example of God's ven-
geance, as I shall not rashly credit, so I have no mind to refute j
yet, it being delivered by others, and constantly affirmed to be
true, I thought proper not to omit ft.

At the same time, James Kennedy f, one of a far different life
and manners, as referring all his counsels to the good of the pu-
blic; when neither by his authority nor counsel, he could resist
the daily new-springing evils of his country; and seeing likewise
that the king's power was not able to oppose the conspiracies of
wicked men, he left all his estate for a prey, and shifted for him-
self. Neither, in these domestic miseries, were matters much
quieter abroad. When the truce made with the English was ex-
pired, the Scots made an inroad into England, and the English in-
to Scotland; and wherever they went, they wasted all with fir£
and sword. In England, Alnwick was taken and burnt, by James,
brother to the earl of Douglas. In Scotland, the earl of Salisbury
did the like to Dumfries; and the earl of Northumberland to
Dunbar. Great booties of men and cattle Were driven away on
.both sides : But the commanders agreed amongst themselves, that
the prisoners should be exchanged; for they were m a manner e-
qual, both for number and degree. By these incursions the coun-
try was depopulated, and yet the main chance of the war not con-
cerned; so that a truce Was again agreed upon for seven years.

In this state of affairs, James Dunbar, earl of Murray, departed
this life. He left two daughters, his heiresses. The eldest of
them was married, by her father before his death, to James Crich-
ton: The younger, after her father's decease, married Archibald,
brother to- the earl of Douglas. Hey apainst the laws and thi
custorr»s of his ancestors, was called earl of Murray: so superla-
tive was Douglas's power then at court. Neither was he con-
tented with this accession of honour; but, that he might further
propagate the dignity of his family, he caused his brother George
to be made earl of Ormond. His brother John had many fair
and fruitful farms and lands bestowed upon him; and was also
made baron of Balveny, against the minds of ihany, even of his
iriends, who were jealous lest the power of that family, too great
before, would be at last formidable, even to the king himself;
nay, they imagined that these immoderate accessions and frolics
of fortune would not be long-lived. But his enemies did, as in-
vidiously as they could, inveigh against this insatiable ambition.
" For who (say they) could safely live under the exorbitant rule of
such a tyrant, for whose avarice nothing was enough, and again'/

+ Junes Kennedy retires from a corrupt cou?w.

Book XL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 2$

whose power there was no safeguard ; who, right or wrong, invad-
ed the patrimony of the nobles, and exposed the meaner sort to be
a prey to his tenants; and those who opposed his lust, he caused
them, by thieves and cut-throats, either to lose all they had, or
else to be put to death •, that he adyanced upstarts to high ho-
nours, whom he grafted on the ruin of noble families; so that all
the power of the kingdom was now brought into one house ; be-
sides many knights and barons, there were five opulent earls of the
family; insomuch that the king himself did but reign precarious-
ly; and men were like to suffer all extremities under the cruel
bondage of the Douglasses ; and he that uttered the least word
tending to liberty, must pay his life for his boldness." These, and
other discourses of this kind, some true, others to create greater
envy, stretched beyond the lines of truth, were spread abroad a-
mongst the vulgar; which made those who were of neither faction,
to sit loose from the care of the public, and every one to mind his
own private concerns. The wiser sort of his enemies were glad
to hear, that a man of such power, against which there was no
making head, should thus voluntarily run headlong to his own de-
struction. Neither did they presage amiss; for his mind was
grown so proud and insolent, by reason of his great successes,
that he shut his ears against the free advice of his friends; nay,
many could not, with any safety, dissemble and cover, by their
silence, what they disliked; because he had parasites, which did
not only lie at catch for words, but observed men's very counte-
nances. As for his old enemies, many of them were haled to
judgment before him, who was both their adversary and judge
too; so that some of them lost their estates, some were depriv-
ed of their lives, and others, to avoid his unrighteous and par-
tial judgment, fled out of their country.

The men also of Douglas's faction lived in no fear at all of the
law, (for no man durst implead them), but letting the reigns loose
to all licentiousness, they invaded and made havoc of things sa-
cred as well as profane: Those who were obnoxious to them,
they slew, and killed out of the way. Neither was there any end
of their wickedness: Sometimes, when they had no sufficient
cause to do a man a mischief, then they did it unprovoked, and
gratuitously, as it were, lest, through disuse of offending, any ho-
nest and tender thoughts should arise in their minds, so as to al-
lay their brutish cruelty. Every one thought himself the noblest
and bravest fellow, that could cast the greatest contumely on the
commons. When such great miseries were diffused into all parts
of the kingdom, Scotland had certainly sunk under the burden,
unless England, at the same time, had been as much embarrassed
with civil combustions; which, at last, being somewhat allayed,
the English violated their truce, and invaded Scotland. Y^hea

D 2

2$ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

they had run over a great circle of ground, and pillaged many vil-
lages, they drove away a vast number of cattle, and returned
home. Neither was it long before the Scots retaliated upon
them; for they also entered England with a good force, and did
the enemy more damage than they received. Thus the minds of
both were irritated by these alternate plunderings: so that a migh-
ty desolation was made in the territories of either kingdom : but
the greatest share of the calamity fell upon Cumberland, where
had been the rise of the injury and wrong: for that province was
so harrassed by the war, that it was almost quite destroyed. When
this was related at London, it occasioned the English to levy a ve-
ry great army against the Scots: whereby they thought easily to
reduce the country into their power, it being already weakened by
Civil discords. Hereupon an army was raised of the better sort of
people, and the earl of Northumberland made their general, in re-
gard he knew the country well ; and besides, his name and power
was great in those parts. To him they joined one Main, of a
knightly family; who had long served in France, with good re-
pute of industry and valour. It is said, that he, out of his mortal
hatred against the Scots, had bargained with the king of England,
that the lands he took from the Scots, either by killing or driving
away the inhabitants, he, and his posterity after him, should enjoy.
Qn the other side, the Scots, hearing of the preparations of their
enemies, were not negligent in gathering forces, on their part.
George earl of Ormond was made captain-general; who presentr
Iy marched into Annandale, whither his intelligence informed him
that the enemy would come. And indeed the English had pre-
vented him, and entered Scotland before. They had passed over
the rivers Solway and Annan, and pitched their tents by the river
Sark; from whence they sent out parties on every side to pillage ;
but hearing of the coming of the Scots, they recalled them all by
sound of trumpet; and contracted all their forces into one body,
As soon as ever they came in sight of one another, they fell to it
without delay. Main commanded the left wing of the English,
and Sir John Penington the right; in which were the Welsh, the
relics of the ancient Britons. The earl himself commanded the
main battle. George Douglas appointed Wallace, laird of Craig,
to fight Main; and Maxwell and Johnston, each with their troops
to attack Penington; he himself took care of the main body. He
gave them a short exhortation, to conceive good hopes of victory,
because they had taken up arms in their own defence, as provoked
"by the injuries of their enemies; and that a prosperous issue must
needs attend so just a cause; and, if they could abate the pride of
th,e enemy, by some notable overthrow, they would reap a lasting
fruit of their short labour.

The English, v/ho abounded in number of archers, wounded

Book XL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. If

many of the Scots with their darts, at a distance; whereupon
Wallace, who commanded the left wing, cried out aloud, so as
to be heard by most of his men, Why they trifled so, and skirmish-
ed at a distance : they shcidd follow him, and rush in upon the enemy
hand to hand ; and then their valour would truly appear ; for that ivas
the fighting ft for men. Having thus spoken, he drew the whole
wing after him. And presently, with their long spears, where-
with the Scots, both foot and horse, were furnished, they drove
the enemy back, routed, and put them to flight. Main perceiv-
ing his wing to give back, being more mindful of the just glory of
his former life than of his present danger, rushes with great vio-
lence upon Wallace-, so that by his boldness, he might either re-
new the fight, or else breathe out his last in the glory of an illus-
trious attempt: but unwarily charging, he was intercepted from
his own men, and, with those few that followed him, was slain.
When both armies heard that he was slain, the Scots pressed on
more chearfully: so that the English army did not stand long.
As they fled dispersed in great disorder, and with much precipita-
tion, more were slain in the pursuit, than in the fight. But the
chiefest slaughter was upon the banks of the Sol way: for there the
tide had swollen up the river, so that they could not pass. About
3000 of the English were slain in the fight, and 600 of the Scots.
There were many prisoners taken, the chief were Sir John Pen-
ington and Robert Huntington. The Earl of Northumberland's
son might have escaped, but whilst he was helping his father to
horse, he himself was taken prisoner. The booty was greater than
had ever been known in any battle betwixt the Scots and English
before. For the English, trusting to the number and goodness
of their soldiers, and depending also on the discord of the Scots,
came on so securely, as if it had been to a shew, not to a fight; so
great was their confidence, and so much they undervalued their
enemy. Wallace wa6 wounded, carried home in a litter, and,
in three months after, died of his wounds.

Ormond, being thus a conqueror, took a view of the prisoners.
The chief commanders he sent prisoners to the castle in Lochma-
ben. He himself returned to court; where every body went out
to meet him: and he was received with all the tokens of honour.
The king highly extolled his military services; but withal advised
him and his brother, that, as they had often given proof of theiv
courage abroad, and had defended the state of Scotland by their la-
bour and valour, even in perilous times; so at home they would
accustom themselves to a modest deportment; and first refrain
themselves from injuring the poorer sort, and next hinder their
clans from doing it: and that they should use their forces and
grandeur, which their ancestors had obtained by their many me-
iits, both of king and subjects, rather in restrj'ning of robbers,

a£ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIf

than in cherishing them. That this was the only thing which was
wanting to complete their praise, and make it absolute; and, if
they would do that, they should certainly find, that he would
esteem the honour of the Douglasses, and their interest, before
any thing else whatsoever. They answered the king submissively,
and so took their leave, and went joyfully home.

After this fight at Sark, as the borders of Scotland were quieter
from the wrongs of their enemies; so, when the matter was re-
ported at London, it did rather irritate the English, than deject
them. For, a council being called about a war with Scotland, a,
new army was ordered to be raised, to blot out the former igno-
miny. Whilst they were a]l intent upon this expedition, at that
very crisis of time, civils wars broke out among themselves; and a
strong conspiracy of the commons made against the king, took
off their thoughts from a foreign war: so that ambassadors were
sent into Scotland to treat of a peace, which was so much the
more welcome, because the Scots affairs were not well settled at
home. Yet they could not well agree to terms of peace; but only
made a peace for three years, and so returned home. These
things were acted in the year of our Lord 1448.

This public joy was soon after increased by a message, sent out
of Flanders from the chancellor, who went ambassador to Charles
VII. about contracting a marriage. By his endeavours, Mary, the
daughter of Arnold duke of Guelderland, was betrothed to James.
She was of kingly race by her mother's side, who was a sister of
the duke of Burgundy. The year after, she came with a great
train of noble persons into Scotland, and in July was crowned in
the abbey of Holyrood-house, near Edinburgh.

This universal joy, for the victory, for the peace, and for the
marriage, was soon disturbed, by the death of Richard Colvil, a
knight of note ; which, though perhaps, in itself not undeserved,
yet was of very bad example to the commonwealth. This Colvil,
having received many and great wrongs from one John Afleck, a
friend of Douglas's, and after many complaints, getting no reme-
dy in law nor equity, fought with and slew him and some of his
followers. Douglas took the fact so heinously, that he made a so7
lemn oath never to rest, tijl he had expiated the murder by Colvil's
death. Neither were his threatenir.gs in vainj for he stormed his
castie, took and plundered it, and killed all the people in it, who
were able to bear arms. This action, though performed against
Jaw and custom, was excused, and, in effect, commended by
some, as proceeding from indignation, a passion that does not sit
unbecoming upon a generous mind. Thus, as it commonly hap-
pens in degenerate times, Flattem, the perpetual companion of great*
-VI.. dressed up the highest offences ivith honest and plausible names.
pouglas was so plated with the flatteries of fortune^ which was

Book XL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. £9

now bent on his destruction; that he was ambitious to make an
ostentation of his power, even to foreign nations; as if the splen-
dor of so great a family ought not to be straitened within the narrow
theatre of one island only : so that he had a mind to go to Rome.
He pretended religion, but the principal design of his journey was
ambition. The church of Rome had adopted the old rites of the
Jewish: for, as the Jewish church every fiftieth year, was to for-
give all debts, of what kind soever, to their countrymen, and to re-
store all pledges gratis; and also to set their Hebrew servants at
liberty : so the pope, faking an example from thence, as God's vi-
car on earth, arrogated the power of forgiving all offences. For,
whereas at other times, he trucked out his pardons by piece-meal;
every fiftieth year he opened his full garners thereof, and poured
out whole bushels full of them publicly to all; yet I will not say,
gratis.

■ Douglas with a great train of nobles, who were desirous, part-
ly to see novelties, and partly were tempted with the hopes of re-
ward, sailed over into Flanders ; from whence he travelled by land
to Paris, and took with him his brother, appointed bishop of Ca-
ledonia; who afterwards, seeing Douglas had no children, was*
by the king's permission, put in hopes of being his heir. In
France he was" highly caressed, partly upon the account of their
public league with the Scots, and partly in memory of his ances-
tors merits from that crown; and the fame of this filled all Rome
with the expectation of his coming.

About two months after his departure from Scotland, his ene-
mies and rivals began to lift up their heads; they durst not, for
fear, complain of him when he was- present; but now they laid
open all the injuries which they had received from him. And,
when it was once noised abroad, that the access to the king was
easy, and that his ear was open to all just complaints; the troop
of the complainants, lamenting their sufferings, increased daily; so
that all the ways to the palace Were crowded by fhem. The king
could neither well reject the petitions of the sufferers-, nor yet
condemn die earl in his absence, without hearing him, so that he
gave a middle answer, which satisfied their importunity for the
present, viz. That he would command the carl's procurator, or attorney
to appear ; that so, he being present, a fair trial might be had.
Whereupon the procurator was summoned, but did not appear:
So that the king's officers- were sent out to bring him in by force.
When he was brought to court, some alleged, that he ought to
be immediately punished for disobeying the king's command; in
regard that, by too much patience, the king's authority would bs
despised and run low, even amongst the meaner sort: For, unde#
the pretence of lenity, the audaciousness of the bad would increase,
Wad the impunity of offenders would open the way for mor**

3<> HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BoOk Xl.

crimes. The king was not moved by those instigations, but re-
mained constant to his resolution: which was, rather to satisfy
the accusers, by the compensation of their losses, than to satiate
their revengeful minds with the spilling of blood. For this end,
he caused the earl's procurator to be freed from prison, and to
plead, in his master's behalf; telling him, That, if he had any thing
tt> allege, by ivhkh he could clear his master of the crimes objected, he
should freely declare it, without any fear at all. When he was cast
in many suits, and the king commanded him immediately to pay
the damages; the procurator answered, He would defer the whole
matter, till the return of the earl ; who was expected in a few months.
This be spake, as it was thought, by the advice of Ormond and
Murray, the earl's brothers; when the king was informed of his
resolution, he sent William Sinclair, earl of the Orcades, who was
then chancellor, first into Galloway, and then into Douglasdale.
He appointed sequestrators, to gather up the rents of Douglas's
estate; and so to pay the damages adjudged by law. But as Sin-
clair had not power enough to inforce his order; some eluded,
others abused him very grossly; so that he returned without bring-
ing his business to any manner of effect.

The king, being provoked by this contempt of his authority,
commands all the favourers of Douglas's faction to be summoned
to appear; which they refusing to do, were declared public ene-
mies; and an army was levied against them, which marched into
Galloway. At their first coming, the commanders of the rebels
were driven into their castles; but a small party of the king's for-
ces, pursuing the rest through craggy places, were repulsed; and
not without ignominy returned back to the king. The king, be-
ing in a mighty indignation, that vagabond thieves slvould dare to
make such attempts, resolved to make them pay dear for their con-
tempt of the commands of majesty, by attempting their strong-
est holds. He took the castle of Maben, with no great difficulty;
but his soldiers were so much toiled and wearied in the taking of
Douglas's castle, that he entirely demolished it, by way of re-
venge As for the vassals and tenants who had submitted them-
selves and their fortunes to him, he commanded them to pay their
rents to his treasurers, till Douglas's estate had fully satisfied,
what was awarded against him by law. And, when this was
done, he dismissed his army; having obtained a good report for
his lenity and moderation, even amongst his very enemies.

When these matters were related to the earl at Rome, h'19 great
spirit was mightily moved; his reputation was even abated a-
mongst his own attendants; a great part of them deserted him;
$nd he set out upon his journey homewards, with but a few fol-
lowers. Passing through England to the borders of Scotland, he
ssnt his brother James to feel the king's pulse, how he st.cod tfffcct*

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 31

ed towards him. And, as the king was found in the humour of
being appeased, he returned home, and was kindly received: on-
ly he was admonished to abandon and subdue all robbers, especi-
ally those of Annandale; who had played many cruel pranks, t6
satisfy their avarice, in his absence. Douglas undertook to do
so; and confirmed his promise by an oath. Whereupon he was
not only restored to his former grace and favour, but also made
regent overall Scotland; so that every one was injoirted to obey
his commands.

But his vast mind, which was always hankering after an exces-
sive state of exaltation, was not content with this honour, which
was the greatest he could be advanced to, under the king; but,
by his temerity, he gave the state new occasions of suspicion:
Por he undertook a journey very privately into England; and, af-
ter his address to that king, he told him, that the cause of his
coming was, That his estate, though claimed by him, "was not yet re-
stored. But this seemed to James, a light, and no probable cause
of his journey: And therefore the king conceived a great suspicion
in his mind, which before was not well reconciled ; neither did he
conceal his anger, as supposing that there was a deeper design hid
under that discourse with the English king. Douglas, having
now an offended king to deal with, fled presently to his wonted
refuge, his majesty's well-known clemency, and cast himself at
his feet : The queen also, and many of the nobles interceded for
him; and, after a solemn oath, that for the future, he would ne-
ver act any thing which might justly offend the king, his fault was
forgiven; only he was deprived of his office. Whereupon the earl
of the Orcades, and William Crichton, who had always remained
loyal, were advanced again to the helm.

Douglas was very angry with all the courtiers for this disgrace
(for so he interpreted) it but he was most of all incensed against
William Crichton; for he thought that it was by his prudence,
that all his projects were disappointed; and therefore he was re-
solved to dispatch him out of the world, either by some treachery,
or if that succeeded not, by any other way whatsoever. And,
that he might do it with the less odium, he suborned one of his
friends to witness, that he heard Crichton say, That Scotland
would never be at quiet, so long as any of the family of the
Douglasses livere alive; and that the safety of the king and king-
dom, the concord of the estates, and the public peace, depended upon,
the death of that one man: For, he being of a turbulent nature, and sup-
ported by many and great affinities and irreconcilable by any offices of re-
spect and advancements to honour, it ivas better to have him t, -ken out
of the ivay, that so the public peace might be confirmed and st
This tale, when noised abroad, and believed by many, by reason
of the face of probability it carried along with it, raised in a

Vol. II. E

32 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BookXI.

great deal of ill-will against Crichton, Douglas, being informed
by his spies, when he was to depart from Edinburgh, lays an am-
bush for him, late in the night % as secretly as he could, and,
when Crichton and his train came to it, the insidious ruffians set
upon them with a great shout-, they who were first assaulted,
were so astonished at the suddenness of the danger, that they
could not lift up an hand to defend themselves. But William, be-
being a man of great courage and conduct, as soon as he had a
little recovered himself from his fright ; killed the first man that
assaulted him, and wounded another; and so he and his attendants
broke through the midst of their enemies, having only received
some wounds. He fled to Crichton castle, and there staid some
days, to cure his wounds; and soon after, he got a great number
of his friends and tenants along with him, and came with pro-
found secrecy to Edinburgh; his speed did so prevent the noise
of his coming, that he had almost surprised his enemy una-
wares.

Douglas, being thus freed from unlooked for danger, either out
of fear, shame, or both, when he saw the power of the adverse
faction increase and grow extremely popular, endeavoured also to
strengthen his own party, as much as ever he could; and there-
fore he joins himself in league with the earls of Crawford and
Ross, which were the most noted and potent families in Scotland,
next to the Douglasses. A mutual oath was entered into betwixt
them, 'That each of than should be aiditig and assisting against all the
ivorld, to the friends and confederates of one another. And in confi-
dence of this combination they contemned the forces of the opposite
faction; nay, and the king's too. The king resented this as the
very highest indignity; and besides, he had other fresh causes of
provocation against him; which hasted his destruction. John
Herris, a knight of a noble family in Galloway, being averse to
the ill practices of the Douglasses, commonly kept within the
walls of his own house; but the Annandalians were sent in upon
him ; who did him a great deal of mischief. He often complained
of it to Douglas, but in vain: so that at length he determined to
Tevenge himself, and repel force by force. And accordingly, he
gathered a company of his friends together, and entering Annan-
dale, he, and all his followers were taken prisoners by those ban-
ditti; and being brought to Douglas, lie hanged him up as a thief,
though the king had earnestly interceded for him by his letters.
The matter seemed very heinous, as indeed it was; so that speeches
were given out, That Douglas, by evil practices, did endeavour, and
that not obscurely, to make his way to thecrotvn: For novj there was
nothing else remaining, which could satisfy his vast and aspiring ?nind.
Which suspicion was soon after increased by another action

* Donj^a-'j ue-lgn against Crichton's life.

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 33

which he committed as foul as the former. There was a certain
family of the Maclans in Galloway, one of the chief and best there;
the prime person of that family had killed one of Douglas's attend*
ants, from whom he had received continual wrongs and affronts ;
/or which Douglas put him and his brother in prison. The king
was made acquainted with it, and was very much importuned by
the friends of the prisoner, not to suffer so noble, and otherwise a
very honest man, to be haled forth, not to a trial, but to un-
doubted destruction; the same person being both his capital enemy,
and his judge too; and, that they were not his present crimes
which did him so much prejudice, as his having always been of
the honest, or royal party. Hereupon the king sent Patrick Gray,
Maclan's uncle, a worthy knight, and of kin also to Douglas, to
command him to send the prisoner to court, that the matter might
be tried there in due course of law. The earl received Gray cour-
teously: but, in the mean time, he caused execution to be done
upon the prisoner, and intreated Gray to excuse him to the king,
as if it had been done by his officers without his knowledge. But
he, perceiving how manifestly he was deluded, was in such a
rage, that he told Douglas, that from that day forward he would
renounce all alliance, friendship, or any other obligation to him,
and was resolved to be his everlasting avowed enemy, and to do
him all the mischief he could.

When this news was brought to court, this action appeared so
horridly vile to all that heard it, that it grew the World's common
talk, that Douglas did now exceed the bounds of a subject, and
plainly carried himself as a king: for to what other purpose else
did 1ns combinations with the earls of Crawford, Ross, Murray,
and Ormond tend? And moreover his private discourse with the
king of England, his putting good men to death, and his allowed
licentiousness in pillaging the people, were indications of the same
design. Now innocency was accounted cowardice, and loyalty to
the king punished as perfidiousness; that the enemies of the com-
monwealth grew insolent, by the too great lenity and indulgence
of its prince : that it was time for him now to take the reins of go-
vernment into his own hand, and to act like a monarch himself;
and then it would appear who we**e his friends, and who were his
enemies ; or, if he did not dare to do it openly, by reason of the
power of some men; yet, by some way or other, he should punish
disloyalty: but if he were so fearful as not to do so either, what
remained but that they who had hitherto been constant in their
loyalty to him, should now at length provide for themselves?
Though the life of the Douglasses, and the credulity of the king
(prone to suspicion) did confirm these discourses to be too true;
yet the king, out of his innate clemency, or else having before laid
his design, sends for Douglas to court. He, conscious of so mam

E 2

34 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

mischievous pranks he had played, and calling to remembrance
how often he had been pardoned; and withal understanding how
distasteful his new league with Crawford was to the king; though
he put great confidence in his majesty's clemency, yet being
more inclined to fear, refused to come; alleging that he had ma-
ny powerful enemies at court, and some of them had lately lain in
wait to take away his life. Hereupon, to remove this his fear,
many of the nobles about the king sent him a schedule, with their
hands and seals to it, promising upon oath, That if the king him-
self should meditate any thing against his life, yet they would dis-
miss him in safety. So that Douglas, encouraged by the king's
clemency, and by the public faith, testified by the subscriptions of
so many noble persons, with a great train of followers came to
Stirling, where he was courteously treated by the king, and invit-
ed into the castle. After supper was ended, with a great deal of
mirth, the king took him aside into a private chamber, with but
a few attendants. He did not so much as admit those to whom
he was wont to communicate his most secret counsels. There he
discoursed over, from the very beginning, the loyalty and valour
of his ancestors, and his royal indulgence towards their family, and
especially towards himself; whom, after having committed many
heinous offences, either through the inexperience of his years, or
through the persuasions of wicked men, he had freely pardoned;
always hoping, that either his royal clemency toward him, or else
his growing further into years of discretion, would reform him:
and as yet, says he, I despair not but it may be so: and if you re-
pent of what you have impiously committed, the door of my cle-
mency shall never be shut against you. This last league, (pro-
ceeded he) with Crawford and Ross, as it is not creditable for
you, so it is ignominious to me: and therefore, though I take it
much amiss that you entered into it, yet I put it into your power,
and, as yet, give you liberty to cancel and break it off; which,
though by my prerogative I may command, I had rather, by fair
means, persuade you to do; that, since all men's eyes are upon
you, you may avert all cause of suspicion with greater security.
Douglas answered submissively enough to all other points; but
when his majesty came to mention the league, he was somewhat
perplexed, and did not clearly declare what he would do; but that
iie would advise with his associates : neither could he see any cause
why the king, at present, should oblige him to a breach of it,
since it contained nothing that could justly offend his majesty.
The king, either having resolved upon the matter before, or else
provoked by his contumacious answer, (as the courtiers say), repli-
ed, If thou ivilt not break it, I ivill : and immediately struck his
dagger into his breast. Those that stood at the door hearing the
iioise, rushed in; and, after a great many wounds, gave him the

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 35

finishing blow. Some say, that next after the king, Patrick Gray,
of whom mention was made before, struck him into the head with
a bill; and the rest that came in, to shew their duty to the king,
gave him every one a blow. He was killed in the month of Fe-
bruary 1452, according to the Roman account.

He had then four brothers in Stirling, whom a great number of
the nobility had accompanied thither. They, as soon as ever they
heard what was done, ran in great amazement to their arms, (as it
commonly happens in such sudden confusions), and filled, the
town with noise and clamour. But, when the tumult was ap-
peased by the nobles, they were commanded to go, each man to
his respective lodging. The next day they met to consult: and
first of ail, James was saluted earl in the room of his departed bro-
ther. He mightily inveighs against the perfidiousness of the king
and the courtiers •, and advises to besiege the castle with what for-
ces they then had, and with all speed to levy more; and so to pull
those men out of their lurking-holes, who were valiant only to
commit perfidious mischiefs, while they were yet in some fear and
anguish for the guilt of their offence. The company commended
the piety of James, and the courageousness of his spirit, but were.
averse to his advice to a seige; because they were not prepared
with any materials for so great an enterprize; so that they all de-
parted home. And after consultation with the chief of their
friends, the 27th of March they returned again; and tied a cord
to an horse-tail, on which they fastened the schedule of the king
and nobles, promising the public faith to Douglas for his security:
this they drew through the streets, abstaining from no manner of
reproach, either against the king or council. When they came to
the market-place, with the sound of five hundred trumpets, and
the voice of a crier, they proclaimed the king and those that were
with him, Truce-breakers, perjured persons, and enemies to all good
men. Moreover, they were angry with the town, though that had
committed no offence; and after they had pillaged it and left it,
they sent James Hamilton back to burn it. Nay, their fury conti-
nued for some days, so that they ranged all over the country, and
ruined the lands of all those who were loyal to the king. They be-
seiged the castle of Dalkeith; and took an oath not to depart from
it till they had taken it: for they were highly displeased with John,
the owner of it, because he and the earl of Angus had separated
themselves from the counsels of the rest of the Douglasses. The
st?c;e lasted longer than they expected, for Patrick Cockburn, com-
mander of the garrison, made a strenuous resistance against all the
efforts of the enemy: so that, after they had received a great ma-
ny wounds, and were worn out with toils and watchings, they
broke up the seige. In the mean time, the king levied an army to
relieve his distressed friends; but not having strength enough to

3<5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XT.

encounter the Douglasses, he resolved to wait till Alexander Gor-
don could come in to his assistance ; who, as the report went, had
levied a great force in the most northern parts, and was marching
towards him: But, as he was passing through Angus, Crawford,
with a considerable body, met and opposed him at Brechin; where
a sharp battle was fought betwixt them. When the king's main
body was giving ground, as not able to endure the shock of the
Angusians, John Colace, who commanded the left wing, forsook
Crawford, having born him a grudge ; and so left the main body
of his army naked. This struck those, who were almost conquer-
ors, with such terror, that they turned their backs, and fled for it.
Thus Gordon unexpectedly got the victory, with much loss on his
side; two of his brothers, and a great number of his friends and
Followers being slain. Of the Angusians also, there fell several
men of note; and amongst the rest, John Lindsay the earl's own
brother. As for the earl himself, he turned his wrath from the
enemy upon those who had deserted him: He stormed their
castles, and put their several territories to fire and sword : and he
had the better opportunity so to do, because Gordon made a spee-
dy return into his own country, Buchan, when he heard that the
carl of Murray was exercising nil manner of cruelty against his
territories: so that he was forced to march back with his victori-
ous army; where he net only revenged his loss upon his enemy,
but also quite expelled him cut of his country of Murray. These
actions were performed towards the end of the spring.

In the interim, the king, by the advice chiefly of James Kenne-
dy, caused an assembly of the estates to meet at Edinburgh, to
which he summoned, by an herald, the earl of Douglas, and the
nobles of his party, to come. But he was so far from obeying
him, that the next night he caused a label to be hung on the
church doors, that he would not trust the king with his life, nor
yield obedience to him for the future, any more, who had sent
for his kinsman to Edinburgh, and his brother to Stirling, under
the protection of the public faith, and there had perfidiously slain
them, without hearing their cause. In this assembly the* four
brothers cf the late earl who was slain, James, Archibald, George
and John, with Beatrix the late earl's wife, and Alexander earl
of Crawford, were declared public enemies to the commonwealth.
?vIanv persons were advanced to be noblemen, and rewards were
assigned them out of the rebels estates. An army was levied to
pursue the enemy, which, after some devastation of the country,
driving off booties, and burning corn in granaries, was again dis-
missed in winter, because the soldiers could not then keep the
peld, and an expedition was appointed ngainst the spring.

' The Douglases proclaimed public enemies,

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. * 37

In the mean time, James Douglas, lest the wealth of his family,
which was mightily increased by rich matches, should go away to
other people, takes to wife Beatrix, the relic of his brother, and
treats with the pope to confirm the marriage. But the king, by
his letters, interposed, and hindered him from giving his ratifica-
tion to it. This year, and the two next following, there was dis-
cord between the parties; lands were pillaged; some castles over-
thrown; but they came not to the decision of the main contro-
versy by a set battle ; the greatest part of the damage fell on the
counties of Annandale, Forres, and the neighbouring counties of
the Douglasses. This devastation of the countries was followed
by a famine, and the famine by a plague. The wisest of Dou-
glas's friends used all arguments in persuading him to endeavour
a reconciliation with the king, and so to lay himself, and all his
concerns, at his feet, whom his ancestors had before found very
merciful; especially since he had. a king, who was easily exorable
in his own nature ; and moreover, might be made more reconcil-
able by the mediation of his friends, and that he would not suffer
so noble a family as his was, to be extirpated by his obstinacy;
nor betray the lives of so many brave men, who followed his par-
ty; nor yet bring them to that point of necessity, that, after hav-
ing suffered so many calamities, they should be forced to make
terms for themselves: Whilst he was in a good condition, he
might make easy terms of peace; but, if once his friends deserted
him, he could then have no hopes of obtaining his pardon. The
man, being in the full pride and warmth of his youth, and of a fierce
disposition too, made answer, " That he would never submit: him-
" self to their power, who were restrained by no bounds of modes-
" ty, nor by any divine or human laws; who under fair prc-
" mises had enticed his cousins, and his brother, to come to them,
" and then perfidiously and cruelly murdered them: In a word,
" he would suffer the height of all extremities, before he would
" ever put himself into their hands."

This his answer, was approved, or disliked, according to every
man's humour: Those who were violent, or who made a gain of
the public miseries, commended the greatness of his courage; but
the wiser sort persuaded him to take opportunity by the forelock,
lest, after his friends had forsaken him, he should find reason,
when it was too late, to complain that he had neglected the time
for a reconciliation, which is usually the end of hasty and head-
strong resolutions. But the earl of Crawford, wearied out with so
long a war, and likewise reflecting inwardly upon the injustice of
his cause, and the frequent turns and changes of human life; and
knowing moreover, that he might obtain his pardon, if he would
be but early enough in his solicitations for the king's favour; but
that he would find it extremely difficult to get it, if he stood it out;

33 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

and besides, being forsaken by some of his friends, and suspect-
ing the fidelity of the rest, he put himself into such an habit, as
would most probably move compassion, and came bare-headed
, hi bare-footed, in most humble manner to the king, as he was
passing through Angus. To whom he ingenuously confessed the
offences of his former life, putting his life and fortune upon the
king's mercy, having first prefaced something concerning the fi-
delity and good services which his ancestors had performed to
their kings; he was conscious, that his fault had deserved the
extremity of punishment; but whatsoever hereafter he had either
of life or fortune, it would be a debt wholly due to the king's
clemency. Having spoken these, and other words of the same
import, not without tears, all the spectators were much moved
and affected, especially some of the nobility of Angus; and tho'
they themselves had followed the king's party, yet they were un-
willing, that so eminent and ancient a family should be destroyed.
James Kennedy carried himself at the same time like a good bi-
shop and a friendly patriot; for he not only forgave the earl the
many grievous injuries he had done him, but further commended
his suit, and spoke in his favour to the king: For he foresaw, as
it after happened, that by this accession, the king's party would
be strengthened, and his enemies weakened daily for the future,
because many were likely to follow the example of this great man.
And besides, the king thinking that his former fierceness was
tamed, and that he was really penitent for what he had done, was
not hard to be intreated; but gave him his pardon, restored him to
his former estate and honour, only advised him, for the future to
keep within the bounds of his duty. And indeed Crawford, being
thus engaged by the lenity and indulgence of the king, did after-
wards endeavour to perform him all the services he possibly could.
He followed him with his forces in his march to the farthest part
of the kingdom ; and having settled things there for the present,
he entertained him nobly at his house in his return; and when
he marched to make an end of the civil war, he promised him all
the force he could make; and indeed the whole course of his life
was so changed, that, laying aside his former savageness of beha-
viour, he lived courteously, and in complaisance with the neigh-
bouring nobility; so that his death, which followed soon after, was
the greater grief to the king, and to all the people.

'The king thus weakened Douglas's party by degrees: that
earl's remaining hopes were from England, if possibly he might
obtain aid from thence. For this end he sent Hamilton to Lon-
don, who brought him back word, That the king of England ivoidd
undertake a ivar against Scotland on no other terms , hit that Douglas
should submit himself and all his concerns to that king, and achwivl edge
himself a subject of England: bo that his hopes from thence were

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 39

cut off. And, on the other side, the king of Scotknd pressed
hard upon him by his edicts, proscriptions and arms, and by all
the miseries which accompany rebellious insurrections: so that
Hamilton advised the earl not to suffer the king to lop away his
forces by piece-meal; and, by catching party after party, to weak-
en, and in time overthrow the whole •, but rather to march out
with his army, trust fortune, put it to a battle, there to die vali-
antly, or conquer honourably. This resolution, said he, is wor-
thy of the name of the Douglasses, and the only way to end the
present miseries. Alarmed and fired with this speech, he gather-
ed as great an army as he could, of his friends and dependents,
and marched out to raise the siege of the castle of Abercorn ; for
the king, after he had demolished many castles of the Douglasses,
had at last besieged that. It was a very strong hold, situate al-
most in the mid-way between Stirling and Edinburgh. When
Douglas came so near, that he saw, and was seen by, the enemy,
his friends advised him to push at all, and either make himself re-
nowned by some eminent victory; or, by a noble death, to free
himself from reproach and misery: But, when all his party were
ready for the onset, he daunted all their spirits by his own delay,
for he retreated with his army again into his camp, and determin-
ed to draw and spin out the war to a greater length. His com-
manders disliked his design ; and Hamilton abhorring his cow-
ardice, and despairing of the success of his arms, revolted that ve-
ry night to the king's party. Upon this his defection, the king
gave him his pardon, but not reposing any great confidence in him,
because of his subtilty, he sent him prisoner to Roslin, a castle
belonging to the earl of the Orcades ; but afterwards, by the me-
diation of his friends, he was released, and received into favour;
and that unbloody victory ascribed to him, as the main occasion
of it.

The rest of the Douglassians generally followed Hamilton's ex-
ample, and gave their chief the slip, going where each thought it
most convenient for his own security; so that, at length, the castle,
after much loss on both sides, was taken, and the garrison being
put to the sword, it was left half demolished as a monument of
the victory. Douglas, being thus deserted by almost all his
friends, with a few of his familiars fled into England ; from thence,
not Jong after, he made an inroad with a small party into Annan-
dale, which was then possessed by the king's garrisons; but, be-
ing worsted in a skirmish, he and his brother John escaped;
Archibald carl of Murray was slain; George, much wounded, was
taken prisoner; and, after his wounds were cured, was brought to
the king, and put to death. In an assembly of the estates held at
Edinburgh, on the J.:fth of June, in the year 1455, James, John,
and Beatrix, all Douglasses, were again proscribed: The public

Vol. II. F

4° HISTORY CF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

acts made Beatrix their mother, which seems not very probable to
lie, unless perhaps they might be called her sons by adoption.
Larl James having thus lost his brothers, being deserted by his
friends, and distrusting the English, that he might leave no stone '
unturned, applied himself to Donald, king of the- vEbudae: They
met at Dunstaffhage; where the earl easily persuaded Donald, a
man naturally prone to do mischief, to join with him in the war;
whereupon they committed great outrages on the king's provinces
near adjoining, without distinction either of age or sex; there was
nothing spared that could be violated by fire or sword. The like
cruelty was used in Argyle and Arran. Douglas being laden
with booty, returned home; and afterward, having wasted Loeh-
aber and Murray, and making his road to Inverness, he took the
castle, and pillaged and burnt the town.

Neither were the English quiet all this while, but watching their
opportunity, they made incursions into March; where they slew
some men of note, who endeavoured to oppose their furious rava-
ges; and so returned home without loss, but full of plunder, from
that opulent country. The next year after, Beatrix, wife to the
former earl cf Douglas, and also living for some years with James,
His brother, as his wife, came in to the king: She laid all the
fault of her former miscarriages upon James; that she being a
woman, and helpless, was forced to that wicked marriage; but
at the first opportunity, as soon as James was absent, she fled that
servitude: that now she laid herself, and all her concerns, at the
king's feet; and, whatever order he should please to make con-
cerning her, or her estate, she would willingly obey it. The king
received her into his protection; gave her an estate in Balve-
ny, and married her to his brother, the earl of Athol, by the same
mother. The wife of Donald, the islander, followed her ex-
ample: She was the daughter of James Livingston, and was mar-
ried to Donald, by her grandfather, the regent, by the persuasion
of the king ; that so he might a little soften the rugged disposition
of the man, and keep him firm to the king's party: But then heir
kmsmau being restored to the favours and graces they formerly-
had, and h~r husband having joined in with the Douglassian fac-
tion, she was every day move and more despised by him; so that

he implored the king's assistance against his barbarous cruelty.
There was no need of her making such an apology, in regard the
king himself; had been the author of the match; so that she v. ..
nobly treated, and had a large revenue settled upon her for life.
About the same time, Patrick Thornton, who had followed the
court a great while, yet was secretly of Douglas's faction, Jiaving
got a convenient opportunity, at Dumbarton, slew John Sandc-
land of Calder, a young man of about twenty years of age, and

Uktn Steuart, of noble families both, and emineill foi their loyal-

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4 1

ty to the king. But soon after, he himself was taken by the
clans of the adverse party, and executed for his pains.

This year was remarkable for the death of many noble person-
ages; but especially of William Crichton. He, tho' born but of
a knight's family, yet, by reason of his great prudence, fortitude,
and his singular loyalty- to the king, even to the last day of Ins life,
left a great loss behind him to all good men. The next year, the
English, encouraged by their coming off with impunity for for-
mer injuries, made great spoil in March, under the command of
Henry Piercy, earl of Northumberland, and James Douglas, the
exile. In order to put a stop to these devastations, George Dou-
glas, earl of Angus, gathered a party of his countrymen together,
and made an assault upon the plunderers, and drove that part of
them which he assaulted, in great confusion to their own stand-
ards. The English, moved at this indignity, marched on their
army, before the rest had recovered their colours, and the Scots
were as ready to receive them.

The fight was managed on both sides, with greater courage
than force, for a great while together; neither did any odds ap-
pear, till the English, who were scattered up and down the coun-
try, by the noise and tumult, perceiving that the enemy was '
come, for fear of losing the rich booty they had gotten, hasted
directly home. Their departure gave an easier, but yet not un-
bloody victory, to the Scots, there being almost an equal number
slain on both sides; but many of the English taken in the pur-
suit. The news of this victory being brought to the king, some-
what raised his spirits, which were oppressed with the insur-
rections of his own subjects, as well as with the invasions oi
foreigner:; and likewise desposed Donald the islander, perceiving
the ill success of his affairs, to send agents to the king for a peace.
They, in an humble oration, commemorated the king's clemen-
cy shewed to Crawford, and the rest of his partisans in the same
cause. As for theifc own crimes, they laid them on the evil geni-
us of the times; but for the future, they made large promises,
how loyal and obsequious Donald would be. The king seemed to
be a little affected with their speech, but gave them no absolute
answer; neither quite pardoning Donald, nor utterly excluding all
hopes of his pardon. He told them, "That his many crinv. -■
" were very evident, but he had discovered no sign ofhis conver-
" sion; if he would have the penitence which he pretended in
" words to be believed as really true and hearty, he should make
•< restitution for the loss he had formerly caused, and restore their
" estates to such as he had outed from the possession of them ; and
" thus cancel the memory of his former mischiefs, by some emi-
" nent and loyal service. 'Tis true, (said he,) no virtue become^
♦< a kin^ mere than clemency; but care must be hrA> lest the reins,

F 7

42 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

«« of government be not let loose by too much lenity; and so evil
« men made rather more insolent, than good men excited to their
« duty by it. That he would give Donald and his party time to
" manifest, by some tokens, that they repented of their miscar-
" riages; and that they would always find him acting towards
" them, just as their actions, not their words, shewed they de-
" served from his hands. In the mean time they need not fear;
" for now it was put into their own power, whether they would
« every man be happy, or miserable, for the future."

By this means, intestine discords being either composed, or
else laid asleep, the king now bends all his care against England.
Whilst he was consulting about carrying on a war with them,
and concerning their frequent violations of treaties, ambassadors
came at that very crisis from the English nobility, to desire aid
against Henry their king ; for Henry had slighted the nobles,
and advanced upstarts ; by whose advice, his wife, a woman of
a manly spirit and courage, ordered all affairs. And besides, the
king had incurred the contempt of his people, and the displeasure
of his friends, because things had not succeeded well in Gas-
cogne and Normandy: For they having lost so many provinces,
and being now pent up within the ancient bounds of their own
island, murmuring gave out, That the king's sluggishness, and
the queen's pride were no longer to be endured. The heads of
the conspiracy were Richard duke of York, with the'-iearls of
Salisbury and Warwick. When the English ambassadors had
discoursed much concerning the justice of their taking arms a-
gainst Henry, and also concerning their own power, and the
cowardly temper of their king, they craved aid against him, as
against a common enemy, who was fearful in war, sordid in
peace, and who had nourished civil discords amongst the Scots,
and had assisted their exiles. Withal, they promised, if they
got the victory, to restore the castles and countries which were
taken in former wars from the .Scots. The king, by. advice of
his council, made answer, That he knew before the state of the
English affairs ; and that he was not ignorant of the right or
demands of either side ; but that he would not interpose himself
as an arbiter in another man's kingdom, unless he were chosen
by both parties to that bmce. As to the war, he had long since,
determined to revenge the injuries of former times ; and, since
he could not by law obtain the places he had lost, on the occa-
sion of these discords, he would recover them by force; but if
the duke of York and his party, would promise' to restore them,
then he would assist him against Henry. The ambassadors a-
greed to the terms, and so returned home.

The king prepared his forces, and was about to enter Eng-
land ; when, just at that very time, an English impostor, sent

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 43

by Henry, met him. He had been a long time at Rome, and
was well acquainted with the speech and customs of the Ita-
lians: His habit and train was all outlandish, and he had coun-
terfeit letters as. from the pope •, whereby he was easily believed
by unsuspecting men, to be a legate sent from him: and to
gain the greater credit to his impostures, he had a monk with
him, whose feigned sanctity made the fraud less suspected.
They were brought to the king, and in the pope's name com-
manded him to proceed no further with his army •, if he did,
they threatened to excommunicate him with bell, book, and can-
dle : For the pope, said they, is wholly intent upon a war a-
gainst the common enemy of Christendom ; and so would have
the differences composed all over Europe, that they might be
free from that war ; and that they were sent before, to give him
notice of it ; but there was a more solemn embassy which would
shortly arrive, and which, they believed, was come as far as
France, to decide the civil discords in England, and to give sa-
tisfaction to the Scots for the wrongjs they had sustained. The
king did not imagine any fraud in the case, and desiring nothing-
more than an honourable peace, in regard things at home were
not quite settled to his mind, obeyed the legate, and disbanded
his army.

He had scarce dismissed it, but he was advised from England,
that thi^lsupposed ambassador was a cheat; so that he raised
some forces afresh; and, because he could not join with the
duke of York, that he might keep off some of the king's forces
from him, and also revenge his own wrongs, he marched direct-
ly to Roxburgh; the town he took, and destroyed it at his first
coming: But whilst he was laying siege to the castle, ambassa-
dors came from the duke of York, and his associates, informing
him, that their king was overcome, and the war ended in Eng-
land. They gave him thanks for his good will, and his desire
to assist them in the maintenance of their lives and honours; and
that they would in time be mindful to requite the courtesy ; but
at present, they desired him to raise the siege, and draw oiffrom
the castle ; and likewise to forbear any other act of hostility a-
gainst England; for otherwise they should draw upon them a load
of envy from the people, who could hardly be satisfied, but that
an army must presently march against the Scots. James congra-
tulated their victory; but asked the ambassadors, whether the duke
of York had given them nothing in command, concerning the
performance -of their late promises. They answered, Nothing.
Then (said he) before your first embassy came to me, I was de-
termined to pull down that castle, which is built upon my land;
neither, since that, am I so much obliged by the courtesies of
that faction, as to give over an enterprise, which is begun, and

44 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XI.

almost finished. As for the threateniugs, whether they are their
own, or their peoples, let them look to it; Go you, and tell
them, That I ivill not be removed hence by ivyrds, but by biotas. Thus
the ambassadors were dismissed without their errand. And whilst
he did press upon the besieged with all the hardships of war, Do-
nald the islander came into his camp, with a great band of his
countrymen. He, to obtain the easier pardon for his past offen-
ces, and fully to atone and reconcile the king, promised him,
that, if he would march forward into the enemy's countries, as,
long as he was there, he would march a mile before the royal
army, run the hazard of the first onset, and stand the greatest
shocks. But he was commanded to be near the king; yet some
of his troops were sent to prey upon the country. It happened
also, that at the same time, Alexander Gordon earl of Huntly,
brought in new forces to the king.

This accession of strength made the king more resolute tq
continue the siege, though a stout defence was made by those with-
in: so that, whereas before it was a blockade only, a well laid
and close siege was now made: and there being soldiers enough,
some presently succeeded in the places of others; insomuch that
the garrison soldiers (of whom many were slain, many wound-
ed and unfit for service, the rest tired out with continual toil
and labour) were not so eager to run into the places of most
danger, as before: And, to strike the more terror into them, the
king gave command to batter 'part of the wall with iron pieces
of ordnance; which were then much used, and were very terrible:
And whilst the king was very busy about one of them, to encou-
rage and press on the work, the fire catched within it, and with
its force drove out a wooden wedge or plug, which immediately
struck the king stone dead on the earth, without hurting any bo-
dy else. Those courtiers that stood next him, though they were
terrified at this sudden accident, yet they covered his bodv, lest,
if his death were divulged, the common soldiers would run away.
The queen, who, that -very day, came to the camp, spent not
the time in womanish lamentations, but called the nobles toge-
thcr, and exhorted them to be of good courage; and that so many
■-aliant men should not be dismayed at the loss of one, as count-
ing it dishonourable to desert a business that was almost ended.
She told them, she herself would .speedily bring them another
fciag in the place of him that was shin; in the mean time, they
should press with might and main upon the enemy, lest they might
grow more resolute, upon the news of the general's death, and
so imagine, that all the courage of so many valiant men was ex-
tinguished in the fate of one person only. The officers were a-
... i < ■ i.: exceeded, in courage by & woman. They assa

Book XI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 45

the castle with such violence, that neither party were sensible
that the king was lost.

In the mean time, James, the king's son, being about seven
years of age, was brought into the camp, and saluted king. And
it was not long after, before the English, quite tired out with
watching, and fatigued with continued service, surrendered up
the castle to the new king, upon condition to march away with
bag and baggage. The castle, that it might he the occasion of
no new war, was levelled to the ground. This end had James
II. in the year of Christ 1460, a few days before the autumnal
equinox, in the 30th year of his age, and the 24th of his reign.
He had been exercised always, even from his youth, in domestic
or foreign wars: He bore both conditions of life, the prosperous
and the adverse, with great moderation of mind: He shewed such
valour against his enemies, and such clemency to those that sub-
mitted themselves, that all ranks were much afflicted for his kiss.
And his death was the more lamented, because it was sudden,
and that in the flower of his youth too; after he had escaped so
many dangers, and when the expectation of his virtues was at die
highest. And he was the more missed, because his son was yet
immature for the government, whilst men considered what mise-
ries they had suffered these last twenty years; the ashes of which
fire were hardly yet raked up: so that from a remembrance and
reflection of what was past, they seemed to divine the state of fu-
ture things,

' -

-
/

(A. C. 1460J

THE.

HISTORY

0 F

SCOTLAND,

»»!»!?) -;*K ©*«»«

BOOK XII.

JAME3 III. the hundred and fourth king.

James II. as I have related, being slain in his camp, to prevent all
controversy concerning the right of succession, (which had hap-
pened at other times}, his son James, a child of about seven years
old, who was the younger and survivor of twin brothers, entered
upon his reign in the town of Kelso. Afterwards, when the no-
bles, according to custom, had taken the oaths of allegiance to him,
eight days after he began to l'eign, he left his army, and retired
home to the castle of Edinburgh, to be under the care of his mo-
ther, till an assembly of the estates could meet to determine the
grand affairs of the kingdom. The assembly was summoned lat-
er than ordinary, bee;; we matters were not composed in England,
nor yet quiet in Scotland: >vo that the nobility were of opinion,
That war was first of all to be thought on; that so they might
revenge old injuries, and punish the enemies by some notable
loss, who arways lay upon the catch, to t;:ke advantages of the
distresses of others. For this end they marched into the enemy's
country, without any resistance; where they committed much
spoil, and demolished many castles, from whence the enemy was

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 47

wont to make many incursions; the chief of which was Werk,
situate on the banks of the river Tweed, by its neighbourhood
very injurious to the country of March. The army ravaged over
the enemy's country, as far as they could, for the time of the
year, and, at the very beginning of winter, returned home.

This year, Henry, king of England, was taken by the duke of
York, and brought to London; there a form of peace was con-
cluded between them; for Henry durst not deny any thing; That
he, as long as he lived, should bear the name, and ensigns and badges ,
cfa king; but the power of government should be in York, under the
name of a protector. And, when Henry died, then the name
also of king was to be transferred to Edward [rather Richard]
and his posterity. Whilst these things were acted at London,
news was brought, that the queen was marching up with a great
army to redeem her husband out of prison. York, went out to
engage her, with king Henry, and about 5000 men, leaving the
earl of Warwick behind. He marched as far as Yorkshire; and,
lest he, who in France had defended himself against great armies
not with walls, but with arms, should now shun a battle with a
woman, he fought against a far greater number than his own;
and in the fight he, his youngest son, and a great many nobles,
were slain. The heads of the commanders were set up as a spec-
tacle, upon the gates of York. The queen thus victorious, and
marching on further, to deliver the king, the earl of Warwick
met her, bringing the king along with him, as if he would defend
the pact made concerning the kingdom, under his good omen. Both
armies met at St. Albans, which is thought to be the old Verulam,
where the queen was again victorious. She slew the command-
ers of the adverse army, released her husband, and marched di-
rectly up for London: But considering, that the earl of Pembroke
was sent by her to gather forces, as was also York's son by his fa-
ther, and that these two had a fight in their march, wherein Ed-
ward the son of her enemy, was victorious; and withal knowing
what cruel hatred the Londoners bore against her, she withdrew
towards Northumberland, because she looked on that part of Eng-
land, as the seminary, or source of her strength. There she was
also overcome in a bloody fight; more than 36,000 valiant men be-
ing reported to be slain on both sides, and the enemy pressing up-
on her, and giving her no time to collect her forces, she, her hus-
band, and son, fled into Scotland.

The conqueror called himself Edward IV. king of England.
Henry desired aid in his distress, and, by the help of James Ken-
nedy, archbishop of St. Andrews, who then surpassed all in Scot-
iand in point of authority, and whose prudence was held in the
highest esteem, he was entertained with a great deal of honour
and respect; so that he had some hopes of recovering his former

Vol. II. G

48 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

design; and, to nourish that hope, by all the mutual good offices
which he could do, he restored the town of Berwick to the Scots
(which the English had held ever since the days of Edward I.)
The Scots, upon this obligation, assisted Henry's faction in all
things, not only in pieceing up the relics of his former misfor-
tunes, but promising him more aid, in time, to recover his own.
And that the friendship now begun, might be the more firmly e-
stablished, the two queens, both of them of French descent, began
to treat concerning a marriage between James's sister, and Henry's
son, whom they called prince of Wales, though neither of them,
as yet, was seven years old. % Philip of Burgundy, uncle to the
queen of Scots, but a mortal enemy to the queen of England, en-
deavoured by all means to hinder this marriage: and he sent
Grathusius a nobleman, his ambassador, for that purpose; for
Philip was at such deadly odds with Renatus, grandfather to the
young lady by the mother's side, that he sought all occasions to
hinder his family from increasing; so that in favour of him the
matter was, at that time, rather delayed, than broke off. But the
fortune of Henry kept off the event, which Philip of Burgundy
feared. For, being something encouraged by the kindness of the
Scots towards him, and also by some comfortable letters sent from
his friends out of England, he sent his wife beyond sea to Rena-
tus her father, to procure what aid she could from her foreign
friends. She prevailed so much in France, that her faction was to
have a safe place of retreat there, but her adversaries were exclud-
ed; and, moreover, she obtained 2000 men, as Monstrelet says,
under Warren their general; but, as ours, and the English writ-
ers (to whom I rather assent) 500, commanded by Peter Brice, or,
as some call him, Brace, a Briton, rather as companions 'for her
journey, than as any auxiliary aid. With this small band she re-
turned into Scotland, and thought fit to attempt something, not
doubting, but at the noise of foreign assistance, her countrymen
would rise and join with her. Whereupon she made a descent at
Tinmouth; but this small company, being dismayed at the report
of a great force coming against them, returned to their ships,
without the performance of any thing remarkable; where al-
so, as if fortune had crossed them on all hands, they met with a
dreodful storm, which drove the greatest part of them, who follow-
ed the queen to Scotland, into Berwick; but some of them were
cast upon the isle of Lindisfarn, where they were taken by the ene-
my and put to the sword,

i3ut the manly-spirited queen was not at all discouragedyat this
mistortune, but levies a great number of Scots to join with her
own soldiers^ and resolves to try her fortune once again. Accord-
ingly, leaving her son at Berv/ick, she, and her husband entered
Northumberland, where she made great devastation, by fire and

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 49

sword, in all the adjacent parts. At the report of this new
army, some of the nobles, as the duke of Somerset, Ralph Piercy,
and many of Henry's old friends besides, who, for fear of the times
had retired to king Edward came in to them ; but there was a far
greater confluence from the adjacent parts of England, of such
persons as had lived rapacious lives, in hope of some new plunder.
To appease this commotion, Edward made great military prepa-
ration both by land and sea •, he commanded the lord Montague,
with a great part of the nobility, to march against the enemy, and
he himself followed with his whol& army. Both parties pitched
their tents not far from Hexham ; but the common soldiery, who
came in only for booty, beginning to desert, Henry thought it best,
in such a desperate case, to put it to a push; and accordingly a
fight began, wherein he was overthrown, his chief friends were
either slain or taken prisoners, and he himself made an hasty re-
treat to Berwick; of the prisoners, some had their heads cut off
presently, and some a while after. Edward, having thus got the
day by the generals of his forces, came himself into Durham, that
so he might prevent the incursions of the Scots by the terror of his
neighbouring army; and also that by his presence he might quell
any domestic insurrections, if any should happen. Whilst he was
there, he sent out part of his army, under several commanders
to take in places possessed by his enemies, of which having taken
many by storm, or by surrender, at last he laid siege to the castle
of Alnwick, which was greater and better fortified than the rest,
and which, was maintained by a garrison of French, who defend-
ed the castle very well, in hopes of relief from Scotland, which
was so near at hand. But the Scots having lately had ill success
in England, an army could not be so soon levied, as the present
exigence required for the raising of the siege; insomuch that,
whilst others were backward, and delayed to give their opinion,
George earl of Angus, with great boldness and bravery, under-
took the hazardous attempt. He raised about 1,000 horse, of his
friends, vassals, and the neighbouring province, of which he was
governor: He came to the castle, and furnished the French that
were in garrison, with some horses he had brought for that pur-
pose, and so carried them off safe, even to a man, into Scotland,
whilst the English stood and looked on, as amazed at the boldness
of his miraculous enterprize; either thinking that Douglas had
help near at hand; or rather hoping to have the castle given up
without a battle, and so they would not put the whole to an ha-
zard, by joining in fight with that small, tho' select party. Ed-
ward settled guards at all convenient places, that no rebellious
troops might march and countermarch; and then, as if he had
quieted the whole kingdom, he returned into London.

In the mean time, exiled Henry, either flattered, into hopes by

G %

£0 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

his friends, or else weary of his tedious exile, determines to
shelter himself privately amongst his friends in England. But
fortune frowning upon him to the last, he was there known, ta-
ken, brought to Loudon, and committed prisoner to the tower.
And his wife Mai-garet, distrusting her present affairs, with her
son and a few followers, left Scotland, and sailed over to her fa-
ther Rcnatus, into France.

To return then to the affairs of Scotland. The time far the as-
sembly, which was summoned to be held at Edinburgh, was come;
where there was a full appearance, but the body of them was di-
vided into two factions; part of the nobles followed the queen,
but the major part by far, stuck to James Kennedy and Gecrge
Douglas earl of Angus, the heads of the contrary faction. The
queen lodged in the castle; the bishop and the earl lay in the ab-
bey of Iiolyrood-house, at the farthest part of the suburbs towards
the east. The cause of the dissension was, that the queen
thought it equal and just for her to have the tutelage, or guardian-
ship of her son; the other party judged it most fit, that one
should be chosen out of the whole assembly for that important
work. The queen pleaded very strongly the tenderness of the
mother, and the mighty ties both of interest and blood. The ad-
verse party insisted on the old law, confirmed by uninterrupted
custom. In the third day of the assembly, the queen came down
from the castle with her followers, and caused herself to be de-
creed tutoress of the k'wgy and governess of the kingdom, l>\> her oivtt
faction : and so returns into the castle again. When Kennedy
heard of this, he hastened, with his party, into the market-place,
and there, in a long speech, he told the multitude, which was
thick about him, "That he and his associates aimed at nothing but
" the public good, and the observation of their ancient laws; but
" their adversaries were led, each one by his private advantage ;
" and that he would evidently make it appear, if he might have a
" place allotted, and freedom to dispute the point." This said,
he retired with his followers to his lodging; but was not gone far
from the market-place, before he heard that the other party was
coming down armed from the castle. Douglas looked upon this as
an intolerable thing, that valiant men should yield to the threats of
a few, and that their retirement should be looked upon as a flight;
therefore was hardly kept in by Kennedy, from assaulting the ad-
joining gate of the city, and, weaponless as he was, to attack
armed men; and, unless the three bishops of Glasgow, Galloway,
rmdDumbhne, upon noise of the uproar, had come in, his indig-
nation would not have been stopped, till they had come to blows.
But by the mediation of those bishops, the matter was so far com-
posed, that a truce was agreed upon for one month.

Though the chiefs of the faction v/ere thus quieted, yet the
multitude could not be restrained from expressing their wrath and

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 5 1

indignation, in rough and cutting language; as, that the desire of
the queen was dishonourable to the kingdom, and indecent for
herself. ( What (said they) is the valour of the old Scots at so

* low an ebb, that, amongst so many thousand men, there is
' none worthy to govern the affairs of Scotland, but a woman?.
c What, was there no man that could rule over die nation; and
1 that would live the greatest part of his life in arms? What like-
« lihood was there, that those who had not been altogether .trac-

* table to their king, when slack, should now yield obedience to a

* foreign woman? What, had they undergone so much labour,

* and lost so much blood, these many years, by sea and land, that

* men, born and bred up in arms, should tamely give up them-
1 selves to the servitude of a woman? What if the English should

* invade them, as they had often done at other times, in revenge

* of their losses, with a great army? Who could (in that case) set

* up the standard, and lead out to battle? Who could give or ac-

* cept terms of peace or war?' These were the discourses of the
commonalty in all their clubs.

But in a month's time their minds were a little calmer; and the
truce being at an end, there was another convention, where the
queen alleged this for herself, in justification of her cause, 'That,

* since she had not entered upon the government, the year befcre,by
« force, or against the minds of the nobility, but being chosen to
f that dignity by their unanimous consent, had but used her own

< right, she took it amiss to be degraded, and no crime at all imputed,
« as to her mal-administration. If (said she) as it is usual, degrees of

< relation be regarded in guardianship, there is none nearer than a
« mother: if the safety of the king was in their view, none could be
« more faithful ; for other men might have their various and distinct
f hopes from his death; but nothing remained for her, but to
« mourn for the loss of so dear a son. And, if they had respect
' to the good of the public, she was a stranger, and concerned in
« no interest offends or friendships; and that was what should be

< much considered in those who sat at the helm of government,

* that they should not only be free from vicious courses, but like-
« wise from those temptations, which might set a bias upon their

< mind to pervert justice and judgment. Some had opulent pa-
« rents, kinsmen, allies, by whose interest they might hope for
« an excuse of their offences, or, at least, an easier pardon; nay,

* sometimes rulers were compelled to square and accommodate
« theif actions to such friends' wills and honours. As for herself,
' her innocency alone was her only advocate; she had but one son

* to regard, and both their benefits and advantages were closely
' joined and interwoven together. And, were it not for these

* considerations, she would choose much rather to live a quiet

< and happy life in retirement, with the good liking of all; than to

52 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

* undergo the enmity of all malefactors, by punishing their
'* crimes; nay, and sometimes to incur the displeasure of the bet-
£ ter sort. Neither was it a new thing for a woman to desire the

* regency of another's kingdqm, since not only in Britain, but

* even in the greatest and most puissant kingdoms of the conti-

* nent, women have had the supreme power, and their reigns
« have been such, that their subjects never repented of their go-

* vcrnment."

When she had thus spoken,- many assented to her; partly to
prepossess a place in her future grace and favour; partly in hopes,
that the fruits of other people's envy would redound to their ad-
vantage: Nay, there were some who had an evil jealousy, that,
if the election should be made out of all, they themselves might be
passed by, as less fit; and therefore they rather desired, that the
queen should be made head over them all, than that others, of the
same rank with themselves, or even of a superior order, should be
preferred before them.

However, the more uncorrupted part of the nobility, shewed,
both by their countenances and speeches, that they were disgusted
at the queen's oration; but that which did vehemently affect the
whole assembly, was the authority and speech of James Kennedy
archbishop of St. Andrews, who, it is reported, spoke in this
manner*

« IT is my chief design, noble peers, that they whose aims are
at the good of all in general, might freely declare their minds,
without offence to any one particular person. But in our pre-
sent circumstances, when the sense of things, delivered for the
public good, is wrested and turned to the reproach of these pri-
vate persons who speak them, it is a very difficult thing to ob-
serve such a mean betwixt disagreeing heats and different opi-
nions, as not to incur the offence of one of the parties. As for
me, I will so temper and moderate my discourse, that no man
shall complain of me, without first confessing his own guilt :
yet I shall use the liberty of speech, received from our ancestors,
so modestly, that as, on the one side, I desire to prejudice no
man; so, on the other, neither for fear nor favour will I pass
by any thing which is of use in the debate before us. I see that
there are two opinions which do retard and impede our concord;
the one is of those who judge, that in a matter relating to the
good of all, an election out of all is to be made: and, as we all
meet to give our suffrages in a business concerning the safety of
the whole kingdom; so it is just and fit, that no man should be
excluded from the hopes of that honour, who seeks after it by
honest and virtuous ways. The other is of such, who count it
« great injury done to the queen, who is so noble a princess, and

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 53

so choice a woman, if she be not preferred before all others in
the guardianship of her son, and the administration of the go-
vernment of the kingdom.

« Of these two opinions I like the former best, and I will shew
you my reasons for it by and by. In the mean time, I so far ap-
prove the mind of the latter, that they think it below the queen's
grandeur, that any single person should vie with her for this
point of honour, lest her authority, which ought to be, as in
truth it is, accounted venerable, should be lessened by coping
with inferiors ; and indeed I would be wholly of their mind, if
the dispute lay here, about the honour of one, and not the safe-
ty of all. But, seeing that we are this day to make a determi-
nation about that which concerns the lives and fortunes of all
private men, and the safety of the whole kingdom too, it is
highly requisite, that all single interests and concerns whatso-
ever, should stoop and give way to this consideration. And
therefore I earnestly advise those who are of this opinion, so to
consult the dignity of the queen, as not to forget at the same
time the reverence they owe to the laws, to the old customs
and to the universal good of their country. If they can shew,
that it is lawful, and publicly expedient, that the guardianship
of the king, and the regency of the kingdom, ought to be in the
queen's hands, I will be of their opinion. But, if what they
plead for, be pernicious to the public, I hope the queen first,
and next all good men, will pardon me, if (always saving the
majesty of the queen, as sacred, so far as, by law and the cus-
tom of our ancestors I may) I do not conceal my opinion; or
rather, if I speak out that with freedom, which it were the
greatest impiety in me to conceal.

« To begin then with the laws: there is a law made above 500
years ago, by king Kenneth, a prince no less eminent for his
wisdom and prudence, than for his military performances; and
it was assented and yielded to by all the orders of the kingdom;
and approved of to this very day, by the constant observance of
so many ages; That, when the king happened to be a minor, the
estates, or parliament of the kingdom, should assemble, and choose
someone man, eminent for wisdom and power, to be his guardian,
and to govern the king, whilst he was yet unable to wield the sceptre
with his own hands. Though this law be referred to Kenneth,
as the author of it; yet, it seems to me, that he did not so
much enact it first, as revive and confirm the ancient custom of
the Scots by a new sanction. For our ancestors were so far
from committing the supreme power into the hands of a wo-
man, that, if you look over our chronicles, you shall not find
the name of a woman regent recorded among them all. For
why, pray, should they mention such a name, of which thev

54 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

* never had any occasion, ana hoped they should never have, any
c for the future? For those females, whom other courtiers call

* queens, we only call wives, or consorts of our kings; neither
« do we entitle them to any higher name; for, I guess, our wise

* ancestors had this in their eye, that as often as these consorts

* heard their names subjoined to that of their husbands, they
« might remember, that they were subject to men: and therefore,
« a woman was never admitted to the regency, or the administra-
« tion of public affairs to this very day. The same course hath
« been also constantly observed in less magistracies, both as to
« their appointment and executions. For though many honours,
« and some seigniories amongst them, have come by inheritance

* to some women, by reason of their great deserts from their
« country, and have also been allotted to them, as dowries;
« yet it was never known, since the memory of man, that any
« woman did ever preside in any public council, or in any court
« of judicature, or did ever take upon her any of those offices

< which are appropriated to men. And truly, since our ances-
« tors, though not bound by law to it, did constantly observe this
« custom, only by the impulse of nature ; if we, their posterity,

-« should bring the commonwealth into an apparent danger, by

< opposing a law received by the votes of all, and approved by so
« long an usage; who will free us from the brand (I will not say
« of rashness, but) even of madness itself ? Especially, since we
« have been warned by examples near at hand: for the Saxons
« justly urged and provoked to it by the wickedness of one woman,
« viz. Ethelburga, made a law, that, after that time, no woman
« should be called queei!, nor should sit in public next the king, in

* any seat of honour. I beseech you, therefore, consider serious-
« ly, how much they degenerate from their prudence, who, a-
« gainst a law so ancient, and as advantageous to women as ho-

< nourable to men, would put the reins of government into their
« hands, to whom our ancestors never gave so much as a royal

< name: and from whom our neighbours took it away, after they
« had given it to them. Other nations, I grant, have acted other-

< wise; with what success I shall not declare, after I have first an-

< swered those, who dare not calumniate this law openly, but, in
« the carpet-conventicles of women, do implead it as unjust.
« But whosoever he be that finds fault with it, he seems to repre-
« bend, not some sanction only approved by the suffrages of men,

< but even nature itself, i. c. that primary law imprinted in our
« hearts by God himself ; I say, nature itself, whom our law-
« maker had as a guide and directress of all his counsels, when he

* proposed and enacted this law. For nature, from the begin-*

* ning, both not only distinguished men from women by the

* strength of mind and body, but hath also appropriated distinct

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. $ i,

offices and virtues to each sex, the same indeed for kind, but far
different in degree; for 'tis no less unbecoming a woman to pro-
nounce judgment, to levy forces, to conduct an army, to give a
signal to the battle, than it is for a man to teaze wool, to handle
the distaff", to spin, or card, and to perform the other services
of the weaker sex. That which is liberality, fortitude, and se-
verity in men, is profusion, madness and cruelty in a woman.
And again, that which is elegant, comely and ornamental in a
woman, is mean, sordid and effeminate in a man. Do not they
therefore, that endeavour to confound and mix those things
which nature, of her own accord, hath distinguished ; do they
not, I say, seem to you, not only to disturb, but also to over-
throw the state of the kingdom, which is founded upon so good
laws and customs ? This they do, when they would obtrude on
us the government of a woman, which our ancestors did not so
much as Once name. For the maker of that law (as I told you
before) doth not seem so much to induce a new sanction
in the enacting thereof, as only to commit to writing the per-
petual usage of our ancestors, that it might be transmitted to po-
sterity; and that which hath been always observed by the guid-
ance of nature, in the making of a king, they have consecrated
the same thing to be observed by public authority, in choosing a
guardian for a king under age. Whoever go about to under-
mine and infringe this one law, what do they, but endeavour at
once to overthrow all the other laws, rites and customs of our
ancestors? I speak this that I may prevent all cavil; not that I
think all laws are immutable, as if they were enacted to last for
ever: No; laws are of different powers, sorts, and kinds: those
which are accommodated to the vicissitudes of times, are sub-
ject to the inconstancy of fortune, and are wont to last so long as '
the necessity lasts which imposed them; and those which are
obtruded on men by the wills of tyrants, are commonly disan-
nulled and abrogated with their authors. But as for that in-
stinct or impulse of nature, which is, as it were, a living law,
ordained by God, and deeply imprinted and engraven in men's
hearts, that no consent of multitudes, nor any degrees of men
can abolish. For, as an excellent poet is reported to have said,
It was not born yesterday or to-day, but it grew up together with
dame nature herself, and lives and dies with her. And seeing
our law, of which we now speak, is of that sort, and a principal
one too, he doth not oppose the dignity of the queen, who de-
sires that she, of her own accord, would prescribe to herself
those bounds which nature loath appointed, her sex requires,
custom hath established, and the laws made by the consent of all
nations do approve. But they who would have her forget her
sex, would persuade her to break through all bonds of law, and
Vol. II. H

%6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIL

* to disturb the order of things appointed by God, received by use*

* and allowed in all well governed cities and countries. And cer-
' tainly, whosoever slights that order, will be grievously punished,

* not by men only, but by God himself, who will assert his own

* ordinances. For if good laws threaten a man with death, who

* shall clothe himself with a woman's apparel ; and a woman, if

* she wear the habit of a man ; what punishment can be inflicted

* on them too great for their offence, who, by a preposterous flat-'
« tery, would overthrow the whole force of nature, and the ever-
' lasting constitution of God himself? Will you understand how

< these flatterers do not speak what they cordially mean? In a

< public assembly, to give a vote 5 to be president in a court of

* law; to enact or abrogate a law; these are great things in them-^
c selves, yet they are but a small portion of public government.
« Why do not these flatterers bring their wives hither to us, to con-

< suit? Why do not they also preside in judicatures? Why do they

* not persuade,, or dissuade laws? Why do not these men look
« after their domestic affairs at home, and send their wives abroad
« to the wars? But if they would impose those regents upon us,
« whom they themselves dare scarce trust in the management of

* their own household affairs, much less think them fit for the
' least part of any public business; consider, I pray, how they

* contradict themselves: but, if conscious of their own infirmity,
' they speak as they think, and so are restrained by modesty rather

* than judgment, yet let them hope well of others, who both can
« and will perform their own, i. e. the services proper for men.

* But if (as I rather judge) they think by this kind of complaisance
« to gratify the queen, I advise and admonish them to lay aside
« their false opinion of a princess of so great prudence as she is,

* and not believe her to be so ignorant of things, as to reckon that

< an increase and accession of dignity (to her) which would be
« the foulest thing imaginable in other women. I enter upon this
« part of my discourse very unwillingly: therefore since our noble

* princess hath so well deserved of trie whole kingdom, that it is

* lit she should hear nothing which might justly offend her ears or

< heart; I will not mention those things which ill men do com-
« monly allege, in contemning and undervaluing the sex; I shall

* rather insist on those virtues which are proper to the queen;
' .and though these are many, and eminently illustrious, yet none

* of them have procured greater praise and commendation rather
« than her modesty; which is esteemed so proper to her sex, that

< even in a private person, it doth either cover, or at least much

* extenuate other faults. But in our princess, none of whose
« words or deeds, in regard of the eminency of her birth and con-

* dition, can be concealed; it doth shine out so illustriously, that
( all her other virtues grow much more acceptable, and are more

* amply commended, merely for the sake of this one virtue. And

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 57

therefore I shall need to say but a few words in reference to her,
save only to warn and encourage her to persist in that way to
glory and honour, which she hath already entered upon; and
that she would not give ear to the flatteries of any, so as to be
forgetful of herself; but that she would rather tread the sure and
experienced way to immortal renown, than by running upon
unsafe and craggy precipices, to hazard the splendor of her for-
mer life.

« But my great business is with you, my lords, who, either out
of envy, are afraid that your betters should be preferred before;
or else, out of a wicked ambition, are laying artfully the foun-
dation of your future favour with a good princess. I will there-
fore, most noble queen, under the shelter of your prudence,
speak freely my thoughts in this case. Such persons do not
court you, but your fortune; and whilst they think upon the
queen, they forget that the same person is a woman. When I name
the word Woman (I do not use it reproachfully, but) I mean a
person to whom nature hath given many blandishments, and e-
minent enduements; but withal, hath mingled them (as she u-
sually doth, in the most usual and precious things) with some
alloy of infirmity ; and therefore would have her to be under the
guardianship of another, as not sufficiently able to protect her-
self; so that she is so far from having an empire over others al-
lotted to her, that the laws, in imitation of nature, do com-
mand women to be under the perpetual tutelage of their parents,
brothers, or husbands. Neither doth this tend to their re-
proach, but is a relief to their frailty; for that it keeps them off
from those affairs for which they are unfit; it is a kind regard
had to their modesty, not a scandal detracting from their ho-
nour. I will not take notice how difficultly they arc restrained
by the vigilance of their husbands, and the authority of their
parents : neither will I mention how far the licentiousness of
some women hath proceeded, when the reins have been laid on
their necks. I shall confine my speech only to what the present
case offers, or rather doth enact and require; and which, ^vithout
damage to the public, cannot be concealed. If there be any
thing of private concern amiss in the sex, let their husbands and
kindred look to that; I shall only touch what may be publicly
prejudicial. Greatness of mind was never required in this sex.
It is true, women have their other proper virtues ; but as for
this, it was always reckoned amongst virile, not female endue-
ments. Besides, the more they are obnoxious to commotions,
passions, and other efforts of mind, by reason of the imbecility
of their natures, the more doth their extravagancy, havinj; once
broke through the restraints of the law, fly out, and is hardly
ever reduced, and brought back again within its due bounds; in
H 2

58 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

regard women are alike impatient, both of diseases, and of their
remedies. But if any of them seem more valiant and coura-
geous, they are so much the more dangerous, as being liable to
more impetuous and vehement passions. For they, who being
weary of their sex, have put off the woman, are very willing to
extend their liberty, even beyond the precincts of a masculine
genius. If you once exceed and pass over the mounds and li-
mits, set by nature, whatsoever is beyond, is infinite; and there
is no boundary left, either for desire or action. Moreover there
is a further accession to this infirmity of nature; for, the less
confidence one hath in himself, the more easily he interprets the
words and actions of others to his own reproach ; he is more ve-
hemently angry, and hardly appeased. Such a party doth also
execute revenge more immoderately, and doth punish his de-
spisers with greater hate. Now, that all these things are unfit
for, nay, contrary to magistracy, there is none of you ignorant,
And if any man think that I advise these things of my own head, let
him consider what great disturbances there were, not long ago,
when Joan of Naples reigned. Look over the histories of an-
cient times. I will not mention Semiramis of Assyria, nor La-
odice of Cappadocia; these were monsters, not women. The
celebrated Zenobia Palmyrena, the subduer of the Parthians,
and a match for the Roman emperors, was at last overcome,
taken, and triumphed over: and so herself, and her kingdom,
which was enlarged and increased by her husband Odenatus,
was lost in a moment.

« Neither may I pass over in silence, what is principally to be
regarded in the management of other men's affairs: that the chief
command is not to be entrusted to such sort of persons, who
cannot be called to account for their maladministration. I do
not at all distrust the ingenuity, faithfulness, nor care of the
queen: but, if any thing be acted amiss (as it often happens) by
the fraud of others ; and matters be carried otherwise than the
public good, or the dignity of her place doth require; what
mulct can we exect from the king's mother? What punish-
ment can we require? Who shall censure her miscarriages ?
Shall the highest matters be managed in the meetings of women;
in the nursery, cr the dressing-room? Must you there, either
each man in particular subscribe to decrees, or all in general
make them ? How will you be able to bear female power armed
with your own authority, which now, when it is without arms,
and subject to you by laws and customs, you can hardly contain
within reasonable bounds? Do not think I speak this, as if I did
fear any such thing from our queen, who is the choicest, and
modestest of all women; but because I think it base and unseem-
ly for us, who have all things yet in our own hands, to place

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 59

the hope of our safety, which we may owe to ourselves, only in
another's power ; especially since both divine and human laws,
the custom of our ancestors, nay, and the consent of all nations
throughout the whole world, make for us. 'Tis true, some na-
tions have endured women to be their sovereigns; but they were
not elected to that dignity by suffrages, but were cast upon
them by their birth ; but never any people, who had freedom of
vote, when there was plenty of men to chuse, did ever prefer
women before them. And therefore, most eminent patriots, I
advise, and earnestly entreat you, that according to the laws of
our country, and the customs of our ancestors, we chuse one ;
or, if you think fit, more; the best out of the noblest and hest,
who may undertake the regency, till the king arrive at that
strength both of body and mind, as to be able to manage the go-
vernment himself. And I pray God to bless your proceedings in
this affair.'

Thus spoke Kennedy, and had the approbation of an undoubted
majority of the assembly, and the rest, perceiving that it was in
vain to oppose, went over to his opinion. Now the matter was
thus composed, that neither party might seem to have the better
of the other; two of each faction were chosen for the guardianship
of the king, who were to manage all public affairs with fidelity;
to collect and expend the king's revenue; and to undertake the
charge of the royal family. Of the queen's side, William
Graham and Robert Boyd, then chancellor; of the other, Robert
earl of Orcades and John Kennedy; all, on both sides, the chief
of their families. To these were added the two bishops of Glas-
gow and Caledonia. The queen was allowed to be assisting in the
king's education ; but she was not to touch any part of the pub-
lic government. As for the other children, which were four, viz.
Alexander duke of Albanypand John earl of Marr, and two
young females, she had the charge of their education herself.

Matters being thus composed at home, ambassadors from Eng-
land had their audience, who desired a truce : which was granted
for fifteen years. The next year, which was 1463, the king's
mother died, and had the unhappiness to be not well spoken off in
point of chastity. The same year, Alexander, the king's brother,
returning from his grandfather by the mother's side, out of
France, was taken prisoner by the English ; but freed soon after,
in regard the Scots urged it as a breach of the truce, and threat-
ened a war should be the consequence of it.

Peace being obtained abroad, it was not long before intestine
commotions rose at home ; for the disputes betwixt the nobility,
concerning the state of the kingdom, magnified by vulgar ru-
mours, and the king's minority, together with the fresh remem-
brance of the licentiousness of the lute times ; all put together.

6s> HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. Book XII.

•did easily let loose the reins to men, who were turbulent enough
in their own nature. Allan of Lorn, a seditious person, desirous
to enjoy the estate of John his elder brother, kept him prisoner;
intending there to detain him so long alive, till the hatred of his
cruel practice did, with time, abate, and so he yield to his will
and pleasure. When Calen Campbell, earl of Argyle, heard of
it, he gathered a band of his tenants together, freed John, and
cast Allan into prison, in his room; resolving to carry him to
court, that he might suffer punishment for that, as well as for his
other noted robberies; but he prevented his punishment by death,
whether voluntary or casual, is not known.

In another part of the country, Donald, the islander, as being
a more powerful person, began to make a far greater commotion;
ior, after the king's death, being free from fear, and judging
that turbulent state of things to be a fit opportunity for him to in-
jure his inferiors, and to increase his own powers, came to Inr
verness, with no great train, and was kindly invited into the cas-
tle by the governor; who had no thoughts, or so much as the
least fear, of any hostility from him. When he was entered, he
turned out the garrison, seized upon the castle, and gathering his
islanders about him, proclaimed himself king of the islands. He
sent forth edicts into the neighbouring countries, That the inhabi-
tants should pay tribute to none but himself; and that they should ac-
knowledge no other lord or master, denouncing a great penalty to those
that did otherwise. The news of it made persons, debauched in
their principles, flock to him from all parts; so that having made
up an army great enough, he entered Athol with such wonderful
dispatch, that he took the earl of that name, who was the king's
uncle, and his wife, prisoners, before they suspected any such
thing. For the earl, hearing the sudden tumult of a war, dis-
trusted the strength of his castle of Blair, and went into the
church of St. Bride's near adjoining, to defend himself there, as
in a sanctuary, by the religion of the place. Many also of his
vassals and countrymen, being surprised at the sudden dangers,
carried and laid up their best goods there. That church was ve-
nerated, in those parts, with great ceremony ; and it had remah*-
cd inviolate to that very day, by reason of the great opinion of its
sanctity; but the consideration of gain was more prevalent with
that savage and avaricious person, than any sense of religion; for
lie violently pulled out the earl and his wife from thence, and a
great number cf prisoners besides; and, after he had pillaged the
church, he set it on fire. And, when the priests spoke to him,
to deter him from that sacrilege, he killed some of them, and sent
the others away, but not without having received tokens of his
barbarity. Then, having wasted the adjacent countries up and
downj with fire and sword, as he was returning home with a

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 6 1

great booty, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk many of his
ships, and grievously distressed the rest 4 so that he, with a few
only of his followers, were rather cast up, than landed, on the
bland of Isla. They who survived this shipwreck, thinking that
this calamity happened to them by the manifest anger of the
Deity, because they had violated the church of St. Bride, went
barefooted, and covered only with a little linen garment, in an
humble manner, to carry gifts to her, whom a few days before
they had so contumeliously abused. 'Tis reported, that from
that day forward, Donald their commander, fell out of his wits,
either for grief that he had lost his army and the spoil; or be-
cause his mind, though brutish, was at length galled with the
conscience of his irreligious sacrilege, and contempt of divine
worship. This misfortune of their commander occasioned his
kindred to set the earl of Athol and his children at liberty, and to
atone St. Bride with many large and expiatory gifts.

When the news of these things was brought to court, it broke off
their consultations of making any expedition against the islanders.
The first tumults being appeased, the administration of Scottish
affairs was carried on with so much equity and tranquillity, that
the oldest man then alive, never remembered more secure, quiet
and halcyon days ; such was the prudence and gravity of James
Kennedy, on whose authority the court did then principally de-
pend), and such the modesty of the rest of the nobility, who did
not grudge to yield obedience to the wiser sort. For this James
Kennedy had obtained such reputation, by his many merits and ser-
vices to his country, and by his good offices towards the former
king; nay, he had procured such a great opinion of his fidelity
in all matters, by reason of the composedness of his manners, and
his licar alliance to the king, that the rest of the king's guardians,
that were to succeed one another, two and two by turns, did wil-
lingly admit and suffer him whenever he came to court, to be
the sole censor and supervisor of the pains and diligence they took
in that service. By this their concord, the king's education was
carried regularly on; and his own towardliness and ingenuity be-
ing a help to their industry, all men conceived great hopes of
him.

Thus matters were carried on, till about the sixth year of the
king's reign. There was then at court, Robert Boyd, the chief of
his family, who, besides his large personal estate, was allied to ma-
ny other great and noble families: He had also a flourishing stock
of children of his own, as Thomas and Robert. He had a bro-
ther too, named Alexander, who was well instructed and versed in
all polite letters. This Alexander, at the desire of John Kennedy,
his kinsman, (who, by reason of his declining age, was not so fit
for youthful exercises), and with the consent of the vest of the

Cl HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

king's tutors, was preferred to the king, to teach him the rudiments
of the art military ; in the knowledge whereof he was esteemed to
exceed all his equals. The Boyds, upon the account of these ad-
vantages, were not content with that place and authority, though
it was very great and honourable, which they had at court ; but
farther sought to transfer all public offices into their own family.
To accomplish which, Alexander was desired by them, to incline
the king's favour towards them. He having to deal with a
king, tender of age, and very pliant, did so insinuate into him, by
liis flattering complaisance, that he could do any thing he pleased
with him. Being admitted into such familiar intimacy and con-
verse, he would oft let words drop before the king, that lie was
now fit to hold the reins of government himself) and that it was
time for him to be freed from the servitude of old grey-beards,
and to maintain a company of noble military youths about him;
that so he might enter into those studies betimes, wherein, whe-
ther he would or no, he was likely to pass the remaining part of
his life. Discourses of this kind were easily entertained by a
youth, unskilful m matters, and in the slippery part of his age
too, which was prone to liberty; so that he began to be a little
stubborn and headstrong against his governors: Some things he
would do without their advice, many against it; as seeking an op-
portunity to be delivered from the severity of those seniors, as
from a kind of bondage and imprisonment. Whereupon, going
from Linlithgow a hunting, unknown to Kennedy, whose turn it
was then to wait; the old man, being informed thereof, went forth
to overtake him, not far from the town ; and, having done so, he
took his horse by the bridle, and endeavoured to stop, and bring
him back; alleging, that it was no convenient time, nor was his
company fitting for such an exercise. Hereupon, Alexander ran
in, and with the bow, which he had in his hand, broke the old
man's head, tho' he deserved better things at his hands. Kennedy
being thus beat off, as a troublesome hinderer of their sport, they
proceeded on to the place they intended to go; while Kennedy re-
turned, with a wound, into the town. And when Robert Boyd
came again to court, he did not disapprove of what his brother A-
lexander had done. By this means, the seeds of enmity were
sown between two factions, which grew up to the great detriment
of the kingdom, and at length, to the total destruction of one
of them.

The feud was first discovered upon this occasion: The Boyds1
would have the king removed from that place to Edinburgh; but
Kennedy, and his party, would have Stirling to be the place of his
residence. The Boyds could then do most at court; and so, with-
out public consent, they carried the king to Edinburgh, there to
enter upon the regal government. The attendants of the journey

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 63

were, besides their own kindred, Adam Hepburn, John Somer-
ville, and Andrew Carr, all heads of their respective families.
This was acted about the 10th of July, in the year 1466.
'The Kennedys having lost the day in tire dispute, departed
severally to their own homes, John into Carrick, James into
Fife ; their minds swelling with anger, and resolving to omit
no opportunity of revenge. The Boyds, thus conquerors, not
contented with the wrong they had done, sent John an ape in
a jeer, for the old man to play and sport himself with at home;
thereby upbraiding him- as if he had doted for age.

Not long after, James Kennedy departed this life ; maturely e-
nough, if we respect his age; but his death was so lamented by all
good men, as if in him they had lost a public father. For in that
man, besides the virtues above mentioned, there was an high de-
gree of frugality and continence at home, yet great splendour and
magnificence abroad. He exceeded the preceding bishops, nay,
and all those that succeeded him in that see to this very day, in li-
berality to the public *, and yet notwithstanding, his own ecclesias-
tical revenues were not great ; for as yet the Scots had not arriv-
ed at the ill custom of heaping up steeples upon steeples; nor had
learned to spend that worse upon luxury, which was before ///got-
ten by avarice. He left one eminent monument of his munificence
behind him, and that was the public schools at St. Andrews, which
he built with great expence, and endowed with large revenues, but
issuing out of church incomes. He gave order, that a magnifi-
cent monument should be erected for himself there : which yet,
(such was the malignity of men) he was envied for, though he
had deserved so well privately of most men, and publicly of all.
They alleged, it was a thing of too much vanity, to bestow so
much cost upon a structure of no use. His death made his
virtues more illustrious, and increased men's desire after him:
for, when he, who was a perpetual censor and corrector of man*
ners was once removed out of the way, the public discipline be-
gan, by degrees, to grow weak and remiss; and at last to be so
corrupt, as to bring almost all things, with itself, to ruin.

The Boyds made use of pretences in law, to increase the do-
mestic power of their family, and abate the power of their ene-
mies. And first, Patrick Graham seemed most fit for their pur-
pose; he was the brother of James Kennedy by the same mother,
and was also cousin by the mother's side to Robert Boyd. He,
as the manner was in those days, was elected bishop by the ca-
nons, in the room of his brother James ; but was hindered by the
court faction, from having the king's leave to go to Rome; so
that he went privately to the pope, without any train, and so
was easily admitted into his brother's place; for, besides the no-
bleness of his blood, and the great recommendation of his high

Vol. II. I

64 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIL

virtues, he was also well learned for those times. And therefore,
whilst he staid at Rome, fearing the power of the adverse faction;
the old controversy concerning the liberty of the church of Scot-
land, began to be revived; for the archbishop of York pretended
that the bishops of Scotland were under his jurisdiction, so that
he endeavoured to retain that power in the time of peace, which
had been usurped in the licentious times of war. But a decree was
made at Rome, in favour of the Scots •, and Graham was not only
made primate of Scotland, but also was constituted the pope's le-
gate there for three years, to inquire into the degenerate manners
and conversations of priests ; and to restore decayed ecclesiastical
discipline to its pristine integrity and state. And yet this great
man, though so illustrious for enduements of mind and fortune,
and having also the superadded authority of the pope to back him,
durst not return home, till the power of the Boyds was in a declin-
ing condition at court.

The Boyds perceiving, that the concourse of the nobility to
them, was not so great as they hoped ; to avert the accusations of
their enemies, and provide for their own security for the future,
they caused a public assembly, or parliament, to be summoned
against the 13th day of October. There Robert Boyd the elder
fell down on his knees before the king and his counsellors of state,
complaining, that his service to the king, in bringing him to Edin-
burgh, was ill interpreted, and traduced by the malign speeches
of his adversaries, who gave out threatening words ; that the ad-
visers to that journey should one day suffer punishment for the
same-, and therefore, he humbly besought the king, that if he had
conceived any ill-will or disgust in his mind against him for that
journey that he would openly declare it ; that so the calumnies of
his detractors might be either prevented or allayed. The king hav-
ing advised a little with the Lords of the Articles, made answer, that
Robert was not his adviser in it, but rather his companion in that
fourney; and therefore, that he was more worthy of a reward for
his courtesv, than of punishment for his obsequiousness and com-
pliance therein ; and this he was willing to declare in a public de-
cree of the estates, so to put a stop to all invidious discourse. And,
in the same decree, provision should be made, that that matter
should never be prejudicial to Robert, nor his companions. Boyd
desired, that this decree might be registered amongst the acts of
assembly ; and that the same might be confirmed also by tetters
patent under the great seal. And accordingly the decree was pre-
sently registered amongst the acts, and the letters- patent were de-
livered to him soon after, viz. the 25th day of the same month.
The same day also, the king, by advice of his council, gave him
other letters patent, wherein he was constituted regent, and had
the safety of the king, his brothers, sisters, towns, castles,- and

Ook XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 65

all the jurisdictions over his subjects, committed to him, till he
himself came to twenty-one years of age. And he dealt so with
the nobles then present, that they solemnly promised to be assist-
ant to the Boyds in all their public actions; and that they would be
liable to punishment, if they did not carefully, and with faithful-
ness, perform what they now promised. To this stipulation or
promise, the king also subscribed.

By this means, the king being declared their friend, part of the
nobility in league with them, and also the administration of the
whole government put into their hands, they thought themselves
sufficiently secured for a long time. Nay, and to lay a founda-
tion also for the future greatness of their posterity, they brought it
about, that Thomas Boyd, the son of Robert, should marry the
king's eldest sister. That marriage, as it was opulent, and seem-
ed a prop and establishment / of their power, so it increased the
hatred of their enemies, and gave occasion to variety of discourse
among the vulgar. For, although by this means all passage to the
king's ear seemed to be precluded, and they alone made the sole
arbiters of his words and actions ; yet they did not flourish so
much in favour at court, as they were prosecuted with public ha-
tred abroad; which, after four year's concealment, did at last
break out, to the destruction of their whole family. And the
wiser sort of the adverse party did not much dislike their sud-
den increase of honour ; for they hoped (as it is usual) That
arrogance would be the companion of their exaltation, which would
not endure a superior, would despise an equal, and trample upon
an inferior. And when the bounds of a subject's condition are ex-
ceeded, it also awakens kings, who are impatient of co-rivals, to over-*
throw such suspected persons. The noise of this discord betwixt
such potent factions, let loose the reins to popular licentious-
ness; for the people accustomed to robberies did, by intervals,
more eagerly return to their former trade. The seeds of ha-
tred, which were suppressed for a time, did now bud forth a-
gain with greater vigour; and the seditious willingly laid
hold on these occasions for disturbances ; so t,hat there was
a general liherty taken to do what men listed, in hopes of
impunity.

Neither was the Kennedys wanting to the occasion, who
partly spread abroad rumours to inflame the people, and t'o
cast all the cause of their disturbance and miseries upon the Boyds ;
and partly also (as some thought) were not much averse from the
design of the seditious, but slyly and secretly threw fuel into the
fire. This was plain and evident by their very countenances, that
this troublesome state of affairs was not unpleasant or unaccepta-
ble to them. There seemed but only one thing wanting, utterly
to subvert the flourishing power of their enemies, and that was,

I *

66 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

to make the king of their party; for they had strength enough, or
too much : they knew that the commonalty, who affect innovations,
af id love every thing more than ivhat is present, would crowd iti to
their party. Upon this they agreed to try the king's mind, by
some crafty persons, who should pretend themselves to be lovers
of the Boydian faction.

In the interim, ambassadors were appointed to go to Denmark,
to desire Margaret, the daughter of that king, might be given
in marriage to king James; and that they should take all the care
they could, that the old controversy concerning the Orcades and
the isles of Shetland, which had cost both nations so much blood,
might be accorded. The chief of the embassy was Andrew Stew-
art, son to Walter, who was then chancellor of Scotland. The
Danes easily assented to the marriage, and they quitted all their
right which their ancestors claimed over all the islands about
Scotland, in the name of a dowry; only the private owners of e-
states in those islands were to enjoy them upon the same terms as
they had formerly done. Some write, that they were made over
in a mortgage, till the dowry was paid, but that afterward the
king of Denmark gave ' up all his right in them for ever to his
grandson James, who was newly born.

When the chancellor had informed the king, that all things
were finished according to his desire, the next consult was, to send
an handsome train of nobles to bring over the new queen. And
here, by the fraud of his enemies, and inadvertency of his friends,
Thomas Boyd, son of Robert earl of Arran, was chosen ambas-
sador, his very enemies purposely commending his aptness for that
employment, by reason of his valour, splendor and estate, fit for
such a magnificent errand. He judging all things safe at home, in
regard his father was regent, willingly undertook the employment,
and, at the beginning of autumn, with a good train of friends-
and followers, he went, a ship-board.

In the mean time, the Kennedys had loosened the king's af-
fection to the Boyds ; and whereas these thought to retain his
good-will by pleasures and vacations from public cares, those very
naits the other imputed as crimes to them ; and by magnifying
their wealth, great in itself, as too bulky, and even dangerous to
the king ; and withal alleging, what a great addition would ac-
crue to. his exchequer, from the confiscation of their estates, up-
on their conviction, they put strange scruples into the weak mind
of the king, who was naturally inclined to suspicions and avarice
The Boyds, on the other side, though they endeavoured by their
obsequious flatteries, and their hiding the public miseries from
him, to banish all melancholy thoughts out of his mind ; yet the
complaints of the vulgar, and the solitariness of the court, both
which were,, of set purpose, contrived and increased by their ece-

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. &J

mies, could not be hid. And besides, there were some, -who,
when the king was alone, discoursed him freely concerning the
public calamities, and the way to remedy them ; nay, the king
himself, as now grown up to manly cares, declared, that what
was sometimes acted abroad did not please him. But the Boyds,
though they perceived that the king was every day less and Jrss
tractable to them than formerly; and withal, that popular envy
rose higher and higher against them-, yet remitted nothing of their
old licentiousness, as trusting to the king's former lenity, and to
the amnesty which they had for what was past.

Whereupon the contrary faction, having secretly wrought over
the king to their party, and Thomas earl of Arran, being sent
packing ambassador into Denmark, from whence he was not ex-
pected to return till late in the spring, because those northern
seas are tempestuous and unpassable for a great part of the year ;
upon these accounts they thought it a fit season to attempt die
Boyds, who were old and diseased, and therefore came seldom to
court ; and besides, were destitute of the aid of many of theis
friends, who were gone away in the train of the embassy. The
first thing they did was, to persuade the king to call a parliament,
which had been much longed for by many, to meet at Edinburgh
on the twenty-second day of November, in the year 1469. Thi-
ther the Boyds, two brothers, were summoned to come and make
their appearance ; where matters were variously carried in respect
of them, 'just as hatred directed some, or favour disposed others.
But they were so astonished at this sudden blow, as having made,
no great provision against so imminent a danger, that their minds
were quite dejected, not so much because of the power of the ad-
verse faction, as by reason of the sudden alienation of the king's
mind from them; so that Robert, in despair of his safety, fled in-
to England; but Alexander, who by reason of his sickness eould
not fly, was called to his answer. The crime objected to both the
brothers was, that they had laid hands on the king, and of their
own heads had carried him to Edinburgh. Alexander alleged,
that he had obtained his pardon for that offence in a public con-
vention, and therefore he humbly desired, that a copy of that par-
don might be transcribed out of the parliament rolls; but this was
denied him. What his accusers objected against that pardon, the
writers of those times do not record; and J, though a conjecture
be not very difficult to be made in the case, yet had rather leave
the whole matter to the reader's thoughts, than to affirm uncertain-
tics for truths. Alexander was condemned on his trial, and had
his head cut off. Robert, a few years after, died at Alnwick in
England, the grief of banishment being added to the pains of hii,
old age. His son, though absent, and that upon a public busi-
ness, was declared a public enemy, without being granted a hear-

68 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

ing; and all their estates were confiscated. Thus stood the mat-
ter of fact: but I shall not conceal what I have heard some good
ra.en, and not ignorant of the history of those times affirm. They
say, that the amnesty given to the Boyds, was thus worded in the
accords.: That the king forgave them all the prejudice and ran-
cour of mind (as they then phrased it) which he might have con-
ceived against them ; which they, who were willing to gratify the
Mug, did interpret (according to the distinction then celebrated a-
mongst divines, concerning the remission of the fault, and of pu-
nishment) after this manner, That, though the king forgave him his
personal resentment, yet they were not exempted from the punish-
ment of the law. Thomas Boyd, when he heard of the calamity
©f his family, though some put him in hopes of pardon, in a time
of public rejoicing, yet durst not come ashore; but being inform-
ed by his wife, who, upon the first news of the approach of the
Danish fleet, went immediately to him, that there was no hopes
ef re-admission to the king's favour, his enemies having stopt all
avenues thereunto, sailed back into Denmark, whence he came,
and so travelled through Germany into France, where he in vain
(endeavoured to obtain the mediation of Lewis XI. (who then had
turned the legitimate empire of the French into a tyranny) for his.
reconciliation; and therefore he went to Charles of Burgundy,
where he behaved himself valiantly, and did him much faithful
service in the wars, for which he was well rewarded by him with
iionour and profit. There he lived a private, yet honourable life ;
and his wife bore him a son, called James, and a daughter called
Grekin, of which in their place.

The marriage of James III. and queen Margaret, was cele-
brated- with a great concourse of the nobility, on the the tenth day
c£ July,, in the year of our Lord 1470. Three years after this
marriage, on St. Patrick's day, in March, was born James, who
succeeded his father in the kingdom.

In the interim, the king, not yet satisfied with the misery of the
Boyds, writes over into Flanders, to recal his sister home; but
snowing that she bore so great a love to her husband, that she
would hardly be induced to part from him, he caused others
to write to her, giving her some hopes, that the king's anger
•flight, in time, be appeased towards her husband, and that no
<!oubt was to be made, but she herself might prevail much with
litr brother for his relief; but that she must come to plead for
Mm in presence, and not commit his apology to others. Upon
these hopes she returned, and was no sooner arrived in Scot-
land, but the king transacts with her about a divorce; and ac-
cordingly he affixed public libles and citations, attested by many
1 >cs, at Kilmarnock (which was the chief house of the Boyds,
Before their fall'' where Thomas was commanded to appear in six.-

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. &}

ty days; whereas all men knew, that though the public faith had
been given him, yet he would hardly have returned: He not ap-
pearing at the day, the former marriage was pronounced null,
and a divorce decreed, though the husband was absent and un-
heard ; and so Mary the king's sister was compelled, against ha
will, to marry James Hamilton, a man raised but a little before,
and much inferior to her former husband in estate and dignity;
yet she bore him a son named J ames, and a daughter called Mar-
garet. The children she had by her former husband weTe al-
so recalled by the king. Nor did Boyd long survive this. Me
died at Antwerp, and having no kinsman there to claim his esra&e,
Chaides of Burgundy caused a magnificent monument to be erect-
ed for him, with the money which he had munificently bestowed
upon him, in the church of ... . whereon an honourable epi-
taph was inscribed. Thus the family of the Boyds, which thesa
was the most flourishing one in Scotland, within a few years, grew
up, and was cut down, to the great astonishment of posterirr;
What slippery things the favours of young kings are i

Their ruin did not only amaze their friends, but it also terrified
their very enemies; so that none would adventure to aspire to
that dignity, from whence they were cast down; partly upon
account of the instability of human affairs, and partly in conside-
ration of the king's sudden repentance for bestowing of his graces
and favours, and his continued perseverance, in his hatred whets
once begun. This is certain, that they who were raised to great
hopes of preferment, by this change of public affairs, found them-
selves much mistaken: for the king, who before that time had us-
ed himself to domestic ease, and seldom appeared in publii .
ing, now also newly married, spent a great pail of his time i
pleasures of his palace; lie excluded the nobility, and was wholly
governed by a few of his servants; for being of an eager and fer-
vid disposition, he could not well bear to be contradicted in his
own will ; so that he avoided the liberty which the nobles would
take in advising him, and had only those about him who would not
reprehend, but rather approve of what he did; that so by avoiding
every occasion of offence, and by using all the flattery they coulxi,
they might gain his favour. Amidst these manners of the court,
the ecclesiastic.il state was not much better. For though the mi-
nisters of the church had been given of old to luxury and avarice,
yet there was still some shadow of ancient gravity remaining, so
that some encouragement was given to learning, and advantage la
such as were good proficients therein; for the bishops were chosen
by the colleges of canons, and the abbots by their respective so-
dalities: But now the parasite courtiers persuaded the king (for
they only bad his heart and ear) that it would be very advantag
to him, and that those with whom he had to deal would not be a-

*J0 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

ble to hinder his design, if he recalled and assumed the designa-
tion of such offices to himself, and would not suffer matters of so
great advantage to rest in the hands of such a dronish generation of
people, unfit for any public business, as ecclesiastics were. The
king was easily persuaded to this, in regard they alleged, that by
this means, besides other advantages, he might have opportunity
to curb the contumacious, to confirm the wavering, and to re-
ward the well deserving; but, said they, in our present circum-
stances, promotions and honours are in the hands of the dregs of
the vulgar, who are as parsimonious in case of public necessities,
as they are profuse in their private pleasures; that all men should
depend upon the king alone, so that he might have the sole power
of punishing, pardoning, and rewarding.

By these and the like flattering arguments, they persuaded the
king to their opinion, for his mind was not yet confirmed by ripe-
ness of years; besides, it was weakened by ill custom, and not
fortified against the temptations of money-matters ; and moreover,
he was naturally prone to liberty. Hereupon a new face of things
presently appeared throughout the whole kingdom, and all mat-
ters, both sacred and civil, were brought to court to be huckster-
ed and sold, as in a public fair. But Patrick Graham was the on-
ly man who endeavoured to stop the precipitous ruin of the
church. When his enemies swayed all at home, he staid at
Rome some years; but being there informed by his friends, in
what state things were, he, trusting in his alliance to the king,
being the son of his great aunt, resolved to return home ; but, that
he might make some essay of the minds of men beforehand, he
sent the bull which he had obtained from the pope, for his legan-
tine power, and caused it to be proclaimed and published in the
month of September, in the year of our Lord 1472, which raised
up much envy against him. For they that had bought ecclesias-
tical honours at court, were afraid to lose both their prey and
money too; and they who thought to make -advantage by this
court-sale, were grieved to be thus disappointed. Nay, that fac-
tion did no less storm, that had mercenarily obtained ecclesiastical
preferments from the king, in order to sell them to others. Their
fear was, that this gainful pi-actice would be taken out of their
hands. All these made a conspiracy against Patrick, and, in his
absence, loaded him with reproaches. They came to court, and
complained that their ancient laws, as well as the king's late de-
crees, were violated; and that the Romanists were carrying on
many matters, very prejudicial to the kingdom; and, unless the
king did speedily oppose their exorbitance, they would quickly
bring all things under their power; nay, make the king himself
bend under them.

To prevent this danger, there were some sent, by order of

Book Xll. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 7 1

council, to Patrick, when he had scarce set his foot on shore, to
forbid him to execute any part of his office, until the king had
heard the complaints made against him; and a day was appointed
him to appear, which was the first of November, at Edinburgh,
in order to an hearing.

In the mean time, when his friends and relations assured him,
that the king would do what was equitable in so just a cause; the
adverse faction hearing of it, did so engage the king and his cour-
tiers, by the promises of great sums of money, that Patrick could
never have a fair hearing afterwards. When he was come to the
assembly, he produced the pope's bull and grant, wherein he was
constituted archbishop of St. Andrews, primate of Scotland, and
the pope's legate for three years, to order ecclesiastical affairs.
The inferior sort of priests were glad of the thing, that an office
so necessary was put into the hands of so pious and learned a
man; but they did not dare to speak it out, for fear of some
powerful persons, who had got the ear of the king and his coun-
sellors. His adversaries made theif appeal to the pope, who alone
could be judge in the case, which they did on purpose to create
delay; so that the favour of the people towards Patrick might in
time abate. He himself was sent back by the king to his church,
but forbid to wear the robes- of an archbishop, till the cause was
determined. Neither was he to perform any office, but what the
former bishops had done before him.

Whilst these things were acting, William Sivez rose up, a new
enemy against Patrick, but the bitterest of all the rest; and that
upon a light occasion. He was a young man of a ready wit, and
had lived some years at Louvain, under the tutorage of John
Sperinc, a man well skilled in the study of physic and astrology;
and returning home, he quickly insinuated himself into the favour
of the courtiers; partly upon the account of his other accomplish-
ments, and partly because of his boasted knowledge of celestial
matters. This endowment won him great respect from the court,
which whs then addicted to all sorts of divinations, even to mad-
ness: so that this Sivez being of an acute wit, and in great favour
at court, was soon made archdeacon of St. Andrews; but the
bishop would not admit him to that office. Upon this, he enter-
ed into a consultation with John Lock, rector of the public schools
there, and a pretended friend of Patrick's ; and they together em-
ployed all their engines to work his overthrow. The rector, hav-
ing a grant from the pope, whereby he was privileged and exempt-
ed from Patrick's jurisdiction, pronounced the sentence of excom-
munication against him. But he so slighted this commination
from one of an inferior order to himself, that though, when he
came to court, it was twice or thrice served upon him, yet he
went on in his ordinary course of life. Whereupon his enemies

Vol II. K

72 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

(as is usual in cases, where ecclesiastical cases are contemned) im-
plored the assistance of the king, and got Patrick excluded from
all the churches. Officers of the exchequer were sent to, to take
an inventory of all his goods. His retinue was commanded, un-
der an heavy penalty, to depart; and a guard was set upon him,
to observe, that he did nothing contrary to the edict. The rest
of the bishops, that they might not seem ungrateful towards so
benevolent a king, levied a great sum of money, which they vio-
lently extorted out of small benefices, and presented him with it.
The king being master of such a sum, seemed to deal more mildly
with Patrick, as if he took pity on him; and accordingly he sent
the abbot of Holyrood, and Sivez to him. Whereupon the
bishop was reconciled to the king; and also Sivez and the bishop
were made friends; but his friends' contributions were gathered
up before, and carried to the king. Now Patrick seemed to be
freed of all his troubles, and so he retired to his manor-house of
Monimul, and prepared liimself for the execution of his office,
both publicly and privately: when, behold! the Roman money-
mongers were sent in upon him, by his adversaries ; and because
he had not paid his fees for the pope's grant (or bull, as they call
it) they likewise excommunicated him. The man was reduced to
extreme poverty; for his revenues, both before and after his re-
turn, were, for the most part, gatheitd up by the king's collectors,
and brought into his exchequer, and whatever his friends could
make up, was given to the king and his courtiers. And when the
kind's officers were again sent to take possession of his estate,
guards were set upon him by the king; his household servants
were discharged, and lie was kept prisoner in his castle, and so
was deprived even of the use of his reason. William Sivez, his
capital enemy, was first imposed upon him by the king, and after-
wards approved by the pope, as his coadjutor, as they call him, as
of a man that was beside himself. The said Sivez was made in-
quisitor, by the power of the adverse faction, to inquire into his
life and conversation; many trifling, and many ridiculous and in-
credible things were objected against him ; and amongst the rest
was tin's one, Thai he had said mass thrice in cue day; whereas,
in that age, there was hardly a bishop who did the same in three
months. Thus his enemy being his judge, and the witnesses a-
gainst hirn hired, he was turned out of his bishopric; and Sivez,
who carried the decree to the pope, was made bishop in his room.
Neither were his enemies contented with this mischief they had
done him; but, perceiving he bore all their contumelies with much
greatness of spirit, they made an order, that he should be shut up
in some desolate monastery, under four keepers; Inchcolm was
chosen 50 be the place, a rock rather than an island; from whence,
three years after, he was removed to Dunfermline, for fear of the
English fleet, betwixt whom and the Scots a war had then brok.-x.

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 73

forth. And from thence he was again carried to the castle, which
lies at Lochleven; wherej being worn out with age and miseries,
he departed this life. He was a man guilty of no known vice;
and in learning and virtue inferior to none of his age. The other
good men, terrified by his calamity, and perceiving no hopes of
any church-reformation, went all about their own private affairs.
In the court, church-preferments were either sold, or else given
away to flatterers and panders, as a reward for their vile and filthy
services.

Though these things were acted at different times, yet I have
put them altogether in my discourse, that so the thread of my hi-
story might not be broke too often; and also, that by one memo-
rable example, we might have an entire view of the miseries of
those times; for one may easily imagine how miserable the ordina-
ry sort of men were, since a man that was so eminent for all kind
of virtue, and besides,, had the advantage to be allied to the king,
and so many noble families, was, by a few scoundrels of the lower
sort, exposed to the reproach and cruelty of his enemies. But to
return to the other occurrences of those times.

In the year 1476, there was a public decree made against John,
lord of the islands, who had seized upon some provinces, and had
done great spoil on the maritime coasts; insomuch that the king
resolved in person to march against him by land, and commanded
the earl of Crawford, his admiral, to meet him by sea. Hereupon
John perceiving that he was too weak to withstand such prepara-
tion, by the advice of the earl of Athol, the king's uncle, came
in ah humble manner to court, and surrendered up himself to the
king's mercy. The provinces which he had forcibly entered up-
on, were taken from him, as Ross, Kintyre, and Knapdale. But he
was suffered still to continue in the command of the islands. The
same year, the dispute with the English, which was just about to
break out into a war, was decided. The occasion was this: James
Kennedy had built a ship, the largest that had been, seen to sail
upon the ocean. At that time as she was at sea, a tempest cast
her upon the English shore, and her lading was rifled by the Eng-
lish. Restitution was often sought for, but in vain. This bred
a dis-gust betwixt the nations for some years. At last, the English
sent ambassadors into Scotland; the chief of which were the
bishop of Durham, and Scroop a nobleman. By these ambassa-
dors, king Edward, who had been tossed by the inconstancy of
fortune, and whose exchequer was drained by continual wars, de-
sired a treaty of peace; which was easily renewed, upon condi-
tion that a due estimate might be made of the ship that was rifled,
and its lading, by indifferent persons, and just satisfaction made.

The same year ambassadors were sent to Charles duke of
Burgundy, in behalf of the merchants who were disturbed in

K 2

74 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII,

their trade. When they came into Flanders, they were ho-
nourably received by him. One Andrews a physician, and a
great astrologer too, being occasionally invited by them to sup-
per, understanding the cause of their coming, took them aside,
and told them, that they should not make too much haste in their
embassy; for, in a few days they should hear other news of the
•duke. And accordingly his prediction was fulfilled; for within
three days after, the duke's army was overthrown by the Switzers,
at the city of Nantz in Lorrain; where he was killed. Here-
upon the ambassadors returned, without effecting their business.
And when they came to the king, and told him, how highly
skilled that Andrews was, in predicting things to come, they per-
suaded him, who of himself was inclinable to those arts, to send
for the man, upon promises of a good reward. And accordingly
he came, was well received, and gratified with a rich parsonage,
and other boons. He, as it is reported, told the king, that he
should speedily be destroyed by his own subjects. And that
speech agreed with the vaticinations of some wizardly women
(to which the king was immoderately addicted) who had prophe-
sied, That a lion should be killed by his whelps. Hereupon, from
a prince, at first of great ingenuity and good hopes, and as yet
not wholly depraved, he degenerated into a fierce and cruel ty-
rant; for when his mind had entertained and was stuffed with
suspicions, he accounted even his nearest kindred, and all the
best of the nobility, as his enemies. And the noble3 were also
disgusted at him, partly by reason of his familiarity with that
rascally sort of people; but chiefly because he slighted the nobi-
lity, and chose mean persons to be his counsellors and advisers.
The chief of them was Thomas Preston, one of a good family,
but who resolved to humour the king in all things; Robert
Cochrane, a man endowed with great strength of body and equal
audacity of mind; he came to be known to the king by a duel
which he fought with another; and presently from an architect
came to be made a courtier, and was put in a fair way of rising to
some greater advancement; for, having performed some lighter
matters, entrusted to him with diligence, and also accommodating
himself to the king's humour, he was soon admitted to advise
concerning the grand affairs of the kingdom; insomuch that
Preston chose him to be his son-in-law. The third was William
Rogers, an English singing man, or musician, who coming
into Scotland with the English ambassadors, after the king had
heard him once or twice, he was so taken with him, that he
would not suffer him to return, but advanced him to wealth and
honour; and, in a short time, made him a knight. The rest of
his intimates were the most despicable sort of the meanest
uadesmen, who were only known by their improbity, and haJ

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 7 1

nothing to recommend them but their boldness. Whereupon,
the nobility had a meeting, wherein the king's two brothers
were chief, to purge the court from that sort of cattle: And
some notice of it being divulged abroad, John, the youngest of
the brothers, more unwary than the rest, speaking a little too
boldly and rashly concerning the state of the kingdom, was
seized upon by the courtiers, cast into prison, condemned by
the king's privy council, and put to death, by having a vein
opened till he expired. The cause of his death was given out
amongst the vulgar, to be, because he had conspired with witches
against the king's life: And, to make the matter more plausible,
twelve witches, of the lowest condition, were tried and burnt.
The death of John did rather stifle, than dissipate the conspiracy,
which seemed almost ready to break forth.

Alexander, the next, as in blood, so in danger, though he
endeavoured to avert all suspicion from himself, as much as he
could; yet the king's officers thought they could never be se-
cure, as long as he was alive ; and therefore they presently clap-
ped him up prisoner in the castle of Edinburgh; where he was
strictly kept up by those who judged his power would be their
destruction : And seeing he could not appease the king's wrath
by the mediation of his friends, he began to think of making an
escape: He had but one of his servants left to wait upon him in
his chamber. Him, and none else, he acquainted with his design;
who hired a vessel to be ready for him in the adjoining road; then
he suborned messengers to make frequent errands to him from
the court, who should tell him stories before his keepers (for he
was forbid to speak with any body, but in their presence) that
the king was now more reconciled to him, than formerly; and
that he would speedily be set at liberty. When the day appoint-
ed for his escape approached, he composed his countenance to as
much mirth, as in that calamitous condition he was able to
do; and told his keepers that now he believed by the messages
sent him from the king, that he was reconciled to him; and that
he hoped he should not be much longer in durance. Accordingly
he invited them to a noble supper, and himself drank freely with
them, till late at night; then they departed; and, being all full
of wine, fell into the sounder sleep. Thus left entirely to him-
self, he made a rope of the sheets of his bed, long enough, as
he thought, for the height of the wall ; and first, to make a trial,
he made his servant slide down by it ; but perceiving, by his fall,
that it was too short, he lengthened it out as well as he could in
those circumstances, and himself slid down too, and took up his
servant, who had broke his leg by his fall, upon his shoulders,
and carried him about a mile to the vessel, where they went
aboard; and having a fair wind, they sailed to Dunbar; there

7<5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

he fortified the castle against any forcible assault, and, with
a small retinue, went over into France. In his absence, An-
drew Stuart, the chancellor was sent with an army to take
the castle: They besieged it closely some months, and it was
defended as bravely: But at last the garrison, for want of neces-
saries, were forced to get vessels, and in the night to depart pri-
vately for England; so that in the morning the empty castle was
taken by the besiegers. Some men of note, of the besiegers^
were slain there.

Much about this time it was, that the kings, both of England
and Scotland, wearied out with domestic troubles, had each of
them a desire to make peace, and an embassy from England was
appointed to complete it; which was kindly received: And the
peace was not only agreed upon, but an affinity accorded to con-
firm it; that Cecilia, the daughter of Edward, should be married
to James the Scottish king's son, as soon as they were both mar-
riageable. Part also of the dowry was paid, on this condition,
that if, when they came to years , the marriage was not consummated,
the dowry should he paid back to the English. And hostages were
given for performance of conditions; which were some burghers
of towns. But this peace lasted not long, for, by reason of the
grudges remaining since the last wars, incursions were made,
plunders committed, and villages burnt. Both sides were so
inflamed by these mutual injuries, that it broke out at last into
an open war. And, besides, each king had other peculiar pro-
vocations. Douglas, the old, and Alexander the late exile,
the king's brother, stirred up the English king to war. For
Alexander, as I said before, going into France, married the
daughter of the earl of Boulogne; but, not being able to procure
aid from Lewis XL then king of France, for the recovery of his
own, he sailed over into England, hoping from thence, to -make
some attempt upon Scotland. As for James of Scotland, Lewis
of France incited him to make war, having sent Robert Ireland,
a Scotsman, and doctor of the Sorbonne, with two French
knights, to him, on that errand. Thus the peace came to be
violated: And although the Scottish affairs, in regard some of
the country was wasted, were in none of the best condition; and
a great army was decreed to be sent against Scotland by the
English, under the command of the duke of Gloucester; yet the
king, and those who were about him, did levy forces, but with
no great heart: For the upstarts (such they lately were, and
very poor too) whose greatness was founded on the calamities
of others, and who had been the authors of desperate counsels
to the king, feared nothing more than a numerous assembly of
the incensed nobility. When they came to Lauder, a town near
the borders of Maich and Teviotdalc, countries either wasted

Book XII. history of Scotland. 77

by the enemy, or else by force necessitated to submit to him;
the king yet proceeded on in his wonted course of exactions
from them: He distrusted the nobility, and managed all by his
cabinet-council. This indignity the nobles would endure no
longer; and therefore, in the third watch, they met in a church
n the town, where, in a full assembly, Archibald Troughs,
earl of Angus, is reported to have declared the cause of their
meeting, in this manner.
f I think it not necessary, noble peers, to make a long oration
concerning the state of the Scottish affairs, you yourselves part-
ly remember it, and you partly see it now before your eyes ;
the chief of the nobility are either banished, or else compelled
to suffer intolerably, and to act nefarious things; and you, in
whom the strength of the kingdom rests, are left without an
head, as a ship without a steersman, subject to all the storms
and tempests of fortune : your lands are burnt, your estates
plundered ; the husbandmen either slain, or else, perceiving
no other remedy, have submitted to the enemy. And the king,
a man of a generous spirit, and singular prudence, if you take
him as he is in himself, yet carried away by poisonous insinua-
tions, refers all things pertaining to the good of the common-
wealth, to peace, war, and the like, not to an assembly of the
nobles, but to inferior upstarts. These men consult sooth-
sayers and wizards, and carry their answers to the king, whose
mind is infirm and sickly, and easily taken with such vain
superstitions ; and thus decrees are made under the influence
of such authors, concerning the safety of us all ; for they,
knowing that they are deservedly hated by all, bear the like
hatred to all; and their endeavour is, not only to undermine
your authority, but to cut you all off, by all the possible arts
and practices they can; they have removed some of you by
death, ethers by banishment. Neither do they ascend gradually
to play their pranks, as inferior persons, when they are pro-
moted, are wont to do; but immediately exercise the trials of
their cruelty and avarice upon the royal blood: One of the
king's brothers they have most inhumanly put to death; they
have robbed our country of the other, by banishing him, and
so have given him as a general to our enemies. These being
thus taken out of the way, their next work is to deal with the
nobility: For, being of low estate and condition themselves,
they would have no man of excellence, none of high birth, to
survive them. All those that have either riches to satisfy
their avarice, or power to resist their audaciousness, them they
account as their enemies; and yet, in the mean time, we are
undertaking a war against the English, as cur public enemy,
a* ;f any enemy were more deadly than that, who is never

78 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIL

* satisfied, in point of covetousness with your estates, nor in
point of cruelty, with your blood. Now, to make it clear to
you, that this intestine plague is more dreadful than that fo-
reign one ; suppose (which God forbid) that the king of Eng-
land should conquer us, doubtless he would remember old
grudges, and, in pursuance of that conquest, what end of hiss
successes would he propound to himself? or what reward of
his victory? Would he aim at the life of the king his enemy,
or at our lives? I think, at neither. For the dispute between
us is (not for life, but) for glory and empire, and a generous
mind, as it is vehement and eager against those that resist it,
so it is easily mitigated and inclined to lenity by submission and
obsequiousness, even upon the account of remembering the
instability of all human affairs. But suppose that the enemy's
rage should aim at the king's life and destruction, I pray,
which of the two do act more mercifully, either he that, toge-
ther with life, takes away all sense of misery ; or they that
reserve him, whom they ought principally to love and reverence
next to God, to a daily butchery and execution? Who arm
his mind, already prepossessed with witchcrafts, to the destruc-
tion of his friends ? who keep the king, now almost encom-
passed by the arms of his enemies, in the nature of a prisoner ;
and do not suffer him to see the faces of his friends, that he
may understand their affection to him, and experience their
loyalty? They are not so much enemies, who pitch camp a-
gainst camp, and so openly profess their hostility, as they who
at home do treacherously contrive our destruction. They alien-
ate the king's mind from his friends, and betray him to his
enemies; and thus they deprive us of our commander, and
expose us a prey to our enemy's arms, by whom, if your
lives are given you, after you are conquered, yet you will fall
into shame and servitude; and, if ycu overcome them, yet you
will not procure quiet to yourselves, strength to your country,
nor glory to your king, but a greater liberty to your enemies to
play their pranks at present, and that in security, for the fu-
ture; and thus we shall bring a plague and misery on ourselves,
and a stricter servitude on our king, so that victory will not
free us from foreign miseries, but will increase our domestic
ones. And therefore, in short, my opinion is, That we shake
off the yoke at home, before we venture to engage the enemy;
for otherwise, we shall all be made slaves to the lusts of a few
men; we shall strengthen the enemy, and betray the common-
wealth. God bless your consultations in this matter.'
After Douglas had ended his speech, there followed (not a
debate, but) a confused noise, over the whole assembly, cry-
ing out, To your arms against the public enemy ! for the minds

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 79

of all present were so inflamed, that though they had none to
lead them, yet they were about to break in upon the king's
quarters. But the graver sort, who, by reason of their honour
and authority, had a great interest in the rest, appeased the tu-
mult; for they feared lest, in an impetuous assault of the peo-
ple, the king himself should come to some harm : And there-
fore they agreed, that the principal commanders should take a.
small number of their chiefest confidents, and, without any ge-
neral remove of the whole army, should go to the king's pavi-
lion, and seize the offenders, who had the management of things,
and then bring them forth to be judged before the whole army,
that so they might suffer condign punishment, according to the
laws.

Whilst these things were in agitation, news was brought to
the court, that the nobles were assembled before day, in the
church; for what was not known; but it must certainly be some
great matter, which engaged such persons to assemble un-
known to the king and his counsellors. The king was waked,
and rose in great fear out of his bed, and asked those about him,
What was best to be done? In the mean while, he sends Cochrane
before, to observe what was a-doing, and to bring him certain
word. Just as this Cochrane was got pretty nigh the church
with a small retinue, he meets with the chief of the nobility
coming to court. Douglas presently laid hands- on him, and
took him by a massy gold chain, which he wore about his neck,
whereby he somewhat strained his throat, and gave him up a
prisoner to the marshal, and then he went directly to the king's
bed-chamber. They who were there, made no opposition, either
because they were astonished at his sudden coming, or else out
of reverence to the man ; so that there the rest were seized upon,
who were thought to have corrupted the king by their wicked
counsels; only one young man hung about the king's neck, and
he desired them to pardon him, his name was John Ramsay, of
a good family ; who being excused on the account of his age,
was dismissed. Whilst the rest were led to their trials, there
was a tumult and noise raised over the whole army, crying out,
Hang theniy rogues I whereupon they were presently hurried a-
way, and ended their lives in an halter ; nay, the army in ge-
neral was so intent upon their execution, that when they wanted
ropes, upon so sudden an occasion, they all offered the reins of
their horse-bridles and their baggage-horse tackle for that use ;
and they strove much, who should have the honour to offer his
own fir$t.

This court faction had committed many injuries against prl-
vate person?; but their wrongs to the public lay chiefly here :
They had been th< of coining new brass-money, which

Vol. II. L

8b HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

the common people did call by the invidious name of Blad-
money. Upon this coinage, there first ensued a dearth on all
things, and afterwards a famine ; for the sellers had rather suf-
fer their commodities to be spoiled at home, than, under a pre-
tence of sale, to give them away to the buyers. But, that all
•commerce might not wholly cease amongst the people, this one
remedy was found out for dealers and chapmen, that they should
mention, in their contracts, in what sort of money the payment
should be made. It is true, some of our former kings had coined
that sort of money, but it was more for the necessary use of the
poor, than for their own gain: And also provision was made by a
Jaw, appointing such a sum, beyond which sellers should not be
compelled to take it in payment. Thus the buyers of small com-
modities had a benefit; and care was taken, that the richer sort
should have no damage by this way of change or sale. It wa3
also objected against them, that they had alienated die king's
heart from the nobility, and had set him upon the study of magic,
and hurried him on to the destruction of his own kindred. But that
which made Cochrane most envied, was his earldom of March ;
which country the king had either given to him, or at least com-
mitted to his crust, upon the death of the king's younger bro-
ther .

When these evil counsellors were removed out of the way,
the king having no great confidence in the soldiery, nor the
soldiery in him, the army was dismissed, and returned home :
And the kiag, though for the present he suppressed his anger,
and made many large and fair promises to the nobility, yet his
heart inwardly boiled with blood, slaughter and revenge. And
therefore, as soon as he thought himself at liberty, he retired,
with some few of his confidents, into the castle of Edinburgh,
and the nobility, not knowing what to think of it, had also their
consultations apart. The king of England, by the persuasion
of Alexander chiefly, who informed him of the dissension be-
twixt the Scottish king and his nobles; and also assured him,
that as soon as ever he entered Scotland, great numbers of horse
and foot would come in to him; raised forces in the winter, over
which he made Richard his brother, duke of Gloucester, gene-
ral, and commanded him to march into Scotland. He began his
march when it was about midsummer ; and, understanding in
what condition the Scottish affairs were, he turned aside to Ber-
wick, He was received immediately into the town, and left
4000 men to besiege the castle ; and with the rest of the army
he marched directly to Edinburgh, making a dreadful devastation
in all piaces where he came. But Alexander leading them on,
they entered the city without committing any rapine ; and, by a
public proclamation made in the market-place, he advised James
(seeing he could not speak witrh him) first, to perform what he

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 8 1

had .promised to Edward; and then, that before the first of Sep-
tember he would cause satisfaction to be made for ali the wrongs
and injuries he had offered to the English; and, unless he would
do so, Richard duke of Gloucester, would persecute him and
his country with fire and sword. To .ail this, James, perceiving
at present that he was not able to perform what was required; and,
on the other side, that he was as unable to withstand the power
of the enemy, returned no answer at all, either by writing or
message. But the nobles of Scotland, being thus forsaken of
their king, that they 'might not be wholly wanting to the public
safety, levied another army, and formed a camp at Hadding-
ton: And, that they might somewhat alleviate the imminent
danger and pressure, and stop the enemy in his career of vic-
tory, they sent agents to the duke of Gloucester, to desire,
Thai the marriage ) so long proposed^ might he consummated. They
were also to declare, that it should not be their fault if the agree-
ments made between -the two nations were not punctually per-
formed. The English general, knowing that the Scots would
not put things to the hazard of a battle, in regard part of their
strength was with him upon the account of Alexander, a popular
man, and that the rest, were divided into several factions, re-
turned this answer, That he did not know what his king had
reaolved in reference to that marriage ; but he thought it fit that
the money paid to James upon the account of the dowry, should
be presently repaid to him; and, if they would have peace,
they should promise to surrender up the castle of Berwick ; or,
if they could not do that, then solemnly to swear, that thsy
should not attempt to relieve the besieged, nor hinder the be-
siegers, until the castle was either taken by storm, or surrendered
upon conditions. The Scots returned answer by their ambas-
sadors, That it was not their fault the marriage was not con-
summated; but it happened, because both bride and bridegroom
were under age; that the money was not yet due, because the
day of payment was not yet come, and if there were not suffi-
cient security given for the payment thereof, they would give
more; but the castle of Berwick was built by the Scots, and
that in the Scottish soil, and for many ages having been under
their jurisdiction, they could not part with it ; and though the
English had taken it, and possessed it sometimes by force, yet
their injury did not prejudice the ancient right of the Scots,
But Gloucester, who was superior in strength, resolved to carry
the point, and to admit of no legal dispute in the case. The
same day, Calen Campbell carl of Argyle, Andrew Stuart the
chancellor, and the bishops of St. Andrews and Dunblane, sent
to Alexander, who was in the English camp at Ltthington, :t
fihaptj signed with their own hands and seals, promising him, if

h 2

82 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII,

he would be loyal to the king, in the next assembly, they would
take care that his estate should be restored, and an amnesty given
for what was past; in assurance of which they solemnly interpos-
ed their faith. Alexander acquainted Gloucester with the thing,
who was very friendly, and dismissed him upon it; and so he re-
turned into his own country, where, in the next assembly of
estates, he was made regent by an unanimous consent;- and pre-
sently a proposition was made concerning raising the siege of
Berwick. The wiser sort were of opinion, that in so dangerous
a time, when things were thus unsettled by reason of domestic
seditions, it was best to clap up a peace upon any terms; for they
saw plainly, that if they should have the better of so powerful an
enemy, yet it would rather provoke than dishearten him; but if
they themselves were overcome, it was uncertain how an enemy,
fierce by nature, and farther elevated by success, would use his
victory. Some that were more hot-spirited than they had reason
to be, opposed this opinion; yet it was carried in the parliament.
After many conditions had been canvassed to and fro, at length
it was agreed, that on the 26th of August 1482, the castle of Ber-
wick should be surrendered up to the English, and a truce made
for a few months, till they could have more time to treat of a
peace. Thus Berwick was lost, after it had been enjoyed by the
Scots 21 years, since they last recovered it. Then the duke of
Gloucester, having made a prosperous expedition, returned in tri-
umph home.

Edward by the advice of his council, judged it more for "he ad-
vantage of England, to disannul the marriage contract; for he
feared that the intestine discords of the Scots were so great, that
James's issue might be in danger of losing the crown; and he was
most respectful to Alexander, because, if he should be made king,
he hoped to have a constant and faithful ally of him, in regard of
the great kindness he had received at his hands. Hereupon an
herald was sent to Edinburgh, to renounce the affinity, and to de-
mand the repayment of the dowry. When he had declared his er-
rand publicly on the 25th of October, the Scots obtained p day for
the payment thereof, and restored it to a penny; and withal, they
sent some to convoy the herald as far as Berwick. Alexander,
that he might extinguish the remains of the old hatred of his bro-
ther against him, and so obtain new favour by a new courtesy,
brought him out of the castle, and restored him to the free posses-
sion of his kingdom. But the memory of old offences prevailed
more with James's proud restless spirit, than this late courtesy.
Moreover, besides the king's old jealousies, there were those, that
did daily calumniate Alexander, and buz into the king's ear his
too great popularity; as if now it was very evident, that he affec-
ted the kingdom. He being advised by his friends, that mischief

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 83

was hatching against him at court, fled privately into England;
and gave up the castle of Dunbar to Edward. In his absence he
was-condemned. The crimes objected against him were, first, That
he had often sent messengers into England ; and then, that he had
retired thither himself, without obtaining a passport from the
king; and that there he joined in council against his country, and
his king's life. All his partizans were pardoned, and amongst the
rest William Crichton, who was accused not only to be an abettor
of his designs against his country, but also the chief author that
urged him on to them. But when he had obtained pardon for
what was past, he was again accused of encouraging Alexander by
his advice and counsel, after he was condemned; (frequent letters
passing between them, by the means of Thomas Dickson a priest)
and of causing his castle of Crichton to be fortified against the
king, and commanding the garrison soldiers not to surrender it up
to the king's forces. Wherefore he was summoned to answer the
14th day of February, in the year 1484. But he, not appearing,
was outlawed, and his goods confiscated. These were the causes
of his punishment, mentioned in our public records. But it is
thought that the hatred the king had conceived against him, upon
a private occasion, did him the most mischief of all. It was
this: William had a very beautiful wife, of the noble family of the.
Dunbars; when her husband found that the king had had the use
of her body, he projected a revenge, which was rash enough in it-
self, but yet not improper for a mind sick of love, and also pro-
voked by such an injury as his was; for he himself lay with the
king's youngest sister, a beautiful woman, but ill spoken of for
her too great familiarity with her brother; and on her he begat
Margaret Crichton, who died not long since. In the interim,
Crichton's wife died at his qwn house; and the king's sister, who,
as I said, the king had vitiated, was so much in love with Wil-
liam, that she seemed sometimes to be out of her wits for him.
The king, partly by the mediation of William's friends, and part-
ly being mindful of the wrong he himself had done him of the
like sort, and being willing also to cover the infamy of his sister
under a veil of marriage, permitted William to return home again
to court, upon condition that he would marry her. William
was persuaded by his friends; and, for want of better views, espe-
cially since Richard of England was dead, came to Inverness,
where he had a conference with the king, not long before
their deaths; and great hopes were there given of his return.
His sepulchre is yet there to be seen. These things were done at
several times, but I have put them together, that so the thread of
my history might not be discontinued and broken off. Let us
now return to what was emitted before.

Edward of England died in $ie month of April, next after

1>4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIL

Dunbar was delivered to him, in the year 1483, leaving his bro-
ther Richard guardian to his sons. He was first content with the
name of protector, and under that title governed England for two
months: But afterwards having, by several practices, engaged a
part of the nobility and commonalty to his side, he put his bro-
ther's two sons in prison ; the queen and her two daughters being
forced to retire into a sanctuary near London. The next June he
took upon him the name and ornaments of a king.

Alexander of Albany, and James Douglas, being willing to try
•how their countrymen stood affected towards them, came with
500 select horse to Lochmaben on Maudlin's day, because a great
fair used that day to be there held. There a skirmish began be-
tween the parties with enraged minds on both sides, and the suc-
cess was various, as aid came in out of the neighbouring district,
either to this or that party. They fought from noon till night,
and the issue was doubtful; but at last the victory inclined to the
Scots, though it was a bloody one, as having lost many of their
men. Douglas was there taken prisoner, and sent away to the
monastery of Lindors; Alexander was set on a horse, and escaped,
but staid not in England long after that. In the mean time, many
incursions were made, to the greater loss of the English, than
benefit of the Scots. Richard was uncertain of the event of things
at home, and withal feared his enemy abroad; for many of the
English favoured the earl of Richmond, who was an exile in
France, and had sent for him over to undertake the government
•of the kingdom; so that Richard was mightily troubled. Neither
was he less vexed with the guilt of his own wickedness; and be-
cause he could not quell domestic sedition, as soon as he hoped,
therefore he thought it best to oblige foreigners by any conditions
whatsoever; that so, by their authority and power, he might be
safer at home, and more formidable abroad. For this cause he sent
ambassadors into Scotland, to make peace, or at least a truce for
some years. There he found all things more easy than he could
have hoped for: For James, who, for his many and notable crimes
was grievously hated by his own people, as well as Richard was
•by his, willingly gave ear to his ambassadors; for he hoped that,
jf once he had peace with England, he could revenge his wrongs
i)t home at leisure, when England could not be a refuge for his
opposcrs. For these reasons especially, both kings sent some of
their confidents to the borders; where after many and long dis-
putes concerning compensation for losses, seeing peace could not
be made, by reason of the multitudes of complainants, and the
weakness of their proofs, they made a truce for three years.

And because matters couid not then be adjusted, for the diffi-
culties above-mentioned, and also the straituess of time; arbiters
w&pt appointed on both sides, yrho, together with the commanders

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 8$

of the borders, should see all things done according to equity.
One condition in the truce was set down very intricately, about
the castle ofDunbartobe restored to the Scots; for the English
interpreted it, that they might keep it; and the Scots, that they
might reduce it by force, notwithstanding the truce: For when
the Scots, after the expiration of six months allotted, sent am-
bassadors to demand the castle, Richard by his letters made them
promises of his good-will, but he delayed the restoration of it (al-
leging sometimes this, and sometimes other things, as an obstacle
in the way) till his death, which followed not long after. He was
slain by his countrymen; and Henry VII. not yet fully in his
throne, when James laid seige to the castle in a very sharp win-
ter; the garrison soldiers, seeing that they were not like to have
relief from England, in regard of the present distractions, surren-
dered it up. But Henry, being troubled with many cares, that
he might cut oft' the occasion of foreign wars, and extirpate
the seeds of old hatred, came to Newcastle-upon-Tyne; front
thence he sent ambassadors to Scotland, either to make a perpe-
tual league, or, at least, a long truce with them ; for he, being a
man of great prudence, and having experienced many vicissitudes
of things in his life, judged it highly conducing to the establish-
ment ot his kingdom, to make peace with his neighbours, and e-
specially with the Scots; because commonly those two kingdoms
lay upon the catch for advantages against each other, and protect-
ed rebellious fugitives, and entertained those who were exiled;
and maintained sedition, by giving the authors of it hope of re-
fuge and supply. And as for James, he desired nothing more,
than to be free from the fear of foreigners, that so he might pu-
nish his own disobedient subjects as he pleased.. And therefore
he kindly received the ambassadors, and told them, that he desired
nothing more than a peace: but his opinion was, that his subjects
would not yield, that either there should be a perpetual peace, or.
any long truce betwixt them; partly because it was forbid by an
ancient law, lest, when all fear of an enemy was removed, their;
minds might languish into idleness, and the sinews of their indu-
stry be remitted; and partly, because they could not so suddenly
lay down their fierceness of spirit, which they acquired by so long
use of arms: But if they could be brought to this, to yield to a
truce for six or seven years, he would not have them refuse it :
But as for himself, he was willing to maintain a firm and invio-
late peace with them, as long as he lived; and he would also take
care, that the truce should be renewed, before die date of it was
quite expired; but he earnestly desired the ambassadors, not to di-
vulge abroad the discourse which they had in secret with him, lest
his nobility should be more backward from coming into a peace,
if they saw him forward in the case. When this was told Henry;

86 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Ifook XIL

who knew in what a tumultuous state the affairs of Scotland
were, and how convenient it was for the king to have a peace?
imagining likewise that he spoke really, and from his heart, he ac-
cepted of the truce for seven years, and so retired back to York.
In the mean time the queen of Scots died, a woman of singular
beauty and probity; by her good graces she was sometimes
thought to have moderated the unbridled appetites and efforts of
her husband. .Alexander also, the king's brother, died in France,
leaving two sons behind him, Alexander, by his first wife, the
daughter of the earl of the Or cades, and John by his second, who
was afterwards the regent-king of Scotland for some years.

James, having thus settled peace abroad, and at home being
freed from two troublesome interrupters of his designs, l-eturned
to his own disorderly nature. He excluded almost all the nobility,
and had none but upstarts about him : Upon them he bestowed
great honours and preferments; the care of all public affairs, and
tlie ways and means of raising money were wholly and solely left
to them, whilst he himself lay, as it were, drowned in voluptuous-
ness. The chief of this court-faction was John Ramsay, who
was preserved at Lauder by the king's request, and then escaped
punishment. He was grown so insolently proud, that, not con-
tent with the stewardship of the household (a place of prime ho-
nour amongst the Scots) which the king had given him, and ma-
ny rich lordships besides; he obtained an edict, That none but he
and his retinue, wear a sword, or other weapon, in those places where
the king lodged; that so, by this means they might strengthen them-
selves and their retinue, against the nobility, who kept their di-
stinct and frequent meetings by themselves; and walked up and
down in their arms. But that edict made the people hate Ramsay
more than fear him; for now they had nothing but the image of
perfect slavery before their eyes. In the mean time the king me-
ditated nothing more, than how to satiate himself with the blood
of those men, who were believed to be the authors of rebellion
against him. And seeing he could not do it by any open force,
he thought to effect it by subtlety; and therefore he feigned him-
self to be reconciled to this, and to the other man; and treated
them with more familiarity than became the dignity of a prince.
To others who were eminent in power, he gave honours and
largesses. He made David Lindsay earl of Crawford, duke of
Montrose; endeavouring to win him by that means, being so
powerful a man in his country. As for George earl of Angus,
he had him frequently about him; and, as if he had been , wholly
received into his favour, he acquainted him with his private
designs; yet none of his rewards and flatteries could persuade
men that he was sincere. For they that knew his disposition,
did not at all doubt, that his simulation of benevolence and ro»

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 87

spect tended to no other end, but that he might either arrest the
nobility one by one, or else might set them together by the ears,
one with another; which his assembling the chief of the nobility at
Edinburgh made more plainly appear; for he called Douglas to
him into the castle, and told him, that he had now an eminent op-
portunity to revenge himself; for, if the leaders of the faction
were apprehended and put to death, the rest would be quiet; but,
if he omitted this opportunity, which was so fairly put into his
hands, he could never expect the like again.

Douglas, who knew that the king's mind was no more recon-
ciled to himself than to others, did craftily reason with him, con-
cerning so cruel and so ruinous a design; alleging, that men
would judge it to be a base and flagitious act, if he should hurry
to many noble persons to death, without any hearing or trial, to
whom he had pardoned their former misdemeanors; and now
they also rested secure, in that they had the public faith given
them for their safety. For the fierce minds of his enemies would
not be broken by the death of a few; but rather, if his faith
should be once violated, all hope of concord would be cut oiTj
and, if once men despaired of pardon, their anger would be
turned into rage; and from thence a greater obstinacy, and con-
tempt both of the king's authority, and of their lives too, would
infallibly ensue. But if you will hearken to my counsel (said he)
I will shew you a way whereby you may save the dignity of a
king, and yet revenge yourself too: for I will gather my friends
and clans together, and so openly, and in the day time, I will lay
hold upon them, and ycu may try them where you will, and in-
flict what punishment you please upon them. This way will be
more creditable, and also much more safe, than if you should set
upon them secretly and by night; for then it would look as if
they were murdered by thieves The king thought the earl had
been sincere in what he spake, (for he knew he was able to per-
form what he had promised) and therefore he gave him many
rhmiks, and more promises of great rewards, and so dismissed
him. But he presently acquainted the nobility with their immi-
11. at danger, advised them to withdraw themselves, as he himself
also did. The king perceiving that his secret projects were dis-
covered, from that day forward would trust nobody; but after he
had staid a while in the castle of Edinburgh, he sailed over into
the countries beyond the Forth; for they as yet remained firm in
their obedience to him, and there levied a considerable force.
And the nobles, who before had sought his amendment, not his
destruction, now, seeing all hopes of any agreement were cut oft,
managed all tlieir counsels for his utter overthrow and ruin; only
there was one thing which troubled them, and that was, who
should be their general, that, after the king was subdued, might

Vol. II. M

88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

be regent, or vice-king, who might be acceptable to the people;
and, on the account of the honour of his family, would load the
faction with as little envy as might be. After many consulta-
tions about this, at last they pitched upon the king's son. He
was enticed to a compliance by the supervisors and tutors of
his childhood; and he did it out of this fear, that, if he refused,
the government and command would be made over to the English,
the perpetual enemies of their family.

The king by this time had passed over the Forth, and pitched
his tent by the castle of Blackness; and his son's army was not"
far off, ready for the encounter; when, lo! the matter was com-'
posed by the intervention of the earl of Athol, the king's uncle;
and Athol himself was given up, as an hostage for the peace, to
Adam Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, with whom he remained till
the king's death: but suspicions increased on both sides, the con-
cord lasted not long; however, messengers passed between them,
and at last the nobility gave this answer, ' That since the king
« acted nothing sincerely, a certain war was better than a trea-

* cherous peace; there was but one medium left, upon which they

* could agree, and that was, that the king should resign the go-
' vernment, and his son be set up in his place; and if he would
' not consent to that, it was in vain for him to give himself the
' trouble of any more messages or disputes.' The king commu-
nicated this answer to his ambassadors, which he sent to the
French and to the English, making it his request to them, that they
would assist him against the fury of a few of his rebellious sub-
jects, by their authority, and, if need were, by some auxiliary
forces, that so they might be reduced to their obedience; for they"
ought to look upon it as a common concern; and that the conta-
gion, by this example, would quickly creep to the neighbour na-
tions. There were also ambassadors sent to Eugenius VIII. pope
of Rome, to desire him, that out of his fatherly affection to the
Scottish name, he would send" a legate into Scotland, with full
power, by ecclesiastical censures, to compel rebellious subjects to
lay down arms, and obey their king. The pope writ to Adrian
of Castell, then his legate in England, a man of great learning
and prudence, to do his endeavour for composing the Scottish
affairs. But these remedies came too late: for the nobles, who
were not ignorant what the king was a-doing, and knew that he
was implacable toward them, resolved to put it to a battle, before
any more forces came to him. And though they had the king's
son with them, both to countenance their matters with the greater
grace amongst the vulgar, and also to shew that they were no ene-
mies to their country, but only to their misled king, yet, lest the
hearts of the people might be weakened by the approach of fo-
ttigp, ambassadors, they were solicitous, night and day,- how to

.Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 89

decide it by a battle. But the king's fearfulness was an hin-
drance to their hasty design; who, having levied a great strength
in the northern parts of the kingdom, resolved to keep himself
within the castle of Edinburgh, till those aids came to him.
However, he wis taken off from that resolution, though it seemed
-the safest for him, by the fraud, or, at least, the simplicity of
some about him; for, in regard to the frequent washes and friths,
.which gave delay to those who were coming in to him, they per-
suaded him to go to Stirling, the only place in the kingdom fit
to receive aids coming from all parts thereof: and there he might
be as safe as he was in the castle of Edinburgh, seeing his enemies
were unprovided of all materials l'equisite for the storming of
castles; and there also he might have his fleet, which he had fitted
out against all hazards, to ride in some convenient harbour near
adjoining. This counsel seemed faithful, and was safe enough,
if James Shaw, governor of the castle, being corrupted by the
•contrary faction, had not refused him entrance; so that the ene-
my was almost at his heels; and, before he knew where to be-
take himself, he was forced, with that strength which he had, to
run the hazard of a fight. At the beginning they fought stoutly;
and the first ranks of the nobility's army began to give ground ;
but the men of Annandale, and the neighbouring parts, inhabiting
the west of Scotland, came boldly .up, and having longer spears
than the adverse party, they presently routed the king's main for-
ces. He himself was weakened by the fall off his horse, and fled
to some water-mills near the place where the battle was fought.
His intent was (as is supposed) to get to his ships, which lay not
^ar off: Here, with a few of his men, he was taken and slain.
There were three that pursued him very close in his flight, i. e.
Patrick Gray the head of his family, Sterline Ker, and a priest
named Borthwick: It is not well known, which of them gave his
death's wound. When the news of his death, tho' not as yet ful-
ly certain, was divulged through both armies, it occasioned the
conquerors to press less violently upon those who fled away; so
that there were the fewer of them slain: For the nobles managed
the war against the king, not against their fellow subjects. There
was slain of the king's party, Alexander Cunningham, earl of
Glencairn, with some few of his vassals and kindred; but there
were many wounded on both sides.

Thus James III. came to his end, a man not so much of a bad
disposition by nature, as corrupted by ill habits, into which he was
brought up by vicious acquaintance. For having at first given a
specimen of great and notable ingenuity, and of a mind truly roy-
al, he degenerated by degrees, the Boyds being the first occasion
,of it, into all manner of licentiousness. When the Boyds were
removed, then persons of the lowest sort were his advisers to all

M 2

9» HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XII.

kind of wickedness; and besides, the corruption of die times, and
the ill examples of his neighbour kings, contributed not a little to
his overthrow and ruin: For Edward IV. in England, Charles in
Burgundy, Lewis XI. in France, John II. in Portugal, had all of
them laid the foundations of tyranny in their respective king-
doms. And Richard HI. exercised it to the highest degree of cruel-
ty in England. His death was also branded with this ignominy, that,
in the next assembly, the whole parliament voted, that he was
justly slain; and provision was made for all that bore arms a-
gainst him, that neither they nor their posterity should be preju-
diced by it. He died in the year of our Lord 1488, and in the
twenty-eight year of his reign, and the thirty-fifth of his age.

(A. C. 1488.;

T H E

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND,

BOOK XIII.

JAMES III. being thus slain, near Stirling, in the month of
June, they who were his opposers, being as yet uncertain what
was become of him, retreated to Linlithgow. There word was
brought them, that some boats had passed to and fro, from the
ships to the land, and that they had carried off the wounded men.
Upon this a suspicion arose amongst them, that the king himself
also was gone a ship-board-, which occasioned them to remove
their camp to Leith. From thence the prince (for that is the title
of the king of Scots' eldest son) sent some agents, to require the
admiral of the fleet to come ashore to him. His name was Andrew
Wood; he was a knight; and, being mindful of the king's kind-
ness towards him, remained constant in his affection to him, even
after he was dead; he refused to come ashore, unless hostages
were given for his safe return. Seton and Fleming, two noble-
men, were the hostages. When he landed, the king's council
asked him, if he knew where the king was? and who were they
that he carried off to his ships after the flight? As for the king,
he told them he knew nothing of him, but that he and his bro-
thers had landed out of their boats, that so they might assist the
king and all his good subjects, but having endeavoured in vain to
preserve him, they then returned to the ileet. He added, if the
king were alive, they resolved to obey none but him; but if he
.were slain, they were ready to revenge his death. He uttered al-
so many reproachful speeches against the rebels; yet nevertheless
they sent him away in safety to his ship1-, that so his hostages

«Q2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

might not suffer. When the hostages were returned, the inhabi-
tants of Leith were called up to the council, and pressed by pro-
mises of great reward, to rig out their ships, and subdue Andrew
Wood. They all in general made answer, That he had two ships
so fitted with all things for a fight, and so well furnished with able
and valiant seamen; and .withal, that he himself was so skilful in
naval affairs, that no ten ships in Scotland were able to cope with
his two; so that the consultation was put off, and they went to
Edinburgh. There they were fully informed of the king's death,
and appointed a magnificent funeral to be made for him at Cam-
bus-Kenneth, a monastery near Stirling, on the 25th day of the
month of June.

James IV. the hundred and fifth king.

IN the interim, an assembly was summoned to meet on a cer=
tain day in order to create a new king. There were few who
came together to perform this service, and those were mostly of
the party that had conspired against the former king. The new
king, just after his accession, sent an herald to the governor of
Edinburgh castle, commanding him to surrender it, which he ac-
cordingly did; and then he marched to Stirling, and that castle
was also delivered up to him by the garrison. When it was noised
all over England how great the troubles in Scotland were, five
ships were chosen out of that king's fleet, who entered into the
frith of Forth, and there plundered the merchant-men, obstruct-
ing their commerce, and made many descents on both shores, ex-
tremely infesting the maritime parts; for they expected great dis-
turbances on land, by the Scots going into parties one against
another. For, seeing the adverse party were rather shattered than
.broken in the late fight, in regard they were not all there; and of
those that were, there were not many slain, they thought a
fiercer tempest would have arisen from minds, which yet conti-
nued to be inflamed with hatred and envy, and which were eleva-
ted by confidence in their own strength. And it encreased the
indignation, that now the power over so many noble and
eminent persons was so easily fallen, not into the king's, but a
few particular men's hands. For though the king might retain the
name and title of a king, yet being but a youth of fifteen years old,
he did noc govern, but was himself governed by those that killed
his father. For the whole management of matters center-
ed in the hands of Douglas, Hepburn, and Hume, and their con-
fidence was the more increased, because all the shores were infest-
ed with the two fleets, the Scotch and the English. To obviate
these difficulties, first of all the new king endeavoured to recon*

Hook XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, <j$

cile the naval forces to himself, lest, when he was absent in the
farthest parts of the kingdom, to settle matters there, they should
raise new commotions, to pave away for the English to penetrate
far into his dominions, and to spoil the midland countries. When
the old king's death came to be publicly divulged abroad, the new
one thought that Andrew Wood would grow more flexible, and
therefore he sent for him, giving him the public faith for his se-
curity. When he was ashore, he told him what a great dis-
honour, loss, and public shame it was to the whole nation, that
a few English ships should, in spite of them, ride under their very
noses; and by that means he drew over Andrew to his party, and
sent him forth in good equipage against the English. Many advis-
ed him that he would equip an equal number of ships at least, a-
gainst the enemy, whose vessels were more, and larger than his.
No, says he, Til have only my own t%uo. And, as soon as the wind
served, he made directly toward the English, who rode before
Dunbar. He fought them bravely, took, and brought them all
into Leith, and presented their commanders to the king. Andrew
was liberally rewarded by the king; and his skill in engagements
at sea, with the singular valour of his soldiers and seamen, was
highly magnified. And yet there were not wanting some of those
sort of creatures, who always admire the atchievements of kings,
whatsoever they be; and if they be great, yet they view them in a
multiplying glass; who foretold, that this victory did but precede
a greater. Mean while the adverse part of the nobility sent messa-
ges into all parts of the kingdom, to persuade the country to rise,
and not to endure the present state of things- nor to suffer so ma-
ny valiant men to be illuded by such public parricides, who had
murdered one king, and made a captive of another; nay, who ac-
cused the defenders of the king's life as traitors; whereas they,
who were indeed violators cf ail divine and human laws, gave out
themselves to be the only assertors of the rights of their country,
and the sole maintainors of its liberty: amongst whom the king
himself was not a freeman, in regard he v/as forced by them to take
arms against his father and king; and, after the monarch fell a
sacrifice to impiety, he was compelled to prosecute, by a nefari-
ous war, those who were the friends of his father, and the defend-
ers of his life. Many such discourses they spread abroad amongst
the vulgar. And to excite a greater flame of indignation and ha-
tred, Alexander Forbes, chief of a noble family, carried the king's
shirt upon a spear (all over bloody and torn, with the marks of the
wounds he received) through Aberdeen, and all the chief towns
of the adjacent country; and excited all men by this declaration,
and by the voice of an herald, to rise in arms to revenge so black
a deed. And Matthew Stewart, earl of Lennox, a man of great
wealth and power, and who, by an honest kind of popularity,.

^4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

was equally dear to high and low; was as active In the countries
on this side the Forth-, for he raised up the earls that were his
neighbours, and with a good force endeavouring to pass over the
bridge at Stirling, to join his associates; but that bridge being
possessed by the king's forces, he tried to pass a ford, noi fatf
from the rise of the river, at the foot of mount Grampius. His
design was discovered to John Drummond by Alexander M eal-
pin, his vassal, who had joined himself to the enemy; by v.
also information was given, that things were insecure and ill guard-
ed in the enemy's camp; that every o ;led up and down as
they pleased; that they had no watch s;t in convenient places,
p^r used any military discipline at all. Upon these advices
X>rummond, with some volunteers, who came in to assist him, set
upon them when they were asleep. Many were killed in their
sleep, the rest run headlong away without their arms, and bo re-
turned from whence they came. Many were taken pi loners, but
a great part of them dismissed by their friends that knew chem.
These only were severely dealt with, who had either written or*
Spoke move contumeliously than others.

The joy for this victory was increased by the news of another
at the same time, which Andrew Wood had got over Stephen
Bull, in an engagement at sea. For Henry king of England,
hearing that five of his ships were taken by two of the Scots, and
those n uch less than his, was willing to blot out the infamy of
tiiis defeat, and yet could find no just pretence for a war ; howe-
ver he called his ablest sea-commanders together; he offered them
what ships and warlike provisions they pleased, exhorting them
to purge away this stain cast upon the English name; promising
them great rewards, if they could bring Wood to him, dead or
alive. But when those that knew the valour of the man, and his
prosperous successes made some delay in the case, Stephen Bull,
a knight of known courage, undertook the expedition. And op-
portunity seemed to favour his design, because he knew that
Wood was shortly to return out of Flanders; and he thought it
would be a matter of no great difficulty to attack him at unawares
in his passage. For this end, he pitched upon three ships out of
the royal navy, and equipped them well in all points, and so
stood for the isle of May, an island uninhabited, in the frith of
Forth; chusing that place for the conveniency of it, because on
every side of the island there is safe riding and harbour for ships
ist bad weather; znd there the sea also grows so narrow, that
no little vessel could pass by, without being discovered. Whilst
lie rode there, he continually kept some of his skilfullest mariners
abroad i fisher-boats, to watch, and to discover to him his ene-
my's ships. He had not rode at anchor there many days, when
i's ships appeared with full sail making towards him* Bull

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 95

knew them, and presently weighed anchor; and, as victor al-
ready in his mind, he prepared himself for the fight. Wood staid
no longer but till his men had armed themselves, and so made up
to him. Thus did these two valiant commanders engage, as if
they had had the courage of mighty armies, and they fought ob-
stinately till night parted the fray, the victory inclining to neither
side. The next morning each of them encouraged their party,
and renewed the attack with redoubled fury. They threw grap-
ling irons into one another's ships, and so fought hand to hand, as
if they had been at a land fight, and that with so much eagerness,
that neither of them took notice to the falling back of the tide, till
they came to the heaps of sand at the mouth of the river Tay.
There the water being shallower, the great ships of the English
could not be so easily managed, but were forced to surrender;
and so they were towed up the stream of the Tay to Dundee,
where they staid till the dead were buried, and the wounded were
placed under the hands of surgeons for their cure. The battle
was fought the 10th day of August, 1490.

A few days after, Wood went to the king, and carried with
him Stephen Bull, with the other commanders of the ships, and
the most noted of his soldiers, whom he presented to him. Wood
was highly commended by the king for this exploit, and was ho-
nourably rewarded. The king freely dismissed the prisoners and
their ships, and sent them back to their king, with an high com-
mendation of their valour. For, in regard they fought for honour,
not for booty, he therefore would shew, thr.t valour ought to be
honoured, even in an enemy.

King Henry, though he was highly concerned^??' the loss of his
men in this unhappy fight, yet gave the king of Scots thanks, and
told him, that he gratefully accepted his kindness, and could not
but applaud the greatness of his mind.

About this time a new kind of monster was born in Scotland;
in the lower part of its body it resembled a male child, nothing
differing from the ordinary shape of a human body; but, above
the navel, the trunk of the body and all the other members were
double, representing both sexes, male and female. The king
gave special order for its careful education, especially in music,
in which it arrived to an admirable degree of skill. And moreover
it learned several tongues; and sometimes the two bodies did dis-
cover several appetites, disagreeing one with another; and so they
would quarrel, one liking this, the other that ; and yet sometimes a-
gain, they would agree and consult (as it were) in common, for the
good of both. This was also memorable in it, that, when the legs
or loins were hurt below, both bodies were sensible of this pain in
common; but, when it was pricked or otherwise hurt above, the
sense ot the pain did affect one body only; which difference was

Vol. II. N

$6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIIL

also more perspicuous in its death; for one of the bodies died ma-
ny days before the other; and that which survived, being half
putrified, pined away by degrees. This monster lived twenty-
eight years, and then died, when John was regent of Scotland.
I am the mere confident in relating this story, because there are
many honest and credible persons yet alive, who saw this prodi-
gy with their eyes.

When the people of the north of Scotland heard of this naval
victory, they gave over all thoughts of war, and returned each to
his own home. The tumult and broil being so easily quieted, the
king applied his mind, not only to quell all seditions for the pre-
sent, but also to prevent all the occasions of them for the future.
He summoned his first parliament to be held at Edinburgh the 6th
day of November. There many wholesome laws were made for
the establishing of public concord; and, to the end that people's
minds might the better agree in general, the fault was cast but
upon a few particular persons; and the punishments were either
very easy, or else wholly remitted. When a dispute arose con-
cerning the lawfulness of the war, John Lyon, lord Glamis, rose
up, and shewed several heads of articles, which the nobles had
formerly sent to the king, in order to a pacification, to which
James III. had often both assented and subscribed; and that in-
deed he had struck up a peace with his nobles upon those terms,
unless some evil counsellors had drawn him away from it, and so
persuaded him to call in the old enemy to fight against his own
subjects. And, by- reason of this his inconstancy, the earls of
Huntly, Arrol, earl of Marshall, and Lyon himself, with many
other noble persons, had forsaken him at that time, and had set
up James IV. his son, as being a lover of the public peace and
welfare. After a long consult, at last they all consented to a de-
cree, wherein those that were slain in the battle of Stirling, were
affirmed to have been cut off by their own fault, and that their
slaughter was just; and that they who had taken up arms against
the enemies of the public (for so they coveted their hidden fraud
under honest pretences) were guilty of no crime, nor consequent-
ly liable to any punishment. All who had votes in the assembly,
subscribed to this decree, that so they might give a better account
of the fact to foreign ambassadors, of whose coming they had in-
formation. Many other statutes were then also made, to restore
to the poor what had been taken violently from them; to inflict
small fines on the rich; and to indemnify both parties, that then-
taking up of arms at that time, might never turn to the prejudice
of them or their posterity. This moderation of spirit was highly
commended in a young king, of but fifteen years old, and who
was also a conqueror, and had the command of all; but it
was further heightened by his benignity and faithfulness in

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 97

performing his promises. To this we may add a thing (which
commonly takes most with the vulgar) that he was of a grace-
ful well-set body, and also of a lively and quick apprehension.
So that, by his using his victory neither with avarice nor cruelty,
and by his real pardoning of offenders, in a short time there
grew up a great concord amongst both factions, both of them
equally striving to shew their love and duty to the king •, a
few only, who were most obstinate, wrere punished with a
small fine, or with the loss of part of their estates, but none
at all were deprived of their whole patrimony; neither were
the fines brought into the king's exchequer, but applied to de-
fray the charges of the war. This his royal clemency was the
more grateful, because men did yet retain fresh in their memories,
upon what slight occasions in the former king's reign, many emi-
nent men were outed of all; and how much inferior to them those
were, who came in their places. Moreover, to engage the chief
leaders of the contrary faction to a greater fidelity, he joined them
in bonds of affinity to himself; for whereas his aunt had two
daughters, by two several husbands, he married Gnceina Boyd to
Alexander Forbes, and Margaret Hamilton to Matthew .Stewart.
Thus, in a short time, the minds of all men were reconciled, and
a happy peace and tranquillity did ensue. Nay, as if fortune had
submitted herself to be an hand-maid to the king's virtues, there
was so great an increase of grain and fruits of the earth, as if a
golden spring had suddenly started up, out of a more than iron
age. Thus, after the king had suppressed robberies by arms, and
other vices by the severity of the laws, lesj: he might seem a sharp
avenger of others, but indulgent to himself, and withal, to make
it appear, that his father was slain against his will, he were an
iron chain about -his waist as long as he lived, and every
year he added one link more to it. And though this practice might
give an umbrage to those that were the instruments of his father's
death; yet they had such confidence, either in the gentleness of
the king's disposition, or in their own power, that it occasioned
no insurrection at all.

Amidst this public jubilee, and private rejoicings of particular
persons, about the seventh year of the king's reign, Perkin War-
beck came into Scotland. But before I declare the cause of his
coming, I must fetch things farther back.

Margaret, the sister of Edward IV. king of England, having
married Charles, duke of Burgundy, endeavoured all the ways
she could, if not to overthrow, yet at least to vex Henry VII. the
leader of the contrary faction. In order to this, she raised up
Perkin Warbeck, as a competitor for the kingdom. He was a
youth born of mean parentage at Tournay, a city of the Nervii;
but of such beautv, ingenuity, stature of body, and manliness of

;m 2

$8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

countenance, .hat he might easily be believed to have been de-
scended of royal stock. And, by reason of his poverty, he had
travelled up and down in several countries (so that he was known
but by few of his own relations) and there he had learned several
languages, and had inured both his face and his mind to the most
consummate confidence. When Margaret (who was intent on all
occasions to disturb the peace cf England) had got this youth, she
kept him a while privately by her, till she had informed him with
what factions England laboured at that time; what friends, and
what enemies she had there. In a word, she made him acquaint-
ed with the whole genealogy of the royal progeny, and what hap-
piness or misfortunes had attended each of them. When things
seemed thus to be somewhat ripe, she was resolved to try fortune,
and gave private orders that he should be sent, with a decent e-
quipage, first into Portugal, then into Ireland, There a great
concourse of people flocked about him, and he was received with
great applause, as the son of king Edward cf England; either be-
cause his own disposition, assisted by art, was inclined to perso-
nate sush an one; or because being there amongst the credulous
Kerns, he was soon likely to raise great commotions. When a
war suddenly broke out betwixt the French and the English, he
was called for, out of Ireland, by Charles VIII. and had great
promises made him: so that, coming to Paris, he was there ho-
nourably received in the garb and equipage of a prince, and had a
guard appointed him. Nay, the English exiles and fugitives, who
were numerous at that court, put him in sure hope of the king-
dom. But that quarrel between the crowns being. made up, he
departed privately out of the court of France, for fear he should
have been delivered up, and so retired to Flanders, where he was
highly caressed by Margaret, as if it was the first time that ever
she had seen him, and was diligently shewed to all the courtiers;
and several times, when there were enough to make a large audi-
ence, he was desired to relate the story of all his adventures. Mar-
garet, as if this was the first time she ever heard it, so accommo-
dated her well dissembled affections, in compliance with each part
of his discourse, both when he related his successes, and also his,
misfortunes, that every body thought she believed what he had spo?
ken to be certainly true.

Afrer a day or two, Perkin was equipped to go abroad in the
habit of a prince, and had thirty men to be his guard, wearing a
white rose, (which is the badge of the Yprk faction amongst the
English) and so was evexy where declared as the undoubted heir of
the crown of England. When these things were divulged, first
in Flanders, afterwards in England, the minds of men were so
Stirred up, that a great concourse of people flocked in to him; not
only those who lurked in holes and sanctuaries for fear of the

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 99

Jaws, but even cf some noblemen, whom their present state did
not please, or who desired innovations. But, when a longer de-
lay, which Pcrkin hoped would bring in more forces to him, was
likely to lessen those about him, the cheat beginning to take the
air, he determined to try his fortune in a fight: so that having got-
ten a pretty great party together, he landed some few of them
in Kent, to try the affections of the Kentish men; but in vain.
All those who landed were taken ; so that he was forced to steer
his course for Ireland; and there also he met not with the enter-
tainment he hoped for; so that he sailed over into Scotland, well
knowing that peace between England and Scotland never used to
continue very long. He being admitted into the king's presence,
made a lamentable complaint of the ruin of the York family, and
what miserable calamities he himself had suffered; and therefore
he earnestly besought him to vindicate royal blood from such con-
tumely and shame. The king bid him be of good heart, and pro-
mised he should shortly find, that he had not desired help, in his
distresses, in vain. A few days after a council was called, where
Perkin made a sad story of his misfortunes, that he, being born of
a king, the most flourishing of his time, and that of the highest
hopes too, was left destitute by the untimely death of his father,
and so was like to have fallen into the tyrannical hands of his un-
cle Richard, before he was sensible, almost, what misery was;
that his elder brother was cruejly murdered by him ; but that he
himself was stolen away by his father's friends; so that now he
durst not live, no, not a poor and precarious life, even in that king-
dom of which he was the lawful heir; that he had lived so misera-
bly amongst foreign nations, that he preferred the situation of his
deceased brother before his own, in regard he was snatched away
from all other calamity, by a sudden and violent death; that he
himself was reserved as the ridicule of fortune; and that his sor-
row had not that alleviation, that he durst bewail his miserable
state amongt strangers, to incline them to pity him J for, after he
had begun openly to profess what he was, fortune had assaulted
him with all her darts; and, to his former miseries, had added a
daily fear of treachery ; for his crafty enemy had sometimes tam-
pered with those who entertained him, to take away his life; and
sometimes he had privily suborned his subjects, under the name of
friends, to discover his secret designs, corrupt his true friends,
and to find out his secret ones, and to calumniate his stock and pe-
digree, by false accusations amongst the vulgar; to reproach his.
aunt Margaret, and those English nobles that owned him; and yet
notwithstanding, that she, being supported by a good conscience
against the rcvilings of enemies, and also out of compassion to her
Ovvn blood, had supported him in low estate with her assistance.
But at la$tj when he perceived that he could not have aid enough

ICO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

from her to recover his kingdom, (being a widow, and old too) he
had solicited neighbouring kings and nations, desiring them to
respect the common chances of man's life, and not to suffer royal
blood to be oppressed by tyrannical violence, and to pine away
with grief, fear, and misery; and that he, though for the present
afflicted with great evils, yet was not so dejected in his mind, but
that he hoped the time would come, that, being restored to his
kingdom by the aid of his friends, (of whom he had many both in
England and Scotland), he should be able to consider every parti-
cular man's service, and reward him accordingly ; especially if
the Scots would join their forces with his. And if ever he was
restored to his kingdom by their arms, they should soon under-
stand, that they had won a fast friend; and that at such a time
too, when the trial of true friendship is wont to be made; for he
and his posterity would be so gratefully mindful of the obligation,
that they would ever acknowledge, that the accession of his bet-
ter fortunes was due to them alone. Besides, he added many
things in praise of the king, part of them true, and part accom-
modated to their present condition.

Having thus said, he held his peace; but the king called him,
up to him, and bid him take heart, for he would refer his de-
mands to the council, whose advice, in grand affairs, he must
needs have; yet, whatever they determined, he promised him
faithfully, that he should not repent that he made his court his
sanctuary. Upon this Perkin withdrew, and, the matter being
put to a debate, the wiser sort, who had most experience in state
affairs, thought it best to reject the whole business, either because
they judged he 'was a counterfeit, or else, that they foresaw there
would be more danger by war, than advantage by the victory,
though they were sure of it. But the major part, either through
unsluifumess in affairs, or inconstancy of spirit, or else to gratify
the king, argued, that Perkin's cause was most just, and that they
greatly pitied the man. They added also, that how matters were
in some confusion in England, and men's minds were yet fluctu-
ating, after the civil war,' and therefore it was good to lay hold of
this opportunity; and that, since the English were wont to do the
like to them, they themselves ought to try, for once, to make use
of the enemy's distractions for their own advantage; nay, they
foretold a victory, preconceived in their own minds, before they
had put on their armour, especially, if great forces of English
came in to join them; nay, if they should not come in in such
numbers as they hoped, yet one of these two things must necessa-
rily follow, that either they should conquer Henry, and so settle
this new king on the throne, who, in recompence for so great a
benefit, must needs grant them all that they desired; or, if they
could end the matter without blows, ye: Henry, upon the quelling

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. lot

domestic tumults, not being yet fully settled in his throne, would
submit to what conditions they pleased ; but if he refused so to do,
when war was once begun, many advantages might offer them-
selves, which now were unforeseen.

This was the opinion of the major part; and the king himself
inclining to them, his vote drew in the rest. After this, he treat-
ed Perkin more honourably than before, gave him the title of
duke of York; and as such shewed him to the people. And not
contented with that, he gave him Katharine Gordon, daughter to
the earl of Huntly, to wife, a woman of as great beauty as nobi-
lity; and by this affinity, put him in full hopes of success.
James therefore, by advice of his council, levied an army, and
marched for England; first of all carrying it warily, and having
his troops ready to engage, if any sudden assault should be made
upon him. But afterwards, when he understood by his scouts,
that the enemy had no army in the field, he sent out parties to
plunder, and, in a short time, pillaged almost all Northumber-
land, and the countries thereabout. He staid some days in those
parts, and not an English man stirred in behalf of Perkin. And
it being told him, that an army was levying against him in the
adjacent countries, he thought it dangerous to venture his sol-
diers, who were laden with booty, against the new and fresh for-
ces of the English; and therefore he resolved to return into Scot-
land, and there to leave their booty; and, as soon as the time of
the year would permit, to undertake a new expedition. Neither
did he fear that the English would follow him in his retreat, for
he knew that new-raised soldiers would not be long kept together,
neither could they march after him through a country so lately
harrassed and made quite desolate by the wars, especially having
no provisions prepared before-hand. And besides, Perkin was
afraid, because none of the English came to him, as he hoped, that
if he staid any longer in his enemies' country, his cheat would be
discovered; so that he himself seeming to approve of the king's
resolution, came cunningly to him, and, composing his speech
and countenance so as might best express his compassion, he hum-
bly represented to the king, that he would not make such hr.voc
in a kingdom that was his own by right; and, that he would not
so cruelly shed so much blood of his subjects; for no kingdom in
the world was of so much worth to him, as to have so manv peo-
ple's blood spilt for the sake of it, and his country so wasted with
fire and sword, to procure it. The king began now to smell out
and understand, v/hither this unseasonable clemency tended; and
therefore told him, that he feared he would preserve that kingdom,
in which not a man did own him as a subject, much less a king,
not for himself, but for his capital enemy; and so, by common
consent, they returned home, and the army was disbanded.

102 HISTORY OF1 SCOTLAND. Book XIlL

Henry, being thus acquainted with the invasion, and also the
retreat of the Scots, appointed an expedition against them the
year after, and in the mean time levied a great army, and that he
might not be idle in the winter time, he summoned a parliament,
who approved of his design to make war with Scotland, and
granted a small subsidy upon the people for that end. The tax
raised up a greater flame of war upon him at home, than that
which he designed to quench abroad. For the commonalty com-
plained, that their youth was exhausted by so many wars and im-
pressments which had been within these few years, that their
estates were impaired, and ran very low: but that the nobles and
counsellors to the king were so far from being moved with these
calamities, that they sought to create new wars in a time of
peace, that so they might create new taxes on them, who were al-
ready in great want and necessity, and thus, when the sword
had not consumed, famine and poverty would. These were the
public complaints of all the commons; but the Cornish were
more enraged than all the rest; for they, inhabiting a country
which is in great part barren, are wont rather to gain than lose
by wars: And therefore, that warlike people, having been accus-
tomed rather to increase their estates by military spoils, than to
lessen them by paying taxes and rates, first of all rose against the
king's officers and collectors, and slew them; and then, being
conscious that they had engaged themselves in so bold an
attempt, that there was no retreat, nov hopes of mercy, the
multitude flocking in daily more and more to them with arms in
their hands, they began their march towards London. But it is
not my business to prosecute the story of this insurrection; it is
enough for my purpose to tell you, that the king was so busied this
whole year by the Cornish, that he was forced to employ the ar-
my against them, which he had designed against Scotland.

In the mean time, James, foreseeing that Henry would not let
the injuries of the former year pass unrevenged, and being also in-
formed from secret intelligence, that he was raising great forces
against him ; he, on the other side, levied an army, to the intent
that if the English invaded him first, he might be in a posture to
defend himself; if not, then he himself would make an inroad in-
to his enemy's country, and there so waste and destroy the bor-
dering counties, that the soil (poor enough of itself) should not af-
ford sufficient necessaries, even for the very husbandman. And,
hearing of the Cornish insurrection, he presently began his
march, and entered England with a great army, dividing his for-
ces into two parts; one went towards Durham to ravage that
country; and with the rest he besieged Norham, a strong castle
situated upon a very high hill by the river Tweed. But neither
here nor there was there any thing considerable done: For Rich-

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. IO3

ard Fox, bishop of Durham, a very prudent person, foreseeing
that the Scots would not omit the opportunity of attempting
somewhat during the civil broils in England, had fortified some
castles with strong garrisons, and had taken care that the cattle
and all kinds of provisions should be conveyed into places,
either safe by nature, or else made safe by being guarded on the
sides with moors and rivers. Moreover, he sent for the earl of
Surry, who had great forces in Yorkshire, to assist him; and
therefore the Scots only burnt the country, and not being able
to take Norham, which was stoutly defended by those within,
raised the siege, and without any considerable action returned
home. Not long after, the English followed them, and demolish-
ed Ayton, a small castle, seated almost on the very borders, and
then they returned out of their enemy's country also without any
memorable performance.

Amidst these commotions, both foreign and domestic, Peter
Hialas, a man of great wisdom, and, as times were then, not un-
learned, arrived at England. He was sent by Ferdinand and Isa-
bel, king and queen of Spain. The purport of his embassy was,
That Catharine, their daughter, might marry Arthur king Hen-
ry's son, and so a new affinity and friendship might be contracted
betwixt them. The English willingly embraced the affinity, and
therefore were desirous to bring the war with Scotland to a con-
clusion; and, because Henry thought it was below his dignity to
seek peace at the Scots' hands, he was willing to use Peter as a
mediator. Peter willingly undertook the business, and came in-
to Scotland; there he plied James with many arguments, and at
last made him inclinable to a peace; and then he wrote to Henry,
That he hoped a good peace would be agreed upon without any
great difficulty, if he pleased to send down some eminent persons
of his council to settle the conditions. Henry, as one that had
often tried the inconstancy of fortune, and knowing that the
minds of his subjects were grown fierce by these late tumults,
and rather irritated than humbled, commanded Richard Fox, who
resided in the castle at Norham, to join counsels with Hialas.
These two had many disputes about the matter with the ambassa-
dors of Scotland, at Jedburgh, and, after many conditions had been
mutually proposed, they could agree upon nothing. The chief
impediment was the demand of Henry, that Perkin Warbeck
should be given up to him; for he judged it to be a very reason-
able proposition, in regard he was but a counterfeit, and had been
already the occasion of so much mischief. James peremptorily
refused so to do; alleging, that it was not honourable in him to
surrender up a man of the royal progeny, who came to him as a
suppliant, whom he had also made his kinsman by marriage, to
e his faith, and let him be made a laughing-stock by his ene-
And thus the conference broke off; yet the hopes of an
Vol. II. O

I04 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

agreement were not altogether lost; for a truce was made for
some months, till James could dismiss Warbeck upon honourable
terms.

When now by conference with the English, and other evident
indications, it plainly appeared, that the tale concerning Perkin's
state and kindred was a mere falsity; the king sent for him, and
told him, what singular good-will he had borne him, and how
many courtesies he had bestowed upon him, of which he him-
self was the best witness; as first, That he had undertaken a war
against a potent king for his sake; and had now managed it a se-
cond year, to the great inconvenience of his enemy, and the pre-
judice of his own subjects: That he had refused an honourable
peace which was freely offered him, merely because he would not
surrender him up to the English; and thereby he had given great
offence, both to his subjects and his enemy too; so that now he
neither could nor would any longer withstand their desires. And
therefore, whatever his fate might be, whether peace or war, he
desired him to seek out some other and fitter place for it, for he
resolved to make peace with the English; and when it was once
solemnly made, to observe it as religiously; and to remove from
him whatsoever might be an impediment to so great and good a
work: Neither ought he to complain, that the Scots had forsaken
him, since the English had done so first, in confidence of whose
assistance the Scots had begun the war: And yet, notwithstand-
ing of all these circumstances, he was resolved to accommodate
him with provisions, and other necessaries, to put to sea.

Warbeck was mightily troubled at this unexpected dismission ;
yet he remitted nothing of his feigned height of spirit, but in a few
days sailed over into Ireland with his wife and family: From
whence soon after he passed into England, and there joined him-
self with the remnant of the Cornish rebels; but after many at-
tempts, being able to do no good, he was taken; and, having con-
fessed all the artifice and pageantry of his former fife, he ended his
days in an halter.

The seeds of war between England and Scotland being almost
extinguished, and a great likelihood of peace appearing, on a sud-
den there arose violent animosities of spirit, upon a very light oc-
casion, which was very near breaking out into a most bloody war.
Some Scottish youths went over to the town of Norham, which
was near the castle (as they used to do frequently in times of
peace) there to recreate themselves in sports and pastimes, and
to play together with their neighbours, as if they had been
at home, for there was but a small river which divided them.
The garrison in the castle, out of the rancour yet lodging in
their breasts since the former war, and being also provoked by
some passionate words, accused those Scots as spies, and so
from words they came to blows; many were wounded on both

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I05

sides, and the Scots, being fewer in number, were forced to re-
turn home with the loss of some of their company. This business
was often brought upon the carpet in the meetings between the
lords of the marches ; and at last James was very angry, and sent
an herald to Henry, to complain of breach of truce, and how in-
constant the English were in keeping covenant; and, unless satis-
faction was given, according to the just laws which were made by
general consent about restitution betwixt the borderers, he com-
manded his herald to declare war. Henry had been exercised by
the violence of fortune, even from his cradle, and was therefore
more inclined to peace. His answer was, that whatever was done
of that kind, was against his will, and without his knowledge;
and, if the garrison-soldiers had offended in this case by their te-
merity, he would issue out proper orders for an examination, and
that, the leagues being kept inviolate, the guilty should be punish-
ed.

But this reparation went on but slowly, and James looked upon
the answer as dilatory, and that the aim was to give the resent-
ment time to cool, by putting off the punishment; which was ra-
ther a provocation than a satisfaction. Hereupon Richard Fox,
bishop of Durham, who was owner of the castle, being much
troubled that any of his tenants should give any occasion of break-
ing the league, did, in order to prevent it, send several letters to
James, full of great submission, modesty and civility, which so
inclined the mind of James, that he wrote him word back, that he
would willingly speak with him, not only about the late wrongs
done, but also about other matters which might be advantageous
to both kingdoms. Fox acquainted his king herewith, and, by
his consent, he waited upon James at Mulross, where he then
was. There James made a grievous complaint of the injury at
Norham; yet, by the prudent and grave discourse of Fox, he
was so pacified, that, for peace sake, of which he shewed him-
selt: very desirous, he remitted the offence. Other things were
acted privately betwixt them; but it appeared afterward, that the
sum of them was this, that James did not only desire a peace, but
(both before, and also now) an affinity with Henry, and a stricter
bond of union. And if Henry would bestow his daughter Mar-
garet upon him in marriage, he hoped that the thing would be for
the benefit of both kingdoms; and if Fox, whose authority he
knew to be great at home, would but do his endeavour to accom-
plish the aflinity, he did not doubt but it would soon be effected.
He freely promised his endeavour, and coming to the court of
England, acquainted the king with" the proposition, and thereup-
on gave hopes to the Scots ambassadors, that a peace would easi-
ly be agreed upon betwixt the two kings. Thus at length, three
years after, which was anno 1500, even about one and the sarn<?

" O 2

106 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

time, Margaret, Henry's eldest daughter, was betrothed to James
IV. and also Catharine, daughter of Ferdinand of Spain, to Arthur,
Henry's eldest son, and their marriages were celebrated with great
pomp the next year after.

After the marriage all things were quiet, and the court turned
from the study of arms to sports and pastimes; so that there was
nothing but masks, shews, feastings. dancings, and balls; it was
a continued jubilee, and, upon that account, every day was a ho-
liday. There were also frequent tilts and tournaments, mostly ac-
cording to the French mode, betwixt which (as tragical acts)
some, who were wont to live upon spoil, came upon the stage, and
challenged one another; which sport the king was pleased to be-
hold, because he judged that the killing of them was a gain to him.
When the noise of these tournaments came to foreign nations,
many strangers, and especially from France, came daily ever to
shew their prowess, who were all liberally entertained by the king,
and as bountifully dismissed. Neither did he rest in these ludi-
crous exercises, but he laid out a great deal of money upon build-
ing at Stirling, Falkland, and several ether places, and especially
in building of monasteries; but his cost about ships was greatest of
all, for he built three stately ones of a great bulk, and many also
of a middle rate; one of his great ones was, to admiration, the
largest that ever any man had seen sail on the ocean, it being also
furnished with all manner of costly accommodations. Our writ-
ers have given a description of it, (which I pass over,) and the
measure of it is kept in some places ; but the greatness of it ap-
peared by this, that the news thereof stirred up Francis king of
France, and Henry VIII. king of England, each of them to build
a ship in imitation of it, and each endeavouring to outvie the other.
When the ships were finished and fitted with all necessaries for
sailing, and brought to the sea, they were so large, that they stood
there like unmoveable rocks, unfit for any use.

These works, being very expensive, exhausted James's trea-
sure; so that he was forced to devise new ways and means to get
money, and amongst the rest, he pitched upon one, by the per-
suasion, as it was thought, of William Elphinstone, bishop of A-
berdeen, which was very displeasing to all the nobility. Amongst
the tenures of land in Scotland, this is one by which the owner
holds what he buys, or is given him ; that, if he die and leave his
son and heir under age, the wardship of him shall belong to the
king, or to some other superior lord, and all the revenue to be
received by him, till the heir come to the age of twenty-one years.
There is also another badge of slavery annexed to this tenure, that
if an owner do sell abovehalfhis estate, without the consent of the
chief lord, then he is to forfeit the whole to him. This law was
introduced by court-parasites, to advance the king's exchequer;

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I07

but, being looked upon as unjust, had lain dormant a long time;
but the king, being informed that the money might be got out of
those that had broke through it, commanded it to be put in exe-
cution: that process they called recognition. This way of raising
money by the king, though it deprived no man of his whole estate,
yet was a greater grievance to the country, than his father's covet-
ousness had been ; for the wrong redounded to very many, and to
the worthiest people most ; because under the two last kings, by-
reason of their foreign, and also ol their civil wars, the memory pi
that law was almost quite abolished; and so by reason of this new
project, they were forced either to redeem their lands from the
officers of the king's exchequer, or else to relinquish part of them.
And yet the love of the subjects towards their king was so great,
that though they suffered great inconvenience by it, his other vir-
tues procured him such reverence amongst them, chat their indig-
nation did not proceed even to an insurrection.

But, as the king set no bounds to his expences, and there were
not wanting flatterers, (a perpetual mischief to the courts), who
covered this vicious excess under the plausible names of splendour
and magnificence, he at last determined to undertake a voyage in-
to Syria, that so he might put an end to his vast expence, (which
he could neither continue without ruin, nor retrench without
shame), and so, by his absence, to abridge it. He made an ho-
nest pretence for his journey; that it was to expiate the fault he had
committed in bearing arms against his father. And indeed he had
given some evidence of his penitence (whether true or pretended)
upon this account, from the very beginning of his reign, (as I said
before), and he would often speak of it in his common discourse.
He had rigged a navy for this voyage, and had nominated the chief
of his retinue; and had acquainted his neighbour kings, by his am-
bassadors, of his intent; and many of his followers, as if they had
obliged themselves by the same vow, suffered the hair of their
heads and beards to grow to a length; and, it was thought, he
would immediately have taken ship, if some obstacles had not in-
tervened, even whilst he was most intent on his journey. For,
at that time there arose a vehement suspicion of a war like to en-
sue betwixt France and England; for Henry did not like the suc-
cesses of the French in Italy; and besides, he was solicited by
Julius II. then pope, and by Ferdinand of Spain, his father-in-law,
to join with them, and with the Venetians, Swiss, and Maximi-
lian too, (though he commonly regulated his counsels according to
events); for it was likely that the junction of so many nations, in
alliance against France, would almost swallow it up.

The king of England, being in the prime of his age, and sen-
sible and proud of the power of his kingdom, and in his nature
very forward for action, had a mighty mind tq enter into this alii-

I08 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIIL

ance, but wanted a fair pretence to fall out with France. Both of
them soon knew one another's minds by their spies; and when
France could not be persuaded to desist from carrying on a war
against the pope, who was Henry's friend, at length an herald
was sent into France, to demand Normandy, Aquitain, and An-
jou (as the old possessions of the English) in France. But as
France was not moved by these threats neither, to intermit the
wars in Italy, Henry immediately declared war against him, and
sent an army into Biscay, to join his father-in-law Ferdinand; and
he himself prepared for an expedition into France.

Now James of Scotland, though he resolved to side with neither
of them, yet, as more inclinable to the French, he sent his navy
before-mentioned, as a present to Anne, queen of France, that so
it might seem rather a mark of his friendship, than any real assist-
ance for military action. And moreover, the Scots clergy, who
were used to the handling of French gold, were willing to shew
themselves in behalf of Louis of France; and, since they durst not
openly do it, they sought out proper occasions to alienate the king's
mind from the English.

In order to tins, Andrew Forman, then bishop of Murray, one
of their faction, and a friend to Louis, was sent into England, to
demand a vast sum of gold and silver; the greatest part of it con-
fisted in women's jewels and ornaments, which were reported to
be given by will, by Arthur, Henry VIII's elder brother, to his
sister Margaret, now married to James, as I related before. Hen-
ry (as it is probable) looked upon this demand only as a pretence
for a quarrel; and therefore he answered James very mildly, that
if any thing was due to him, he would not only pay it, but if he
wanted a greater sum, or any other assistance, he would not fail
to supply him, Wlien James had received this answer, he re-
solved to assist Louis in any other way, but by no means to invade
England : and he sent over the same Forman into France, to acquaint
Louis with it. Mean while, because he had heard that great na-
val preparations were making on both sides, he resolved to send
the fleet before-mentioned to Anne immediately; that so it might
arrive there before the war actually broke forth. He made
James Hamilton, earl of Arran, admiral of it, and caused him to
set sail the first opportunity. But Hamilton, though a man good
enough, yet being more skilled in the arts of peace than war; ei-
ther out of fear of danper, or else out of his habitual backward-
ness, left his voyage for France, and turned for Knockfergus, a
town in Ireland, situated over against Galloway in Scotland; which
place he pillaged anjd burnt. And afterward, as if he had been a
mighty conqueror, he hoisted sail for Ayr (in Scotland) a port
town in Kyle. When the king heard of his return, he was very
much exasperated against him, and could not forbear to threaten

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. IO(>

and upbraid him. And he was the more enraged against him, be-
cause he had received a letter from queen Anne out of France; the
tendency of which was, to cajole him into a war against England.
And he had also other letters from Andrew Forman, which in-
formed him, that he was generally upbraided with the promise of
sending the fleet, which they now looked upon as vain, in regard
no such thing was done. The king v/as willing to obviate this
mischief as well as he could; and therefore, seeing Hamilton had
broke off the course he was commanded to take, and had destroy-
ed a town that had never been an enemy to the Scots, and was
then also in alliance with them; and so had made war upon his
friends, without making any declaration of it beforehand ; he ca-
shiered him from the admiralship, and summoned him to appear
before him. Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus, was designed to
succeed him in that command; and Andrew Wood was sent with
him to take the fleet into his care. But Hamilton had notice by his
friends, before their coming, of the king's displeasure against him,
and therefore prudently hoisted sail, resolving rather to commit
himself to the wide sea, than to an enraged king. He was a long
time sailing for France, his ship being tossed with contrary
winds, and sore storms in the way; so that he arrived not there till
the Fi'ench had laid aside the thoughts of any naval preparations ;
and then he landed in Base-Britain, where the ship, which cost so
much money and labour to build, had her tackle taken out, and so
rotted in the harbour of Brest.

In the interim, other causes of discord arose at home, which
wholly alienated James from Henry. In the reign of Henry VIL
there was one Robert Ker, a worthy knight, so much in James's
favour for his excellent virtues, that he made him his chief cup-
bearer, and master of his ordnance, and lord warden of the mid-
dle borders or marches. He was a severe punisher of all robbers j
which more and more procured him the king's affection, but in-
creased the hatred of the borderers; so that both English and
Scots, whose licentiousness he restrained, by putting the laws in
execution against them, jointly sought all occasions to take away
his life. And at length, at a solemn meeting of Scots and Eng-
lish, which used to be kept, to adjust and recompense damages
received, a quarrel began, and three Englishmen, bold fellows,
John Hern, Lilburn, and one Starhed, set upon him; one came
behind, and ran him through his back with a lance; and, when
he was wounded, the other two despatched him quite. This busi-
ness ,was likely to create a war; but Henry, as he was just in
other things, so in this was as angry at James, at the foulness of
the fact; and therefore he caused John Hern, the brother of the
other John, lord of Foord, and governor of the English borders,
be delivered up to the Scots, with Lilburn; for the other two had

flO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

made their escape. They were shut up in Fast-castle, and there
Lilburn died. And, for the expiation of so manifest a crime, it
was decreed, that in future assemblies of that kind, the English
should first crave the public faith for their security, and so enter
tScotland, and have their meetings there; and the ambassadors of
England, by many solemn protestations and ceremony of words,
should declare, that the public was not concerned, as guilty of that
particular murder. The other two murderers lurked in the inland
parts of England, till the reign of Henry VIII. and yet they went
not unpunished; for when they had got a young king, fierce and po-
tent, snd saw that he was willing to shaw the greatness of his
strength, they ventured out of their retirements. Hern, by the
mediation of his kindred, lived openly at his own house, and pri-
vately sent in robbers to Scotland, to disturb the public peace;
hoping that, if a war was once begun, he should obtain indemni-
ty for his old offences, and even a freedom to commit new with
impunity. But Starhed got a place to live in about ninety miles
from the borders, thinking to be safe by reason of the remoteness
of his habitation. But Andrew Ker, the son of Robert, who saw
that the seeds of hatred, which would soon break out into a war,
were then sown, and fearing that if once they entered into arms,
he should lose the avenging of his father's blood, persuades two
of his tenants, of the family of the Tates, to disguise themselves,
and kill Starhed. They undertook to do it; and so entered his
house securely in the night, (for living so far from the borders,
lie thought he needed no watch); where they killed him, cut off
his head, and brought it to Andrew. He, in testimony of his de-
sired revenge, sends it to Edinburgh, and sets it up there, upon a
high and conspicuous place. Of Hern I shall speak in due time.

Just upon the heels of this eld injury, succeeded a new one;
which awakened the anger of the king of Scots, that was rather a-
r.leep, than extinguished, before. At that time there was one
Andrew Breton, a Scots merchant, whose father had a ship rifled
by the Portuguese, and was himself barbarously murdered. An-
drew got the cause heard in Flanders, (because there the murder
was committed), where the Portuguese were cast ; but they not
paying what was adjudged, and their king, though James sent an
herald to him for that end, not compelling them to do so, Andrew
obtained letters of mart from James, to satisfy himself for the
damages and murder; and it was directed to all princes and cities
lying near the sea, that they should not account him as a pirate or
robber, if, by open forte, he revenged himself on the Portuguese,
who were such violater;. of common right and equity; so that in a
few months he did much mischief to the Portuguese. Their am-
bassadors, in the height c-f the war the French made against pope
Julius II. and which was ,soon like to break out against the English,

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Ill-

as siding with Julius, came to Henry, and told him, that this bold
and impudent fellow, Andrew, who had done to them so much
mischief, who were the ancient allies of the English, would assu-
redly be his enemy, when he warred against France; but now he
was secure, and might easily be subdued and cut off; and, if the
fact happened to be condemned as illegal, it might be excused, un-
der a pretence of his exercising piracy, that if he would do this, he
might prevent the losses of his own subjects, and also gratify then
king, his friend and ally, very much. Henry was thus easily per-
suaded by the Portuguese, to entrap Andrew. In order to com-
pass it, he sent his admiral, Thomas Howard, with two strong-
ships of the royal navy, to way-lay him in the Downs, (so they call
the heaps of sand, which appear aloft when the tide is out) in his
return from Flanders. It was not long before they espied him
coming in a small vessel, with a less in his company, and set upon
him. Howard himself attacked Andrew, between whom there
was a sharp fight; and although Howard had all the advantage
imaginable against him, yet he had much ado to take the ship ;
neither could he do that, till Andrew and many of his men were
slain. This is certain, that Andrew was a man of that courage,
even when his case was desperate, that though he had several
wounds, and one of his legs was broken by a cannon bullet, yet he
took a drum and beat an alarm, and a ch?.rge to his men, to en-
courage them to fight valiantly: this he did, till his breath and life
failed him together. The lesser ship, finding that she was no way
able to cope with the enemy, endeavoured to save herself by flight,
but was taken with much less opposition. They who were not
killed in the fight, were thrown into prison at London; from
whence they were brought to the king, and humbly begging their
lives of him, as they were instructed to do by the English, he, in
a proud ostentation of his great clemency, dismissed and sent the
poor innocent souls away. Upon this, ambassadors were sent in-
to England by James, to complain, that his subjects' ships were
taken in a time of peace, and the passengers slain. They were an-
swered, that the killing of pirates was no violation of leagues; nei-
ther was it a justifiable cause for a war. This answer shewed the
spite of one, that was willing to excuse a plain murder, and seem-
ed as if he had sought an occasion for a war. Upon which the
English, who inhabited the borders, by that which was acted
above-board, guessed at their king's mind; and, being also accus-
tomed to sow seeds of dissension in the times of the firmest peace;
and besides, being much given to innovation, began to plunder
the adjacent countries of the Scots.

At that time there was one Alexander Hume, who had the sole:
command of all the Scots borders, which were wont to be d
buted into three men's hands} he was mightily beloved by James;

Vol. II. P

TI2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIIT.

but his clispositioii was more fierce than was expedient for the
good of those times. The king was intent upon war, and very
solicitous how to blot out the ignominy received by those incur-
sions; and Hume promised him, That he, and some of his kindred
and vassals, would in a little time, make the English repent of the
loss and damage they had done, as being resolved to turn their
mirth into sadness. To make good his word, he gathered toge-
ther about 3000 horse, entered England, and ravaged seven
neighbouring villages, before any relief could come in; but as he
was returning, his men, being accustomed to pillaging, and then
aiso laden with a great deal of booty, being impatient to stay there
any longer, divided their spoil, even in their enemy's country, and
went their ways severally home. Alexander with a few brought
up the rear, to see that no assault might be made upon them in
their retreat; but perceiving none to follow, he was the more
careless; and so fell into an ambush of 300 English, who, taking
the opportunity, set upon them, and struck such a sudden terror
into them, that they routed and put them to flight. In this skir-
mish, a great many of the Scots were slain, and 200 taken pri-
soners; amongst whom was George Hume, Alexander's brother,
who was exchanged for the Lord Hern of Foord, who had been
prisoner many years in Scotland, for the murder of Robert Ker:
but all the booty came safe into Scotland, because they who
drove it, were marched on before.

The king's mind, which was not easy before, upon the account
of what I formerly related, being much irritated by the addition of
this new offence, he grew unruly and headstrong, and immediate-
ly called a convention, to consult concerning the war. The wis-
er sort were against it; but La Mote, the ambassador of France,%
earnestly pressed it, by intreaties and promises: And also fre-
quent lettLrs from Andrew Forman urged the same thing; and
the king himself shewing a very good will to it, many to gratify
him, fell in with his opinion; the rest, being a minor part, and
lest by a fruitless opposition they should incur the king's displea-
sure, gave also their assent; so that a war was voted to be made
against England by land and sea (whether worse in resolution or e-
vent is hard to determine); and a set day was appointed for the
army to rendezvous. An herald was sent into France to Henry,
who was then besieging Tournay, to declare war against him.
The causes of it Were assigned to be these, That satisfaction for
losses had been required, but not given; That John Hern, the
murderer of Robert Ker, appeared publicly; that Andi-ew Bre-
ton, in violation of the leagues betwixt the two crowns, had beeti
pillaged and slain by the king's own command: And though he
should not mention any of those wrongs, yet he should never en-
dure that the territories of Louis king of France, his ancient ally,

113 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XlII.

nor Charles duke of Guelderland, his kinsman, should be so mi-
serably harassed with all the calamities of war; and therefore, un-
less Henry desisted from these hostilities, he bid him defiance.
Henry being young, and having a flourishing and puissant king-
dom, and besides, a general combination of almost all Europe
against France alone; these things kindled a desire in his mind,
which was otherwise ambitious enough of glory, to continue the
progress of his. arms; and therefore he gave the herald an answer
more fierce than suited so young a prince: That he heard nothing
from him, but ivhathe long before had expected from such a violator of
all divine and human laws, and therefore he should do as he thought
ft : For his part, he ivas resolved not to be threatened out of proceeding
in a war, wherein he had so well prospered hitherto; and besides, he
did not value his friendship, as having already had sufficient proof of
his levity.

This declaration of war being brought into Scotland, as the
king 'was going to the army at Linlithgow, whilst he was at ves-
pers in the church (as the manner was then) there entered an old
man, the hairs of his head being red inclining to yellow, and
hanging down on his shoulders; his forehead sleek, through bald-
ness, bare-headed, in a long coat of a russet colour, girt with a
linen girdle about his loins; in the rest of his aspect he was very
venerable. He pressed through the crowd to come to the king:
When he came to him, he leaned upon the chair on which the
king sat, with a kind of rustic simplicity, and bespoke him thus:
0 king! said he, / am sent to warn thee, not to proceed in thy intend-
ed design; and if thou neglectest this admonition, neither thou, nor thy
followers, shall prosper. lam commanded also to tell thee, That thou
shouldcst not use the familiarity, intimacy, and counsel of women ;
which, if thou dost, it will redound to thy ignominy and loss. Having
thus spoken, he withdrew himself into the crowd; and, when the
king enquired -for him, after prayers were ended, he could not be
found; which matter seemed more strange, because none of those
who stood next, and observed him, as being desirous to put many
questions to him, were sensible how he disappeared. Amongst
them there was David Lindsay of Mont, a man of approved worth
and honesty, and of a learned education, who, in the whole course
of his life abhorred lying; and, if I had not received this story
from him as a certain truth, 1 had omitted it as a romance of the
vulgar.

But the king notwithstanding went forward in his march, and,
near Edinburgh mustered his army; and, in a few days after, en-
tered England, took the castles of Norham, Werk, Etel Foord,
and some others near the borders of Scotland, by storm, and de-
molished them, and spoiled all the adjoining part of Northumber-
land. Meanwhile the king falls in love with one of the ladies he

V 1

114 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII.

had taken prisoner (she was Hern's wife of Foord) and neglected
his present business-, insomuch, that provision beginning to grow
scarce, in a net very plentiful country, and it being very difficult
to fetch it from afar, the greatest part of the army stole away, and
left their colours very thin: only the nobles, with a few of their
friends, clients, and vassals, and those not very well pleased nei-
ther, remained in the camp. The major part advised him, that
he should no longer punish himself and his men, by abiding in a
country that was wasted by war, and if it had not been so, yet was
poor of itself ; but rather that he would retreat, and mafke an at-
tempt upon Berwick, the taking of which one place would turn
more to account than all the towns and castles thereabouts: Nei-
ther, said they, would it be very difficult to take, because both town
arid castle were unprovided for defence. But the king thought that
nothing was too hard for his arms, especially since the English were
entangled with the war with France; so that, some court parasites
soothing him up in his vanity, he judged that he might easily re-
duce that town in his retreat.

Whilst he thus lay unactive at Foord, there came heralds from
the English, desiring him to appoint a place and time for the bat-
tle. Upon that, he called a council of war; and the major part
were of opinion, that it was best to return home, and not to
hazard the state of the whole kingdom with so small a force,
especially since he had abundantly satisfied his credit, his re-'
nown, and the laws of friendship: neither was there any just
cause, why he should venture his small army, and which had al-
so been hai-assed with taking of so many castles, against the more
numerous forces of the English, who had also newly received an
addition of fresh men; for it was reported, that at that very-
time Thomas Howard arrived in the camp with 6000 very stout
men, sent back out of France. Besides, if he retreated, the Eng-
lish army must of necessity disband; and then they could not
bring diem together again, from such distant places as they were
.!, till the next year; but if he must nteds light, it were better
so to do in his own country, where place, time, and provision,
were more at his command. But the French am r, and

courtiers whom French gold had l*ibed and brought over
to him, were of another mind, and easily persuaded James, who
d to Tight, to stand the enemy in that place. In the mean
time, the English came not at the day appointed by the herald;
and then the Scots nobles took that opportunity to go again to the
king, and told him, That it was the crai": of the enemy to protract
the time from one day to another, whilst their own force increased
irid f tie Sects were diminished; and that therefore he should use
ime art against them: That it was now no dishonour to the
to retreat (since the English had not kept the time appoint-
ed) without fighting} or else, not to fight but when they them-

Boole XIII. HISTOUT OP SCOTLAND, 11$

selves thought fit. The first of these advices was, in many re-
spects, more sate; but if that did not please him, he had a fair
opportunity offered him to comply with the latter. For, seeing
the river Till had very high hanks, and was almost no where
fordable, there was no passage for an army over it within ten
miles, but by one bridge, where a few men might keep back a
great body; and if some of the Er.glish should get over, he might
so place his ordnance as to beat down the bridge, and so they
who had passed over, might be destroyed, before they could be
relieved by those on the contrary side.

The king approved of neither advice, but answered resolutely,
That though the English ivere 1 00,000 strong, he would fight than.
All the nobility were offended at this unadvised answer, and
Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus, who was far superior to all
the rest in age and authority, endeavoured to appease the king's
fury by a mild oration, and to open the nature and reason
of the two former advices. « You have (said he) sufficiently

* satisfied your alliance with France, in that you have called off
« a great part of their enemy's army from them; for, by this

< means, they cannot run over all France, as by the multitude of
\ their forces they hoped to do: neither can they do any great
*. damage to Scotland, because they cannot. long keep their army
y together in a cold country, already wasted by war, and other-

* wise not very fruitful; and, moreover, the winter now ap-

< proacheth, which in the northern parts useth to begin betimes.
y As for the French ambassador (said he) I do not wonder that
*■ he is so earnest to press us to a battle; for he, being a stranger,
*• studies not the common good of his master's allies, but the pri-
1 vate advantage of his own nation; and therefore it is no won-
1 der, if he push us on to fight, and so be prodigal of other
f men's blood. Besides, his demand is shameless; for he requires

< that of us, which his own king, though highly wise and prudent,

< doth not think fit to do, for the maintenance of his whole king-

< dom and dignity. Neither ought the loss of this army to be
*, accounted small, because wc are but few in number; for all
' that are any ways eminent for valour, authority, or counsel, in
' the whole kingdom of Scotland, are here summoned up in a

< body; if these are lost, the rest of the commonalty will be but
« an easy prey to the conqueror. Besides, to lengthen out the
« war is at present more safe, and more conducive to the main

< chance; for, if La Motte's opinion be, that the English are to

* be exhausted by expences, or wearied out by delays, what can
« be more advisable, in the present posture of affairs, than to

< compel the enemy to divide their forces? Part of them must be

* kept upon their guard for fear of us, as if we were continually
« likely to invade them; and the fear of that would take off a great

it6 history of scotLand. Book XI II.

< stress of the war from the French, though with no small toil

* of ours. Besides, we have sufficiently consulted the glory and

< splendor of our arms, which these men (who, I am afraid, are
« more forward in words than actions) pretend, as a disguise and
' veil of their temerity: for what can be more splendid than for
f the king to have demolished so many castles, to have destroyed
« the country with fire and sword; and, from so large devastations,
' to bring home so much booty, that many years peace will not
' restore a country so desolated, to its former condition? And
' what greater advantage can we expect in a war, than that, to
' our own great honour and renown, but to the shame and

* disgrace of our enemies, we give our soldiers leave to refresh

* themselves, having gotten estates and glory besides? And this

* kind of victory, which is obtained rather by wisdom than arms,

* is most proper for a man, especially for a general, in regard the

* common soldiers can challenge no part of the fame belonging
« to it/

All that were present assented to what he spoke, as appeared
by their countenances; but the king had taken a solemn oath
that he would fight the English; and therefore he entertained his
whole discourse with great disgust, and bid him Get home aga'wt
if he was afraid. Douglas immediately fell a weeping, as iore-
seeing the ruin of our affairs, and of die king himself, by his
rashness; but, as soon as he was able to speak, he uttered these
few words; « If my former life has not sufficiently vindicated me
from any suspicion of cowardice, I know not what will : as long
as my body was able to undergo hardship, I never spared it for
the good of my country, and to maintain the honour of my
king; but since now I am useful only for advice, and the king's
ears are shut against it, I will leave my two sons, who, next to
my country, are most dear to me, with my other kinsmen and
friends, as sure pledges of my fidelity to you and my country ;
and I pray God, that my fears may prove vain, and that I may
be rather accounted a false prophet, than what I dreads and do,
as it were, foresee in my mind, shall come to pass.'
Having thus speken, he took his convoy and retinue and so de-
parted. The rest of the nobles, because they could not bring over
the king to their opinion, endeavoured to secure things the best
they could; and that was, in regard they were inferior in number
(for they had intelligence by their spies, that the English were
26,000 men) to advantage themselves by the opportunity of the
ground and place, and so to encamp upon an hill that was near
them: it was where Cheviot hills do gently decline into a plain,
a small spot, with a narrow entrance into it, gradually sloping
downwards. This passage they defended with their brass guns;
behind them were the mountains 5 at the foot of them there was

Book XIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 117

a moorish piece of ground, which secured their left wing; on
the right ran the river Till, whose banks were very high; over
which there was a bridge for passage, not far from the camp.
When the English had intelligence by their scouts, that they could
not attack die Scots' camp without great damage, or rather cer-
tain ruin, they marched off from the river, and made a shew as if
they intended to leave the enemy, and retire towards Berwick, and
so directly into the neighbouring parts of Scotland, which was
the best part of the country; there to damage the Scots more
than the Scots had done the English before. And James was
most inclinable to believe they would do so, because there was a
rumour spread abroad, which either had an uncertain birth among
the common people, or else was devised on purpose by the Eng-
lish, that their design lay that way, in order to, draw the enemy
down into the plain and champaign country. James would not
endure that, and therefore set fire to the straw and huts, and re-
moved his camp. The smoke occasioned by the fire covered all
the river, so that the Scots by means of it could not see the Eng-
lish. These marched farther from the river, through places more
impassable; but the Scots had a level and open march near the
side of it, till hardly observing each other, they both came at last
to Fluidon, or Floddon, a very high hill. There the ground was
more level, and stretched itself out into a large field; and the
river was also passable by a bridge at Tuisil; and there was a ford
also at Milford. The English commanded their forlorn, first to
draw their brass pieces over the bridge, the rest marched through
the ford, and taking their ground, they set themselves in battle
array, so as to cut off their enemies' retreat. Their numbers were
so great, that they divided themselves, as it were, into two ar-
mies, distinct from one another, either of which was almost
equal to the whole army of the Scots. In their first brigade,
admiral Thomas Howard, who a little before came into his fa-
ther with some of his sea forces, commanded the main battle;
Edward Howard led on the right wing, and Marmaduke Con-
stable the left: behind them the rest were placed as reserves, be-
ing divided into three bodies; Dacres commanded the wing in the
right; Edward Stanly, that on the left; and the earl of Surrey,
•general of the whole army, the main body. The Scots had not
men enough to divide their army into so many parties, unless they
would extremely weaken their front; and therefore they divided
their army into four bodies, at a moderate distance one from ano-
ther; of which three were to charge first, and the fourth was for a
reserve. The king led on the main body; Alexander Gordon
commanded the right wing, to whom Alexander Hume and the
MeTch-men were joined; Matthew Stuart, earl of Lennox, and
Gill^spy Campbell, earl of Argyle, led on the third body. Adam

! 1 8 History of Scotland. Book XIIL

Hepburn,, with his clans, and the rest of the nobility of Lothian,
were in the reserves. The Gordons began a very sharp fight,
and soon routed the left wing of the English, but, when they re-
turned from the pursuit, they found almost all the rest of their bri-
gades defeated ;. for one of them, in which was Lennox and Ar-
gyle, being encouraged by the success of their fellows, regardless
of their ranks, fell upon the enemy in a very disorderly manner,
leaving their colours far in their rear, though La Motte, the
French resident, cried out much against it, and told them, they
would run headlong to their own destruction; for they were re-
ceived not only by the English standing in array before them,
but were set upon by another party in the rear, and so almost all
cut off. The king's body, and Hepburn's brigade, with the Lo-
thianers, fought it out stoutly. There was a great slaughter
on both sides, and the dispute continued till night; by which time
both sides were weary. There were a great many slain of the
king's main body. They who reckoned 'the full number of the
slain, as their names were taken, according to the several parish-
registers, out of which they came, say, that there were slain
above 5,000 of the Scots. The loss was most of the nobility,
and of the most valiant of them too, who chose rather to die
upon the spot, than to survive the slaughter of their men. It is
reported that the English lost as many, but that they were mostly
common soldiers. This is the famous fight of Floddon, one of
the most memorable of the few overthrows which the Scots have
received from the English; not so much for the number of the
slain (for they had lost more than double that number in former
battles) but for the quality of the persons, the king, and the prime
of the nobility falling there; so that few were left to govern the
rabble, who were fierce by nature, and lawless also in hope of
impunity.

And yet there were two sorts of men that gained advantage by
this calamity of others: for the richer sort of church-men grew so
insolent upon it, that, not contented with their own function, they
sought to draw all the offices of the kingdom into their own hands:
and the mendicant friars (for that sort of monks were then counted
most superstitiously religious) had received much money of those
that were slain) to keep for them; but it being delivered without
witnesses, they were mightily enriched by this booty, and re-
mitted the severity of their ancient discipline. Nay, some there
were amongst them, who counted that gain, as a pious and holy
fraud; alleging, that the money could never be better bestowed,
than to be given to devout persons, that they might pray (forsooth)
for the redemption of their souls out of purgatory.

The fight was carried on so obstinately, that, towards night,
both parties were weary, and withdrew, almost ignorant of one

Book XIII. History of Scotland.. 119

another's condition; so that Alexander Hume and his soldiers,
v/ho remained untouched, gathered up a great part of the spoil at
their pleasure. But the next day, in the morning, Dacres being
sent out with a party of horse to make discovery, when he came
to the place of light, and saw the Scots' brass guns without a
guard, and also a great part of the dead unstripped, he sent for
Howard, and so gathered up the spoil at leisure, and celebrated
the victory with great mirth.

Concerning the king of Scotland, there goes a double report.
The English say, he was slain in the battle; but the Scots affirm,
that, in the day of battle, there were several others clothed in the
hkc coat of armour, and the habit, of the king; which was done
on a double account; partly, lest the enemy should principally
aim at one man, as their chief opponent, on whose life the safe-
guard of the army, and issue of the battle, did depend; and part-
ly also, if the king happened to be slain, that the soldiers might
not be discouraged, and sensible of his loss, as long as they saw
any man armed and clothed like him in the field, and riding up
and down, as a witness of their cowardice or valour. And that
one of these was Alexander Elphinston, who in countenance and
stature was very like the king; and many of the nobility, perceiv-
ing him armed in kingly habiliments, followed him in a mistake,
and so died resolutely with him; but that the king repassed the
Tweed, and was slain by some of Hume's men, near the town of
Kelso; but it is uncertain whether it was done by their master's
command, or else by the forwardness of his soldiers, who were
willing to gratify their commander: for they, being desirous of
innovation, thought that they should escape punishment, if the
king was taken off; but if he should survive, they should be pu-
nished for their cowardice in the fight. Some other conjectures
are added; as that the same night after this unhappy fight, the mo-
nastery of Kelso was seized upon by Ker, an intimate of Hume,
and the abbot of it ejected; which it was not likely he would
dare to have done, unless the king were slain; and moreover,
David Galbreth, one of the family of the Humes, some years af-
ter, when John, the regent, questioned the Humes, and was trou-
blesome to their family, is said to have blamed the cowardice of
his fellows, who would suffer that stranger to rule so arbitrarily
and imperiously over them; whereas he himself had been one of
the six private men that had put an end to the like insolency of
the king at Kelso. But these things were so uncertain, that when
Hume was afterwards tried for his life, by James, earl of Mur-
ray, the king's natural son, they did not much prejudice his
cause.

However the truth of this matter stands, yet I shall not con-
ceal what I have heard Lawrence Talifer, an honest and a learned

Vol. II. Q_

120 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIIl

man, report more than once, That being then one of the king's
servants, and a spectator of the fight, he saw the king, when the
day was lost, set upon an horse, and pass the Tweed. Many-
others affirmed the same thing. So that the report went current
for many years after, that the king was alive, and was gone to Jeru-
salem, to perform a religious vow he had made; but would re-
turn again in due time: but that rumour was found as vain as an-
other of the same broaching, which was formerly spread abroad
by the Britons, concerning their Arthur; and, but a few years
since, by the Burgundiatts, concerning Charles. This is certain,
That the English found the body of the king, or of Alexander
Elphinston, and carried it into England; and retaining an inexpi-
able hatred against the dead, they left it unburied in a leaden cof-
fin (I know not whether their cruelty was more foolish, or more
barbarous) because he had borne sacrilegious arms against pope
Julius II. whose cause the English zealously espoused; or else,
as some say, because he was perjured, as having, contrary to the
oath and league between them, taken up arms against Henry
VIIL Neither of which aspersions ought to have been east
upon him, especially by such a king, who, during his life, was
not constant or true to any one religion; nor by such a people,
who had taken up arms so often against the bishops of Rome.
Not to speak of many of the kings of England, whom their own
writer-s do accuse as guilty of perjury; as William Rufus, who
is charged with that crime by Polydore and Grafton; Henry I.
by Thomas Walsingham, in his description of Normandy; king
Stephen hath the like brand of infamy cast upon him by Neobri-
gensis, Grafton, and Polydore; Henry II. by the same; Richard
I. by Walsingham, in his Hypodigma Neastria; Henry III. by
Neobrigensis, Grafton, and Walsingham; Edward I. by Walsing-
ham. I cull out these few for example's sake, not out of the
first kings of the Saxon race, of which I might instance a great
many, but out of those of the Norman family, whose posterity
enjoy the kingdom to this day, and who lived in the most flou-
rishing times of England's glory; to put them in mind, not to be
so bitter against foreigners, while with so much indulgence they
bear the perjuries of their own kings; especially since the guilt of
the crime objected lies principally on those, who were the first vi-
olators of the truce. But to return to cur narrative.

Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, had gone off with great re-
nown for that victory over the Scots, if he had used his success
with moderation; but being almost drunk with his vast success,
and little mindful of the instability of human affairs, he made his
household servants (as the English custom is) to wear a badge on
their left arms, which was a white lion (his own arms) standing
»j>on a red <me> and rending him with his paws. God Almighty

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 121

seemed to punish tins his insolent bravado; for there were scarce
any of his posterity of either sex, but what died in great disgrace
or misfortune.

But king James, as he was dear to all whilst living, so he was
mightily lamented at his death; and the remembrance of him
ituck sc fast in the minds of men, as the like was not known of
any other king that we have heard of. ' f is probable that it hap-
pened, by making a comparison with the evils which preceded
his reign; or else very likely speedily to follow after it; consi-
dering also his eminent virtues: Nay, his vices were popular, and
easily deceived vulgar minds, under a specious resemblance and
affinity to virtue. He was of a strong body, just stature, a ma-
jestic countenance, of a quick wit, which, by the fault of the
times, was not cultivated by learning. He greedily imbibed one
ancient custom of the nation ; for he was skilful in curing
wounds; for in old times, that kind of knowledge was common to
all the nobility, as men continually accustomed to arms. The ac-
cess to his presence was easy; his answers were mild; he was just
in judging, and moderate in punishing; so that all men might
easily see he was drawn to it against his will. He bore the male-
volent speeches of his enemies, and the admonitions of his
friends with a greatness of mind, which arose in him from the
tranquillity of a good conscience, and the confidence of his own
innocency; insomuch that he was so far from being angry, that he
never returned them an harsh word. There were also some
vices, which crept in among these virtues, by reason of his too
great affection of popularity. For by endeavouring to avoid the
name of a cox-etous prince, which his father had incurred, he la-
boured to insinuate himself into the good-will of the vulgar, by
sumptuous buildings and feastings, by qostly pageants and im-
moderate grants; so that his exchequer was brought very low:
And his want of money was such, that if he had lived longer, the
merits of his former, reign would have been extinguished, or at
•least out-balanced by his imposition of new taxes; so that his
death seemed to have happened rather commodiously, than un-
seasonably to him.

James V. the hundredth and sixth king,

WHEN James IV. was shin, he left his wife Margaret and
two sons behind him; the eldest of which was not yet
quite two years old. The parliament assembled at Stirling, pro-
claimed him king, according to the custom of the country,
on the 24th day of February; and then they applied themselves
to settle the public affairs; in endeavouri«g at which, they first

Q 2

122 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIII,

perceived the greatness of their loss: For those of the nobility,
who bore any thing of authority and wisdom, being slain, the
major part of those who survived, by reason of their youth, or in-
capacity of mind, were unfit to meddle with matters of state,
especially in so troublesome, a time; and they who were left alive
of the greater sort, who had any thing of ability in them, by rea-
son of their ambitition and covetousness abhorred all counsels tend-
ing to peace. Alexander Hume, lord warden of the marches,
had got a great name, and a large estate, in the king's life-time;
but, when he was dead, he obtained an almost regal authority in
the countries bordering upon England. He, out of a wicked am-*
bition, did not restrain robbers, that so he might more engage
those bold and lewd persons to himself, thinking thereby to pave
a way to greater power: But, as that design was pernicious, so was
the end of it unhappy. The command of the country on this
side the Forth, was committed to him; the parts beyond to Alex-
ander Gordon, to keep those seditious provinces within the bounds
of their duty: but the title of regent was invested in the queen.
For the king had left in his will, which he made before he went
to fight, that if he miscarried, she should have the supreme power
as long as she remained a widow. This was contrary to the law of
the land, and the first example of any woman, who ever had the
supreme rule in Scotland; yet the want of men made it seem to-
lerable, especially to them who were desirous of peace and quiet-
ness. But her office continued not long; for, before the end of
the spring, she married Archibald Doughs, earl of Angus, one of
the prime young men of Scotland, for lineage, beauty, and accom-
plishments in all good arts. And before the end of that year, the
seeds of discord were sown. They took their rise from the ec-
clesiastical order; for, after the nobles were slain, in all pub-
lic assemblies a great part were of that sort of men; and many of
them made their own private fortunes amidst the public calamity,
and got such estates, that nothing hastened their ruin more than
that inordinate power, which they afterwards as arrogantly used.
Alexander Stuart, archbishop of St. Andrews, was slain at
Floddon; and there were three which strove for that preferment,
but upon different interests, Gavin Douglas, upon the account of
the splendor of his family, and his own personal worth and learn-
ing, was nominated to the place by the queen, and accordingly
took possession of the castle of St. Andrews. John Hepburn,
abbot of St. Andrews, before any archbishop was nominated,
gathered up the revenues of the place, as a sequestrator; and he
being a potent, factious, and subtile man, was chosen by his
monks to the vacancy (for he alleged, that the power of electing
an archbishop, by ancient custom, was in them); so that he
drove out the officers of Gavin, and placed a strong garrison in
the castle. Andrew Forman had obtained great favour in the

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 23

courts both of Rome and France, by his former services; so that,
besides the bishopric of Murray in Scotland, which was his first
preferment, Louis XII. of France gave him the archbishopric of
Bourges. And pope Julius had also sent him home loaded with
honours and benefices ; for he bestowed on him the archbishopric
of St. Andrews, the two rich abbeys of Dunfermline and Aber-
brothock, and made him his legate a latere (as they call him) be*
sides. But so great was the power of the Hepburns at that time,
that, the Humes being yet in concord with them, no man could be
found that durst proclaim the pope's bull for the election of For-
man to that dignity; till at last Alexander Hume was induced by
great promises, and besides other gifts, with the actual donation
of the abbey of Coidingham to David his youngest brother, to un-
dertake the cause, which seemed to be honourable; and especially
because the family of the Formans was in clanship, or protection
of the Humes. So he caused the pope's bull to be published at
Edinburgh; and that was the original of many mischiefs which en-
sued; fct Hepburn, being a man of a lofty spirit, from that day
forward studied day and night how to destroy the family of the
Humes.

The queen, whilst she sat at the helm, did this one thing wor-
thy to be remembered, that she wrote to her brother that he
would not make war upon Scotland, in respect to her and her
young children; that he would not infest with English arms, his
nephew's kingdom, which of itself was divided into so many do-
mestic factions ; but that he would rather defend him against the
wrongs of others, upon the account of his age, and the affinity be-
twixt them. Henry answered very nobly, and much like a prince,
That ivith peaceable Scots be tuculd cultivate peace, and make ivar
ivith such as came armed against him.

When the queen, by reason of her marriage, fell from the re-
gency, the nobility was manifestly divided into two factions.
The Douglassian party desired, that the chief power might reside
in the queen; and that this was the way to have peace with Eng-
land; which was not only advantageous, but even necessary for
them. The other party, headed by Hume, pretended an um-
brage of the public good; and that it was against the old laws of the
land to chuse a woman to be regent. As for the queen, they
would be studious of her honour, as far as they might by law, and
as far as the public safety would permit; and that a sufficient
proof had been given of it, in regard they had hitherto submitted
to her government, (though it was against the customs of their
forefathers) not by any legal compulsion, but out of mere good-
will; and that they were ready to endure it longer, if any honest
and equitable pretence could be alleged for it. But since she, by
jher marriage, had voluntarily deposed herself from that dignity,

5 24 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book Xllt.

she ought not to take it amiss, if they substituted another to enjoy
that office which she had left, and which indeed by the law she
could not hold; for the laws of Scotland do not permit women to
have the supreme power, no not in times of peace, much less in
such troublesome days as those, when the most powerful and most
prudent man alive, could hardly find remedies for the many grow-
ing evils of the times.

Thus, whilst each faction strove vigorously about the choice
of a regent, they passed over all there present, either upon ac-
count of ambition, or private grudges, or envy, and inclined to
chuse John duke of Albany, then living with good repute in
France. William Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, is reported
to have burst forth into tears, in bewailing the public misfortune;
and his speech affected many, especially when he came to reckon-
ing up what men were slain in the last fight, and how few like
them were left behind, of whom none was thought fit to sit at the
helm of government. He also told them, how empty the ex-
chequer was, how it had been exhausted by the late king, how
great a portion of it was the queen's jointure, how much neces-
sarily must be expended on the education of the king; and then
how little a part of it would remain to maintain the charges of the
public ; and that, though none was more fit for the regency than
the queen, yet seeing concord could not be had on other terms,
he yielded to that party who were for calling John duke of Alba-
ny out of France, to take the regency upon him; though he
thought that the public misery would rather be deferred than en-
tirely ended by it. Alexander Hume was so violent for Albany,
that he professed openly in the assembly, that if they all refused,
he himself would go alone, and bring him over into Scotland, to
undertake the government. It is thought he did this, not for any
public or private good end, but merely out of this respect, that be-
ing an ambitious man, and knowing that his interest in the people
was more upon the account of his power, than any real love;
therefore himself despairing of the place, he was afraid, if the
queen should have it, the Douglasses, his neighbours, would
grow too great, and his power would abate; for the men of Lids-
dale and Annandale had already withdrawn themselves, and had,
by little and little, gone over to the clan of the Douglasses. And
besides he considered, that the queen, by assistance from Eng-
land, was easily able to obviate all his designs ; so that most voices
carried it for John of Albany; and an embassy was appointed {the
chief whereof was Andrew Wood of the * Largs, a famous cavar
lier in those days) to call him into Scotland for the administration
of the government, both upon account of his own virtues, and al-

• A little town ia Cuiinin^ham, liandin^ on the frith of Clyde,

Book XII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 125"

so by reason of his near consanguinity with the king ; for he M'as
the son of Alexander, brother of James III. He being thus called
to the supreme government by the Scots, Francis king of France
thought his advancement suited well with the French interest, and
therefore he furnished him with money and a retinue at his de-
parture. Before his arrival, in regard there was no one person to
administer the public government, there were many murders and
rapines committed, and, whilst the greater sort made up their
private clans and factions, the poor destitute vulgar were afflicted
with all kind of miseries. The chief robber of those times was-1
Mac Robert Stran, who committed outrages all over Athol and
the neighbouring parts, at his pleasure, having 800 men, and
sometimes moi-e, under his command. At length, when he was
at his uncle John Crichton's, he was way-laid, apprehended, and
put to death. But there was more mischief like to arise from the
feud between Andrew Forman and John Hepburn-, yet the* nature
of them both, and the discord, rather of their manners than
minds, deferred the mischief for a season, which was then just
breaking out. John was profoundly covetous, and Andrew was
2 great despiser of money, and profuse in his bounties. The de-
signs and purposes of Andrew were open and manifest to. the view
of all} neither was there any need that he should much conceal
them, besause his vices were accounted virtues by the vulgar; and
the simplicity of his nature did him as much kindness among;
them, as the sly hidden craft of Hepburn, together with his ma-
licious dissimulation, his implacable remembrance of injuries, and
desire of revenge did him. And therefore Forman, having as yet
no certainty of the coming of the duke of Albany, neither could
he be put into possession of his ecclesiastical preferment by Hume,
seeing Hepburn had his castle and monastery which he had strong-
ly garrisoned, which were at a great distance from those places,
in which the power of the Humes might be formidable; he deter-
mined, by his friends, to try whether he could, with money,
either satisfy, or, at least, in some degree, abate the avarice of
the man; so at last they came to an agreement on these terms,
that Forman should remit and forgive the revenues of some years
past, which John had gathered in, as a sequestrator; that he
should surrender up to him the bishopric of Murray; and that he
should pay him yearly 3000 French crowns out of the ecclesiasti-
cal revenues, to be divided amongst his friends. And thus the
implacable man's hate was a little abated, and matters settled on
that side.

(J.C. 1515.;

T II E

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND,

BOOK XIV,

A HIS was the state of affairs in Scotland, when John duke of
Albany arrived at Dumbarton, on the 20th day of May, in the year

15 15, to the exceeding joy of all good men. For under his go-
vernment they hoped for more quiet times, and an equal distribu-
tion of justice. In a full assembly of the nobility, summoned iri
his name, he had a large revenue settled upon him; he was declar-
ed duke of Albany, earl of March, and created regent till the king
should come to age.

Moreover, James, the natural son of the late king, was made earl
of Murray, a young man of such virtuous enduements, that he far
exceeded all the hopes men had conceived of him. There was also
one fact which much enhanced the esteem they had for the new
regent; and it was done almost in the face of the assembly, and
that was the punishment of Peter Ma'uffat. He was a notable
thief, who, after many cruel and wicked acts done by him,
in the two last licentious years, arrived at length to that pitch of
impudence, that he appeared openly at court. His unexpected
punishment made such a sudden change of things, that criminals
began to withdraw for shelter. The minds of the good were set at
ease, and the face of things began soon to be changed, and a
stormy tempest was smothered into a sudden tranquillity.

In the mean time John Hepburn had so insinuated himself into
the regent, by the help of his friends, whom he had privately made
$0 by bribery, and afterwards, by his obsequiousness, and pre-
tence of knowing the old customs of the country, he got his ear,

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 27

who, of himself, was ignorant of Scottish affairs; insomuch that
none was credited in matters of great moment, but he alone. He
was sent with commission, by the regent, all over Scotland, to
inquire into their offences, who oppressed the vulgar, and made
them as their slaves. He obtained that office principally upon
these grounds; first of all, he acquainted the regent what new
discords and old feuds there were in every country; and also what
factions there were, and who were their respective heads. And
indeed so far his relations were true, for the things were known
to all. But if any occasion was offered to speak of Hume, he
stirred up some to complain of his enormity; so that by the impu-
tation, partly of true, and partly of feigned crimes, the regent's
ears were shut against all defence he could make. But when he
had almost run over the whole kingdom in his discourse, and pla-
ced in a clear light all and singular the alliances, affinities and
leagues, between each several family, and brought over the regent
to this persuasion, that no man of power, though a criminal, could
be punished, but all whole clans would immediately take offence
at it. So that it was not a conspiracy of their kindred only,
that was so much to be dreaded., as the consequence of a punish-
ment, by which, though few were made examples, a great many
would be touched, whom a similitude of faults, and a like fear of
punishments, would make friends, though they had been enemies
before: which great and large spreading factions were too power- '
ful to be punished by the single force of Scotland; and therefore it
was advisable to desire an" auxiliary strength from the king of
France, to break the knot of so strong and so bold a confederacy;
and that this would be of use to France, as much as to Scotland.
In the mean time, the heads of the factions were to be kept un-
der, and, if possible, taken off; yet with such prudence, that they
should not have room to imagine, too many of them were aimed
at, at once. The heads of the factions, at present, were three;
Archibald Douglas, the most flagrantly popular of them all, and
the idol of the mob. His name was much adored by reason of
the great merits of his ancestors; besides, he was in the flower of
his youth, and relied so much on his affinity with England, that
he bore a spirit too big for a private man. As for Hume, he was
formidable of himself; and yet rendered more so, because he was
confirmed in his power by length of tune. Neither did he stop here,
but made a most invidious memorial of what the Humes had acted
against the regent's father and uncle; of all which though the Hep-
burn's were partakers, yet he cast the odium upon the Humes only.
He often mentioned his cowardice in the last battle against the En-
glish; and the talk abroad about the king's death reflecting upon
him, together with the repairing of Norham castle, which was
done by his connivance. He dressed up all these stories in various
Vol. II. R

128 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

turns of phrase, and repeated them very zealously, over and over
again, to the regent, that they might not fail of making a very
deep impression. As for Forman (says he) it is true, he is not
mightily to be dreaded upon the account of his kindred, or any nobleness
of descent ; yet even he tuould make a great accession of strength to ivhat
party soever he inclined, because all the ivealtb of the -whole kingdom
was gathered together (as it were J into one house, and he was singly
able, from his treasures, to supply the present want of the party he sided
with, or else by his promises (all things being then in his power J he
could draw many into the same counsels, and pack up one general con-
federacy. This was Hepburn's speech to the regent.

The notorious animosities between Hepburn and Forman, made
that part of his tale to be less credited; and besides, his estate
was not so much to be envied, for he rather loved to lay it out,
than to hoard it up; neither was he so munificent to any, as to
the French that waited on the regent. And besides, his desire
Was more to join all parties in an universal concord, than to pin
himself to any one faction. But the suspicion of Hume, the lord
of the marches, sunk deeper into the regent's mind, which his
colder way of treating him at all the public meetings, and sour
unwonted looks too openly betrayed. So that, after a few
months, Alexander Hume, perceiving that he was not entertain-
ed by the regent answerable to his expectation, began to have se-
cret meetings with the queen and her husband. In those con-
gresses, Hume grievously lamented the state of the public, that
the king, at an age when it was impossible he should understand
his own misery, was fallen into the hands of an exile; of a man
born and brought up in banishment; whose father, out of a wick-
ed ambition, endeavoured to rob his elder brother of the king-
dom : and as he was now the next heir, who could not plainly see
that all his endeavours were to settle other things according to his
mind, and then to pack the innocent child out of the world, that
he might make the kingdom his own ; and so, by the last degree
of wickedness, accomplish what his father impiously designed?
There was but one remedy in the case, and that was, for the queen
to retire with her son into England, and there to put herself and
concerns into the protection of her brother.

These things were speedily brought to the regent's ears, and as
easily believed by him; but being a man of an active spirit, and of
quick dispatch in business, he presently frustrated that design
with those forces which he had ready about him; for he took the
castle of Stirling, and the queen in it. He took the oath of alle-
giance to the king publicly. The queen and the Douglasses were
removed by a decree of the lords ; and three of the nobility, of
great estimation for their faithfulness and integrity, were joined
with John Erskine, governor of the castle, to preside over the

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 120,

education of the young king. They were to succeed one another
by turns, and he allowed them a guard for their security. Upon
this, Hume and his brother William fled into England; and Dou-
glas and his wife staid no longer behind them than just to know
Henry's mind, who commanded them to stay at Harbottle in
Northumberland, till his pleasure was further known.

John the regent was very much concerned at their departure ;
and therefore he presently sent ambassadors into England, to acquit
himself before Henry, that he had done nothing why the king
should fear him, or be in the least disaffected towards him; neither
had he acted any thing against those who accompanied her in her
flight and departure, but that they might enjoy their country, and
their freedom, and, if they pleased, their estates. Thus he wrote
publicly to the king. But besides that, he did not omit secretly
to promote the return of the Humes and Douglasses, by the medi-
ation of their friends. He made them many large promises, till he
had brought them over to his will. Whereupon the rest returned
home; but the queen being near the time of her delivery, was
constrained to stay there, where she was brought to bed of a
daughter named Margaret ; of whom, in due place. But as soon
as she was able to travel, she had a royal accommodation and re-
tinue sent from London, to bring her up thither; where she was
honourably and nobly received by Henry her brother, and Mary
her sister; who, upon the death of her husband, Louis of France,
had a little before returned into her own country.

And yet the suspicions before raised in Scotland, were not much
abated, either by the departure of the queen, or the return of some
of her retinue. For Gavin Douglas, uncle to the earl of Angus,
Patrick Pantar, secretary of state to the former king, and John
Drummond, chief of his family, were sent several ways into ba-
nishment. Alexander Hume was summoned to appear before the
assembly of the estates, on the 1 2th of June, in the year of our
Lord 15 16. But he not appearing, was condemned, and his
goods confiscated. He was enraged at this contumelious injury,
(for so it was in his eye) and, to drive out one fear by another, he
either sent in, or else encouraged public robbers, to commit great
outrages in the neighbouring parts. Whereupon the states order-
ed the regent ten thousand horse and foot, to repress those inso-
lences, and either to take Hume, or else to drive him out of the
country. But before it came to blows, Hume, by the persua-
sion of his friends, surrendered himself to the regent, and so was
carried to Edinburgh, there to remain a prisoner under James
Hamilton, earl of Arran, his sister's husband, who was to be
deemed a traitor, if he suffered him to escape. But the issue of
that matter fell out otherwise than any body expected ; for Hume
persuaded Hamilton to make a joint escape with him, and to form

R 2

13® HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

a party, and so to enter on the government himself, he being the
next heir after the former king's children, in regard he was born of
a sister of James III. and therefore it was more equitable that he
should enjoy the next place to the king than John, who, it is true,
was also the son of a brother, but born in his banishment; and in
all other things a perfect foreigner ; a man who could not so much
as speak the language of the country.

When the regent heard of this, he went to take Hamilton's
castle; and, planting his brass guns against it, forced it to sur-
render in two days. In the mean time Hume made excursions
out of March, and pillaged the country round about; and at
length burnt down a great part of the country of Dunbar.
These were the transactions of that year.

At the beginning of the spring, John Stuart, earl of Lennox,
whose mother was Hamilton's sister, assembled a great many of
his friends and vassals, and joined the rebels; these seized upon the
castle of Glasgow, and there they staid with Hamilton himself,
expecting the regent's approach. The regent had called a coun-
cil of the nobles of his party at Edinburgh, and there raised a sud-
den force, and entered Glasgow castle; one gunner, a French-
man, was punished as a deserter; the rest were pardoned by the
intercession of Andrew Forman, who was then a mediator for
peace between them. The earl of Lennox, a few days after, was
received into favour, and, from that day forward, carried it with
great faithfulness and observance, towards the regent. And, not
long after, first Hamilton, and then the Humes, returned to court,
and had an amnesty for what was past: it was granted to Hume
with greater difficulty than to the rest, because he had rebelled
so often; and an express condition was added, that if he offended
another time after that, the memory of his old crimes should be
again revived, and the guilt of them charged upon him afresh.
Peace being thus settled, the regent retired to Falkland, where
he staid some months; but hearing of great suspicions and jea-
lousies of Hume's intrigues, he returned to Edinburgh, and on
the 24th day of September held a council of the nobility, where
he endeavoured by his friends to draw Hume to court. J
promises were made to entice Hume thither, but many of his
party dissuaded him; or, if he himself was resolved to go, yet
he should leave his brother William (who, by his valour and mu-
nificence, had almost obtained as great, or a greater authority than
himself) at home, in regard the regent would be afraid to use any
high severity against him, as long as his brother was alive.
But he being (as it were) hurried on by a fatal necessity, slighted
the advice of his friends, and with his brother William, and An-
drew Ker, of Farnihurst, came to court, where presently th<
were all clapped up in several prison-, and, by the advice of the

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I j I

council, a few days after, were tried for their lives, after the
custom of their country, though no new crime was laid to their
charge. Prince James, earl of Murray, accused Alexander of
the death of his father, who came alive out of the field, as many
witnesses did testify. This fact was strongly urged, but the
proofs were weak, so that they gave it over, and insisted only
on his private crimes; the many former rebellions were also ob-
jected, of all which, if Alexander was not the author, he was at
least a partaker in them; and moreover, it was alleged, that he did
not do his duty in the battle of Floddon.

In consequence of this, the Humes were condemned; Alex-
ander's head was struck off the I ith of October, and his brother's
the day after. Both their heads were set up in the most con-
spicuous place, as a terror to others, and their estates confiscated.
This was the end of Alexander Hume, the most powerful man
in Scotland of his time. He in his life -time had drawn upon his
own head the hatred and envy of a great many men; yet those
■prejudices in time abating, his death was variously spoken of, and
so much the more, because he fell not for the perpetration of any
new crime, but merely by the calumnies (as it was thought) of
John Hepburn, the abbot; for he, being a factious man, and
eager of revenge, bore an implacable hatred against Hume; be-
cause, by his means alone, he was disappointed of the archbishop-
ric of St. Andrews: so that, though he had stifled his old resent-
ments for a time, yet it was believed he pushed on the regent
(who in his own nature was suspicious enough of, and disaffected
to, the Humes) to the greater severity against him, by telling him,
how dangerous it would be to the king and all Scotland, if he, at
his going into France, should leave so fierce an enemy alive behind
him: For what would he not attempt in his absence, who had
despised his authority when present? so that the contumacy of
the man, who could not be gained by rewards, honours, nor by
frequent pardons, had need to be conquered by the ax, if ever
he would keep Scotland in quiet. These and such like insinua-
tions, upon pretence of consulting the public safety, being buzzed
into the ears of a man, so much disgusted with them before, con-
tributed more to the destruction of the Flumes (in the judgment
of many) than any of their crimes. When the Humes were put
to death, Andrew Ker obtained the respite of one night, to pro-
vide for his soul's health; but, by means of his friends, and es-
pecially of a Frenchman, his keeper, it was suspected, upou the
payment of a good sum of money down upon the nail, he made
his escape.

Alexander Hume left three brothers behind him, who all i i
with various misfortunes in those days; George, for a murder
Jje had committed, lay private as an exile, in England, John, ab-

13^ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

bot of Jedburgh, was banished beyond the Tay. David, the1
youngest, prior of Coldingham, about two years after the execu-
tion of his brothers, being called forth by James Hepburn, his
sister's husband, upon pretence of a conference, fell into an am-
bush laid purposely for him, and was slain, being much pitied by
all} that an innocent young man, of so great hopes, should be
betrayed so unworthily by one, who had so little reason so to do.
When punishments had thus ranged over the whole family of the
Humes, at last it fell to the enemies' share, especially to John Hep-
burn's, who had been so severe an exactor of the unjust punish-
ment of others: yet the destruction of one family, once so pow-
erful, brought such a panic upon all the rest, that matters were
the quieter a great while after. The next December, the regent
brought the king from Stirling to Edinburgh, and then he desired
leave of the nobility of Scotland to return into France: every one
almost was against the motion; so that he was forced to stay till
late in the spring, and then took shipping, promising speedily to
return, in case any more than ordinary commotion should arise,
which required his presence. The government of the kingdom,
in his absence, he left to the earls of Angus, Arran, Argyle, and
Huntly; the archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow; to whom
he added Anthony Darcy, a Frenchman, governor of Dunbar,
who was enjoined to correspond with him, and to inform him of
all that passed in his absence. And, that no discord might arise
out of an ambitious principle, between such great and noble per-
sonages, by reason of their parity in the government, he allotted
to each of them their several provinces. Darcy, the Frenchman,
the rest condescending thereunto, had the chief place amongst
them, March and Lothian being appointed to be under his go-
vernment. The other provinces were distributed to the rest, ac-
cording to each man's particular conveniency. Mean while the
queen, about a year after she had been in England, near the end
of May, returned to Scotland, and was attended by her husband
from Berwick: but they lived not together so lovingly as before.

The regent at his departure, to prevent the budding and growth
of sedition in his absence, had carried along with him either the
heads of the noblest families, or else their sons and kindred, upon
a pretence of doing them honour, but indeed as pledges, into
France; and he had sent others of them into different and remote
parts of the kingdom, where they had, as it were, but a larger
prison. He had also placed French governors in the castles of
Dunbar, Dumbarton, and Garvy; yet a commotion arose, upon a
slight occasion, where it was least feared or dreamed of.

Anthony Darcy had carried it with a great deal of equity and
prudence in his government, especially in restraining of robberies.
The first tumult in his province, which tended to any thing of

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 33

war, was made by William Cockburn, uncle to the lord of Lang-
* ton-, he had driven away the guardians of the young ward, and
had seized upon the castle of Langton, relying principally on the
power of David Hume, of Wedderbum, whose sister Cockburn
had married. Thither Darcy marched with a sufficient guard;
but they within refused to surrender the castle: and moreover,
David Hume, with some few light horse, riding up to him, up-
braided him with the cruel death of his kinsman Alexander.
The Frenchman, partly distrusting his men, and partly confiding
in the swiftness of the horse he rode upon, fled towards Dunbar;
but his horse falling under him, his enemies overtook and slew
him, and set up his head on an eminent place in Hume castle.
He was slain the 20th of September, in the year 15 17.

Whereupon the other governors had a meeting, and fearing a
greater commotion after this terrible beginning, they made the
earl of Arran their president, and committed George Dougias,
brother to the earl of Angus, upon suspicion of being privy to
the murder newly committed, prisoner to Insegarvy castle; they
also sent to the regent in France, to call him back into Scotland,
as soon as ever he could. About the same time, some seeds cf
discord were sown between the earl of Angus, and Andrew Ker,
of Farnihurst, by reason of the jurisdiction over some lands which
did belong to the earl; but Andrew alleged he had power to keep
courts in them : the rest of the family of the Kers sided with the
earl, but the Hamiltons took part with Andrew; which they did
more out of hate to the Douglasses, than for any justice Ker
had in his pretensions: so that both parties provided themselves
against the court-day, to run a greater hazard than the matter
they strove about was worth; and John Somervel, a noble and
high-spirited young man, of the Douglasses' faction, set upon
James, the natural son of the earl of Arran, on the highway, and
killed five of his retinue, putting the rest to flight; he also took
above thirty of their horses.

When an assembly was summoned to be held at Edinburgh,
April the 29th, 1520, the Hamiltons alleged, that they could not
be safe in that city, where Archibald Douglas was governor.
Whereupon Douglas, that he might not obstruct public business,
about the end of March, resigned his government of his own
accord; and Robert Long, a citizen of Edinburgh, was substituted
in his place. The nobility of the west part of Scotland, of which
there were very many, had frequent meetings in the house of
James Beton, the chancellor; their design was to apprehend the
earl of Angus; for they alleged, that his power was too great and
formidable to the public; that, as long as he was at liberty, they
should have no freedom for debate or resolutions. An opportu-
nity seemed to favour their design; for he, having now but a few

134 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV*

of his vassals about him, might be easily surprized before his kin-
dred came to his assistance. When he perceived what was in
agitation against him, he sent his uncle Gavin, bishop of Dun-
keld, to pacify them, whom he said he had provoked with no
injury, and to desire them to manage the dispute without force of
arms; for if they could make out any just complaint against him,
he was willing in equity to give them all satisfaction. But his
speech availed him nothing ^t all, being made to men proud of
their numbers, puissant, and greedy of revenge. And, therefore,
Gavin could obtain no good terms from them, but returned to An-
gus and acquainted him with the arrogance of his enemy, and
then caused his whole family to follow the earl; he himself being
a priest, and infirm too by reason of age, retired to his own lodg-
ing. Some think he did this, to upbraid the unseasonable pride of
the chancellor, who, when he ought to have been a promoter of
peace, flew armed up and down like a fire-brand of sedition.
Douglas, seeing there were no hopes of agreement, exhorted his
men rather to die valiantly, than, like dastardly cowards, to hide
themselves in their lodgings, from whence, to be sure, they would
soon be plucked out by the ears to their deaths ; for their enemies
had so stopped up all the avenues and passages, that not a man
of them could get out of the city. All that were then present
assented to what he had spoken; and straight he and his party,
having buckled on their armour, seized upon the broadest street
in all the town. He had about fourscore in his train, but all stout
resolute men, and of known valour. They divided and posted
themselves in the most convenient places, and so set upon their
enemies as they came out of several narrow alleys at once; the
first they slew, and drove the rest back headlong, tumbling one
upon another in great disorder and confusion. The earl of Ar-
ran, who commanded the opposite party, with his son James, got
to a ford, and made their escape by the north-loch; the rest ran
several ways for shelter, to the convent of the Dominicans. Whilst
these things were in agitation there was a mighty combustion all
over the town, and, in the midst of the bustle, William, Angus's
brother, enters the city with a great party of his clan. When
Douglas had got this accession to his former strength, though there
were abundance of his enemies in the town, yet he made procla-
mation by a trumpeter, That none should dare to appear in the
streets with arms about them, but his friends and party. Those
that desired passes, to depart quietly, had them easily granted,
There went out in one company about 800 horse, besides those
who had taken their flight before, with greater ignominy than loss;
for there fell not above 72, but among them were men of note, as
the brother of the earl of Arran, and Eglinton's son. This hap-
the 30th dav of April, 1520. In order to revenge this

Book XIV. history Of Scotland. 13 J

disgrace, the Harrriltons besieged Kilmarnock, a castle In Cunning-
ham; Robert Boyd, a friend of the Douglasses, commanded it;
but they soon left it, without effecting any thing. The next year
Douglas came to Edinburgh, on the zoth of July, bringing with
him the Humes, who had been banished; and there he took down
the heads of Alexander and William Hume, which had been set
up on poles. The Whole live years that the regent was absent,
were very full of tumults; there was no end of pillaging and kil-
ling till his return, which was on October 30th, 1521. Upon his
arrival, he resolved to Curb the power of the Douglasses, in order
to the quieting of all such seditions as had happened in his absence.
He sent the earl of Angus, head of that family, into France; he
caused the pope to call over his uncle, the bishop of Dunkeld,
to Rome, to purge himself there of some crimes imputed to him ;
who, the year after, in his journey to Rome, feii sick of the plague
in London, and died. His virtues were such, that he was very
much lamented; for, besides the splendor of his ancestry, and
the comeliness of his person, he was master of a great deal of
learning, as times went then; and being also a man of high pru-
dence, and singular moderation, in troublesome times, he was
much esteemed in point of faithfulness and authority, even by
the contrary factions. He left behind him considerable monu-
ments of his ingenuity and learning, written in his mother-tongue.
The next year after the return of the regent, a parliament was
held, and an army levied, appointed to rendezvous at Edinburgh,
on a set day; whither they came accordingly, and pitched then-
tents in the fields near Roslin, none knowing upon what service
they were to be employed: but at last an herald proclaimed that
they were to march towards Annandale, and that a great punish-
ment was appointed for such who refused to obey the orders.
The rest of the army marched obediently enough to the river
Solway, the boundary of Scotland; only Alexander Gordon and
his party staid behind three miles farther from England. When
the regent heard of it, he came back to him the next day, and
brought him up to the camp: there called he the nobles and chief
commanders together, and shewed them many great and weighty
reasons why he invaded England on that side. But a great part
of the nobility, by the instigation of Gordon, who was their
senior, and of greater authority than all of them, wholly refused
to set foot on English ground; either out of disaffection to the
regent, or else, as they pretended , that it was not for the interest
of Scotland so to do: die specious pretences spread abroad a-
mongst the soldiers, pleased them well enough. For if they had
levied an army in favour of the French, to hinder the English
from sending their whole strength against France, it was sufficient
for that purpose only to make a shew of warj but if the interest
Vol.11. ' 3

f 3<5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, Book XIV.

of Scotland was considered, matters not being well settled at
home, and their king but a child; it was most advisable for them
at that juncture, only to be on the defensive, and to maintain
their ancient bounds-, for if they should march forward, the blame
even of fortuitous miscarriage might be laid to their charge, and
an account of their misconduct might be required at their hands,
in a very short time. Lastly, though they were never so willing
to march forward against the enemy, and so to slight the common
danger, as well as to overlook their own concerns at home, yet
they were afraid the Scots would not be obedient to command in
an enemy's country. Great heed therefore was to be taken, lest,
through ambition, or emulation, or late disgusts, they should
come off with dishonour. The regent, perceiving it in vain to
oppose, was forced to yield; yet, that he might not seem to have
acted a mere piece of pageantry, after such vast preparations, in
marching his army as far as the Solway, he underhand procured
a fit and proper person, who had frequent negotiations in Eng-
land, to acquaint Dacres, then lord warden of the English marches,
that some good might be done if he treated with John, the Scots'
regent. He willingly hearkened to the proposal, because he was
unprovided for defence; never imagining that the Scots would
have made an irruption into England, at least on that side. Ac-
cordingly, he sent an herald, and obtained a passport to come
with safety into the Scots' camp. The next day, accompanied
with Thomas Dacres and Thomas Musgrave, and about eighteen
more cavaliers, he came to the regent's tent, where they had pri-
vate discourse together, each having his interpreter. Dacres, be-
ing taken unprovided, was glad to be quiet, and the regent, not
being able to effect any thing without the consent of the army,
clapped up a truce; and an hopeful introduction to a peace was
made, and so they parted. Those of the Scots who were the
greatest hinderances of the action, to throw off the blame from
themselves, spread abroad reports, that Dacres had bought a
peace of the regent for a sum of money, of which, part was in
paid, the rest promised, but never paid. Thus they en-
deavoured to disparage the conference amongst the vulgar.

The regent, went again, on the 25th of October, into France,
but promised to return before the first of August next ensuing;
he kept not his day, because he was informed that the English
had a fleet ready to intercept his passage: However, he sent 505
;h Toot, in the month of June, to encourage the Scots with
hope of his speedy return. They never saw the face of an ene-
my in all their voyage; till they came near the isle of May, which
is situate on the frith of Forth, where they fell among the English
ships, which lay in the straits, to stop their passage. They had a
sharp fight,, and the French boarded their enemies ships,., but with

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 37

the loss of their admiral. When he was slain, the seamen would
not obey the captains of the foot; and the land soldiers, being ig-
norant of sea affairs, could not command the mariners; so that,
after a great slaughter of the English, the French could scarce be
forced back in their own ships,

In the absence of the regent, Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey,
was sent from England with ten thousand men, and a great many
recruits, into Scotland: His advantage was, that the Scots were ac
discord amongst themselves; their chief magistrate absent, and
they under no certain command; so that he marched over March
and Teviotdale, and took the castles of both shire-, to the great
loss of the nobles, and of the commons too, who used, upon sud-
den invasions, to secure themselves and their goods in those forts.
But Scotland did then labour under such intestine discords, that
no man thought his neighbour's calamity did at all belong to him.
The English marched up and down for several months, where
they pleased, without any opposition; and when, at length, they
retreated, the adjacent Scots endeavoured, in some sort, to revenge
themselves for their losses; and accordingly, daily incursions were
made by them into Northumberland, and great booties taken out
of that country: so that Howard was sent against them a second
time; who took Jedburgh, (a town unfortified, as the Scots cus-
tom is), but it cost him great pains, and loss of men. "Whilst
these things were acting in Teviotdale, the horses of the English
army were so terrified in the night, (it is not known upon what
occasion) that above 500 of them broke their bridles, running
up and down the camp, and overturning all that were in their \v:iv ■
Some of the soldiers they trampled down and trode upon; and
then ran out into the open field, as if they had been mad, and so
became a prey to such of the country Scots as could take them'
up. This caused a great consternation through the whole camp,
all crying out, Arm, Arm: neither could the tumult be appeased,
till the next morning. Three days after, the English, without
making any further attempt, disbanded their army, and returned
home.

The duke of Albany, knowing that all the ports on the French
shore were way-laid by the English, to intercept him in his re-
turn, being inferior in strength, resolved to work it by stratagem.
He brought not his navy together in any one port, but kept it dis-
persed in several harbours, (here one ship, there another) that there
was no appearance at all of any warlike preparation: And besides,
he quartered his soldiers in the inland country, that nobody could
imagine he designed to ship them; so that the admiral of the
English fleet, who waited to disturb his passage till the 13th of
August, was weary of roving up and down in the sea any longer
to no purpose; and understanding by his. spies, that; there was nei«

S a-

I38 HISTORY OF SCOTLANB. Book XIV.

tier fleet nor army on all the French coasts, he withdrew his
fleet, as supposing John would not stir till the next spring. The
duke of Albany, being informed of the departure of the English,
presently drew together his navy of 50 ships, aboard of which
were 3000 foot, and 1000 cuirasiers; and so, after the autumnal
equinox, he set sail from France, and, by the 24th of September,
arrived at the isle of Arran in Scotland; which happened to be
the same day on which the English burned Jedburgh.

I shewed before, how miserable the state of affairs in Scotland
was, the last summer. The nobles -were at variance one with an-
other; the English wasted all the countries near them; they were
masters of the sea ; and consequently all hopes of foreign aid were
cutoff. The design of the enemy in this was, to take down the
pride of the Scots, and, by sufferings, to incline them to a pacifi-
cation : Neither were those Scots that were averse to the French
faction, less zealous for a perpetual peace with England: of which
the queen was the chief. For, when Hume was removed by
death, and Douglas by banishment, and the other nobles were
judged rather fit to follow, than lead, in the management of mat-
ters; all those that were not favourers of the French interest, ap^
y bed themselves to the queen. She, to gratify her brother, and
also to draw the power into her own hands, dissembled her pri-
vate ambition, and exhorted them, saying, That now was the time
to free their young king, who was almost of age, from the bondage of a
Sti anger ,• and also to deliver the in selves from the same yoke. For the
queen now laboured to strengthen her party against her husband,
against whom she, long before, began to have a great disgust:
Besides, the king of England sent frequent letters, filled with large
promises to the nobles of Scotland, desiring them to promote his
sister's designs. Fie told them, " It was not his fault, that there
" was not a perpetual amity between the two neighbouring king-
" doms; which has always, so especially at this time, he did very
il much, desire; not for any private end of his own, but to make
«' it appear that he bore a true respect to his sister's son, whom.
f< he resolved to support and gratify, as much as ever he was
<< able: And if the Scots would be persuaded to break their league
li with France, and to join with England, they should quickly find
l- his aim was not ambition nor power, but only love and eon-
,: cord: That Mary his only daughter being married to James, the
" Scots would not, by that affinity, come over to the government
" of the English, but the English to that of the Scots: That en-
«' mities as great as theirs, had intervened betwixt nations hereto-
'« fore, which yet by alliance, mutual commerce, and interchange-
" able kindnesses, had been wholly abolished and extinguished."
Others reckoned up the advantages, or inconveniencies, which
.might accrue to either nation, by this union with each Other, ra„-

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 39

ther than with the French : As, that « they were one people, born
" in the same island; brought up under the same climate; agree-
" able cue to another in their language, manners, laws, customs,
" countenance, colour, and in the very make of their bodies; so
« that they seemed rather to be one nation than tzvo: But as for
" the French they differed from them, not only in climate and soil,
" but also in the whole manner of their life: Besides if France was
« an enemy, she could do no great damage to Scotland; and if x
» friend, yet she could not be highly advantageous: As for the
" assistance of England, that was near at hand; but French aid
" was much remote; there was no passage for it but by sea, and
" therefore it might be prevented by enemies, or else hindered by
f* storms. They were therefore desired to consider, how inconT
" venient it was for the management of affairs, and how unsafe
i( for the public, to hang the hopes of their and the kingdom's
« safety, upon so inconstant and changeable a thing, as a blast of
•< wind. How much they might expect from absent friends a-*
" gainst present dangers, might be easily perceived by the actions
" of the last summer, where the Scots not only felt, but even saw
<« with their eyes, how the English ravaged them, being forsaken
" by their friends, and fell upon them with all their strength, rea^
<( dy to devour them; but the French aid, so long looked for,
f* was kept back by the English navy, in their own harhours."

These were the allegations for an alliance with England; and
rot a few, being convinced by them, were inclined to it: but o-
thers argued to the contrary : for the greatest part of that assembly
the French had bribed; and some who had been great gainers by
the public losses, abhorred the very thoughts of peace. There were
others who suspected the readiness and facility of the English in
making such large promises, especially since matters in England
were managed, for the most part, at the will and pleasure of Tho-
mas Wolsey, a cardinal, a man wicked and ambitious, who laid
all his designs for his own private advantage, and for the enlarge-;
ment of his power and authority ; and therefore he accommodated
them to every turn of the wheel of fortune. All these equally fa-
voured the league with France, though induced to the same end
by different motives. They alleged, that the sudden liberality of
the English was not free and gratuitous, but done out of design;
and that this was not the first time, that they had used such arts
to entrap the unwary Scots: For Edward I. (said they) when ha
Lad sworn and obliged himself, by all the bonds of law and equi-
ty, to decide any thing in dispute, and therefore was chosen ar-
bitrator by the Scots, had most injuriously made himself king of
Scotland: And of late, Edward IV. had betrothed his daughter
Cecily to the son of James III. but when the young lady grew up
to be marriageable, and the day of consummation just upon the

14° HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV,

point of being fixed, he took die opportunity of a war, which a-
rose upon the account of our private discords, to break off the
match: And that the English king aimed at nothing else now, but
to cast the tempting bait of dominion before them, that so he
might make them really slaves; and, when they were destitute of
foreign aid, might surprize them at his pleasure with all his force.
Neither was that position a true one, wherein the contrary party
prided the in selves, 1 hat an alliance near at hand was better than one
farther off-,- for causes of dissension would never be wanting a-
mong those who were neighbours; which were oftentimes pro-
duced even by sudden chances, and sometimes great men would
promote them upon every light Occasion; and then the laws of
concord would be prescribed by him who should have the longest
sword. That there was never such a firm and sacred bond of
friendship between neighbouring kingdoms, which, when occa-
sions offered., or were sought for, was not often violated; neither
could we hope, that the English would more refrain now from
violating us, than they formerly spared so many kings of their
own; It is true, the sanctity of leagues, and the religion of an
oath, for the faithful performance of pacts and agreements, are
firm bonds to good men; but amongst those who are bad, they
are as so many snares and gins, and give only opportunity to de-
ceive; and such opportunity is most visible in a propinquity of
borders and habitations, in the agreement of language, and in the
similitude of manners. But if all these things were otherwise,
yet (proceed they) there are two things to be regarded and pro-
vided for: First, that we reject not our old friends, even without
an hearing, who have so often deserved well of us. The other,
that we do not here spend our time in quarrels and disputes, espe-.
cially about a business which cannot be determined but in an as-
sembly of all the estates of the kingdom. Thus stood the inclina-
tions of those of the French faction ; and so they obtained, that no
determinations should be made, till they received certain news of
the French supply.

When the return of the regent was made known, it mightily
rejoiced his friends, strengthened the wavering, and kept back
many, who favoured the league with England, from complying
with it. He sent his warlike provisions up the river Clyde to
Glasgow, and there mustered his army. He also published a pro-
clamation, that the nobility should attend him at Edinburgh,
where he made an elegant speech to them, commending their con-
stancy in maintaining their ancient league, and their prudence in
rejecting the perfidious promises of the English. He highly ex-
tolled the good-will, love, and liberality of Francis, the French
king, towards the Scots; and exhorted them to lay aside their pri-
vate animosities and feuds ; and, seeing foreign aid was come in

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 14!

to them, to revenge their wrongs, and to repress the insolence of
their enemy by some notable blow. Accordingly, after his sol-
diers had refreshed themselves, and the Scots forces had joined them,
he marched towards the borders, whither he came the 22d
of October. But being about to enter England, and having al-
ready sent part of his forces over a wooden bridge, which was at
Mulross, the Scots made the same excuses a3 they did in the for-
mer expedition at Solway, and refused to enter England; so that
he was forced to recal that party which he had commanded over;
and pitching his tents a little below, on the left side of the Tweed,
endeavoured to storm the castle of Werk, situated over against
him, on the right side of the river. In the mean time a party of
horse sent over the river, beset all passages, that no relief could
come to the beseiged. They also carried fire and sword round all
the country thereabouts. The description of Werk castle is this:
In the inner court of it there is a very high tower well fortified; it
is compassed with a double wall. The outward wall encloses a
large space of ground, whither the country people were wont to
fly in time of war, and to bring their corn and cattle with them
for safeguard. The inner wall is much narrower, but intrenched
round about, and better fortified with towers that are built upon
it. The French took the outward court by storm, but the Eng-
lish set fire to the barns, and the straw that was in them, which
made such a smoke, that they drove them out again. For the next
two days they battered the inner wall with their great guns; and,
after they had made a breach wide enough for entrance, the French
again attempted the matter, and endeavoured to storm it, by
means of the breach they had made; but those in the inner csstle,
which was yet entire, darted down all sorts of weapons upon
them, and they lay exposed to every blow. So that, having lost
some few of their men, they were beat back to their army, and re-
treated cross the river. The regent, perceiving that the minds of
the Scots were averse to action, and also hearing for certain, that
the English were coming against them with a numerous army
(their own writers say, no less than 40,000 fighting men; and
besides, that 6000 more were left to defend Berwick, a neighbour-
ing town), the 1 ith of November, removed his camp to a nunne-
ry called Eccles, about six miles distant from his present encamp-
ment; thence, at the third watch, he marched by night to Lauder,
Both, horse and man were much incommoded in their march, by
the sudden fall of a grc;rt snow. The same storm occasioned the
English al:5o to disband and return home, without effecting any
thing. The rest of the winter was quiet enough.

At spring, the regent, in an assembly of the nobles, told them
the causes why he must nttd.i go again into France, but he pro-
mised them to return before the first of September next following.

t4'2 ttlSTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

And he further desired them, that, during his absence, the king
might remain at Stirling ; and that they would make no peace or
truce with the English before his return} as also, that they would
make no innovations on the government. They promised him
faithfully to obey his commands: and thus, on the 20th of May,
he and his retinue set sail for France. In his absence, the reins
were let loose, every man's will was his law, and a great deal of
havock was made, and mischief done, without any punishment at
all. Upon this the king, though but a child, by the advice of his
mother, and the earls of Arran, Lennox, Crawfurd, and many
other of the prime nobility, came from Stirling to Edinburgh;
and, on the 29th of July, by the counsel of his nobles, whom he
had convened at his palace of Holyrood-house, he took upon him
the government of the kingdom ; and, the next day, caused them
all to swear fealty to him a second time. And, to shew that he
had actually assumed the administration of matters into his own
hands, he discharged all public officers; but, a few days after, he
restored them to theis places agaim

In a great assembly of the nobles held on the 20th day of Au-
gust, that the king might vacate the power of the regent, which he
had now taken upon himself; he went in great pomp (as the
manner is) into the public hall of the town ; only the bishops of
St. Andrews and Aberdeen dissented, alleging, that they ought
to stay till the first of September, at which time the regent had
promised to return; whereupon they were imprisoned. But they
revenged themselves with their own church'weapons, and excom-
municated all of their dioceses. However, in about a month or
two after, they were reconciled to the king, and restored to the same
place in his favour, which they had before.

About the same time Archibald Douglas, who, as I said before,
was banished into France, sent Simon Penning, an acute man,
and much trusted by him, to the king of England, to persuade
him to give him the liberty of returning home through his domi-
nions, which was granted. For Henry was well enough pleased
at the diminution of the authority of so active a person as the duke
of Albany; and at the change which was made in Scotland; so that
he entertained the earl courteously, and dismissed him very ho-
nourably. His return made very different impressions in the
minds of the Scots-, for seeing all public business was transacted
under die conduct of the queen and the earl of Arran, a great
part of tiie nobility, the heads whereof were John Stewart, earl
of Lennox, and Colin Campbell, earl oi Argyle, taking great dis-
taste that they were not admitted to any part o£ the administra-
tion, received Douglas with high expressions of joy, as hoping by
his aid, either to win over the power of the adverse faction to
themselves, or at least to abate their pride. On the other side,

Book XIV. HISTORI OF SCOTLAND. 1 43

the queen, who, as I said before, was disaffected towards her hus-
band, was much troubled at his coming, and sought by all means
to undermine him, Moreover Hamilton, who felt some remains of
his old resentment, was none of his fast friends. He feared lest
Douglas, who he knew would not be content with a second place,
would mount the saddle, and make him truckle under; so that he
strove to maintain his own dignity, and opposed him with ali his
might. They kept themselves witlun the castle of Edinburgh ;
and though they knew very well that many of the nobility affected
alteration, yet, trusting in the strength of the place, and the au-
thority of the kingly name (though it was but a sorry defence in
those circumstances) they thought themselves secure from force.
The adverse party had a great meeting of the nobles, where they
chose three of their own party to be guardians of the king and
kingdom, Archibald Douglas earl of Angus; John Stuart earl
cf Lennox; and Colin Campbell earl of Argyle. They made
great haste in their business: First, they passed the Forth, and
caused James Beton, a prudent man, to join with them, who,
perceiving the strength of the party, durst not resist. From
thence they went to Stirling, and conferred all offices and em-
ployments on the men of their own faction only; and from thence
they came to Edinburgh, which they entered without force, for
it was not fortified at all. They cast up a small trench against
the castle, and besieged it. Those that would have been upon the
defensive, had made no provision for a siege, and therefore soon
surrendered up both it and themselves. All but the king being
sent away, the whole weight of the government lay upon the
shoulders of those three associates, who agreed among them-
selves, that they would manage it by turns, each of them attend-
ing four months on the king. But this conjunction was not
hearty, neither did it last long. Douglas attended the first four
months, who brought the king into the archbishop of St. Andrew's
house, and made use of all the bishop's household stuff, and
other accommodations, as if they had been his own (for he had
a little before revolted from their faction); and, to engage the
king to him the more, he let him take his fill of all unwarrantable
pleasures, and yet he obtained not his end neither, in regard the
king's domestics were corrupted by the adverse faction, headed
by the queen and Hamilton.

The first animosities at court broke- forth upon the account of
distributing ecclesiastical preferments; for the Douglasses drew
all to themselves; George Crichton was translated to the bishop-
rick of Dmikekl. The abbey of Holyrood in the suburbs, which
was left by him, Douglas gave to his brother William, who had
now for five years forcibly held that of Coldir.gham, about six
miles from Berwick, fcojci, the time of .the murder of Robert

Vol. II.

J 44 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

Blackadder, the former abbot. For Patrick Blackadder, Robert's
cousin-german, had the abbey bestowed on him by the pope, with
the consent of John the regent. He had also commenced a suit
against John Hume, an intimate of the earl of Angus's, and hus-
band to his sister's daughter, about the whole ancient estate of the
Blackadders. And therefore Patrick, being unable to cope with
the Douglasses, suffered his estate to be made a prey to his ene-
mies, and reserved himself for better times, amongst his mother's
kindred, far from those counties which were obnoxious to the
faction of the Douglasses. They, on the other side, though they
did not much value Patrick, yet having the supreme power in
their hands, and being unwilling to incur the blot of invading
other men's rights by mere force, made use of friends to proffer
him some kind of amends and satisfaction-, he, shewing himself
inclinable to an agreement, even though he remitted much of his
right, had a pass granted him, and the public faith given him by
Douglas, to come to Edinburgh; which he did with a small reti-
nue, and unarmed; and not far from the gates of the city, he was
set upon by John Hume, who lay in ambush for that purpose,
and so wa3 murdered. As soon as the noise of the fact was
spread over the city, many mounted their horses, and pursued
the murderers some miles, in order to apprehend them; but per-
ceiving that George Douglas, brother to the earl, was in their
company, and many more of Douglas's faction, with the kindred
cf Hume; not knowing with what intent they were out, whether
to catch, or to defend the murderers, they desisted from the pur-
suit; and this occasioned strange reports to be divulged abroad
concerning the Douglasses.

' • As for Colin Campbell, he had already withdrawn himself
from the triumvirate, as we may call it; and the earl of Lennox,
though he followed the king, yet in regard the Douglasses got all
offices of public advantage into their own hands, he gave many
testimonies of his dislike, and palpable proof that his mind was
quite alienated from them. But they, being confident of their
power, slighted the reports and ill-will of others. Mean while
the king, though he were used more indulgently than was fit, that
so his infirm spirit might be the longer in subjection to them; yet
nothwithstanding by little and little grew weary of their govern-
ment, being also weaned from them by his domestics, who laid to
their charge actions, some true, some false, ,nnd interpreted the
doubtful in the worst sense; upon which he secretly communica-
ted with such as he could trust, about vindicating rfimself into his
freedom and liberty. The only man of his nobles, to whom he
opened his mind without reserve, was John earl of Lennox, who,
besides his other virtues of mind and body, was an honest and
fine-spokeu man, and excellently composed to reconcile and win>

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 45

upon the souls of men, by a natural sweetness of manners and de-

«ortment. Him he made privy to his design-, and whilst they
rere consulting about the time, place, and manner of its accom-
plishment, Douglas was making many expeditions against the
bands of robbers, but with no great success. At length, about
the end of July, he resolved to carry the king into Teviotdale, as
supposing that his presence would be advantageous, by striking a
terror into the licentious. Here an assembly being held at Jed-
burgh, the king called together all the heads of the chief families
round about, and commanded them to apprehend those criminals,
every one within his own precinct, of which he then gave them a
list. They industriously obeyed his command; so that many of
the thieves paid their heads as the price of their robberies; and
others were spared in hopes of amendment. Thus, whilst the
minds of all were very merry, they who had a design to free the
king from the guardianship of the Douglasses, thought this a good
opportunity to effect it; because one Walter Scot, living not fav
from Jedburgh, had great clanships in the counties thereabouts.
The manner of accomplishing their project was thus laid; Walter
was to invite the king to his house, and there he was to remain
with him as at his own royal pleasure, till, the report spreading
abroad, greater forces came in. But their design seemed to be
discovered, either by chance, or upon some private intimation ;
the king being carried back to Mulross. Yet Walter was not dis-
couraged, but proceeded on straight on his journey to the king.
When he was but a little way off, an alarm was brought to the
Douglasses, that Walter was at hand, well armed himself, and a
great troop of armed men accompanying him; so that there was
no doubt to be made, but he being a factious man, and withal
good at his weapon, intended some mischief 5 insomuch that they
all presently ran to their arms. Douglas, though inferior in num-
ber, yet knowing that the men he had of his own were choice
ones; and besides, that he had several valiant persons of the fami-
ly of the Kers and Humes in his train, with George Hume and
Andrew Ker, their principals,, resolved to put it to a battle. In
that very juncture, George Hume had like to have spoiled all,
who, when Douglas commanded him to alight from his horse,
and manage his part in the fight, answered, he would alight if
the king himself commanded him. They fought eagerly and
courageously on both sides, as men who had their king (the price
of the combat) their spectator. John Stuart stood near the king,
without striking a stroke, only as a spectator of the fight.

After a sharp encounter, Walter was wounded, and then his
men gave ground. But the joy of the Douglasses, victory was
much allayed by the loss of Andrew Ker, who, for his singular
virtues, was very much lamented by both parties. Upon the ac*

T'2

I46 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

count of Tiis being slain, there ensued a long feud between the
families of the Kers and the Scots, which was not ended without
blood. From that time forward, John Stuart, who carried him-
self as a neuter in the fight, being before suspected by the Dou-
glasses, was ndw accounted their open enemy; so that he de-
parted from the court. These things were acted July 23d, in the
year 152 1.

The Douglassians, perceiving themselves subject to the envy
of whole multitudes, endeavoured to confirm the strength of their
faction -by new recruits and converts, and therefore they made up
the old breach between them and the Hamiltons, a family great
in wealth, in power, and in its numbers. These, long since re-
moved from court, he not only admitted, but invited to take a
share of the government. On the other side, John Stuart had
the advantage of being highly favoured by most people; and,
having privately obtained the king's letters to the chief of the no-
bility, who, he thought, would have kept his counsel, he mightily
strengthened his party. And therefore, in a convention of his
faction at Stirling, where were also present James Beton, some
other bishops, and many heads of the noblest families, he pro-
pounded to them the design of asserting the king's liberty. This
was unanimously agreed to; and though the day for mustering
their forces was not yet come, however, hearing that the Ha-
miltons were gathered together at Linlithgow, to intercept their
march, he judged it most advisable to attack them before they
joined with the Douglasses; and accordingly, with the present
force which he had, he marched directly towards them. But the
Hamiltons, having intelligence that John would march out of
Stirling on that day, and very early in the morning, took care
beforehand to call the Douglassians out of Edinburgh to their
assistance. But the king, besides other obstacles, retarded them
in some measure by pretending himself not well; so that he rose
Jater out of his bed that day than ordinary; and besides he
marched very slowly, and upon the way would often turn aside
merely to cause delay, upon pretence of illness. And when
George Douglas had in vain, by fine speeches and flatteries,
tried to persuade him to make more haste, at last he broke forth
into this menacing expression: Sir, said he, rather than our ene-
mies should take you from us, ive will lay hold on your body, and, if it
be rent in pieces, ive ivill be sure to take one part of it. Those worch
struck a deeper impression on the king's mind, than is usual in
one of his age; insomuch, that many years alter, when he had
some inclination to recal die rest of the Douglasses, at that time
exiles, he could not endure to hear any body speak of a recon-n
ciliation with George. The Hamiltons, betwixt the fear of the
enemy approaching, and the hope of aids at hand, had set them-

Book XIV. RISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 147

selves in array at the bridge of the river Avon, which is above a
mile from Linlithgow: They placed a small guard at the bridge,
and the rest of their forces on the brow of the hills, which they
knew the enemy must pass. Lennox, seeing that his passage over
the bridge was stopped, commanded his men to pass over a small
river a little above, by a nunnery called Manuel, and so to beat
the Hamiltons from the hills, before Douglas's forces had
joined them. Lennox's people made towards their enemies,
through thick and thin, as we say, but they were much preju-
diced by abundance of stones which they rolled down from
the hills upon them; and, when they came hand to hand, the
word was given, that the Douglasses were very near, and in-.
deed they ran hastily from their march into the fight, and soon
carried the day, so that Lennox's men were most grievously
assaulted, and put to flight. The Hamiltons, especially James
the bastard, used their victory with a great deal of cruelty: Wil-
liam Cunningham, son to the earl of Glencairn, received many
wounds, but his life was saved by the Douglasses, his kinsmen:
John Stuart was killed, much lamented by the earl of Arran, his
uncle, and also by Douglas himself, but most of all by the king:
for he had sent Andrew Wood, of the Largs, his favourite, be-
fore, as soon as ever he heard of the fight, by the clashing of the
armour, to save Lennox's life, if possible; but, as it happened,
unluckily he came too late, when the business was done and all
over.

After this victory, the Douglasses, to keep down the faction of
their enemies, and make them subject to their will, proceeded in
the law against those who had taken up arms against the king,
as they phrased it; so that, for fear of a trial, many were forced
to compound with them for money; some put themselves into
the clanship of the Hamiltons, others into that of the Dou-
glasses; but the most obstinate were called to the bar; amongst
whom was Gilbert, earl of Cassils, who, when he was pressed
by James Hamilton, the bastard, to place himself under the pro-
tection of the Hamiltons, out of the greatness of his spirit made
this answer, Tlxit there was an old league of friendship made be-
Hveeti both their grandfathers ,• in which his grandfather ivas always
flamed first, as the more honourable : and that he would not now so
far degenerate from the dignity of his family-, or the glory of his an-
cestors, as to put himself under the patronage ( which ivas but one
degree from plain slavery J of that family, whose chief, in an equal
alliance ', was always content with the second place. So that when
Gilbert was called to his an&wef at a day appointed, Hugh Ken-
nedy, his kinsman, made answer for him, That he had not taken
up arms against the king, but for him; for he was commanded,
\o be at that fight; and> if it should be needful- he proffered to

I48 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. - Book XIV.

produce the king's letters to that purpose. The Hamiltons were
much troubled at his boldness; for indeed the king had wrote to
Gilbert, when he came from court, as well as to others, That
he should take part with John Stuart: but, seeing the battle was
at hand, insomuch that he could have no time to call together his
clanship and kindred, as he was upon the way, he turned aside,
with those of his family that were with him, to Stirling.

The violence of the Hamiltons was somewhat abated by this
trial; but James the bastard, fired with a mortal hatred against
Kennedy, a few days after, as he was returning home, he caused
him to be murdered on the way, by means of Hugh Campbell,
laird of Ayr. This Hugh, the same day the murder was com-
mitted, (which he had commanded his vassals to execute, that so
he might avert all suspicion of so horrid a fact from himself)
went to John Erskine's house, whose wife was sister to Gilbert
Kennedy's wife: she as soon as ever she heard of this cruel mur-
der, ceased not to upbraid him with it to his very face, and that
in a most grievous manner. Thus the noble family of the Ken-
nedys was almost quite extinguished. The son of the earl, after
his father was slain, being but a child, fled to his kinsman, Ar-
chibald Douglas, who was then lord treasurer, and put himself
and his family under his protection. He, received him very lov-
ingly; and such was the great ingenuity of his promising years,
that he designed him for his son-in-law. Hugh Campbell was
summoned to appear, but his crime being too plain, he made his
escape out of the kingdom. Neither did the Douglasses exercise
their revenge and hatred less fiercely upon James Beton; for they
led their forces to St. Andrews, seized upon, pillaged, and ruined
his castle. Because they counted him the author of all the pro-
jects the earl of Lennox had undertaken; but he himself went
under frequent disguises, because no man durst entertain him
openly, and so escaped. And the queen herself made her retire-
ment with the like kind of dissimulation and secrecy, that so she
might not fail into the hands of her husband, whom she detested
and abhorred.

At the beginning of the spring following, Douglas made an
expedition into Lidsdale, where he slew many of the thieves, fall-
ing upon them unawares in their huts, before they could put
themselves in order for a defence. Twelve of them he hanged
up, and twelve move he kept as hostages; but because their re-
lations did not forbear their old trade of robbing, a few months
after he even put them to death. At his entrance on that expe-
dition, there happened a imtter very remarkable, which, for the
povelty of the tiling, I shall not pass by- There was an under-
gvoom, or helper, belonging to the stables of John Stuart, of
mein descent, a/ntj therefore used V& A mean employment, to dress

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 149

horses; when his lord and master was killed by the Hamiltons,
he wandered up and down for a time, not knowing what course
to take; at last he took heart, and resolved to attempt a fact far
superior to the rank and condition he had been born and brought
up in. For he undertook a journey to Edinburgh, with an intent
to revenge the death of his lord who was slain; and there he casu-
ally met with a man of the same family and fortune with himself;
he demanded of him whether he had seen James Hamilton the
bastard, in the city; who answered him he had: What, said he,
thou most ungrateful of men, hast thou seen him, and ivouldst thou not
kill him, who sleio so good a master as ive both had? Go, get thee
gone, and may misery be thy companion. This said, he presently
hastened on his- designed journey, and went directly to court.
There were then in a large court, which is before the palace in
the suburbs, about 2000 armed men of Douglas's and Hamilton's
dependents, ready prepared for the expedition I spoke of before;
he seeing them, passed by all the rest, and fixed his eye and mind
on Hamilton only, who was then coming out of the court-yard
in his cloak, without his armour; when he saw him in a pretty
long gallery, and somewhat dark, which is over the gate, he flew
at him, and gave him six wounds; one of them almost pierced to
his vitals, but as for the others, he pretty well avoided them by
the winding and turning of his body, and by warding them off
with his cloak, which he held before him. This done, the groom
presently mixed himself amongst the crowd. Immediately a great
clamour began, and some of the Hamiltons suspected that the
Douglasses had done so horrid a fact, upon account of their old
grudges; so that those two factions had almost like to have gone
together by the ears. At last, when their fear and surprize was
allayed, they were all commanded to stand in single ranks, by the
walls which were round about the court-yard; there the mur-
derer was discovered, as yet holding the bloody knife in his hand.
Being demanded what he was, and whence, and for what he
came thither? he made no ready answer: upon which lie was
dragged to prison, and put to the rack; and then he confessed
immediately, that he had undertaken the fact, in revenge of his
good lord and master, and that he was sorry for nothing, but
that so famous an attempt did not take effect. He was tortured
a long time, but discovered nobody as privy to his design. At
last he was condemned, and carried up and down the city, and
every part of his naked body was nipped with iron pincers, red-
hot, and yet neither in his speech, nor in his countenance, did he
discover the least sense ol pain: when his right-hand was cut
off, he said, that it was punished less than it had deserved, be-
cause it had not obeyed the dictates of his mind, which was <ijj
eager to have executed the bloody purpose.

I$0 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Bo61< XIV.

Moreover, the same year, Patrick Hamilton, son of a sister of
John duke of Albany, and of a brother of the earl of Arran,
a young man of great judgment and singular learning, by a con-
spiracy of the priests was burned at St. Andrews: and not long
atter his suffering, men were much terrified at the death of Alex-
ander Campbell. He was of the order of the Dominicans; a
man also of good ingenuity, and accounted one of the most
learned of all those who followed the sect of Thomas Aquinas.
Patrick had frequent conferences with Alexander concerning the
meaning of the holy scripture, and at last he brought the man
to confess and acknowledge, that almost all the articles, which
were then counted orthodox, were really true. And yet this
Alexander, being more desirous to save his life, than to hazard, it
for truth's sake, was persuaded by his friends to prefer, a public
accusation and charge against him. Patrick, being a man of a
zealous spirit, could not brook this desire of vain-glory in the am-
bitious man, but broke forth into this expression openly; 0/ thou
vilest of men, says he, who art convinced that the tenets which thou
now condemnest, are most certainly true, and didst confess to me that
they are so: I cite thee to the tribunal of the living God. Alexander
was so astonished at that word, that he was never himself from
that day forward; and not long after, he died in a fit of mad-
ness.

All this time, and for a great part of the year ensuing, the
Douglasses, being severally intent upon other matters, were secure
as to the king's departure from them; because they believed, that
now his mind was fully reconciled to them by those immoderate
pleasures they had indulged him in; and besides they thought
if he had a mind to remove, there was no faction strong enough
to oppose them; neither was there any strong garrison to which
he could retire, but only Stirling castle, which was allotted to the
queen for her habitation; but then it was deserted for a time by
the queen's officers, when she hid herself from, the Douglasses;
and when the tumult was a little appeased, it was somewhat forti-
fied, rather for a chew than for any defence. The king, having
obtained some small relaxation, saw that this must be his only
refuge; and therefore he bargained with his mother privately, to
exchange that castle, and the land adjoining, for other lands as
convenient for her; and providing all other requisites as secretly
as he could, the Douglasses not being so intent as formerly in
their watch over him, he retired by night, with a fisw. in his com-,
pany, from Falkland to Stirling; whither he soon sent for many
t>f his nobjles to come to him, and others hearing the news, came
in of their, own accords so that new he seemed .sufficiently secured
against all force. There, by the advice of his nobles, he pub-
lished a proclamation, that the. Dou^te

Book XlV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I51

administration of public affairs: and, moreover, that none of their
kin by blood or marriage, or of their dependents, should come
within twelve miles of the court; he that did otherwise was to
forfeit his life. When the edict was served upon the Douglas-
ses as they were coming to Stirling, many were of opinion,
that they should go on their journey; but the earl and his
brother George thought it best to obey the edict. Thus
they went back to Linlithgow, resolving to stay there till
they heard some clearer news from the court. In the mean time
the king sent messengers with great diligence, even to the far-
thest parts of die kingdom, to call in the nobles, who had a privi-
lege of voting, to an assembly at Edinburgh, which was to be
held September the 3d next ensuing. In the interim, he at Stir-
ling, and the Douglasses at Edinburgh, gathered forces about
them; but it was rather to be upon the defensive than the offen-
sive. At length, July the 2d, the Douglasses departed out of the
city, and the king, with his forces and banners displayed, entered
into it: but by the mediation of friends, deprecating the king on
their behalf, conditions Were offered to them, which were, That
the earl of Angus should be banished beyond the Spey; that
George his brother, and Archibald his uncle, should be kept in
hold in the castle of Edinburgh. If they submitted to these
terms, then there were hopes of the king's mercy, otherwise not.
These terms being rejected by them, they were commanded, by
an herald, to attend the parliament that was to be held at Edin-
burgh the 3d of September. In the mean time, their public of-
fices were taken from them, and Gavin Dunbar, lately the king's
tutor, Was made chancellor instead of the earl. He was a good
and learned man, but some thought him a little defective in poli-
tics. And Robert Carncross Was made treasurer, in the place
of Archibald, a man more known for his wealth, than hi;>
virtue.

The Douglasses being now driven to their last shifts, endea-
voured to sieze upon Edinburgh, which was left naked at the king's
departure; arid accordingly they sent Archibald thither, with
some troops of horse. Their design was to keep out the king,
and so to dissolve the parliament: but (on the 26th day of August)
•Robert Maxwell with his vassals, and a great number of all sorts
of people, by the king's command prevented them, and kept them
from entering the city: nay, the guards and centinels were mount-
ed and disposed so carefully in all convenient places, that things
were kept there in great tranquillity, till the parliament's time of
meeting. Douglas being disappointed of this hope, retired to
his castle of Tantallan, about fourteen miles distant from the city.
The same day that the king came out of Stirling, there fell such
mighty showers of rain from the heavens, and the brooks and ri*

Vol. II. U

i$% HISTORY OF Scotland-. Book XfV.

vers did so overflow their banks, that the king's retinue was scatter-
ed in many parties, so that they came much harassed and late in
the night to Edinburgh. They were so mightily battered with
the violence of the storm, that a very few horse, if they had
charged upon them, might have done them a great deal of mis-
chief. In that, parliament, the earl of Angus, George his brother,
Archibald his uncle, and Alexander Drummond of Carnock (their
intimate friend) were outlawed, and their goods confiscated.
This edict or clause was also added to their condemnation^ That
whosoever should harbour them in their houses, or give them any
other assistance, should incur the same punishment. That which
most of all moved the court to condemn them, was this; the king
had affirmed (it seems) upon oath, That as long as he was in the
power of the Douglasses, he was afraid of his life. He also pro-
fessed, that his fear was mightily increased, and sunk with a deep-
er impression into his mind, after George had given him such
dreadful menaces, as I mentioned above. There was only one
man found in this assembly, by name John Bannatine, a vassal of the
Douglasses, who was so bold as to make a public protestation a-
gainst all that was acted in opposition to the earl, because (as he
alleged) his non-appearance at the day limited was occasioned by
having just fear.

A few days after, William, another brother of the earl's, abbot
of the monastery of Holyrood, died of sickness, trouble of mind
and grief, for the present posture of affairs. Robert Carncross,
one meanly descended, but a wealthy man, bought that preferment
of the king, who then wanted money, eluding the law against si-
mony by a new kind of fraud. The law was, That ecclesiastical
preferments should not be sold; but he laid a great wager
with the king, that he would not bestow upon [him the next
preferment of that kind that fell; and by that means lost his wa-
ger, but got the abbey. Thus the Douglasses, seeing that all
hope of pardon was cut off, betook themselves to open force, and
to the only comfort they had left, which was in revenge;- for they
used great extremity, and committed all sorts of outrages upon the
lands of their enemies; they burned Cousland and Cranston, and
rode every day before the gates of Edinburgh, so that the city was
almost besieged, and the innocent poor were made to suffer for
the offences of trie great ones. During these commotions, on the
2 1 st of November, a ship, called the Martina, a large vessel in
those days, and richly laden, by stress of weather was forced upon
the shore of Inverwick : Part of the lading was pillaged by Dou-
glas's horse, who ranged up and down in those parts: the rest was
taken away by the countrymen, who were so ignorant of the price
of it, that they 'thought the cinnamon in it to be but a low-prized
bark, and eo sold it to make lire with; yet the whole envy of the

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I £3

matter fell upon the Douglasses. Upon this change of affairs, the
robbers, who had a long time refrained their depredations, for
fear of punishment, came out of the places in which they had ab-
sconded, and grievously infested all the circumjacent countries.
And though many pranks were played by others up and down,
yet all the murders and robberies, every where committed, were
charged down to the score of the Douglasses, by those courtiers,
who thought they humoured the king in so doing; by which
means they thought to make the name of that family, which was
otherwise popular, invidious to the vulgar. In the beginning of
winter, the king marched to Tantallan, a castle of the Douglasses
by the sea-side, in order to take it, that so no refuge at all might
be left for the exiles; and, that he might take the place with less
labour and cost, he was supplied with brass guns and powder from
Dunbar. That castle was distant from Dunbar six miles, and it
was garrisoned by the soldiers of John the regent, because it was
part of his patrimony. He continued the siege for some days,
wherein some of the besiegers were slain, others wounded, and
some blown up with gun-powder; but none at all of the besieged
were lost: so that he raised the siege, and retreated. In his re-
turn, David Falkener, who was left behind with some soldiers, to
carry back the brass ordinance, was set upon and killed by Dou-
glas's horse, who were sent out to surprize the stragglers in the
rear. His death did so enrage the young king, who was incen-
sed enough before, that he solemnly swore in his passion, that as
long as he lived, the Douglasses should never have the sentence
cf their banishment revoked. And, as soon as he came to Edin-
burgh, to straiten them the more, by advice of his council, he or-
dered, that a party of soldiers should be continually kept at Cold-
ingham, which was to be rather an active, or flying, than a nu-
merous one, to prevent their pillaging the country. Bothwell, one
of the greatest persons of authority and puissance in Lothian, was
appointed by the king to take that post upon him: but he refused
the employment; either dreading the power of the Douglasses,
which, not long since, all the rest of Scotland was not able to cope
with; or else because he would not have the disposition of the
young king, who was eager and over-violent of his own accord,
to be inured to such cruelty, as totally to destroy so noble a fami-
ly. And whereas the king had no great confidence in the Hamil-
tons, as being friends to his enemies, and was also offended at
them upon the account of the slaughter of John Stuart, earl of
Lennox; and besides, there being none of the nobility of the adja-
cent parts, that had power or interest enough for that service; at
last he resolved to send Colin Campbell with an army against the
rebels, a person living in the further parts of the kingdom, but a
prudent man, of approved valour, and upon the account of his

U 2

154 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

justice, very popular. The Douglasses, when the Hamiltons and
the rest of their friends failed them, were reduced to gre?t straits;
so that they were compelled by Colin, and by George, chief of
the Humes, to retire, like exiles, into England.

In the month of October, two eminent knights came ambassa-
dors from the king of England about a peace ; which, tho' ear-
nestly desired by both kings, yet they could scarce find out the
way to conclude upon it: For Henry, being upon the point of
making war upon Charles the emperor, was willing to leave all
Safe behind his back; and with the same labour to procure the
restitution of the Douglasses. As for James, he very much de-
sired to have Tantalhn castle in his power, but his mind was very
averse to restore the Douglasses: and for that reason the matter was
canvassed to and fro for some days, and no temper for accommoda-
tion could be found cut. But at last they came to this resolu-
tion: That Tantallan castle should be surrendered by the Dou-
glasses, and a truce be granted for five years; and their other de-
mands the king was to promise the granting of, separately under
his signet. The castle was surrendered accordingly, but the o-
ther demands were not so punctually performed, save only that
Alexander Drummond had leave given to return home, for Robert
Brittain's sake. For, some months before, James Coivil and
Robert Carncross, upon suspicion of their favouring the Dou-
glasses, were removed from court, and their offices bestowed on
Robert Brittain, who then was in high favour at court, and had
great command there. After this, though, matters were not quite
settled abroad, (for the English had burnt Arn, a town in Teviot-
dale, before their ambassadors returned), yet the rest of the year
was more quiet; but the insolence of the banditti was not quite
suppressed. Upon which the king caused William Cockburn o(
Henderland, and Adam Scot, notorious robbers, to be apprehend-
ed at Edinburgh, and for example of terror to the rest, he pur
them to death. The next year, in the month of March, the king
sent James earl of Murray, whom he had made deputy-governor
of the whole kingdom, to the borders, there to have a meeting
with the earl of Northumberland, in order to settle a peace, and
to treat about mutual satisfaction for losses: but a contention a--
vose betwixt them which broke off the conference; the one
pleading, That, according to the laws made upon the occasion
of the murder of Robert Ker, the congress ought to be in Scot-
land: the other would have it in England. In the interim, each
sent messengers to their several kings, to know their minds in the
case.

On the 15th day of April, there was held a council of the no-
bility; where, after a long debate, which lasted till night, the
king orderrd, that the earl of Bothwtjl, Robert Maxwell, Walter

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, I q£

Scot, and Mark Ker, should be committed prisoners to Edin-
burgh castle. He banished the chief men of March and Teviot-
dale to other places; suspecting that they privately sowed the
seeds of war against England. In July, the king levied about
8000 men, and marched out against the robbers, and quickly
pitched his tents by the river Ewse. Not far from thence lived
one John Armstrong, chief of one faction of the tlneves, who
had struck such a 'fear into all the neighbouring parts, that even
the English themselves, for many miles about, bought their peace*
by paying him a certain tribute; nay, Maxwell was also afraid
of his power, and therefore endeavoured his destruction by ail
possible ways. This John was enticed by the king's officers to
have recourse to the king, which he did, unarmed, with about
fifty horse in his company; but neglecting to obtain the king's
pass and safe conduct for his security, he fell into an ambush,
who brought him to the king, as if he had been taken prisoner
by them; so that he and most of his followers had the fate of be-
ing hanged. They who were the cause of his death gave out,,
that he had promised to bring that part of Scotland, for some
miles, under the obedience of the English, if he himself might be
well considered for that service: but, on the ether side, the En-
glish were very glad of his death, for it freed them from a dan-
gerous enemy. Six of his surviving companions the king kept as
hostages, but in regard their fellows were no way deterred by
that, from committing the like insolencies, in a few months they
were likewise sent to the gallows, and the king took new hostages
of those who staid at home: for the Lidsdale men left their
homes, and passed over in troops to England, making daily in-
cursions, and taking a great deal of plunder in the neighbouring
parts.

Not long after, the king restored the noblemen to their li-
berty, having first taken hostages from them: of these, Walter
Scot, to gratify the king, killed Robert Johnston, a robber of
notorious cruelty among them; which bred a deadly feud between
the two families, to tlie great loss and prejudice of them both.

The next year, which was 153 1, there happened a matter
very memorable; neither did the obscurity of the author, nor the
curiosity of the time which made a strict inquiry into it, abate
the admiration of its novelty. One John Scot, a man of no
learning, nor of any great experience in business, neither had he
a subtile wit of his own, to impose tricks upon men, being cast
in a law-suit, and not having ability to. pay damages, hid himself
some days in the sanctuary of the monastery of Holyrood-house,
without eating or drinking any thing at all. When the thing
was known and related to the king, he commanded that his ap-
parel should be changed, aad diligently searche'd; and 1

Ij6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

him to be kept close from all company in the castle of Edin-
burgh, where every day bread and water were set before him; but
he voluntarily abstained from all kind of food for thirty-two days.
After that time, as if he had been sufficiently tried, he was
brought forth naked into public view, where, the people flocking
about him, he made them a long, but sorry speech, in which
there was nothing memorable, but that he affirmed he was as-
sisted by the Virgin Mary to fast as long as he himself pleased.
This answer savouring of simplicity rather than craft, he was re-
leased from his imprisonment, and went to Rome, where he was
also imprisoned by pope Clement, until he had fasted long e-
Kough to convince him of the miracle. Then they clothed him
with the habit that priest* say mass in, and gave him a testimo-
nial under the leaden seal, which is of great authority amongst
the papists. Upon that he went to Venice, where he also con-
firmed their belief by his miraculous fasting: and alleging that
he was obliged, by a vow he had made, to visit Jerusalem, he
received of them fifty ducats of gold for his charges on the way.
At hie return, he brought back some leaves of palm-trees, and a
bag full of stones, which he said were taken out of the pillar
which Christ was. tied to, when he was scourged. In his way
home to .Scotland, he passed through London, and mounted the
pulpit in St. Paul's church-vard, and, in a great audience of
people preached much about the divorce of king Henry from his
<queen, and of his defection from the see of Rome. His words
were bitter and if he had been looked upon above the degree of
a simpleton, he must have retracted .them again; but being impri-
soned, and having abstained from food for almost fifty days to-
gether, he was dismissed without farther hurt. When he cams
back to Scotland, he would have joined with one Thomas Dough-
ty who .about that ti-me came from Italy, and had built a church
dedicated to the Virgin Mary, out of the alms which the people
h id given him; and had got great gain by feigned miracles. But
the life of tins Thomas was sufficiently known to be very wicked,
and the cheats of his pretended miracles were discovered; yet no
man durst openly gainsay him, for fear of the bishops, who, by
this their new Atlas, sought to prop up the pile of their purgato-
ry, then tottering; and he, to requite them for their courtesy,
when any of die richer sort of priests came to the place where
lie was to say mass, had still one beggar or other ready at hand
to counterfeit himself mad, or diseased in body, that so, forsooth,
by saying his, masses, he might be recovered and healed. But
Thomas rejecting John Scot, because he was not willing to ad-
mit any other into the partnership of his gain, Scot hire*} an ob-
scure garret in the suburbs of Edinburgh; and there having e-
i an altar, and furnished it according to his ability, he set

Book XIV. HXST-OBLY OF SCOTLAND. ?57

up his own daughter, a young girl, very beautiful, with wax ta-
pers lighted about her, to be adored, instead of the Virgin Ma-
ry. But this way of gain not answering his expectation, he re-
turned to his old course of life, having gained nothing by all his
preposterous dissimulation of sanctity, but to let all men know,
that he wanted not the will, but ability of an impostor.

At the beginning of the following year, which was 1532, the
earl of Bothwell was committed prisoner to Edinburgh castle,
January 16th, because he had taken a private journey into Eng-
land, and there had a secret conference with the earl ot North-
umberland. Sir James Sandeland, by reason of the great pru-
dence, integrity, and authority which he had among all good
men, even beyond his estate and degree, was sent to Hermit-
age, a castle of Lidsdale, to restrain the incursions of thieves and
robbers.

In ancient times, tliere had been no fixed days, nor any set
place appointed for trying pecuniary causes before the judges in
Scotland, until John duke of Albany obtained of the pope, that
a yearly sum of money, as much as was sufficient to pay a salary
to a few judges, should be charged on the ecclesiastical order, and
it was to be levied on every one, according to the value of his
benefice. Upon this, Gavin Dunbar, bishop of Aberdeen, made
his appeal to the pope, in the behalf of himself and other priests.
The controversy held from the 1 1 th of March, to the 24th of
April, and then there was a college of judges settled at Edin-
burgh. At their first sittings, they devised many advantageous
projects for the equal distribution of justice; yet the hoped for
event did not follow. For, seeing in Scotland there are almost
no laws, but decrees of the cstate.s, and many of them too made
not for perpetuity, but temporary, and the judges hinder the e-
nacting of laws what they can; the estates of all the subjects
were committed to the determination of fifteen men, who were
to have a perpetual power, and even a tyrannical government ;
for their ivilh ivere their laws. Much severity was now used
against the Lutherans, in favour of the pope; and the pope, on
the contrary, to gratify a king so well deserving at his hands,
gave him the tithes of all parsonages for three years next en-
suing.

This year the English perceiving that the state of affairs in Scot-
land grew every day more quiet than another; but thinking they
were destitute of foreign aids, because they themselves had joined
with the French against Charles the emperor; they sought out all,
occasions for a war. In April they made an expedition out of
Berwick, and burnt and plundered Coldingham, Douglas, and
many other neighbouring towns, where they got a great booty.
r£hey had no apparent provocation, neither did they declare war

i$8 History of Scotland. Book XIV,

beforehand. How eager they were upon war, appears by that
king's proclamation, soon after published, wherein it was said,
That the garrison of Berwick was provoked by some licentious, contu-
melious words, which the Scots had let fall. But the words, men-
tioned in the proclamation, carry no contumely in them at all.
But this cause not seeming just enough for a war, they demand-
ed Canabie, a small village in the borders, with a poor monastery
in it, as if it belonged to them, which they never pretended to
before; and likewise that the Douglasses might be restored. For
the king of England perceiving that his aid was absolutely neces-
sary to the French king, so that he could by no means want it;
and also knowing, that he had him fast in a league, wherein the
interest of Scotland was not considered, thought it no hard mat-
ter to bring the Scots to what conditions he pleased. Moreover,
because the emperor was alienated from him by reason of his
peace with France,, and the divorce of his aunt; and the pope of
Rome stirred up wars among all Christian princes, he thought, if
he sat still now, he should lose a great opportunity at home, for
bringing about desired innovations. The king of Scots, that he
might not.be unprovided against this storm, by a public proclama-
tion made all over the kingdom, appointed his brother the earl of
Murray to be his vicegerent. And, because the borderers of
Themselves were not able to cope with the English, who had also
a great number of hired troops with them, he divided the king-
dom into four parts, and commanded each of them to send out the
ablest men amongst them with their clans, and provision for forty
days. These Scottish forces, thus succeeding one another by
turns, made great havock in the towns and castles of those parts,
so that the king of England was frustrated in his expectation, since
the war was likely to be spun out into a length, and other con-
cerns were to employ his care; and therefore he was willing to
hearten to a peace, but had a mind to be sued to for it; for he
thought it was not for his honour either to offer it, or to seek it of
himself. And therefore it seemed most convenient to transact the
matter bv the king of France, the common friend to both nations.
Accordingly the French king sent his ambassador, Stephen D'Aix,
into Scotland, to inquire by whose fault this war was commenced
between the two neighbour kings. The king of Scots clearly ac-
quitted himself from being any cause of the war: he also made
a complaint to him, how long his ambassadors had been de-
tained in France, without having an answer: and, at the am-
bassador's departure, he sent letters by him to his master, desiring
Tim to observe the ancient league, which was renewed by John the
recent at Rouen. He likewise sent David Beton into France, to
inswer the calumnies of the English, and besides to treat about
=eping and observing of the old league, and to contract anew

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 59

affinity between France and Scotland. He also sent letters by
him to the parliament of Paris, very bitter and full of complaints,
concerning those matters which had been transacted and agreed
between Francis their king, and John regent of Scotland; how
that ancient friendship, pacts, and agreements between them were
slighted in behalf of those who were once their common enemies.
His ambassador Beton was commanded, if he saw that the things
he had in commission should not succeed well in France, to deli-
ver those letters to the council of the judges, and presently to with-
draw himself into Flanders, with an intent (as it might be conjec-
tured) to make league, agreement, and affinity with the emperor.

At the same time, war was waged in Britain, and debates were
managed at Newcastle, concerning the lawfulness of it. When
the ambassadors of both "nations could not agree on terms of pacifi-
cation, Monsieur Guy Flower was sent over by the king of
France, to compose matters. The Scottish king told him, that
he would gratify his master as far as ever he was able: and he had
also some communications with him, as much as was seasonable
at that time, concerning the conjugal affinity, about which he had
sent ambassadors before, which were then in France. Flory, or
Flower, being thus the umpire for peace, the garrisons were
withdrawn on both sides from the borders, and a truce was made,
which was afterwards followed with a peace. The king having,
for some years last past, transacted business with the king of
France, and with the emperor, by his ambassadors, about a ma-
trimonial contract, and now being freed from other cares, after the
peace was settled, bent his thoughts more that way than ever.
For besides the common causes which might incline him to some,
potent alliance, his whole thoughts were turned, how to perpetu-
ate his family by issue of his body, he himself being the last male
that was left alive; insomuch that his next heirs had already flat-
tered themselves with very firm hopes of the kingdom ; which did
not a little trouble him, who was otherwise of his own nature sus-
picious enough. And indeed, many things very much concur-
red to nourish them in that hope; as, for instance, their own do-
mestic power; the king's being a batchelor; his being cf so ad-
venturous and enterprising a genius; his slighting all danger; so
that he would not only stoutly undergo all hazards, but often court
and invite them ; for with a small party he would march against
the fiercest thieves; and though they were superior in number,
yet he would cither prevent them by his speed, or else frighten and
awe them by the sacred power of his name, and so force them to a
surrender. He would sit night and day on horseback in this em-
ployment; and if he took any refreshment or food, it was that
which he lighted on by chance, and but little of that either.

These circumstances made the Hamiltons almost confident of

Vol. II. X

l6o HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XlV,

t]ie succession-, yet it seemed to them a long way about to stay for
either fortuitous, or natural causes of mortality, and therefore
they. studied to hasten his death by treachery. A fair opportunity
was offered them to effect it by his night-walkings to his misses,
having but one or two in his company. But all these things not
answering their expectation, they resolved to cut off' the hope of
lawful issue, by hindering his marriage, what they could; although
John duke of Albany, when he was regent, seemed to have made
sufficient provision against that inconvenience; for, when he re-
newed the ancient league between the French and Scots at Rouen,
he had inserted one article, that James should marry Francis's eld-
est daughter. But there were two impediments in the way, which
almost cut this league asunder. For Francis being freed out of
the hand of the Spaniard, by the industry and diligence principally
of Henry VIIL had entered into so strict a league with the English,
that the 'Scottish league was much intrenched upon by it; and be-
sides, the eldest daughter of Francis was deceased a while before;
and therefore James desired Magdalene his next daughter to wife,
and sent ambassadors over for that purpose; but her father excu-
sed the matter, alleging, that his daughter was of so weak a con-
stitution of body, that there were but little hopes of children by
her, nor hardly any likelihood of her life itself, for any long time.
About the same time, there was an alliance treated of with
Charles the emperor by ambassadors; and at length, the 24th day
of April, 1534, the emperor sent Godscalk Erecus, that the mat-
ter might be carried with greater seci-esy, from Toledo in Spain,
through Ireland, to James. After he had declared the commands
he had in charge from the emperor, concerning the wrongs offer-
ed to his aunt Catharine and her daughter, by king Henry; con-
cerning the calling of a general council; concerning the rooting
out the sect of the Lutherans; and about contracting an affinity.
The emperor, by his letters, gave the king his choice of three
Marys, all of them of his blood; they were, Mary sister to
Chivies, a widow ever since the death of her husband, Louis of
Hungary, who was shin in battle by the Turks; Mary of Portu-
gal, the daughter of his sister Leonora; and Mary of England,
his niece by his aunt Catharine. And because Charles knew, that
3 was more inclinable to his last match, he likewise
shewed a great* sity to it, that so he might take off' James

from his valuing of, and adhering to, the league with Francis, and
-■ same time might set him at odds with Henry. James made
answer, that the marriage with England was indeed, in many re-
spects, most advantageous, if it could be obtained; but it was a
business of uncertain hope, of great danger and toil, and would
ii'- encumbered with so many delays, that his single life, he be-
ing the last oi his family, could hardly bear it; and therefore of

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. l6l

all Cxsar's nieces, he told him, that the daughter of Christiern
king of Denmark was most convenient for him, who was begot-
ten7 upon Isabel, the sister of Charles. A while after, Charles an-
swered this his demand from Madrid, that she was already pro-
mised to another. And though Caesar, by offering conditions,
seemed rather to prolong the matter, than really to intend the ac-
complishment of it, yet the treaty was not wholly laid aside.
Matters being quiet at home, James resolved to go on ship-board,
to take a view of all his dominions round about, and to curb the
stubborn spirit of the islanders, and make them more obedient.
First, he sailed to the Orcades, where he quieted all disorders, by
apprehending and imprisoning a few of the nobility. He garri-
soned two castles there, his own and the bishop's. Afterwards
he visited the rest of the islands, and sent for the chief men to
come to him. Those that refused he seized by force. He laid a
tax on them, took hostages, and carried away with him those who
were most likely to prove incendiaries; and putting some of his
own train into their castles, he sent the leading-men of them, some
to Edinburgh, and some to Dunbar, prisoners: for about that
time, John duke of Albany, had surrendered up Dunbar to the
king, which till then had been held by a French garrison. In the
next month of August, great severity was used against the Luthe-
rans; some were compelled to make a public recantation; others
refusing to appear upon summons, were banished. Two were
burned, of which one, named David Straiton, was free enough
from Lutheranism; but he was accused of it, because he was u
little refractory in paying of tithes to the collectors, and so was
put to death, only for a supposed crime. In an assembly which
the king caused to be convened at Jedburgh, in order to the sup-
pressing of the robbers thereabouts, Walter Scott was condemned
tor high treason, and sent prisoner to Edinburgh castle, where he
remained as long as the king lived. The same month of August,
when Francis (as I said before) had excused his daughter's mar-
riage, on account of her health, but withal had offered him any
other of the blood royal, the king sent ambassadors into France,
James, earl of Murray, viceroy of the kingdom, and William
Stuart, bishop of Aberdeen (these two went by sea) and John
Erskine by land, because he had some commands to deliver to
Henry of England by the way. To them he added a fourth, i. e,
Robert Reid. a good man, and of consummate wisdom. There
Mary of Bourbon, .the daughter of Charles duke of Vendosme, a
lady of the blood, was offered to them, as a fit wife for their king,
.Other points were easily agreed upon; but the ambassadors, fear-
ing that this marriage would not please their master, would make
no espousal till they had acquainted him with it. In the mean
time Henry of England, to trouble a matter which was upon the.

X 3

1 62 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

point of concluding, in November sent the bishop of St. David's
into Scotland, who brought James some English books, contain-
ing several points of the Christian religion, desiring James to read
them, and diligently to weigh the contents. But he gave them to
some of his courtiers, who were most addicted to the sacerdotal
order, to inspect. They having scarce looked on them, con-
demned them as heretical ,■ and moreover, they highly congratula-
ted the king, that he had not polluted his eye (so they phrased it)
with reading such pestiferous books. This was the cause of their
embassy, according to common vogue. Yet, some say, that they
brought seme other secret messages to James. Afterward, the
same bishop (together with William Howard, brother to the duke
of Norfolk) came so unexpectedly to Stirling, that they almost
surprised the king, before he heard any news of their coming.
Their errand was, that Henry desired James to appoint a day -of
rater?lew, when they might confer together; for he had things of
high moment and importance, and of mighty advantage to both
nations to propound to him at that meeting. In that message, he
gave great hope, if other matters could be well accorded, that he
would bestow his daughter in marriage upon him, and leave him
king of all Britain after his decease. And, that he might give
more credit to his promises, he would make him for the present
duke of York, and viceroy of the kingdom of England. James
willingly assented to such large and alluring promises, and ac-
cordingly fixed a day for the interview. But there were two fac-
tions that resolved to oppose his journey for England: fast the
Hamiltons, who being next heirs to the crown, laboured under-
hand to keep the king from marrying, that he might have no chil-
dren to exclude them from the succession. And next, the priests
also were mightily against it, and their pretences were seemingly
just and honest; as first, the danger he v. ould run, if with a small
retinue he should put himself into the power of his old enemy j
for then he must comply with his will, though it proved to be
never so much against his own. They recited the examples of
his ancestors, who either by their own credulity, or else by the
perfidiousness of the enemy, had been drawn into a snare; and
irom nattering promises of friendship, had brought home nothing
but a sense of their ignominy and losses. They also urged the
unhappy mistake of James I. who, in a time of truce, landed, as
bethought, in his friends' country, was there kept prisoner eigh-
teen years, and at last had such conditions imposed upon him, as
he neithtr lawfully could, nor ought to have accepted; and then,
said they, he was most sordidly sold to his own subjects. More-
over, Malcolm I. after him his brother "William, kings of Scot-
land, were brought en the stage, who were enticed to London
ienry IL and the:: carried over into France, to make a shew

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 63

of assisting, in a war there against the French king, their old ally.
But (say they) if it be objected, Henry VIII. will do none of these
things; they answered iirst, Hoiu shall nve be assured of that? Next,
is it not a point of high imprudence to venture one's fortune, life,
and dignity* which are now in one's own power, into the hands
of another ? Besides, the priests thinking that all their concerns
were now at stake, and that they must, now or never, stand up
for them; they ordered James Beton, archbishop of St. Andrews,
and George Criehton, bishop of Dunkeld, two old decrepit men,
to come to court, there to give it out, " That religion would be
M betrayed by this interview, even that religion which had been
" observed so many ages by their ancestors, and which had all
« along preserved its defenders, till that very day, the ruin of
" whicli would be likewise attended with the total destruction of
" the kingdom; to forsake that religion upon every slight occa-
«< sion, especially at such a time, when the whole world conspir-
" ed together with arms in their hands, for its preservation,
" could not be done without great danger to the present times,
" and infamy to the future. Nay, that it would be a thing of
" great wickedness and impiety into the bargain." "With these
engines they battered James's mind, which of itself was inclined
enough to superstition. And moreover, they corrupted those
courtiers, who could the most prevail with him, desiring them,
in their names, to promise him a great sum of money. So that
by these artifices they wholly turned away his mind from the
thoughts of an interview, Henry took this disappointment in
great disdain, (as he indeed had reason), and thus the seeds of
dissension were again sown between the two kings.

In the mean time, the king was weary of his single life; and
by reason of foreign embassies, and the distractions caused by
court factions at home, was variously agitated in his thoughts:
Ai! pretended the public good, but some aimed at their own private
advantage under that specious pretence; and though most men
persuaded him to an affinity with Charles, in regard of the flou-
rishing estate of the empire at that time, yet he rather inclined to
an alliance with France. And therefore, seeing the matter could
not be ended by ambassadors, he himself resolved to sail over into
France; and accordingly, rigging out a small navy, the best he
could fit in so short a time, on the 26th of July he set sail from
Leith, none knowing whither he would go. Many were of opi-
nion that his design was for England, to visit his uncle, and ask
him pardon for disappointing the interview proposed the year be-
fore. But, a tempest arising, and contrary winds tossing him, the
pilot asked him, what course he should steer; If there be a neces-
sity said he, land me any tvliert but in England. Then his mind
was under,: ;o>!. He might have returned home, but was willing

1^4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

rather to sail round Scotland, and to try the western ocean.
There too he met with very bad weather, and, by the adrice of a
fVw of his domestics, while he was asleep, he was carried back a-
gain. When he awoke, he took the matter in such great indigna-
tion, that for ever after he bore an implacable hatred against James
Hamilton, whom he had in disgust before upon the account of
killing the earl of Lennox: Neither was he well pleased with the
rest of the authors of that counsel ever after. And there were
some who, in compliance with the king's angry humour, were
continually buzzing in his ears, That Hamilton, under a pretence
of a serviceable attendance and duty, had accompanied him on
purpose to disappoint his design. However he out to sea again
with a great train of nobles, September the ist, and in ten days
arrived at Dieppe in Normandy: From thence, that he might pre-
vent the news of his arrival, he went in disguise, with great speed,
to the town of Vendosme, where the duke then was, and saw his
daughter, who happening not to please his fancy, he presently
went to court. Though he came unexpectedly upon Francis and
the whole court, yet he was honourably received by him; and on
the 26th of November, almost against his will he bestowed in
marriage his daughter Magdalene upon him: For her father (as
I related before) judging his eldest daughter, by reason of her
sickly temper, unfit to bear children, offered him his youngest, or
any other woman of the French nobility, for a wife: But James
and Magdalene having conceived a love for each other by mes-
sages, which was now confirmed by approaching, seeing and dis-
coursing together, neither of them could be diverted from their
purpose. The marriage was celebrated January the 1st, in the
year 15^7, to the great joy of all: and they both arrived in Scot-
land on the 28th of May, being attended by a French navy. She
lived not leng after, but died of an hectic fever July the 7th, to
the great grief of all, except the priests, for they feared that her
life would have put an end to their luxury and lust, because they
knew she was educated under the discipline of her aunt the queen
Pl Navarre. As for others, they conceived such a grief for her
death, that then (as I think) mourning apparel was first used in
Scotland, which is not much worn at present, though fashions
commonly grow to an excess in such a space of time, which is now
about forty years. Ambassadors were presently sent into France,
cardinal David Beton, and Robert Maxwell, to bring over Mary
of the house of Guise, widow to the duke of Lpngueville; for the
presaging the loss of his wife, had his eye upon her. The
. year the earl of Bothwell, because he had passed over secret*
ly into England, and also had held private cabals with the English
• n Scotland, was banished out of England, Scotland, and Fr
Moreover, about the same time, many v . .

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 6$

high treason: John Forbes, an active young man, the head of a
great family and faction, was brought to his end, as was
thought, by the jealousy of the lluntleys; for there was one Stra-
chan, a man fit for any wicked enterprize, who was many years
very familiar with Forbes, and was either privy to, or else partak-
er or author of, all his bad actions: He being not so much re-
spected by him as he thought he deserved, applied himself to his
enemy Huntley, and before him accused Forbes of treason, or (as
many think) he there plotted the accusaV on with Huntley himself
against him, viz. That Forbes, many years before, had a design to
kill the king. The crime was not sufficiently proved, nor the
witnesses unexceptionable; neither was the plot of his adversa-
ries, the Huntleys, against his life, hid in the process; yet on the
13th of Ji'ly, the judges, who were most of them bribed by
Huntley, condemned him, and he had his head struck ofF. His
punishment was the less lamented, because, though men believed
him guiltless as to the crime he suffered for; yet they counted
him worthy of death, for the improbity of his former life. Stra-
chan, the discoverer, because he had concealed so great a crime so
long, was banished Scotland, and lived many years after at Paris,
but in so lewd and debauched a manner, that men thought him
a fit instrument to bring about any wicked end whatsoever. The
king, not long after, as if he had repented of his severity against
Forbes, took a brother of his into Ins family ; and advanced another
to a rich match, restoring to him the estate which had been con-
fiscated.

A few days after there was another trial, which was indeed
very lamentable, on account of the accused parties, the new kind
of wickedness charged on them, and the hideousness of the pu-
nishment. Joan Douglas, sister to the earl of Angus, and wife
to John Lyons, lord of Glames; also her son, and her second
husband Gillespy Campbell, John Lyons, kinsman to her former
husband, and an old priest, were accused of endeavouring to
poison the king. All these, though they lived continually in the
country, far from court, and their friends and servants declared
nothing upon their examination against them which could hurt
them, yet were they put upon tire rack to make them confess,
and so were shut up in Edinburgh castle. The fifth day after
Forbes was executed, Joan Douglas was burnt alive, with the
great commiseration of all the spectators. The nobleness both of
herself and husband did much affect the beholders; besides, she
was in the vigour of her youth, much commended for her rare
beauty, and in her very punishment she shewed a man-like forti-
tude. But that which people were most concerned for was, that
they thought the enmity against her brother, who was banished,
did her more prejudice than her own suspected crime. Her

l66 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND1. Book XIV,

husband endeavoured to escape out of the castle of Edinburgh,
but the rope being too short to let him down to the foot of the
rock, he broke almost all the bones of his body in the fall, and
so ended his days. Their son, a youth of more innocent simpli-
city, than to have the suspicion of such a wickedness justly
charged upon him, was shut up prisoner in the castle; and af-
ter the king's death was released, and recovered the estate which
had been taken away from his parents. Their accuser was Wil-
liam Lyons, their near relation. He afterwards, perceiving that
so eminent a family was like to be ruined by his false informa-
tion, repented when it was too late, and confessed his offence
to the king; and yet he could not prevail to prevent the punish-
ment of the condemned, or to hinder their estates from being
confiscated. The next year, on the 12th of June, Mary, of the
house of Guise, arrived at Balcomy, a castle belonging to James,
laird of Lermont; from whence she was conveyed by land to
St. Andrews; and there, in a great assembly of the nobility, she
was married to the king. The beginning of the year following,
which was 1539, many persons were apprehended, as suspected
of Lutheranism; and, about the end of February, five were
burned, nine recanted, but many more were banished; amongst
the sufferers of this class was George Buchanan, who, when his
keepers were asleep, made his escape out of the window of the
prison to which he was committed. This year the queen was
Drought to bed of a son at St. Andrews; and the next year of
another in the same place. Both this year and the former, mat-
ters were rather hushed a little, than entirely composed; some
men wanting rather a leader than occasion to rebel: For though
many desired it, yet no man durst openly avow himself head ot
any insurrection. And now the king having heirs to succeed him,
and by that means becoming more confident of a settled estab-
lishment, began to slight the nobility as a sluggish and unwar-
like generation, and not likely to attempt any thing against him,
whose family was now rivetted and confirmed by issue male, so
that he applied his mind to unnecessary buildings. He stood in
need of money for that work: and, in regard he was as covetous
as he was indigent, both factions of nobles and priests were e-
quaily afraid, and each of them endeavoured to avert the tempest
from failing upon them, that it might light on the other. And
therefore, whenever the king complained of the lowness of his
exchequer amongst his friends, one party would extol the riches
of the other, as if it were a prey ready for the seizure; and the
king hearkened sometimes to the one, and sometimes to the other,
and so kept both in suspence, between hope and fear: so that when
ambassadors came at that time out of England to court, to desire
the king to give his uncle a meeting at York, promising him mighty

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 57

advantages by that interview, and making a long harangue con-
cerning the love and good-will of their king towards him, the fac-
tion that opposed the priests persuaded him by all means to meet
at the time and place appointed. When the ecclesiastical party-
heard of this, they thought their order would be quite undone,
if they did not hinder the meeting of the two kings, and so dis-
turb their concord, and sow the seeds of discord between the
king and his nobles. And considering of all ways how to effect
it, no remedy seemed more ready at hand for the present malady,
than to make an attack upon the king's mind; which was not able
to resist offers of money, by the promises of large subsidies. A
cordingly, they placed before his eyes the greatness of the danger,
the doubtful .and uncertain credit of an enemy's promise; and
that lie might have a greater sum of money at home, and more
easily procured. First of all, they promised to give him of their
own ^0,000 ducats of gold yearly, and ail the rest of their estates
also should be at his service, to obviate future emergencies, if any
happened; and as for those who rebelled against the authority of
the pope, and the majesty of the king, and troubled the peace
of the church by new and wicked errors, and therefore would
subvert all piety, overthrow the rights of magistracy, and cancel
laws of so long standing, out of their estates he might get above
an hundred thousand ducats more yearly into his exchequer, by
of confiscation, if he would permit them to nominate a lord
chief-justice in the case, because they themselves could not, by
law, sit in capital cases to condemn any man. And that, in the-
jing the process against them, there would be no danger, nor
any delay in passing sentence; since so many thousand men were
not afraid to take the books of the Old and New Testament
into their hands, to discourse concerning the power of the pope,
to contemn the ancient ceremonies of the church, and to detract
from the reverence and observance which was due to religious per-
sons consecrated to the service of God. This they urged upon
Jiim with such vehemency, that he appointed them ajudge accord-
ing to their own hearts, and that was James Hamilton, natural
brother to the earl of Arran: him they had obliged by great gra-
tuities before; and besides, he was resolved to insinuate himself
nito the king's favour, who long since had been offended with
him, with the perpetration of some act by way of atonement,
though it was ever so cruel.

About the same time, James Hamilton, sheriff of Linlithgow,
and cousin-german to the other James, came into Scotland: he,
after a long banishment, when he had commenced a suit against
James the bastard, and had obtained leave to return for a time to
his own country, understanding what danger he and the rest of
the favourers of the reformed doctrine were in, sent his son with

Vol II. Y

'1 68 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

a message to the king, just as he was going over into Fife; and
having very opportunely met with him before he went aboard, he
filled his mind, which was naturally suspicious, with fearful pre-
sages, that this commission, granted to Hamilton, would be a
capital matter, and pernicious to the whole kingdom, unless he
prevented this sophistry by another stratagem. The king, who
was then hastening into Fife, sent the young man back to Edin-
burgh, to the court called the Exchequer-court, where he also com-
manded to assemble James Lermont, James Kirkaldy, and Tho-
mas Erskine, of whom the first was master of the household ;
the second, lord high treasurer, neither of them averse to the re-
formed religion; the third was highly of the popish faction, and
the king's secretary. These were all ordered to meet, and the
king commanded them to give the same credit to the messenger,
as they would do to himself, if he were present; and so took
the ring off his finger, and sent it them as a known token be-
tween them. They consulted together, and apprehended James
just after he had dined and prepared himself for his journey,
and committed him prisoner to the castle. But, having intelli-
gence by their spies at court, that the king was pacified, and that
he would be released, besides the public danger, they were afraid
also of their particular selves, lest a man, factious and potent, be-
ing released, after he had been provoked by so great an affront
and ignominy, should afterwards meditate a cruel and bitter re-
venge against them. They speedily hastened to court, and in-
formed the king of the imminency of the danger; of the way-
ward disposition, fierceness, and power of the man; all which
they augmented, to raise the greater suspicion of him: so that
they persuaded the king not to suffer so crafty, and withal so
puissant a person, being also provoked by this late disgrace, to
be set at liberty, without a legal trial. The king came to Edin-
burgh, and from thence to Seton, where he caused James to be
brought to his trial, and, in a court legally constituted, according
to the custom of the country, he was condemned, and had his
head struck off: his body was quartered after his execution, and
the quarters hanged up in the public parts of the city. The
crimes objected against him, in behalf of the king, were, that,
on a certain day, he had broke open the king's bed-chamber, and
had designed to kill him; and that he had carried on secret de-
signs with the Douglasses, who were declared public enemies.
Few were grieved for his death, because of the wickedness of his
former life, save only his own kindred and the ecclesiastics, who
had placed all the hopes of their fortunes, in a manner, upon his
life alone.

From that time forward the king increased in his suspicions of

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 169

the nobility; and besides, his mind was so distracted with cares,
that he could not enjoy his sleep at quiet, but was tormented
with dreams; of which there was one more remarkable than the
rest, which was much talked of, That, in his sleep, he saw James
Hamilton running at him with his drawn sword, and that he first
cut off his right arm, then his left, and threatened him shortly to
come and take away his life, and then disappeared. When he
awaked in a fright, and was pondering many things about the e-
vent of his dream, word was brought him, that both his sons died
almost at one and the same moment of. time, one at St. Andrews,
and the other at Stirling.

Mean while there was not a certain peace, nor yet an open
war, with the king of England, who was long since offended, in-
somuch that, without any declaration of war, preys were driven
from the borders of Scotland. Neither would the English, when
called upon to make restitution, give any favourable answer: so
that all men saw that Henry was in an high indignation, because
the interview at York was frustrated. And James, though he
knew that war was certainly at hand, and therefore made levies
for that purpose, and had appointed his brother, the earl of Mur-
ray, to be general of all his forces, and had also made all neces-
sary preparation for a defence, yet he sent an ambassador to the
enemy, if it were possible, to compose matters without blows.
In the mean time, George Gordon was sent to the borders, with
a small force, to stop the pillaging incursions of the enemy. The
English despised the small number of forces under Gordon, and
therefore hastened to burn Jedburgh: but George Hume, with
400 horse, interposed, and charged them briskly, and after a short
fight, when they saw the Gordons coming, they were put into
a fright^ and so fled away in confusion to escape their enemies.
There were not many slain, but several taken prisoners. James
Lermont, who was treating about a peace at Newcastle, had scarce
received his answer; but, that the war might be carried on more
covertly, he was commanded to return with the English army.
Moreover, John Erskine, and 1 *-, who were sent ambassa-
dors from Scotland, met the said army at York, where they were
detained by Howard, the general, and never dismissed till they
came to Berwick.

James, being assured by his spies, before the return of the
ambassadors, of the marching of the English army, formed his
camp at Falkirk, about fourteen miles from the borders ; but
?cnt George Gordon on before, with ten thousand men, to pre-*
vent the plunderings of the English; yet he did nothing con-
siderable, and had not so much as a light skirmish with the
pnemy.

The king of Scotland was mighty earnest to give battle; but

12

I70 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIW

the nobility would not hear of it by any means; so that he was
full of wrath, and burst out in a rage against them, calling them
co-wards, and unworthy of their ancestors ; every now and then
telling them, that, since he was betrayed by them, he himself and
his own family, would do that, which they had cowardly refused to
do. Neither could he be appeased, though they came about him,
and told him, That he had done enough for his honour; that he
had not only kept the English army, which was so long a time
in levying, and that had invaded Scotland on a sudden, and that
with threats to do great matters, from straggling up and down
the country for booty and plunder; but also, for the space of
eight days, that it remained in Scotland, trad so pent up the
English, that they never marched above a mile from the border.;:
for, after they drew out of Berwick, they went as far as Kelso
up against the stream; and there, being informed of the march
of the Scottish army, they passed over the ford, being so fearful
to engage, that they rushed into the river with the utmost pre-
dion and disorder; and, as every one passed over, they left
olours, and made the best of their way home. Gordon,
z mean time, , who saw this at a distance, stirred not at all,
tlor made he any attempt upon them in their rear, for which the
king conceived an implacable hatred against him.

Maxwell, to appease the king's anger as much as he could,
promised, if he might have ten thousand men, to march into
England by the Solway, and to do some considerable sen ice
and he would have been as good as his word, if the king, be-
ing angry with his nobles, had not given secret letters and a
commission to Oliver Sinclair, brother to the laird of Roslin,
which he was not to open till such a time. The contents were,
That the whole army should acknowledge him for their general.
James's design in it was, that if his army had had the better,
the glory of the victory might not redound to the nobles. When
they were come into their enemy's country, and about five hun-
dred English horse appeared on the neighbouring hills, Oliver
Sinclair was lifted up on high by those of his faction, and lean-
ing upon two spears, caused the king's commission to be read ;
at which the whole army was so offended, and especially Max-
well, that they broke their ranks, and thronged confusedly in,
one among another. Their enemies, though accustomed to w it .
yet never hoping for so great an advantage, when from the up-
per ground they beheld things in such a confusion amongst them,
rushed' upon them with a great shout, as their manner is, and so
assaulted them, as they were in a fright, and suspended between
the design of flying or fighting; and thus horse, foot, and bag-
gage wore promiscuously driven into the next marshes; where

Book XIV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. . 1 7 I

many were taken by the English, more by the Scottish moss-
troopers and sold to the English.

When this loss of his army was brought to the king, who
was not far off, he was moved beyond measure with indignation,
anger, and grief, insomuch that his mind was distracted two
ways; sometimes to take revenge of the perfidiousness of his
own people, as he called it, and sometimes to make preparation
for a new war, and for the renewing of the public affairs.
But in that almost desperate state of things, it seemed the best
way to make a truce with the English, and to call back Archi-
bald Douglas, earl of Angus, on the best conditions he could.
But his body being worn out with watching and fasting, and
Ids mind overwhelmed with cares, he died a few days after, on
the 13th of December, leaving his daughter his heiress, a child
of about five days old. He was buried on the 14th day of Ja-
nuary, in the monastery of Holyrood, near his first wife Mag-
dalene.

In his life-time, his countenance and the make of his body
were very comely, his stature not very tall, but his strength
above the proportion of his body, his wit was sharp, but net
suiftcLntly cultivated with learning, which was the fault of the
times; his diet was sparing; he seldom drank wine; he was 'moct
patient of labour, cold, heat, and hunger; he would often sit on
horseback, night and day, in the coldest winter, that so he might
catch the thieves in their harbours at unawares, and his activity
struck such a terror into them, that they abstained from their
evil purposes, as if he had always been present amongst them.
He was so well acquainted with the customs of his country,
that he would give just answers concerning weighty matters, as
he went his journeys upon the road, with a great deal of rea-
diness and exactness; he was easy of access even to the poorest.
But his great virtues were almost equalled by as many vices; yet
they had this alleviation, that they seemed rather imputed to the
times in which he lived, than to his own natural disposition.
For such an universal licentiousness had over-run all, that pub-
lic discipline could not be retrieved, but with a great deal of
strictness and severity.

That which made him so covetous of money was, that when
he was under the guardianship of others, he was educated with
great parsimony; and, as soon as ever he came to be of age,
he entered into an empty palace, where he found that all his
house-hold stuff had been embezzled; so that every room of
his palace was to be new furnished at once, and his guardians
had expended the royal revenue en those uses, which he wholly
disapproved.

1-J2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIV.

Those who had the instruction of his youth, made him more
inclinable to women, because by that means they hoped to
have him longer under their tuition. A great part of the nobi-
lity did not much lament his death, because he had banished
some of them, and kept many others in prison; and many, for
fear of his severity, a fresh disgust being now added to their
former contempt, chose rather to surrender themselves to the En-
glish king, their enemy, than to commit themselyes to the anger
£>f their own.

(A, C. 1542.;

THE

HISTORY

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SCOTLAND.

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BOOK XV.

X HE king dying in the flower of his age, rather of grief than
any disease, and the tumults of the former times being rather1
hushed asleep than composed; wise men foresaw so great a tem-
pest impending over Scotland, the like of which they themselves
never beheld, nor had ever read of in ancient records. The king
had not so much as ordei-ed his own domestic affairs, but had left
a daughter, born about eight days before his death, heiress to the
crown. As for those of the nobility who had borne sway, either
they were slain in battle, or else were banished, or taken prisoners
by the enemy. And if they had been at home, yet, by reason of
private animosities, or of dissensions on the account of religion,
which were stifled out of fear during the king's life; but now,
that restraint being taken off, were likely to break out again, they
would have quarrelled amongst themselves; so that they wei-e not
in any probability of acting like men of sobriety and discretion.

And besides, they were engaged in a war against a most power-
ful king; and everyone spoke according to his hope or fear, what
would be the use he would make of his victory. He that was the
second heir, and next to the crown, as he was not commonly re-
ported to have much of virtue, even for the management of his
private life, so he was as little noted for counsel or valour, to ma-
nage the kingdom. As for tlje cardinal, he thinking that in those

1 74 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV,

public calamities lie might have an opportunity to aggrandize him-
self; that he might shew himself scmc-body, both to his own order,
and also to the French faction, attempted a thing both bold and
impudent. For by the hired assistance of Henry Balfour, a mer-
cenary priest, he suborned a false will of the king's, wherein he
himself was nominated to the supreme authority, with three of
the most potent of the nobility to be his assessors. He was in
great hopes that his project would succeed from the disposition of
the earl of Arran, one of his assessors and partners in the govern-
ment, who was not turbulent but rather inclinable to be easy and
quiet. And besides, he was near of kin to him, for he was son
to the cardinal's aunt. ' Moreover, the opportunity to invade the
supreme power, seemed to reqviire haste, that he might be posses-
sed of it before the exiles and captives returned out of England,
that so they might have no hand in conferring this honour upon
him; for he was afraid of their power and popularity. Neither
did he doubt but that their minds were alienated from him upon
the score of a. different religion. This was the cause, that pre-
sently after the king's death he published an edict concerning the
chusirtg of four governors of the kingdom. He also gained some
of the nobles, by promises and gifts, to engage them to his faction,
and especially the queen, who was somewhat disaffected to the
adverse party. Hamilton their head, was a man not ambitious,
but rather willing to live hi quiet, if his relations would have suf-
fered him; but they studying their own honour and interest, ra-
ther than his, night and day puffed up the mind of the young
gentleman with hopes, and advised him by no means to let slip so
(air an opportunity put into his hands; for they had rather have
things in a combustion, than to live in a fixed and private condi-
tion of life. And besides, the hatred of the cardinal got them
many friends, and the indignity of their bondage under a merce-
nary priest. They had also some appearance of hope, which,
though uncertain in itself, yet was not inefficacious to stir up
men's endeavours, that, since Hamilton was the next heir, and a
female, so few days old., the only person betwixt him and the
crown, she might meet with many mischances, either casually,
or by the fraud of her guardians, before she came to be marriage-
able. Thus while they were laying the foundations of their fu-.
ture power, it seemed most advisable, not to neglect the advan-
tage which the present state o^i things offered, and to hope well
for the exaltation of the Hamiltons; and if that hope deceived
them, yet it would not be difficult fur them to obtain the pardon
of a new princess, who in the beginning of her reign would study
to win the respect of all men.

Whilst things were at this Scotland, the king of Eng-

land, full of extraordin unexpected a victory,

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Jje

for the chief of the Scottish prisoners up to London; where, alter
they had been imprisoned in the Tower two days, on St. Thomas'9
day, which was the 21st of December, they were all brought
through the city, where it was the longest, as if they were to be
shewn as a public spectacle to the people; and, coming to White-
hall the king's court, they were sharply reproved by the chancel-
lor, as violatcrs of the league. And, after he had made a large
discourse concerning the goodness and clemency of his king, who
had remitted much of the rigour of justice he might have used to-
wards them, they were distributed about into several families, and
lodged among them as prisoners at large. There were seven of
the nobility, and twenty-four of the gentry among these captives.
But when the news came in less than three days, that the king of
Scots was dead, and had left one only daughter his heiress, Hen-
ry thought it a fit opportunity to conciliate and unite the minds
both of Scots and English in a band of union, by espousing his
son to their queen. Upon this, he recalled the prisoners to
court, and employed some fit persons to feel their pulses in the
case; where being kindly entertained, promising to contribute
their assistance towards the match, as far as they might without
detriment to their own or the public honour, on the first of Janu-
ary, at the beginning of the year 1543, they were all released,
and sent back towards Scotland. When they came to Newcastle,
and had given hostages to Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk, as
to other matters they were free, and so returned home. There
returned also with them the Douglasses, two brothers, being just
then restored to their country, after fifteen years banishment.
They were all received with the gratulation of the major part of
the people. The cardinal, who saw this storm gathered against
him, making no doubt but the prisoners and the exiles would be
both his opposers in the parliament, had taken care to be chosen
regent before their coming. But he enjoyed that honour not
long; for within a few days, his fraud in counterfeiting the king's
will and testament being discovered, he was thrown out of place,
and James Hamilton, earl of Arran, made regent; through a desire
which some had to ingratiate themselves with him, as the next heir
to the crown. Others foresaw so long before, the cruelty of the
cardinal in matters of religion, and therefore pi-ovidcd against it,
by lessening his power. Their fear was increased by a schedule
found among the king's papers after his death, wherein the names
of above 300 of the nobility were contained as cinminals; and. a-
mongst them, he that was chosen regent, was the first person to
have been questioned. This made his election very grateful to
the majority, because it seemed the most probable means to release
many from danger, and to curb the pride of the priests. Besides,
he himself willinglv read the hooks that contained controversies
Vol. II. /

Ij6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

about religion} and the quietness and retirement of his former
life, far remote from court ambition, made many hope, that he
would be sober and moderate in his government. Besides, being
out of the magistracy, he had not yet discovered any inactivity or
sluggishness of mind.

In a parliament which was held in March, sir Ralph Sadler
came ambassador from England, in order to a marriage, and set-
tling a peace. He put some of the nobility in mind of their
use: others, as the report goes, he tempted with money.
The queen-mother, cardinal, and the whole faction of priests be-
ing not only against this peace, but by disturbing some members
and counsellors, and corrupting others, not suffering it so much
as to be put to the vote; by the general consent of almost the
whole parliament, the cardinal, while the votes were taken, was
confined to his chamber. In his absence, they easily agreed upon
the marriage of the young queen, and other matters; and sure-
ties were promised to be sent to England for the performance of
them. The cardinal, at the intercession of the queen-mother,
was kept in a loose kind of custody by Seton, who was persuaded,
for a certain sum of money, in a little while after, to let him go-
When peace seemed thus to be settled to the great advantage of
both kingdoms, after so great a dread of an impending war, every
body thought it would be a lasting one; and therefore the mer-
chants, who, for some years before, had been hindered from trad-
ing, went thick and three-fold to sea, and laded very many ships
with the best commodities they could procure for the time allotted
them so to do. Edinburgh sent out twelve ships; ether cities of
that circuit (which is the richest part of Scotland) rigged out
ships, each, according to their respective abilities. This fleet, in
idence of the peace with England, drew nearer the shores
they needed to have ci. when the wind was calm,

some lay at anchor, others entered into the ports, and so laid
themselves open to the injuries of the English, if any tumult of
war should arise.

About the same time, John Hamilton, abbot of Paisley, and
David Painter, returned cut of France. These men now threw
offthe mask, with which they had disguised themselves before for
so many years, and then began to play the old pranks that were
natural to them. They, as if they had been educated in the
school of profaneness, and not in that of piety, were the 'ring-
leaders at court, who prompted men to all manner of impieties.
The cardinal) as he was restored to Ins liberty unexpectedly, be-
ing of a proud and haughty disposition, which was aggravated by
the repulse he had received, and by the ignominy occurring in the
detection of his fraud, sought out all occasions whatsoever to dis-
turb this concord. First of all, he communicated with the queen-

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 177

dowager; and they both took it in great indignation, that the
Douglasses (who, for the many benefits they had received, f;om
the English, must needs be their fast friends) should immediately,
after so many years banishment, he admitted iuto the parliament-
house, to debate the weightiest affairs of the 'kingdom. Besides,
they all feared a change of the established religion, the conse-
quence of which must needs be a breach of the league with France.
Upon this, the cardinal, by the consent cf the queen, summon-
ed a convocation of priests, and extorted from them a great sum
of money, as fearing the universal ruin of the whole papal
church. Part of this money was paid to some of the nobles of the
adverse party, and many large promises were made tl
to persuade them not to give the promised hostages to the English;
and as for those who were newly returned from theiii captivity,
and had left their children or kindred as hostages for their return,
he obliged them not to prefer those (otherwise dear) pledges before
the laws, the public safety, and their ancient religion, whose pre-
servation turned upon this single hinge; and that they would not
run willingly into perpetual bondage. Besides, he caused the ec-
clesiastics to carry it proudly and disrespectfully towards the En-
glish ambassadors, insomuch that the very rabble reproached and
abused his retinue, and there was nothing he could say or do, but
what was all taken in the worst sense. But the ambassador re-
solved to bear all affronts, and weather out this tide of ineonve-
niencies, till the day for delivering the hostages should approach*
that so he might give no occasion of a rupture on his part. And,
when that day came, he went to the regent, and complained of
the affronts which had been offered, not so much to himself, as to
his king, whom he represented ; and insisted, that it was a viola-
tion of the law of nations. And he desired him to give hostages
according to the tenor of the league lately made, that so the re-
newed amity might be kept sacred and inviolate, to the mutual ad-
vantage of both nations. The regent, as to the affronts offered,
excused himself, and said he was sorry for them, and that he
would speedily search into the matter, that so the punishment of
such petulant offei ould be a sufficient testimony of the

love and veneration he had for the English nation. But as to host-
ages, he answered, that he could not obtain them with the good-
will of the estates, neither was he able to compel them without
public consent; for die government which he bore was such, that
he received as much law as he gave; and therefore all his mea-
sures were disturbed by the great sedition, which he saw the car-
dinal had raised. That he was, as it were, carried down in the
stream of a popular fury, and could scarce maintain his own sta-
tion and dignity. The new hostages being thus denied, there
another thing as weighty as that, which fell under debate,

1 7 S HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

and that was, concerning the nobles lately taken prisoners of
war, who, upon their releasement, had given hostages, and made
solemn asseverations, that if there were not a peace concluded, as
Henry desired, upon just and fair terms, they would surrender
themselves prisoners again. As for them, the cardinal's faction,
and the rest of the ecclesiastical order had dealt with them, partly
by reasons, and partly by*examples, not to prefer their estates,
kindred, children, or any other thing which might be dear to
them, before the love of their country. And what was more,
they threatened them with auxiliaries from France, and that ail
Europe conspired for the defence of their ancient rights and reli-
gion-, and if they acted contrary, they would betray their coun-
try, and bring on the immediate ruin of their ancient families.
They also desired them, in so dangerous a time, not to forsake
their country: for if that were safe, they might hope for more
kindred and children; but if that were overthrown, then all was
gone. Besides, they discoursed much concerning the inexpiable
hatred betwixt the two nations, and of the cruelty of the king, in-
to whose hands they were to come; thus blending truths and
falsehoods together. Moreover, they alleged the decree of the
council of Constance, that all pacts, contracts, promises and
oaths, made with heretics, ought to be rescinded and made void.
The greatest part of those who were concerned in this matter,
were willing to hearken to any colourable pretence for their fault;
only there was one of them, who for no pecuniary consideration
whatever could be taken off, nor by any threats deterred from
keeping his word; and that was Gilbert Kennedy earl of Cassils.
He had left two of his brothers hostages in England ; and he openly
professed, that neither for fear nor danger would he redeem his
own life with the loss of his brothers; but whatever came of it,
he would surrender himself back a prisoner: and so, against the
desire of many, he went directly on his journey to London. Hen-
ry much commended the resolute fidelity of the young man; and,
to the intent that all might know he had an esteem for virtue, he
richly rewarded him, and sent him back with his two brothers in-
to Scotland.

But Henry's mind was not more pacified towards Gilbert, than
ins anger was implacable against the rest of the Scots; and he ac-
cordingly laid an embargo upon all the Scots ships in all English
ports and harbours, of which there was a great number, as I said
before, and presently declared war. His menaces were great, as
against the violators, not only of leagues, but even of the law of
nations. And yet though Scotland stood totterring in so danger-
ous a condition, the memory of alliances, the common love to
their country, and the respect of the public safety, were so far laid
*side, that the flames of sedition were blown up with more fierce-

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 79

ness than ever ; for the faction of the cardinal, and of the queen
dowager, who were all for the French, sent over ambassadors
thither, to tell them, That unless they sent in assistance, the mat-
ter was upon the very point, that England and Scotland would
make a coalition into one government; and how much such aeon-
junction would concern France, the experience of former ages
had shewn. But they made it their chief request to the French,
that they would send hack Matthew Stuart, earl of Lennox, into
his own country, who did not only emulate the family of the
Hamiltons, but was also their deadly enemy, by reason of their
having slain his father at Linlithgow. This young man was
greatly beloved, not only for his extraordinary beauty and stately
mien, in the very flower of his youth, but chiefly upon the ac-
count of the memory of his father, who had been a most popular
man: And there was great danger that so noble a family, now re-
duced to a few, should be utterly extinguished. Besides, he had
many clanships of his own, and also affinity with many other
great families. What was still more, the last king had designed
him to be his heir and successor, if he himself died without issue
male: and he would have confirmed that his intention by a de-
cree of the estates (who have the sovereign power to order such
public affairs) if his life had been prolonged. Nay, there were
some flatterers, who endeavoured to exalt his generous mind,
which was of itself already raised up with the expectation of great
things, but was not so well fortified against fraudulent sycophants,
to larger hopes; for, besides the supreme rule for above twenty
years of the young queen's minority, and the dominion over his old
enemies, they promised him, that he should marry the queen-dow-
ager; and if the young queen, who had the name only of supreme
governess, should miscarry, 'then without doubt he would be the
next king; and not only so, but also the lawful heir of
James Hamilton lately deceased ; for that the regent was a bas-
tard, and was so far from any just expectation of the kingdom,
that he could not lawfully claim the inheritance of his own fami-
ly. Besides, they urged the encouragement of the French king,
who gave hopes of great assistance in due time. When the plain-
hearted and credulous young man was thus persuaded, he provid-
ed for his voyage into Scotland. Hamilton was not ignorant of
any of these things; and, to the end that he might gain an acces-
sion of strength to his own party, by the advice of those friends
in whom he reposed the greatest trust, he resolved to take away
the young queen from Linlithgow, where she yet was under the
power of her mother; for if he once got her into his hands, then
not only the shadow of the royal name, winch is an attractive
ihing amongst the vulgar, would be of his side, but he would
likewise have the power of bestowing her in marriage, and $o

ISO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

make himself arbiter of the kingdom, to transfer it just as he
pleased; which if he could obtain, then the king of England
might be managed by fair words, or per&uaded to join with him in
case of need.

This design was much approved: but, as is usual in civil dis-
cords, spies on both sides get hold of proper informations, some
body acquainted the cardinal with the matter. He, gathering to-
gether some of the nobility, whom he had made his friends with
money, came to Linlithgow, and to the great burden of the inha-
bitants, staid there some days, as a guard to the queen. In the
mean time Lennox arrived out of France, and, being kindly re-
ceived by the regent, each of them dissembling their hatred, he
went to Linlithgow. Here he addressed the cardinal, and then
went to his own house, where in a meeting of friends, he dis-
coursed at large why he came over; at whose invitation; by
whom sent for; and upon what hopes: That he was promised
not only the chief magistracy, but also that the heads of the fac-
tion, with the queen-dowager's consent, had assured him, that he
should marry her: And, that, in order to the effecting of it, the
king of France had encouraged him to expect aid and assist-
ance from thence. They all assented to his speech, and
advised him not to be wanting to his good fortune, which so
freely had offered itself. And thus, with about four thousand
men, he came to the queen. Hamilton, who had drawn all the
friends and forces he could presently raise to Edinburgh, resolved
to break through to the queen; but now perceiving that his forces
were too weak, by the advice of his friends, and, out of his own
disposition to peace, began to treat of an accommodation. Ac-
cordingly some prudent persons were chosen on both sides, who
met at the town cS Liston, almost in the middle way between
Edinburgh and Linlithgow: And an agreement was made betwixt
them on these terms: That the queen should be removed to Stir-
ling; and that four of the prime nobility, who ""had engaged them-
selves in neither faction- should be chosen out to have an eye over
her education; and those were William Graham, John Erskine,
John Lindsay, and William Livingston, eminent persons, and all
heads of illustrious families. 'They, by the decree of both par-
ties, took the queen, and entered upon the road leading to Stirling
whilst Lennox stood in arms with his men, till they had travelled
far enough to be out of clanger from the contrary faction; and not
long after, with the accustomed ceremonies, and ensigns of majesty,
she began her reign at Stirling, August 21.

The regent perceiving that the favour of the inconstant vulgar
was alienated from him; and that his forces were inferior to those
of the contrary faction, began to entertain private conferences
with them; And the cardinal, who was of kin to him by the mo-

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I 8 I

ther's side, sought to bring him over to his party, by terrifying
him, rather than to subdue him by force of arms: So that having
weakened him at home, in taking off part of the nobility from him
by his largesses, and, by forcing him into a disadvantageous
league, rendered him cheaper, and of less repute among the En-
glish j he now, by the intervention of his familiar friends, who had
more regard to money, than love to honesty, persuading him to
come to Stirling, there caused him to recant and change his opini-
on concerning all the controverted points of religion; not openly,
that the infamy of the* fact might be lessened among the vulgar,
but in a convent of the Franciscans, in the presence of the queen-
dowager, and the chief nobles of the court; and for fear of a suit
which the cardinal threatened to commence against him for his
whole estate, he was so obsequious, that he put himself wholly
under his influences, insomuch that he only retained the shadowy
name of a regent. Thus by the regent's cowardice, and the ava-
rice of his relations, the cardinal obtained that which he had
sought after by forging the will, as above, viz. he enjoyed all the
advantages of the government without envy. There seemed but
one thing wanting to establish his power, and that was the remov-
al of Lennox, who was a great block in the way of his designs.
At last, the queen-dowager and cardinal fixed upon this project,
that, till an answer came from France, she should hold the young
man's mind in suspence, by giving him some hopes of marrying
her. For they had written honourably of Lennox to the French
king, as indeed they could do no other; for next to God, they
were indebted to him for restoring them to the liberty they enjoy-
ed. But withal they desired the king, that, seeing matters were
not quieted in Scotland, by his royal liberality and assistance he
would be pleased to maintain the good work he had done them,
and to confirm the peace he had been the cause of, by recalling
Lennox: for, without that, things would never long continue in
peace, but one or other of the factions must be destroyed.
they undermined Lennox privately; but in public he was enter-
tained with variety of diversions by the queen and cardinal; the
court was dissolved in luxury and lasciviousness, and wholly given
up to plays and feastin^v. The day rang with tilts and tourna-
ments, the night with balls and masquerades.

Lennox, inclinable by nature to these recreations, and besides
much accustomed to them in the French court, was now whetted
by a rival, James Hepburn, earl of Bothweli, who was enough
to sharpen even a palled appetite. This James Was banished by
king James V. but presently after his death he returned home,
and aspired to the marriage oi the queen, by the same arts as
Lennox did. And indeed the endowments of nature and fortune
were very eminent in both of them, insomuch that they might be

I8t HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

said to be rather like than equal. Bothwell matched him in other
tilings, but in these ludicrous combats and feats of arms being
inferior to him, he left the court, and departed to his own house.
Lennox, when his rival was removed, thought now that all was
easy and secure on his part, and so he earnestly pressed, that the
promises made him by the queen and cardinal might be performed.
But perceiving at last, that he was- frauuently dealt with, and that
Hamilton, his enemy, was advanced by them to honour, authority,
and the supreme power over all men's lives and fortunes, his
youthful mind, which was not accustomed to ill arts, but judged
all others like himself, was so inflamed with anger, that he broke
out into bitter expressions, and solemnly swore, that he would suf-
fer want, banishment, death, nay, any thing whatsoever, rather
than such an affront should go unrevenged. Accordingly, he re-
turned to Dumbarton, wholly bent on revenge, but as yet uncer-
tain what course to take to accomplish it. There he received
30,000 French crowns from the king of France, who had not yet
certainly heard how affairs stood in Scotland, to enable him to
Strengthen his party. That money gave some relief to his distem-
pered mind, because it gave him room to hope that he was not
iorsaken by the French king. But being commanded by the do-
nor to distribute the money by advice of the queen dowager and
the cardinal, he gave one part of it to his own friends, and sent
another part to the queen. The cardinal, who had already de-
voured all that booty in his mercenary thoughts, being grievously
troubled, not only at his disappointment and loss, but also at his
disgrace in the matter, persuaded the regent presently to levy an
army, and to march to Glasgow, not doubting but that he might
there surprise Lennox and the money together. Their design
being made known to Lennox, he speedily levied above 10,000
men of his own friends and vassals. That which much facilitated
the raising such a multitude, was the indignation of some of the
nobles, who, at the beginning, out of love to religion, and hatred
to the cardinal, had been the instruments to advance the regent to
that high honour; but now they had changed their former good-
will into hatred, because, without consulting them, he had delivered
up, and as much as in him lay, betrayed his best-deserving friends,
together with himself, into the servitude of their most cruel e-
nefrty.

This frame of spirit made a new, and indeed a scarce credible
change in the Scottish affairs; the strength of the factions seemed
almost entire, only they were headed by other commanders. Ha-
milton and his kindred joined themselves to the quecn-dowagcr
and cardinal; but his former friends sided with Lennox. With
these forces, levied on :\ sudden, Lennox came to Leith, and sent
some into Edinburgh, to tell the cardinal, that he needed not to

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. I 83

march to Glasgow to fight him, for he would give him opportu-
nity to do it any day when he pleased, in the fields between Leith,
and Edinburgh. The cardinal, who had drawn the regent to his
party, and imagined that the power of the adverse party was so
weakened by it, that he hoped none durst look him in the face,
now unexpectedly seeing himself challenged by a greater army
than he had to defend him, did not refuse the combat in words,
but only deferred the day of fight, upon several pretences, well
knowing that Lennox could not long keep an army together,
consisting of volunteers, without pay or provision made for any
long time. In the mean time, he endeavoured by entreaties and
promises to work over the minds of those, who were most for his
turn. Lennox, seeing that the enemy's design was to lengthen
out the war, and by no means to hazard a fight, and being unpro-
vided with necessaries to begin, a siege, and also perceiving that
some of his men had secret conferences by night with the enemy,
to deliver himself out of these straits (his friends, who had made
secret provision for themselves, urging him likewise so to do) he
was forced to capitulate with the regent; and so he went to Edin-
burgh to him, and they transacted matters some days together, as
if they had quite forgot their old hatred and animosity.

At length, when he came to Linlithgow, Lennox receiving ad-
vices from his friends, that some hidden mischiefs were brewing
against him ; in the night-time he went privately to Glasgow, and
having fortified the bishop's castle with a garrison, and with suf-
ficient provisions, he went to Dumbarton; there he received more
certain information that the Douglasses and the Hamiltons were
agreed; and because some suspicions and relics of old grudges
were left betwixt the factions, George Douglas and Alexander
Cunningham were given as hostages, the one for the father, the
other for the brother. Though this was done for a pretence and
a disguise of a firmer concord, and a promise made that they
should speedily be released, yet notwithstanding they were detain-
ed till the coming in of the English army: for the Hamiltons ne-
ver thought themselves secure, till those nobles who had any in-
terest or courage were removed; that so, by the terror of their
punishment, others might be restrained from insurrections. Be-
sides, about the same time, Lennox was informed, that the king
of France was wrought into a disgust against him by the malicious
practices of his enemies.

In the mean time, Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus, and Ro-
bert Maxwell, chief of a noble family, came tc Glasgow, to ac-
commodate matters, if it were possible, between the regent and
Lennox; but the regent's council persuaded him to apprehend the
verv mediators for peace; and thus, by a back-way, to avoid the

Vol.11. A a

184 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

tumult of the people, they were carried out, and sent prisoners to
Hamilton castle.

In this posture of affairs in Scotland, when not only the Eng-
lish, but the chief of the Scots also, were angry with the regent,
Henry of England thought it a fit opportunity for him to punish
the violators, not only of the league, but of the law of nations
too; yet, before he would attack the Scots by force, he sent let-
ters full of just complaints and threats to Edinburgh, blaming
them for refusing his alliance, which they could not do well with-
out, and so arrogantly as they did too, when he had so freely and
generously offered it; nay, that they had not only rejected that
alliance, but repaid his favours with sowing the seeds of war;
and so had enforced him to arm against his will. These letters
doing no good, he caused those great naval forces which he had
ready, designed with the* first opportunity for the coast of France,
to set sail for Scotland, and to infest Edinburgh and Leith, both
which towns had most affronted his ambassadors, and the coun-
try round about them, with all the plagues and misery of a war.
The ships arriving there, landed 10,000 foot, May 4th, a little
above Leith, who, without any resistance, entered the town ; for
most of the townsmen were absent, and intent upon their mer-
chandizing abroad. The regent and cardinal being then at Edin-
burgh, and unprovided of all things, knew not what to do, but
were so surprised, that they presently set at liberty those ' four
eminent persons which they had in durance, as aforesaid, not for
any regard to the public safety, but partly fearing, lest otherwise
their kinsmen and tenants should refuse to fight, if not join them-
selves to the enemy; and partly also, that they might redeem the
good-will of the people, who they knew had a general distaste
against them upon many accounts; but they, not daring to trust
to the hatred of the citizens and of their enemies too, fled to Lin-
lithgow. The English staid three days at Leith, to land their
ordnance and baggage, and so prepared themselves for the assault.
Having settled other matters, they marched to Edinburgh, pillaged
and burnt the city, and then dispersed themselves to spoil the
neighbouring parts; they ruined many villages, with some castles
and seats of noblemen. From Edinburgh they returned to Leith,
and having a fair wind, set fire to the houses, hoisted sail, and
went away.

About that time Lennox was certainly informed, that Francis
king of France was wholly disgusted at him. For the contrary
faction, by their frequent letters and messages, had persuaded
him, that it was Lennox alone, who, by reason of his old enmi-
ty against the adversaries of his father, hindered the public tran-
quillity and concord of ali Scotland; and that he was the head of
the faction against the regent,, and a favourer of the English, and

Book XV. «ISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 8$

one who rather indulged his own private animosities, than pro-
moted the common cause; and, that if the king would recal him
into France, peace would be easily made up amongst the rest.
When Lennox had received intelligence by his friends, what his
enemies had informed against him, he also writ to Francis, in-
forming him in what case he found the affairs of Scotland, and
how he and his friends had, with a great deal of pains, restored
both queens to their liberty; and had put them into a posture and
capacity to rule, having broken the power of the adverse party;
and, out of a most turbulent tempest, had brought things to a
great tranquillity; and that nothing would be more acceptable to
him, than to return into France, where he had lived rather long-
er of the two than in Scotland, and so to enjoy the sweet society of
the friends he most loved. But that his coming into his own
country was not of his own accord, but he was sent by the king;
and that he had done nothing there that his majesty himself need
to be ashamed of. And if he would not abridge him of his for-
mer favour, he would shortly answer, nay, perhaps exceed the
hope he had conceived of him ; but, if he should call him away in
the midst of the career of his designs, then he must not only leave
the things he had so excellently begun, unfinished, but also ex-
pose his friends, kindred, and vassals, whom he had engaged in
the public cause, and who had almost been worn out with cost
and labour, to servitude and torment, under an impious and cru-
el tyrant, who, as much as in him was, had sold both queen and
kingdom to the enemy ; and who observed the pacts and promises
he made to men, no more religiously, than he did the duties of pi-
ety towards God; for within a few years he had changed his reli-
gion three times. Neither was it to be wondered at in him, who
looked upon oaths and promises, not as bonds obliging to fidelity
and truth, but the specious covers of perfidiousness and treachery.
And therefore he moved earnestly, that the king, and those of his
council, v/ould consider, whether, in &o great an affair, they
would believe him, all whose ancestors had devoted themselves,
their lives, honours and fortunes, for the increase of his grandeur,
and who indeed had been honoured and rewarded by him with
many benefits, which yet were rather testimonies of their good ac-
ceptance, than just rewards and compensations of their labours;
or else a man, who would change his friends and foes at the blast
of every wind, and who depended on the arbitrament of fortune
alone.

Though many were not ignorant, that these allegations were
true, yet the French king was so influenced by the Guises, the
queen-dowager's father and uncle, and who in all things endea-
voured to promote her concerns, that his heart and ear were both
shut against Lennox's request; insomuch, that he would not per*

A a %

I 8(5 HISTOHY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

mit John Campbell, a man of approved virtue, sent by Lennox,
to have audience, or so much as to come into his presence, but
kept him in the nature of a prisoner, and had spies set upon him
to watch him, that so he might not write back any thing of the
designs in agitation at the French court; yet notwithstanding this
their caution, there were some who told him all. When Lennox,
heard this by the dispatches which were sent him, his troubled
mind was variously hurried betwixt anger and shame; he was a-
shamed to leave his enterprize which he had begun, unfinished;
and the rather, because he thought that he was not able to satisfy
the love of his friends and kindred, whom he had drawn with him
into the same danger, but by the sacrifice of his life. As for the rest,
his anger was highly inflamed, especially against the queen-dowager
and the cardinal, by whose perfidious contumely he was cast into
these straits; but he was chiefly offended with the king of France,
complaining, that he had brought him upon (he stage, and now
in the midst of his prosperous actings had forsaken him, and join-
ed himself with his enemies. Whilst his thoughts thus fluctuated,
not knowing where to fix, news was brought him, that all the in-
habitants, on this side mount Grantzbain, who were able to bear
atms, were commanded by proclamation, against such a day, to
appear at Stirling, and to bring ten days provision along with them,
that they might be ready to march wheresover the regent should
command them. And accordingly they came at the day appoint-
ed, and the regent commanded them to Glasgow. There he be-
sieged the castle ten days, and battered it with brass guns. At last
a truce was granted for a day, and the guards tampered with; so
that the castle was surrendered, upon quarter, and indemnity
granted to the garrison-soldiers; yet notwithstanding all of them,
but one or two were put to death.

In the mean time, Lennox, being forsaken by the French king,
and also cut off from any hope of other aid, made trial by his
friends, how the king of England stood affected towards him;
and, finding it fair weather there,- he resolved for England. But,
before he went, he had a great mind to perform some notable ex-
ploit against the Hamiitons; and communicating his design to
William Cunningham, earl of Glencairn, they two, at a day ap-
pointed^ with their tenants and adherents, resolved to meet at
Glasgow, and from thence to make an inroad into the county of
Clydesdale, which all belonged to the Hamiitons. When the re-
gent heard of this, he resolved to be beforehand with them, and
so to sei^e upon Glasgow, and prevent the place of meeting; but
Cunningham, with a great party of his men, entered the town
before, and there expected the coming of Lennox; but hearing of
Hamilton's approach, and of his design, he drew out his men in-
to the adjoining fields, and according to the number of those he

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. l8j

had, set them in array. There were about 800 of them, part of
his own clanship, and part of the citizens of Glasgow, who fa-
voured his cause ; and thus, with greater courage than force, he
joined battle, and fought so valiantly, that he beat the first rank
of the enemy back upon the second, and took the brass pieces
they had brought with them. But whilst the fight was hot about
the regent's quarter, and the matter was in great hazard there, on
a sudden, Robert Boyd, a brave and valiant man, came in with a
small party of horse, and thrust himself into the midst of the fight,
where the hottest battle was. He occasioned a greater fear and
tepridation than so small a number need to have done; for both
armies believed, that great assistance was come to the Hamiltons.
This mistake quite changed the fortune of the day, whilst one
thought the assistance was come in to his party, the other to his
pnemies. There was slain in the battle about 300 on both sides;
the greatest part was of the Cunninghams, and amongst them,
two sons of the earl's, gallant men both. Neither was the victory
unbloody to the Hamiltons, for they lost considerable persons on
their side too. But the greatest mischief fell on the inhabitants of
Glasgow; for the enemy, not contented with the blood of the
townsmen which they had killed, nor with the miseries of those
who survived, nor yet with the plunder of their houses, they even
took away the folding-doors of their houses, and the shutters of
their windows, and their iron-bar3. Neither did they forbear in-
flicting upon them every kind of calamity, but only the firing of
their houses, which were sadly torn and deformed with the ravage.
The event of this battle wrought a great change in men's minds,
so that Lennox's friends and kinsmen refused to venture the mat-?
ter to the hazard of a second encounter; not so much because
their enemy's force was increased, and theirs lessened; nor that,
because, having lost so many valiant men, they could not speedily
gather together a new supply from places so remote; as, that they
were unwilling to give any new provocation to Hamilton, or by
too much obstinacy to offend him farther, under whose govern-
ment they knew they must shortly come. ■

Lennox, being thus deserted by the French, and the greatest
part of the Scots too, made George Stirling governor of the castle
of Dumbarton; and he himself, with a few of his company, sailed
for England, against the advice of his best friends, who were wil-
ling he should have staid some months in that impregnable castle,
and so waited for a new turn of affairs, which they doubted not
would shortly come to pass. But he was resolved for England,
where he was honourably received by the king, who, besides his
Other respects, gave him Margaret Douglas in marriage. She was
sister to James, last king of Scotland, whom the earl of Angus
had by the .sister of Henry king of England; a lady in the flower

I 88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

of her age, of great comeliness and beauty. In the mean time,
the queen-dowager received into her protection that Scottish fac-
tion which, by the departure of Lennox, was left without an
head, and which obstinately refused to come under the power of
Hamilton, whose levity they knew before, and whose cruelty they
now feared, for she was afraid that they might be enraged, in such
an hurry of things, and so desperately engage in some new com-
motion.

The Hamiltons rejoiced at the departure of so potent an ene-
my ; but not being satisfied with the punishments already inflict-
ed, they used their prosperity very intemperately: for, in the next
convention held at Linlithgow, they condemned him and his
friends, confiscated their goods, and banished them the land. A
great sum of money was raised out of the fines of those who
redeemed their estates out of the exchequer, but not without great
disgust, and the high offence of all good men. In the midst of
these domestic seditions, the English entered Scotland, and com-
mitted great spoil and desolation on Jedburgh, Kelso, and the
country thereabout. From thence they went to Coldingham,
where they fortified the church and the tower, as well as they
could for the time, by making works, and leaving a garrison, and
so departed. The garrison-soldiers made great havoc in all the
adjacent parts, partly out of greediness for plunder, and partly
that the country thereabouts might not afford provisions to the
enemy when they besieged them. They who ruled in Scotland,
the queen-dowager, cardinal, and regent, by the advice of the
council, put out a proclamation, That the noblemen, and the
most discreet and able of the commons, should come in, with
eight days provision, to march wherever the regent led them. In
a short time, about 8000 met together, and in a very sharp win-
ter too, who, having battered the tower of the church of Cold-
ingham with their, great guns, stood to their arms all that day and
night, to the very great fatigue both of horse and man. The
<lay after> the regent, either out of tenderness and inability to en-
dure military toil, or fearing the invasion of the enemy, for he
was informed that the English, from Berwick, a neighbouring
town, were upon their march, unknown to the nobles, and with
but a few in company, mounted on horseback, and with full speed
fled back to Dunbar. They who endeavour to excuse the base-
ness of this flight, say, that he was afraid lest his army, out of
hatred preconceived on many former accounts, would have de-
livered him up to the English. His departure occasioned a great
disturbance in the whole army, and the rather, because the rea-
son of his flight was unknown; and therefore many thought that
it was the more considerable, and that they had greater reason to
fear. This made some obstinately resolve to run home the nearv

•Book XV. HiSTORT OF SCOTLAND. 1 89

est way they could, and leave their guns behind them: others, who
would seem a little more provident and stout, were for overcharg-
ing them, that so they might burst in pieces at a discharge, and be-
come useless to the enemy: but Archibald earl of Angus withstood
them all, telling them that they should not add so foul an offence
to their base flight: but not being able to retain them, either by
his authority or intreaty, he burst out into these words, with a
loud voice, so that many might hear him: As for me, said he, I
had rather chuse any honourable death, than tt> enjoy my life, though
in plenty and security, with the guilt of so foul an action. You, my
friends and fellow-soldiers, consider what you will do: lam resolved
either to bring back these guns, or never to return home alive; my ho*
now and my life shall go together. This speech affected some very
few, whose honour was dearer to them than their lives; but the
rest were so disheartened by the shameful flight of the regent,
that they broke their ranks, and went every one his own way, in
a scattered confused manner. Douglas sent the guns before, and
he with his party followed in good order-, and though he was
pressed upon by the English horse, whom the tumult had excited,
yet he brought the ordnance safe to Dunbar. This expedition,
rashly undertaken, and as basely performed, discouraged abun-
dance of the Scots, and raised up the English spirit to an into-
lerable height, as turning the cowardice of the regent to their own
praise; and therefore Ralph Evers and Brian Laiton, two brave
English cavaliers, over- ran all Merse, Teviot and Lauderdale,
without any resistance, and made the inhabitants of those coun-
tries submit themselves, and if any were refractory, they wasted
their lands, and made their habitations desolate; nay, the undis-
turbed course of their victories made them so resolute and inso-
lent, that they propounded the bay of Forth to be the boundary
of their conquest; and with this hope they went to London, and
craved a reward from Henry for their good services. Their pe-
tition was referred to the council, and in the debate held about
it, Thomas Howard, duke of Norfolk, who had made many ex-
peditions against the Scots, and had done them much mischief,
understanding that, in that troublesome posture of affairs in Scot-
land it was no hard matter to over-run naked and unguarded
countries, and to compel the commonalty, when they had no
other refuge, to take an oath of fealty to them; and withal know-
ing the constancy of the Scots in maintaining their country, and
their resolution in recovering it when lost; upon these considera-
tions, it is reported, that he advised the king to give them all
the land which they could win by the sword; and also to allow
them a small force to defend it till the Scots were inured to the
English government. This gift they willingly received, and the
king as willingly gave: upon which, their vain boasting being ss

190 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

vainly requited, they returned joyfully to the borders, having ob-
tained 3000 soldiers in pay, besides the borderers, who are wont
to serve without any military stipend Their return mightily
disturbed all the borderers, because they had no hopes of any help
from the regent, in regard he was influenced in all his counsels
by priests especially by the cardinal. Hereupon, Archibald earl
of Angus, being much affected with the public disgrace, and also
concerned upon the account of his own private losses, for he had
large and fruitful possessions in Merse and Teviotdale, sent to the
regent,, to lay before him the greatness of their danger, and to beg
of him to prevent it. The regent deplored his own solitude,
and complained how he was deserted by the nobility. Douglas
told him, it was his own, not the nobility's fault, for they were
willing to spend their lives and fortunes for the good of the pub-
lic; but he had slighted their advice, and was wholly governed
by the priests, who were unwarlike abroad, and seditious at home ;
for they, being exempted from danger themselves, did abusively
spend the fruits of other men's labours upon their own pleasures.
f This' said he, *• is the fountain from whence suspicions arise be-
1 tween you and the nobility, which, in regard you cannot trust
« one another, is a great hinderance to the public service, but,
« if you will communicate counsels and concernments with them,
f who will not refuse to lay down their lives in executing what

* shall be resolved upon, I do not despair, but we may yet per-
( form as noble exploits as ever any of our ancestors did, in times

* equally, or at least not much less troublesome than the days
f we now live in. But if, by our own slothfulness, we suffer the
« enemy to conquer by piece-meal, he will quickly force us to
1 a surrender or a banishment; and which of the two is more
< miserable and flagitious can hardly be determined. As for us

* two, I know I am accused by my enemies of treachery, and you

* of cowardice: but if you would do that speedily, which you are

* not able to avoid doing in the end, it is not a line-spun oration,
« but it is the field of battle, and the edge of the sword, that
« must clear us of these imputations*" The regent told him, he
would be wholly guided by him and the nobles: upon which the
council was summoned about an expedition; and by their advice
•a proclamation was published in ail the neighbouring countries,
that the whole nobility there should, with all the speed they
could, repair to the regent wheresoever he should be; and they,
the day after, with their present forces, which were not above
300 horse, marched for England. There came in to them some
of the Lothianers and Merse-men, but not very many; so that
when they readied Mulross upon Tweed, they resolved to stay
there till more force came up to them. But the English, who
were already got as far as Jedburgh, being informed by their

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 10)1

spies of the inconsiderable force of the enemy, marched with a-
bout 5000 men out of Jedburgh, directly towards Mulross, not
doubting but that they should surprise the regent and his party
unawares, being but few, and those also tired with their march.

But the Scots having advice from their scouts of the English,
withdrew to the next hills, from thence in safety to behold what
course the enemy would take. The English being thus disap-
pointed of their hope, wandered up and down in the town and.
monastery of monks, which were pillaged a little before, being
intent upon what prey they could find, and there they staid till
break of day. As soon as it was light they were returning to
Jedburgh, and the Scots having received a supply of almost 300
of the men of Fife, under the command of Norman Lesly, son
ot the earl of Rothes, a young man of such accomplishments,
that he had not his match in all Scotland, grew from hence
more encouraged, and so, with a slow march, they retired to the
hills which lie about the town of Ancram: there Walter Scot,
of whom mention is made before, an active and prudent person,
came into them with but a few in his company, excusing the
straitness of time, and telling them, That his whole party would be
speedily with them; his advice was, that they should send their
horse to the next hill, and so all of them run equal hazard on
foot, and wait for the enemy on the low grounds; for he did not
doubt but that their servants carrying up their horse to the higher
grounds, would make the English believe they were running away,
and that would occasion them to hasten their march. And ac-
cordingly, lest the Scots should get off without fighting, and be
again to be sought out with a great deal of pains, before the
night came, the English came up to them in three battalions; for
they hoped to end the business with one light skirmish; and be-
cause their hopes were such, each one exhorted his fellow to make
haste, though they had continued their march night and day be-
fore under their heavy arms, that so by a short toil they might
get long rest, renown and glory. These exhortations added to
their courage, as much as the toil of the march abated their
strength, so that their two first battalions fell in amongst the
Scots, who were prepared for the onset, as into an ambush; yet
trusting to their number, they stood to their arms, and fought
stoutly. But two things, wisely foreseen, were a great help to
the Scots; for both the sun was almost at west and darted with
its full beams in the faces of the enemy; and also the wind,
which was somewhat high, carried back the smoke of the gun-
powder upon the battalions behind, insomuch that they could
not see their way; and besides, whilst they wess panting, by rea-
son of their march, it mightily troubled them with its noisoma
smell. The first battalion of the English fell back upon the se-
Vol. II. B b

192 history of Scotland. Book XV.

cond, the second on the third; where, by their intermixtures one
with another, and th^ pressing of the Scots upon them, they all
broke their ranks, and were driven back ; so that all were so full
of fear and terror, that none knew his own colours, or his cap-
tain. Thus, whilst every one provided for his own safety, no
man remembered the public danger or disgrace. The Scots fol-
lowed thick and close after them, so that now there was no more
fighting but slaying. At night the Scots were called back to
their colours, and taking a view of the slain, they lost only two
of their own; of the English, besides commanders, there died
about 200 soldiers, most of them persons of quality. There
were about 1000 prisoners taken, and of them above 80 gentle-
men. This victory happening beyond all men's expectation, was
so much the more acceptable; the fruit and profit of it all 're-
dounded to the regent, but almost all the honour to the Dou-
glasses.

About this time, by the fraud, as it is thought, of George
Gordon, earl of Huntly, a quarrel arose, in which almost all the
family of the Frazers was extinguished. There was betwixt them
and MacRonald an old grudge, which had been often manifested
to the loss of both parties ; and Huntly was inwardly filled with
indignation, that they alone, of all the neighbouring families, re-*
fused to come under his clanship. For, when the neighbour
islanders gathered together what forces they could against the
earl of Argyle, there was hardly any man in that tract of the
country but bore arms on one side or other. But the matter
being composed without blows, as they were returning, they se-
vered from him another way: the MacRonalds having notice of
it, got their clanships together, and set upon them most fu-
riously ; and the Frazers, being fewer in number, were overcome,
and all slain to a man. And thus that numerous family, which
had oft so well deserved of their country, had been wholly ex-
tinguished, unless by God's good providence (as we have reason
to believe, 80 of the chief of the family had left their wives at
home big with child, all of which, in due time, brought forth
male children, and they all lived to man's estate.

At the same time the king of England heard that his army
was beaten and wasted in Scotland, and that an ambassador was
sent by the regent to the king of France, to acquaint him with
the victory, and to dcshe aid.- of him against the demands and
threats of the king of England; and likewise to inform against
Lennox, in defamation of his departure into England. As for
aid, he could scarce obtain any, because the French knew for cer-
tain, that Henry was just upon the point of passing over with
great forces into France, only they sent 500 horse and 3,000
foot, not so much to defend the Scots from the incursions of the

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 93

English, as to hold them in play, that they might not fall with
their whole strength upon France. Henry that summer did not
think fit to send greater forces to the borders of Scotland, be-
cause he was of opinion that the garrisons were sufficient to re-
strain the excursions of the Scots; and besides, he knew well
enough that the Scots; in such a perplexed state of their affairs,
could not raise a great army that year to attack any well fortified
places.

The Scottish ambassador in France raised some mean and pi-
tiful objections against Lennox, in his absence, scarce worth the
answering; as, That he had concealed the money sent to him:
that, by reason of his dissensions with the cardinal, the cause of
the public was betrayed; and as for his departure into England,
he took special care to exaggerate that affair in a most individious
manner. The king of France, who by means of false rumours
had conceived such an anger against Lennox, that he would by
no means admit of his clearing himself, or making the least a-
pology against those calumnies; nay, he had imprisoned Len-
nox's brother, captain of his guards, without giving him a hear-
ing. When the truth began a little to appear, he then indeed, as
it were in excuse for his rash proceeding, sought some colour
to hide it; and accordingly commanded an examination to be
made of the crimes objected against Lennox. And the inquiry
was committed to the care of James Montgomery of Lorge, com-
mander of the French auxiliaries, a man active and good enough,
but a bitter enemy to Lennox; it was put into his hands at the
instance of the Guises, because they were not able to distinguish
and separate the cause of their sister from the perfidiousness of
the cardinal. Montgomery arrived with his French auxiliaries
lately mentioned, in Scotland, on July the 3d, in the year 1545,
where, by shewing the letters, and declaring the good intentions
of the king of France towards them in the council, he obtained
that an army should be levied, but only of the better sort, who
were to bear the charges of the war; and they were to meet
upon a short day. And accordingly, at the time appointed, there
met 15,000 Scots at Haddington, and marched to the borders;
they formed their camp over against Werk, a castle in England.
From thence, almost every other day, they marched with their
colours into England, and carried off a great deal of booty. The
enemy endeavoured to resist their incursions, but in vain; they
made some slight skirmishes, but without success; so that the
Scots wasted all the country for six miles round. 1 hey continued
this manner of action, for the space of ten day.;, never going so
far into the enemies' country in the day-time, but that they
could return back to their camp at night. In the interim, Mont-
gomery and George Hume put it very earnestly to the regent

15b 2

1 94 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

that he would remove his camp to the other side of the Tweed,
so that they might make freer inroads upon the parts adjacent, and
spread the terror of their arms to a greater distance ; but all their
solicitations were in vain: for the regent, and those of the council
about him, were against it, because they were destitute of all ne-
cessaries for storming of castles; so that they disbanded the ar-
my, and returned home. The rest took up their winter-quarters
as every one thought fit; but Montgomery went to Stirling, to
the court, where, knowing of the calumnies raised against Lennox
by his enemies, though he was himself highly disgusted at him
too, yet he rebuked the cardinal very severely; that, without any
provocation on Lennox's part, he had loaded so noble and inno-
cent a person with such calumnious imputations, and had com-
pelled him, even against his will, to join with the enemy.

About the same time, inroads were made by both sides, on all
parts of the borders, with very different events. Robert Max-
well, the son of Robert, a young gentleman of singular valour,
was taken prisoner by the English; there was nothing memorable
done besides. At the beginning of the following winter, Mont-
gomery returned to France, and the cardinal carried about the re-
gent with him through the neighbouring provinces, upon pretence
to reconcile and heal the seditions and distempers of all parties.
First, they came to Perth, where four men were punished for
eating flesh on a day prohibited; and also a woman and her in-
fant were both suffered to perish, because she refused to call up-
on the Virgin Mary for aid, at die time when she was in labour.
Then they applied themselves to the overthrow of all the reform-
ed universally: they went to TJundee, and, as themselves gave
out, it was to punish such as read the New Testament; for in
those days that was counted a most grievous sin; and such was
the blindness of those times, that some of the priests, being of-
fended at the novelty of the title, did contend, that the book
was lately written by Martin Luther, and therefore they desired
only the Old. There it was told them, that Patrick Gray, chief
of a noble family in those parts, was coming with a great train,
and the earl of Rothes with him. The tumult being appeased,
the regent commanded both of them to come to him the day
after; but the cardinal, thinking it not safe to admit two such
potent and factious persons, with so great a train, into that town,-
which was the only one highly addicted to the reformed religion,
persuaded the regent to return to Perth. The noblemen, when
they were ready for their journey, hearing in the morning that
the regent was gone to Perth, they immediately, upon the first
notice, followed him thither; and when they came in sight of
the town, the cardinal was so afraid, that, to gratify him, the
regent commanded them to enter severally and apart; and the

Dook XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 195

next day after, they were both committed to prison; yet RotliCci
was soon released, but Gray was delivered with more difficulty af-
terwards, because he was more hated and feared by them. Before
they went from thence, the cardinal thought good to abace the
power of Ruthven, mayor of the city; so that the regent took away
the mayoralty from him, and gave it to the laird Kinfans, a neigh-
bour laird, Gray's kinsman. Ruthven was hated by the cardinal,
because he favoured the reformed religion; and as for Gray, he
was not wholly averse to the reformed neither, nor yet any great
friend of the cardinal's. By this means the cardinal did not doubt,
but, if they two fell out, many of the neighbouring parts would
join themselves to each of them, in regard of their being derived
from such illustrious families, and having each numerous domes-
tics; and so the more of them fell on either side, the fewer ene-
mies he should have left alive.

Thus the mayoralty of Perth, which for many years had conti-
nued as hereditary in the family of the Ruthvcns, was translated
to Charters, laird of Kinfans, to the mighty great indignation of
the citizens; who took it much amiss, that their ancient freedom
of voting in their assemblies, was taken away: but the new mayor
was sent to bring them to a sense of obedience by force, if they
offered to resist. The design was to assault the city in two
places. Gray, who had taken the whole matter upon his single
self, attacked it from the bridge over the river Tay. The other
party were to carry their guns up the stream, and so to storm the
open side of the town ; but because the tide hindered them, they
did not come up in time. Gray makes his attempt from the
bridge (from which Ruthven had purposely withdrawn his guards
into the next houses, that so it might seem to the enemy as if it
was undefended) and when he saw none in arms to oppose him,
he boldly marched up into the town; upon which Ruthven sallied
out of the adjoining houses on a sudden, and gave him a brisk
charge, which routed him and his whole party; but in their flight
through narrow passages, one hindered another; for the last,
striving to gain the mouth of the passage, gave a stop to the first;
and in this confusion many were trod to death, and sixty fell by
the sword. The cardinal, when he knew that Ruthven had got the
victory, was a little concerned at it; yet glad however, that so
many of his enemies were destroyed; for as he despaired ever to
make them his friends, so he counted it a gain to him to see them
mutually destroy one another. The cardinal having thus passed
over as much of Angus as he thought convenient at that time,
brought the regent, after the winter solstice, to St. Andrews, to
endear his mind still more and more to him, if possible; for
though he had his son, the earl of Arran, as a pledge, yet as
cftyn as he meditated upon the fierceness of the Scottish nobility,

I96 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

and the strength of the opposite faction, and the inconstancy of
the regent; he was afraid that he might be persuaded by his ene-
mies, and so wrought over to them with the same levity, as he
had first joined himself with him. There he entertained him,
with a small retinue, with sports and pastimes twenty days at
Christmas. He gave him many gifts to please him for the pre-
sent, and promised him more for the future; and, after much
discourse together, concerning the state of the kingdom, he came
a little more secure to Edinburgh.

There-a convocation of priests was held, Jan. 13. In that as-
sembly many things were debated concerning the retaining of the
old liberty of the church, and the punishment of the enormous
crimes of some priests; but, in the midst of their debates, before
they could conclude of any thing., news was brought to them,
that George Wishart, a preacher of the gospel, one very accepta-
ble to the people, was entertained at the house of a noble person,
called John Cockburn, about seven miles from the city. They
presently detached a party of horse thither, to demand the offend-
er: but Cockburn alleged several things in excuse, on purpose to
create some delays, that so he might have an opportunity to con-
vey him away secretly ; of which the cardinal being informed,
posted thither with the regent, even in the dead time of the night,
and beset all the avenues of the house ; and yet his promises, flat-
teries, and threats, prevailed not at all, till he sent for the earl of
Bothweil out of the next district. He, being the chief of all the
Lothianers, with some difficulty obtained that George should be
delivered up to him; but first he passed his word, that no harm
or damage should come to him. The priests, having now gotten
this prey into their hands, carried him from Edinburgh to St.
Andrews ; and there, about a month after, they assembled a great
company of the ecclesiastics of all sorts, to determine concerning
his doctrine. This was done to blind men's eyes with the pre-
tence of a judicatory, and of a legal proceeding; for all men
knew what they would determine concerning him before-hand.
By the consent of them all, the cardinal, by his letters, desired
the regent to give out his mandate for a civil judge to sit upon the
offender (for he himself, by the pope's canon law, could not sit
upon the life or death of any man) that so he, that was already
judged an heretic by the priests, might be also sentenced to death
by the secular power. The regent was not likely to have made
any scruple in granting his request, but that David Hamilton of
Preston, his kinsman, had interposed and kept him back, who
sometimes advised, and sometimes intrcated, threatened, and chid
him, in order to stop the process against George. The sum of
his discourse is supposed to be this: " That he very much wondered
upon what account the regent should vest so great an authority in

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 97

anv man, against the servants of God, who had no other crime
objected against them, but that of preaching the gospel of Jesus
Christ; and especially should deliver them up to such, whose
wretched lives and brutish cruelty made them quite careless what
torments they put an innocent man to, whose integrity of life his
very enemies were forced to confess, even against their will ; and
for his learning, he himself knew it to be great. Tha t further,
he himself had been formerly a great favourer of him and it. It
was by his commendation, that he was advanced to the supreme
magistracy j and also that he had given forth edicts to declare his
assent to his doctrine publicly,' and had undertaken to defend it;
nay, he had exhorted all in general, and each man in particular,
to read, and understand, practise and exemplify it in their hearts
and lives. Consider therefore with yourself, said he, what will
men think; what will men say of you? Consider the mercies
God Almighty hath bestowed upon you? The king, an active
man, and your enemy, was taken away, who walked in the very
same steps you now tread. They who brought him to ruin by
their advice, are at this minute doing their utmost endeavour to
destroy you. They have opposed you from the beginning with the
weight of all their power; and now they seek with fraudulent
counsel, to ensnare and undo you. Call to mind, Sir, the vic-
tory given you over your subjects without bloodshed, and over
your enemies too, though having much greater force than your-
self, to your great renown, and their deserved ignominy. Re-
member for whose sake you thus desert God, and oppose your
and his friends. Awake, I beseech you, and dispel that mist,
which wicked and ill-designing men have cast before your eyes;
remember Saul king of Israel, how he was raised up from a low
to a sovereign estate, and how many blessings he received from
God, as long as he was obedient to his law; but when he slighted
and turned aside from his commands, how miserably was he pu-
nished? Compare the succsss of your affairs, from the beginning
to this very day, with his prosperities; and, unless you alter the
course of your designs, expect no happier issue, nay, rather a
worse end than he; for he designed the same projects which vou
are now upon, and that to gratify some base varlets, who can nei-
ther hide their open wickedness, nor do so much as endeavour to
dissemble them."

The regent was effected at the advice of his friend, and writ
back an answer jo the cardinal, that he should not precipitate the
process, but let'the whole matter lie dormant, till lie came himself;
for he was not willing to consent to the condemnation of the man,
till he had more, diligently inquired into his cause; and, if the
cardinal did otherwise, the man's blood should light on his h^ad.;

iq3 nis-fouY of scotlakd. Book XV.

for he testified by those letters, that he himself was entirely clear
from it.

The cardinal was unexpectedly surprised with this answer*, he
knew well enough, that if delays were made in the case, the pri-
soner would be delivered, as being a popular man ; and besides
he would not suffer the thing to be brought to a debate, partly be-
cause by fair dispute he had no hopes to prevail, and partly because
the man having been already condemned by the ecclesiastical coun-
cils and canons, he would have no recognition made; so that he
was angry to a degree of rage, and persisted in the resolution he
had taken. And his reply was, that he did not wrka- to the re-
gent, as if he had not sufficient authority independently of him,
but for a shew of common consent, that his name might be to the
Condemnation Upon that, George was brought out of prison,
and John Windfam, a learned man, and an hearty (though secret)
favourer of the cause of religion, was commanded to mount a
kind of pulpit there erected, and to preach. He took his text
out of Mat. xiii. which says, that the good seed is the word of Gody
but the evil seed is heresy. In his discourse, defining heresv, he
said, it was a false opinion, evidently repugnant to the holy scrip-
tures, and maintained with obstinacy; and that it was occasioned,
and also supported and fostered, by the ignorance of the pastors
of the church, who did not know how either to convince heretics,
or to reduce those who were gone astray, by the spiritual sword,
which is the word of God. Afterwards he explained the duty of
a bishop, out of the epistle to Timothy, and shewed that there was
only one way to find out heresy, which was to bring it to the test
of the word of God. At length, when he had finished his dis-
course, though what he spoke made against the priests who were
there assembled, not to refute heresies, but to punish those who
opposed their licentious arrogance; yet, as if all things went well
on their side, they haled forth George to a pulpit or scaffold, built
in the church; that so they might observe their accustomed form
in judgment. Over against him there was another pulpit, which
John Lauder, a popish priest, mounted; and the rest stood all
about him, as it were to judge. But there was not the least ap-
pearance of judgment, or of a free dispute in the case; for the ac-
cuser thundered out many odious and abominable slanders, such
as are wont to be commonly forged against the preachers of the
reformed religion, with mighty bitter expressions. And thus hav-
ing spent some hours, George was brought back again to the cas-
tle, and lodged in the governor's chamber, spending great part of
his time that night in prayer. The next morning the bishops sent
two Franciscans to him, to acquaint him that his death was at hand,
and to know whether they should confess him, as is usual in such
cases. He told them, he had nothing to do with friars, nor had

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. IOQ

any mind to discourse them; but if they were willing to gratify
him in that one point, then he desired to confer with that learned
man who preached the day hefore. Accordingly the bishop? gave
him leave to go to the castle, and George had a long discourse
with Windram, who, after he had ceased weeping (which, for a
while, he could not refrain) very friendly demanded of him, whe-
ther he would receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper? With
all my heart, said George, if I may receive it under both kinds of.
bread and wine, according to Christ's institution. "Windram re-
turned to the bishops, and told them, that George very solemnly
professed, that he was innocent of the crime of which he was ac-
cused ; which he spoke not to deprecate his death now at hand,
but only to testify his iimocejrcy before men, as it was before suf-
ficiently known to God. The cardinal was much enraged; Ah,
says he, we know ivcll enough what you are Being further de-
manded, whether he would admit him to receive the sacrament ?
he talked a little with the bishops, and with their consent made
answer, that it was n@t fit that a stubborn heretic, condemned by the
church, should enjoy any benefits of the church. That answer being:
returned to him, about nine o'clock the friends and officers o£
the governor of the castle sat down to breakfast; they asked George
whether he would eat with them? Very willingly, said he, and
much more so than informer times, because 1 perceive you are good
men, and fe! low-members with me of the same body of Christ ; and be-
cause 1 know, that this is the last meal I shall eat on earth. And for
you (speaking to the governor of the castle) / desire you, in the
name of G:d, and for that love which you bear to our Lord and
Saviour jfesus Christ, that you will sit down a while with us, and
vouchsafe me the hearing, whilst I give you a short exhortation, and so
pray over this bread., which, as brethren in Christ, we are about to
eat, and then I will bid you heartily farewell. In the interim the
cloth was laid (according to custom) and bread set on, when
George made a brief and clear discourse for about half an hour,
concerning Christ's last supper, his sufferings and death. But a-
bove all, he exhorted them to lay aside anger, envy, and malice*
and to have mutual love impressed on their minds; that so they
might become perfect members of Christ, who daily intercedes
for us with his Father, that our sacrifice might be accepted by
him to eternal life. When he had thus spoken, he gave thanks,
and then broke the bread, and gave to every one a little piece, and
then the wine, after he himself had drank, in the same manner,
intreating them to remember the death of Christ now in the last
sacrament with him; as for himself, a bitterer portion was pre-
pared for him, for no other reason but his preaching the gospel.
And then, having again given thanks, he returned to his chamber,
and concluded his prayer. A while after, two executioners were

C Q

200 HISTORY OF1 SCOTLAND. Book XV.

sent to him by the cardinal, one of them put a black linen shirt
upon him, and the other bound many little bags of gun-powder
to all the parts of his body. In this dress they brought him forth,
and commanded him to stay in the governor's outer chamber.
And at the same time they erected a wooden scaffold in the court
before the castle, and made up a pile of wood. The windows
and balconies over-against it were all hung with tapestry and silk
hangings, with cushions for the cardinal and his train, to behold
and take pleasure in the joyful sight, even the torture of an inno-
cent man; thus courting the favour of the people, as the author
of so notable a deed. There was also a great guard of soldiers,
not so much to secure the execution, as for a vain ostentation of
power; and besides, brass guns were placed up and down in all
convenient places of the castle. Thus whilst the trumpets sound-
ed, George was brought forth, mounted the scaffold, and was
fastened with a cord to the stake; and having scarce obtained li-
berty to pray for the church of God, the executioners fired the
wood, which immediately taking hold of the powder that was
tied about him, blew it up into flame and smoke. The governor
of the castle, who stood so near that he was singed with the flame,
exhorted him in a few words to be of good chear, and to ask par-
don of God for his offences. To whom he replied, This flame
occasions trouble to my body indeed, but it hath in no ways broken my
spirit: but he who now so proudly looks down upon me from yonder
hfty place (pointing to the cardinal) shall, ere long, be as ignom'mi-
ously thrown down, as no%u he proudly lolls at his ease. Having thus
spoken, they straitened the rope, which was tied about his neck,
and so strangled him. His body, in a few hours being consumed
to ashes in the flame, the bishops being yet mad with hate and
rage, forbade every body, upon great penalties, to pray for the
deceased.

After this fact, the cardinal was highly commended by his fac-
tion, and extolled to the very skies, that he alone, when others
declined it, had slighted the authority of the regent, and perform-
ed so noble an exploit, whereby he had curbed popular insolency,
and had courageously undertaken, and as happily managed the de-
fence of the whole ecclesiastical order. If the church had former-
ly had (said they) such strenuous assertors of its liberties, it
would never have been brought to that pass, as it is at this day,
**. e. to truckle under; but it would have given law to all, and re-
ceived it from none. This luxuriant and superlative joy of the
priests, for their obtained victory, rather irritated than discou-
raged the minds, not only of the promiscuous vulgar, but even of
some great and noble persons too. They fretted that things were
come to that pass by their own pusillanimity and cowardice; and
now they thought some bold thing or other was to be attempted

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 201

and hazarded, or else they must remain slaves for ever. Led by
this same motive, more company came in to them, whose grief
forced them to break out into complaints against the cardinal.
So they encouraged one another, to rid the cardinal out of the
way, and either to recover their liberty, or lose their lives. For
what hope of thriving, said they, can there be under so arrogant
a priest, and so cruel a tyrant, who makes war against God, as
well as man, and' those, not his enemies only, as were all such as
had estates, or were any way pious; but for a small grudge, he
will hale a man as a hog out of the sty, to be sacrificed to his
lusts. And besides, he is a public encourager and maintainer of
war, both at home and abroad; and, in his private capacity he
mixeth the love of harlots with lawful marriages. Legitimate
wedlock he dissolves at pleasure; at home he wallows in lust a-
mong his minions, and abroad he ravages to destroy the innocent.
The cardinal, though he did not distrust his own power, yet
knowing how people stood affected towards him, and what re-
ports were spread up and down concerning him, thought it his
best way to strengthen his power, by making what additions he
could, one way or other. For this end he went to Angus, and
married his eldest daughter to the son of the earl of Crawfurd.
The marriage was solemnized in great state, and almost with a
royal magnificence. Whilst these things were in agitation, he
received intelligence by his spies, that the king of England was
making great naval preparations to infest the Scottish coasts, but
especially the inhabitants of Fife, whom he threatened most.
And as soon as he received these advices, he returned to St. An-
drews, and there appointed a day for the nobles, especially those
whose estates lay near the sea, to meet, and consult in common,
what remedy to apply to the present evil. And, to do it more
effectually, he determined to take a view of all the sea-coasts, to-
gether with the owners of the lands, and so in a manner go a
circuit about all Fife; and to fortify all convenient places, and
to put garrisons into them. Amongst the rest of the noblemen's
sons who came in to the cardinal, Norman Lesly, son to the earl
of Rothes, was one, of whom I have made mention several times
before: he had done great and eminent services for the cardinal,
but, on a time, there fell out a dispute between them concerning
a private business, which made them cold to one another, and
strangers for a while; but Norman, for great promises made to
him, quitted his right to the matter in contest. After a few
months, coming to demand of the cardinal the performance of
what was promised him, they came from a plain to a pretty
warm discourse, and afterwards to downright railing, uttering
such reproachful words one to another, as misbecame them both.
And thus they parted in a great rage, the cardinal fretting that

202 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV,

he was not treated with that deference which he thought due to
his dignity; and Norman, full of wrath, as being circumvented
by fraud; so that he returned home with thoughts full of re-
venge, and inveighed openly amongst his friends against the
intolerable pride of the cardinal; insomuch that they all agreed
to take away his life: and that the matter might pass with the
less suspicion, Norman, with five only in his company, came to
St. Andrews, and took up his usual inn, that so the design of
cutting him off might be concealed, by reason of the small reti-
nue he had with him. There were ten more in the town privy
to the conspiracy, who all, in several places, expected the watch-
word. With this small company did he undertake so great an
enterprize, and that in a town winch was full of the cardinal's
train, relations, and attendants*. The days were then very long,
2S they use to be in those countries towards the end oj
spring, viz. about May 7. And the cardinal was fortifying his
castle for his defence, in so great haste, that the workmen con-
tinued at it almost night and day; so that when the porter, early
in the morning, opened the gates to let in the workmen. Nor-
man had placed two of his men in ambush in an house hard by,
who were to seize the porter; and when they had made them-
selves masters of the gate, they were to give a sign agreed on to
the rest; by this means they all entered the castle without any
noise, and sent four of their number to watch the cardinal's
chamber-door, that no tidings might be carried in to him: others
were appointed to go to the chambers of the rest of the house-
hold, to call them up, for they well knew both the men and
the place; them they rouzed up, being half asleep, and calling
them all by their names, they threatened immediately to kill
them, if they made but the least outcry; so that they led them
all in profound silence out of the castle, without doing them any
hurt at all. When all the rest were turned out, then they alone
were masters of the castle; and then those who watched at the
cardinal's door knocked at it; being asked their names, they told
them, and were immediately let in, having, as some write, passed
their words, that they would do no harm; and when they were
entered, they dispatched the cardinal, having given him many
wounds. In the mean time, a noise was spread about the town,
that the castle was taken; insomuch that the cardinal's friends,
half drunk and half asleep, tumbled out of their beds, and cried
out, Ann. Thus to the castle they posted, and called out with
threatening and opprobrious words for ladders, other things they
also brought necessary for a storm. They who saw them out of
the castle, that they might blunt the present impetuousness of
their minds, and call back their mad spirits to consider themselves,
demanded why they made such a bustle, for the man was

jBook. XV. history or Scotland. 203

whom they sought to rescue? And with that word they threw
the dead body out in the sight of them all; even out at that very
place, where before he had exultingly beheld the execution of
George Wishart.

Whereupon many reflected within themselves upon the incon-
stancy of human affairs, and that unexpected event. Many also
were affected with the prediction of George Wishart, concern-
ing his death, which then came into their minds; and many othcr
things also, which that holy man had foretold, not without the
special inspiration of God's Spirit, as we have cause to believe,
and as the event soon after made appear. The cardinal's friends
and kinsmen, quite astonished at this unexpected sight, soon skulk-
ed away. When the matter was divulged all over the kingdom,
men's minds were variously affected, as they either hated or loved
the cardinal; some thought it a brave, others an impious action.
Many being in a different way of worship from him, and living
in deadly fear of him, others offended at his intolerable ai'rogance,
did not only approve the fact, but came to congratulate the com-
mitters of it, as the restorers of their ancient liberties; and some
ventured their lives and fortunes in their quarrel. The court was
terribly alarmed at the news, as having lost part of their council;
but, by the advice of those which were present, they sent forth
a proclamation, that the murderers should come in within six
days, to give sureties to answer matters at a day which was to
be nominated for that purpose: but they had a strong castle over
their heads, and in it all the cardinal's money and his household-
stuff; and besides, they had the regent's eldest son with them,
who was given in hostage to the cardinal, as is related before; so
that they gave no credit to the promises of their enemies, whose
levity and perfidiousness they had sufficient experience of before,
and therefore they refused to hearken to any conditions of peace,
and for that reason they were out-lawed. Thus the matter was
protracted, partly by the threats and vain promises of the one
party and the diffidence of the other, from the month of May till
the fifth of November, and then the regent, at the importunity
of the queen-mother and the revilings and clamours of the priests,
Look arms, and lay three whole months before the castle, batter-
ing it with his brass guns; but in the fourth month, almost at
the end of winter, he dismissed his army, without carrying the
place, and went to Edinburgh, to be present at the convention
of estates, which he had before summoned to be held in Fe-
bruary.

They who held the castle being thus out of all fear of their
enemy, did not only make frequent excursions into the neigh-
bouring parts, and commit depredations with fire and sword all
round ; but, as if the liberty gotten by their arms was to be speii\

204 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

in whoredoms, adulteries, and such vices, they ran into all the
wickedness which idle persons are subject to; for they measured
right or wrong by no other rule but their own lust; neither could
they be reclaimed by John Knox, who then came to them, and
often warned them, that God would not be mocked, but would
take severe punishments on those, who were violators of his laws,
even by those whom they least dreamed of; yet his exhortations
could not stop the course of their impiety.

Besides this domestic mischief raging even in the very bowels
of the kingdom, which added extremely to it was a war with
England: For the English had passed over the Solway with their
forces, and put the people in a terrible panic fear. They were
not contented with the pillage and prey, but they fired some pla-
ces, took some strong holds, and put garrisons in them. Neither
were matters quieter in the other parts of the borders; Robert
Maxwell, upon whom the greatest part of the storm fell, came to
Edinburgh, to solicit for aid, when almost all was lost: He alleg-
ed, that the country was made desolate; that their castles were
taken and kept by their enemies; that the husband-man was driv-
en from his habitation, and forced to live in much want, on the
charity of his friends ; and that they suffered all this, because they
would not change nor forfeit their allegiance to their king. But,
if no course was taken for their releif, in some short time, their
miseries would compel them to give themselves to the English;
and so would their neighbours too, for fear they should undergo
the like. This complaint was the cause that aid was promised
him to recover his own; and the regent marching his army thi-
ther, formed his camp by the river Meggat. There the cardinal's
friends earnestly desired of him to call George Lesly, Norman's
father, who was then in the camp, to his answer, and not to carry
so potent a man with him, as his companion in the war, whose
faith was suspected, or rather who was an open enemy. The
earl, though the time and place did not favour it, yet was willing
immediately to put himself on his trial: Upon that, the names of
the judges or jury were (according to custom, which I have else-
where mentioned) impannelled, and none of them excepted a-
gainst by the adverse party ; yet by all their votes he was acquitted.
From thence they marched to the castle of Langham, and drove
out the English there; and as they were resolved to attempt other
forts, they were recalled by a sudden message. For news was
brought them, that the French fleet was seen not far from the
promontorv of St. Abb, consisting of one and. twenty ships. The
regent, imagining what the matter was, that they were come to
besiege the cjstle of St. Andrews (as had been agreed between
them) marcBed joyfully home: There he discoursed Leon Strozy,
admiral of the French fleet; and they both agreed to lay close

Book XV*. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 20£

siege to the castle: which they did with such wonderful dispatch,
that many of the garrison-soldiers who were abroad, could not
come in, and many country-men who had no hand in the con-
spiracy, but occasionally came into the castle about their private
affairs, could not get out. They planted their brass guns upon
the towers of two churches, which stood near on both sides the
castle, which so annoyed the whole court within the castle-walls
that no man durst stir out of his house without manifest danger
of his life. And afterwards they brought larger pieces of ord-
nance, and played upon part of the wall, which stood between
two towers: And that was soon battered down, because the lat-
ter buildings were not at all cemented with the former; mighty
was the noise of its downfal. When this happened, they within,
who before trusted to their fortifications, and were ready to ex-
pose themselves at all adventures to stop any breach, began now
to be afraid; and calling together a council of war, because they
feared the regent's cruelty (most apt to rage in feeble minds) on
the account of his kinsman's death, they surrendered the castle
and themselves to Leon Strozy, only upon quarter for life.
Then Leon sent in his men to pillage the castle; where were
found, besides a great quantity of provisions of all sorts, all the
cardinal's money and household-stuff, and all the wealth of the
garrison-soldiers, and of many others also, who had laid up their
goods there, as in a place of refuge: There also they found there-
gent's son, who was before given in hostage by his father to the
cardinal; and when he was slain, was detained there. The cas-
tle was demolished by advice and order of council; and a few
days after, Leon set sail with his prisoners for France. These
things came to pass in August 1547.

About the same time news was brought, that the English had
prepared great forces both by land and sea, to invade Scotland,
and to demand the performance of the treaty, which was made
four years before with the regent, concerning the marriage of the
queen of Scotland to the king of England's son. This sudden
report mightily affected the regent, who was faint-hearted enough
of himself, for he had then no foreign aid, neither did he much
confide in his own forces: For the papal faction were offended
at his levity, and the friends of exiled Lennox, having been cruel-
ly treated by him, retained the seeds of their old hatred against
him; yet upon his proclamation, there came in great numbers to
Edinburgh. From thence they marched to the mouth of the river
Esk, which runs through Lothian, and there waited the approach-
es of the English. In the mean time the Scottish hor-e rode up
towards the enemy in their march, and challenged them to fight,
by this means creating some trouble to them in their passage: but
the English general, who knew that the Scots were better than

2o6 HISTORY Of SCOTLAND. Book XV.

his own men at such tumultuary skirmishes, had given command,
that none of his troops should march out to encounter them. At
last, upon die importunity of Gray, commander of the horse, he
was persuaded to send out some troops of horse well-armed, and of
cuirassiers, that should suddenly rush in upon them, when they
were unprepared for resistance. The Scots grown fearless of
the enemy, hut now astonished at the sudden onset, broke their
ranks, and fled for their lives, and about 800 of them were either
slain or taken: Of the English also, who pressed too eagerly on the
pursuit, several were taken prisoners, amongst which were ;ome
eminent horse-officers.

From that day forward there was no remarkable action per-
formed by the Scottish horse. The English had their camp at
the town of Preston, a little more than a mile from them. From
thence they might behold the number of the Scottish army from
the high ground, and perceiving them to be more than they had
thought, they advised what course to take, and resolved to send
letters to the Scots, that so, if just and equal conditions might
be agreed upon, the matter might be ended rather by treaty, than
by force. The contents of the letters were : " They earnestly
desired the Scots to remember, first, that both armies professed
the Christian religion, to whom therefore, unless they renounced
their profession, nothing ought to be more dear than peace and
tranquillity, and nothing more to be abhorred than arms and war
upon an unjust foot: That the cause of the present war was not
covetousness, hatred, or envy, but a desire of perpetual peace,
which could be no ways so firmly cemented, as by marriage,
which had been already promised by the public decree and consent
of ail the estates, and ratified by a league, and that on such con-
ditions as were more advantageous to the Scots than English; not
to reduce them to a state of servitude, but to a joint society of
life, and participation and communion of all their fortunes; which
marriage would be so much the more beneficial to the Scots than to
the English, as the weaker side hath reason to hope for more ad-
vantages, and to apprehend more injuries from the stronger.
And, at the present, in casting up accounts of tilings, you are
first to consider the case, that it is very necessary your queen
should marry; that necessity is inevitable, and a hard matter to
order it well; that the sole power of chusing her a husband was
left to the estates. If they would chuse a husband upon the ac-
count of dignity and public advantage, whom could they pitch up-
on better, than a neighbouring king, born in the same island, alli-
ed in blood ; instituted in the same laws ; educated in the same
manners and language, and superior, not in power alone, but in
all external ornaments and accessions of dignity? And besides,
this marriage would bring with it a perpetual concord, and an cb-

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 20"J

livion of old resentments. But if they had any thoughts of bring-
ing in a stranger amongst them, to govern the kingdom, that dif-
fered from them in language, laws, and customs, they should
consider how many inconveniencies were lodged in the womb of
that design, which they might easily foresee by the examples of
other nations; and it were better so to do, than to learn it by trial
and feeling the smart of it. As for themselves, if they found the
spirit of the Scots not wholly averse from an agreement, they
were ready to remit something of the rigour of law and right; and
that they would be content the young queen should be educated
under Scottish guardians, till she came to be marriageable, and fit,
by the advice of the nobles, to chuse an husband for herself; and,
till that time came, both sides should abstain from war and ra-
pine; and that the queen should not be transported beyond sea,
nor that any treaty should be entertained by the Scots, concern-
ing her marriage with the French, or any other foreign prince.
If the Scots would faithfully promise this, they would presently
depart and withdraw their forces; and as for what damage they
had done since they entered Scotland, they would make such re-
stitution, as indifferent men should award."

These letters were brought to the regent, who communicated
them to his brother John, archbishop of St. Andrews, whom he
had assumed into the place and authority of the cardinal, and to>
some few others: They, in hopes of a sure victory, gave him ad-
vice to suppress them; for they were afraid that, if the equity of
the proposals were made known, the Scots would be taken oft,
and hearken to terms of peace; and therefore they gave out,
thro' the whole army, that the English were come on purpose to
take away their queen by force, and to reduce the land to their
own subjection. And the regent, being naturally unactive, had
chosen four, no more versed in military affairs than himself, who
did turn and wind all things at their pleasure: Those were his
three kinsmen and allies, John his brother, archbishop of St.
Andrews and abbot of Dunfermline, George Dury, Alexander
Beton, and the fourth was Hugh Riggs a lawyer, noted more for
his large body, corpulency, and bulky strength, than for any mili-
tary skill. These men did so puff up the regent with the vain
hope of victory, that, being of himself inconstant and variable in
his designs at every blast of wind, he shut his ears against the ad-
vice of ail others. This being so, when the resents private favou-
rites had caused the report, which they themselves had raised, to
be spread all over the army, they ran hastily and unanimously to
their arms. Archibald Douglas, carl of Angus, led the van:
George Gordon, earl of Huntly brought up the rear: each of them
had 10,000 flghtmg men: and the regent had about the same
number in the main battle, In this po'sture, a report was sud-
II. D d

2oS HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

denly raised, that the English were fled away; and it was not al-
together without ground, for they, wanting provision, and not be-
ing able to fetch it from far, nor to forage for it in the neigh-
bourhood, which was so unfurnished before, thought it the best
way to preserve themselves, if they left part of their baggage be-
hind them, and retreated by long marches; but, having so many
armed men ready to engage, seeing they durst not come down
into the champaign, nor could deceive the enemy by going about,
they waited his coming on the higher ground. On the other
side, the regent was impatient of delay, and sent word to Dougla3
to march on with speed; but he, knowing that the English could
not long keep, their ground for want of provision, waiting to fall
on their rear, made no great haste, till he was stirred up by an-
other messenger from the regent: Then, and not before, he passed
over the river, and the main battle and the rear following at a
great distance. The English, who were about to depart, per-
ceiving Douglas to draw towards them upon the speed, sent out
Gray, commander of the horse, with his whole body to meet
him, and stop his career, till the foot had possessed themselves
of a neighbouring hill; or, if he saw cause, he was to disturb
them in their ranks; for, seeing the major part of them wei-e
armed after the French mode, they thought the Scots would
never be able to bear the brunt of their charge. But a brigade of
the Scots, marching in close order together, holding forth their
stand of long pikes before them, as a fence, received the assault.
There the van of the English running in upon, and intangling
themselves amongst the pikes, the rest thought themselves ambus-
cadoed, and so returned to their body, telling them, that the
Scots ranks could no more be broken, than if they charged against
a wall. Upon that, the English horse were about to leave the
foot, and fly; but, by the persuasion of their commanders, and
their mutual encouraging one another, and withal, hoping for
a more advantageous ground to fight on, they were retained, and
renewed their ranks. The Scots Mere held from marching forward
to the opposite hill, chiefly upon this account, because they per-
ceived Jambo, a Spaniard, with some troops of his countrymen,
harquebusiers, coming down obliquely from the hills, as if he
would fali on their flank; and therefore, that no sudden emer-
gency might cause them to divide their brigade, and also that they
might not be attacked on their flanks, they wheeled about leiburciy
from the right ascent of the hill. The main battle, when they
saw-thevan leaving their station, thought that they were running
away, and so they broke their ranks too, and betook themselves
to night. The English seeing this from the high grounds, sent
out their horse, and trode many of them under foot in the pursuit.
During ail this march from Esk to the English camp, the English

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 20O.

navy played upon the flank of the Scots out of their ships, and did
them much mischief. All the ways were strawed with arms, by
reason of the great slaughter which was made; and numbers of
them likewise were drowned in the river. The English were most
severe against the priests and the monks; (for those of that tribe,
who were lusty and able to bear arms, came into the field) and
there were many who imputed the loss of the day to them, who
had arrogantly refused honest conditions of peace, and who, if
they had the victory, would have used it as cruelly towards their
own countrymen, as their enemies. In the first charge, the English
lost about 200 horse, but of the Scots there fell the prime of all
the noblest families, with their relations and tenants, who count-
ed it the vilest and most wicked thing in nature to desert them;
and many were taken in the pursuit. The Highlanders gathered
themselves together in a round body, kept their ranks, and return-
ed safe home. At first they marched through craggy places, and
inconvenient for the horse; and, if they were sometimes necessita-
ted to descend into the plains, yet the English horse, who follow-
ed the pursuit in a scattered way, durst not attack them. This
battle, amongst a few others, was very calamitous to the Scots.
It was fought the 10th of September, in the year 1547. The
English having got the victory, which was so much the more joy-
ful, because it was unexpected, marched five miles further with
all their forces ; and there they staid eight days, sending out par-
ties every day six miles round, who burned and destroyed all with-
in that compass. They attempted nothing considerable besides,
saving the fortifying the desolate islands of Inchkeith and Inch-
colm, in the bay of Forth; and in the bay of Tay they took the
castle of Brochty; and in their return by land, they took by sur-
render the castles of Fastcastle and Hume, which the garrisons
surrendered out of fear; and they raised forts, one at Lauder,
and another in the ruins of Roxburgh castle.

Their sudden departure gave some relief to the Scots, and a
breathing time for them to meet together, to consult about the
main chance. The regent, presently after the fight, came with
that part of the nobles which were with him, to the two queens at
Stirling, and to the nobility attending there. The regent and his
brother were very sad and dejected for the calamity which happen-
ed by their fault, and the queen-dowager shewed many outward
signs of grief in her speech and countenance; but they who knew.
her heart, judged that she was not so much concerned to see the
arrogance of the Mamiltons so curbed and chastised; but, to be
joyous in a public calamity, they who use to cover the faults of
princes under honest disguises, are wont to call greatness of mind.
Besides, the dowager, ever since the death of the cardinal, had
used all ways and means to throw the regent out of his office, and

» 4 *

2IO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

to invest the supreme authority in herself; but she knew she could
never effect it, as long as they were uppermost, and had all forti-
fied places in their hands. In all her discourse she heightened the
fear she had from the English, and complained of the weakness of
her own domestic forces, and propounded the dangers imminent
from the civil dissensions amongst them. She communicated her
mind to those, who she knew were ill-affected to the Hamiltons.
When the nobles were in consultation about the grand affairs of
the kingdom, a decree was made, that the young queen should
reside at Dumbarton, whilst the nobility debated concerning the
estate of the kingdom. John Erskine was made her governor, an
unquestionable favourer of the queen-dowager's faction, and Wil-
liam Livingston, a friend to the Hamiltons, was joined in com-
mission with him. Ambassadors were likewise sent into France,
to demand aids of their king, Henry, against their common ene-
my, according to the league made with him. Hopes were also
given them, that the queen would come over into France, and
marry the dauphin. But the French were intent upon their own
affairs, and their auxiliaries were slower than the present danger
required.

In the mean time the English entered Scotland on both sides of
the borders. The earl of Lennox, as if he had been sent for by
his friends, came to Dumfries; for his father-in-law Angus, and
his old friend Glencairn, had promised him 2000 horse, and foot
proportionable, of the neighbouring parts to assist him, if he
would leave the English and come over to them. But, when he
came to the place at the day appointed, there were hardly 300
come together, and those too were such as used to live on robbe-
ries. These, and some other things of the like nature, being very
suspicious, and especially the wavering mind of John Maxwell,
who had already given hostages to the English, made Lennox be-
lieve that he was betrayed ; and therefore he resolved to circum-
vent his enemies with the like fraud. He retained with him Glen-
cairn, John Maxwell, and other chief men of the Scots, who had
treated with him concerning his transition and return into his own
country, and in the middle of the night commanded toward
Drumlanark 600 horse, part English, and part of the Scots who
had yielded to them. When they came to the appointed place,
500 of them were sent out to commit what spoil they could in the
neighbouring parts, that so they might draw out James Douglas,
owner of the castle, into an ambush. He, imagining such a
things kept within his hold till it was clay; and then, being out of
fear of an ambush, he marched out with his men, and passed over
the river Nith, and pressed in a straggling manner upon the plun-
derers, charging them in their rear as they were retreating. They,
having got a convenient time and place to rally, turned back upon

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 2 1 1

him with great violence, and struck such a terror into his men,
in the straits of a ford, that they disordered their ranks, killed
some, and took many considerable prisoners. This light expedi-
tion struck such a terror in the greatest part of Galloway, that
they strove which of them should yield firit to the English, part-
ly to gratify Lennox, and partly fearing lest, being forsaken by
their neighbours, they should lie open to all assaults. The Scot-
tish regent fearing lest, in such a general confusion, if he did at-
tempt nothing, he should altogether dispirit his men, who were
discouraged enough before, besieged the castle of Brochty, and,
having lain before it almost three months without performing any
thing considerable, he drew off his men, leaving only ioo horse,
under the command of John Haliburton, an active young man,
to infest the neighbouring places, and to hinder any provisions
from being carried in by land to Brochty, or to the garrison
which the English had placed on an hill adjoining. These mat-
ters passed at the end of that year. In the beginning of the
next, which was 1548, the English fortified Haddington, a town
in Lothian, upon the Tyne, and burned the villages, and plundered
the country about, which was one of the richest parts of Scot-
land; and they formed another garrison at Lauder.

Lennox, about the end of February, having passed over the
west border, hardly escaped an ambush laid for him by part of
those who had yielded themselves; but returning to Carlisle, he
revenged himself, by punishing some of the hostages, especially
Maxwell, the chief author of the revolt, according to the contents
of some letters he had received from the king of England.
During these transactions, Henry of France, who succeeded
his father Francis, sent forces to the sea, to be transported into
Scotland, about 6000 men; of which 3000 were German foot,
commanded by the rhinegrave; about 2000 French; and 1000
of divers nations, all horse: they were all commanded to obey
monsieur Dessy, a Frenchman, who had been a commander iu
France some years, and had done good services there. They
landed at Leith, and were ordered to quarter at Edinburgh till
they had recovered their sea-sickness. The regent and the force:;
with him marched to Haddington, where they blocked up nil the
passages, and laid a close siege to the place. He issued a pro-
clamation into all parts; in pursuance whereof, in a short time,
there came in to him about 8000 Scots. The nobility assembled,
and the consultation was renewed concerning the young queen's
going into France, and marrying the dauphin; a council was
called in a monastery of monks, without Haddington, in the very
camp. In that convention there were various disputes; some
saul, that if they sent away the queen, they must expect per-
petual war from England, and bondage from the French. Others

212 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

were of opinion, that, by reason of agreement in religion, and
the condition of the present times, it was best to embrace the
terms offered by the English, which were a ten years peace, with
no bad covenants or obligations on the Scots. For the sum of
the league was, That, if the king of England, or queen of Scot-
land, died within ten years, all things should be, on both sides, as
they were before ; and, though no fortuitous event should happen be-
tween, yet the kingdom might be hereby freed from its present pres-
sures, which had almost broke its strength; and the soldiery, who
were almost all lost in the late battle, might have time to grow up and
increase in a long continued peace; and that, intestine discord being
laid asleep, they might more maturely consider of the grand affairs,
than they could do amongst drums and trumpets: and, in such con-
sultations, delays were sometimes of' great ad vantage, and rash pre-
cipitate doings were attended with speedy repentance. Thus they.
But all the papists favoured the French, and some others too,
whom French bounty had either gained, or else had raised up
to expectations of great advantage; amongst whom was the re-
gent: he had a yearly revenue of 12,000 French livres promised
him, and the command of 100 cuirassiers: so that most voices
carried it for the queen's going into France. The fleet which
was to convey her rode at Leith, and making as if they would
go away, they sailed about all Scotland, and came to Dumbarton,
where1 the queen v^ent on shipboard, having staid some months
for its arrival, in the company of James her brother, John Er-
skine, and William Livingston. She met with much foul wea-
ther, and contrary winds, but at last landed at Bretagne, a pe-
ninsula in France, and went by easy journeys to the court.

In Scotland, whilst the war stopped at Haddington, the com-
mon people, in ceveral places, were not wanting to the present
occasion; for the garrisons of Hume and Fastcastle doing great
hurt to the neighbourhood, the Scots observing that Hume was
negligently guarded by night, got up to the top of a rock, where
the confidence of the place being inaccessible made those within
less watchful, and so they killed the centuicls and took the cas-
tle. And not long after, when the governor of Fastcastle had
commanded the country thereabouts to bring in a great quantity
of provisions into the castle, at a certain day, the country peo-
ple upon this occasion came in great numbers, and unlading their
■;, they took up the provision on their backs, to carry them
over a bridge made betwixt two rocks, into the castle; as soon
as ever they were entered, they threw down their burdens, and
upon a sign given, slew the guards, and before the rest of the
English could come in, they seized on their arms, and placed
thc.naselves in the avenues: and thus, setting open the gates for
:i,;;ii own party to enter, they made themselves masters of th<;

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 213

castle. In the mean time, the naval force of the English was
not idle; for the whole stress of the land war lying upon Had-
dington, the commanders thought that the neighbouring parts were
weakened, and put beyond all power of defence, so that they
landed in Fife. And accordingly they passed by some sea-towns,
which were well inhabited, and came to St. Minan's kirk, a place
well enough peopled, and from thence they might march by land
to great towns, but less fortified, where the pillage might be more
worth their labour. James Stuart, the queen's brother, receiving
the alarm, with the people of St. Andrews, and a few of the
countrymen who were left at home, made towards them; and,
in his way, many of the neighbourhood struck in with him. The
English were already landed, and about 1 200 of them stood ready
in their arms for the encounter. The great guns which they had
landed, struck such a dread into the countrymen, that they quick-
ly fled; but James, after he had a little stopped their fear, charged
the enemy so briskly, that, though he had but a raw and tu-
multuous band along with him, he soon routed them, and drove
them toward the sea, killing many upon the spot, and many in
the pursuit: not a few of them were drowned in hasting to their
ships; one boat, with all its passengers, was sunk, whilst they
endeavoured in throngs to get on board. It is reported, that there
were 600 slain in the fight, and 100 taken prisoners. Then the fleet
presently sailed to Mern, a country less inhabited; their design was
to surprise Montrose, a town not far from the mouth of the river
Dee: they resolved to land in the night, and therefore they staid
at anchor, out of sight of land, as long as there was any light in
the sky; but as they were making to shore in the dark, they itik-
covered themselves by their own imprudence, by hanging out
lights in every boat. John Erskine, of Downe, governor of the
town, commanded his men to arm, without making any noise,
and he divided them into three bodies; he placed some behind an
earthen bank, which was raised on the shore to prevent their
landing; he, with some archers lightly armed, made directly to-
wards the enemy; and a third band, of servants and promiscuous
vulgar, he placed behind a neighbouring hill, backing diem with
a few soldiers to govern the rabble. Matters being thus ordered,
he with his archers fell upon the enemy in their descent, and
maintained a sharp dispute with them, till, in a tumultuary kind
of fight, he had drawn them on to the bank; there he joined his
other party, who stood ready at their arms, and they all fell on
the enemy; yet they had not given ground, unless the last body
had shewn themselves, with colours flying, from the next hill;
then they made such haste to their ships, that, of about 800-
which came on shore, hardly the third part escaped to their
ships.

214 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

In the mean time, great sallies were made about Haddington, not
without loss on either side, but most on the English: Whereupon,
they being in some want of provisions, and fearing a greater, and
perceiving also, that the relief prepared came slowly on, and that
they were so weakened, as to be hardly able to admit of the de-
lay; two brave soldiers, Robert Bovey and Thomas Palmer, were
commanded to march thither from Berwick, with iooo foot, and
300 horse, and to make all the speed they could. These all fell
into an ambush laid for them, and scarce a man of them escap-
ed alive. The English resolved to send more aids, but the French
discovering their design, blocked up the narrow passages, by
which they were to march; but Dessy, being deceived by one of
the enemy's scouts that he had taken, who told him that the En-
glish were far off, and were marching another way to relieve the
besieged, left the straits he had possessed, and went to another
place. In the interim, the English marched through to the relief
of their friends without any hinderancc. They brought with
them 300 fresh men, powder and ball, and such other provision
as the garrison stood most in need of.

Whilst \her.e things were acted at Haddington, with various
success on both sides, which did not at all make to the main of
the war, news was brought that the English had levied a com-
plete army to raise the siege: Whereupon Dessy, knowing that
he was not able to encounter the forces which were coming, re-
moved his leaguer farther off from the town, and sent back his
great guns, all but six small field pieces, to Edinburgh. Upon
the coming of the English army, the siege was raised because the
Scots commanders would not hazard the state of the kingdom up-
on a single battle; so that the Scots marched every one the
next way home. The French also, though much pressed
upon by the English, got well off. The French soldiers, in their
return, slew the governor of Edinburgh and his son, together
with some of the citizens who joined with them, because they
refused to admit them into the town with all their forces, in re-
gard they knew they could not keep them from plundering.
Dessy in the interim, lest the sedition should increase, drew ofl;
and withal supposing that the enemy would be more secure at
Haddington because of their good success, resolved to make an
attempt to surprise it on a sudden. Thither he marched all that
night, and by break of day slew the cantinels, and came up to the
walls. They took the fort before the gate, and killed the watch;
some endeavoured to break open the gate; they also siezed up-
on the granaries of the English. In this hurry, the noise ol
those who were breaking open the gate, and the huzzas of the
French, crying out, Victory t victory, rouzed up the English from

Book XV. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 21$

their sleep. In this great confusion a soldier set fire to a brass
gun, placed casually against the gate, that he might, in a present
danger,. make trial of a doubtful remedy* The bullet broke thro'
the gate, and made a lane In the thick ranks of the French; so
that, what between the exclamations of the soldiers, crying out,
Victory, and the noise of the shattered gates, such a confused cla-
mour was carried to the rear, that they were surprised with fear,
not knowing the cause, and so fled; which occasioned the rest to
follow after. The French being thus repulsed, marched into
Teviotdale, where the English had done great damage : There, un-
der the conduct of Dessy, they drove the enemy from Jedburgh,
and made many inroads into English ground, not without consi-
derable advantage. At length, when they had wasted all the
country, besides their daily duty, they fell into great want; and
the commonalty pitied them the less, because of their late sedition
at Edinburgh; for they looked upon that attempt as a step to ty-
ranny. And from that time forward, the French did nothing
worth speaking of. The king of France was made acquainted,
by letters from the regent and queen-dowager, how Dessy spent
much time on light expeditions, and generally insignificant; that
he was more injurious to his friends than enemies; that the
French soldiers were grown so insolent, since the tumult at Edin*
burgh, that, by reason of the intestine discord, all was like to bo
ruined. Whereupon Dessy was recalled, and Monsieur Paul
Terms, a good soldier and prudent commander, was sent with
new supplies for Scotland. Dessy thought it would be for hi«s
honour to recover the island of Keith, which was taken a few
days before, and was begun to be fortified; so he got together
a fleet at Leith, and went aboard with a select company of Scors
and French. The queen-dowager was a spectator of the enter-
prize, and encouraged them, sometimes particularly, sometimes
all in general. After he had landed in the island, he drove the
English into the uttermost corners, killed almost all their officers
and compelled them to surrender, but not without much blood-
shed. This was his last noble piece of service in Britain, and
then he surrendered up his army to Terms. Terms drew forth
the army out of their winter quarters, and commanded them to
march towards the northern shires; he himself, Dessy bein^
dismissed, followed soon after, and laid siege to the fort of
Brochty, and in a short time took it, and also the castle adjoining
from the English, putting almost all of both garrisons to the
sword. When he was returned into Lothian, his great care was
to hinder provisions from being carried to Haddington; when lo,
upon a sudden, a great army of English and Germans shewed
themselves ready for the encounter; whereupon he made a quick
retreat in good order, till he came to a place of ereater safety. lu
Vol. II. E e

2l6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XV.

the interim the Scots cavalry, which skirted upon the ene-
my on every side, perceiving the German baggage to be unguard-
ed, plundered them in a moment. Provisions were carried into
Haddington without any opposition. During these transactions, Ju-
lian Romerus, with a Sroop of Spaniards at Coldingham, was taken
in his quarters, where he lay with as great security, as if all had
been at peace, and almost all his whole party was destroyed.
Terms, when the English forces were marched home, resolved to
return to the taking of Haddington. They were stout men that
defended the town •, but in regard the country was wasted all
thereabouts, and provisions could not be brought from afar but
with great hazard, and sometimes certain loss; and besides, the
English were troubled with a most grievous sedition at home,
and were further pressed upon by a war with France: hereupon,
the garrison of Haddington, having no hope of relief, burnt the
town, and on the ist of October, 1549, marched away for Eng-
land.

Moreover, the garrison at Lauder was almost ready to surren-
der, as being in great distress for want of necessaries, when lo!
news was brought on a sudden, of a pacification made between
the English and the French, which was published in Scotland,
April ist, 1550; and the May following the French soldiers were
transported back into France. That peace, as to foreign parts,
lasted about three years, but it was as troublesome and pernicious
as the hottest war ; for those who sat at the helm, the regent, and
his brother the archbishop of St. Andrews, were both extremely
cruel and avaricious, and the archbishop very licentious in his con-
versation: for, as if he had been "authorized to injure all mankind,
he made his will his law. The first presage of the ensuing ty-
ranny was, the suffering the murder of William Crichton, an
eminent person to go unpunished. He was slain by Robert Sem-
ple, in the regent's own palace, and almost in his sight; and yet
the murderer was exempted from punishment, by the intercession
of the archbishop's concubine, who was daughter to Semple.
This archbishop, as long as the king lived, was one of his con-
fidents, and pretended a great zeal for the reformed religion, but,
when the king was dead, he ran into all the excesses of the wildest
impiety. Among the rest of his mistresses, he took away this'
young madam Semple from her husband, who was his neighbour
And kinsman, and kept her almost in the place of a lawful wife,
though she was not handsome, nor a woman of good reputation,
nor noted for any thing but her wantonness. After this'followed
the death, of John Melvil, a nobleman of Fife, who was a great
intimate of the last king's. Some letters of his were intercepted,
written to a certain Englishman in the behalf of his friend, a
prisoner there; and though there could be no suspicion of trea-

Book XV.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

217

son in the case, yet the author of them had his head cut off: and
that which made the matter still worse, was, that his estate was
given to David, the regent's youngest . son. The loss arising hy
these wicked practices reached but a few, but the envy of them
extended to many, and the bad example almost to all. This un-
skilfulness of the regent's managing the government, together
with the sluggishness of all his former life, did mightily offend
the commons; so that he every day grew more and more into
disrepute, especially after the suffering of George Wishart; for
most imputed the following calamities to the death of that re-
ligious man; especially they who not only knew the purity of
doctrine which George held forth, and admired the unblameable-
ness of his life, but looked upon him as divinely inspired, be-
cause of the many and true predictions which he had made.
Hereupon the authority of the regent grew every day less and
less. And soon after these followed another, and that a more
spreading mischief, which drew a general complaint against him,
which it was impossible to smother. There were judicial con-
ventions appointed to be held throughout the whole kingdom;
the pretence was, to suppress robberies, but the event shewed,
that it was nothing else but to cover oppression under a plausible
name: for money was extorted from all, good and bad, as much
from honest men as thieves; and both were punished, not ac-
cording to the greatness of the crime, but of estate. Neither
could he keep off his cruelty and avarice from the reformed, tho'
himself had formerly professed to be one of them; and now he
had not the cardinal as a blind for his crimes; nay, the money,
thus basely got in the name of the regent, was as profusely and
unadvisedly spent by the lust of his brother.

Ee 2

(A, C 1550.;

THE

HISTORY

O f

SCOTLAND.

»®^®-<«^© fi9e%

BOOK XVI,

JM.ATTERS being thus settled at home, the queen-dowager took
a resolution to go into France, partly to visit her native coun-
try, her daughter, and relations; and partly to secure her hopes
ot attaining the supreme power, which seemed to be freely
thrown upon her; and accordingly she chose those to attend her
on her journey, who were favourers of her design. For this am-
bitious and politic lady was full of hopes, that the regent would,
by his own mismanagement, so ruin himself/ 'as to make way for
her to succeed him. She staid with the French king above a
year, in which time she informed him of the state of affairs in
Scotland; who heard her favourably, and by means of her bro-
thers she easily obtained of him what she desired. The king of
France, the better to bring about his designs without any tumult
in Scotland, advanced to high honours all those of the Scottish
nobility, every one according to his degree, who had adhered to
the queen-dowager: they also, who were of kin to the regent,
were in like manner preferred; his son James was made captain
over all the Scottish auxiliaries in France, and a yearly pension
of 12,000 French livres promised him. Fluntly, whose son had
married his daughter, was made earl of Moray. Of the sons of
Rothes, by different mothers, who quarrelled about their' patri-
mony, the youngest, who was kin to the Hamiltons, was made
earl. The king of France, by the advice of the queen-dowagcr.

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 210.

sends for Robert Carnegy, one of the regent's household, who
was lately sent over by him into France, to give that king thanks
for his frequent assistance of the Scots against the English; as
also David Painter, ambassador for some years in France, in be-
half of the Scots; besides Gavin, abbot of Kilwinning, all firm
to Hamilton's faction. He declares to them what he had before
treated of with the Guises; the sum of which was, « That the
« regent would do the king an acceptable piece of service, if he
« would give leave to the queen-dowager to govern that little time

* of magistracy which was left him; which, as it was but a just
{ and equitable request agreeable to their laws, so, if he com-

< plied with him therein, he would take care that it should not

* be prejudicial to his interests; nay, he should find that, by this

* means, he had in him procured himself a fast, firm, munificent

< friend; he wishes them to inform him, how he had at present,

* freely, and of his own accord, rewarded some of his friends,
« by which he might easily judge, what favours he might expect
' from him for the future.' Thus Carnegy, loaden with great
promises, was dismissed, and sometime after, Painter, the Scot-
tish ambassador, bishop of Ross, was ordered to follow him.
He, as being a man of great eloquence and authority, dealt with
fhe regent and his friends to give up the administration of af-
fairs into the hands of the queen-dowager; and with much ado
he obtained it; so that, for his diligence and faithfulness in that
service, the king of France gave him an abbey in Poictou. The
queen, being now secure of the success of things in Scotland,
and having made sufficient provision, as she thought, how to de-
prive the Scots of their ancient liberty, and to bring them a-la-
mode de France t was accompanied by monsieur D'Oysel, as am-,
bassador, to carry things on; a sharp man, whose counsel she
was to make use of in all things of moment, and she returned
home by land through England. The next year after she fol-
lowed the regent, who kept assizes in almost all parts of 6he
kingdom, and so by degrees made the nobility her own. In this
progress, some few offenders were punished, and the rest were
fined. The queen could not approve such proceedings, and yet
she was willing enough to hear of them; for she believed that
what favour the regent lost, it all returned upon her. In the
mean time, having won over the nobility to her, she caused
some friends to deal with the regent, that he would freely re-
sign up the government. His relations, upon the view of his
strength, perceived that his treasure was low and his friends few,
and that he would have much ado tp make up and clear his
accounts ; for king James V. at his decease, had left a great
deal of money, arms, ships, horses, brass guns, and abundance of
household -stuff, all which he lavished out amongst his friends

220 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

in a few years*, and that his account would be speedily called for,
the queen being now almost of age. And, if he would extricate
himself out of all those troubles, by quitting the government, it
would be no great loss; for thereby he would but give up the
sway wholly to the French, which was entirely managed by their
counsels before. And he would have this advantage also, that,
by laying down the invidious title of viceroy or regent, which how-
ever he could not long keep, he would procure safety and security
to himself and his.

This prospect pleased ; so that an agreement was made on these
conditions, that for what goods of the late king's Hamilton had
made use of, the French king would see him indemnified; as also
that he shouldbe free from any account,on the pretence of the regen-
cy; only he was to take an oath to restore what did appear not em-
bezzled. However, in this he did not perform his promise; for
about twelve years after, when his castle of Hamilton was taken,
after the battle of Langsidc, many things were there found which
shewed his perjury. Besides, there were large presents made
him, and he was honoured with the title of duke of Chatelherault
(which is a town in Poictou, situated near the river Vien) and had
a yearly pension of 12,000 French livres ; half of which sum was
paid for some years. Another condition was also added, that if
the queen died without children, Hamilton should be declared by
all the estates the next heir. These were the conditions of the
surrender, which were sent into France, that they might there be
confirmed by the queen and her guardians. The queen, by the
advice of her mother, makes Henry II. king of France Francis,
duke of Guise, and cardinal Charles, his brother, her guardians.
The regent, though, by the persuasion of Painter, he had pro-
mised to relinquish the government, and the time to do it was very
near, yet, when he came to the point, according to his usual in-
constancy, he was at a great nonplus ; for he began to consider
how shocking a thing it would be for him, to fall down from the
supreme magi tracy to a private life, since then he should be ob-
noxious to those many whom in his government he had offended.
On these reflections he began to elude his promise, and to frame
excuses, in regard the queen was not yet full twelve years old.
Thus, though those allegations might have been answered, yet
the queen-dowa^er chose rather to retire to Stirling, and there to
expect the expiration of the set time for the giving up the ch.«rge,
than to make any quairel about a small matter, though never so
true.

In this her retirement, the greatest part of the nobility often
came to her (fortune favouring her side) whom she sought by all
means to engage in her faction; and those she had engaged, she
fixed and confirmed, filing them, with all abundance of hopes,

Booly XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. lit

and making many promises, both in general and particular, how
obliging she would be to them all, when she was advanced to the
government, which they all knew would shortly follow. She pre-
vailed so much by these artifices, that only two of the nobility re-
mained with the regent, John, his base brother, and Livingston,
his near kinsman: all the rest came over to the queen. This soli-
tude of the regent's court, and the fulness of the queen's, was a
plain sign to him, that all the estates were alienated from him;
and so he was glad to accept of those terms which he rejected be-
fore, only with this addition, that the queen-dowager would pro-
cure them to be ratified by the three estates in the next parliament,
ami also by the guarantees in France.

About the same time, affairs grew very troublesome in Eng-
land, by reason of the death of king Edward VI. a young prince of
high expectation, by reason of his great genius, and propensity of
all kind of virtue, which was not only born with him, but cultiva-
ted by learning and study.

At the beginning of the next spring, the nobility assembled at
Stirling, where, in a full assembly, the transactions with the re-
gent were confirmed, which the queen and guarantees had sub-
scribed. This addition was also made, that the regent should
keep a garrison at Dumbarton. And, to complete all, a parlia-
ment was appointed at Edinburgh, to be held the ioth day of
April, then next following, where all the pacts and agreements-
approved by the guarantees (as hath been said) were produced;
and when they were read, the regent arose, and openly abdicated
himself from the magistracy, and gave up the ensigns of his go-
vernment to D'Oysel, who received them in the behalf of the
queen, who was absent; and, by command, delivered them up
to her, who received them by a general consent. And thus be-
ing advanced into the regent's place, she was carried witlr great
ceremony through the city, to the palace in the suburbs. And
the regent, who, at his entrance into the parliament, was attend-
ed with a great number of the nobility, and had the sword, crown,
and sceptre carried before him, according to custom, now, being
degraded, mixed himself amongst the crowd, in the year 1555.

This was a new sight in Scotland, and never heard of before
that day, that a woman should be, by the decree of the estates, ad-
vanced to the helm of government. Though matters thus inclin-
ed to the French intere.;c, yet the Scots would never yield that the
castle of Edinburgh should be garrisoned by them; if so, they fear-
ed, iii case the queen died without issue, the French would then
make it the seat of their tyranny; so that it was put into the hands
of John Erskine,' as an indifferent person, who was to surrender it
to none, but by the command of the estates.

After this, when tke state of the public seemed to be some-

222 fnSTORV OF SCOTLAND. Book XVL

what settled, the queen-regent (as now she was called) sent out
George Gordon, earl of Huntly, to apprehend John Muderach,
chief of the family of the M'Ronalds, a notorious robber, who
had played many foul and monstrous pranks* It is thought that
Gordon did not play fair in this expedition; so that when he re-
turned without doing the business he was sent about, he was kept
prisoner till the time appointed for his answer. In the interim his
relations excused him, and laid the blame of the miscarriage upon
the clanship of Catan. Thus they spread false reports among the
vulgar; for they gave out, though untruly, that the M'Intoshes
had spoiled the design, by reason of their animosity against the
Gordons. This hatred between these two clans arose upon this
occasion : when the queen prepared for her expedition into France,
Gordon kept William, chief of the Catan family, as his prisonef,
a young man well educated by the care of James, earl of Murray.
There was no crime proved against him, but only because he
would not put himself under his clanship or clientile; and, besides,
it turned to his prejudice, that he was of kin to Murray, as being
a sister's son. Gordon, having thus provoked the young man,
did not think it safe to give him his liberty, and so leave him be-
hind him; neither could he find sufficient cause to put him to death.
And therefore he, by means of his friends, persuades him, not
being versed in ill arts, to commit his cause wholly to him ; for,
by these means, Gordon's honour, and his own fafety, might be
secured. Gordon, being thus made master of the life and death
of his enemy, dissembled his anger, and deals with his wife to put
him to death in his absence; for thus he thought to cast the odium
of the fact upon her. But it fell out quite otherwise; for all men
knew the ill disposition of Gordon; and they Were as well satisfied
in the integrity of his wife, who was a good woman, and had
carried herself like a regular and noble lady, in the whole course
of her life; so that every body was satisfied that Gordon was the
author of that counsel to his wife. Gordon being in prison, the
queen-regent's council were of different opinions, as to his punish-
ment. Some were for his banishment for several years into
France; others for putting him to death; but both these opinions
were rejected by Gilbert earl of Cassils, the chief of his enemies.
For he, forseeing by the present state of things, that the peace be-
tween the Scots and the French would not be long-lived, was not
for his banishment into France; for he knew a man of so crafty a
spirit, and so spiteful at those who blamed or envied him, would,
in the war which the insolence of the French was like speedily to
occasion, be a perfect incendiary, and perhaps a general for the
enemy. And he was more against putting him to death, because
lie thought no private offence worthy of so great punishment, or
to be so revenged as to inure the French to spill the blood of the

Book XVI. History of scotuand. 223

nobility of Scotland. And therefore he went a middle way, that
he should be fined and kept in prison till he yielded up the right
which he pretended to have over Murray: and that he should suf-
fer all the royal revenues arising out of the Orcades, Shetland isles>
and Mar, to be quietly gathered by such collectors as the queen-
regent should appoint, and he himself should not meddle with any
of the public or regal patrimony; and likewise should surrender up
his presidency over some juridical courts, which brought him in
great profit. Upon these conditions he was dismissed. And
having thus mollified the mind of the regent, and those that could,
do most with her, at last he was admitted in the privy-council.

In the mean time all court-offices, which had any thing of pro-
fit to move competitorship, were, by Gordon's advice, given to
strangers, on purpose that he might breed a disgust between the
queen-regent, and the nobility of Scotland; and so take delight,
though not -j.il honourable one, in their mutual contest and de-
struction of each other: The earl of Cassils who foresaw this
tempest before it came, began now to be accounted as a pro-
phet.

After this, matters were quiet till July, in the year 1555* and.
the queen-regent having gotten this respite from war, applied her-
self to i-ectify the disorders of the state : She went to Inverness,
and held public conventions in the nature of assizes, in all accus-
tomed places, wherein many disturbers of the peace were severely
punished. She sent John Stuart, earl of Athol, against Johnv
Muderach, to effect that which Gordon, in his expedition, had.
failed in. He, besides his fortitude and constancy (virtues pro-
per to him) was also so prudent and successful, that he took him,
his children and whole family, and brought them to the queen.
But Muderach, being impatient of sitting still, or else excited by
the sting of an evil conscience, deceived his keepers, escaped out
of prison, and filled all places again with blood and rapine. The
regent hearing of this, was forced to go the circuit sooner than
she had determined, to bring him and other malefactors to justice;
which having done, she returned, and, in a public assembly, re-
stored some of those who slew cardinal Beton, that were popular
men (whom the late regent had banished) from their exile; by
which fact of hers she procured not so much applause, as ill-will
from the many new taxes she devised. It was thought that D'Oy-
se!, Ruby, and those few French about the regent, put her upon
thesj new projests to raise money, i. e. that men's estates should
be surveyed and registered in books made for that purpose; and
that every one should pay yearly a certain sum assessed upon him
out of ir, into a treasury set apart for that end, as a fund for war;
lor with that money, thus kept in a peculiar treasury, merce-
nary soldiers were to be hired to guard the frontiers, and so the

Vol. II. F f

2^4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

nobility might remain quiet at home, except some great invasion
were made by the enemy, which an ordinary force could not resist.
The poorer sort were much aggrieved at this new pecuniary impo-
sition, and inveighed openly against it with bitter words ; but the
greatest part of the nobility kept their disgust within their own
breasts, every one fearing that, if he should first oppose the will
of the queen-regent, the whole envy of the refusal would fall up-
on him alone. But the next rank of people were as angry with
the nobility, for betraying the public liberty by their silence, as
they were with the queen-, and thereupon about 300 of them
met together at Edinburgh, and chose James Sandeland of Cal-
der, and John Weems, out of their whole body, and sent them to
the queen-regent, to represent to her the ignominy in paying this
tax-, and to pray, that it might not be assessed or levied upon
them, because it would betray the public and private property:
And also to inform her, that their ancestors had not only defend-
ed themselves and their estates against the English, when much
more powerful than now they are, but also had made frequent
inroads into England, and that themselves had not so far dege-
nerated from their ancestors, but that they were willing to lay
down their lives and fortunes for the good of their country, if
need required. And as for the hiring of mercenary auxiliaries,
that was a matter full of danger, to commit the state of Scotland
to men who had neither estates nor expectations, but who would
do any thing for money, and if occasion were offered, their pro-
found avarice would incite them to attempt innovations; so that
their fidelity hung only on the wheel of fortune. But supposing
they were well qualified, and had a greater love to their country,
than respect to their own condition,, yet was it likely, nay, was it
not incredible, that the mercenaries should fight more valiantly
to defend the estates of others, than the masters of them would
do, each man for his own? Or, that a regard to a small salary or
pay, which was likely to cease in time of peace, would raise up a
greater courage in the minds of the commonalty, than in the no-
bility, who fought every man for his fortune, wife, children, reli-
gion and liberty: Besides, this project concerns the very vitals of
the Scottish government, and it was a thing of greater conse-
quence, than to be debated at this time, and in this tender age of
our young queen; for if it were granted it could be effected
without a sedition, yet this new way of managing a war is both
useless, and also much feared and suspected by the generality;
especially since out of the tribute of the Scots, men, none of the
richest, money enough could hardly arise to maintain a guard of
mercenaries, for the defence of the frontiers; and therefore it was
to be feared, that the event of this counsel would be, to open the
door of the frontiers to the enemy, not to shut it. For, if the

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 22$

English, living in a richer kingdom, should erect a fuller treasury
for that use, there was no doubt but they might maintain forces
double to ours, with less burden to their own people; and then
they would break in, not only upon the frontiers, but even into
the very body of the kingdom.

The other part of their oration, I know not whether it be not
better to suppress in silence, than to declare it amongst the vul-
gar: Some mutterings there were, who will collect this money?
How much of it must necessarily be expended upon distrainers
and treasurers, as a reward for their pains? Who will undertake
that it shall be spent in public uses, and not on private luxury?
It is true, the probity and temperance of our noble princess, who
now rules, gives us great hope, nay, confidence, that no such
thing will be; yet if we consider what hath been done by others
abroad, and by ourselves at home, we cannot contain or so govern
ourselves, but must needs fear, that what hath often been done,
may possibly be done again. But, to let these things pass, which
perhaps we have no cause to fear; let us come to that wherein
our ancestors placed their greatest hope of defence, to maintain
their liberty against the arms of an over-powering enemy. There
was no king of Scotland ever esteemed wiser than Robert, the
first of that name; and all confess that he was the most valiant
of princes: He, at his death, as he had often done in his life,
out of a prospect to the good of his subjects, gave this advice,
That the Scots should never make a perpetual peace, no, nor one
for any long time with the English: For he, out of the wisdom of
his own nature, and also by his long experience, and exercise un-
der both conditions, prosperous and adverse, knew well enough
that by idleness and sloth, the minds of men should be broken
with pleasure, and their bodies also grow languid; for, when se-
vere discipline and parsimony is extinct, luxury and avarice grow
up, as in a soil unfilled, accompanied also with an impatience of
labour, and a slothfuiness occasioned by continued ease, averse
from and hating a military life; by whieh mischiefs, the strength
of body and mind being enervated and weakened, loses all its
valour, and an unnatural short-lived pleasure, the fruit of idle-
ness, is over-balanced by some signal calamity.

Upon this oration, the queen-regent fearing a sedition if she
persisted, remitted the tribute, and acknowledged her error. It
is reported she was often heard to say, That it iuas not herself but
a certain chief man of the Scots themselves ', that iuas the author and
architect of that design. By these words, some thought she meant
Huntly, a man of a fierce disposition, and newly released from
prison, and, as it seems, more mindful of the injury of his im-
prisonment, than of the respect shewn in his deliverance. And
therefore, when he saw that the regent was intent upon this one

F f z

226 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

thing, to accustom the Scots to pay tribute, fearing that thereby
her power would increase, and the authority of the nobility would
be weakened and infringed, in regard she, being a foreigner,
sought to bring all things into the power of her own country-
men, it was thus thought he gave his counsel to her, which suited
well with her mind, as to the raising of the money, which she
was then about; for otherwise, the advice was plainly destruc-
tive, hostile, and pernicious; for he knew well enough that the
Scots would not pay such great taxes; neither would they be such
obedient subjects as they had been before. Some thought that
David Painter, bishop of Ross, found out this way of tax, for
he was a man of great wit and learning; he hud received many
favours from the Hamptons,, and was a friend to their family and
designs.

The next year, which was 15575 wm'e t^e ambassadors of
Scotland were treating about peace at Carlisle, the king of France
sent letters to Scotland, to desire the regent to declare war against
England, according to the league : the cause was pretended to be,
because the queen of England had assisted Philip of Spain, her
husband, who was engaged in fierce war against France, by send-
ing him forces into the Netherlands. The ambassadors being re-
turned from England without either confirming peace or war,
the regent called together the nobility at the monastery of New-
hottle, where she declared to them the many incursions the Eng-
lish had made upon the Scottish ground; what preys they had
taken, and when restitution was demanded, none was made; so
that she desired the Scots to declare war against the English, both
to revenge their own wrongs, and thereby also to assist the king
of France; yet she could not prevail with the nubility to begin
first; and therefore, by the advice, as it is thought, of D'Oysel,
she brought about the matter another way. She commanded
a fort to be built at the mouth of the river Aye, against the
sudden incursions of the English, wherein also she might lay up
great guns, and other necessaries for war, as in a safe magazine,
from whence she might fetch them upon occasion, and so save,
labour of carrying them from the remoter parts of the kingdom,
whereby much time would be spent, and, besides the troublesome-
ness of the carriages, opportunity of action would be lost. These
conveniencies were visible enough, but she had another object
in it: she knew that the English would do their utmost to hin-
der the work, and not to suffer a garrison to be erected under
their noses, so near Berwick. Thus the seeds of war, which she
desired, would be sown, and the fault of taking up arms cast up-
on the enemy; and the event answered her expectation. For the
Scots, being provoked by the wrongs of the English, whilst they
were compelled to defend their own borders, easily assented to

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 227

the regent's desire, to make war upon England. Whereupon the
ambassadors sent into England to make a peaee, were called
back, a proclamation was made, and a day appointed for a gene-
ral rendezvous at Edinburgh: when the camp was formed at
Maxwell-heugh, and the council had not yet decreed any thing
concerning the manner of carrying on the war, they, who were
forward to gratify the regent, and oblige the French, ran up and
down, plundering about Wcrk castle, situate in the borders of
England. D'Oysel had brought some French troops thither and
some ordnance, as many as he thought were sufficient to take the
castle and carried them over the Tweed, without staying for the
order of the council, which highly incensed the Scots nobility
against him; for in so doing, he seemed to aim, that the whole
honour of such an expedition should rather redound to himself
than to his master, as also to make the Scots obnoxious to, and.
under his command, who were wont to have the chief command
themselves. Thus the Scots were mightily offended, that they
were so slighted by a private man, and a stranger too, so as to be
led by the nose by him, without so much as asking their opinions,
as was formerly wont to be done: and thus, by doing things of
his own head, without consulting the nobility, he had arrogated
more to himself, than ever any of their own kings had done.

Hereupon the matter was deliberated in council, where it was
unanimously agreed, that they would not venture the strength of
the kingdom against an enemy, at the humour of every private
person; especially seeing they were never wont to obey their
own lawful princes in that case, but after matters had been opened
and seriously debate? 1 in council ; and therefore D'Oysel's imperi-
ousness in the case, was nothing but an essay to try how capable
they were to bear the yoke of slavery: Whereupon they com-
manded D'Oysel to draw back the ordnance; and if he refused, he
should be punished as a traitor. The queen-regent, and D'Oysel
himself, highly resented this affront. The regent thought, that
her majesty was impaired thereby; and the other, that his mas-
ter's honour (whose ambassador he was) was concerned: But they,
being the weaker, were forced to yield for the present; and there
seemed no remedy to occur, but that the queen of Scots, who
was now marriageable, should marry the dauphin, as soon as con-!
veniently it could be effected; for then the wife, being in the
power of her husband, the authority of the council would be
much lessened.

During that winter, there were various excursions made, and
with different success; but one was most memorable at the foot
of Cheviot-hills, where a fight was maintained a long while be-
tween the duke of Norfolk and Andrew Ker. The victory wa$
a long time doubtful, but at last inclined to the English., and Ker

228 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

was taken prisoner, many brave men being wounded on both sides.
Hereupon an assembly was summoned to Edinburgh, to be held
in October, to hear the letters sent from the French king. In
which, after a prolix, enumeration of the ancient leagues between
them, and their mutual obligations to one another, he desired the
Scots parliament, that a choice might be made of fit persons, out
of all the three orders, with ample commission, who (in regard
his son the dauphin, about the end of December, was entering
upon the year fit for marriage, according to the law) might be
sent ambassadors to conclude the marriage, which was almost al-
ready made (for the queen of Scots had been carried over into
Trance upon that hope) and thus the nations, which were ancient-
ly confederate, would now coalesce into one body; and the old
friendship between those people would be connected by an indis-
soluble bond. This if they would do, he made them magnifi-
cent promises, that whatever fruits of benevolence they hoped for
from allies, the same they might expect from him.

Though all the Sects knew to what end this haste of the French
king was directed, and that there were shortly like to be disputes
between them concerning their liberties*, yet they all came, in
great obedience to the appointed parliament, where, without much
ado, eight ambassadors were chosen to go over into France, to
finish the marriage. Three of the nobility, Gilbert Kennedy,
earl of Cassils, Geore Lesly, earl of Rothes, to whom were add-
ed, James Fleming, eai'l of Cumberland, chief of his family;
three of the ecclesiastical order, James Beton, archbishop of Glas-
gow, Robert Reid, bisliop of the Orcades, and James Stuart, pri-
or of the monastery of St. Andrews, and the queen's brother;
and two of the commons, George Seaton,. because he was gover-
nor of Edinburgh, and John Erskine, laird of Down, or Din, go-
vernor of Montrose, of a knight's family, but comparable for dig-
nity to any nobleman. After they had set sail, and were yet on
the coast of Scotland, they were tossed with a very high wind;
and being farther at sea, they met with such a terrible tempest,
that two of the ships were sunk, not far from Boulogne in France,
a town of the Morini. The earl of Rothes and the bishop of the
Orcades were carried to land in a fisher boat, and were the only
two that escaped of all the passengers in these vessels.

The rest of the fleet having long combated with the waves, at
length arrived in other lesser ports of France; where, when all
the ambassadors were again met, they hastened to court. There
they began the treaty about the marriage: All yielded to it, but
the Guises were mighty forward to have it hastened, both be-
cause they judged that affinity would be a great accession of au-
thority to their family; as also because opportunity seemed to far
your their design, in regard Annas, duke of Montmorency, who

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 22^

was esteemed the wisest of all the French nobility, and who was
most likely to oppose the match, was a prisoner of war. He,
indeed, was not willing the matter should be so precipitated, for
several other causes, in the judgment of many, very just and con-
siderable; but, above all, lest the povver of the Guises, (which
was suspected by the wise, and began to be intolerable to all)
should grow to that height, as to be unsafe for kings themselves.
For, of the five brothers of the Guises, the eldest was captain-
general of all the forces which served in France. The next was
sent into Lombardy, to succeed Charles Cosseus: The third was
sent over into Scotland, with some supplies, to command the ar-
my there : The fourth had the command of the gallies at Mar-
seilles: And all money-matters passed under the hand of Charles,
the cardinal: So that neither soldier nor sous could stir in all the
territories of the French king, without their approbation and
goodwill. Some men commiserated the fortune of the good
king, and it brought into remembrance the condition of those
times, when, by reason of court-factions, the kings of France
have been shut up in monasteries, as in places of a milder banish-
ment.

The court, for some days, being transported with these nup-
tial revels, when they came to themselves, called the Scots ambas-
sadors into council, where the chancellor of France dealt with
them to produce the crown, and the other ensigns of royalty; and
that the queen's husband should be created king of Scotland, ac-
cording to custom. To whom the ambassadors answered in
short, That they had received no commands concerning those
matters. The chancellor replied, That no more was desired of
them, at present, than what was in their power, viz. That when
this matter came to be debated in the parliament of Scotland, they
would give their suffrages in the affirmative, and give it under
their hands that they would do so. That demand seemed to be ful-
ler of peremptoriness than the former, therefore they thought it
best to reject it with great vehemence and disgust; insomuch
that their answer was, Thai th>nr embassy ivas limited by certain in-
structions and bounds, which they neither could nor would transgress ;
but if they had btten left free without any restriction at all, yet it was
not the part of faithful friends, to require that of them, which they
could not grant without certain infamy and treachery, though there
were no danger of l/fe in the case: That they were willing to gratify
the French, their old allies, as far as the just laws of amity required;
and therefore they desired them to keep within the same bounds of mo-
deration in making their demands.

Thus the ambassadors were dismissed the court: and, the
they hastened home as soon as they could, yet, before they went
a shipboard, four of the chief of them, Gilbert Kenned y, George

2^0 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVL

Lcsly, Robert Reid and James Fleming, all brave men, and true
patriots, departed this life, as did likewise many of their retinue,
not without suspicion of poison. It was thought that James> the
queen's brother, had also taken the same dose* for although by
reason of the strength of his constitution and his youth, he e-
scaped death at that time, yet he lay under a constant weakness
of stomach, as long as he lived.

That summer, matters were at that dubious pass in Britain,
that there seemed rather to be no peace, than a war \ for there
were skirmishes and plunderings on both sides, and villages burnt;
incursions were mutually made, and not without blood. Two of
the nobility of Scotland were carried away prisoners by the En-
glish, William Keith, son to the earl of March, and Patrick Grey,
chief of a family (so called) amongst the Scots ; the other calami-
ties of war fell on persons of meaner rank.

About the same time, the English sent a fleet under the com-
mand of Sir John Clare, to infest the coasts of Scotland: They
came to the Orcades, intending there to land, and to burn Kirk-
wall, a bishop's see the only town in that circuit. When they
had made a descent with a good part of their force, a fierce tem-
pest suddenly arose, which carried their ships from the coast in-
to the main -y where after a long contest with the wind and
waves they at length made sail for England back again: They
who were put ashore were every one slain by the islanders.

This vear, and the year before, the cause of religion seemed to
lie dormant j for it being somewhat crushed by the death of
George Wishart, one party accounted themselves well satisfied,
if they could worship God peaceably in their own tongue, in pri-
vate assemblies, and dispute soberly concerning matters of divini-
ty, and the other party, after the cardinal was slain, shewed
themselves rather destitute of an head, than not desirous of re-
venge: for he who succeeded in his place, rather coveted the
money than the blood of his enemies, and was seldom cruel,
but when it was to maintain his plunder and his pleasures.

In April, Walter Mills, a priest, none of the most learned,
was yet suspected by the bishops, because he left off to say mass,
whereupon he was haled to their court. Though he was weak
by constitution of body and age, extremely poor, and also brought
out from a nasty prison, and lay under such high discourage-
ments-, yet he answered so stoutly and prudently too, that his
very enemies could not but acknowledge, that such greatness and
confidence of spirit, in such an enfeebled carcase, must needs
have a support from above. The citizens of St. Andrews were
so much offended at the wrong done him, that there was none
found who would sit as judge uoon him: and all the tradesmen
shut up their shops, that they might sell no materials towards his

Book XVI. * HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 23!

execution! which was the causa of his reprieve for one day
more than was intended; At last, one Alexander Somervel, a
friend of the archbishop's, was found out, the next day, a great
villain, who undertook to act as judge for that day. This is cer-
tain, the commonalty took his death so heinously, that they heap-
ed up a great pile of stones in the place where he was burnt,
that so the memory of his death might not end with his life.
The priests gave order to have it thrown down for some days, but
still, as they threw it down one day, it was raised up the next,,
till at last the papists conveyed the stones away to build houses
with, about the town. July the 20th was the day appointed
by the bishops, for Paul Meffen, an eminent preacher of God's
word in those days, to come to his answer. There was a great
assembly of the nobility at that time, so that a tumult seemed
unavoidable; whereupon the process was deferred to another
time: Several were condemned, but it was of those that were ab-
sent; who, that they might not be terrified with the severity of
the punishment, were commanded to come by the first of Sep-
tember, and pardon was promised them, if they recanted.

The same first of September was St. Giles's dav, whom the
inhabitants of Edinburgh look on as their tutelar saint, carousing
to him in great goblets, and making high entertainments for their
neighbours and guests. The regent, fearing lest, in such a con-
fused rabble, some tumult should arise, was willing to be present
herself at the wake. The papists were very glad of her coming,
and easily persuaded her to see the shew and pageant, wherein
St. Giles was to be carried about the city: but St. Giles, alas!
did not appear, for he was stolen out of the shrine by some body
or other. However, that St. Giles might not want a pageant
nor the citizens a shew upon that festival day, there was another
young Gilesling (forsooth) set up in his room. After the regent
had accompanied him thro' the greatest part of tire town, and
saw no danger of airy insurrection, she retired, weary as she was,
into an inn to repose herself. But presently the city youths
plucked down the picture of St. Giles, from the shoulders of
those who carried him, threw him into the dirt, and spoiled the
glory of the whole pageantry: The priests and friars running se-
veral ways for fear, created a belief of a great tumult: but when
they. had understood that there was more fear than danger in the
tiring, and that the whole matter was transacted without blood,
they crept again out of their holes, and gathered themselves to-
gether to consult about the main chance; where, though they
were quite out of hopes to recover their ancient repute; yet they
dissembled confidence, as if their former power had remained:
and, to try how to retrieve their affairs in so desperate a case, they
thought to strike fears into their enemies, and appointed a convo-
Vol. II. G 2

232 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

cation to be held at Edinburgh, November 8. When the day of
their convening came, the priests met in the church of the Do-
minicans, and there cited Paul Meffen by name, whom in a for-
mer assembly they had commanded to appear: he not appearing
was banished, and a severe punishment denounced on those who
would receive him into their houses, or supply him with any ne-
cessaries to support his life. But that commination did not terri-
fy the inhabitants of Dundee from doing their duty; for they sup-
plied him with provision, and harboured him from one house to
another; nay, they even dealt with the regent, by some men who
were in favour at court, that his banishment might be remit-
ted; but all the priests strenuously opposed it; and besides, they
offered a great sum of money against him; so that nothing could
be done.

Whilst these things were acting, some eminent persons, espe-
cially of Fife and Angus, and some chief burghers of several
towns, travelled over all the shires of Scotland, exhorting all the
people to love the sincere preaching of the word, and not to suf-
fer themselves, and their friends of the same opinion in religion
with themselves, to be oppressed and destroyed by a small and
weak faction; alleging, if their enemies would transact the mat-
ter by law, they should easily cast them; but if they chose force
rather, they were not inferior to them. And they had schedules
or written tables, ready for those who were pleased therewith, to
•subscribe their names. These first assumed the name of Con-
gregation, which was made more famous afterwards by those who
joined themselves thereto.

These assertors of the purer and reformed religion, foreseeing
that matters would soon come to some extremity, by joint consent
determined to send some demands to the queen, which unless
they were granted, there Was likely to be no probability of a
church, neither could the multitude be restrained from an insur-
rection. They chose Sir James Sandeland of Calder, a worthy
knight, venerable both for his age, and for his well spent life, to
carry their desires to the regent, who opened the necessity of
sending such a message, and requested, in the name of all, who
stood for the reformation of religion, " That all public prayers
" and the administration of the sacraments, should be celebrated
*' by ministers in their mother tongue, that all the people mighr
" understand them; that the election of ministers, according to
" the ancient custom of the church, should be made by the peo-
«« pie: and that they who presided over that election, should in-
" quire diligently into the lives and doctrines of all that were to
** be admitted; and if by the negligence of former times, unlearned
" and flagitious persons had crept into ecclesiastical dignities, thai.
Ci they might be removed out of the ministry, and fit persons

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 233

«* substituted in their places." The priests were even mad, and
stormed mightily, that any man durst appear and own so impu-
dent a fact, as they called it. But when their heat was a little al-
layed, they answered, that they would refer the matter to a pub-
lic disputation; and indeed, what danger could there be in that,
when they themselves were to be judges in their own cause? On
the other side, the friends of the Reformation alleged, that the
matter ought not to be determined by the wills of men, but by the
plain words of holy scripture.

The priests propounded also other terms of agreement, but such
ridiculous ones, that they are not worthy of an answer; as if the
reformers would keep up the mass in its ancient honour; if they
would acknowledge purgatory after this life; if they would yield
to pray to saints, and for the dead, that then they would also
yield, that they should pray in their mother-tongue, and celebrate
the sacraments, baptism, and the Lord's supper in the same.
The reformers pressed the regent, (as before) that in so just a
cause, she would please to gratify them with an answer, agreeable
to equity and reason. The regent favoured the cause of the
priests, and secretly promised them her assistance, as soon as op-
portunity offered. And she commanded the adverse faction to
use prayer, celebrate the sacraments, and perform other religious
exercises in their mother-tongue, but without tumult; only their
teachers were not to make any public sermons to the' people at
Edinburgh or Leith. Though this condition was carefully observ-
ed by them, yet many testimonies that her affection was alienated
from them, did daily appear. And the papists at Edinburgh made
almost the same answer to the demands that were brought in by
the nobility; only this they added farther, " That as to the point
" of electing ministers, in such kind of questions, they were to
•* stand by the canon-law, or the decrees of the council of Trent."
Neither did they, in that assembly, attempt any thing in their
own matters, only commanded the bishops to send secret inform-
ers into all parishes of their dioceses, who were to take the names
of the violators of the papistical laws, and bring them in to them.
And though they plainly perceived that their threats were little
esteemed, yet trusting to the public authority, which was on their
side, and having confidence in the arms of France, they insulted
over their inferiors as imperiously as ever they did before. To
mitigate their minds in some sort, and to deprecate' their severe
and bitter sentence against the preachers of the gospel, John
Erskine, lord of Down, a man learned, pious, and affable, was
sent to them. He intreated them, out of that piety which we all
owe to God, and charity towards men, that they would not think
it much, at least, to tolerate people to pvay to God in their mo-
ther-tongue, when they were met together for that service, fur

Gg 2

234 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

that was according to scripture-command. They were so far
from granting his request, that they used him with more hitter and
arrogant words than formerly, adding also more cruel threatening^
and reproaches; and, lest they might seem to have acted nothing
in that assembly, they caused some thread-bare popish laws to be
printed, and fastened upon the doors of churches, which, because
they were commonly sold for a farthing, the common people cal-
led them the quadrant any ■> and sometimes the tr'wbolar faith.

Moreover, they who the year before had -performed the emb.
in France, came in to the assembly, and easily obtained, that their
transactions should he ratified. And after tli at, the French am-
bassador was introduced, who, after he had made a long oration
concerning the ancu Rt and long continued good-will of the French
kings toward all the Scottish nation, did earnestly desire of them
all, both singly and jointly, that they would set the crown (which
he, by a new and monstrous name, called matrimonial) upon the
head of the queen's husband, alleging, that he would gain but
an empty name, without any occasion of power and profit. He
also used -many other flattering words, not necessary here to be
repeated; which, the more accurate they were in a trifling busi-
ness, by so much the more they were suspected, as coverts of
concealed fraud; yet the ambassador, partly by immoderate pro-
mises, and partly by earnest intreaties, and partly by the favour of
some, who coileagued with the future power, gained the point,
that the crown was ordered for the dauphin; and Gillespv Camp-
bell, earl of Argyle, and James, the queen's brother, were cho-
sen to carry it to him. These persons, perceiving that they were
sent abroad to their own ruin, in regard the French ambition hung
as a storm ready to fail upon their heads, made no great haste to
iit up their equipage, but deferred their preparation from day to
day, until they had pondered all things, and taken surer mea-
sures of what was likely to ensue, especially since now a nearer
raid more eminent title of honour offered itself ; for Mary queen of
England being dead, the queen of Scots carried herself as her
heir, and bore the arms and ensigns of England, engraving the
same on all her household-stuff and furniture; and though France-
was at that time miserably distressed in asserting her power and
dominion over Milan, Naples, and Flanders, yet she added to the
rest of her miseries this mock-title of England. The wiser sort of
the French saw this well enough, but they were forced to comply
with the Guises, who then could do all at court; for, by this kind
of vanity, they would needs be thought to add nuich splendour to
the French name.

Besides, the regent having received the decree concerning the
matrimonial crown, seemed to have put on a new disposition, for
she turned her ancient affability, which was acceptable to all,, in-

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 235

to an imperious arrogance-, and, instead of gentle answers, where-
with, before, she used to soothe both factions, as, that it was
not her fault, but that of the times, that she could not promise
so largely as she desired, before that decree was passed. Now
she thought herself secure, and thefore used another kind of lan-
guage and deportment. A parliament was summoned to be held
at Stirling, May 10th; and whereas she often said, that ?;o-,u she
was free from other cares, she ivould not suffer the majesty of govern-
ment to be debased) but endeavour to restore it to its ancient glory, by
sane eminent example: These words portended a storm ensuing,
and therefore many applied to her for favour; and, amongst the
rest, to make their request more likely to be granted, upon the ac-
count of the dignity of the messengers, Alexander Cunningham,
earl of Glencairn, and Hugh Campbell, sheriff of Ayr, a worthy
knight, were sent to her. When they came, she could not con-
tain herself, but must needs utter this speech, as a witness of her
impiety. Do you, and your ministers nub at you noil/ or can, yea,
though they preach ever so sincerely, yet they shall be banished the land.
When they replied, in great humility, that she nvould be pleased to
call to mind what she had often promised than. She answered, that
promises of princes were no further to be urged upon them for perform-
ance, than it stood nvith their cenveniency. Whereupon they rejoin-
ed, 'That then they renounced all allegiance and subjection to her; and
advised her to consider, what inconvenience was likely to ensue
hereupon. She was unexpectedly struck with this answer, and
said, She nvould think upon it. And when the fierceness of her an-
ger seemed somewhat to abate, it was again kindled much more
violently, when she heard that the inhabitants of St. Johnston had
publicly embraced the reformed religion. Whereupon she turned
to Patrick Ruthven, mayor of the town, commanding him to sup-
press all those tumults for innovating of religion. His answer was,
That he had pence r over their bodies and estates, and those he nvould
take care should do no hurt ; but that he had no dominion over their coin
sciences. At which answer she was so enraged, that she said, she
hoped none nvould think it strange, if he nvere shortly made to repent
his stubborn impudence. She also commanded James Halibnrton,
sheriff of Dundee, to send Paul Me'ffen prisoner to her; but he
was advised thereof by the sheriff, and so gave way to the time,
and slipped out of town. She wrote also to the neighbour-assem-
blies, to keep the Easter following after the popish manner. But
when none obeyed her therein, she was so enraged, that she cued
all the ministers of the churches of the whole kingdom to Stirling,
to appear there on the 10th of May ensuing.

When that matter came to be noised abroad, the evangclics
exhorted one another, that they and their ministers would alsq
appear at the meeting; so that there wzz a great multitude <A

236 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

those that were likely to be at that assembly, which, though they
came unarmed, yet the regent feared that things would not go
well on her side. Whereupon she sent for John Erskine of
Down, who happened to be in town at that time, and prevailed
with him to cause the unnecessary multitude to return home,
which would not be very difficult for him to do, because of the
great authority he had amongst them; and in the mean time she
promised she would act nothing against the men of that persua-
sion. Many there were, who being made acquainted with this
promise of the regent, changed their purpose of going thither, and
i-eturned home-, yet nevertheless she, on the day appointed for
the assembly, called over the name ; of those v ho were summon-
ed, and those who did not answer to their names she outlawed.
Erskine, seeing what little credit was to be given to her promises,
and fearing to be seized on by force, had withdrawn himself, and
found the lords Strathearn, Angus, and Mtarus, yet in a body,
though doubting of the faith of the queen. They finding, by his
discourse (what they suspected before), that the queen's rage was
implacable, and that the matter could no longer be dissembled,
prepared themselves against open force.

Matters standing in this ticklish posture, Knox assembled the
multitude at Perth, and made such an excellent sermon to them,
that he set their minds, already moved, all in a f!amer After
sermon the greatest part of the audience went home to dinner,
but a few of the meaner sort, such as were also enraged with
anger and indignation, staid behind in the church. Amongst
them a poor priest, thinking to try how they stood affected, pre-
pared himself to say mass, and drew out a large frame, or rather
idol case, in which was contained the history of many saints curi-
ously engraven. A young man standing by, cried out, that what
he did was intolerable ; upon which the priest gave him a box on
the ear; the youth took up a stone, and, thinking to hit the
priest, the blow lighted on the frame, and broke one of the pic-
tures ; the rest of the multitude, being in a rage, some fell upon
the priest and his frame, others upon die shrines and altars; and
thus, as it were, in a moment of time, they demolished ail the
monuments of superstitious or profane worship.

These things were done by the meaner sort, while the richer
were at dinner. With the same furious violence, they ran seve-
ral ways to the monastery of the friars, the rest of the common
people still flocking in to them. And though the friars had pro-
vided some aid against such assaults, yet no force was able to re-
gist the rash violence of the multitude. The first assault was
made upon the images and church-stuff, and the poorer sort ran
in to plunder. The Franciscans were furnished with household-
gturf, not only plentiful, but stately, more than would serve ten

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 237

times as many as they were. The Dominicans though not so o-
pulent as they, yet had enough to evince their profession of beg-
ging to be a very vain one; so that one wittily called them (not
friars mendicants, h\xi)friars man&ucants. The. poor seized on all
their furniture ; for they who had estates, to prevent all suspicions
of covetousness, suffered some of the monks, and especially the
prior of the Carthusians, to go off with great quantities of gold
and silver plate. Nay, the abstinence of the soldiers from plun-
der was as incredible, as their celerity in demolishing the build-
ings was wonderful. For those large houses of the Carthusians
were so hastily overthrown, and even the stones carried away,
that, within two days time, there was hardly any sign of any
foundation left. When the news of all this came to the queen,
with some exaggerations, they so inflamed her lofty spirit, that
she swore she would expiate this nefarious wickedness with the
blood of the citizens, and with the burning of the city. The in-
habitants of Cupar in Fife, hearing of this procedure of affairs at
Perth, they also by general consent either broke the images, or
threw them out of the church, and thus cleansed their temple :
at which the priest of the parish was so grieved, that the night
following he laid violent hands upon himself. The regent was
amazed to hear this news, and sent for Hamilton, the earls of
Argyle and Athol, with their allies and clanships, to come to her,
and though she desired, by her quick proceeding, to prevent the
preparations of her enemies, yet the carriage of the brass
ordnance was so tedious, that it was about the 18th day of May
before they came to the parts adjoining to that city. When the
nobles that were at Perth heard of the preparations that the regent
had made against them, they also sent messengers to their friends,
and to the reformed all about, not to desert them in this last ex-
tremity of life and fortune. Whereupon all the commonalty came
zealously and speedily in, and some also out of Lothian, that they
might not be wanting to the common danger. But Alexander
Cunningham, earl of Clencairn, exceeded them all in his force and
readiness ; for he, hearing how things stood, gathered together
2500 men, horse and foot, and led them on night and day,
through rough and by-ways, till he came to Perth. James Stuart,
natural son to the late king, and Gillespy Campbell, earl of Ar-
gyle, were as yet in the army of the regent, for though they were
the chief authors of reforming religion, yet, because all hopes of
concord were not quite lost, they staid there; that so, if peace
might be made on just terms, they might do some service to their
friends; but if the minds of the papists were wholly averse from
peace, then they resolved to run the same hazard with the rest at
Perth.

The regent, being before informed by her spies, that the en;-

53^ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book X.VL

my were about 7000 strong, all very hearty, and resolved to fight,
though she had with her almost an equal number of Scots, besides
the Freneh auxiliaries, yet was loth to venture all upon a battle.
And therefore she sent James Stewart, and Gillcspy Campbell
(whom I named before) to treat with the enemy. They, on their
p art, chose out Alexander Cunningham, and John Erskine of
Down, to treat with them. The queen was now somewhat more
placable, because she heard that Glencairn had also joined his
{drees with the rest of the opposers of idolatry. Whereupon the
lour commissioners made an agreement, that all the soldiery of
the Scots should be disbanded on both sides, and the regent should
have liberty to enter the town, and stay there with her retinue for
a lew days, till she had refreshed herself from the toil of her jour-
ney; yet so, that they were not to injure any of the townsmen in
Hie least. As for the French, none of them were to enter, or to
come within three miles of the town. All the other differences
were referred to the decision of the next parliament. Thus, the
present insurrection being quieted without blood, the assertors of
the Reformation departed joyfully, for they desired not to make a
war, but only to defend themselves-, and thereupon they gave
God thanks, who had given an unbloody end to the war. The
earl of Argyle and James Stewart left the regent at Perth, and
went to St. Andrews, there to refresh themselves after their toils.
But she, the volunteers being disbanded on both sides, having en-
tered the place with a small retinue, was honourably received ac-
cording to the ability of the citizens. The French mercenaries
passing by the house of Patrick Murray, an honest and worthy
Townsman; six of them levelled their pieces against a balcony,
out of which his whole family looked to behold the sight; upon
rhe discharge they killed only Patrick's son, a youth of thirteen
years of age. The bodv was brought to the queen; and when she
heard of what family he was, she said, That the chance -was to be
lamented. ; and so much the rather^ because it lighted on the son, and
not on the father; but that she could not prevent nor help such casual
accidents. This her speech gave all to understand, that she wbuld
no longer stand to her agreements than till she had force great
enough to her mind; and her deeds confirmed the truth of this
suspicion: for within three days after, she began to turn all things
topsy-turvy; some of the citizens she fined, others she banished;
and charged their magistrates, without any judicial proceedings;
and, going to Stilling, she left some mercenary Scots under French
pay, in the town to garrison it; whereby she pretended she had
net broken her word, which was, that the city should be left
free, and no Frenchman enter into it. When it was objected to
L-r, that by the agreement, ail those were to be accounted
Fi'sach, who had sworn allegiance to die French king; then she.

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 239

had recourse to the common refuge of the papists, that promises
were not, be kept with heretics. But her excuse would have been as
honest, if she had told thorn that she had no obligation lay on her
conscience, but that she might lawfully take away both life and
goods, from such a sort-o£ people as they were; and moreover,
That princes were not to be so eagerly pressed for the performance of
their promises.

These things sufficiently declared, that the concord was not
like to be lasting. And besides, the things which followed gave
further occasion for a sinister opinion of her; for she pestered
James Stewart and Gillespy Campbell with threatening letters and
commands, denouncing the extremity of the law against them,
unless they came in to her. As for the army of the adverse fac-
tion, she disregarded that, because she knew it was made up of
volunteers, and such as fought without pay; and when thev were
dismissed, they would not easily be brought together again. Af-
ter she restored the mass, and settled other things as well as she
could, she left a garrison in the town, as I said before, and went
toward Stirling. She was very desirous to have the possession of
Perth, in regard it was situate almost in the middle of the whole
kingdom, and was the only walled place in it. And besides, all
the neighbouring nobility was averse from the papists, and there-
fore she desired to put this curb upon them. Moreover, it had
many conveniencies, and especially for conveyance of land or sea
forces; for the tide comes up thither from the river Tay, which
washeth its walls; and so it affords a passage for commerce with
foreign nations, and it is almost the only town to which access
may be had by land, even to the utmost parts of the kingdom.
As for other towns, the passages to them are intercepted by long
bays, running in from the sea; and the passage is slower through
them, by reason they have not that number of ships as to carry a
great multitude at once; so that oft times passengers are stopped
many days, by contrary winds, or by the violence of tempests.

For these reasons Perth is accounted the most convenient p' ace
for holding assemblies, and also for collecting forces from all parts
of the kingdom. But at that time the regent got not so much ad-
vantage by the commodious situation of the place, as she reaped
envy by violating her faith, in breaking her capitulations; for that
was the last day of her felicity, and the first wherein she was pub-
licly contemned. For, when the matter came to be divulged, it-
gave occasion of many insurrections in all parts of the kingdom.
For the earl of Argyle, and James Stewart, perceiving that their
credit was broken, by the violation of that truce, which they were
die authors nf, convened the neighbour nobility of St. Andrews,
and joined themselves to the reformed, and wrote to their confe-
derates of the same sect, that the regent was at Falkland, with

Vol.U. H h

24O HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

French forces, and that she was intent on the destruction of Cu-
par and St. Andrews; and unless help were presently sent, all the
churches in Fife would be in great danger. Whereupon a great
multitude came presently in to them from the neighbouring parts,
mightily enraged against the queen and her forces For they
found they were at war with a faithless and barbarous people, that
had no respect to equity, right, faith, promises, or the religion
of an oath, but esteemed so lightly of them, that they would say
and unsay, do and undo, at every waving blast of hope, and un-
certain gale of smiling fortune-, and therefore, for the future, no
conditions or articles of peace were to be hearkened to, unless
one party were extinguished, or, at least, strangers were driven
out of the kingdom. So that they prepared themselves to over-
come or die.

By these, and such like" speeches, the minds of all present were
so inflamed, that first of all they made an assault on Crail, a town
situate on the further angle of Fife, where they overthrew the al-
tars, and broke down the images, and spoiled all the apparatus of
the mass-trade: and, that which was almost incredible in the case,
anger prevailed more in the minds of the vulgar, than avarice.
From thence they went to St. Andrews, where they spoiled the
temples of the other saints, and levelled the monasteries of the
Franciscan and Dominican friars to the ground. And though all
this was done almost under the nose of the archbishop, who had
a sufficient number of horse, which were able, as his hopes late-
ly were, to defend the town-, yet seeing the eagerness of the peo-
ple, and such a numerous concourse of all sorts of volunteers, he
withdrew himself and his followers from the fury of the multi-
tude, and went to Falkland to his clans and kindred. The regent
was so enraged at the hearing of this, that, without any further
deliberation, she commanded a march the next day, and sent
quarter-masters before, to assign quarters for the French at Cu-
par. She also sent abroad her commands to all places,- that all
who were able to bear arms, should follow her to Cupar; be-
sides, she gave a watch-word to the present forces of the French
and the Hamilton s, that they should be all ready to be in arms on
sound of trumpet. This design of hers was made known to the
reformers, by their spies and scouts; whereupon their friends
and acquaintance were summoned to repair to those who were al-
ready assembled ; and, to prevent the design of the regent, they
marched presently towards Cupar; and at the same instant, the
inhabitants of Dundee, and the nobles of the adjacent country, to
the number of about iooo men, upon the same alarm, joined
themselves with them. That night they halted there, but the
next morning early they drew their forces out of the town, and
*tr.od in array in the adjoining fields, expecting the army of the

Look XVI. history of Scotland. 241

papists, and gathering up their own forces, as they came gra-
dually and stragglingly in. In the camp of the regent there were
2000 French, under the command of D'Oysel, and 1000 Scots led
by James Hamilton, duke of Chatelherault, as he was then
called. These sent their cannon before them in the second watch,
and marching early in the morning, came all so near, as to see
the enemy, and to be seen by them. There was a small river
between them, where, at convenient posts, their great guns were
planted. Five hundred horse were sent before, to make light
skirmishes with the enemy, and also to hinder their passage over
the river, if they should attempt it. The alacrity of these men
gave some stop to the French; which was further increased by
the coming in of Patrick Lermont, mayor of St. Andrews, with
500 citizens in arms, who, fGr the conveniency of their march,
being stretched out in length, made a shew of a far greater num-
ber than they were. This kept the regent's forces from discover-
ing the number and order of their enemies, which they much de-
sired to know; neither could they discover that the general offi-
cers were present, that so they might give notice to their own
people, as they were, commanded. And therefore some of the
French went to the top of an high hill adjoining, to have as full'
a view of the enemy as they could, from such a distance. From
thence they discovered many bodies of horse and foot, with small
distances betwixt them, and behind them a great number of men
to attend the baggage and waggons, which made a long shew at
the edge of a certain valley; so that they thought that the whole
numerous party was laid in ambush for them: and this news they
carried to their fellows, aggravating all things beyond what they
were indeed. Whereupon the commanders of the army, by the
advice of the council, sent to the regent, who staid at Falkland,
to acquaint her how matters stood; that the Scots seemed more
numerous than they expected, and more ready to fight; and, on
the contrary, their own men murmured; and some of them pub-
licly gave out, that they scorned, for the sake of a few strangers,
to be led to an engagement against their own countrymen, friends
and relations. Whereupon, by the assent of the queen, three
ambassadors of the nobility were sent from Hamilton, such as had
some friends or sons in the enemy's army. These ambassadors
could not make a peace, because the reformers, being so often
deluded by vain promises, gave no credit to their concessions; and
the regent at that time had not any other voucher but her word
to make good her stipulation; and if she had, she would have
thought it below her dignity to have offered it. Besides, there-
was another difficulty in the case, which was the expulsion of
foreigners out of the kingdom (a thing principally insisted upon)
and that she could not do, without acquainting the French king;

H h 1

242 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

so that only dilatory truces were made, not to Incline their minds
to peace, as they had often experienced before, but to procure fo-
reign aid; only this was agreed between them, that the French
forces should be transported into Lothian, and a truce should be
made for eight days, till the regent could send some pacifications
of her own to St. Andrews, to propound equal conditions of peace
to both parties. But the reformers, plainly perceiving that the
regent did but protract time, till she passed her army over the
next frith, because then she. could not compose things to her own
advantage, the earl of Argyle and James Stewart desired her by
letters, that she would draw the garrison out of Perth, and leave
the city to it-' own laws, as she promised when she was admitted
into it; and, that the envy of her breach of covenant was brought
upon them, who were the authors of the agreement. The regent
giving no answer to these letters, they turned their ensigns to-
wards Perth, from whence miserable complaints and groans for
relief were daily brought them. For the laird of Kinfans, a
neighbouring laird, whom the regent, at her departure, had made
governor of the town, to shew his officiousness, mightily oppres-
sed the citizens: for taking the opportunity of his command over
them, he indulged his own private passions, and revenged the old
grudges which he had with many of them, even to extremity,
banishing some, and pillaging others, on the account of re-
ligion; and he also allowed the like liberty to his soldiers.

The forces which were at Cupar, understanding of these in-
juries done to their friends and partners in the reformation, beat
up a march thither very early in the morning; they besieged the
town, which, after a few days was surrendered to them, Kinfans
was deprived of his governorship, and Patrick Ruthven the old
governor, substituted in his place. Afterward they burnt Scone,
an old and unpeopled town, because, contrary to their faith given,
they had killed one of their number.

By their spies they were informed that the regent was sending
a garrison of French to Stirling, so that they, who were beyond
the Forth might be cut off from the rest. To prevent this design,
Gillespy Campbell and James Stewart, late in the night, with
great silence, removed from Perth, and entered Stirling, where
they presently overthrew the monasteries of the friars. They also
purged the other churches about the city, from ail monuments of
idolatry. And thus, after three days, they marched towards
Edinburgh, and destroyed the superstitious relics at Linlithgow,
a town in the mid-way; and though they were but a very few in
number, the common soldiers, as if the war had been ended, slip-
ping home to their domestic affairs;. yet they crushed the papists
in so many towns, and so great a terror seized on the mercenary
Scots and French, that they fled, with all their baggage which

Book XVI, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 243

they could draw after them, to Dunbar. The Scots nobles, who
were the leaders of the Reformation, staid there several days to
order matters; for, besides cleansing of the temple from all popish
trinkets, they appointed preachers to expound the word of God
purely and sincerely to the people.

In the mean time, word was brought from France, that king
Henry II. was dead; which news increased the joy, but lessened
the industry of the Scots; for many now betook themselves to
their private affairs, as if ail the danger had been over. On the
other side, the regent, fearing lest she and the French should be
expelled out of Scotland, was highly vigilant and intent upon all
occasions. First, she sent forth scouts to Edinburgh, to fish out
the enemy's designs; by whom being informed, that the common
soldiers had dispersed themselves, and that the few which remain-
ed, kept no military discipline nor watch. She thought not fit
to slip such an opportunity, but marched, with the force, which
she had, directly to Edinburgh. Duke James Hamilton, and
James Douglas earl of Morton, very dutifully met her; but they,
not being able to compose matters, only got this point, that the
battle should not begin that day. At last, after many conditions
had been canvassed on both sides, on the 24th of July, 1559, a
truce was made to last till the 10th of January. The sum ol the
terms were, " That no man should be compelled in matters of re-
« ligion; that no garrison should be placed in Edinburgh; that
" the priests should not be hindered from receiving the fruits of
»'c their lands, tithes, pensions, or other incomes, freely; that
" none should demolish churches, monasteries, and other places,
" made for the use of priests, or should transfer them to other
" uses; and, that the dav after, the mint for coining money, and
" the royal palace, with all the furniture they found there, should
" be restored to the regent."

She was more careful to keep the articles of this truce both by
herself and her subjects, because she had shewn so much scanda-
lous levity in keeping the pacts made in former times. However,
by men of her own faction, she caused the Scots to be irritated,
who were by nature inclinable to passion, and so gave occasion of
harassing the unhappy commonalty. But, having no colour for
her project, sufficient to disguise her cruelty, under the pretence
of law she caused false reports to be spread abroad, that religion
was but made the pretence for rebellion 5 that the true cause of
rising in arms was, that, the lawful line being extinct, the king-
dom might be transferred to James, the late king's bastard son.
When she perceived that the minds of men were somewhat pos-r
d by these, and such other kind of false reports, she sent
some letters to the said James, pretending that they came from,
is and Mary, king and queen of Fiance, wherein he was

244 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

upbraided with the pretended favour he had received from them
and withal was severely threatened, if he did not lay aside his de-
sign of revolting, and return to his duty. James answered, That
he was not conscious to himself, either in word or deed, of any
offence, either against king, regent, or laws; but, in regard the
nobility had undertaken the cause of the reformers of religion,
which was decayed, or rather had joined themselves to those who
were first therein, he was willing to bear the envy of those things
if any did arise, which were acted in common by himself and o-
thers, they aiming at nothing but the glory of God; neither was
it just for him to desert that cause, which had Christ himself for
its head, favourer, and defender, whom unless they would volun-
tarily deny, they could not give up their enterprise. Setting that
cause aside, he and others, who were branded with the invidious
name 6f rebels, would be most obsequious and loyal in all other
things. This answer was given to the regent, to- be sent into
France, where it was looked upon as pi-oud and contumacious;
whereas some esteemed it modest enough, especially as to the
point of upbraiding him with favours, whereas in truth he had
received none, unless such as were common to all strangers.

While these things were transacting, a thousand French mer-
cenaries arrived at Leith; as also the earl of Arran, son to James
Hamilton, late governor, came to the convention of the nobility,
which was held at Stirling. The regent thought himself very
secure, uyon the arrival of the French, and began openly to ap-
ply her mind to subdue all Scotland by force. But the cause of
the earl of Arran's return was this, he was more eager and zeal-
ous in the cause of Reformation, than was safe for him in those
times, and therefore he was designed to be put to death by the
Guises, who were the favourites of Francis the younger, for the
terror of the inferior orders of men: Nay, the cardinal of Lorrain
was so bold in a speech, which he made in the parliament of
Paris, inveighing against the cause of Reformation, that he said,
They should shortly see some eminent man suffer upon that account^
who was little inferior to a prince. Ke being made acquainted
therewith, and withal calling to mind, that he had a little before
been free in his discourse with the duke of Guise upon that
head, by the advice of Ins friends, provided for his safety by a se-
cret flight; and contrary to all men's expectation, came home in
the midst of his country's tumults, joined himself with the part of
the reformers, procured his father also to join with them; and
so he reconciled many to him, who had been his enemies before,
upon old grudges.

The chief of the party there present, being informed that for
pertain some auxiliaries were arrived, and others were levying, to
Lc speedily sent o\er to Luih, which was strongly fortified, to

Book XVL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 245

be made a magazine for provisions and ammunition for war; and
that the French intended to make use of that town, as a place to
secure their retreat, if they were distressed, and as a port to re-
ceive their friends, if they prospered. Hereupon the Scots gather-
ed their forces together, and endeavoured to besiege Leith, but in
vain; for the regent and governor of Edinburgh castle, who had
not yet joined himself with the reformers and vindicators of pub-
lic freedom, had the possession of almost all the brass cannon in
Scotland; and besides, the party had not strength enough to shut
up a town in a formal siege, which had the sea on one side, and
was also divided by a river.

In the mean time, the king of France being informed how mat-
ters stood in Scotland, sent thither L'Abros, a knight of the order
of St. Michael, with 2000 foot, to assist the queen in the main-
tenance of the popish religion. There was also sent with him the
bishop of Amiens, and three doctors of the Sorbonne, to dispute
matters controverted, by arguments, if need were. The arrival
of them did so raise up the dejected spirit of the regent, that she
solemnly promised, she would now be speedily revenged of the
enemies of saints and kings. There were then twelve of the chief
nobility assembled at Edinburgh, which gave answer to Mr. L'A-
bros and the bishop, who alleged they were sent over ambassa-
dors; and therefore desired a day to propound their demands, viz
" That they did not seek peace, as they pretended, but that they
" threatened war; otherwise, if it were only to dispute, to what
" purpose was it to bring so many armed forces? As for them-
« selves, they were so imprudent, as to commit themselves to a
" dispute, where they must be forced to accept of what conditions
*« their enemies pleased: But, if a pacification might be accepta-
" ble to them, they also would take care, that they might not
-<< seem to be compelled by force, but overcome by reason; and,
" if they did really aim at what they pretended, they should send
" back the foreign soldiers, and meet unarmed, as they had done
" before; that so the matter might be determined by equity and
" right, not by force of arms." This they said to the ambassa-
dors. As to the fortifying Leith, they wrote back to the regent,
to this purpose:

" That they did much admire, that the regent had, without
" any provocation, so soon forgot, and receded from her agree-
" ments, as, by driving out the ancient inhabitants- of Leith, and
" placing a colony of strangers there, and so erecting a fort over
(t all their heads, to the ruin of their law and liberties, as she had
«« done; and therefore they earnestly desired her to desiot from
ft so pernicious a resolution, winch was rashly undertaken by her
" against the faith of hjrpromiscs; against the public benefit,

24<5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

«< law and liberty; lest otherwise they should be compelled to
tc call for the assistance of all the people in this case."

About a month after, they sent an answer from their conven-
tion at Edinburgh, to the same purpose, withal adding this to
their former request, That she would demolish all new fortifica-
tions, and send away all strangers and mercenaries, that so the
town might be free for traffic and mutual commerce; which, if
she refused to do, they would look upon it as a sure argument,
that she was resolved to bring the kingdom into slavery, which
mischief they would do all they could to prevent.

The regent, three days after, sent Robert Forman, principal
herald (king of arms, as they call him) giving him these com-
mands in answer to them: " First of all, you shall declare to
" them, that I am mightily surprised, and look upon it as an un-
" expected thing, that any other man should claim any power
■« here, besides my son-in-law and daughter, on whom ail my
4* authority depends. The former conduct of the nobility, and
« these their present requests, or rather commands, do sufficient-
«« ly declare, that they acknowledge no authority superior to
« themselves: That their petitions, or rather their threats, though
<- gilded over with smooth words, are not at all new to me.
<c Next, you shall require the duke of Chatelherault, to call to
•< mind what he promised me by word of mouth, and to the king
«« by letters, that he would not only be loyal to the king, but al-
«* so would take effectual care, that his son, the earl of Arran,
«£ should not mix himself in these tumults of his country: And
« you shall ask him, whether his present conduct corresponds
« with those promises. To their letters you shall answer, That,
« for the sake of the public tranquillity, I will do, and so I pro-
« raise, whatsoever is not contrary to my duty towards God or
«c the king. As for the destruction of law and liberty, it never
" entered into my heart, much less to subdue the kingdom by
« force. For whom, said she, should 1 conquer it, seeing my
« daughter doth now, as lawful heiress, possess it? As to the
« fortification at Leith, ycu shall ask, Whether ever I attempted
« any thing therein, before they, in many conventions, and at
« length by a mutual conspiracy, had openly declared, That they
« rejected the government set over them by law, and without
« any advice or notice, though I held the place and authority of
" a chief magistrate; had broke the public peace at their pleasure,
« and had strengthened their party by taking of towns, and had
** treated with old enemies for establishing a league; and th.it
U now many of them kept Englishmen in their houses? so that,
« to omit other argument-., What reason have they to judge it
lC lawful for themselves to keep up an army at Edinburgh, to in-
*< vade those that are in possession of Uie government; and yet

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 247

it must not be lawful for me to have some forces about me at
Leith for my own defence? Their aim is principally this, to
compel me, by often shifting of places, to avoid their fury, as
I have hitherto done. Is there any mention in their letters a-
bout obedience to lawful magistrates? Do they discover any
way to renew peace and concord? By what indication do they
manifest, that they are willing these tumults should be appeas-
ed, and all things reduced to their former state? Let them
colour and gild their pretences how they please, with the shew
of public good, yet it is plain, that they mind nothing less; for if
that one thing were a hinderance to concord, I have often
shewed the way that leads unto it. They themselves are not
ignorant, that the French, at the command of their own king,
had long since quitted Scotland, if their conduct had not occa-
sioned the soldiers longer stay. And therefore, if now they
will offer any honest conditions, which may afford a probable
ground of hope, that the majesty of the government may be
preserved, and that they will with modesty obey their superi-
ors; I shall refuse no way of renewing peace, nor omit any
thing relating to the public good. Neither am I only thus af-
fected towards them, but the king of France is of the same
mind too, who hath sent over an illustrious knight of the order
of St. Michael, and another prime ecclesiastical person, with
letters and commands to that purpose, whom yet they
have so slighted, as not to vouchsafe them an answer, no, nor
audience neither. And therefore you shall require the duke,
and other nobles, and persons of all sorts, presently to separate
themselves, otherwise they shall be proclaimed traitors."
To this letter the nobles sent an answer the day after, which
was October 23d, to this purpose: " We plainly perceive by
" your letters and commands, sent us by your herald, how you
u persist in your disaffection to God's true worship, to the pub-
«« lie good of the whole country, and to the common liberty of
" us all; which, that we may preserve according to our duty,
,c we do in the name of our king and queen, suspend and inhi-
" bit that public administration which you usurp under their
u names, as being fully persuaded, that your conduct is quite
" contrary to their inclinations, and against the public good of
" the kingdom: And as you do not esteem us a senate and pub-
u lie council, who are the lawful people of our king, queen and
" country; so we do not acknowledge you as regent, in supreme
" authority over us, especially since your government (if you
" have any such entrusted to you by our princes) is for weighty
" :vrA just reasons, abrogated by us, and that in the names of
" those kings to whom we are born counsellors, especially in
« such tilings as concern the safety of the whole commonwealth
Vol. II. 1 i

24$ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

" And, though we are determined to undergo the utmost ha-
" zard for the freeing of that town, wherein you have a garrison,
" from foreign mencenaries, which you have hired against us;
« yet, for the reverence and due respect we bear to you, as the
" mother of our queen, we earnestly entreat you to withdraw,
" yourself, ere necessity compel us to reduce that town by force,
" which we have often endeavoured to gain by fair means. And
" withal we desire, that within the space of twenty-four hours,
" you would withdraw likewise those who challenge the name
" of legates or ambassadors to themselves, and forbid them ei-
** thcr to decide controversies, or to manage public affairs; and
*' also, that all mercenary soldiers in the town would withdraw
u likewise*, for we would willingly spare their lives, and consult
" their safety, both by reason of that ancient amity which hath
" been kept up between the kings of Scotland and France ; and
" also, by reason of the marriage of their king with our queen,
" which doth equitably engage us rather to increase our union,
" than diminish it."

The same day, the herald also related, that the day before, in
a full assembly of nobles and commons, it was voted, That all
the regent's words, deeds, and designs, tended only to tyranny ;
and therefore a decree was made to abrogate her authority; to
which all of them subscribed, as most just: Moreover they did
inhibit the trust her son-in-law and daughter had committed to
her: They also forbade her to execute any act of public govern-
ment, till a general convention of the estates, which they deter-
mined to summon, as soon as conveniently they could. The
25th day, the nobles sent an herald to Leith, to warn all the Scots
to depart out of the town within the space of twenty-four hours,
and to separate themselves from the destroyers of public liberty.
After these threats, horsemen made excursions on both sides,
and the war began, yet without any considerable slaughter. In
the beginning of this action, there fell such a great and sudden
terror upon the party of the reformed, as did mightily disturb
them for the present, and also cut off all hopes of success for the
future. For the regent partly by threats, and partly by promises,
had wrought off many who had given in theit names to the re-
formers, from the faction of the nobles; and besides, their camp
was full of spies, who discovered both their words and actions,
even those which they thought were necessary to be kept most
secret, to the regent: And when James Balfour's servant was
taken carrying letters to Leith, the suspicion lighted on a great
many, and the fear diffused itself over the whole body. The
mercenary soldiers also mutinied, because they had not their pay
down upon the day appointed; and if any one endeavoured to ap-
pease them, he was severely threatened by them. But people did

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 249

less admire the sedition of such men, who had neither religion
nor honesty, than they did the imbecility and faint-heartedness of
the duke of Chatelherault, who was so amazed at approaching
dangers, that his aiTYightment discouraged the minds of many.
Those who were most courageous, endeavoured to apply reme-
dies: and their first Consultation was, to appease the mercenaries.
And seeing the nobles which remained could not make up a sum
sufficient to quiet and pay them, some declining through covet-
ousness, others pleading inability, at last they agreed to melt
down all the silver plate; and, when the say-masters were ready
to assist therein, the mints or stamps, I know not by whose fraud,
were taken away.

The only ground of hope was from England, which was ad-
judged too slow. At last they resolved to try the fidelity of their
private friends; and thereupon they sent John Cockburn of Ormis-
ton to sir Ralph Sadler and sir James Crofts, two knights of
known valour (who at that time were officers at Berwick) to obtain
of them a small sum of money, to serve their present occasion.
This their design, though they kept it as private as they could,
was yet discovered to the regent, who commanded the earl of
Bothwcl to way-lay him in his return. He, though a few days
before he had taken a solemn oath, that he would not prejudice
the cause of the nobles in the least; nay, though he had given
them hopes that he would join himself to their party, yet never-
theless lay in ambush for Ormiston, assaulted him unawares,
wounded and took him prisoner, and so became master of all the
money that he brought. When the noise of this exploit was
brought to Edinburgh, it alarmed the earl of Arran and James
Stewart, and almost all the horse to draw out, not so much for
desire of revenge, as to rescue Ormiston (if he were alive) or at
least to put a stop to their march, that it might not be conveyed
to the regent. But Bothwell, having notice of this by a spy,
prevented their coming by his flight.

The same day, the governor of Dundee, with the townsmen
and a few volunteers, marched towards Leith, and placed their
ordnance on an adjoining hill. The French, who were inform-
ed by their scouts, that almost all the enemy's horse were absent,
drew forth some troops, to cut off those few foot, whose small
numbers they saw. The volunteers stood a while in hope of re-
lief; but, in regard these few mercenaries which followed them
turned their backs almost at the first charge, they also retired,
leaving their guns behind them; at last a noise was raised in the
rear, that the French were gone another way, towards the gates
of the city to seize them, and so keep them out. Upon this, there
was such an universal consternation, that every one shifted for
himself the best he could; and, while each man endeavoured to

I i 2

250 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

save one, the weak were trodden under foot by the strong; so that
every one looked to his own particular; and there was no provi-
sion made in common for them all. The papists, on the contrary,
crept out of their lurking holes, and openly reproached them; in-
somuch, that they who ever pretended^great zeal for the Reforma-
tion, began partly to withdraw themselves secretly, and partly
they consulted how to desert the whole business.

On the 5th day of November, when news was brought that
the French were marched out to intercept some provisions coming
towards Edinburgh; besides the disagreement of the reformed a-
mong themselves, the mercenaries could scarce be got out of
the town to oppose them. The earl of Arran, and James Stewart,
and their friends, went first out against them, with whom there
joined many worthy and valiant persons. They charged the
French more fiercely than prudently, so that they were near up-
on the point to have been shut out from Edinburgh, and so to
have paid for their rashness. For the marshes on the one side,
and the adjacent wall of an orchard, left them but a narrow space
for their march, and that only open to the French musqueteers;
so that they were trodden under foot, partly by their own men,
and partly by the enemy's horse. In this hurry they had been
ail certainly cut off, unless the commanders, leaping from their
horses, had put themselves into equal danger with the rest. Some
of the common soldiers seeing this, stopped for shame, amongst
whom was Alexander Haliburton, a captain, a stout young man,
and very foward in the cause of religion: he being grievously
wounded, falling into the enemies hands, and receiving many
strokes from them, soon after died of his wounds.

After this engagement, in which about twenty-five were killed,
many withdrew themselves, and others were grown almost des-
perate; but the earl of Arran and James Stewart promised to
continue their endeavours, if only a small company of them
would keep together. When all, in a manner, refused so to do,
the next consultation was, to leave the city, and, as the nobles
had determined, in the second watch they began their march, and
the day after came to Stirling. There John Knox made an ex-
cellent sermon to them, wherein he raised the minds of many in-
to an assured hope of a speedy deliverance out of these distresses.
Here it was agreed upon in a convention, that, because the
French were continually strengthened and increased with new
supplies, they also would strengthen their party by foreign aid.
And in order thereto, William Maitland was sent into England,
a young man of great prude nee and learning. He was to inform
the queen what imminent danger would accrue to England, if the
French were suffered to fortify places, and plant garrisons in
Scotland, in regard they sought the destruction, not of religion

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 25 1

only, but of laws and liberties too; and, if the Scots were over-
come by force or fraud, or, if they were reduced to servitude by
an unequal alliance, they would have an easier step to infringe
the power of the English.

The English, after a long debate of the matter, at length gave
some hopes of assistance. The noblemen, who were the assert-
ors of liberty, had divided themselves into two parties; some staid
at Glasgow, that they might command the neighbouring pro-
vinces, and defend their partners in the* Reformation from wrong ;
others were sent into Fife. The French did what mischief they
could to their enemies; but, being troubled to hear of die Eng-
lish supplies, they endeavoured to subdue. the remainder of the
contrary faction, before their coming: and first, they marched
against that party which was in Fife. In their march they plun-
dered Linlithgow, and the estates of the Hamiltons; from thence
they marched to Stirling, where they staid no longer but till they
could pillage the townsmen, and then passed over the bridge, and
led their army along the shore of the river, which was full of
towns and villages well inhabited. They ransacked all they met
with, and at last came to Kinghorn. The Scots, to stop their
career, put a small garrison into a town called Dysart. tlerc the
French made light skirmishes for twenty days together; and be-
cause they could not wreak their fury upon the masters, they did
it upon the bare walls of their houses, and razed a village called
Grange, belonging to William Kirkaldy, from the very founda-
tion. He, knowing that the French made frequent excursions
from thence to plunder the country people, a little before day
placed himself in ambush, and observing captain l'Abast, a Swit-
zer, to march out with his company, he kept himself close so long,
till the French were above a mile from their garrison, and then his
horse started up, and intercepted them from their fellows. The
French had but one way for it, in those circumstances, and that
was to enter a country village near at hand, and so to endeavour
to defend themselves behind walls and hedges. The Scots, being
provoked by the former cruelty of the French, were utterly un-
mindful of their own safety, and wholly intent on the destruction
of their enemies, though they had no other arms, but horsemen's
lances, yet broke down all that was in their way, and rushed in
upon them. The captain, who refused to take quarter, and fifty
of his men, were slain; the rest they sent prisoners to Dundee.

They who were at Dysart, as in a settled post, met at Cupar;
out of them, and others that were at Glasgow, there were some
persons chosen to be sent to Berwick, to settle the terms of the
league with the English. The chief articles were these, That if
ur.y stranger should enter Britain in a <Wariike manner t each of thtvt

252 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

should aid and assist one another ; that the queen of England should
pay the Scots in England, and also the English auxiliaries in Scotland,-
that the plunder taken from the enemy should belong to the English, but
the towns and castles should presently be restored to the right oivncrs ;
that the Scots should give hostages, which were to remain in England,
during the marriage of the French king with the queen of Scots, and one
year after.

These transactions past at Berwick, February 27, 1570. One
thing the English gave strict warning of to the Scots, which was,
that they should not join in a .set battle, and so hazard all, before
the aids of their friends came; for the English lords were much
afraid, that the over eager spirits of the Scots, would precipitate
the whole matter into an irrecoverable co. 1 1 tsi 1.

In the mean time the French, having plundered Dysart and
Wccms, had a debate among themselves, whether they should
march directly towards the enemy, or else go along the shore to
St. Andrews, and so to Cupar. The latter opinion prevailed, be-
cause, by reason of the great snow which had fallen, all the high
ways were so clogged, that the horse, without great inconveni-
ence, could not march through the midland countries; where-
fore, passing along a little by the sea, when they came to the
promontory called Kincraigie (/'. e. the head or end of a rock)
some of them got thereupon, where there was a large prospect
into the sea, and they came down in great joy, and told their fel-
lows, That they discovered eight great ships, of the first rate, at sea ;
wheftfupon the French certainly concluded, that those vessels had
brought them ever the succours which they had long before ex-
pected; and therefore they saluted them, as the custom is, with
the discharge of their great guns, and congratulating one another,
invited them on shore, resolving to pass that day in a great deal
of mirth and jollity. Not long after, one or two boats landed
from the contrary shore cf Lothian, they (having in their passage
had some discourse with the passengers in those foreign ships)
made a discovery, that it was a fieet. of English; and withal, that
the report was, that the land forces of the English were not far
from the borders of Scotland. Hereupon there was a sudden
change of spirit among them, and their unseasonable laughter
turned into fear and trembling; so that presently they catched up
their colours, and retreated, part of them to Kinghorn, others to
Dunfermline, many of them leaving their dinners behind them
for very haste; for they were afraid lest the garrison, which they
had left at Leith, might be cut off, and they themselves exposed
to the fury of the surrounding enemy, beiuie they could gather
all their strength into a body.

During this whoie march, they plundered moTC of the papists,
who came in thick to them, than pf their enemies. For of the.

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 253

latter, the richer sort had withdrawn a great part of their estates
into the remote places of safeguard; as for those estates which
were not so secured, the French commanders being elevated with
their present success, and also with the hopes of aid from France,
which was every day expected, in confidence whereof they hoped
to be perpetual lords of those countries; reserved the richest
farms and villages, which most abounded with all kind of provi-
sions, unpkmdered, as a peculiar prey for themselves. But the
papists were either exhausted by the frequent invitations of the
principal commanders to feast at their houses, under a pretence of
friendship; or else were privately pillaged by the common soldiers;
or at least in their retreat, were openly ransacked by the French,
who were in great want of provisions, and that not without bitter
reproaches of their cowardice, and their avarice, in not relieving
their friends: Which things (said they) we leave to you to judge,
how near a-kin they are to plain perfidiousness. This contume-
lious pride, joined with the rapacity of the French faction^ quite
turned the hearts of many from them; and not long after, the
Fife men being compelled, partly by fear of their enemies, and
partly by the wrongs received by their own partizans, joined
themselves to the reformers; and at last, the remote countries
universally revolted from the outlandish, and shewed themselves
as eager in repressing the tyranny of the French, as the other
Scots did in -asserting their religion.

The spring was now at hand, and both parties hastened to draw
their forces together into one place. The earl of Martigues, a
youth of undaunted courage, landed from France with two ships,
bringing with him about 1000 foot, and a few horse. He and his
soldiers presently went on shore; but the ships were taken in the
■ night by the Scots. About the same time the marquis of ElbeufT,
brother to the regent, who was bringing aid of men and money in
eight ships, returned back into the haven whence he set sail,
partly for fear, because the sea was full of English ships, and
partly excusing himself for the badness of the weather. Besides,
a new fleet of English was sent in to second the former, who
Hew up and down the whole channel, 2nd held Keith island be-
seiged, stopping all manner of provision from passing by sea in-
to Leith-

In the mean time, the chief of the asscrtors for liberty, who
commanded in File, went to Perth, and after three days confer-
ence there with Huntly, they won over all that northern part of
Scotland to their party. And order was soon after given, that
they should all assemble and rendezvous at the end of March.
About the same time all the reformers had a meeting at Linlith-
gow. From thence they went to Haddington; and, on the firct
of April they joined the English. There were in the E 1

254 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

army above 6,000 foot, and 2,000 horse. The next night they
pitched their tents at Preston, The same day the regent, to
withdraw herself from the danger now near approaching, and to
avoid the uncertain hazard of war, retired, with some few of
her domestics, into the castle of Edinburgh, of which John Er-
skine was governor, a man of approved loyalty and carefulness.
He had received the command of it by a decree of the public
council, as hath been before related, but upon this condition,
tiiat he should render it up to none, unless by the command of
the same council. The French saw, that the possession of this
castle was of great advantage to their affairs, and therefore they
used great endeavours to obtain it by treachery. The governor,
though he was not ignorant of their intentions towards him, and
had so fortified the castle, and made such other diligent provision,
that it was secure, either from force or fraud, yet wa« not willing
to exclude the regent at such a time. But, in receiving her into
the castle, he took great care, that both she and the castle might,
be still under his command. The nobles, who were the assertors
of public liberty, though before they had often found, that her
mind was obstinately averse from the cause which they had un-
dertaken, yet thought it advisable not to let slip the present
occasion, as hoping that the fear of the war, approaching nearer
to her, and the uncertainty of aid from a remote country, might
incline her mind to peaceable counsels. Whereupon the chief
of the party had a meeting at Dalkeith, from whence they wrote
to her to this purpose:

'< We have oftentimes heretofore earnestly intreated you, both
" by letters and messengers, to send away the French soldiers^
" who do yet another year grievously oppress the poor country
" people-, nay, they excite a just fear in the commonalty, that
« they shall be reduced into a miserable servitude; from which
" fear we have many times intreated you to deliver us; but, when
" our just intreaties prevailed nothing with you, we were forced
" to represent our deplorable state to the queen of England, as
« the nearest princess to us, and to desire aid of her, to drive
" foreigners, who threatened to make us slaves, out of our king-
'< dom, and that by force of arms, if it could not otherwise be
<< <1<}\)C. And though she, out of a sense of our calamities, hath
« undertaken our cause; yet, that we might perform our duty
« towards the mother of our queen, and might prevent the eilu-
« sion of Christian blood, as much as is possible, and might
*• then have recourse to force of arms, when we have tried ali
« other ways to obtain right without success, we do as yet esteem
" it a part of that gocd temper which we ought to keep, again to
" pray you to command the French soldiers, with their com-
« manders and officers, to di part imirn lately out of the

Book XVf. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 255

" In order to the accomplishment whereof, the queen of England
" will not only afford them a safe passage through her kingdom,
" but will also assist with her fleet to transport them. It this con-
" dition be rejected, we call God and man to witness, that we
" take Up arms, not out of hatred, or any wicked intent, but en-
" forced thereto bv mere necessity, that so we may try the ex-
" tremity of remedies, that the commonwealth, ourselves, Our
w estates, and posterity, might not be precipitated into Utter ru-
u in. And yet notwithstanding, though we at present suffer
u very heavy pressures, and more heavy ones are near approach-
" ing, no danger whatever shall ever enforce us to depart from
" our duty towards our queen, or from the king her husband, in
" the least tittle, wherein the destruction of our ancient liberty,
'* and the ruin of ourselves and our posterity, is not concerned.
" As for you, most excellent princess, we beseech you again,
u that, weighing the equity of our demands, the inconveniencies
(t attending war, and how necessary peace is to this your daiigh-
u ter's kingdom, so miserably harassed, you would afford a fa-
" vourable ear to our just requests; which, if you shall do, you
" will leave a grateful and pleasing remembrance of your mode-
w ration amongst all nations, and will also consult the tranquillity
" of the greatest part of Christendom. Dated at Dalkeith, the
" 4th of April, in the year 1560."

The 6th day of April, when the English drew near by the sea-
side, about 1,300 French marched out of Leith, and possessed a
little rising hill at the end of the plain, because they thought that
the English would pitch their tents there. There was a sharp
fight for above five hours, for the recovering and keeping the
place, with no small loss on both sides; at last, the Scots horse,
with great violence, rushed in amongst the thickest of the French,
and drove them back in great astonishment into the town; and,
if the English horse had came in sooner than they did, as it was a-
ijreed, they had been all separated from the others, and so cut
off.

After this, there were conferences managed between the par-
ties, but in vain; for the English rejected all truce, and now and
then made some light excursions, yet not without bloodshed; it
is not necessary to recount them. On the 21st of April, Mon-
luck, bishop of Valence in Savoy, was first carried into the Eng-
lish camp, then into the castle of Edinburgh, to the regent, where
he had a conference with her two days, and then returned to the
Scottish nobles; the terms of accommodation could nut then
neither be agreed on, because the Scots persisted peremptorily in
their demand, that the foreign soldiers should return home.
Hereupon the English, because the distance between their camp
and the town was too great for their ordnance to do any execu-

Vol. II. K k

25<5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

tion, so that their batteries signified little or nothing, removed
their camp on the other side Leith river, near the town, where
they might more certainly annoy the enemy, and also have fre-
quent skirmishes. On the last day of April, about two hours be-
fore sun-set, a casual fire seized upon that part of the town,
which being assisted by the violence of the winds, burnt fiercely
till the next morning, destroying many houses, and making great
devastation, and even took hold of part of the public granary, and
consumed a great deal of provisions. In this confusion the
English were not wanting in their duty, for they turned their
great guns upon that part, and played so hot upon the people, that
they durst not come to quench the fire; nay, they entered the
trenches, and in some places measured the height of the wall;
so that, if the French, at the beginning of the combustion, fearing
some treachery, had not run in great numbers to the walls, and
thereby prevented their ruin in such a general consternation, that
very day had put an end to the war.

On the 4th of May, the English set fire to the water mills
which were near the town; one of them they burnt down before
^ day, the other the next day after; the French in vain endeavour-
ed to quench the flames. On the 7th of May, the besiegers set
ladders to the walls to make an assault, but the ladders were too
short, so they were beaten off, many wounded, and 160 slain.
The three following days, the French were employed, with great
labour and hazard, in repairing the walls, the English continually
playing upon them, where they saw the greatest numbers. The
papists were extremely puffed up with this success, so that they
now promised to themselves, that the English would depart, the
siege would be raised, and the war be finished. But the English
and Scots were nothing discouraged by this blow, but exhorted
one another to constancy, and the English promissed to stav till
they heard their queen's pleasure from her court. In the mean
time letters came from the duke of Norfolk, which did mightily
encourage all their spirits: For he wrote to Gray, the chief com-
mander, wishing him to continue the siege, and that he should
not want soldiers, as long as there was a man able to bear arms in
Ins province (which was very large reaching from Trent to Tweed)
and, if need were, he himself would come in person unto the
ramp; and, to convince him of his sincerity, he caused his own
tent to be erected in the camp; and, in a few days, sent 2,000
auxiliaries; so that the memory of the former loss was quite worn
out, and, with great chearfulness they renewed the war: And
from that day forward, though the French made frequent sallies,
yet hardly one of them was successful to their party.

In the mean time the queen of England sent William Cecil, a
learned and prudent person, who was then the chief minister of

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 257

state in England, and Nicholas "Wotton, dean of York, into Scot-
land, to treat about a peace. They were commanded to confer
counsels with Randan and Monluck of the French party, con-
cerning conditions of peace: For the kings of France thought it
a thing "below their dignity, to enter into an equal dispute with;
their own subjects. The frame of this conference was the
cause, that, as if all controversies had been already decided, a
convention was appointed to be held in July. In the mean time
the queen-dowager died in the castle of Edinburgh, June 10th,
worn out with sickness and grief. Her death variously affected
the minds of men j for some of them who fought against her, did
yet bewail her death, for she was endued with a singular wit,
and had also a mind very propense to equity, she had quieted
the fiercest Highlanders, and the farthest inhabitants of the isles,
by her wisdom and valour; some believed, that she would never
have had any war with the Scots, if she had been left free to her
own disposition; for she so accommodated herself to their man-
ners, that she seemed able to accomplish ail things without force:
But the misery was, though the name of governess resided in her,
neither did she want virtues worthy of so great a dignity, yet she
did, as it were, rule precariously; because, in all matters of mo-
ment, she was to receive answers, like so many oracles, from
France. For the Guises, who were then the powerfulest in the
French court, had designed the kingdom of Scotland, as a peculiar
to their family; and accordingly, they advised their sister to be
more peculiar in asserting the papal religion, than either her own
disposition, or those times, could well bear. This she gave some
evident hints of; for she had been heard to say, that if matters
were left to her own arbitriment, she did not despair but to com-
pose them upon equal conditions. Some others were of opinion
that she alleged those things rather popularly, than really as her
mind was, and that not only with an intent to avert the fault or
envy of mal-administration from herself; but also that, under a
pretext of asking advice, she might spin out the time in delay,
whilst she sent for foreign aid; and so, by yielding, she might
take off the violence of the Scots, and in time suffer their angry
mood to abate; being of opinion, that the Scotch troops, who
were volunteers, after one or two disbandings, could not again be
easily got together, because they were made up of men, who were
not under pay, nor under any certain command. And the incon-
stancy of the queen in keeping her promises, was no obscure evi-
dence of this her dissimulation; for she did not expect the end of
truce, which by conditions she was obliged to do; but if any spe-
cious advantages were offered, she would adventure to renew the
war arbitrarily of her own head. Others there were, who cast
the blame of all things, which were avariciously or cruelly actedj

K k 2

258 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI.

or which v/erc attempted by fraud or false report, upon those who
were her counsellors: For, when she undertook the regency, at
the very first some French counsellors were joined to her assistance,
as D'Oysel ambassador of the king of France, a man hasty and
passionate, otherwise a good man, and well-skilled in the arts both
of peace and war; he was one that directed his counsel rather by
the rule of equity, than the will and pleasure of the Guises. One
monsieur de Ruby was joined to him, a lawyer of Paris, who was
to dispute matters of law, if any such should occur: He, in his
public administration, confirmed all things, as much as he could,
to the manners and law of France, (as if that alone were the right
way to govern a commonwealth) by which means he raised a sus-
picion of innovation, and though others might share the guilt of
the same crime with him, yet he alone, in a manner, bore the
blame and envy of it. But these two committed no offence
which was remediless and incurable.

Towards the end of the war, there were three French generals,
having distinct bounds alloted them, who managed military af-
fairs in Scotland, viz. the count Martigues, of the house of LuxT
emburgh, who was afterwards made duke of Estampes; L'Abros,
or" a noble family, well experienced in arms; and a third was the
bishop of Ameins, accompanied with some doctors of the Sor-
bonne, as if the matter were to be determined by the tongue, not
the sword. All the counsels of these three tended to open tyran-
ny Martigues gave advice to destroy all the country near Leith
by fire and sword, that so the desolation of the country, and the
want of necessities, might compel the Scots to raise the siege.
But if that counsel had taken effect, many peaceable persons,
poor, and, for the most part, papists too, would have been de-
stroved, and the besieged would have had no benefit neither; for
the sea being open, provisions might easily have been brought
by ships, from all the maritime places of Scotland and England,
into the leaguer of the besiegers; and the devastation of the land
and soil would have distressed the papists as much as the em-
bracers of the reformed religion.

L'Abros was of opinion, that all the nobility of Scotland were to
be cut off, without distinction; and that icoo French cuirassiers
were to be garrisoned on their lands, who were to keep under
the common sort, as vassals: This his design was discovered by
come letters of his, intercepted as they were going for France;
and it is scarce credible how the hatred against the French, begun
upon other causes, was hereby increased.

As for the bishop of Amiens, he would have had all these to
be seized on, and put to death, without pleading in their own de-
fence, whom he thought not so favourable to the pope's cause, as
lie would have them ; nay, and all those too, who were not so for-

Book XVI. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 259

ward to assist the French party, as he expected; and he mightily
blamed the French soldiers, for suffering those who were disaffcct-
ed to their king, to walk openly up and down with impunity;
one he particularly aimed at, viz. Mr. William Maitland, a noble
and learned young man, whom, because the Sorbonists could not
refute by their reasons, the bishop designed to take off by the
sword, and even upbraided the French soldiers for permitting him
to live, and advised them to kill him; which he having notice of,
took his opportunity to withdraw himself from the French, and
so escaped into the Scots camp.

(A. C. iS6o.)

THE

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND.

BOOK XVII.

.t\ few days after the death of the regent, a truce was made up
for a short time, to give audience to the ambassadors, who came
to treat of peace out of both nations, France and England. Up-
on that the nobles assembled: These could not effect any thing;
the greatest obstacle to an agreement was, That the French, who
the winter before had obtained great booties out of the neighbour-
ing parts, refused to depart, unless they carried their baggage and
plunder along with them. This was denied them: Whereupon
eruptions were made more fierce than ever, tho' not so prosper-
ous to the French. At length, when both sides were weary of
the war, and the inclinations to peace could no longer be dissemb-
led, ambassadors on both sides met again in a conference.
The things which most inclined all to pence, were these: The
French had no hopes of any relief, and their provisions grew daily
more and more scarce*, and were not likely to hold out long, so
that their condition was almost desperate. And for the English,
they were wearied out with the long siege, and wanted necessa-
ries as well as the French, so that they were as desirous to put an
end to tiie war. And the Scots too, receiving no pay, could
hardly be kept from running away: Hence they easily hearkened
to a capitulation; and at length, by the joint consent of all par-
ties, en the 8th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1560, peace
was proclaimed on these conditions; That the French should sail

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 26l

away in twenty days, with their bag and baggage; and seeing
they had not ships enough to transport them ail over for the
present, they were to hire some from the English, leaving hosta-
ges till they were safely returned : That Leith should be rendered
up to the Scots, and the walls of it demolished: That the fortifi-
cations lately made by the French at Dunbar should be razed:
That these articles being performed, the English should immedi-
ately withdraw their forces: That Mary queen of Scots, by the
consent of her husband Francis, should grant an oblivion of all
that the Scottish nobility had done or attempted, from the 10th
day of March 1559, till the 1st of August 1560: And that a law
should be made to that purpose, to be" confirmed in the next par-
liament there, which was appointed to be in August; and Fran-
cis and Mary were to give their consent to the holding of that
assembly: That sixty of the French should keep the island of Keith,
and the castle of Dunbar; that so the queen might not seem to
be thrown out of the possession of the whole kingdom at once.
After this departure of die foreign soldiers, there was a great
tranquillity and cessation from arms, till the queen's return. The
assembly of the estates was kept at Edinburgh, where the greatest
debate was about promoting the reformed religion. The statutes
made were sent into France, for the queen to give her consent
to, and subscribe. This was done, rather to sound her mind,
than out of hopes to obtain any from her. Ambassadors Were
likewise despatched for England, to give them thanks for their as-
sistance so seasonably afforded.

Not long after, James Sandeland, knight of Rhodes, went to
the French court, a man as yet free from the discords of the fac-
tion. His business was, to excuse things past, and to pacify the
grudges remaining since the former wars, and so to try all ways
and means of establishing peace and concord. But his arrival
happened to be in very troublesome times; for the whole con-
duct of the French affairs was then in the hands of the Guises;
who, when they perceived, that neither threats nor flatteries would
prevail, endeavoured to oppress the contrary faction byforce of arms ;
and, when they could lay no other plausible crime against
their opponents, they accused them of high treason, for be-
traying die kingdom. Upon that, the king of Navarre was con-
demned to perpetual imprisonment; and his brother, the prince of
Conde, sentenced to death; Annas, duke of Montmorency, and
the two sons of his sister, jasper and Francis Colignes, and their
relation, the *yidam of Chartcris, were destined to die slaugh-
ter; and, besides those, above 10,000 more were put into the
black list of criminals. Moreover, all means were used to terrify

* A vidajB, in France, is a bvrcn holding of a bilhep.

262 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVljf.

the people. The city of Orleans was full of foot-soldiers \
guards of horse were posted all up and down the country, all the
highways were beset by them-, sentence was passed by a few men
in the court, upon the lives, fortunes, and good names of the most
honest men; all the steeples of churches and towers round about
the wails had their windows shut up, and their gates and doors
fortified, being designed for prisons; criminal judges were called
together out of the whole kingdom. The manner of inflicting
punishment was thus designed, that, as soon as the frost broke,
2nd the river Loire was navigable, the king should go to Chinon in
Poictou, at the mouth of the river Vien; and then the Guises,
with a few of their partizans, at the command of the court-cabal
(of which they were the chief) should perform the execution.
Mean while Sandeland came to court, not so much humbly to de-
sire pardon for what was past, as to excuse his countrymen, laying
all the blame of the tumults upon the French. The Guises re-
ceiving him in a very uncourtly manner, blaming him, that he,
being a man dedicated to the holy war, had undertaken to manage
the commands of the rebels, in favour of that execrable heresy,
which the consent of all nations had highly condemned in the
council of Trent: nay, many of them admired, not so much at
the folly, as the madness of the Scots, that they, being but a few,
and disagreeing among themselves, and besides, destitute of mo-
ney, and all warlike preparations, should dare to provoke so po-
tent a king, who was now at quiet, and free from any foreign ene-
my. Between these fretful indignations and threats, the king fell
suddenly sick. The ambassador was dismissed without any an-
swer; but the message of the king's death reached him at Paris,
on the 5 th of December, whence he made haste home, hoping
for better things to ensue.

The news of the king's death being divulged, did not so much
erect the minds of the Scots, who had been in great suspence, by
reason of their imminent dangers, as it filled all France with fac-
tion, and the poison of domestic discords. James, the queen's
brother, Scotland being now freed from the dominion ol the
French, by the death of Francis, made what haste he could to the
queen; who when her husband was dead, went to Lorrain to her
uncle, either as a recess to her grief, or else out of a female pride
and emulation, that she might not be near her mother-in-law;
who, by reason of the slothfulness of Anthony Bourbon, king of
Navarre, had, by degrees, brought the whole administration of
affairs into her own hands. There, James, the queen's brother,
having settled things in Scotland for a season, found her; and af-
ter much discourse, the queen told him, She had a mind to return
to Scotland; and fixed a day on which they might expect her, her
t s being also of the same opinion: for, before James's coming,

Book XVII. history of Scotland* 263

there had been great consultation about the matter, some alleging
the difficulty of the voyage, especially the queen of England be-
ing nothing favourable; besides, she was to go to a barbarous
people, and naturally seditious, who were hardly kept in quiet by
the government of men. Moreover, she had fresh examples be-
fore her eyes, of her father and mother, whom when they could
not or durst not openly oppress, they used all artifices, till they
drove them to despair; so that she would be daily and hourly in
danger, either of her honour, or her life, amongst them. On the
other, side, they who were skilled in the affairs of Scotland, urged,
that the seditions arising there, were occasioned oftenerby default
of the princes than of the people, for that they endeavoured to
reduce that kingdom to an arbitrary and boundlesa rule, which,
time out of mind, had been circumscribed and managed within
due bounds of law; and that was such a curb, as a nation, which
was more warlike than rich, could never be brought to endure.
But all those kings, who never attempted to infringe the liberties
of the people, were not only free from private enemies and popu-
lar tumults, but reigned happy in the love of their subjects at
home, famous abroad, and unconquered by their enemies. But
the best, and almost only way at present to quiet things, was to
attempt no alteration in the state of religion, as then established.
These were the debates, as public reports said, on both sides.
But her uncles had other more "prevailing causes in their view;
for they, in the troubles of France, cherishing rather great than
honest hopes, thought, if the queen was absent, she would be
more in their power, than if she staid in France; and that neigh-
bouring princes, in hopes to carry her for a wife, would court
their friendships, and use them as mediators. In the mean time,
one or other of their faction would preside over the management
of affairs in Scotland. Besides, the queen's resolution swayed
much in the case, who was determined to return into her own
country; for her husband was dead, and her mothqr-in-law (who
-managed matters of state) shewing some disgusts towards her,
she saw she would be neglected at that court; and, though she
had been but a little used to government, yet being in the spring
and flower of her age, and of a lofty spirit, she could not endure
to cringe under another. She had rather have any fortune with
a kingdom, than the richest without one; neither could she hope,
that her condition would be very honourable, the power of the
Guises being weakened by the adverse party, at the first brush.
BesideSj the persuasions and promises of her brother James went
a great way in turning the balance; for he assured her, she would
find all quiet at home, especially seeing lie was a man, to whose
faith she might safely commit herself, being her natural brother,
and who for his youth had performed many noble and brave ex-
VoJ. II. L 1

264 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

ploits, and so had got credit and renown amongst all men.
Whilst the queen was intent on these matters, Noel, a senator of
Bourdeaux, who was sent out of France, came into Scotland, a
little after the end of the public convention, and was put off till
next assembly, which, in order to the settling public matters,
was summoned, in order to be held at Edinburgh, May 21st; yet
the nobles, who met there at the time in great abundance, did
not sit, because they were as yet uncertain of the queen's will
and pleasure. In the mean time, James Stewart returned from
France, and brought a commission from the queen, giving them
liberty to sit, and to enact laws for the good of the public. Then
the French ambassador had audience: the heads of his embassy
were, " That the ancient league with the French should be re-
*' newed, and the new one with the English broken; that priests
« should be restored to their estates and dignities, which had
« been sequestered from them." To which answer was given:
As to the French league, that they were not conscious to them-
selves, that they had broken it in the least; but that it had been
many ways infringed by the French themselves, and especially of
late, in their opposing the public liberty, and endeavouring to
bring a miserable yoke of bondage upon a people that were their
allies, and had given no occasion on their part. As for the league
with England, they could not dissolve it, without a brand of the
greatest ingratitude imaginable, in recompensing so great a cour-
tesy with the highest injury, which it certainly would be, to join
against those who had been the deliverers of their country. As
for the restitution of priests, they told him, that those he called
priests, were of no use or significancy in the church,' that they
knew of. In that parliament a statute was made to demolish all
the convents of the monks, and proper persons were presently dis-
patched abroad into all partis of the land, to put it in execution.

Matters being prepared in France for the queen's journey, her
intimate friends, who governed her counsels, advised her, for
the present, wholly to pass over matters about religion, thought
some gave her rash counsel, to arm on that account, and kill all
that opposed her. The chief of which were Dury, the abbot of
Dunfermline, and John Sinclair, lately designed bishop of Bre-
chin; and she herself was by nature, as also by the persuasion of
her relations, so inclinable to their counsel, that sometimes
threatenings dropt from her, which were catched up at court, and
spread amongst the vulgar: and she would frequently boast, a-
mong her familiars, that she would follow the example of her
kinswoman, Mary, queen of England. Wherefore the main of
her counsels tended to this, to feed the men of her own faction
with hopes at present, and to suppress the opposite .party by de-
grees; and, when bhe was well settled in her power, then to de-

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. l6$

dare her mind. And this did not seem hard to do, seeing the
council of Trent was lately begun (on pretence of restoring the
decayed manners of the church, but indeed) to extirpate the pro-
fessors of the reformed religion, as, by the decrees of that cabal,
was afterwards declared. Besides, her uncles mightily animated
the queen, by shewing her the power of the papal faction, at the
head of which Francis, the eldest brother of the Guises, was to
preside by the decree of the council. In the mean time, Charles
the cardinal, amidst so many public cares, not unmindful of
himself, advised the queen not to carry her household-stuff and
attire, which were of great value, as it were, into another world,
but to leave them with him, till he might be assured of the event
of her journey. She knew the man and his craft well enough, and
therefore answered him, That, seeing she ventured herself, she
might as well trust her goods as her person. When all was resolv-
ed upon, they sent into England, to try how the queen stood af-
fected to the voyage. D'Oyscl, the envoy, was well entertained
there, and sent back presently into France, to tell the queen of
Scots, That, " if she pleased to pass through England, she should
" have all the respect which she could desire from a kinswoman
« and ally, and that she would take it as a great favour besides;
«« but, if she shunned the proffered interview, she would look up-
" on it as an affront." For the English queen had prepared a
great fleet, the pretence of which was, to scour the sea of pirates;
but some thought that it was to intercept the queen of Scots, if
she ventured to pass against her will. They took one ship, in
which was the earl of Eglinton, and brought her to London, but
dismissed her again in a little time. But, whatever the design
was in providing a fleet, if any danger was intended, Providence
prevented it; for, when the French galleys came upon the main,
a mist followed them for several days, till they came into Scot-
land, the 2 1 st day of August. f

The news of the queen's arrival being divulged abroad, the no-
bility, from all parts of the kingdom, came hastily in, as to a pub-
lic shew, partly to congratulate her return; and some to put her
in mind of the services they did her in her absence, that so they
might get into her favour beforehand, and prevent the cavils of
their enemies. Others came, to give a guess of her future con-
duct, by her first entrance into the kingdom. Upon these diffe- '
rent grounds, all equally desired to see their queen, who came to
them so unexpectedly, after such various events, and changeable
fortune. They considered that she was born amidst the cruel
tempests of war, and lost her father in about six days after her
birth ; that she was well educated by the great care of her mo-
ther, the very best of women; but, between domestic seditions
and foreign wars, she was left as a prev to the strongest side;

L 1 2

l66 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

and, even almost before she had a sense of misery, was exposed
to all the perils of a desperate fortune; that she left her country,
being, as it were, sent into banishment; where, between the fu-
ry of arms, and the violence of the waves, she was, with great
difficulty, preserved. It is true, her fortune somewhat smiled
upon her, and advanced her to an illustrious marriage-, but her
joy was not lasting, it was but transitory; for her mother and
husband dying, she was brought into the mournful state of widow-
hood; the neiv kingdom she received, and her old one too, stand-
ing on very ticklish terms. Furthermore, besides the variety of
her dangers, the excellency of her mien, the delicacy of her beau-
ty, the vigour of I ming years, and the elegancy of her
wit, all joined in her recommendation. These accomplishments
her courtly education had either much increased, or at least
made them more acceptable, by a false disguise of virtue, not
sincere, but only shadowed over, as it were, with the similitude
of something very worthy; and so her too eager desire to please and
ingratiate herself, made the real goodness of her nature less ac-
ceptable, and nipped the seeds of virtue by the blandishments of
pleasure, that they might not come to bring forth any ripe fruit in
their season. As these things were grateful, to the vulgar, so per-
sons of better penetration saw through them; yet they hoped,
that her soft and tender age would easily be mended, and grow
better and better by experience. Amidst these gratulations, there
was a light offence happened, but it struck deep into the minds
of eithe-r faction. The nobility had agreed with the queen, that
no alteration should be made contrary to the established religion,
and only she and her family were to have mass, and that too was
to be in private. But, while the furniture for it was carrying
through the court into the chapel, one of the multitude catched
the torches out of his hands that carried them, and broke them ;
aadj unless some men of a more moderate spirit had come in
and prevented it, all the rest of the apparatus had been spoiled.
That action was differently interpreted amongst the vulgar; some
blamed it as a fact too audacious; some said it was to try men's
patience, how far it would bear; others affirmed, and spoke it
ely, tha/ the priests ought to undergo the punishment ap-
pointed in the scriptures against idolatry: But this commotion
was nipped in the very bud by James, the queen's brother, to the
great, but hidden indignation of George Gordon, who was wil-
ling to lay hold on ail c of disturbance: And here,
thinking an opportunity lay open to gain favour, he went to the
queen's uncles, then present, and promised them to reduce all
the country beyend Bunkeklen to the old religion. But they
suspected the matter, as having heard enough of the disposition
of the man, and fearing lest he should raise a new storm to no pur-

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 267

pose, communicated the matter to James, the queen's brother.
The rest of the. year was spent in balls and feasts, and in sending
away the French, who out of civility had attended the queen,
and were then honourably dismissed, only one of her uncles, the
marquis ElbeufF staid behind. During this posture of affairs,
William Maitland jun. was sent ambassador into England, to
compliment that queen, as the custom is, and to acquaint her
how highly she stood affected towards her, and how much she
desired to maintain peace and concord with her : He also carried
to her letters from the nobility, in which was mentioned a friend-
ly commemoration of former courtesies and obligations; but one
thing they earnestly desired of her, and that was, that both pub-
licly and privately, she would shew herself friendly and courteous
towards their queen-, and that, being excited by good offices, she
would not only persevere in her ancient friendship, but add daily
(if possible) stronger obligations. As for their part, it should be
their earnest study and desire, to omit no occasion of perpetuating
the peace betwixt the two neighbouring kingdoms. That there
was but one sure way to induce an oblivion of all past differences,
and to stop the spring of them for ev queen of England

would declare, by an act of parliament, corrErraed by the i
assent, That the queen of Scots was heiress to the kingdom of
England, next after herself and her children, if ever she had
any.

After the ambassador had asserted the equity of such a statu te^
and how beneficial it would be to all Britain, by many argu-
ments, he added in the close, " That she, being her nearest re-
lation, ought to be more intent and diligent than others, in having
such an act made; and that the queen expected that testimony
of good-will and respect from her." To which the. queen of
England answered, in these words: " I expected another kind of
embassy from your queen; I wonder how she comes to forget
that, defore her departure out of France, after much urging, she
at last promised, that the league made at Leith, should be con-
firmed, she having promised me faithfully it should be so, as soon
as ever she returned into her own country. I have been put off
with words long enough: now it is time (if she has any respect
r honour) that her deeds should "answer her words." To
v.l ich the ambassador answered, " That he was sent on this cm-
bassy but a very few days after the queen's arrival, before she had
entered upon the administration of the public affairs : That she
had been hitherto taken up in treating the nobility, many of whom
she had never seen before, who came from many parts to pay
their dutiful addresses to her; but she was chiefly employed a^
bout settling the state of religion; which how difficult and trou-
blesome a thing it is (said he) you yourself are not ignorant; hence

l6B HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

(he proceeded) your majesty may easily understand, that the
queen of Scots had no vacant time at all before my departure;
neither had she as yet called fit men to her council, to consult a-
bout various affairs; especially since the nobility, that lived in
the farthest parts towards the north, had not been yet to attend
her, before my coming; and without their advice, matters of
such moment could not, and indeed ought not, to be transacted."
Upon which the English queen was something moved, and said,
« AVhat need had your queen to make any consultation about
doing that which she had obliged herself to, under her hand
and seal?" He replied, "Jean give no other answer at present,
for I received nothing in command about it; neither did our
queen expect, that an account of it would now be required of me:
and you may easily consider with yourself, under what just causes
of delay she lies at present.'"' After some words had passed be-
twixt them upon these matters, the queen returned to the main
point: " I observe (said she) what you most insist upon, in be-
half of vour queen, and in seconding the request of the nobles,
you put me in mind, that your queen is descended from the blood
of the kings of England, and that I am bound to love her by a
natural obligation, as being my near relation, which I neither can
nor will deny; I have also made it evident to the whole world
that in all my actions, I never attempted any thing against the
weal and tranquillity, either of herself, or of her kingdom: Those
who are accquainted with my inward thoughts and inclinations,
are conscious, that though I had just cause of offence given,
by her using my arms, and claiming a title to the kingdom, yet I
could never be persuaded, but that those seeds of hatred sprung
up from the advice of others, not from herself. However the
case stands, I hope she will not take away my crown whilst I
am alive, nor hinder my children, (if I have any) to succeed me
in the kingdom. But if any casualty should happen to me beiore,
she shall never find that I have done any thing, which may in the
least prejudice the rights she pretends to have to the kingdom of
England: What that right is, I never thought myself obliged _ to
make a strict disquisition into, and I am of the same mind still;
I leave it to those who are skilful in the law to determine. As
for your queen, she may expect this confidently of me, that if her
cause be just, I shall not prejudice it in the least; I call God to
witness, that next to myself, I know none that I would prefer be-
fore her: or, if the matter come to a dispute, that can exclude
her: You know (said she) who are the competitors: By what
assistance, or in hopes of what force, can such poor creatures
attempt such a mighty thing?" After some further discourse
the conclusion was short ; " That it was a matter of great
weight and moment, and that this was the first time she had en-

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 269

tertained any serious thoughts about it, and therefore she had
need of longer time to consider of it." A few days after, she
sent for the ambassador again, and told him, " That she ex-
tremely wondered, why the nobles should demand such a thing
of her, upon the first arrival of the queen, especially knowing,
that the causes of former offences were not yet taken away: But
what, pray, do they require? That I, having been so much
wronged, should before any satisfaction received, gratify her in
so great a matter! This demand is not far from a threat: If they
proceed on in this way, let them know that I have force at home
and friends abroad, as well as they, who will defend my just
right." To which he answered, " That he had shown clearly
%at first, that the nobility had insisted on this hopeful medium
of concord, partly out of duty to their queen, in a prospect to
maintain her weal, and increase her dignity; and partly out of a
desire to procure and establish public peace and amity. And,
that they deal more plainly with you, than with any other prince
in this cause, proceeds from your known and experienced good-
will towards them, and also upon the account of their own safe-
ty; for they knew they must venture life arid fortune, if any body
should oppose the right of the queen, or any war should arise
betwixt the nations, on those grounds. And therefore their de-
sires did not seem unwarrantable or unjust, as having a tendency
towards rooting out the seeds of all discords, and the settling a
firm and solid peace. She rejoined, " If I had acted any thing
which might diminish your queen's right, then your demand
might have been just, that what was amiss might be amended:
But this demand is without an example, that I should place my
winding-sheet before my eyes, while I am alive; neither was the
like ever asked of any prince. However, I take not the good in-
tention of your nobility amiss, and the rather, because it is an evi-
dence to me, they have a desire to promote the interest and ho-
nour of their queen; and I do put as great value on their pru-
dence, in providing for their own security, and in being tender of
shedding Christian blood, which could not be avoided, if any fac-
tion should arise to challenge the kingdom: But what such party
can there be, or where should they have the force? But to let
these considerations pass, suppose me inclinable to their demands,
do you think I would do it, rather at the request of the nobles,
than of the queen herself?

But there are many other things which avert me from such a
transaction. First, I am not ignorant how dangerous a thing it
is to venture on the dispute. The dispute concerning the right
of the kingdom, is a thing that I have always mightily avoided;
for the controversy hath been already so much canvassed in the
mouths of many, concerning a just and lawful marriage, and what

273 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

children were bastards, and what legitimate, according as every
one is addicted to this and that party, that, by reason or' these dis-
putes, I have hitherto been more backward in marrying. Once,
when I took the crown publicly upon me, I married myself to
the kingdom, and I wear the ring I then put on my finger, as a-
badge of those nuptials: However thus my resolution stands, /
will be queen of England, as long as I live ; and when I am dead,
let that person succeed in my place, who hath most right to it;
and if that chance to be your queen, I will put no obstacle in her
way; but if another hath a better title, it were unjust to require
of me to make a public edict to such a person's prejudice. If
there be any law against your queen, it is unknown to me, and I
have no great delight to sift into it.; but if there should be any
such law, I was sworn at my coronation, that I would net change
my subjects laws. As for your second allegation, That the de-
claration of my successor will knit a stricter bond of amity be-
twixt us, I am afraid rather, it will be a seed plot of hatred and
discontent. What, do you think I am willing to have my shroud
always before my eyes? Kings have this peculiarity, that they
are apt to be jealous of their own children, who are born lawful
heirs to succeed them. Thus Charles VII. of France was some-
what disgusted at Lewis XI; and Lewis XL at Charles VIII. and
-of late, Francis ill resented Henry: And how is it likely I should
stand affected towards my relation, if she be once declared my
heir? Just as Charles VII. was towards Lewis XI. Besides,
that which weighs most with me, I know the inconstancy of
this people ; I know how they lothe the present state of things;
I know how intent their eyes are upon a successor. It is natu-
ral for all men, as the proverb is, To worship rather the ruing,
than the setting sun: I have learned that from my own times, to
omit other examples: When my sister Mary sat at the helm of
government, how eager were the desires of some men to see me
placed upon the throne? How solicitous were they in advancing
me to it? I am not ignorant what dangers they would have un-
dergone to bring their design to an issue, if my will had concur-
red with their desires. Now perhaps, the same men are other-
minded; just like children, when they dream of apples in
their sleep, they arc very joyful; but, waking in the morning,
and finding themselves disappointed in their hopes, their mirth is
turned into sorrow. Thus I am dealt. with by those, who, whilst
I siras a private woman, wished me so well: If I looked upon
any of them a little more pleasantly than ordinary, they thought
presently with themselves, that, as soon as ever I came to the
throne, they should be rewarded rather at the rate of their own
., than of the service they performed for me; but now,
the event hath a kt answered their expectation, some of

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 2« I

them gape after a new change of things, in hopes of a better
fortune; for the wealth of a prince, though never so great, can-
not satisfy the insatiable appetites of all men. But if the good-
will of my subjects flag towards me; or if their minds are changed,
because I am not profuse enough in my largesses, or for some
other trivial cause; what will be the event, when the malevo-
lent shall have a successor named, to whom they may make their
grievances known, and. in their anger and peevishness, entirely be-
take themselves to it upon every fit of anger, or turn of a
peevish humour?

What danger shall I then be in, when so powerful a neighbour-
ing prince is my successor? The more strength I add to her in
securing her succession, the more I detract from my own securi-
ty: This danger cannot be avoided by any precautions, or by any
bonds of law; nay, those princes who have the hopes of a king-
dom offered them, will hardly contain themselves within the
bonds of either law or equity. For my part, if my successor
should be once publicly declared to the world, I should think
my affairs far from being settled and secure." This is the sum
of what was transacted at that conference.

A few days after, the ambassador asked the queen, Whether
she would return any answer to the letter of the Scottish nobi-
lity? <c I have nothing (said she) at present to answer, only I
commend their sedulity and love to their queen; but the matter
is of such great weight, that I cannot so soon give a plain and
express answer to it; however when your queen shall have done
her duty in confirming the league she obliged herself to ratify,
then it will be seasonable to try my affections towards her: In the
mean time I cannot gratify her in her request, without abridging
my own dignity." The ambassador replied, " He had no com-
mand about that affair, nor never had any discourse with his
mistress concerning it; neither did he then propound the queen's
judgment concerning the right of succession, but his own; and
had brought reasons to enforce it; but as for the confirmation of
the league by her hu sb a d it was forced from the queen of
Scots, without the consent of those, whom the ratifying or
disanulling of it did highly concern; neither was it a thing of
such consequence, as therefore to exclude her and her poste-
rity from the inheritance of England. I do not inquire (said
he) by whom, when, how, by what authority, and for what:
reason, that league was made, seeing I have no command to
epeak of any such matter: But this I dare affirm, that though it
were confirmed by her, in compliance with her husband's desire;
yet, so great a Stress depending on it, our queen, in time, will
find out reasons why it should, and ought to be dissolved. I
speak not this (said he) in the name of the queen, but my iu-

Vq\. II. M m •

272 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

tent is to shew, that our nobility have cause for what they do :
that so, all controversies being plucked up by the roots, a sure
and lasting peace may be established betwixt us."

After much discourse pro and con, about the league, the queen
was brought to this, that ambassadors should be chosen on both
sides to review it, and regulate it, according to this form: that
the queen of Scots should abstain from using the arms of Eng-
land, and from the titles of England and Ireland, as long as the
queen of England, or any of her children were alive. On the
other side cue queen of England .was to do nothing, neither by
herself, nor her posterity, which might prejudice the queen of
Scots, ©r impair her right of succession. These were the affairs
transacted in this embassy; which, while they were treated of
abroad, in order to settle peace, sedition had almost broke out
at hoin There was mass allowed to the queen and her family
(ps I said before) concerning which, when the edict was publish-
ed, there was one of the nobility that opposed it, viz. the earl of
An . The queen was highly offended at it, though she dis-
sembled her anger. The next offence she took was against the
Edinburghers. It is a common custom with them to chuse their
magistrates on the 29th of September. At that time, Archibald
Douglas, the sheriff, according to custom, proclaimed, that no
adulterer, fornicator, drunkard, mass-monger, or obstinate papisV
after the first of October, should stay in the town, great penal-
ties being denounced against those who should be found disobe-
dient. When the queen was informed of this, she committed
the magistrates to prison, without hearing them, and commanded
the citizens to chuse new magistrates, enjoining them to set the
gates open to all her good subjects, not without the secret indig-
nation and laughter of some, that flagitious persons should be
accounted such good subjects, and her most faithful ministers
and servants. The queen finding, that the citizens took this
matter more patiently than she expected, attempted greater matters
by degrees. Her mass was before but privately celebrated, with-
out any great solemnity, but, on the 1st of Nov. she added all
the pomp of popish oihees to it. The reformed ministers of the
gospel took this heinously ill, and complained much of it in their
pulpits, putting the nobility in mind of their duty. Upon this a
dispute arose betwixt a few in a private house, whether it was
lawful to restrain idolatry, which was like to Spread and ruin all?
or, whether they might by force, reduce a chief magistrate to the
bounds of the law, who sets no limits to his own arbitrary will?
The reformed ministers persisted constantly in their opinion,
which had been approved in former times, that a magistrate
might be compelled by force to do his duty. The nobles were
more unsteady in their resolutions, either to gain favour with the

Book XVII. HISTORY 01- SCOTLAND. 273

queen, or out of hopes of honour and reward; yet, they being
superior in number and greatness,, the decree went on their
side.

In the mean time, the court was immersed in vice, and gave
a loose to all luxury; neither was it awakened by the news of the
moss-troops inhabiting the English borders, who, as if by permis-
sion, took the freedom of plundering openly, and killed all that
opposed them. James, the queen's brother, was sent with a de-
legated power to suppress them ; not so much with an intent to
honour him, as many people imagined, as with a design t<" expose
him to danger. For, as his power was distasteful to the. queen,
bo his innocent carriage was more offensive, as reproving her for
her faults, and stopping her in her career to tyranny. But God,
beyond all men's hopes, prospered his just endeavours; he hang-
ed twenty-eight of the fiercest robbers, the rest he suppressed,
either by the mere terror of his name, or else by making them
give hostages for their good behaviour. The queen seemed to
herself to have got some liberty by his absence, for she was not
well-pleased with the present state of things; partly by reason of
the controversies in religion; and partly because matters were ma-
naged more strictly than a young woman could well bear, who
had been educated in the most corrupted of all courts, where
lawful dominion was interpreted to be unbecoming and below
the dignity of princes, as if their liberty consisted in the slavery
of others; so that sometimes she was heard to speak mighty dis-
contented words; nay, the foundation of tyranny seemed to be
laid : For whereas all former kings entrusted their safety only to
the nobility, she determined to have a body-guard, but could find
no pretence to bring it about, neither could she give any reason-
able colour for her desire, but only vain courtly magnificence,
and the usage of foreign princes. The deportment of her bro-
ther, the more unblameable it was, troubled her the more, in re-
gard it cut off any opportunity to feign crimes, or fasten any
suspicions upon him; as also because she knew his regularity
made her loose life appear intolerable; besides, she saw the peo-
ple were so affected, that they would take her keeping of life-
guards as a manifest omen of tyranny: whereupon her restless
mind, determining by any means whatsoever to effect what she
had once resolved upon, advised this stratagem: she had a brother
named John, an ambitious man, and not so strict in life as James
was; he was easily persuaded to be obsequious to the queen,
and so grew dearer to her, a fitter instrument for her disorderly
doings. She communicates her design to hirrtj in the absence
of James, about taking a guard. The plot was laid thus: there
was a noise of a tumult to be spread abroad in the night, as if
James Hamilton, earl of Arran, would have surprised the queen-,

T*< m 2,

274 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVI f.

who had but a few men to guard her, and so have carried her to
his castle, fourteen miles off This story, they thought, would
take with the vulgar, both because the queen had a perfect aver-
sion to him, and he was extremely in love with her, both which
were tilings publicly known. This tumult was made as the plot
was laid, the horsemen scouted about the neighbouring fields a
good part of the night, and in the morning a guard was set at the
court-gate, some fretting, others smiling at the matter. The au-
thors of this project, though they knew themselves that they were
-not believed, yet were mightily pleased, as secure of men's opi-
nions, and knowing that none there present durst oppose them.
Upon this beginning, the court ran headlong into wantonness and
luxury, notwithstanding as yet justice was equally administered,
and offences punished; for the chief management of affairs was
in James, the queen's brother, who, for his equity and valour,
was dear to all. He used as his chief counsellor, William Mait-
land, a young man of a penetrating judgment, having already
given ample proofs of it, and raised the expectations of men, that
lie would give still larger demonstrations of it in time to come.
Their joint virtuous counsels kept things quiet at home and abroad,
and all things went as well as good men could wish. As for the
factions, they could rather fret inwardly, than complain justly.

Amidst these things, a debate arose in the court, which held
them in play for three whole months. They who had been kings
or regents in the preceding times, had exhausted the public trea-
sure, which was never great in Scotland; the queen was expensive
to an immoderate degree; the estates of the nobility and common-
alty, in the late turnups, were mightily wasted; so that now no-
thing remained to maintain court expences, but the ecclesiastical
revenues. Upon this, the chief of the clergy was sent for to
court, and some of the prime nobility were added to that num-
ber, that could either prevail with them by persuasion, or compel
them by force. After a long dispute, the ecclesiastics being
overcome rather with the sense of their own weakness, than the
weight of any reason, the conclusion was, that a third part should
be taken off from ecclesiastical revenues, wherewith the queen
should maintain orthodox ministers, and reserve the rest for her
own use. This conclusion was pleasing to none. The rich ec-
clesiastics prud:ied that any of their old revenues should be pared
away, and the reformed ministers expected no good from the
queen; yet indeed, though a great shew was made, she got no
mighty matter by it; for many of the old possessors had their
thirds forgiven; many, both men arid women, had the wages for
their household service and cxpencc, paid out of it for many
years; many got pensions and supports for their old age. That
winter the queen created her brother James, earl of Mar, with

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 2"]$

the universal consent of all good men. All praised her forgiving
honour to virtue, and no body could discommend her that she al-
lowed some grains to propinquity in blood; and many thought
she had done well for the public, in advancing a person to honour,
who wa/. of an illustrious stock, and had so highly deserved of his
country, that so he might preside over public affairs with the
greater authority; nay, some thought that this favour of the
queen's was intended to reconcile him to her, who she knew, was
offended at the carriage of the court in his absence. Besides, he
had a wife provided for him, Agnes Keith, daughter of the earl
of March; at which marriage there was such magnificent feasting,
or rather such immoderate luxury, that the minds of his friends
were very much offended at it, and his enemies took occasion of
exclaiming and venting their envy; and the more, because he had
been so temperate all the former part of his life. Not long after,
Murray was bestowed upon him, instead of Marr, which was
found to be the ancient right of John Erskine. Gordon being-
deprived first of Mar, then of Murray, over which country he
had long presided as governor, looked upon himself to be robbed,
as it were of his patrimony, and therefore levelled ail his designs
at the overthrow of his co-rival. And he had many other motives
besides; being far the richest man in all Scotland, by reason of
the rewards his ancestors had received for their services to the
crown, and having also himself augmented the power of his fa-
mily by indirect practices. First, he overthrew John Forbes (as I
said before) by false witnesses; next, when James Stewart, brother
of James V. died without children, he obtained of them who sat
at the helm, the stewardship of Murray; by which means he car-
ried himself as heir, and atrived at such a pitch of greatness, that
all his neighbours laid down their emulation, and rested quietly
under his authority, I had almost said, were become tamely his
vassals.

But whilst others submitted to him, either fearing danger, or
having patience to bear the yoke, he was much troubled with the
disregard one man shewed him, or, as he called it, with his
pride; and that was James M'Intosh, chief of a great family a-
mongst the old Scotsl He was born and brought up amongst the
brutal Highlanders, who lived upon prey; but yet, whether it was
by a secret instinct of nature, or else by having good instructors,
he arrived at that degree of politeness, modesty, and decency oi
i?ur, that he might be said to vie with those, wrho had tha
greatest care used to give them a virtuous education. Gordon
suspected this young man's power, for he knew he could not use
one of so" good a disposition, as an instrument for his wicked pur-
poses; and therefore he seized him on a sudden, and threw him
into prison; but, net able to find any crime in him worthy o(

2"]6 *histoe.y of Scotland. Book XVII.

death, it is reported, he suborned some of his friends to persuade
him to submit himself and his cause to him •, for that, they toid
him, was the only way to be delivered honourably out of prison,
and also to have the friendship of so powerful a man as Gordon.
Thus the simple and plain-hearted man was decoyed into his own
destruction; yet Gordon, being willing to avoid the envy which
his being the author of his death might bring upon him, prevailed
with his wife to bear the blame of it. She, being a woman of a
stern, manly resolution, readily undertook the matter; and, in
the absence of her husband, the poor, innocent, betrayed, young
man had his head struck off. His neighbours were either so asto-
nished at this man's punishment, or else were so hushed with
bribery, that the whole country beyond .ians, was un-

der his jurisdiction alone; so that, being a man ambitious of
power and glory, he took it very ill, that James, earl of Murray,
was set up as his rival; and being impatient of the present state
of things, he took ail occasions to promote disturbances, and
daily calumniated his proceedings in public; nay, he gave a book,
written with his own hand, to the queen, in which he accused
him of affecting tyranny; but he backed it with very slender ar-
guments.

On the ctlier side of the country, and, at the same time, James
Hepburn, eari of Both well, being mueh in debt, and very de-
bauched, was excited to enter into an attempt against the said earl
of Murray; for, having spent his youth wantonly amongst whores
and bawds, he was reduced to that pass, as either to raise a civil
war, or else to prevent extreme poverty, by some bold and dar-
ing action. When he had considered all wavs to compass his de-
sign of disturbing the public peace, he thought it his best cours : to
set Murray and the Hamiltons together by the ears. He seemed
to be sure in his hopes of destroying one of the parties by that
means, and no matter which. First then, he goes to Murray,
and endeavours to persuade him to root out the Hamiltons, a fa-
mily distasteful and obnoxious to the queen, the whole kingdom,
and especially to himself; and he offered him his assistance in do- .
ing it, alleging, that the thing would not be unacceptable to
the queen; for that, besides the common ground of hatred that
princes bear against their relations, as desirous of their ruin, the
queen had some particular and just cause of offence, into the bar-
gain; either by reason of his affection to the evangelical doctrine
and discipline, of which Arran was the only assertor, and for
whiehhc had incurred the hatred of the Guises in France; or else,
by reason cf the hard words lie had lately given to one of
the queen's uncles, the marquis of Elbeuff, then in Scotland.
But Murray, being an honest, conscientious man, scorned to
be guilty g£ so base an action, "Whereupon Hepburn went

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 277

to the Hamiltonsj and offered his service to them to destroy
Murray, whose power they could not well endure. He told
them, that he was the only man who was an obstacle to their
hope ind an enemy to their interests; that if he was but
take!... iw.ty, the queen must needs be in their power, whether she
would or no; and that the method 01 compassing it was easy.
The queen was then at Falkland, a castle seated in a town of the
same name. There is a small wood in the neighbourhood, where
deer, of the nature of stao,s (called by mistake, Fallow-deer, in
the country) were kept and fed. The queen might be easily sur-
prised, as she went thither every day> or to any neighbouring-
place, with a small retinue; at which time it was very easy to de-
stroy Murray being unarmed, and suspecting no such thing, and
to get the queen's person into their hands. He quickly persuad-
ed the rest; and a time was appointed to perform the enterprize;
only the earl of Arran detested the wickedness, and sent letters
privately to Murray, acquainting him with the series of the whole
plot. Murray writes back to him, by the same messenger; but
Arran being casually absent, the letters were given to his father.
Upon that, a consultation being held, Arran was shut up a close
prisoner by his father, from whence making his escape by night,
he went towards Falkland. As his escape was made known,
horsemen were sent after him, all over the country,- to bring him
back again; but he hid himself in a wood, and frustrated their ex-
pectation for that night; and in the morning came to Falkland,
where he discovered the whole management of that treasonable
design. Not long after, Bothwell and Gavin Hamilton, who
had undertaken with a party of men to commit the fact, followed
him, and, by the queen's command, had a guard set upon them
as prisoners, in the castle of Falkland. When the whole design
was thus laid open, and the spies brought word, that the leaders
were met at the time and place mentioned by Arran, and that
many horsemen were seen there. Arran, being asked to explain
the order of the plot, was a little disturbed in his mind; for he
mightily doted on the queen, and was also a great friend of Mur-
ray's, and was desirous to gratify them. On the other side, his
father was no bad man, only -was easily drawn into great and diffi-
cult projects, and he had a mind to exempt him from the conspi-
racy. That night, when he was alone, his mind was so divided
between piety and love, that he was almost beside himself; his
countenance and speech gave evident signs of great perturbation of
spirit; besides, there were other causes which might affect the
young man's mind. For whereas he had been brought tin mag-
nificently, according to the greatness of ins family; his father be-
ing a covetous man, by the persuasion of seme counsellors, who
nourished that vice in him. reduced him only to one s-ervam.

278 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Bo'&k XVII.

before had many attendants. They who had undertaken to kill
Murray, were sent to several prisons; Bothwell to Edinburgh
castle, Gavin to Stirling, till their cause was tried. Arran was
sent to St. Andrews (where die queen was going) to be kept in
the archbishop's castle. In that place, during his lucid intervals,
lie wrote such wise and prudent letters to the queen, concerning
himself and others, that many were suspicious he had counter-
feited himself mad, only to free his father from the treason. As
for the rest he constantly and sharply accused them; insomuch
that, when he was brought to the council, and so private a con-
spiracy could not be proved by other testimonies, he proffered to
light with Bothwell himself. About the same time, James Ham-
ilton, Arran's father, first wrote, and after that came to St. An-
drews to the queen, earnestly desiring her to take sureties for his
son, Bothwell, and Gavin Hamilton, and leave them to him; but
he could not be heard. At the same time also, the queen took
Dumbarton castle, the strongest in all Scotland, which Hamilton

'leld ever since he was regent. George Gordon, being an
enemy to Murray, was now grown to a far greater hate of Ham-
ilton, his son's father-in-law, who was accused of so manifest a
crime, and almost convicted of it. He thought now he had a
good opportunity to rid his enemy out of the way, especially when
two such noble families were joined to his side. And first, he
caused a tumult to be raised in the town, then but thin of compa-
ny, by his own friends, hoping that Murray would come out
from die court, to appease it by his authority; and then, being
unarmed, he might be easily slain in the crowd. This project did _
not succeed as he would have it; and therefore he sent some of
his followers armed into the court to do the fact. They entered
in the evening, and were to kill Murray, as he was returning to his

'eg from the queen, who was wont to keep him late at night.
That time seenv.d fittest, both to commit the fart, and to escape
after it was committed. When the matter was discovered to Mur-
ray, he would not have believed it, unless he had seen ir with his
eyes; and therefore he got some few of his most faithful friends
(to prevent all suspicion) and took one or two of the Gordons in
their armour, as he groped with his hand in die passage. The
matter being brought to the queen, Gordon was sent for, who
pretended that some of his retinue, that were just going home,
had armed themselves; but upon some occasion or other, were
detained. This excuse was rather received, than approved; and
so they departed for that time. That summer, by tlte mediation
of ambassadors on both sides, it was proposed, That the queens of
Scotland and England should have an interview at York, there to
debate many controversies; but \ -.- were almost ready for

their journey, the matter was put off till another time. The

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 279

cause of deferring the conference was vulgarly reported to be
that the duke D'Aumale, one of the brothers of the Guises, had
intercepted and opened the letters of the English ambassador, then
at the French court; and that by his means, principally, the Eng-
lish ship, which carried another ambassador, was taken and plun-
dered. For those wrongs and injuries, matters being likely to
come to a war with France, the queen went from St. Andrew,
to Edinburgh, and sent Arran thither too, clapping him up pri-
soner in the castle. In the mean time, James, her brother, went
to Hawick, a great market-town in those parts, and there he sur-
prised fifty of the chief banditti, which were met together, not
dreaming of his coming; which struck such a terror into the rest,
throughout all that tract, that the whole country was quieter for
some time after. But as that action procured him the love and
reverence of good men, so did it daily more and mere excite the
minds of the envious to his destruction; for, three very potent
families had plotted his ruin, and the accession of the Guises to
that plot made a fourth; for they being willing to restore the old
popish religion, and knowing they could never effect it, as long as
Murray was alive, employed their utmost endeavours to remove
him out of the way. Many concurrent circum;: ranees contribut-
ed to make the attempt seem feasible; especially because the
French, who had accompanied the queen to Scotland, being re-
turned home, had related what great interest and powrer Gordon
had; how unquiet his mind was, and what promises of assistance
he had made to introduce the mass: All these things they aggra-
vated in their discourse, to the height. Then the matter was de-
bated by the papists in the French court, and this way of effecting
it resolved upon: They write to the queen to cherish the mad
spirit of Gordon, by large promises, That she should rather pre-
tend, than promise, to marry John his son; that so being hood-
winked with that hope, they might lead him whither they please :
And also they gave her the names of those in a list, whom they
had a mind should be destroyed. Besides, letters from the pope
and cardinal were sent to her, to the same effect. For, whereas.
her revenue was not sufficient to maintain that immoderate lux-
ury, to winch site had used herself, she craved some pecuniary
aid of the pope, under a pretence of managing a war against
those who had revolted from the churqh of Rome. The pope
wrote something obscurely, but the cardinal plainly, That she
should not want money for that war; yet so, that those must be
first killed, whose names were given her in a scroll.

The queen shewed these letters to Murray, and to the rest de-
signed for the slaughter; either because she thought, they would
have some notice of it another way 5 or else, to make them believe
she was -sincere towards them, as not hiding from them, any ci
Vol. II. N n

280 History of Scotland. Book XVII.

hev secret counsels. Thereupon, all other things being fitted for
the attempt, the queen pretended a great desire to visit the parts
of Scotland which lay northwards, and Gordon promoted her de-
sire, by his forward invitation. At last, when she came to Aber-
deen, Aug. 13. Gordon's wife, a woman of a manly spirit and
cunning, used all her art to sift out the queen's mind, both to
know her secret thoughts, and also to incline them to her own
parry: She knew well enough, that the designs of princes are al-
terable by small matters, many times; neither was she ignorant,
how the queen stood affected a little before, towards both of
them, Murray and Gordon too; for she, hating them both, had
sometimes deliberated privately with herself, which of them she
should destroy first. She could not bear with the innocency of
Murray, as being a curb to her licentiousness-, and as for Gor-
don, she had experienced his perfidiousness against her father
first, and next her mother; and besides, she feared rib power:
But the letter of her uncles and the pope rather urged her to de-
stroy Murray. Gordon was not ignorant of the matter; and
therefore, to cast the balance, he promised by his wife to restore
the Roman religion. The queen was glad of that; yet there
was one impediment, and that no great one, which kt^pt her from as-
senting to him; and that was, that she did not think it to stand
with her honour, to be reconciled to John his son (who, a few
days before had been committed to prison for a tumult raised at
Edinburgh, but had made his escape) unless he returned to Stir-
ling, to be there a prisoner of state, at least for a few days. The
queen insisted upon this, net so much for that cause which was
pretended, as that she might have her way clear, when Murray
was killed, and might not be compelled to marry, when her lover
was absent. Gordon was willing to satisfy the queen, yet made
some scruple to give his son as a pledge into the hands of a man,
who was the most adverse of all others to his designs (and that
was John earl of Marr, Murray's uncle, governor of Stirling cas-
tle) especially being uncertain how the queen would take the mur-
der, when it was committed. Whilst these cunning wits endea-
voured to impose one upon another,and were mutually suspicious,
the queen affirming, that the delay was not on her part, that the
•matter was not despatched; and yet she used no expedition nei-
ther; John Gordon, to shew himself officious, and to watch all e-
vents, had got together about 1000 of his friends and tenants,
well armed, and had quartered them up and down in the neigh-
bourhood near the town. But Murray, though he had not much
help at hand, and saw that all these things were prepared for his
ruin, for he had had advices of it by his friends, both from the
French and English courts; neither placed he much confidence
i'n the queen: yet (in the day time) he performed his usual scr-

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 28 1

vice in the court, and at night had only one or two of his servants
to watch in his chamber; and being often informed of the plots
of his enemies against him, yet, by the help of his friends, he dis-
appointed all their purposes, without any noise.

About the same time, Bothwell was let down by a rope out of a
window, and so escaped from the castle of Edinburgh. Matters
were put to a stand at Aberdeen, by reason of the dissimulation
on both sides. And the queen intending to make a further pro-
gress, was invited by John Lesly, a nobleman, and client of Gor-
don's, to his house, about twelve miles o.T: That being a lone-
some place, seemed fit to the Gordons to commit the murder: but
Lesly, who knew their secret design, intreated them not to put
that brand of infamy on himself and his family, that he of all men
should betray the queen's brother, a man not otherwise bad, a-
gainst whom he had no private grudge. The next night they
spent quietly enough at Rothemay, a town of the Abernethys,
because the day after they determined to lodge at Strathbogy, a
castle of the Gordons; so that they deferred the murder till that
time, because there all would be in their power. In their jour-
ney Gordon had a long discourse with the queen; and at last he
came to this, plainly to desire the queen to pardon his son John;
that, being a young man, and ignorant of the laws, he had made
his escape out of prison, into which he was cast for no heinous
offence, only for a commotion, which was not raised by him nei-
ther. But the queen urged, that her authority would be vilified,
unless his son would return, at least for some days, into another
prison, though a larger one; that so his former fault being, as it
were, expiated, he might be discharged in a handsomer way.
Though it was but a slight command, yet Gordon, who was un-
willing to lose the opportunity of committing the designed fact,
obstinately refused to comply with it, either because he might
cast the blame of the murder upon his son, if the queen did not
approve it when it was done; or because, if the thing should be
done in the absence of his son, though she was not unwilling, yet
he should be kept as an hostage.

The queen was so much offended at this stubbornness of Gor-
don, that when she was almost in sight of his house, she turned
aside another way. So that the whole plot, so wisely contrived as
they thought, was now quite thrown off the hinges, till thev
came to Inverness. For there, besides Gordon's being lord pre-
sident for the administration of justice, he also commanded the
queen's castle, which was seated on an high hill, and command-
ed the town; and besides, the whole country thereabouts were
his vassals. The queen determined to lodge in the castle, but was
not suffered by the guards. Being thus excluded, she began to
fear, in regard she was to lodge in an unfortified town; and, jr

N n z

282 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

the mean time, Kuntly's son had about iooo choice horse now
in arms, besides a promiscuous multitude from the parts adjacent.
But the queen, taking counsel from her present circumstances,
set a watch at all the avenues of the town. She commanded the
ships which had brought her provisions, to ride ready in the river,
that, if her guards were beaten ofF, she might have retreat to
them. In the middle of the night, some scouts were sent out by
Huntly; and- the first watch let them pass on purpose, till they
came to a narrow passage-, they were all surrounded and taken.
Arid among the Highlanders, the M'Intosh's tribe, as soon as
they understood they were to fight against the queen, forsook
Huntly, and came to her the day after into the town. A great
multitude of the highlanders, when they heard of the danger of
their queen, partly by persuasion, and partly of their own accord,
came in; and especially the Frasers and Munroes, valiant fami-
lies in those countries. The queen being now secure against any
force, began to besiege the castle. The besieged were not enough
in number, neither was the place well fortified or prepared to bear

siege, so that it was surrendered to her. The chief persons
that defended it were put to death; the rest were sent to their
own homes. The nobility came in from all parts; upon the com-
ing of some, others were permitted to go home. So, on the
fourth day after, with a guard strong enough, she returned to
Aberdeen. There being freed from fear, she was mightily in-
flamed with hatred against Gordon; and being eager for revenge,
she again received her brother, outwardly, into her favour, pre-
tending, that her dependance was wholly on him. Nay, she en-
deavoured to persuade others/that her safety and her own life was
bound up in his. Hereupon Gordon perceiving, that the whole
face of the court was altered ; that the earl of Murray, lately de-
signed for the slaughter, was now in great favour; and that him-
self was fallen from the top of his aspiring hopes, and made the
object of a mortal hatred; and thinking he was gone farther than
would admit of a retreat or pardon, betook himself to desperate
counsel^ He thought no remedy better for his present danger,
than by all means to get the queen into his power. And tl
he knew he should grievously offend her at present by the at-
tempt, yet he did not despair but a woman's heart might be made
flexible in time,' by observance, flattery and the marriage of his
son, of which her uncles were supposed to be the contrivers.

Tins design he communicated to his friends, and resolved, by
tome means or other, to remove Murray out of the way; for if
that was but once done, there was none besides, to whom the
queen would commit the government; or who was able ti
riage it. His spies gave him hopes, that the thing was feasible ;
amongst others, George Gordon, earl of Sutherland, who

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 283

was a daily attendant at court, and, pretending good-will to the
queen, fished out all her counsels, and, by messengers proper for
the purpose, acquainted Huntly with them: nay, he did not on-
ly observe the opportunity of time and place, but also promised
his assistance to effect it. Besides, the town lay open on every
side, and exposed to any private attempt; the inhabitants either
won by bribery, or joined by alliances, or terrified by danger,
would attempt nothing to the contrary. The Highlanders were
dismissed; with the earl of Murray there were but a few, and
they too came from remote parts, whom he did not much fear
to disoblige: and, seeing all the neighbouring countries were in
his power, the matter might be transacted without bloodshed,
and only one man's death might put the queen into his hands;
the other wounds might be easily cured. These things drove
him on to attempt the matter: and wdren the way to accomplish
it was ready fixed, some letters of the earl of Sutherland and
John Lesly were intercepted, which discovered the whole intrigue.
Sutherland, upon the discovery, fled for it; but Lesly acknow-
ledged his fault, and obtained pardon, and ever after, as long as
he lived, performed true and faithful service, first to the queen,
then to the king. Huntly, who with a great body of men,
waited the event of his design, in a place almost inaccessible,
by reason of the marshes that lay round there, by the advice of
his friends, determined to retreat to the mountains; but many of
the neighbouring nobility then with the queen, being his friends,
he trusted to their promises, and therefore altered his resolu-
tion, and determined to abide the success of a battle in that ad-
vantageous place. Murray had scarce a hundred horse in which
he could confide; but there followed him of the nobles then pre-
sent, James Douglas earl of Morton, and Patrick Lindsay; with
these he marched forth against the enemy; the rest were coun-
trymen of the neighbourhood, gathered together, about eight
hundred, whom Huntly for the most part had corrupted before,
and were more likely to draw on Murray's men to their ruin,
than to give thern any aid; yet they made mighty boast, and
were mighty big in their expressions, promising, that they them-
selves, without any other help, would subdue the enemy; and
that others should have nothing to do but to look on, and stand
as spectators of their actions. Some horsemen were sent before
to guard all the passages about the maTsh, that Huntly might not
escape. The rest marched softly after; and though the night
before, many of the Gordonians had slipped away, yet he had
still with him above 300 men, maintaining themselves in their
posts. When Murray came thither, he stood with his party in
rank and order, en a small hill, where he overlooked all the
marsh; the rest, as they were advancing towards the enemy, g;rcej

284 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

evident tokens of treachery, putting boughs of heath on their
caps (for that plant grows in abundance in those parts) that they
might be known by the enemy. When they came near, the
Huntleans, secure of the success, hasten to them, and seeing the
adverse army disordered by the traitors, and put to night, that
they might more nimbly pursue them, they threw away their lan-
ces, and with their drawn swords, to terrify those ranks that
stood, they cried out, Treason, Treason, and poured in with great
violence upon the enemy. The traitors thinking, that they should
also put to flight the standing party, made haste towards it. But
Murray perceiving no hope in flight, and that nothing remained
but to die nobly, cried out to his party to hold out their lances,
and not to let those that were running away come in amongst
them. They, being thus unexpectedly excluded from both wings,
passed by in great disorder. But the Huntleans, who now
thought the matter ended, and the victory sure, when they saw a
pai cy, though but small, standing in a terrible manner, Math their
pikes forward, they, who were making towards them in confu-
sion, and quite out of order, and could not come in to handy-
blows, by reason of the length of their spears, being struck with
a sudden terror, fled as swiftly as they had pursued before. The
revblters perceiving this change of fortune, pressed upon them in
their flight, and, as if willing to make amends for their former
fault, they were the men that made all the slaughter of the day.
There were 120 of the Huntleans slain, and 100 taken prisoners;
not so much zs a man of the other army was lost. Among the
prisoners were Huntly himself, and his two sons, John and
Adam. The father being an old man, fat and corpulent, died in
the hands of those who took him; the rest were brought to Aber-
deen late at night. Murray had appointed a minister of the gos-
pel to wait for his return; where, in the first place, he gave
thanks to God Almighty, who, out of his mercy alone, beyond
all men's expectation, without any strength or wisdom of his
own, had delivered him and his men out of so imminent a danger.
Afterwards he went to court, where, though many congratulated
him, yet the queen gave no sign of joy at all, either in her speech,
or her countenance.

A few days after, John Gordon was put to death, who was ger-
nerally pitied and lamented. Vox he was a manly youth, very
beautiful, and entering on the prime of his age; not so much de-
signed for the royal bed, as deceived by the pretence of it, and
that which moved no less indignation than pity was, that he was
beheaded by an unskilful executioner. The queen beheld his death
with many tears, but as she was prone to conceal and counterfeit
affections, so various descants were made upon her grief and pas-»
fdon; and the rather because rnost people knew that she hated her

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 23$

brother no less than Huntly; Adam was pardoned as being a.
youth; George the eldest son, in this desperate case, fled from
his house to his father-in-law James Hamilton, there to shelter
himself, or else to obtain his pardon through his mediation. As
for Gordon's followers, just as the degrees of their offences were,
more or less, some were lined, others banished the land, others
were sent into remote parts of the kingdom, that they might raise
no more commotions at home. Those who had the good fortune
to have powerful intercessors, were pardoned their offences, and
taken into former grace and favour. Matters being thus settled,
or at least appeased for the present, the rest of the winter was
spent in peace.

The 27th of November, Bothwell, who had escaped out of
prison, was by a proclamation commanded to render himself a-
gain, and he not obeying, was declared a public enemy. When
the queen was returned from Aberdeen to St. Johnston, James
Hamilton came to her, to beg pardon for George Gordon his
son-in-law. And though he had a gracious answer, yet he was
forced to give up his son-in-law, who was sent prisoner to Dun-
bar; and the next year after, which was 1563, on the 26th of
January, was brought to Edinburgh, there condemned for trea-
son, and sent back to Dunbar.

It was about this time that there came out a proclamation, that
no flesh should be eaten in Lent, on the penalty of a fine. The
pretence was (not any thing of religion, but) civil advantage only.
The archbishop of St. Andrews, because he did not forbear to
hear and say mass, after the edict made at the coming in of the
queen, -was committed prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh. Ga-
thers, guilty of die same fault, were punished but slightly* yet
were threatened to be more severely treated, if they offended in
the like sort again.

And now came the day for the session of parliament which was
summoned to be held the 20th day of May, where the queen,
with the crown on her head, and in her royal robes, went in great
pomp to the parliament-house, a new sight to many; but that
men had been accustomed to bear the government of women in
her mother's and grand-mother's days. In that assembly some
statutes were made in favour of the reformed, and some coiners
were punished . The queen spent the rest ot the summer in A-
thol, where she took the diversion of hunting.

At the end of autumn, Matthew Stewart earl of Lennox, by
the queen's leave returned to Scotland, having been unworthily
deserted by the king of France, the 2 2d year after his departure,
as I said before. And the next year, which was 1564, in the
month of January, at a convention of the estates, held almost on
purpose for that very thing, his banishment was remitted, and his

286 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

goods restored, the queen seconding that remission with many
favourable words, and repeating the many great services the earl
had done her m her very infancy; she having been delivered out
of her enemies' hand's, and advanced to her throne by his means.
Afterwards Henry Ins son came out of England into Scotland, on
the 1 2th of February, having there obtained a convoy for three
months. The queen of Scots received this young man very graci-
ously, being of high descent, very beautiful, the son of her aunt;
she took delight daily in his company, and the common saying
was, that she would marry him; neither was the nobility again t
it, because they saw many advantages might redound to Britain
by that marriage, if it could be made with the queen of England's
consent : both of them were allied to her in an equal degree of
consanguinity; and she was so far from being against it, that she
was willing rather to seem the author of it, and to lay some obli-
gation upon her in making the match; besides, Elizabeth thought
it for her own advantage, to humble the power of her relation,
by this condescending marriage, that it might not swell beyond
what was safe and fit for neighbours. But when all was conclu-
ded on, there fell out an unlucky business, which a little retarded
all, and turned every thing as it were upside down. To make it
plain, I must deduce the original story a little higher.

There was one David Rizio, born at Turin in Savoy, his father
being honest, but poor, got a mean livelihood for himself and fa-
mily, by teaching young people the first grounds of music; and
having no other patrimony to leave his children, he made them
all of both sexes, skilful musicians. David was one of them,
who, being in the prime of his youth, and having a voice, placed
some hopes in his art, of bettering his fortune. He went to Nice,
to the. duke of Savoy's court, which place that duke had newly
obtained; but, meeting with no entertainment there answerable
to his hopes, contriving every way to relieve himself in hij> penury,
it was Ins chance to light upon Morettius, who, by the duke's
command, was then preparing for a voyage to Scotland, and he
accompanied him into Scotland; but Morettius being a man of
no great estate, and looking upon his service as unnecessary and
useless, he resolved to stay in Scotland, and try his fortune there,
especially because he had heard that the queen took great delight
in music, and was not ignorant of the grounds of it herself.
Well, to make way to her presence, he first dealt with her musi-
cians, of which many were French, to admit him into their socie-
ty, which they did; and, having played his part once or twice,
was liked very well; whereupon he was made one of their set and
company; and lie so complied with the queen's humour, that,
partly flattering her, and partly by undermining others, he grew
high in her favour, envy of

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1%)

his fellow-musicians. Neither was he content with this favour-
able turn of fortune; but he despised his equals too, and by sly in-
sinuations and accusations, wormed them out of their places;
then he rose higher, and began to treat about matters of state, and
by degrees was made secretary; and by that means had opportu-
nity of private converse with the queen apart from others.

The sudden advancement of this man, from a low and almost
beggarly estate, to so much power, wealth, and dignity, afford-
ed matter of discourse to the people. His fortune was above his
virtue; and his arrogance, contempt of his equals, and conten-
tion with his superiors, were above his fortune. The vanity and
madness of the man was much increased and nourished by the
flattery of the nobility; who sought his friendship, courted him,
admired his judgment, walked before his lodgings, and observed
his levee. Bat Murray alone, who had no dissimulation in his
heart, was so far from fawning on him, that he gave him many
a sour look, which troubled the queen, as much as David him-
self; but he, on the. other side, to uphold himself in his station,
against the hatred of the nobility, applied himself with great a-
d illation to the young gentleman who was to be the queen's hus-
band; so that lie came to be so familiar with him, as to be admit-
ted to his chamber and bed-side, and to a secret conference with
him; where, taking the advantage of his unwary credulity and
forwardness to compass his desires, he persuaded him, that he
was the chief occasion of the queen's placing her eye upon him.
Besides, he threw in seeds of discord betwixt him and Murray
every day, as knowing, that if he was but removed, he should
pass the residue of his life without any affront or disturbance.

There was now much talk abroad, not only of the queen's mar-
riage with Henry, and his secret recourse to her; but also of the
too great familiarity betwixt her and David Rizio. Murray, who,
by his plain, downright advice to his sister, got nothing but her
ill-will, resolved to leave the court, that so he might not be
thought the author of what was acted there. And the queen was.
willing enough, that so severe a supervisor of her actions should
withdraw, especially in a season, whilst she was strengthening
the contrary faction. For she recalled those who were banished,
Bothwell from France, and George Gordon earl of Sutherland,
from Flanders. She delivered the other George Gordon, son to
the earl of Huntly, out of prison, and restored him to his former
place and dignity. When Bothwell was returned from France,
Murray accuses him of the treacherous practices he had lately
committed against him. Some of those noblemen and gentlemen
who were his familiars in France, were witnesses against him.
matter was clear, and heinous to a degree of enormity. A
dav was appointed for the trial; but the queen first dealt earnestly

v ,,;. ii. o o

388 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

with her brother, to desist from the prosecution; which he re-
fused, judging his credit to be much at stake, which way soever
the balance inclined. What did the queen do next, but write
letters to many of the nobility not to appear at the time appointed.
And, as Alexander, earl of Glencairn, Murray's intimate friend,
was passing by Stirling, she sent for him out of the way to her*,
yet all good men were so well agreed in the case, that Bothwell
being prejudged and condemned beforehand in his own conscience,
and moved with the general detestation of the wicked attempt,
durst not abide the trial. This favour of the people to Murray,
so enraged the queen's mind against him, that she hastened his
long before designed end; and the manner she took to accomplish
it was this: Murray was to be sent for to Perth, where the queen
was with a few attendants. There Darnly was to discourse him,
and in the conference they all knew he would speak his mind free-
ly; and then a quarrel would arise; upon which David Rizio was
to give him the first blow, then the rest were to wound him to
death. Murray was made acquainted with this conspiracy by his
friends at court, yet, come what would, he resolved to go. But,
as he was on his journey, being again advised by Patrick Ruthven,
he turned aside to his mother's house, near Lochleven, and, be-
ing troubled with a lask, excused himself, and staid there. Some
of his friends came thither to visit him; upon which a report was
presently spread, that he staid there to intercept the queen and
Darnly in their return to Edinburgh; whereupon horsemen were
sent out, but they discovered no men in arms, or sign of any
force, yet the queen made such haste, and was so fearful in this
journey, as if some great danger had been near.

The marriage was now at hand, and a great part of the nobili-
ty called together at Stirling, that the queen might countenance
her will and pleasure with some pretence of public consent. Most
of those they sent for were such as they knew would easily give
their assent; or else that durst not oppose. Many of those so
congregated, assented to the motion, provided always that no al-
teration should be made in the then established religion; but the
most part complied without any exception, to gratify the queen ;
only Andrew Stewart of Ochiltree openly professed, that he would
never give his consent to the admission of a popish king. As for
Murray, he was not averse to the marriage, (for he was the first
adviser, that the young man should be called out of England) but
he foresaw what tumults it would occasion, provided it should be
celebrated without the consent of the queen of England. Besides,
he promised to procure her consent, that so all things might go
on favourably, provision being made about religion ; but, perceiv-
ing that there would be no freedom of debate in that convention,
h'c clxose rather to be absent, than to declare his opinion, which

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 289

might prove destructive to himself, and no way advantageous to
the commonwealth.

Moreover, there was a question started and discoursed amongst
the vulgar. Whether the queen, upon her husband's death,
might not marry any other man, whom she pleased? Some were
of opinion, that a queen might have the same freedom as people
even of the commonalty have. Others, on the contrary, affirm-
ed, that the case was different in reference to heirs of kingdoms,
where, at one and the same time, an husband were to be taken to
a wife, and a king to be given to the people; and that it was far
more equitable, that all the people should provide an husband for
one young queen, than that one young queen should chuse a king
for all the people.

In the month of July came an ambassador from England, who
declared, that his mistress could not help wondering, that since
they were both equally allied to her, they should precipitate so
great an affair without acquainting her with it; and therefore she
earnestly desired, that they would stay a little while, and weigh
the thing a little more seriously, to the great advantage, probably,
of both kingdoms. This embassy had no effect. Upon that sir
Nicholas Throkmorton was sent by the queen of England, to tell
Lennox and his son, that they had a convoy from her, to return
at a set day, and that day was now past, and therefore she com-
manded them to return ; and if they did not, they were to be ba-
nished, and their goods confiscated. They were not at all terrifi-
ed with these threats; but persisted in their purpose. In the mean
time, the queen being sensible that it would seem a very incon-
gruous match, if she who was lately the wife of a great king, and
besides, the heiress of an illustrious kingdom, should marry a pri-
vate young man, who had no title of honour conferred upon him,
she made an edict, proclaiming Darnly duke of Rothesay, and
earl of Ross. Moreover, the predictions of wizardly women in
both kingdoms, contributed very much to hasten the marriage.
These, it seems, prophesied, that if it was consummated before
the end of July, it would prove of much future advantage to them
both; if not, of much reproach and ignominy. Besides, ru-
mours were spread abroad of the death of the queen of England,
and the day mentioned, before which she should die. Which
prediction seemed not so much to divine things, as to declare a
conspiracy of her subjects against her. This also added much to
the queen's haste; she knew her uncles would be averse to the
marriage; and if it should be longer delayed, she feared they
would find out some new obstacle, and break off the match,
which was upon the point of being concluded.

For when the secret decree and resolution was made, to cany
on the holy war through all Christendom, and Guise was ap-

O o 2

290 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

pointed general of the league to extirpate the reformed religion,
it made him have high and ambitious hopes, and therefore he de-
termined by his sister's daughter, so to trouble Britain with do-
mestic tumults, that they should not be able to aid their friends
beyond sea. And David, who could then do most with the queen,
urged, that the marriage would be highly advantageous to all
Christendom, because Henry Darnly and his father were stiff
maintainors of the popish religion, and very gracious in both king-
doms, allied to great families, and had large clans under their
command. This being long debated, was at last carried; for he
knew, that if the marriage was made by the consent of the queen
of England, and the nobility of Scotland, he should incur two
great disadvantages: one, that he should be noways in favour as
before; and the other, that the reformed religion would be se-
cured But if the queen adhered to the council of Trent, then
lie promised honours, ecclesiastical dignities, heaps of money,
nnd unrivalled power, to himself. So that, turning every stone,
he at last procured that the marriage should be hastened ; though
the Scots were not much for it, and the English were very much
against it.

Mary and Henry Stewart.* 1565.

'enry Stewart was married to Mary Stewart, July 29th: and
Oyes being made, proclamation of it was publicly read,
with the applause of the multitude, God save Henry and Maryy
king and queen of 'Scotland ; and the day after they were proclaimed
in like manner by an herald at Edinburgh. This affair gave
mighty offence to the nobility, and to the commons too; nay,
some fretted, and openly stormed, that it was a thing of the
worst example that ever was. For to what purpose was it to call
a council about constituting a king, and never to ask their advice,
nor to comply with their authority; but to set up an herald instead
of a senate, and a proclamation, for a statute of parliament or or-
der of council? So that it was not (say they) a consultation, but
an essay rather, how the Scots would bear the yoke of tyranny.
The1 absence of so many nobles increased the suspicion. The
chief nobility were away, as, James duke of Chatelherault, Cil-
lespy earl of Argyle, James earl of Murray, Alexander earl of
Glencairn, Andrew earl of Rothes, and many others of rich and
noble families. Heralds were sent to them to come in; which

* Note, that the name of Henry, as joined with Mary, in the title, though
before their marriage, is accounted for at the close of the catalogue of the Scot-
tish kings, prefixed before the body of this history.

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 29I

they not doing, were banished, and went most of them into Ar-
gyle, and their enemies were reealled to court. The king and
queen having got as many forces together, as they thought were
sufficient to subdue the rebels, came with 4000 men to Glasgow.
The rebels kept at Paisley, where various consultations were held,
according to the disposition of the parties. The king and queen
sent an herald at arms to have the castle of Hamilton sut rendered.
to them; which not being done, they prepared themselves for the
fight. The contrary faction was at variance one with another,
and divided into several opinions. The Hamiltons, who had the
greatest power in those parts, were of opinion, that no firm peace
could be made, till the king and queen were both taken out of
the way; as- long as they were safe, nothing could be expected
but new wars, continual plots, and a counterfeit peace, worse
than an open war. " Private men (said they) may forget injuries
" offered them, being weary of prosecuting them; yea, some-
" times they are recompensed with great advantages; but the
" wrath of princes is not to be quenched but by death alone." But
Murray and Glencairn, who understood that their discourse was
not founded on the good of the public, but their private advan-
tage (for upon the queen's death, they were the next heirs to the
crown) did equally abhor the prince's death, and Hamilton's go-
vernment, which they had lately experienced to be avaricious and
cruel; so that they were for milder counsels; and, in regard it
was a civil dissension, in which, as yet, there had been no blood
shed, the disputes having been hitherto managed by votes, not
arms, they thought fit, if possible, to end it by an honest agree-
ment. They thought many in the king's army would hearken to
such a proposal, as being desirous of peace, and would not be
wanting to plead for those, that, in defence of their liberties,
were forced to take up arms. As for the king and queen, they
being yet young, might not perhaps be so provident; however they
had not yet so far transgressed, as to endanger the commonwealth.
As for private vices, which affected their own names and reputa-.
tions only, it was fitter they were cured by other remedies than
death; for they remembered it was an old caution transmitted to
them from their ancestors, for their observation, That hidden vires
ought to be overlooked in the lives and manners of princes : that those
that ivould bear a double construction^ ought to be taken in the best
sense ; and their open ones so far borne nuithy as they did not endanger
the ruin of the public. This opinion pleased the most, and the rest
of the Hamiltons acquiesced in it, and resolved to be quiet; only
James, chief of their family, with sixteen horse, remained with
the nobility, who being lessened by the recess of the Hamiltons,
were not able to give battle to the enemy, nor yet to break through,
each to his own clan; and therefore they complied with the neces*

1Q)X HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

sity of the times, and came that night to Hamilton, and the next
day to Edinburgh, to consult how to manage the war: But in re-
gard the castle, which commanded the town, continually played
upon them, and their friends could not come in so soon from re-
mote parts, as was requisite, and, moreover, the king and queen
were reported to be near them with their forces; they, by the
great persuasions and promises of John Maxwell of Hemes di-
rected course towards Dumfries. The king and queen returned
back to Glasgow, and left the earl of Lennox, their lieutenant
in the country towards the south-west: They themselves went
afterwards to Stirling, and thence into the middle of Fife. rlhey
made the greatest part of the nobility take an oath, That if any
commotion arose from England, they would faithfully oppose it;
the rest were punished, some by fine, some by banishment. The
goods of those who fled into England, wherever they could find
them, were seized upon, and they appointed commissoners of oy-
er and terminer, to be held in all counties, to enquire into the re-
mains of the rebellion.

On the 9th of October, they drew out their army from Edin-
burgh, and marched towards Dumfries. Maxwell, who till that
time had pretended to be deeply in with the party which was a-
gainst the king, thinking it now a fit opportunity to make his
own market, went out to meet them, as if he would have inter-
ceded for a general pardon. He dealt with them to have part of
his father-in-law's estate, which he had a great mind to: They
looked upon him as an active subtle man, fit for counsel and busi-
ness, and granted his request: Then he returned to the rebels,
and told them, he could do them no good; and therefore they
must all shift for themselves; England was near at hand, if they
would retire thither, after he had settled his affairs at home, he
would follow them, and live and die with the party. In the in-
terim, he got 1000 pounds of Murray, upon the account of mo-
ney which he alleged he had expended in listing some horse: For
For being commanded to raise some few troops of horse, he caus-
ed all his domestics to appear, as if they had been soldiers form-
ally inlisted. The rebels were put in an universal consternation
at the appearance of the king and queen, and at Maxwell's revolt
from them; so that the king and queen did what they pleased:
They drove away most of the leaders of the faction, and the rest
were intent on the event of their danger; so that about the end
of October, they returned to Edinburgh, and all things were quiet
in Scotland till the beginning of the next ensuing spring.

A convention of all the estates of the kingdom was summon-
ed to be held in March; that so the goods of those who were
banished might be confiscated, their names struck out of the roll
of the nebilitv, and their coats of arms, and trophies of honour

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 293

torn in pieces; neither of which the kings of Scotland can law-
fully do, without an act of parliament. In the interim, David,
perceiving the court to be quite empty of nobility, and thinking
it an opportunity to shew and declare the excessive reach of his
power, put the queen upon severe counsels, daily pressing her to
cut off some of the chief of the faction; if a few of them (said
he) were executed, the rest would be quiet: And as he thought
the queen's guard being Scotsmen, would not easily consent to
the cruel murder of the nobility, he was very intent to have them
thrown out of their places, and to introduce foreigners in their
room (a project that is wont to be the beginning of all tyranny)
first, mention was made of sending for some Germans over for
that service; because that nation was remarkably loyal to its prin-
ces. But, when David had considered seriously with himself, he
thought it conduced to his interest to have Italians; first, because,
being his countrymen, he presumed they would be more at his
devotion: next, that being men of no religion, they would be fit-
ter to make disturbances; so that he thought they might easily
be induced to venture upon any design, right or wrong; for, be-
ing wicked and indigent persons, born and bred up to tyrants used
to war, and far from their own home, they would not care what
became of Britain; and therefore seemed the most proper instru-
ments to attempt innovations. Then soldiers of fortune were pri-
vately sent for out of Flanders, and other countries of the conti-
nent; but they were to come by piece-meal, as it were one by
©ne, and at several times too, that the design might not be de-
tected. // ivculd be more dangerous (said he) to offend any one of
those ruffians, than the queen herself.

But, as David's power and authority with the queen daily in-
creased, so the king daily lost favour with her; for, as she had
been rashly precipitate in making the marriage, so she as soon re-
pented, and gave manifest tokens of an altered mind. For, as
presently after the marriage was celebrated, she had publicly pro-
claimed him king by an herald, without the consent of the estates,
and afterwards in all her mandates, till that time the king and
queen's name were expressed, she began to change the order,
keeping both names in, but setting her own first. At length the
queen, to deprive her husband of all opportunity of doing kind-
ness for any, found fault with him; that whilst he was busy in
hawking and hunting, many state matters were unseasonably car-
ried on, or else were wholly omitted; and therefore it would be
better that she might subscribe her name for them both; and, by
this means, he might enjoy his pleasure, and yet no public busi-
ness be retarded. He was willing to gratify her in every thing,
and yielded to be dismissed upon such frivolous grounds, that so,
being remote from the council and privity of public affairs, the

2£4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

obligation of all boons might redound to the queen herself. For
she thought thus with herself, that if her husband's favour could
do no good offices for any, and his anger were formidable to none,
he would by degrees fall into universal contempt of all; and to in-
crease the indignity, David was substituted with an iron seal, to
impress the Icing's name on proclamations. He, thus fraudulent-
ly cheated out of public business, lest he might likewise prove an
interrupter of their private pleasures, in a very sharp winter was
sent away to Pebly, with a small retinue, far beneath the dignity
oi some private persons, for a prey, rather than recreation. At
the same time there fell such a quantity of snow, that, the place
not being very plentiful, and besides, being infested with thieves,
he that was always bred up at court, and used to a liberal diet,
was in great hazard of wanting necessaries, unless the bishop of
Orcades had casually come thither; for he, knowing the scarcity
of the place, brought him some wine, and other provisions for his
use.

The queen was not content to raise David out of his obscurity,
and to shew him to the people, but she contrived another way
how to clothe him with domestic honour: for whereas the queen
had, for some months before, permitted more company than was
ufual to sit with her at table; that so in the crowd David's place
might be less envied. By this face of popularity she thought that
such an unnusual sight would be, in some measure rendered more
familiar, by the multitude of guests, and daily usage, and so
men's high stomachs by degrees be inured to bear any thing. At
last it came to this, that none but he, and one or two more, sat
at table with her; and that the littleness of the room might take
off something from the envy of the thing, sometimes she would
cat in a small parlour, sometimes at David's own lodgings. But
the way she thus took to abate, did but increase the reflections; for
it nourished suspicions, and gave occasion to odd discourses:
men's thoughts were now inclined to the worst; and what served
to inflame them was, that he exceeded even the king himself in
household stuff", in apparel, and in the number of brave and state-
ly horses; and the matter looked the worse for this, because all
this ornament did not credit his face, but his face rather spoiled all
this ornament.

But the queen, not being able to amend the faults of nature,
endeavoured, by heaping wealth and honour upon him, to raise
him up to the degree of the nobles, that she might cover the
meanness of Ids birth, and the defects of his body, with the lus-
tre of dignity and promotion; and that, having qualified him to
sit and vote in parliament, she might be the better able to give
such a turn as she pleased to the debates of that assembly. But
he was to be advanced by degrees; lest he might seem to be but

Eook XVII. HISTORY- OF SCOTLAND. 20$

a poor mercenary senator. And first she attempted to got him a
piece of land near Edinburgh, which the Scots call Melvil. The
owner of this land, his father-in-law, and others that were best
able to persuade him, were sent for, and the queen deals with
the present owner to part with his possessions ; and site desired
his father-in-law and friends to persuade him to it. But this mat-
ter not succeeding, the queen took the repulse as an affront to
her; and, what was worse, David took it very heinously also.
These things being noised abroad, the commonalty bewailed the
sad state of affairs, and expected that things would grow worse, if
men eminent for their nobility and reputation, should be turned
out of their ancient patrimonies, to gratify the lust of a beggarly
varlet; nay, many of the more ancient among them called to
mind, and told others of that time, when Cochrane wickedly slew
the king's brother, and from a stone-cutter was made earl of Mar;
which raised up such a fire of civil war1, that could not be extin-
guished but by the death of the king, and almost the destruction
of the kingdom. These things were spoken openly, but in private
men went farther in their mutterings (as it useth to be in mat*
ters not very creditable); yet the king would never be per-
suaded to believe it, unless he saw it with his own eyes; so that
one time hearing that David was gone into the queen's bed-cham-
ber, he came to a little door, the key of which he always carried
about him, and found it bolted in the inside, which it never used
to be. He knocked, no body answered; upon that, conceiving
great wrath and indignation in his heart, he could hardly sleep a
wink that night. From that time forward, he consulted with
some of his domestics (for he durst trust but a few, many of them
being corrupted by the queen, and put upon him rather as spies o£
his actions, than attendants on his person) how to rid David out
of the way; they approved his design, but could not find a pro-
per way to effect it. That consultation had been managed for
some days, when others of his servants, who were not admitted
to it, suspected the design, and there being evident tokens of it,
they acquainted the queen with it, and told her, they would shew
her the cabal, and they were as good as their words. They ob-
served and watched their opportunity, when others were shut out,
and the king had only his confidents with him. The queen, as tf
she were passing through his chamber to her own, surprised
him with his partizans. Then she inveighed against him most
bitterly, and highly threatened his domestics, telling them, all
their plots were in vain; she knew all their minds and actions, and
would take care of them in due time.

Matters being brought to this pass, the king acquaints his fa-
ther with his unhappy condition. Both concluded, that the only
remedy for the present malady was, to reconcile those of the no-

Vol ir. r P

2<?6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

bility who were present, and to recal those that were absent.
But great haste was required in the thing, because the day was
near at hand, wherein the queen v/as resolved to condemn the
nobles that were absent, she having called a convention of the e-
staces for that purpose, against the wills of the French and Eng-
lish ambassadors-, who interceded in the case. For they knew,
that the accused had committed no such heinous offence; and be-
sides, they foresaw the danger that would ensue.

About this time the queen of England sent her a very large and
obliging letter, full of prudent advice, in reference to the present
state of Scotland, endeavouring, in a gentle and loving way, to
incline her kinswoman from a wrathful to a reconctleable temper.
The nobility knew that such letters were come, and they guessed
what the contents werej'and thereupon the queen counterfeited a
more civil respect to them than ordinary, and began to read them
in the presence of many of them. As she. went on, David stood
up, and bade her Read no more, she had read enough, she should stop.
That carriage of his seemed to them rather arrogant than new;
for they knew how imperiously he had carried it towards her be-
fore; nay, and sometimes he would reprove her more sharply
than her own husband ever durst do.

At that time the cause of the exiles was warmly disputed in
the parliament-house; some to gratify the queen, would have the
sentence due to traitors passed upon them; others contended, that
they had done nothing that deserved so severe a treatment. In
the mean time, David went about to all of them, one by one, to
feel their pulses, what each one was inclined to do with the exiles,
it he v, -as chosen speaker by the test of the convention. He told
them plainly, the queen was resolved to have them condemned,
p.nu it was in vain for any of them to contend against it; and be-
tides, he would be sure to incur the queen's displeasure by it.
His design in this was, partly to confound the weaker spirits be-
tween hope and fear, and partly to exclude the more resolved out
of the number of the judges select, or lords of the articles; or at
least that the major part might be of such a kidney as might please
the queen. This audacious improbity, of so mean a fellow, was
feared by some, and hated by all. Upon that, the king, by his
father's advice, sent for James Douglas and Patrick Lindsay, his
kinsmen, one by the father, the other by the mother's side.
They advise with Patrick Ruthven, an able man both for advice
and execution ; but he was so weakened with a long and tedious
sickness, that for seme months he could not rise out of his bed;
however, they were willing to trust him, amongst some few o-
thers, in a. matter of such mighty moment, both by reason of his
great prudence, and also because his children were cousin-ger-
mans to the king. The king was told by them, what a great er-

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 297

ror he had committed before, in suffering his kinsmen and
friends to be driven from court, in favour of such a base miscreant
as Rizio; nay, he himself did, in effect, thrust them out from
the court with his own hand, and so had advanced such a con-
temptible mushroom, that now he himself was despised by him.
They had likewise a great deal of other discourse concerning the
state of the public. The king was quickly brought to acknow-
ledge his fault, and to promise to act nothing fur the future, with-
out the consent of the nobility.

But those wise and experienced counsellors thought it not safe
to trust the verbal promises of an uxurious young man, as believ-
ing that he might in time be enticed by his wife to deny this ca-
pitulation, to their certain ruin; and therefore they drew up tiie
heads of their contract in writing; which he was very willing, nay
forward, to subscribe. The heads were, For the establishing reli-
gion, at it was provided for at the queen's return to Scotland: 'To re~
store the persons lately banished, because their country could not well be
without their service: To destroy David ; for, as long as he was alive,
the king could not maintain his dignity, nor the nobility live in safety.
They all set their hands to this schedule, wherein the king pro-
fessing himself to be the author of the homicide, they resolved
presently to attempt the fact, both to prevent the condemnation
of the absent nobles, and also, lest delay might discover their de-
sign. And therefore, when the queen was at supper, in a nar-
row private room, the earl of Argyle's wife and David sitting
with her, as they were wont, and but few attendants, for the
room would not hold many; James Douglas, earl of Morton,
with a great number of his friends, were walking in an outer
chamber, their faithful friends and vassals were commanded to
stay below in ,the yard, to quiet the tumult, if any should be.
The king comes out of his own chamber, which was below the
queen's, and goes up to her by a narrow pair of stairs, whiqh
were open to none but himself; Patrick Ruthven followed him
armed, but with four or five companions at most. They entered
into the parlour where they were at supper; and the queen, being
something moved at that unusual appearance of armed men, and
also perceiving Ruthven haggard and lean by reason of his late dis-
ease, and yet in his armour, asked him, Whet was the matter ?
For the spectators thought, that his fever had disturbed his head,
and put him beside himself. He commanded David to rise, and
come forth; for the place he sat in was not fit for him. The
queen presently rose, and sought to defend him by the interposal of
her body; but the king took her in his arms, and bade her take
courage, they would do her no hurt, only the death of that villain,
was resolved on. They haled David out into the next, then into
the outer chamber. There those that waited with Douglas, di%.

298 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVII.

patched him at last, after having given him many wounds; which
was against the mind of all those who conspired his death, for
they resolved to hang him. up publicly, as knowing it would be a
grateful spectacle to all the people.

There went a constant report, that one John Damiot, a French
priest, who was reputed a conjurer, told once or twice, That now
he bed feathered his nest, he should be gone, and withdraw himself
from the envy of the nobles, who would be too hard for him: And that
I)avid answered, The Seats were greater threateners than fighters.
He was also told a little before his death, That he should take heed
of a bastard. To which he replied, That, as long as he lived, no
bastard should have so mueh power in Scotland, as that he need fear it.
Tor he thought hi- danger vv,.s predicted from Murray; but the
prophecy was either fuliilled, or eluded, by George Douglas's
giving him his first blow, who was a natural son of the earl of
Angus. After he had once begun, then every one struck in or-
der as he stood, not excepting the prince, either prompted by his
own just resentment, or to come in for a share of the public ven-
geance. Hereupon a tumult arose all over the house, and the
earls of Huntly, Athol, and Bothwcll, who were at supper in
another part of the palace, were rushing out; but they were kept
within their chamber, by those who guarded the courts below,
and had no harm done them. Ruthven went out of the parlour
into the queen's bed-chamber; where not being able to stand, he
sat down, and called for something to drink. Whereupon the
queen fell upon him with such words as her present grief and fu-
ry suggested to her, calling him a perfidious traitor, and asked
him, Hew he durst be so bold, as to speak to her, sitting, whereas she
herself stood ? He excused it, as not done out of pride, but weak-*
ness of body; but advised her, That in managing the affairs of the
kingdom, she would rather consult the nobility, who had a concern in
the public welfare, than vagrants, who could give no pledge for their
loyalty, and who had nothing to lose, either in estate or credit; /wither
*was the fact then committed, without a precedent : That Scotland was
a kingdom bounded by laws, and was never wont to be governed by the
will and pleasure of one man, but by the rule of the law, and the con-
sent of the nobility ; and, if any former king had done otherwise, he had
smarted severely for it. Neither were the Scots at present so far de-
generated from their ancestors, as to bear not only the government, but
even the servitude cf a stranger, who was scarce worthy to be their
slave. The queen was more enraged at this speech than before.
"Whereupon they departed, having placed guards in all conveni-
ent places, to hinder the rising of any tumult.

In the mean time, the news was carried all over the town;
and was received as every one's disposition was, right or wrong;
they tcck r.rms, and went to the palace. There the king sh(

Book XVII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 200.

himself to them out of a window, and told the multitude, That
he and the queen were safe, and there was no cause for their tumultu-
ous assembly : What ivas done, was by his command ,« and what that
was, they should know in time ,■ and therefore, at present, every one
should go to his own house. Upon which, command they withdrew,
except some few, that staid to keep guard. The next day in the
morning, the nobles that were returned from England, surrender-
ed themselves to take their trial in the town-hall, being ready to
plead their cause, for that was the day appointed; but no body
appearing against them, they openly protested, that it was not their
fault, for they were ready to submit to a legal trial; and so every
one returned to his own lodging. The queen sent for her brother,
and after a long conference with him, she gave him hopes, that
ever after she would be advised by the nobles. Then the guards
were lessened; though many thought, this her clemency presaged
no good to the public; for she gathered together the soldiers of her
old guard, and went through a back gate by night, with George
Seton, who attended her with 200 horse, first to his castle, then
to Dunbar. She carried also the king along with her; who was
forced to obey, for fear of his life. There she gathered a force
together, and pretending a reconcilement to those who were lately
come from banishment, she turned ner fury upon the murderers
of David; but they, yielding to the times, shitted for themselves;
and so, as if all were safe and quiet, she relapsed intp her old hu-
mours. First of all, she caused David's body, which was buried
before the door of a neighbouring church, to be removed in the
night, and to be deposited in the sepulchre of the late king and his
children: which being one of her unaccountable actions, gave oc-
casion to bad reports : for what greater confession of adultery with
him could she well make, than, as far as she was able, to make
the funeral of such an obscure fellow, who was neither liberally
brought up, nor had deserved well of the public, equal with those
of her father and brothers ? And, to increase the indignity of the
thing, she put the miscreant almost into the arms of Magdalene
Valois, the late queen. As for her husband, she threatened him,
and gave him many side-blows in her discourses, and did her en-
deavour to take away all power from him, and to render him as,
contemptible as she could.

At this time the process was very severe against David's murt
derers; many of the accused were banished, some to one place,
some to another; many were fined; some (but the most innocent,
and therefore secure from any apprehension) put to death; for
the prime of the faction were fled, some to England, others to the
highlands. Those who were but the least suspected to have had
a hand in it, had their offices and employments taken from them,
and bestowedV|upon their enemies. And a proclamation was made

>oo

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

Book xvn.

by an herald (which excited laughter amidst all this sorrow) That
no man should say, the king ivas a partaker in, or so much as privy to,
David's death. This commotion being a little settled, after the
1.3th day of April, the earl of Argyle and Murray were received
into favour 5 and she herself drawing near her time, retired into
Edinburgh castle j and on the 19th day of June, 1566, a little
after nine o'clock at night, was brought to bed of a son, after-
Wards called James VI.

(A. C. iS66.J

THE

HISTORY

0 F

SCOTLAND.

BOOK XVIII.

1 he queen after her delivery, received all other visitants with
kindness enough, suitable to the occasion of a public joy, but
when her husband came, she and her attendants comported them-
selves so, in speech and countenance, as if they were afraid of no-
thing more, than that he should not understand, that his presence
was disdained, and his company unacceptable to them all. But,
on the contrary, Both well alone was the man ; he managed all af-
fairs. The queen was so inclined to him, that she would have it
understood, no suit could be obtained from her, but by his medi-
ation. And, as if she was afraid her favours to him were but
mean, and not sufficiently known, on a certain day she took one
or two with her, and went down to the haven called New-haven;
and, her attendants not knowing whither she was going, she
went on board a small vessel, prepared there for her: William
and Edmund Blacadder, Edward Robertson, and Thomas Dickson,
all Bothvveii's creatures, and pirates of known rapacity, had fit-
ted the ship before. With this guard of robbers, to the great ad-
miration of all good men, she ventured to sea, taking none of her
honest servants along with her. She landed at Alloa, a castle of
the earl of Mar's •, where she so demeaned herself for some time,
as if she had forgot, not only the dignity of a queen, but even
the modestv of a matron.

302 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BoOK XVIIL

The king, when he heard of the queen's sudden departure, fol-
lowed her as fast as he could by land: His design and hopes
were, to be with her, and to enjoy mutual society, as man and
wife: But he, as an importunate disturber of her pleasures, was
ordered to go back from whence he came, and had hardly time-
allowed him for his servants to refresh themselves.

A few days after, the queen returned to Edinburgh; and be-
cause, it seems, she would avoid the crowd of people, she went
not to her own palace, but to the house of. a private man in the
neighbourhood: Fro.n thence she went to another, where the anJ-
nual convention, called the Exchequer-court, was then held, not so
much for the largeness of the house, or the pleasures of the gar-
dens, as, that one David Chalmers, a creature of Bothwell's, had
a house near it, whose back-door was contiguous to the queen's
garden, by which Bothwell might pass in and out to her, as often
as he pleased. In the mean time, the king finding no place for
favour with his wife, is sent away with injuries and reproach-
es; and having often tried her spirit, yet by no offices of observ-
ance could he obtain to be admitted to conjugal familiarity, as be-
fore; whereupon he retired in discontent to Stirling. A while
after, the queen appointed to go to Jedburgh, to hold a conven-
tion. About the beginning of October, Bothwell prepared an ex-
pedition into Liddisdale ; and carrying himself there, neither ac-
cording to the place which he held, nor the dignity of his family,
nor the expectation of any man, a pitiful highwayman, whom he
had taken and almost dispatched with a leaden bullet unawares^
wounded him, and so he was carried to Hermitage castle, in great
danger of his life. When the news was brought to the queen at
Borthwick, though the winter was very sharp, she flew in haste,
first to Mulross, then to Jedburgh; there, though she received
certain intelligence, that Bothwell was alive, yet being impatient
of delay, and not able to forbear, though in such a bad time of the
year, nothwithstanding the difficulty of the way, and the clanger
of robbers, she put herself on her journey, with such attendants,
as hardly any honest man, though he was but of mean condition
would trust his life and fortune to. From thence she returned a-
gain to Jedburgh, and there she was mighty diligent in making
great preparations for Bothwell's being brought thither: And tru-
ly, when he came there, their conversation together was little for
the credit of either of them. At last the queen herself, cither
having fatigued nature too far by her continual toil and watching
day and night; or else being particularly destined to it by the se-
cret providence of God, fell into such a dangerous illness, that
no body almost expected, or could hope for her life. When the
king heard of it, he went that very moment to Jedburgh with all
possible expedition, both »o give her a visit; *nd to testify his ob-

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 303

iservance by all the good offices he could; and also to incline her
to a better course of life, hoping she might repent of what she
had done; as people are wont to do, when they arc in a great dc;d
of danger. But she, on the contrary, would not shew the least
sign of reconciliation; no, she charged nobody should rise up
and salute him as he came in, and forbade their giving him so
much as one single night's entertainment: .But she suspecting the
disposition of Murray, as being courteous and civil, desired his
wife to make haste home, and feign herself sick, and go immedi-
ate]-/ to bed, that so on the pretence of sickness, the king might
be excluded even from thence; thus she made it her business to
force him to be gone, for want of lodging: Which he had done,
had not one of the family of the Humes, even for very shame,
pretended a sudden cause for his departure, and so left his lodg-
ing free for the king-.

The next day in the morning, he returned again to .Stirling:
His return was the more reflected upon, because at the very same
time, Bothwell was carried out of the place where he lodged, to the
queen's lodgings, in the face of all the people; and though nei-
ther of them were well recovered, she from her disease, he from
his wound, yet they travelled, first to Kelso, then to Coldingham,
next to Craigmillar,' (a castle two miles from Edinburgh) quit.:
indifferent and careless as to the reports that were spread of then*
by the way. The queen, in all her discourse, professed that she
could never live, unless she was divorced from the king; and that
if she could not gain that point, she would lay violent hands on
herself. She would ever and anon speak. of a divorce, and would
say, it might be easily effected, if the pope's bull was but recal-
led, by which pardon had been granted them for marrying con-
trary to the papal laws; but seeing tins matter was not like to go
as ^he expected (for these things were acted in the presence of
many of the nobility) she left off all her other methods, and con-
trived nothing else in her mind, but how to dispatch him out of
tiie world at once.

A little before winter, when the ambassadors from France and
England came to be witnesses at the baptism of the prince, the
queen strove, as far as money or industry could, to make Both-
weii appear the most magnificent amongst all her subjects and
guest", at the entertainment; whereas her lawful husband was not
allowed necessaries at the christening; nay, was forbid to come
in sight of the ambassadors; and even his servants, that were ap-
pointed to be his daily attendants, were taken from him, and the
nobility forbid to take any notice of him. But this her implac-
able carriage towards him, which the nobility noted both now and
heretofore, moved them to have the greater compassion for him,
when they saw a young and harmless person used after so re-

Vol. II. Q^q

304 &ISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

proachful a manner-, and yet not only bear it patiently, but even
endeavour to appease her rage by the most servile offices he could
perform, in order, if possible, to win some degree of her favour.
As for his dress, she put the fault upon the embroiderers, gold-
smiths, and other tradesmen, though it was a false and shameful
pretence; for every body knew she herself was the occasion of it;
though for fear Bothwell should not have ornaments enough, she
wrought many of them with her own hands. Besides foreign
ambassadors were advised not to enter into discourse with the
king, though they were in the same castle together the most part
of the day,

The young king being thus uncourteously treated, exposed to
the contempt of all, and seeing his rival honoured before his face,
resolved to go to his father to Glasgow, who, as some thought,
had sent for him. The queen shewed her usual hatred at his de-
parture, she took away all the silver plate which he had used ever
since he was married, and put pewter in their stead; besides, she
gave him poison before he went away, that the evil might be
more secret, if he died, when absent from court. But the poison
wrought sooner, than those who gave it supposed it would; for,
before he was gone a mile from Stirling, he had such a grievous
pain all over his body, that it was very apparent his disca.se was
not casual, but the act of fraud and treachery. However, as
soon as he came to Glasgow, the mischief manifestly discovered
itself; blue pustules arose all over his body, and put him in such
pain and anguish, that there was little hope of his life. James
Abernethy, a learned, a faithful, and an experienced physician,
being consulted about his disease, answered presently, That he
had taken poison. He sent for the queen's domestic physician,
but the queen would not suffer him to go, for fear he should
have skill enough to cure him; and besides, she was not willing
that many should know of his being poisoned. When the cere-
monies of christening were over, and the company, by degrees,
got home, the queen was private with Bothwell, having scarce a-
ny more company, at Drummond and Tullibardiue, noblemen's
houses, where she spent a few days about the beginning of Janu-
ary, and so returned to Stirling, and pretended daily to go to
Glasgow; but, expecting to hear every day of the king's death,
to prevent the wo. it, she resolved to have her son in her own
power; and that her design might occasion no suspicion, she be-
gan to find fault, that the house in which he was kept was incon-
venient; that in a moist and cold place he might be subject to
rheums: But the true cause of his removal was far otherwise;
for it was very plain, that the place he was carried to, was far
fnore obnoxious upon the aforesaid accounts, for that it was situ-
ate in a low marshy soil, having a mountain betwixt it and the

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3Q5

sun-rising. Upon that the child, though scarce seven months
old, was brought, in a sharp winter, to Edinburgh. When she
heard there that the king was recovered, as having overcome the:
poison, by the vigour of his youth, and the strength of his natu-
ral constitution, she renewed her plot to destroy him, acquainting
also some of the nobility with her design. In the mean time news
was brought her, that the king designed to fly to France or Spain,
and that he had spoke about it with the master of an English
ship, which was then in the frith of Clyde. Upon this, some
thought that a fair occasion was offered her to send for him, and
if he refused to come, to dispatch him out of the way, nay, some
offered to be agents in the thing; all of them advised, that the
bloody deed should be privately committed, and that it should be
hastened, before he was perfectly recovered. The queen, having
already got her son, that she might also have her husband in her
power, though not as yet agreed in the design how he should be
dispatched, resolved to go to Glasgow, having, as she thought,
sufficiently cleared herself from his former suspicions, by many
kind letters she had lately sent him. But her words and her ac-
tions did notat all agree; for she took almost none with her, in her
retinue, but the Hamiitons and others, that were in a manner he-
reditary enemies of the king. In the mean time, she entrusts Both-
well with doing what must contribute to the design at Edinburgh;
for that was the place that seemed most convenient to them, both
to commit, and likewise to conceal so great a wickedness; for,
there being a great assembly of the nobles, the suspicion might be
put off from one to the other, and so divided between a great
many. When the queen had tried all the ways she could to dis-
semble her hatred, at last, by many artful, upbraiding complaints
and lamentations passed betwixt them, she could yet scarce make
him believe, that she was reconciled to him. The king, scarce
yet recovered from his disease, was brought in a litter to Edin-
burgh, to the place designed for his murder, which Bothwell, in
the queen's absence, had undertook to provide, and that was, a
house uninhabited for some years before, near the walls of the
city, in a lonesome, solitary place, between the ruins of tv/o
churches, where no noise or outcry could be heard. There he
was huddled in with a few attendants only; for the most part of
them (being such as the queen had put upon him, rather as spies
than servants) were gone out of the way, as foreknowing the dan-
ger at hand; and those that remained, could not get the. keys of
the door from the harbingers, that provided the lodgings.

The thing the queen was most intent upon was, to avert all
suspicion from herself; and she proceeded so far in the ait of dissi-
mulation, that the king was fully persuaded there was a firm to-
conciiement betwixt them. So that he wrote letters to his father,

306 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, Book XVIII.

who staid behind sick at Glasgow, in which he gave him great
hopes, and almost an assurance, that the queen was now sincere-
ly his; and, commemorating her many good offices towards him,
he n/>w promised to himself, that all things would change for the
better. As he was writing these letters, the queen came in on a
sudden, and reading them, she gave him many embraces and kis-
ses, telling him, Thai sight mightily pleased her ; thai now she saw
there was no cloud of suspicion hovering over his mind.

Things being thus well secured on that side, her next care was
to contrive, as much as possible, how to cast the guilt upon an-
other; and therefore she sent for her brother Murray, who had
lately obtained leave, and was going to St. Andrews., to visit his
wife, who lay there, as he heard, dangerously sick. For, besides
being with child, she h id pustules, that rose all over her
body, with a vici . She pretended the whole cause

of her detaining him to be for no other end, but that she might
honourably dismiss the duke of Savoy's ambassador, who came too
late to the prince's christening; and though this seemed a mean
pretence to take him off from so just and necessary a duty, yet he
obeyed. In the- interim, the queen made her visits to the king
everyday constantly, and reconciled him to Bothweli; whom she
by all means desired to keep entirely unsuspected. She made him
large promises of her affection for the time to come; which over-
pfRjcious carriage, though suspected by all, yet no man was so
bold, as to advise the king of his danger, because he had a habit
of toiling the queen whatever he heard, to insinuate the more into
her favour; only Robert, the queen's brother, moved either with
the execrable horror of the deed, or with pity to the young man,
had the confidence to acquaint him of his wife's plot against him,
but on this condition, that he would keep it to himself, and pro-
vide for his safety the best manner he could. The king notwith-
standing revealed it to the queen, according to his custom; upon
which Robert was called for, and he stoutly denied it, so that
they gave one another the lie, and were laying their hands on
their swords. The queen was glad to see, that her designs were
likely to have &o good a conclusion, and that so near at hand,
without her trouble; and therefore she calls for her brother James,
as if he was to decide the controversy; but her real intent was,
that he might likewise be cut off on the same occasion. There
was nobody present but Bothweli, who was so far from keeping
them from lighting, that lie would rather have killed him who
had the worst of the combat himself, as plainly appeared, when
he said, there was no reason James should be sent for in such
haste, to keep these from duelling, who, whatsoever they pre-
tended, iiad no such mighty stomach to it. This bustle being
quieted, the queen and Bothweli were wholly intent how to per-

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 307

pctrate the murder, and how to do it with all imaginable privacy.
The queen, that she might feign both love to her husband, and a
forgiveness of past offences, causes her bed to be brought from the
palace, into a chamber below the king's, where she lay, after she
had sat up late with him in discourse for some nights.

In the mean time, she advises all manner of ways to cast the
odium of the fact, when committed, upon her brother James, ancl^
the earl of Morton; for she thought, if these two, whose real
worth and authority was much feared and hated by her, were
taken out of the way, all things else would fall in of themselves.
She was likewise incited to this by letters from the pope, and from
Charles, cardinal of Lorrain. For the summer before, having by
her uncle desired a sum of money from the pope, for levying an
armv to disturb the state of religion in Britain; the pope more
cunningly, but the cardinal plainly, had advised her to destroy
those who were the greatest hindrances to the restitution of pope-
ry, and they took care to specify these two earls by name; if they
were once taken off, they promised whole heaps of money for the
war. The queen thought some distant tidings of this matter were
come to the ears of the nobility; and therefore, to clear herself
from any suspicion, or the least inclination to such a thing, she
shewed them the letters. But these designs, so subtilely laid, as
they seemed to be, wei-e somewhat disturbed by frequent messen-
gers from Murray's wife, how that she had miscarried, and that
there were small hopes of her life. This message was brought
him on the Lord's day, as he was going to hear sermon; where-
upon he returned back to the queen, and desired leave of her to
be gone. She very much urged him to stay one day longer,
to hear more certain news, alleging, that if he made her so
much haste, his coming would do her no good; but if her disease
abated, that then the next morning would be time enough; but he
was fully bent on his journey, and accordingly -went. The queen
had deferred the murder till that night, and to seem perfectly
easy in her mind, she would needs celebrate the marriage of Se-
bastian, one of the musicians, in the very palace, and then the
evening was past in mirth and jollity. Then she went with a
numerous attendance to see her husband; she spent some hours
with him, and was merrier than usual, often kissing him, and
giving him a ring, as a token of her affection. After the queen
was gone, the king, with the few servants that were about him,
recollecting the proceedings of the past day, amongst some com-
fortable speeches given him by the queen, he was troubled at the
remembrance of a few words; for she, whether not being able
to contain her joy, arising from the hope that the murder would
be now presently acted, or whether it fell from her by chance,
slipped out a- word, That David Rizio was killed the last year, just

308 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

about that time. Though none of them liked this unseasonable
mention of his death, yet because the night was pretty far spent,
and the next morning was designed for sports and pastimes, they
went speedily to bed. In the mean time, gunpowder was placed
in the room below, to blow up the house: other things were
cautiously and craftily enough transacted; but one thing there
was, which though small in itself, gave sufficient proof of the
wicked conspiracy. For the bed, in which the queen used some-
times to lie, was taken from thence, and a worse put in its place,
as if though they were prodigal enough of their characters, they
would however be saving of their money. In the mean time, one
Paris a Frenchman, a partizan in the conspiracy, entered into
the king's bed-chamber, and there stood silent, yet so that the
queen might see him, and that was the sign agreed on betwixt
them, that all things were in readiness. As soon as she saw Paris,
as if Sebastian's marriage came into her mind, she began to blame
herself that she had been so negligent, as not to dance that night
at the wedding, (as it was agreed) and to put the bride to bed, as
the manner is; upon which, she presently started up, and went
home. Being returned to the palace, she had a pretty deal of
discourse with Bothwell; who being at length dismissed, went to
his chamber, changed his clothes, put on a soldier's coat, and
with a few in company, passed through the guards into the town.
Two other parties of the conspirators came several different ways
to die appointed place, and a few of them entered into the king's
bed-chamber, of which they had the keys (as I said before); and
whilst he was fast asleep, they took him by the throat, and strang-
led him, and so they did one of his servants who lay near him.
When they were murdered, they carried their bodies through a
little gate, which they had made on purpose, in the walls of the
city, into a garden near at hand; then they set fire to the gun-
powder, which blew up the house from the very foundation, and
made such a noise, that it shook some of the neighbouring houses;
nay, those that were sound asleep, in the farthest parts of the ci-
ty, were awakened, and frighted at the loudness of the report.
When the died was done, Bothwell was led out by the ruins of
the city-walls, and so returned to the palace through the guard,
quite a different way from that which he came. This was the
common rumour about the king's death, winch held some days.
The queen had sat up that night to wait for the event, and hear-
ing of the tumult, called together those- of the nobility, who were
at court, and amongst the rest, Bothwell; and, by their advice,
sent out to know what was the matter, as if she had been ignorant
of all that was done; some going to inspect the body, found that
the king had only a linen shirt on the upper part of his body, the
rest of it lay naked; his other clothes, and his slippers, lay just by

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 309

him. -The common people came in groat crowds to sec him, and

many conjectures there were, yet they all agreed (which was very

0 Bothwellj that he could never be thrown ,out of the

:, by the force of the gun-powder, for there was no part

broken, bruised, or black and blue, about his body, which must

rilyhave happened in a ruin by gun-powder; besides, his

clothes that lay near him, were not so much as singed with the

flame, or covered with any ashes-, so that they could not have

been thrown thither by any casualty, but must have been placed

there by some body's hand on purpose. Bothwell returned home,

and*as if he had been struck with admiration, brought the news

to the queen, upon which she went to bed, and lay secure,

soundly asleep, a great part of the next day.

In the mean time, reports were spread abroad by the parricides,
and carried into the borders of England before day, that the king
was murdered by the design of Murray and Morton; yet every
body thought privately within himself, that the queen must needs
be the author of the bloody deed. Neither was the bishop of St.
Andrews free from suspicion, there were shrewd conjectures a-
gainst him, as the high and cruel enmities betwixt the families ;
"neither was the bishop ever well reconciled to the queen, before
she designed that wickedness in her mind; and of late, when he
accompanied her to Glasgow, he was made privy to all her coun-
sels. It increased men's suspicions of him, that he was just then
retired to the house of his brother, the earl of Arran, which was
near the house where the king was slain; whereas before, he al-
ways used to live in some eminent part of the city, where he might
conveniently receive visits, and ingratiate himself with the people
by feasting them; and besides, those who dwelt in the higher
part of the city, saw watch-lights in the house all the night, and
when the explosion was heard, then the lights were put out,
and his vassals, many of whom watched in their arms, were for-
bidden to go out of doors. But the true story of the matter of
fact, which came to light after some months, gave occasion to
people to look upon those things as certain indications, which be-
fore were but suspicions only.

When the murder was committed, messengers were presently
sent into England, who were to report, that the king of Scots
was cruelly murdered by his subjects, by the contrivance especially
of Murray and Morton. The news was immediately brought to
court, which so inflamed all the English, and made them have
such a perfect abhorrence of the whole nation, that for some days
no Scotsman durst, or could walk abroad, without running the
hazard of his life; and though many letters passed to and fro, dis-
covering the secret contrivances of the plot, yet they could hardly
toe appeased. The king's body hiving been left a while as n spec-

3IO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

tacle to be gazed upon, and a threat concourse of people continu-
ally flocking thither to see it, the queen ordered, that it should be
laid on a bier, and brought by porters into the palace. There
she herself viewed the body, the fairest of that age, and yet her
countenance discovered not the secrets of her mind, neither one
way or other. The nobles that were there present, decreed, that
a stately and honourable funeral should be made for him. But
the queen ordered it, so, that he was carried by private bearers in
the night-time, and was buried in no manner of state; and that
which increased the indignity the more, was, that his grave was
made near David Rizio; as if she designed to sacrifice the life of
her husband to the manes of that vile wretch.

Two prodigies happened at that time, which are worth while
to relate. One of them a little preceded the murder, and it was
thus. One John Londin, a gentleman of Fife, having been long
sick of a fever, the day before the king was killed, about noon,
. raised himself a little in his bed, and, as if he had been astonish-
ed, cried out to those that stood by him, with a loud voice, Ta
go help the king; for the parricides were just then murdering him ,•
and a while after he called out with a mournful tone, Now it is
':• to help him, he is a/rcady murdered: and he himself lived not
long after he had uttered those words. The ether was just at the
time as the murder happened. Three of the familiar friends of"
the earl of Athol's, the king's cousin, men of reputation for va-
lour and estate, had their lodgings not far from the king's; when
they were asleep about midnight, there was a certain man seemed
to come to Dougal Stewart, who lay next the wall, and to draw
his hand gently over his beard and cheek, so to awake him, say-
ing, Arise, they ure offering violence to you. He presently awaked,
and considering the apparition within himself, another of them
cries out presently in the same bed, Who kicks me? Dougal an-
swered, Perhaps it is a cat, which used to walk about in the night ;
upon which, the third, who was not yet awake, rose presently
out of his bed, and stood upon the floor, demanding, Who it was
that had given him a box on the ear? As soon as he had spoken, a
person seemed to go out of the house by the door, and that not
without some noise. Whilst they were descanting on what they
had heard and seen, the noise of the blowing up of the king's
house, put them into a very terrible consternation. When the
murder was committed, people were variously affected with it, ac-
cording as they loved or hated the king. All good men unani-
mously detested ir. He that took it most to heart, was John
Stewart, earl of Athol, for many reasons, but particularly be-
cause he was the chief maker of the match between the queen and
him. The night after the murder, armed guards watched the
palace, as is usual on such sudden consternations, and they hear-

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3 1 1

ing the outside wall of the earl of Athol's lodging make a noise
or crack, as if some were softly digging at the foundation, they
raised the family, which went no more to bed that night. The
day after, the earl took lodgings in the town, and, a little after
that, went home, for fear of his life. I he earl of Murray, at
his return to court from St. Andrews, was not without danger
neither, for armed men walked about his house at night; but he
not being well, and his servants being accustomed to watch him
all night, the villains could not attempt any thing against him
privately, and openly they durst not. At length Bothwell (who
would willingly have been without the trouble of it) resolved to
perform the wicked deed with his own hands. And therefore a-
bout midnight, he asked his domestics, how Murray did? They
told him, he was sadly afflicted with the gout. "What, said he,
if we should go and see him; and presently he rose up, and was
making the best of his way to his house. As he was going, he
was informed by Murray's domestics, that Murray was gone to
his brother Robert's, to be at more freedom and ease, and out o£
the noise of the court; upon which he said no mo;e, but grieved
inwardly that he had lost so fair an opportunity, and so returned
home. Mean while the queen put on very demure looks, and
feigning great sorrow, thought that way to reconcile the people
to her; but that succeeded as ill with her, as the rest of the con-
spiracy. For whereas it was the custom, time out of mind, for
queens, after their husband's death, to abstain several days, not
only from the sight of men, but even from seeing the light, she
indeed acted a kind of fictitious sorrow, but her real joy so ex-
ceeded it, that though the doors were shut, yet the windows
were open, and throwing off her widow's weed, in four days she
could well enough bear the sight of the sun and air; and before
twelve days were over, being hardened against all the people could
say, she went to Seton, about seven miles from the town, and
never let Bothwell be one moment from her side; there her car-
riage was such, that though she changed her habit a little, yet she
did not seem at all to mourn within. The place was full of the
nobility, and she went constantly every day abroad to the usual
sports, though some of them were not so proper for the female
sex. But the coming of Mr. de Crocke, a Frenchman (who had
often before been ambassador in Scotland) did in some little de-
gree disturb their measures; for he telling them how infamous
the matter sounded amongst foreigners, they returned to Edin-
burgh. But Seton had so many conveniences, that though the
further hazard of her credit lay at stake upon it, yet she must
needs return thither again. There the main head of the consult-
ation was, how Bothwell might be acquitted of the king's murder.
There was a design before, to try and acquit him; for presently
Vol. II. R r

3 1 ft HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

upon the king's death, bothwell, and some of his accomplices,
came to the marquis of Argyle, who was the hereditary capital
judge in criminal causes. First, they pretended they were whol-
ly ignorant of what was done, and wondered at it, as a new, un-
heard of, and incredible thing; then they proceeded to examina-
tion*, they summoned some poor women out of the neighbour-
hood; but they were dashed betwixt hope and fear, uncertain
whether they should speak out, or be utterly silent; but, though
they were very cautious in their words, yet uttering more than
was expected, they were discharged, as having spoken nothing
upon any certain grounds; and as for their testimony, it was an
easy matter enough to despise it. Upon that, some of the king's
servants were sent for, who had escaped the fire. They, when
they were asked, how the assassins could make their entrance? re-
plied, that the keys were not in thei* power. And when it was
closely put to them again, in whose hands they were? they an-
swered, in the queen's. Upon that, the farther examination was
deferred, as the examiners pretended; but indeed, was quite sup-
pressed; for they were afraid, if they went any farther, the court-
secrets would have been all publicly known.

And yet, to put a gloss on the matter, a proclamation was
published, and a reward offered to those who should discover the
authors of the king's murder. But who dared be so bold as to
impeach Bothwell since he was to be the accused, the judge, the
examiner, and the exactor of the punishment? Yet this fear,
wh'ich stopped the mouths of several single persons, could net
bridle the multitude. For libels were published, pictures made,
and hawkers went by night about the streets crying papers, by
which the parricides might easily understand, that the whole mat-
ter was discovered, both who designed the wickedness, and who
-assisted in the execution of it. And the more prohibitions were
laid on the commonalty, the more did rheir grief make them speak.
- Though the conspirators sec;ned to despise these tilings, yet they
were so inwardly, and so sensibly touched at them, that they
could not dissemble their sorrow. And therefore omitting the
examination about the king's death, they fell upon another me-
thod that was still more severe; and that was, against the authors
of libels, or I (as they worded it) the calumniators of Bothwell;
and this was so severely prosecuted, that no pains nor costs were
spared. All the painters and writing-masters were caliedftogether,
to see if by the pictures and libels they could discover the authors;
they farther added a clause, suitable enough to the edict, which
made it capital, not only to sell the. libels, but even to read them,
when they were sold. But they who endeavoured to bridle the
discourse of tire people, by threatening capital punishment to
them, were not satisfied witli the king's death, but retained their

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3 1 3

hatred against him, though in his grave. ! he queen gave her
husband's goods, his arms, horses, clothes, and other household
stuff, either to his father's enemies, or to the murderers them*
selves, as if they had been forfeited to her exchequer. As these
matters were acted in the broad face of day, so many did as pub-
licly inveigh against them. One of the taylors who was making
some of the king's clothes fit for Bothwell to wear, was so bold as
to say, Now he saw the old country-custom verified : That the ex-
ecutioner had i he clothes of those persons that suffered by his hand.

They were under another mighty difficulty, how they should
get the castle of Edinburgh into the queen's hands; John earl of
Marr was governor of it, upon condition that he should deliver it
up to nobody but by the special order of the estates; and though
such a convention was to be the month after, yet the queen was
so earnest, that every little delay seemed to her very tedious.
And therefore she dealt underhand with the earl's friends and re-
lations (for himself lay then very sick at Stirling) to surrender the
castle to her; pretending this as the chief cause, why the com-
mons of Edinburgh were so tumultuous, (there being then a com-
motion amongst them), that she could not keep them within the
bounds of their duty, unless she had that fort in her hands; and
that thereupon, as an earnest of her great affection to John, she
would put her only son, the heir of the kingdom, into his hands,
to be educated by him; which office of guardianship his ances-
tors had discharged to their great commendation in the care of so
many other princes, of late times, but particularly in the educa-
tion of her mother and grandfather. Though the earl understood
and saw clearly through the tendency of these her promises and
flatteries, yet he complied with her request. The queen finding
him more easy than she hoped, makes it her next endeavour to
be possessed of the castle, with the first convenient opportunity,
and yet to keep her son too. When he would not hearken to
that, she sets upon him by another wile, and makes proposals
that he would come to Linlithgow, (in the mid-way between E-
dinburgh and Stirling) there, on an appointed day, to receive the
prince, and to surrender the castle. But this project being sus-
pected of fraud, it was at last agreed, that it should be delivered to
Erskine at Stirling, and that he, in the interim, should have the
chief of his family in hostage, for the surrender of the castle.

These things gave some trouble to the parricides, but they
were most of all perplexed with the daily complaints of the earl
of Lennox: He would not venture to come to court, by reason of
Both well's exorbitant power; but he earnestly solicted the queen
by letters, that she would confine Bothwell, who without doubt
was the author of the king's murder, till a day should be appoint-
ed for bringing him to his trial. She, though eluding his demand

R r 2

3X4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Boo* XVIII.

by many stratagems, yet finding that the examination of so en-
ormous a crime could not be avoided, designed to have it carried
on in this manner.

The assembly of the estates to be held on the 13th of April
grew very nearat hand; she was desirous before that time came
to have the matter tried, that so Bothwell being absolved by the
votes of the judges, might be further cleared by the suffrages of
the whole parliament. This haste was the cause that nothing
was carried on regularly, or according to custom, in that judici-
ary process. For the accusers (as is usual) ought to have been
cited, with their relations, as wife, father, mother, son, either to
appear personally, or by proxy, within forty days, for that is the
time limited by the law. Here the father was only summoned
to appear on the 13th of April, without summoning any of his
friends, excepting his own family, which at that time was in a low
condition, and reduced to a small number. Whereas, in the
mean time, Both well flew up and down the town, with whole
troops at his heels-, the earl of Lennox thought it best for him not
to come into a city full of his enemies, where he had no friends
nor vassals to secure him: and besides, if there was no danger of
his life, yet there could be no fredom of debate. Bothwell ap-
pears at the day appointed, and comes into the town-hall, being
both plaintiff and defendant. The judges of the nobility were
cited, most of them his friends, none daring on the other side to
except against any one of them; only Robert Cunningham, one
of ! ennox's family, put a small stop to the proceedings; he, crav-
ed liberty to speak, declared, that the process was not according
to law nor custom, where the accused person was so powerful,
that he could not be brought to punishment, and the accuser was
absent for fear of his life; and therefore, whatsoever should be
determined there, as being against law and equity, was null and
void. Notwithstanding all that, they proceeded. Besides, Gil-
bert earl of Cassils, being chosen one of the judges, rather for
form's sake, than that he thought he should do any good, desired
to be excused, and offered likewise to pay the forfeiture, usually
laid upon those who decline sitting; but in that very instant of
time a messenger brought him a ring from the queen, with a
command that he should sit as one of the judges, or else she
threatened to commit him to prison. When that did not prevail
she sent a second messenger, who told him he should be punish-
ed as a traitor if he refused. Being terrified into it by such
means as these, they were forced to sit, and truly the issue of
the sessions wa> this; they declared they saw no reason to find
Bothwell guilty; yet if any man, at any time after, could lawfully
accuse him, they gave a caution that this judgment should be no
hindrance to him. Some thought they proceeded with great

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 315

wisdom in bringing it to such an issue. For the indictment was
grounded on such words, that the severest judges could never
have found Bothwell guilty, for it was laid against a murder
committed on the 9th of February, whereas the king was mur-
dered on the 10th.

Thus Bothwell was acquitted of the fact, but not of the in-
famy of it. Suspicions increased upon him, and his punishment
seemed only to be deferred; but any pretence whatsoever, though
a shameless one, seemed good enough to the queen, who was in
great haste to marry him. But, to absolve himself of the impu-
tation with a better air, there was a challenge posted on the most
eminent part of the court, declaring that though Bothwell was
lawfully acquitted of the king's murder, yet to make his innocen-
cy appear the brighter he was ready to decide the matter in a du-
el, against any gentleman, or person of honour, that should dare
to lay it to his charge. On the morning following, there was one
who did as manfully post up an answer to his challenge, provided
the place of combat was appointed, where he might declare his
name without danger. Though these things succeeded reason-
ably well, yet the queen in that parliament was more rugged than
formerly; for whereas before, she pretended civilty in her car-
riage, she now plainly discovered an inclination to tyran-
ny; for she now flatly denied what she had promised at Stirling
in matters of religion; and that was, that the laws established
under popish tyranny should be abrogated in the first parliament,
and the reformed religion should be strengthened by new laws.
And when, besides her promise, two edicts, signed with her own
hand, were produced; being catched here, she eluded them, and
commanded the commissioners of the kirk to attend her another
time; but after that, she never gave them any opportuity to ap-
pear before her again; and she alleged, that these acts of the
estates, which were published before her coming into Scotland,
by the consent of Francis her husband, fell under the act of ob-
livion : That speech of hers seemed to all, no less than a manifest
profession of tyranny. For whereas the Scots had no laws be-
sides acts of parliament, they entertained such private thoughts
in their breasts, What kind of life they were like to live under a
prince y whose will was a law, and whose word and promise nvere ne-
ver to be believed. This was done about the end of the conven-
tion. At the same time, the queen was very earnest to hasten
their marriage, and yet she desired to procure the public consent
by any means, that she might seem to act nothing but by the
suffrage of the nobility; and Bothwell too, to credit the marriage
with the pretence of public authority, devised this stratagem: He
invited all the noblemen of the highest rank, who were then in
town (as there were many) to supper; and when they were in

31(5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BookXVIII.

the height of their mirth, he desired them to shew that good af-
fection to him for the future, which they had always formerly
done. At present be only desired, that as he was a suitor to the
queen, they would subscribe to a schedule, which he had made
about that matter, and that would be a means to procure him fa-
vour with the queen, and honour with the people. They all
stood amazed at so sudden and unexp: cted a proposal, and could
not dis semble their sorrow, and yet they durst not refuse or deny
him: Upon that, a few who knew the queen's mind began first,
and the rest not foreseeing that there was so great a number of
flatterers present, suspecteed one another, and so at last, every
one of them subscribed. The day after, when they came to re-
collect what they had done, some of them as ingenuously profes-
sed they would never have given their c< r.sent, unless they had
thought the thing had been acceptable to the queen; for that, as
it carried no great shew of honesty, and was very prejudicial to
the public too; so there was danger if any discord should arise
(as it happened between her and her former husband) between
her and Bothwell in the same manner, and he should be rejected,
it might be laid to their doors, that they had betrayed the queen
into a dishonourable marriage; and therefore, before they went
too far, they resolved to try her mind, and to procure a writing
under her hand, to the following purpose, viz. That she ap-
proved of what they had done in reference to her marriage.
This writing was obtained with great ease, and by the consent of
all, was given to earl of Argyle to keep. The next day all the
bishops in town were called to court, that they might subscribe
in like manner This trouble being over, there succeeded an-
other, which was, how the queen should get her son in her pow-
er; for Bothwell did not think it safe for him to have a young
child brought up, which in time might revenge his father's mur-
der; neither was he willing, that any other should come between
his children and the crown. Whereupon the queen, who could
deny him nothing, undertook the task herself, to bring the child
to Edinburgh; she, had also another pretence to visit Stirling, of
which I shall speak by and by. When she came thither, the earl
of Marr suspected what was a brewing, and therefore shewed
her the prince, but would not let him be in her power: The
queen seeing her fraud detected, and not able to cope with him
by force, pretended another cause for her journey, and prepared
to return : As she was upon her journey, either the too great fa-
tigue of that, or else the fury she was in, that her designs, which
the authors thought so craftily laid, proved unsuccessful, made
her fall suddenly ill, and she was forced to retire into a poor
house about four miles from Stirling, where her pain abating a
little, she proceeded on her journey, and came that night to Lin-

Book XVIII. history of Scotland. 317

lithgow) from thence she wrote to Bothwell by Paris, what she
would have him to Jo about her surprise; for before she departed
from Edinburgh, she had agreed with him, that at the bridge of
Almon, he should surprise her in her return, and carry her where
he would, as it were against her will. The common people put
this interpretation on the matter, that she could not altogether
conceal her familiarity with Bothwell, and yet she could not well
be without it ; neither could she openly enjoy it as she desired,
without the loss of her reputation. It was too tedious to expect
his divorce from his former wife; and she was willing to consult
her honour, which she pretended to have a mighty regard to, and
yet she would provide for her pleasures too. This made her
very impatient, and thefore the device was thought to be very
pretty, that Bothwell should guard against the queen's infamy,
with his own great crime; and yet stand in no fear of any pu-
nishment for it.

But there was a deeper reach in the project, which afterwards
came to light; for whereas the people did every where point at,
and curse the king's murderers ; they, to provide for their own
security, by the persuasion, as it is thought, of John Lesly,
bishop of Ross, devised this attempt upon the queen. It is the
custom in Scotland, when the ki jg grants a pardon for offences,
that he who sues it out, expresseth his great offence by name,
and the rest of his crimes are added in general words; according-
ly the king's murderers determined to ask pardon for this sur-
prise of the queen by name, and then to put down in their par-
dons, bv way of addition, All other tuicked facts: in which clause
they persuaded themselves, that the king's murder would be in-
cluded, because it was not safe for them to name themselves the
authors of it in the pardon; nor was it creditable for the queen to
grant it under that name ; neither could it well be added in the
grant of pardon, as an appendix to a crime that was less in its
own nature. Another offence less invidious, but liable to the
same punishment, was to be devised, under the shadow of which,
the king's murder might be disguised and pardoned, and no other
did occur to them, but this pretended force put upon the queen,
by which her pleasure might be satisfied, and Bothwell's security
be provided for at the same time. And therefore he, accompan-
ied with 600 horse, waited her coming at Almon bridge, as thev
had agreed, and took her, not against her will, to Dunbar.
There they had free converse, one with another, and a divorce
was commenced betwixt Bothwell and his former wife, and that
in two courts. First, she was cited before judges publicly ap-
pointed to decide such kind of controversies; and next before the
officials of bishops courts, though they were forbid by a public
statute to exercise any part of magistracy, or to meddle with any

3 l8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAKB. Book XVIII.

public business. Madam Gordon, Both well's wife, was com-
pelled to commence a suit of divorce in a double court. Before
the queen's judges she accuses him of adultery, which was the
only just cause of a divorce amongst them; and before the papal
judges, who though forbidden by the law, yet were impowered
by the archbishop of St. Andrews to determine the controversy
she alleged against him, that before their marriage, he had too
much unlawful or incestuous familiarity with her kinswoman.
The witnesses and judges made no delay in the case. The suit
was commenced, prosecuted, adjudged, and ended in ten days.

On these emergencies, a great many of the honest nobles met
at Stirling, and sent to the queen, desiring to know of her, whe-
ther she was kept where she was, with or against her will? If
the latter, they would levy an army for her deliverance. She re-
ceived the message, not without smiling, and answered them,
that it was true, she was brought thither against her will, but
was so kindly treated since, that she had little cause to complain
of the former injury. Thus was the messenger eluded; but
though they made haste to take off the reflection of the force by a
lawful marriage, there were still two obstacles in the way; one
was, that if she married whilst a prisoner, the marriage might
not be accounted good, and so easily dissolved. The other, how
to have the usual ceremonies observed, that the banns should be
published on three Lord's days, in the public congregations,
*< Of a marriage intended between James Hepburn and Mary
** Stewart; so that if any one knew a lawful impediment, why
" they might not be joined together in matrimony, they should
*' declare it, that so it might be judged of by the church." To
end these matters, Bothwell gathers his friends and dependents
together, resolving to bring back the queen to Edinburgh, that so
under a vain shew of her liberty, he might determine of their
marriage at his pleasure. His attendants were all armed, and as
they were on their journey, a fear seized on many of them, lest
one time or other it might turn to their prejudice, to hold the
queen still a prisoner; and if there were no other ground for it,
yet this was enough, that they accompanied her in an armed pos-
ture, when things were otherwise in peace and quietness. Upon
this scruple, they threw away all their spears, and so, in a seem-
ing more peaceable posture, they brought her to the castle of E-
diriburgh, which was then in Bothwell's power.

The next day they accompanied her into the city, and into the
conns of justice, where she affirmed before the judges, that .she
was wholly free, and under no restraint at all. But, as to pub-
lishing the marriage in the church, the reader whose office it was,
did absolutely refuse it. Upon this, the elder deacons and ecr
clesiastics assembled, at no. daring to resist, and commanded the

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 319

reader to publish the banns according to custom; he so far was
obedient as to tell them, that he himself knew a lawful impe-
diment, and was ready to declare it to the queen or to Bothwell,
when they pleased to command him. Accordingly he was sent
for to the castle, and the queen remitted him to Bothwell, who
neither by fear nor by favour could make him alter his purpose,
nor yet durst he commit the matter to a debate; yet he went on
to hasten the marriage. There was none found besides the bishop
of Orkney, to" celebrate the nuptials; he alone preferred court-
favour before truth, the rest being utterly against it, and produc-
ing reasons why it could be no lawful marriage with one who had
two wives yet living, and upon confessing his own* adultery, had.
been divorced from a third; yet though all good men lothed it,
the commonalty cursed it, relations by letters dissuaded it, whilst
he was prosecuting it, and abhorred it when it was done; there
were some public ceremonies performed' after a mock kind of
maimer, and married they were. Those of the nobility there pre-
sent (being very few, and those Bothwell's friends and creatures
too, the rest being gone to their homes) were invited to supper;
and so was Crocke the French ambassador ; but he, though he
was of the Guises' faction, and besides resided near V e place,
yet peremptorily refused to come. He thought it suited not with
the dignity of that person whom he represented, to countenance
that marriage by his presence, which he heard the common peo-
ple had detested and cursed; and besides, the queen's relations
did by no means approve it, neither whilst it was a doing, nor yet
when it was done. And the king of France and queen of Eng-
land, did, by their ambassadors, declare against the turpitude of
the action. Though that was troublesome to her, yet the silent
sadness of the people did so much the more aggravate the fierce
disposition of the queen, as things that we see with our own eyes
pierce us deeper, than things that we only hear. As they both
went through the city, none saluted them with their wonted ac-
clamations, only one said, and that but once, God save the queen ,-
upon which another woman near her spake aloud, ones or twice,
so that the standers-by might hear her, Let every body have their
deserts. That incident provoked her still much the more against
the citizens of Edinburgh, with whom she was angry before.
When she saw how disaffected people were to her, both at home
and abroad, she took advice with her cabal, how she might esta-
blish her power, and quell any insurrection for the future. First
of all, she determined to send an ambassador into France, to re-
concile those princes, and the Guises to her, who, she knew,
M-ere offended with her precipitate marriage. William bishop of
Dunbline was chosen for that service; his instructions were
given him almost in these very words:
Vol. II. S s

32© HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Eook XVIIL

« First, you shall excuse me to those princes, and to my un-
« cle, that they heard of the consummation of my marriage by
" vulgar report, before ever I had acquainted them with my in-
*< tentions by my own proper messengers. This excuse you shall
<« ground on the true narration of the whole life, and especially
" of the good offices of the duke of the Orcades, which he hath
« done me even to that very day, wherein I thought good to make
" him my husband. You shall begin the declaration of that
" Story, as the truth is, taking your rise from his very youth.
«< As soon as ever he came to be of age, after the death of his fa-
« ther, one of the prime noblemen of the kingdom, he wholly
" addicted himself to the service of the princes of this land, being
" otherwise of a very noble family, both by reason of its antiqui-
« ty, and also the high offices it held in the kingdom, as by he-
" reditary right. At that time he principally addicted himself to
" the service of my mother, who then held the sceptre, and was
« so constant an adherent to her, that though, in a very short
" time, a great many of the nobility, and many towns also had
« revolted from her, on the account of religion, yet he never
'.* faultered in his loyalty, neither could he be induced by any
" proffers, promises, or threats, nor by any loss of his particular
« estate, to make a defection in the least from her authority; nay,
" rather than neglect her service, he suffered his house, the
«.< mansion-house of the family, and all his goods, which were
" many and precious, to be plundered, and his estate made a
" prey to his enemies. At last, being destitute of our aid, and
« all other besides, an English army was brought by domestic
<c enemies into the very bowels of the kingdom, on purpose to
" inforce my husband (then earl of Bothwell) to leave his estate
"■ and country, and to retire to France; where he observed me
« with all respect, till my return to Scotland. Neither must his
« military exploits against the English be forgotten, a little be-
«« fore my return, wherein he gave such proof of his manly va-
« lour, and great prudence too, that he was thought worthy,
" though a young man, to command his superiors in age; so that
«f he was chosen chief general of the army of his countrymen,
" and my lieutenant, which office he discharged so well, that by
" many valiant performances, he left a noble memorial of his
« fortitude both amongst his enemies, and also his own coun-
'« trymen. After my return, he employed all his endeavours
" for the enlargement of my authority; he spared no danger in
« subduing the rebels upon the borders of England; where, hav-
" ing reduced things to great tranquillity, he resolved to do the
« same in other parts of the kingdom. But as envy is always the
« companion of virtue, the Scots still desiring innovations, and
" some of them willing to lessen my favour towards him, did so

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 32I

w ill interpret his good services, that they caused me to remit him
c* to prison; which I did, partly to gratify some, who envied the
« growth of his increasing greatness, and partly to allay the se-
«« ditious commotions, which were then ready to break out, to
u the destruction of the whole kingdom. He made his escape
'« out of prison, and to give way to the power of those who were
" emulous of his great virtues, he returned into France, and re-
'* sided there almost two year9 ; during which time the authors
" of the former seditions, forgetting my lenity towards them, and
" their duty towards me, took up arms, and led an army against
" me. Then it was I commanded him to return, I restored him
" to his former estate and dignity, and made him captain-general
" over all my forces. And then too it was, that his conduct re-
" stored me again so far to my authority, that all the rebels
" were quickly forced to turn fugitives, and seek shelter in Eng-
" land, till a great part of them, upon their most humble sub-
*' mission, wei-e received by me into favour. How perfidiously
f( I was treated by those exiles that returned, and by those whom
" I had obliged with greater courtesies than they deserved, my
" uncle is not ignorant, and therefore I need say little of it; yet
" must I not pass over in silence, with how great diligence he
<( freed me from the hands of those who held me captive; and
" how speedily, by his singular conduct, I escaped out of prison;
11 and the whole faction of conspirators being dissipated and
" crushed, I recovered my former authority. I must acknow-
'* ledge his services to have been so grateful to me on this head,
" that I could never suffer them to slip out of my memory.
" These things are really and truly great in themselves; yet he
'* hath made such an addition to them, by his unwearied diligence
" and anxious care in my behalf, that I could never expect
" greater marks of duty and loyalty in any man than I have
tc found in him, even till after the decease of the king my late
" husband. Since that time, as his thoughts seemed to grow
" more aspiring, and to have a higher aim, so his actions were
" somewhat now uncommon, bold and daring; and though the
" matter was come to that pass, that I was in a manner obliged
" to take all things in the best part, yet was I much offended with
" his arrogance, when he came to think it was beyond my ability
** to requite him any otherwise, than by giving up myself to him
** as a reward for his services; besides, I disliked his secret de-r
" signs against, and at length, his open contempt of me, and
" the force which he used to get me into his power, for fear his
" intents should be frustrated. In the mean time, the whole
" course of his life was so ordered, that it may stand as an ex-r
f* ample, how very craftily men that undertake gi-eat designs, can
" conceal their purposes till they obtain their ends. For I thought.

3 s 3

322 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII,

" that his diligence and promptitude in paying obedience to all
*' my commands, proceeded from no other motive, than a loyal
" desire to please me; it never so much as entered into my ima-
'« gination, that he had any higher wish or design; neither did
" I think, that a more gracious countenance, which I sometimes
" shew towards my nobles, to engage them to a greater readiness
" in obeying my commands, would have exalted his mind so far
*' as to flatter himself with the hopes of a more extraordinary
" courtesy from him; yet he, turning things that were even
<( merely accidental, to his own advantage, carried on these de-
*c signs unknown to me; and, by his wonted observance, main-
u tained the former good opinion which I had of him. He,
** moreover, courted the friendship of the nobility, as if he was
" privily ambitious of a new favour; and he was so sedulous in
" this point, that though I knew nothing of it, yet, when the
" convention of the estates was held, he obtained a chart from
€t all the nobility, subscribed with their hands, to make it more
*' authentic, wherein they declared their assent to a marriage be-
** twixt me and him, and promised to venture their lhes andfor-
" tunes to bring it to pass, and to be enemies to all thoss that
*c should oppose it. And the more easily to obtain the assent of
*( the nobles, he led each of them into a full persuasion, that all
*f these things were managed by my consent. When he had once
*< obtained this writing, he next endeavoured by degrees t« win
<( my consent, and sought it in the most humble manner; but
Cf my answer not suiting with his desire, he began to propound
" such things to himself, which are wont to occur in such great
" undertakings, as, the outward demonstration of my good will,
" the ways by which my friends, or his enemies, might hinder
*< his design; and lest any of those who had subscribed, should
" withdraw their assent, and many other things might intervene
" to obstruct his purposes. At length, he determined with him-
«* self, to pursue the favour of his present fortune, and to stake
« the whole business, his life and all his hopes upon the hazard
ts of one single moment; so that being resolved to execute his
<c design to the purpose, after lie had waited four days, as I was
« returning home from visiting my dear son, he watched a con-
" vepient place and time; and, on the way, seized me with a
** strong party of men, and carried me speedily to Dunbar.
«« Every one may very easily form a judgment how I took
*« this, especially from him, from whom I less expected such a
<* treatment, than from any subject whatsoever. There I up-
«« braided him with my favours towards him, and how honoura-
<( bly I had always spoken before of his manners and behaviour,
" and how ungratefully he had carried it towards me; I spoke a
« great many other things, to free myself out of his hands. His

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 323

" usage indeed was somewhat coarse, but his words were fair
« and smooth, as that he would use me with all honour and ob-
« servance, and would do his utmost not to offend me in any
t* thing j but as to his carrying me against my will, into one of
" my own castles, he craved my pardon for so bold an attempt,
« alleging he was forced by the power of love, so to do, and
" that his passion made him forget the reverence and allegiance
« which he owed me as a subject. He said farther, that he was
" compelled to go thither for fear of his life. Then he began to
" rehearse to me the whole course of his life, and lamented to
« me his misfortune, that those whom he had never offended,
" were his bitter enemies, and whose malice had devised all
" unjust ways to do him a mischief; what envious reflections
" were made upon him for the king's death, and how unable he
K was to bear up against the hidden conspiracy of those of his e-
" nemies, whom he knew not, because they pretended good-
" will towards him both in speech and behaviour; neither was
" he able to p; event those treacheries, which came not within
'* the compass of his own knowledge. Their malice against him
" was so great, that, at no time or place, he could live a quiet
u life, unless he was assured of my unchangeable favour towards
" him. And to assure that, he knew but one way, and that
'* was, that I would vouchsafe to make him my husband. Pie
" solemnly swore withal, that he did not seek it as the means of
" pre-eminence, or to be at the top and height of dignity, but
u this one thing was all he wanted, that he might be able to
" serve and obey me, as he had hitherto done, all the days of
" his life. He dressed up this discourse of his, in all the pomp
<c of eloquence that his cause could require. But when he found
" I was not to be wrought upon, either by prayers or promises,
" he, at last, shewed me what he had transacted with the nobility
" and all the estates, and what they had promised under their
'< hands. This being produced before me on a sudden, and be-
" yond my expectation, I leave it to the king, queen, my uncle,
" and the rest of my friends, whether it might not administer a
" just cause of amazement to me. Upon this, indeed, when 1
" saw myself in another man's power, separate from those that
«* were wont to give me counsel; nay, when I saw those persons,
" on whose fidelity and prudence I placed myself, and all my
" hopes, those persons whose power must confirm my authority,
" that otherwise could be little or none at all; I say, when I saw
" sueh men had devoted themselves to gratify his will and de-
" sire, and myself left alone as his prey, I pondered many things
" m my mind, but could noi: find out a way how to extricate
" myself; neither did he give me any long time to consider of
" the matter, but pressed his purpose with great eagerness. A:

3*4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

t( last when I saw I had no hope to escape, and that there was

ct not a man in the kingdom that would stir for my deliverance ;

" for I easily perceived by the roll he shewed me, and by the

'* great silence of the times, that all were drawn to his party.

" As soon as my anger was a little abated, I applied my mind to

" consider his request. Then I began to set before my eyes his

n services in former times, and the great hopes I had, he

*< would constantly persist in the same for the future*, and again,

** how hardly my subjects would endure a foreign prince, who

" was unacquainted with their laws, and that they would not

" suffer me to be a widow long; that a people, prone to tumults,

" could not be kept within the bounds of their duty, unless my

" authority was upheld and exercised by a man, who was able to

" undergo the toil of governing the commonwealth, and so to

<c bridle the insolence of the rebellious; that my strength was

« weakened with the weight of those things, ever since I came

*< into Scotland, and almost reduced to nothing; insomuch that

" I could no longer bear the daily tumults and rebellions that a-

f( rose. Furthermore, by reason of these seditions, I was forced

" to create four or more lieutenants, in divers parts of the king- '

tc dom ; most of which, under colour of the authority granted

" by me, caused my subjects take up arms against me. For

«* these reasons, when I saw, that if I would support my impe-

4t rial estate, I must incline my heart to marriage; and that my

({ subjects would not bear a foreign king; and that there was

« not one of my subjects, who, for the splendour of his family,

" for prudence and valour, and other endowments of body and

« mind, could exceed, or so much as bear a comparison with

t( him, whom I have now married; I prevailed with myself to

« comply with the universal decree of my estates, of which I

« made mention before. After my constancy was overborne by

*' these reasons, he, partly by force, partly by flattery, obtained

« a promise from me to marry him; which having done, I could

«c not obtain from him (who feared lest my mind should change)

" to put off the celebration of the nuptials, that I might have time

" to communicate the matter to the king and queen of France,

« and to my other friends beyond sea; but, as he began with .the

« utmost intrepidity and boldness, so that he might arrive at the

" top of his desires, he never gave over soliciting me by argu-

« ments and earnest intrcaties, till he at last compelled me, not

«« without force, to put an end to the matter begun, and that at

" such a time and way as he thought most convenient to his pur-

•*' pose. And upon this head, 1 cannot dissemble, but must

" needs say, that I was treated by him otherwise than I would,

** or than I had deserved of him; for he was more solicitous to

f( satisfy them, by whose consent, though extorted from thers

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 325

« at the beginning, he judges himself to have accomplished his
" desires (he having deceived them as well as myself) than to
" gratify me, by considering what was fit and creditable for me
" to do, who had been always brought up in the rites and insti-
" tutions of our religion, from which, neither he, nor any man
" living, shall ever turn or alter me. Though I acknowledge
" my error, yet I must confess, I much desire that the king, the
" queen his mother, my uncle, or other friends of mine, would
" not, in this point, expostulate with him, or rub up old sores.
" For now matters being so completed, that they cannot be un-
" done I take all things in the best part; and, as he is indeed
M my husband, I resolve now to look upon him as one that
" hereafter I will love and reverence; and they who profess
" themselves my friends, must needs carry the same respects
" to him, since now we are joined in the indissoluble bond of
u matrimony. Though in some things he carried himself some-
" thing negligently, and almost rashly, yet I impute it to his
" immoderate love towards me, and do therefore intreat the
" king, queen, my uncle, and other friends, to respect him as
" much, as if all had been managed by their advice, even to this
" very day; and, on the other side, we promise, in his behalf,
" that he will gratify them in all things, which they shall desire."
This was the remedy provided against the bad reports of the
world abroad; but they took precautions against domestic tu-
mults, after they had fixed those by gifts for the present, and
promises for the time to come, who were either perpetrators or
partizans in the king's murder, to make a combination of the
greater part of the nobility, because, if that was done, they might
undervalue the rest; or, if they remained obstinate,, cut them off.
Upon this, they assembled many of the nobility, and propounded
to them the heads of the capitulations which they were to swear:
The sum was, That they should maintain the queen and Both-
well, and support all their proceedings, who, on their part were
to favour and countenance the concerns and interest of those of
the confederates there present. A great many were psrsuaded
before, and so subscribed; the rest though they thought a very ill
thing to join in the conspiracy, yet they saw it was as dangerous
to refuse, and so they subscribed too. Murray was sent for, that
his authority (which his virtue had rendered very great and ex-
tensive) might give some countenance to the thing. As he was
on his journey, he was advised by his friends, to consult his own
safety, and not to lie in Seton house, where the queen and the
chief conspirators were, but rather to lodge in some friend's
house hard by. He answered, That was not in his power, but
come what would, he would never assent to any wicked action;
and he left all the rest to God. As to those courtiers who were

326 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

appointed by the queen, to debate with him about subscribing the
league, he made them this reply, « That he could not justly
" nor honestly make this league with the queen, (whom in all
" things else it was his duty to obey) that he was reconciled to
*• Bothwell, by the queen's mediation: Whatever he had then
« piomised, he would observe to a tittle; neither was it equitable
" or good for the commonwealth, that he should make another
i: league or combination with him, or any other man living."
The queen spoke to him more kindly than ordinary for some
days, and promised to tell him her mind in all things, yet she
could not speak out for shame, and therefore tried his mind by
her friends-, they also perceiving his constancy in that which was
right, openly confessed, what it was they desired: And when it
was plain that they could do no manner of good with him by
their underhand ways, Bothwell set upon him at last, and after
much discoure told him, That he did that fact not willingly, nor for
himself alone. He put on a kind of frowning countenance at
that word; upon which Bothwell having sometimes by serious
discourse, sometimes by terms that were the very next to down-
right railing, carried the matter as far as it would go, endeavour-
ed at last to throw in seeds of discord, and to urge him to a quar-
rel. He, on the contrary, answered with the utmost modera-
tor., and gave no just occasion for* a dispute, yet kept close to
Ins point, and did not depart in the least from his resolution,
n Murray had laboured under these straits for some days, he
asked leave of the queen, that since there was no great need of
him at court, he might have liberty to retire to St. Andrews or
into Murray; for he was willing to go out of the way, that he
might not be suspected to be the author of the tumults which he
foresaw would arise. When he could not obtain that, nor yet
remain at court without great and apparent danger, he at last got
leave to travel, but upon condition, that he should not make any
stay in England, but go through Flanders either into Germany,
or to" what other place he pleased. To go to Flanders, was all
one as to cast himself into evident danger, and therefore with
much ado, he obtained leave to pass through England into France,
and from thence whither his own choice should lead him. 'J he
queen being thus freed from a free hearted and popular person,
endeavours to remove the other obstacles to her tyranny; and
those were such, as would not willingly subscribe to her wicked-
ness, or were not like to acquiesce .very easily in her designs.
But she had a particular resentment against those, who perceiving
her to be no better affected towards her son than towards her
former husband, made an association at Stirling, not out of any
wicked design, but merely in order to defend the young prince
whom his mother desired to place under the power of his. f ather-

Book XVIIL history of Scotland. 327

in-law. As for him, every body knew that he would make a-
way with the child, as soon as ever he had an opportunity ol do-
ing it, for fear he should live to revenge his father's death, or at
least to prevent his own children from the crown. The chief of.
that combination were the earls of Argyle, Morton, Marr, Ath-
ol, and Glencairn; besides others of the same order, but next in
degree; as Patrick Lindsay, and Robert Boyd, with their friends
and partners, who had joined themselves to them. But Argyle
out of the same levity of temper with which he came in to them
discovered their designs to the queen, within a day or two fol-
lowing; and Boyd was by large promises wrought over to the
contrary party. Next to these she suspected the families of the
Humes, the Kefs, and the Scots, who lived just upon the borders
of England: She sought by all means to lessen their poWer, and
there appeared a pretty just occasion to second her designs in
that point. For when Bothwell was preparing an expedition in-
to Liddisdale, to make amends for the disgrace he had received
there the autumn before; and likewise to get some reputation
by his arms, and to extinguish the envy heaped upon him on ac-
count of the king's death; the queen commanded all the chiefs
of the families in Teviotdale to come into the castle of Edinburgh,
that there for some short time they might be secure, as in free
custody; upon pretence, that they might not be led into an ex-
pedition, which did not seem likely to be successfully enterprised
by them against their will; and they also, if at liberty, might dis-
turb the design out of envy, and in their absence she might inure
the clans to the government of others; and so, by degrees, wear
off the love of their old patrons and masters. But they imagin-
ing that some deeper project lay hid under that command, went
all home in the night, except Andrew Ker, who was generally
thought to be no stranger, to the parricide, and, Walter
Ker of Cesford, a man that by reason of his innocent life, sus-
pected nothing. Hume, though often summoned by Bothwell
to come to court, as often refused the summons, as knowing how
he stood affected towards him: yet notwithstanding the design
for the expedition proceeded, and the queen staid at Borthwick
castle about eight miles from Edinburgh. In the mean time,
they who had united to defend the prince, being not ignorant of
Bothwell's intentions towards them, thought it necessary to pro-
ceed to action, not only for their own security, but also, that by
demanding justice upon the author of the king's murder, they
might acquit the Scots name from the infamy under which it lay
amongst foreign nations. And therefore, supposing the common
people would follow their motions, they privately levied about
2000 horse; so that the queen knew nothing of what was acted,
rill Hume came to Borthwick castle, with part ui' the armYj and b :
VoL II. T t

328 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. B0O1C XVI11.

sieged her and Bothwell together. But the other part of the con-
spirators not coming in at the time appointed, and he having not
force enough to stop all passages, and not being so active himself
cither, as he might have been, because the rest had neglected
their parts; first, Bothvvell made his escape, and after him the
queen in man's apparel, and went directly to Dunbar. Athol
was the occasion why his associates did not come in time enough;
for he, either amazed at the greatness of the undertaking, or held
back by his own sluggish temper, kept the rest at Stirling, till the
opportunity of the service was lost; yet that they might seem to
have done something, a great part of them were sent to besiege
Edinburgh. James Balfour was governor of the castle thei-e, put
in by Bothwell, as being a partner in the parricide, and author
of, or else privy to all his designs; but when he saw he had no
pay for his service, and was not so well respected by the tyrants
as he expected (for they had endeavoured to take away the com-
mand from him) he drove out those of the contrary faction, and
brought the castle under his sole dominion; he then promised the
public vindicators of the parricide, that he would do them no
hurt, and was treating of conditions how to deliver it up. There
were at that time in the town the principal of the queen's fac-
tion, John Hamilton the archbishop of St. Andrews, George
Gordon earl of Huntly, and John Lesly bishop of Ross. They
having intelligence, that their enemies were received into the
town, flew to the town house, and there gathering together a
multitude of people, they offered to head them, and drive out
their foes; but very few coming in to them, they were driven
back to the castle; they were received into it by Balfour, and a
few days after were sent away safe a by-way. For Balfour, hav-
ing not yet fully agreed with the other side, would not then cut
off all his hopes of pardon from those of his party. The town
easily came into the combination, for it had been burdened a little
before with new taxes from the queen; and in the public neces-
sity they expected no moderation from her party, and were una-
nimously offended with her tyranny; nay, as often as they had li-
berty to express their sentiments, they cursed the court wicked-
ness with the most furious execrations.

Matters being thus slowly carried on by the faction of the no-
bles at Borthwick, the queen and Bothwell, by the "neglect of the
guards, escaped by night, and with a small retinue came to Dun-
bar, where they had a well fortified castle to secure themselves in ;
hence there followed so great a turn of affairs, that they who
were lately in great despair, did now, by the flocking in of those
to them who were either partners in their evils, or else liking the
umbrage of the royal name, grew strong enough, as they
thought, to cope with and subdue their adversaries. On the o-

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 329

ther side, the vindicators of liberty were driven to gi-eat straits;
for, to their great disappointment, there were but a few came
in to so renowned an undertaking; the heat of the vulgar, as is
usual, quickly abating, and a great part of the nobility being very
averse, or at least standing aloof off, expecting the issue of the
other's danger: besides, though they were superior in number,
yet they wanted artillery to take the castles. Therefore as they
perceived their counsels would at present come to no issue, and
that necessity lay against them, they thought to return without
effecting any thing. But the queen decided their doubts, for
she taking courage from the numbers she had, resolved already
to march with them for Leith, and try her fortune near at hand;
imagining also, that her approach would make many more come
in to her, and increase her force, and that her boldness would
strike terror into her enemies ; besides, the success which she had
met with before, had so elated her spirit, that she thought hard-
ly any man would at this time make any stand, or dare to look her
in the face. This confidence of hers was very much heightened
by her flatterers, and especially by Edmund Hayes, a lawyer; he
told her, that all things lay open to her valour, that her enemies
wanted force, and were at their wits end, and at the very first
noise of her approach, would be for making offas fast as they
could. Whereas indeed the matter was far otherwise, and in
those present circumstances, nothing had been better for her than
delay; for if she had kept herself in the castle of Dunbar but three
days longer, the assertors of liberty being destitute of all prepara-
tions for a war, and finding they had attempted their liberty in
vain, must have been forced to depart every one to his own
house. However, excited by these bad counsels, and animated
with vain and groundless hopes, she marched from Dunbar, yet
she marched slowly, because she distributed arms among the
countrymen, whom she gathered up by the way. At length, a
little before night, they came to Seton, and because they could
not be quartered there, they divided their number into two neigh-
bouring villages, both called Preston. From thence a dreadful
alarm was brought to Edinburgh before midnight, and presently
the word was given, To your arms. They rose out of their beds,
and made all the haste they could into the neighbouring fields,
and there having gathered a good body together by sun-rising,
they put themselves in order of battle; thence they marched to
Musselburgh, to pass the river Esk, before the bridge and ford
were possessed by the enemy, (that village is but two miles from
Preston) but meeting no body, aiid perceiving no noise at all,
they placed guards and centinels, and went to their quarters of
refreshment. In the mean time, the scouts which were sent to
watch the motioni of the enemy, seeing a few horsemen, <\xo\q

Tt2

33° histWy of Scotland. Book XVIII.

them into die village, !put did not dare to follow them further,
for fear of falling into jirf ambuscade; so that they brought back
no certain news of the army, only that the enemy was upon their
march. Upon that, *the assertors of liberty marching out of
Musselburgh, saw the enemy standing in battle-array, upon the
brow of an hill over-against them, and that they kept their
ground. The hill being so steep, that they could not come at
them without prejudice, they drew a little to the right, both to
have the sun on their backs, and likewise to gain an easier ascent,
and to fight upon a more advantageous ground. That design of
theirs deceived the queen, for she thought they had fled, and
were marching to Dalkeith, a neighbouring town of the earl of
Morton's; she was fully persuaded, that the terror of her royal
name was so great, that they durst not stand; but she quickly
found, that authority, as it is gotten by good arts, so may be quickly
lost by bad ; and that majesty, destitute of virtue, ts soon brought to
nothing. In their march the people of Dalkeith brought them
forth all manner of provisions in abundance. When they had
refreshed themselves, and quenched their thirst, which annoyed
them very much before, as soon as ever they got a convenient
place, they divided their army into two bodies; Morton com-
manded the first, assisted by Alexander Hume and his vassals;
the second was led by the earls of Glencairn, Marr, and Athol.
When they were thus ready to charge, Crock the French ambas-
sador came to them; he prefaced to them by an interpreter, how
he had always studied the good and tranquillity of the Scots, and
that he was now of the same mind, and therefore he earnestly de-
sired, if possible, that the controversy might be decided to the
satisfaction of both parties, without force or bloodshed; and, in
order to bring about so desirable an end, he offered his service,
alleging, that the queen herself likewise was not averse from
peace; and, that he might incline them to believe it, he told
them, she would grant a present pardon, and a general oblivion
of what was done, and she faithfully promised, that they should
all be indemnified for taking up arms against the supreme magi-
strate. When Mr. Crock's interpreter had spoken to this effect,
Morton answered, " That they had not taken up arms against
*' the queen, but against the murderer of the late king, and that
*< if she would deliver him up to punishment, or separate herself
«« from him, then she should understand, that they and their fel-
*' low subjects desired nothing more than to persevere in their du-
** ty to her; but that otherwise, no agreement could be made."
Okucairn added, " That they came not thither to receive par-
11 don for taking up arms, but to give it." Crock seeing their
resolution, and knowing well, that whrt they spoke was true,
and what they desired was just, begged leave to depart, and so

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 33 1

went to Edinburgh. In the mean time the queen's army kept it-
self within the ancient camp-bounds of the English; it was a
place naturally higher than the rest, and besides, fortified with a
work and ditch; from whence Bothwell shewed himself, mount-
ed on a brave steed, and proclaimed by an herald, that he was
ready to fight a duel with any one of the adverse party. James
Murray, a noble young man, offered himself from the other
•army ; he had done the same before by a chartel, but suppressed
his name, (as I said before); Bothwell refused him, alleging,
that he was not a fit match for him, either in dignity or estate.
Then came forth William Murray, James's elder brother, affirm-
ing, that, laying aside money-matters, he was as powerful as
Bothwell, and even his superior in antiquity of family, and the
integrity of repute. He too was refused, as being but lately
made a knight, and of the second rank; many of the first rank
offered themselves, especially Patrick Lindsay; he truly desired
it, as the only reward of all the labours which he had undergone
to maintain the honour of Scotland, that he might be permitted
to fight with Bothwell. Bothwell excepted against him too ; and,
not knowing how to come off with credit, the queen interposed
her authority, and, forbidding him to fight, put an end to the
controversy. Then marching through the army on horse-back,
she tried how all stood affected. Bothwell's friends and relations
were forward for the fight; but the rest told her, that there were
many brave soldiers in the adverse army, who being well exercised
in arms, would render the hazard of a fight very dangerous; as for
themselves, they were ready; but the commonalty, of which they
had a great many, were averse from the cause: and therefore it
was much fitter, that Bothwell himself should maintain his own
cause in a duel, than that he should expose so many brave men,
and especially the queen herself, to so great a hazard; but if she
was fully resolved to fight, yet it was best to defer it till the next
morning: for it was said that the Hamiltons were a coming with
500 horse, and that they were not far off; that when they were
joined by their forces, they might then more safely advise about
the main matter; for, at that time, the earl of Kv.ntly, and John
Hamilton archbishop of St. Andrews, had gathered their clans
together to Hamilton, and the day after were coming to the
queen. Upon this she bit her lips with anger, and fell a weep-
ing, uttering many reproaches against the nobles, and sent a mes-
senger to the opposite army, desiring, that they M'ould send
William Kirkaldy of Grange to her, that she would speak with
him about conditions of peace, and that, in the mean time, the
army should not advance; neither did the army of the assertors of
liberty proceed, but they stood near, and in a low place, so that
the enemy's ordnr.nce could not annoy them. Whilst the queen

332 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

was conferring with Kirkaldy, Bothwell was bid to shift for him-
self, (for that was it which she aimed at, by pretending a confer-
ence), whose fears made him fly with so much haste to Dunbar,
that he commanded two horsemen, who accompanied him, to re-
turn back again. Such a load of guilt lay upon his mind, that he
could not trust his own friends. The queen, when she thought
he was out of danger, articled with Kirkaldy, that the rest of her
army should pass quietly home, and so she came with him to the
nobles, clothed only with a tunicle, and a mean and thread-bare
one too, reaching but a little below her knees. She was received
by the van of the army, not without demonstration of their for-
mer reverence; but when she desired they would dismiss her to
meet the Hamiltons, who were said to be coming on, promising
to return again, and commanded Morton to undertake, that she
would be as good as her word, (for she hoped by fair promises,
to do whatever she would) when she could not obtain it, she burst
out into all the bitterness of language, and upbraided the com-
manders with what she had done for them-, they too heard her
with silence. But when she came to the second body, there was
an unanimous cry from them all; Bum the whore, burn the parri-
cide. King Henry was painted in one of the banners, dead,
and his little son by him, crying out for vengeance from God up-
on the murderers. That banner two soldiers stretched out be-
twixt two pikes, and set before her eyes wheresoever she went;
at this sight she swooned, and could scarce be kept upon her
horse; but recovering herself, she remitted nothing of her former
fierceness, uttering threats and reproaches, shedding tears, and
shewing all the other tokens that accompany a woman's grief. In
her march she made what delay she could, expecting ii any aid
might come from elsewhere: but one of the company cried out,
there was no reason she should expect the Hamiltons, for there
was not an armed man within many miles of the place. At last,
a little before night, she entered Edinburgh, her face being co-
vered with dust and tears, as if dirt had been thrown upon it; all
the people running out to see the spectacle, she parsed through a
great part of the city in great silence, the multitude leaving her
so narrow a passage, that scarce one could go a-breast; when she
was going up to her lodging, one woman of the company prayed
for her; but she turning to the people, told them, besides other
threatening words, that she would burn the city, and quench the
fire with the blood of the perfidious citizens. When she shewed
herself weeping out of the window, and a great concourse of
people was made, amongst whom some commiserated her sud-
den change of fortune; the former banner was held out to her,
upon which she shut the window, and withdrew. When she had
staid there two daya, she was sent prisoner by the order of the

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 333

nobles, to a castle situated in Lochlevin; for Edinburgh castle
was yet held by Balfour, who, though he favoured the assertors
of liberty, had not however made any conditions for the surren-
der of the castle.

In the mean time, the bishop of Dunblane, who was sent am-
bassador into France, to excuse the queen's marriage, being igno-
rant of all that Mas done in Scotland after his departure, came to
that court at the time, whilst these last transactions were on foot,
and obtained a day for audience. The very same day in the
morning there came two letters to the king and his mother, one
from Crock his ambassador, another from Ninian Cockburn a
Scot, who had served as captain of horse some years in France;
both of them discovered the present posture of affairs in Scot-
land. The Scots ambassador being admitted to the king's pre-
sence, made a long and accurate speech, partly to excuse the
queen's marriage, without the advice of her friends; partly to
commend Bothwell to the skies, beyond all truth and reason.
The queen of France interrupted the vain man, and shewed him
the letters she had received from Scotland; how that the queen
was a captive, and Bothwell was fled; he was astonished at the
sudden ill news, and fell into a profound silence: They who
were present, partly frowned, and partly smiled at this unlooked
for accident; and there were none of them all but thought she
suffered deservedly.

About the same time, Bothwell sent one of his most trusty ser-
vants into the castle of Edinburgh, to bring him a silver cabinet,
which once belonged to Francis king of France, as appeared by
the cyphers on the outside, in which were found letters, almost
all of them, written in the queen's own hand. By these the
king's murder, and the things which followed, were clearly dis-
covered, and it was particularly mentioned in almost all of them
that he should burn them as soon as ever he had read them.
But Bothwell knowing the queen's inconstancy, as having had
many evident examples of it in a few years, had preserved the
letters; that so, if any difference should happen betwixt him and
her, he might use them as testimonials for himself, and demon-
strate by them, that he was not the author, but only a party in
the king's murder. Balfour delivered this cabinet to Bothwell's
servant, but withal, he informed the chiefs of the adverse party,
what he had sent, whither, and by whom; upon which they
took him, and found great and mighty matter* contained in the
letters, which though before shrewdly suspected, yet could never
so clearly be made out; but here the whole wicked plot was
plainly, exposed to view. Bothwell not succeeding in any of his
affairs, and being destitute of all help, and out of all hopes of re-
covering the kingdom, fled first to the Orcadcs, then to the isles

334 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

of Scotland j and there being reduced to extreme want, he beg»in
to play the pirate. In the interim, many dealt with, and desired
the queen to separate her cause from Bothwell's; (for, if he was
.punished, she might easily be restored with the good-will of all
her subjects): But the fierce woman, bearing as yet the spirit of
her former fortune, and enraged with her present troubles, an-
swered, That she would rather live with him in the utmost adversity,
than without him in the most royal condition. Various were the
thoughts of the nobles upon this important head: Those who
were for revenging the bloody deed, hoped that as soon as ever
their intentions should take air, and be publicly known, the great-
er part, if not all, would yield them their approbation, and even
concur with them in so famous and so glorious a purpose: But it
fell out far otherwise, for popular envy being abated, partly by
space of time, and partly by the consideration of the un-
certainty of human affairs, was turned into commiseration;,
nay, some of the nobility did then no less bewail the queen's
calamity, than they had before execrated her cruelty, both
which they did, rather out of an inconstancy of temper,
than out of any propense affection to either side: Hence it too
evidently appeared, that they did not seek the public tranquillity,
but rather fished for their own private advantage in those troub-
led waters: Many on the other hand, wished for peace and quiet-
ness, and they weighed within themselves, which party was
strongest, and so were inclined to side with the most powerful.
Their faction was thought to be the strongest, who either con-
sented to the murder, or else, in obsequiousness to the queen,
subscribed to their impious deed after it was committed: The
chief of those came into Hamilton, and being very strong, would
receive neither letters nor messengers from the contrary party, in
order to an accommodation; neither were they sparing in their
reproaches, but upbraided them with all the calumny of language;
and they were so much the more enraged, because the greatest
part of the nobles, who respected rather the blasts of fortune,
than the equity of the cause, did not come in to the vindicators;
for they that were not against them, they concluded were for
them. Besides, they esteemed it a piece of vain-glory, that the
vindicators should enter before them into the metropolis of the
kingdom, and from thence send for them, who were the greater
and more powerful in numbers. The other party, though they
had not imperiously commanded, but only humbly requested
them; yet, to take away the least colour of arrogance that might
be imputed to them, they prevailed with the ministers of the
churches, to write jointly to them all, and severally to each in par-
ticular, that they should not be wanting to the public peace, in so
reus and critical a juncture; but setting aside private ani-

Book XVIII. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 335

mosities, they should consult what was most expedient for the
public good. These letters did no more good with the contrary-
faction, than those of the nobles before; they all making the
same excuses, as if it had been purposely so agreed between them.
Afterwards the queen's faction met together in many places, and
finding no means to accomplish their designs, they all slipped off,
and dispersed several ways. In the mean time, the revengers of
the public parricide dealt with the queen (whom they could not
separate from the concerns of the murderers) to resign up her
government, upon pretence of sickness, or any other specious al-
legation, and to commit the care of her son, and the administra-
tion of public affairs, to which of the nobles she pleased. At
last with much ado, she appointed as governors to the child,
James earl of Murray, if, upon his return home, he did not refuse
the charge, James duke of Chatelherault, Matthew earl of Lennox,
Gilespy earl of Argyle, John earl of Athol, James earl of Morton,
Alexander earl of Glencairn, and John carl of Marr. Moreover,
they sent proxies to see the king placed in his royal throne, and
so to enter on the government, either at Stirling, or any other
place, if they thought fit. This happened on the 25th of July,
in the year of our Lord 1567. A little before which day, James-
earl of Murray, hearing how matters went at home, returned
through France, and was pretty nobly entertained at court; yet
so, that Hamilton (whose faction the Guises knew, were more in-
timately affected towards them) was far better received, which
was occasioned chiefly by the Guises, wTio were averse to all
Murray's designs. After he was dismissed, the archbishop of
Glasgow, who called himself the queen of Scots' ambassador,
told the court, that James, though absent, yet was the chief of the
faction; and as in former times, all things were acted by his iu-
ihience, so now he was sent for, as an head to the body of them.
Hereupon, some were sent after him to bring him back; but he,
having had proper precautions from his friends, had set sail from
the haven of Dieppe, where he was before the king's letters came,
and arriving in England, was honourably entertained by persons
of all ranks and degrees, and so sent home. There he was re-
ceived with the highest congratulation and joy of all the people,
especially of those who were revengers of the murder, and they
all earnestly desired hirh to undertake the government, whilst the
king his sister's son, was yet a child; for that he alone was able
to manage that great trust with the least envy, because of his
propinquity in blood, his known valour in many dangers, his
great popularity grounded on his deserts; and what was still
more, it was the desire of the queen herself. He, though he
knew what they spoke -was true, yet desired a few days for delibera-
tion, before he gave in his answer. In the mean time, he v
Vol. il. U u

33^ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XVIII.

earnestly to the heads of the other faction, and chiefly to Ar-
gyle, as being his relation, and one, whom he was mighty loth
to offend for old acquaintance sake; he told him in what
posture things were, and what the infant king's party had de-
sired of him and therefore he intreated of him, by their nearness
of blood, by their ancient friendship, and by the common safe-
ty of their country, that he would give him opportunity to
speak with him, that so, by his assistance, himself and their
country might be delivered out of the present difficulties. He
also wrote to the rest, according to every one's place and interest;
and he desired of them all in general, that since matters were
in such confusion, that there was no likelihood of coming
to any solid settlement without a chief magistrate, that
they should all agree to meet together, as soon as might be,
in a place which they should judge most convenient, and so
by common consent settle the public affairs, and the admi-
nistration. But being unable to obtain a meeting from the one
faction, or to procure any longer delay of a convention from the
other, he was at length, with the unanimous consent of all pre-
sent, elected Regent.

James VI. the hundredth and eighth king.

ON the 29th of August, after an excellent sermon made by
John Knox, James VI. of that name, began his reign;
James earl of Morton and Alexander Hume, took the oath for
him, that he would observe the laws: They also promised in his
name, that he would observe that doctrine, and those rites of
religion, which were then publicly taught and practised, and
oppose the contrary. Not many days after, Hamilton's parti-
sans began to murmur, that a few persons, and those none of
(he most powerful either, had, without their consent, and
contrary to their expectation, grasped all things into their
own hands: When they had tried all the nobility one by one,
they found few of their opinion, besides those who first came
in to them, for many chose rather to be spectators than ac-
tors of What was done. At length they wrote to the roy-
alists, that Argyle was ready to give a meeting, to confer with
the earl of Murray. These letters being directed to the earl
of Murray, without any higher title of honour, were, by the
council's advice, rejected, and the messenger dismissed, in ef-
fect, without an answer. But Argyle, knowing that he had
offended m superscribing his letters, and trusting to the fide-
lity of the regent, with a few of the chief of his faction

Book XVIII.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

337

came to Edinburgh; where, after he was fully satisfied, that
it was not out of any slight to those noblemen who were
absent, but mere absolute necessity, which had caused them
to make such haste in settling a chief magistrate, he came
in a few days to the public convention of the estates.

UU2

(A. C. 1567.;

THE

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND.

>e«e©l<^!@««6<=

BOOK XIX.

VV hen the king was recognized, and the power of the regent
almost settled, there was some quiet, some respite from force and
arms, but the peace stood but upon a ticklish and tottering foun-
dation: Men's minds were yet in a ferment, and their indigna-
tion, which they could not hide, seemed to portend some sud-
den mischief. In this great uncertainty of affairs, all men's
thoughts and eyes were turned and fixed upon what the ensuing
parliament would do. The time of its sitting was the 25th of
August, where the assembly was so numerous, that no man ever
before remembered such a concourse. There the authority of
the regent was confirmed, but they differed in their opinions a-
bout the queen; for it appearing by many testimonies and proofs,
especially by her own letters to Bothwell, that the whole plot of
the bloody deed was laid by her: Some moved with the heinous-
liess of the crime, and others, who had been privy to it by her
in order to remove her testimony out of the way, lest they them-
selves should be punished as accessaries to so odious a crime,

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 339

voted, that she should suffer the utmost extremity of the
law; but the majority, agreed that she should be only sen-
tenced to an imprisonment. After the parliament rose, the
winter was spent In settling judicatories, and punishing de-
linquents. The ambassadors of the French and English had
audience; they both desired to see the queen; but she be-
ing a prisoner, on a public account, it was denied them.
None but Bothwell was then in arms; upon which, some were
sent with a navy to catch him as he was committing acts of piracy
near the Orcades, and the isles of Shetland. The public stock
was then at so low an ebb, that they were forced to borrow mo-
ney of James Douglas, earl of Morton, to rig and lit out the na-
vy; s,o that his private purse, at that time, bore the burden of the
public charge. Bothwell was there in a maimer secure, both be-
cause of the rigour of the weather, and the winter tempests then
raging in those seas, which made them inaccessible for a fleet; as
also, because he knew the treasury, which he himself had exhaust-
ed, could not afford money to fit one out; so that he was very near
being surprised by the sudden coming of William Kirkaldy of
Grange, who commanded the fleet. Some of his company were
taken, but he himself escaped, with a few on the opposite side of
the island amongst the shallows and fords, where great ships
could not follow, and so sailed to Denmark. When he came
there, not being able to give a good account from whence he
came, nor whither he was bound, he was taken into custodv,
and afterwards, Being known by some merchants, he was clapped
up close prisoner; and after a lothsome imprisonment for the
space of ten years, that, and other miseries, made him distract-
ed; and thus he came to a most ignominious death, suitable to
his vile and wicked course of life.

At the beginning of the next spring, the regent determined to
make a progress over the whole kingdom to settle courts of jus-
tice there, in order to repair and amend what went quite the
wrong way, as well as what was just upon the point of being
turned into a wrong channel, by the tumults of some preceding
years. This proceeding of his was variously interpreted, accord-
ing to men's several humours and dispositions. The adverse fac-
tion declaimed every where against the regent's severity, or, as
they phrased it, cruelty; which was indeed dreadful enough to
those persons, who by reason of the greatness of their offences,
could not endure to be regulated by the law, because thev hail
been habituated and bred up to licentiousness in former times.
But, if the queen were but at liberty, some of them had rewards,
others impunity, in their eye; by which means many were drawn
in to the contrary faction; nay, some of those too, who had
reived as instruments in apprehending her,

340 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. . Book XIX.

Maitland was as great an enemy to Bothwell (whom he looked
upon as a vile and mischievous man, and one that would cut his
throat) as he was a favourer of the queen's affairs; and because he
had no hopes of overthrowing him, as long as the queen was alive,
therefore in parliament he inclined to that side that would have
had her punished according to law. James Balfour was in the
like case, as imagining Bothwell to be his implacable enemy,
though neither of them was thought innocent in the matter of the
king's death. But when Bothwell was taken, and kept prisoner
in Denmark, they then applied their thoughts wholly to the deli-
verance of the queen; not only because they hoped for an impuni-
ty of their common crime more easily from her; but also because
they thought, she that had made away with her husband would do
but little better with her son, who'-e infancy, and the shadow of
whose royal name was that alone which kept her from the throne;
but besides, they judged it also for their own security, for fear
the son should come to the kingdom, and be the revenger of his
father's death. Besides, there were no obscure conjectures, that
the queen's mind was not mightily set against such an attempt ;
for she was often heard to say, the child was not so long-lived ;
and that a skilful astrologer had told her at Paris, that her first
child would not live above a year, and (it is thought) that she her-
self came once to Stirling with the same hopes, intending to
bring the child with her to Edinburgh. That suspicion caused
John Erskine, governor of the castle, not to suffer the child to be
taken out of his hands; and made a great part of the nobility like-
wise, then met at Stirling, associate themselves by oath, to main-
tain the said young prince in safety.

Moreover, the Hamiltons were, might and main, for freeing
the queen; because if her son could but be removed out of the
way by her means, they would then be themselves one degree near-
er to the crown ; and after that, it would be no hard task to take
her off into the bargain, because she was hated by every body for
her crimes; and having once been stopped in her tyranny, would af-
terwards let forth the reins looser, and more impetuously to cruelty.
Argyle ami Huntly, of which the one had a mother, the other a
wife, of the family of the Hamiltons, cherished their hopes, and
wished them good success, but they had also proper reasons of
their own to incline them so to do; because neither of them was
judged to be wholly ignorant, or guiltless, of the queen's crimes;
besides, William Murray of Tullibardine, being quite averse to
the regent, both by reason of his different opinion in point of reli-
giottj and likewise his having a private grudge against him, though
iie had been highly serviceable in taking the queen ; yet did not

■ revolt from the royal party himself, but drew a great many
ox hr: friends along with him too, upon the proposal of no small

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLANB. 34 1

rewards. These were the principals in delivering the queen-, there
were many others also that fell in with their party, whom either
domestic necessity, private grudges, desire of revenge, hope of
bettering their fortune, or else propinquity or obligation to those
above named, engaged to that side.

In this troublesome state of affairs, the regent was equally un-
moveable against the intreaties of his friends, and the threats of
his enemies, though by the public libels, which they posted up
and down he very well knew the cause of their hatred, and their
desire of revenge. And though some astrologers, not unacquaint-
ed with the plots designed against him, had foretold, that he
would not live beyond such a day ; yet he persisted in his pur-
pose, often saying, "That he knew well enough he must die one
« time or other ; and that he could not part with his life more
" nobly or creditably, than by procuring the public tranquillity of
« his native country." And therefore, first he summoned a
convention of the estates at Glasgow, to which place the Lennox
men, the people of Renfrew and Clydesdale were commanded to
come, and whilst he was busied there, in the administration of
justice, and in the punishment of offenders, the plot that had
been so long in agitation, for the deliverance of the queen, took
effect. The manner of it was this: Within the castle where the
queen was kept in Lochlevin, there were the regent's mother,
three brothers of his by another father, and abundance of other
women-, yet none were admitted to visit the queen, but such as
were well known; or else, that came by the regent's order. Out
of these domestic attendants, the queen made choice of George
Douglas as fittest for her purpose; he was the regent's younge-t
brother, a young man, ingenious enough, and by reason of his
age, apt to be imposed upon by female enticements. He being-
something familiar with her, on pretence to attend her in such
sports, as courts at idle times refresh themselves withal, under-
took to corrupt some of the common servants of the castle, by
gifts and promises; and she having intrusted the management of
that point to him, would not deny any thing to such a person,
from whom she expected her liberty. George then having a pro-
mise of indemnity from her himself and his partizans, and being ex-
cited with the hopes of great wealth and power for his assistance,
not without the consent of his mother (as was verily thought')
acted all that ever he could to bring the thing about?. And though
some persons smelled the design, and acquainted the regent with
it, yet he put such a confidence in those he had placed there, that
he changed none of the old guard, only George himself was com-
manded out of the island; upon that, he departed to the next vil-
lage on the end of the loch; where, having befbre corrupted the
officers of the castle with monev, he had in a manner a freei

342 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

communication with the queen by letters than before; and now
truly there were not only those Scots admitted to a partnership in
the plot, who were discontented at the present state of things,
but the French were associated too by James Hamilton, who had
been regent some years before; and by James Beaton, archbishop
of Glasgow. The Scots, it seems, were to do the work, and the
French to pay the wages.

About the end of April, an ambassador came from France, and
in the name of his king, desired leave to visit the queen, which,
if he did not obtain, he pretended he would presently depart.
The regent told him, it was not in his power; that the queen was
not made prisoner by him, neither could he determine any thing
in the case, without advising with those who had first committed
her, and with others who had afterwards confirmed by an act of
■parliament what was done; nevertheless he would gratify his sis-
ter, and the king his ally, in what he could, and would call art
assembly of the nobles, the 20th of the next month in order
to that end. With that answer the ambassador was somewhat
pacified, and the regent went on in his courts of judicatory;
whereupon the queen having bribed the master of a vessel, her
other companions being sent about trifling errands, was brought
out of the loch. Her escape being told to those that Were then at
dinner in the castle, they made a great stir, but to little purpose ;
for all the boats were hawled ashore, and their loop-holes, to put
out their oars, were all stopped up, so that no speedy pursuit
could be made. There were horsemen expecting the queen on
the other side of the loch, who carried her to the several houses
of the partisans in the design, and the day after, which was May
3d, she came to Hamilton, a town eleven miles distant from
Glasgow. When the thing was noised abroad, many came in to
her, some distrusting the king's party, which they looked upon
as not very strong; others in hope of favour from the queen; and
some in confidence of a reward for their old services in this tumult,
discovered their minds; and part of them having obtained par-
don for what was past, expecting the event of fortune, were but
loose adherents to the regent. The defection of others was not so
much wondered at, but the revolt of Robert Boyd, who till that
very day had obtained a great opinion for his constancy, afforded
matter of discourse; he being brought up on the ruins of a noble-
family (as I said before in the life of king James III.) parsimoni-
ously and meanly under his father, a valiant man, and a mighty
lover of the ancient frugality, followed the same course of life as
the rest of his relations did'; that is to say, he applied himself to
richer families in order to repair his own, and to restore this no-
ble house, that was so lately flourishing, but now decaying, to its
ancient estate and dignity. For this end his father and he first

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 343

applied themselves to the Hamiltons, who were then uppermost.
And when their regency was at an end, and the chief magistracy
settled in the queen-dowager, and controversies about religion
began to rise, he joined in with the reformers, to whom his father
bore a mortal aversion. That faction was accounted the most po-
tent, to that he adhered till the queen's coming out of Fiance ;
nay, he grew very renowned for his constancy, fortitude and
prudence ; and Gilespy earl of Argyle was so far taken with him,
that he would scarce do any one thing without his advice. How-
ever, when some of the nobles had associated at Stirling, not for
any treasonable project, but only to defend the king, he indeed
subscribed the league too; but then, both he -himself, and Ar-
gyle, who was guided by his counsel, shewed a great deal of levi-
ty, in discovering the whole intrigue to the queen. From that
time forward, Boyd sided with the queen in all her designs, a-
gainst his old friends, being in good repute with her party, but
he was accounted an inconstant man, a trimmer, and a turn-coat,
by those whom he had deserted. When the queen was commit-
ted to prison, Boyd made his applications to Murray the regent,
and was so well respected by him, for his industry and ingenuity,
that he was admitted into his cabinet-council ; and though seve-
ral opinions passed upon him, yet he was in high favour with the
regent at Glasgow in his juridical processes; yet when he perceiv-
ed it was like to come to blows, he went off privately to the
queen, and sent from thence a letter to the earl of Morton, by his
son, excusing his departure, and alleging, he might probably do
the royalists as much service there, as if he had staid with them.
His revolt, by reason of the good opinion many had of his con-
versation and manners, gave great occasion of discourse.

In the mean time, the regent had an hot debate in council,
whether they should stay where they were, or else go to the king
at Stirling. A great many were of opinion, that it was better not
to stay, and they urged arguments for it; as that Hamilton was
a town near them, full of people, and all the clanships of that
most numerous family lay round about it. Besides, the queen had
with her 500 horse, and it was reported many more were making
towards her from remoter parts; whereas there were only a few of
his own friends with the regent, the rest having run away to the
queen, or gone privately home about their own affairs, as if all
things had been quiet; and though the citizens ofUGTasgow were
faithful enough, as being provoked by the many and great injuries
they had received from the Hamiltons, when in power; yet the
town itself was large, not very populous, and every way ap-
proachable. On the contrary, others reasoned, that all depend-
ed on the first beginning of things; that their departure would be
dishonourable, and look like running awav; that all suspicion v(

Vol. 11. X x

344 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

fear was then principally to be avoided, for they should animate
their enemies by it, and discourage their friends. On the one
side, there were the Cunninghams, and the Semples, potent fa-
milies; on the other side, Lennox, the king's peculiar patrimony,
from whence the nearest neighbours might presently come in,
within the space of a few hours; the rest either the next day, or,
at farthest, the day after; in the interim, till further aid came,
they had strength enough, especially being assisted by the towns-
men. This advice prevailed in council.

The French ambassador posted betwixt both parties, rather
as a spy than a peace-maker, which he yet pretended ta be ; for
perceiving that there was but a small force at Glasgow at first, and
an appearance of a great multitude at Hamilton, he earnestly ex-
cited the queen to put it to a battle presently. The regent had
gathered a party from the neighbourhood, and expected those far-
ther off from Merse and Lothian; there came in about 600 choice
and resolute men; he gave them one day to refresh themselves,
and then determined to march out to Hamilton, and to engage
the enemy immediately; for he believed delay was dangerous for
him, and advantageous to the enemy, whom the remote parts of
the kingdom favoured most. Two days after, he was informed,
about the third watch, that the enemy was drawing together from
all places where they quartered; they trusted to their number, be-
ing about 6500 fighting men, and they knew the regent had scarce
4000; but they resolved to march by Glasgow, and to leave the
queen in Dumbarton castle, and so either to fight, or lengthen
out the war as they pleased; or if the regent should be so hardy
as to stop their passage, which they believed he durst not do, they
would then fight, and were confident they should beat him. But
he having before determined to provoke them to battle, as soon as
ever he could, drew out his men into the open field before the
town, the way that he thought the enemy would come, and there
waited for them in battle-array for some hours. But when he
saw their troops on the other side of the river, he presently un-
derstood their design, and commanded his foot to pass over the
bridge, and his horse to ford over the river, which they might
do, it being low water, and so to march to Langside, where was
avillage by the river Cart, where the enemies were to pass, situ-
ated on the foot of an hill, looking south-west. On the east and
north, the passage was steep, but on the other side, there was a
gentle descent into a plain; thither they hastened with such speed,
that the royalists had near possessed the hill, before the enemy,
who aimed at the same place, understood their design, though
they marched thither by a nearer cut; but the royalists met with
two advantages, which was a great discouragement to their ene-
mies; one, that Gilcspy Campbell, earl of Argyle, who com-

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 345

manded in chief, fell suddenly down from his horse sick, and by
his fall much delayed the march of his party. The other, that
their forces being placed here and there in little valleys, could ne-
ver see all the royalists at once, whose supposed small numbers (as
indeed they were not many) made the enemy to despise them, and
the disadvantages of the place too. At last, when the queen's
forces drew nigh, and saw the ground which they aimed at pos-
sessed by the enemy, they went to another little hill over against
them, and there divided their party into two bodies. Their chief
strength they placed in the first; if they had overthrown their ad-
versaries there, they knew the rest would be dismayed at their
flight, and so march off without fighting. The king's party also
divided themselves into tv/o wings; James Douglas, earl of Mor-
ton, Robert Semple, Alexander Hume, Patrick Lindsay, each
with his clanship were placed in the right. In the left stood John
earl of Marr, Alexander earl of Glencairn, William earl of Mon-
teith, and the citizens of Glasgow. The musqueteers were in
the village and gardens below, near the highway. Both armies
thus placed in battle array, the queen's cannoneers and foot were
driven from their posts by the king's forces. On the other side,
the king's horse being less by one half, were beaten back by the e-
nemy. After they had performed that service, they endeavoured
also to break the battalions of foot; in order whereunto, they
charged directly up the hill, but were beat back by the king's ar-
chers, and by some of those, who after their route, had rallied a-
gain, and joined with the rest of their body. In the mean time,
the left wing of the enemy marched by the highway, where theie
was a rising ground lower down into the valley, where though
they were galled by the king's musqueteers, yet passing through
those straits, they opened and ranged their body. There it was
that the two battalions held out a thick stand of pikes, as a breast-
work before them, and fought desperately for half an hour, with-
out giving ground on either side; insomuch that they, whose long
pikes were broke, threw daggers, stones, pieces of pikes or lances,
and whatsoever they could come by, into their enemies' faces ; but
some of the hindermost ranks of the king's forces beginning to
run, (whether out of fear or treachery, is uncertain) their flight,
without doubt, had much disordered those who stood to it, un-
less ths ranks had been so thick, that the foremost could not
know what the hindmost did. Then those of the second battal-
lion, seeing the other's danger, and perceiving no enemy coming
to charge themselves, sent some whole troops to wheel to the
right, and to join with the first; upon which the adverse party
could not bear their charge, but were wholly routed and put to
flight. Many were so enraged against them, that there would
have been a great slaughter in the pursuit, had not the re

X x 2

346 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

sent out horse several ways, to forbid the execution. The second
squadron of the royalists stood so long, till they saw the enemy
scattering, and flying in a disorderly manner; when they, in like
manner, broke their ranks, and pursued. The queen stood about
a mile from the place, to see the action, and after the route, fled
with some horse of her party, who had escaped, towards Eng-
land ; the rest ran away as well as they could, to their own
homes. There were but few killed in the field, but more in the
pursuit (being wearied and wounded) all along the highways and
fields. The number of the slain were about 300, but there were
more taken prisoners. Of the king's forces there were not many
wounded, of the chief commanders none but Alexander Hume
and Andrew Stewart, and only one man killed; the rest of the
army, besides a few horse, who pursued very far, returned joy-
fully into the town; where, after giving thanks to Almighty God,
for prospering their just cause against a double number of their e-
nemies, and for giving them, in a manner, an unbloody victory,
mutually congratulating one another, they went to dinner. This
battle was fought May the 13th, 1568, eleven days after the
queen's escape out of prison.

The French ambassador expected the event of the fight, and
promised himself a sure victory on the queen's side, but being
thus disappointed of his hopes, he put off his mask, and, with-
out taking leave of the regent to whom he pretended he was sent,
got a party of horse to guide him; and with what speed he could,
made for England. In the way lie was robbed by moss-troopers;
but James Douglas, laird of Drumlanerick, though he knew he
was of the enemy's party, had such deference to the honour and
name of an ambassador, that he caused his goods to be restored
to him. 1 he regent passed the rest of the day of battle in taking
a list of the prisoners; some he discharged gratis, others upon
sureties; the chief commanders were retained, especially the
Hamilton's family, and sent to prison. The day after, knowing
how much that clan was hated in the neighbourhood, he took
only 500 horse, commanding the rest of his army to stay in their
quarters, and went into the vale of Clydesdale, where he found all
places naked and desolate, the inhabitants being run away, as ra-
ther conscious to themselves what they had deserved, than con-
fiding in the regent's clemency, of which they had experienced be-
fore. He took the castles of Hamilton and Draffin, which were
naked places, only in Hamilton castle was found some of the
house-hold stuff of king James V. The same fear and terror
forced the queen into England, either because she thought no
place in that part of Scotland safe enough for her; or else because
she durst not trust John Maxwell of Henries.

When the regent had settled all things, as well as he could at

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 347

present, he summoned an assembly of the estates to be held at E-
dinburgh, in die month of The adverse party endea-
voured many ways to hinder it. Rumours were spread abroad of
aid from France, nor were they altogether groundless. For some
troops were drawn down to the sea-side, under the command of
the earl of Martigues, a stout man of the family of Luxemburgh,
to be transported with all speed into Scotland; and they had been
so accordingly, had not civil wars on a sudden broke out in
France. But that assistance would not have been so prejudicial to
the regent, as his enemies thought, for it would have alienated
England from them, and engaged it to him. Moreover Argyle,
with 600 of his clanship, came to Glasgow, where he had a con-
ference with the people of Hamilton, and other leaders of the
faction, to hinder the convention; but finding no way to effect
it, they went every man severally home. Huntly also had got
together io"oo foot, against the day of the parliament's sitting he
came as far as Perth, where perceiving that the fords of the river
Tay were guarded by William Ruthven, and the neighbouring no-
bility, who continued loyal to the king, he retired without doing
any thing of moment. -

About the same time, there came letters from the queen of
England, by the intercession of the adverse party, to the regent,
to put off the parliament; she desired, that judgment might not
be hastened concerning the rebels, till she was made acquainted
with the whole cause; for she could not well bear the injury and
affront, which the queen, her neighbour and near kinswoman, af-
firmed she had received from her subjects. Though the request
was but small in itself, yet if it should have been granted, at the
instance of the rebels, they might have thought to have carried all;
either because such a trifling delay seemed to hearten them, and
weaken their enemy, especially since it might argue a fear in the
royalists ; or that they, in the mean time, resolved to call a con-
vention in the name of the queen. But the regent, being sensible
of what great consequence it was to have the parliament sit,
though even all the power of the enemy had combined against it,
resolved to keep his day. In that parliament there was a great
debate, whether all those who had taken up arms against the king,
and afterwards had not obtained their pardon, should be con-
demned as traitors, and have their goods confiscated. But Wil-
liam Maitland, who secretly favoured the rebels, obtained, that
o:-!y a few of them should be condemned at present, as a terror to
the rest, and a door of clemency left open to others, if they re-
pented. That procedure wonderfully encouraged the conspira-
tors, and increased their obstinacy, since they saw their punish-
ment deferred, and they were verily persuaded, that neither the
queen of England, being their queen's neighbour and kinswo-

348 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BoOK XIX.

man, nor the Guises, who were then very powerful in the French
court, nor the French king himself, would suffer such an eclipse
to be made of royal majesty; and though they should be desert-
ed by them, yet they were not so weak of themselves, as not to
be able to maintain their cause without foreign aid, as being su-
perior in number and power; so that nothing was wanting to the
victory, but the empty shadow of the royal name, which was
(said they) usurped by force.

In the mean time, the regent attended only the public peace :
some of the neighbouring offenders he fined in small sums, and
so took them into favour; the earl of Rothes, by his friends inter-
cession, was banished for three years; as for the rest, he daily,
by correspondents, solicited them to repent and come in; but per-
ceiving that many of them were obstinate, and inclined to re-
venge, he levied an army, and marched into Annandale, Niddis-
dale, and lower Galloway, where he took some castles, and put
garrisons into them; others, whose owners were more refractory,
he demolished, and in a short time, would have run over the
whole country, had not letters from the queen of England inter-
rupted the course of his victories. She was persuaded by the ex-
iles, that the queen of Scots had received much wrong: That her
ill-affected subjects had laid unjust imputations on her, and de-
clared she would not suffer the royal name to grow so cheap, or
majesty to be so contumeliously used, as to be exposed to the
wills of seditious persons. That the wrong of this great wicked-
ness redounded only to one, but the example to all; and there-
fore she desired they would apply some speedy remedy, that the
contagion of dethroning princes might not spread farther. Hav-
ing made a great harangue in her lettei-s to this purpose, against
the avengers of the king's murder, she desired of the regent,
« That he would send commissioners to her, to inform her of
" the state of the whole matter, and to make answer to those,
" either crimes or reproaches, which were cast upon, and alleg-
" ed against himself." This demand seemed very grievous and
offensive, that things already judged, should be called again in
question, in a new and hazardous trial, and that before foreign
princes, who are oftentimes emulous, if not enemies, and their
minds already prepossessed by adversaries; and for a man, as it
were, to plead for his own life, before a foreign judicature;
though the case was dangerous and hard, yet many arguments
induced him to comply with the proposal, though never so un-
equal. Abroad, the cardinal of Lorrain, the queen's uncle, ruled
all in France; and at home, a great part of the nobility conspired
in behalf of the queen; and if the queen of England were dis-
obliged too, then he should have no force to withstand such
mighty difficulties. Being thus resolved to send ambassadors,

Book XIX. HI3TORY OF SCOTLAND. 349

he could not tell whom to pitch upon: The chief of the nobility-
declining the employment: At last, the regent himself resolved
to go, and chuse proper persons to attend him, amongst whom
was William Maitland, though much against his will; but the
regent, knowing him to be a factious person, and inclinable to
the queen's party did not think it safe to leave him behind, whilst
things were in such a doubtful condition at home; and therefore
he persuaded him, by great promises and rewards, to accompany
him, not doubting but to overcome his avaricious mind with
large presents; the rest went very willingly. The chief were
James Douglas, and Patrick Lindsay, of the nobility; of the
clergy, the bishop of the Orcades, and the abbot of Dunfermline;
of lawyers, James M'Gill, and Henry Balnavey; to whom he ad-
ded a ninth, viz. George Buchanan. Though he found himself
in these difficult circumstances, yet two things relieved his
thoughts; one was the equity of his cause; the other, the last
letters he received from the queen of England, gave him assur-
ance, that if the crimes objected against the queen of Scots were
true, she should judge her unworthy to hold that sceptre any
longer. The regent was a little heartened by these letters, and
with above 100 horse in his company, he began his jour-
ney, though he had certain intelligence brought him, that die
earl of Westmoreland, at the command of the duke of Norfolk,
watched to intercept him, before he had got to York : However,
October 4th, he came to York, the place appointed for the con-
ference, and the same day, almost hour, Thomas Howard, duke
of Norfolk, likewise entered the city. The reason why an am-
bush was laid for the regent, was because the duke, by secret
correspondents, was dealing with the queen of Scots to marry
her: and therefore, that the suspicion of the king's murder might
be more easily taken away, she resolved, if the regent could be
dispatched, to return home, and suppress the letters she had
written to Bothwell, which contained a manifest discovery of the
whole; but because the duke was so near, she could not so ac-
complish it, as that he might not also be aspersed with the in-
famy of so cruel a murder, and therefore the plot was deferred
till another opportunity. Besides Norfolk, there were appoint-
ed two other commissioners by the queen of England, to deter-
mine the controversies of the Scots, the earl of Sussex, who in-
clined to Howard's party, as it was commonly reported, and sir
Ralph Sadler, an indifferent and impartial person. Within a
few days, there came messengers from the queen of Scots, to
complain of her disobedient subjects, and to desire help of
the queen of ] that either she would persuade her un-

grateful subjects to re-admit their prince; or, if they refused,
then that she would supply her with an army, to force them to
it. After some few hours, the regent was heard : lie stood upon

35° HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

the equity of his cause, referrring it to impartial judges: He
pleaded, that the royalists had done nothing, but according to the
ancient laws and customs of their nation, and that too ratified and
approved in full parliament; and that he being a single person,
with those few with him, could not abrogate any thing which had
been enacted by common consent of all the estates of parliament.
But when the English commissioners told them, they could not be
satisfied with those statutes made at their parliaments at home,
and how produced, unless withal they produced the reasons, which
moved the nobility to such a severe judgment against the queen :
The regent was unwilling, as much avoiding to divulge the foul
offences of the queen, being his sister also, and that amongst
foreigners, who were forward enough to hear them, and there-
fore denied to do it, unless upon these terms, That, if he made
good the charge against the queen, that she killed her husband,
then the queen of England should stipulate and promise to de-
fend the young king's cause, and take him, as it were, into her
protection. But when the English commissioners told them,
that they had only a commission to hear the demands of both
sides, and so to lay the whole matter before their queen, The re-
get again urged them to obtain such a promise from their queen,
or else that they themselves should get a commission, fully to de-
cide the controversy; if they would do that, he promised, unless
he evidently made it appear, that the king was murdered by his
wife's means, he would not think himself unworthy the punish-
ment due to crimes the most flagrant and enormous. The com-
missioners wrote to the queen to know her mind herein; who re-
turned answer, « That the Scots of the king's party should send
«« one or more of their number to her court, who might fully ac-
« quaint her with the merits "of their cause, and then she would
" consider what was fit for her to do." Upon which the regent
sent William Maitland, of whom many sinister opinions daily
arose, and James M<Gill, not so much to be his assistant in pub-
lic business, as to observe his actions. The causes which made
Maitland suspected were these, amongst many others: Before his
journey into England, though he mightily endeavoured to conceal
his designs, yet by his words and actions, and great familiarity
with the men of the adverse party; and farther, by letters he sent
to the Scots queen, which were intercepted, they could not be
stifled. In those letters he endeavoured to persuade the queen
that his service might yet be useful to her, using the example of
the lion in the fable, who, being taken in a net, was freed by such
mean animals as rats. And after he came to York, there was
scarce a night he did not meet with the chief ambassadors of the
adverse party, consulted with them, and acquainted them with
the designs of the regent. The regent did not forbid those meet-

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 35 1

ingSj knowing he should do no good by it, but only make them
meet more secretly. Tho' these were manifest evidences of his
treachery, yet casually there happened an undeniable demonstra-
tion of it. Norfolk and he went abroad on pretence of hunting,
where they had a great deal of discourse concerning the whole
affair, and came to this agreement amongst themselves, to spin
out the matter, if it was possible, and so to delay it, that at last,
nothing might be done, and yet the cause not seem wholly desert-
ed neither. For by this means, the regent must depart, without
effecting what he came for; or else some commotion at home
would enforce him so to do, and then other remedies might em-
erge in time: For Norfolk was then designing a civil war, how
to take off the one queen, and to marry the other. Maitland in-
formed John Lesly, bishop of Ross, with this, one intimately ac-
quainted with all the queen's affairs, who accordingly informed
his mistress by letter, how the duke would have her write to court
what course to steer for the future; and though her cause went
but slowly on, yet that delay should not hinder her from expect-
ing a good issue. The queen having read those letters, laid them
by as loose papers, so that they came to be read by others; and
from hand to hand, were at last brought to the regent, who by
them discovered the main of his adversary's design against him;
as for Maitland, he had experienced his perfidiousness many
times before.

When the ambassadors before mentioned came to the queen at
London, she and her council thought it best, that the regent him-
self should come up, and speak to the points in question by word
of mouth: Upon which he dismissed part of his retinue, and with
the rest went to London; but there he met with the same difficul-
ty as he had done at York; for he refused to enter upon the ac-
cusation of the queen his sister, unless if he proved her guilty, the
queen of England would take the Scots king's party into her protec-
tion: If she would do this, he would begin the accusation im-
mediately, upon the same terms as he had proposed to the dele-
gates at York. Whilst these things were acting in London, the
queen of Scots, by means of James Balfour, endeavoured to raise
commotions in Scotland; and the more easily to accomplish her
designs, she wrote letters to all the exiles, and to BothwelFs
friends, to contribute all their endeavours to infest the contrary
faction by force of arms: And not only created lieutenants
through all the kingdom, to whom she gave even kingly power,
but caused rumours to be spread abroad, that the regent, and his
companions were committed prisoners to the Tower of London ;
but foreseeing that falsehood could not be long believed, she de-
vised another (to wit) that the regent had promised to su
Scotland to the crown of England; and, that he was to gi,
Vol. II. Y v

352 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

the king, as a security. It is thought, her design in this was, that
whereas she had promised the same things by her commissioners;
and the English looked upon it as a vanity in her, seeing she had
no power to perform it; yet she was willing to possess the minds
of the vulgar with an untruth, and so to raise an odium against
the regent; and, if she could not avert the whole reproach from
herself, yet at least she would have her adversaries bear a part
with her therein.

When the regent saw himself in these straits, he resolved to
end matters as well as he could, and so to return home. Where-
upon, at the earnest solicitation of the English, who desired to
know the causes of the proceedings in Scotland (without which
they could determine nothing); he also being desirous to satisfy
the queen of England at that time, whom he could not offend
without great prejudice to his cause; and being willing to return
home to extinguish the civil war, then in its first rise, neither of
which he could well do, unless the queen of England was his
friend, or at least, not his enemy. Induced by these motives, he
first protested before the council of England, that it was not wil-
lingly, but by the importunity of his enemies, that he was com-
pelled to accuse his queen and sister of so horrid a crime before
strangers; that he did not do it out of any inclination to accuse,
but out of necessity to clear himself; for he was very unwilling to
discover those things which he wished, if possible, might be co-
vered in perpetual oblivion; and therefore, if any reflection were
made on what he did, the envy ought deservedly to light upon
those, who would not suffer him to be like himself; that is, to o-
hev his prince chearfully, when good, and to reprove him or her
against his will, when evil; only he desired one thing, that the
queen's proxies, who had forced him to that charge, might be
present to hear the crimes objected; that so, if they were false,
they might.disprove them before the council; and that he himself,
in many weighty matters, might aiso make use of their evidence.

The Scots queen's commissioners refused this, as putting little
confidence in their own cause, and insisted only on this one
thing, that the queen, who was by force of arms ejected, might
be restored. Whereupon, a day was appointed for the regent to
shew cause, why the revengers of the king's murder had taken up
arms (for he himself was then in France) and had ejected the
queen from her government, and acted other things, as till that
time they had done. When the time came, he declared, in order,
all tldngs as they had been acted, and the testimonies of the par-

izahs of the king's murder, made before their deaths; and also
the statute of parliament, to which many of the regent's accusers
had subscribed. And when the silver cabinet was produced,
which the queen had given her bv her former husband Francis,

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 353

and had bestowed on Bothwell; in which were letters to Both-
well, writ in French with the queen's own hand, and a French
poem, not inelegantly composed by her; and also the manner of
the king's death ; and after his death, Bothwell' s carrying her
off, and three contracts of marriage with him: the one before the
parricide, written with her own hand, in which, as by a bill,
she promises to marry him, as soon as ever she was freed from
her former husband: the other was, before the divorce' from his
former wife, writ by Huntly's hand: the third was openly made a
little before the marriage. When all this was produced, seen, and
read before the council, the whole fact was so plainly exposed,
that now no doubc could be made, who was the author of it.
Though the queen of England could not but believe these disco-
veries, yet she fluctuated in her mind; on the one side, there
were emulation, the queens mutually hating one another-, there
were also such flagrant crimes, and such evident proofs, that the
English queen thought her kinswoman of Scotland deserved no
assistance to restore her. And though her mind inclined to that
which was right, yet it was shaken and hesitated, upon the re-
membrance of her former state, not without a commiseration
and besides the majesty of royal honour, and a fear, lest the ex-
ample of expelling princes might creep into the neighbouring
kingdoms, wrought much upon her. Besides, she was afraid of
France, for the peace with them was not very sure or firm; and
especially at that time, the French ambassador daily pleading the.
cause of the banished queen. The Spanish ambassador was de-
sired also to interpose his mediation; but the foulness of the
crimes so deterred him, that he absolutely refused to meddle with
it. "Whereupon the queen of England, that she might leave a
door open for repentance, if matters should succeed amiss in
France, and not cut off all occasion of gratifying them, gave a
middle answer, so tempering it, that at present she said, she
knew no cause to the contrary, but that all things had been acted
according to law and justice in Scotland; yet, as if she deferred
the complete decision till another time, she desired, that, seeing
intestine tumults recalled the regent, he would leave her one of
his retinue in his stead, to make answer to those crimes, which
might be objected against him in his absence. But the regent,
who saw the matter to be thus delayed, that the queen might take
her measures to give sentence for her own advantage, and the e-
vent of foreign affairs, left no stone unturned that he might have
the cause fully determined now; and therefore he desired, as
most just and equitable, that if his enemies, who had long stu-
died beforehand to accuse him, had any thing to allege, they
would now produce it, and not watch an opportunity to calumni-
ate him in his absence, seeing they refused to appear face to face;

Y v 2

354 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

he was not ignorant what rumours his enemies would cause to be
spread amongst the people, and what they had already said to
some of the council, and to the French ambassador; and there-
fore he earnestly desired of the council, to command them not to
mutter privately, but declare openly what they had to say; and
that he wanted not to make such haste home, but that he would
gladly clear himself first, let his own or the public interest suffer
what it would by his absence. Whereupon the commissioners of
the banished queen were sent for, and told, if they had any thing
to allege against the regent or his companions, in reference to
the king's murder, they should produce it. Their answer was,
they had nothing at present, but they would accuse them when
they were commanded by their queen. The regent answered,
that he was always ready to give an account of all his actions;
neither would he shun either time or place so to do; yet seeing
the queen began that accusation of him, he desired of his accus-
ers there present, that, if any of them had the least objection a-
gainst him, they would then declare it; for it was much more
honourable to produce it before so illustrious an assembly, than in
private cabals to sully his fame in his absence: this they also re-
fused. Upon which the whole council called upon them, and in
a manner reproached them, so that they were compelled, singly
and severally to confess, that they knew nothing of themselves,
why Murray, or any of his, should be accused of the king's mur-
der. Then after a long dispute, pro and con> the council was
dismissed, and from that time there was never any more mention
made of accusing the regent, or any of his companions.

Whilst the regent was thus necessarily detained in England, on
a public account, the queen's faction tried every way, both at
heme and abroad, to make disturbances, but -without effect.
James Hamilton, who had been regent some years before, seeing
that things went not according to his mind at home, had gone in-
to France, where having but a few companions, he lived pri-
vately with a servant or two to attend him, free from the hurry
of all public business. But when the queen of Scots was escaped
out of prison, overcome in battle, and then fled for England, the
French knowing that Murray was called home into his own coun-
try, and in his passage through France, not being able to work
him over to their party, in regard they could not send men or
money to Scotland, to raise disturbance there, by reason of their
own commotions at home; they therefore thought it most advis-
able to set up Hamilton in competition with him, especially at
that time, when the regent, with part of the nobility, was absent,
arid out of the way. He was therefore drawn out of his privacy,
and accommodated with some few pistoles, and larger promises.
In Ills return through England, his friends persuaded him, that,

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 355

since the queen of Scots, with her faction, favoured him, and the
queen of England was not averse to him, he would apply to the
latter, to induce Murray, by her authority, to resign his regency
to him, in as much as that office, by the law and consent of almost
all nations, and especially by the custom of their own country,
was due to him, as the next in blood. Neither was there any
great need to make a laborious search into the records of ancient
times for this; in which he might easily find, that governors were
always appointed to their princes, when under age, out oi the next
of kin; as when Robert III. died in the absence of James I. his
uncle Robert managed the government, and his son Murdac suc-
ceeded Robert. And of late times, John duke of Albany was
made governor to king James V. whilst he was under age; nay,
that Hamilton himself had been regent, some few years before
Mary, now queen, was of age fit to govern or marry ; and how
he was not excluded from that office by any lawful suffrages, but
unjustly by the rebellious; and that which increased the indigni-
ty was, that it was done in contempt of the blood royal, and a
bastard set up in his room; but if the honour were restored to him,
in a very short time all domestic tumults would be quieted; and
the queen, even without blood, would recover her crown and
dignity again. To which the king's ambassadors answered,
« That Hamilton desired a thing, not only contrary to the laws
" and customs of their ancestors; but, if the consideration of the
" law were omitted, yet it was very unjust in itself; for our an-
" cestors (said they) by reason their princes were murdered by
" their kindred, about 1300 years ago, did wholly change the
" method of their assemblies in making a king. For as before, in
" the family of Fergus, our first king, after the king's death, it
" was not the next of blood, but he that was most fit, was chosen
" king by suffrage. So Kenneth III. that he might hinder all
" plots against princes, by those of their blood, and might also
" prevent the cruel and bloody emulations of their kindred a-
<{ mongst themselves, made this decree of succession that now
" is, for the next of blood to be substituted in the room of the
<( deceased king. And men by experience finding, that in so
« great an inconstancy of fortune, it was scarce possible but that
« sometimes the right of chief magistracy should fall on a child,
" or else on one unable to govern; therefore they decreed, that
" he who preceded others in power and wisdom, should under-
" take the administration of the government in the mean time;
« and our ancestors, by observing this course for almost 600
<f years, have transmitted down a kingdom safe to us. Thus,
« when Robert Bruce died, there succeeded regents chosen by
" most voices, Thomas Randolph earl of Murray, Donald earl of
M Marr, Andrew Murray, John Randolph, Robert Stewart;

35^ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

" sometimes a single person, sometimes more than one, were
" chosen by our public conventions to that office. So when James
" II. was a child, Alexander Livingston was appointed his gover-
«c nor, who was no ways related to that king in blood, neither was
" he so much as a nobleman, but a knight only, more eminent
" for his wisdom than his family. And if any say, that was for
" want of some of the king's line, the excuse will not hold;
« for at that very time, there was John Kennedy, chief of his
« family, his nephew by the sister of James I. a man eminently
" wise and virtuous j there were also his uncles, James Kennedy,
" archbishop of St. Andrews, the most eminent person for virtue
« in the whole kingdom; as also his brother, the son of the
" king's aunt; Douglas earl of Angus; Archibald also, earl of
" Douglas, not far removed from the king's line, but in power
" was almost equal to him; at least, he was .uperiorto all others;
" yet none ever complained of the injustice of our assemblies in
« chusing Livingston guardian. And not long after, James III.
" had four tutors or guardians assigned him, not taken on the ac-
« count of their kindred, but chosen by vote. And of late, John
" duke of Albany was sent for by the nobility out of France, to
« govern Scotland in the minority of James V. and when he
" came, he was settled in the regency by a public statute, enact-
" ed in a convention of the estates, which was not done on the
" account of proximity in blood; for he had Alexander an elder
" brother, one perhaps inferior to him, yet of far greater merit
" than James Hamilton, who for a time sffected that dignity. In
" the absence of James I. Robert his uncle managed the kingdom,
« I pray, by what right? Was he assumed into that office for
« nearness of blood ? No. Was he elected by the people ? No,
« nor that either. How was he then created ? I'll tell you how.
< < When king Robert III. was neither in body nor mind fit to ma-
" nage the kingly office, he set up Robert his brother in his
" stead, and commended his children to his care. The brother
« starved David his eldest son to death; James the younger had
" been also killed, had he not saved his life by flight. And being
" thus settled in the possession of the government, the king his
♦ ' brother dying of grief, he kept it without the consent of the
« people in parliament, and transmitted it to his son Mordachus.
" How Robert the king that died last stood affected towards his
« brother, is very plain; for, as when he was a dying, he abo-
i( minated and cursed him, as the executioner of his children; so
*' certainly if he had been well enough in his lifetime, he would
*' not have designed him guardian to them. We are put in mind
« of that time, wherein, after the death of James V. he himself
" v as made regent, (as if any thing at all was legally acted by
*' hiin all that time.)

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 357

" When cardinal Beaton endeavoured by fraud to invade the
" chief magistracy, he crept into the vacant office, rather out of
" people's hatred to Beaton, than love to him; being got into it,
u he ruled with great cruelty and avarice 5 and not many years
" ago, he sold that magistracy which he got by force, and the
" queen too, then committed to his care: In this was shewn,
t( what affection the people bare to him, when they preferred
" the government of a woman and a stranger, before that bitter
" slavery they suffered under him. You see then, I suppose,
" how this request of Hamilton's is contrary to the laws of our
" country, and the institutions of our ancestors; nay, so contrary,
u that for want of arguments to maintain it, he supports it only
'* with falsehood. And if there could be supposed any custom
" of this kind, all men see how unjust it would be: For what
M can be more unequal, than to commit the innocent and. weak
'* age of the prince to his care, who either daily expects, or wish-
" es for the death of his pupil ? All whose family hath born, and
" doth bear great and lasting enmity to the family of the king
" that now reigns ? What safeguard can there be here, in near-

ness of blood, against ancient hatred, griping avarice, and a
" vehement propensity to the tyranny he hath tasted of ? Laodice
" queen of the Cappadocians, is reported to have slain her sons,
" as they came to age, thus purchasing to herself a short enjoy-
" ment of supreme dominion, with the innocent blood of her
" own children. If a mother destroyed the fruit of her womb,
" only to reign a little longer, what shall we think will old ene-
" mies attempt, or rather, what will they not attempt, being
'* inflamed to cruelty by the stings of avarice, against a child,
" who is the only obstacle to their hopes of perpetual sove-
" reignty? If this example seem old, obscure, and far-fetch-
" ed, I will add some more illustrious ones nearer home
« Who is so ignorant of what was acted, as not to know how
«< Galeacious Sforza was slain by his uncle Lewis, though he
« was of age, and married, and the son-in-law too of a most
« powerful king? Who doth not know the calamities that fol-
« lowed upon that cruel parricide? The brave country of Italy
« was almost made a wilderness; the family of the Sforza's,
« from whence so many valiant men had proceeded, was extin-
ct guished; and the barbarians were introduced into the pleasant
« country about the Po; whose avarice and cruelty despoiled and
" ravaged all. Besides, who is there of the inhabitants of Great
« Britain, that hath not heard of the cruelty of Richard III. king
" of England, against his brother's children? And with how
« much blood was that parricide expiated? If men that were
« otherwise more sagacious, did not fear to commit such tilings
<< against their nearest in blood, excited only by the desire of the

358 HJSTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

«« crown, what can be expected from him, whose inconstancy
<£ is well known to all, and whose ill management of the govern-
« meat hath already cost us so much blood? Whose family, not
«* content with the murder of this king's great-grandfather, al-
" ways acted traiterously against his grandfather by the mother's
" side, as long as he lived; and as for his grandfather by his fa-
" ther's side, when he could not kill him, he drove him poor, out
" of the kingdom; his father he brought forth as a sacrifice to
« be slain j his mother and the kingdom, when they could not
" enjoy it. themselves, they sold to strangers: And afterwards
« when, by the providence of God, she was delivered from that
" bondage, they cast her into those straits, in which she now is.
<( What judgment the subjects made of these things may appear
« by this, that men seemed to themselves delivered from the pri-
*' son of a most miserable bondage, so as to taste the sweetness
fc of liberty when they sold the government, which they them-
** selves were not able to manage, to a woman and a stranger."

Upon the hearing of this oration, the English queen, by her
council, told Hamilton, that his demand was unjust, and that she
would not assist him in it; but that she was desired by the king's
ambassadors not to suffer him to depart (since he plotted nothing .
but sedition) till they likewise went themselves; which she look-
ed upon as very just, and therefore promised them it should be
so, and upon this, she charged him not to depart before that time.
The banished queen also encouraged her friends with the hopes
of her speedy return; for some letters of hers were intercepted,
wherein she advised them to seize upon as many castles and for-
tified places as they could; and so to disperse the war abroad, as
far as ever they were able : Neither need they fear the noise of a
truce, or accommodation; for if matters were ended that way, all
offences of former times would be covered and forgiven, under
the umbrage of peace : But if it should break out into an open
war, the more garrisons they had, the greater opportunity would
be put into their own hands, to annoy the enemy.

When the regent had settled matters as well as he could in
England, and had leave to return, some letters were brought out
of Scotland, lately intercepted from the queen of Scots, where-
in she complained to her friends, that she was otherwise treated
by the queen of England, than she herself first expected, or as
was promised, and that .by means of some courtiers, who were
the cause that she was not sent back with an army, as she affirm-
ed the queen of England had promised her; but she hoped short-
ly to obtain a good issue another way, for messengers often had
passed between her and Howard, about a marriage between them, .
and therefore she wished them not to be discouraged, but to in-
crease the strength of their party, make a general disturbance,

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ^S9

and by all the arts they could, to hinder the regent's return in-
to Scotland. These letters being divulged, affected people dif-
ferently. The queen of England took it ill, that she was accus-
ed of breach of promise; as also, that the conditions of the truce
made by her means were not kept: And therefore being very an-
gry and enraged, she remitted much of her ancient favour to the
Scots queen, and was more enclined to equity than before.
The Euglieh, who wished well to the regent, were afraid that his
enemies would way-lay him to do him a mischief in his journey;
for in the counties which he was to pass through, they were ei-
ther, for the most part, Roman catholics, or thieves inhabiting the
borders of both kingdoms, who were all excited to hope tor a
sudden change; and it was plain, they were tampered with to in-
tercept him in his return; for which reason abundance of the En-
glish courtiers offered him their assistance to secure his passage:
but he was contented with only his own retinue, and about the
13th of January began his journey. But the queen of England
judging it to be for iier own credit and honour, that he should
return in safety, had of her own accord written to the command-
ers and the warden of the marches, that when he came to places
suspected, or noted for robbery, they should take care, that he
might not be circumvented; and they were very careful therein,
for strong guards of horse and foot were placed along the road,
so that he came safe to Berwick, and the day after, which was
the 2d of February, he was conducted home to Edinburgh, to the
great joy of his friends; who in great numbers were assembled.
His enemies hardly believed his coming at first, because false re-
ports had been causelessly spread, that he was shut up pri-
soner in the Tower of London; but when it was certainly known
that he was at Edinburgh, those who had beset the highways to
intercept passengers, let go their prisoners, and slipped awav
home; so that immediately from a turbulent tempest, there grew
a great calm and tranquillity.

A few days after, the nobility of the king's party had a great
meeting at Stirling, where the transactions with the queen of
England were opened and highly approved, by the consent of all
there present. About the same time, James Hamilton, chief of
his family, came out of England, who, by a new and unheard of
pretence and arrogance, was adopted as a lather, by the queen of
Scots, and made lieutenant of the kingdom. He declared his
commission, and forbade the people to obey any, but those sub-
stituted by him; upon this the royalists disbursed sums of mone\
to raise forces, and to prepare to fight if need were: And accord-
ingly, at an appointed day, they met at Glasgow, but seeing the
country came nor in to Hamilton, according to his expectation,
by the mediation j-f his friends, terms of agreement were pro] ;s#

Vol. II. Z z

3<fo HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

ed, upon which Hamilton was commanded to come to Glasgow,
to acknowledge the king as chief magistrate: If he did that
the rest would be easily acommodated; if he refused, it was in
vain for him to come. He, by the advice of his friends that were
with him, being forsaken by his clanships, and terrified by the
near approach of his enemy's army, resolved to comply with ne-
cessity, and to promise all that was desired; but when the forces
ot the royalists were disbanded, then he would consult his advan-
tage at leisure. When they came to Glasgow, a day was appoint-
ed, wherein they and their friends should profess their allegiance
to the king, and so recover their old estates and honours: In the
mean time, they were to remain in prison, or to give in hostages
of their kindred, for their forthcoming. This also was added to
their conditions, that all of the same party might come in, if they
pleased, on the same terms. Argyle and Huntly refused to sub-
scribe to those articles, either out of anger to Hamilton, that he
had given up himself to his enemy's hands, without asking their
advice; or else because they thought to obtain for themselves
more easy terms of peace. In respect of their power, or else,
being encouraged by frequent letters from England, they were
easily inclined to that they had most mind- to. For whilst
these things were acted in Scotland, letters came from the
exiled queen, containing large promises, and desiring them
not to be terrified with vain threats, for she should shortly
be with them, with a great army. Their minds were ready to
receive this news; and so much the rather, because the queen
was kept with a looser guard than ordinary; and there was
daily talk of her marriage with Howard. When Hamilton was
come to Edinburgh, at the day appointed, he eluded his promise
by several pretences; as that the rest of his party should come to-
gether, and so be all comprehended at once in one agreement:
As also, that they might send to the queen to know her mind;
and to this end, he desired to defer the matter till the ioth of
'May. To this his evident t-iflirfg, they answered that it was to
no purpose for him to expect Argyle and Huntly, for they had
declared, they would manage their concerns apart. As for the
queen, it Mas demanded, if she did not approve the capitulation,
what they would do? Then Hamilton answered ingenuously e-
nough, but not so prudently for the time, that he was compelled
to those conditions; by the force and terror of an army; that if he
were left free to himself, he would not subscribe at all: This be-
ing openly discovered, the regent committed Hamilton and MaX-
wel to Edinburgh ea-tle. The vest of the dispute was about Ar-
gyle and Hunt!;/; for Argyle, whilst the regent was in England,
came to Glasgow, to consult about public affairs, with about
1500 men in his company. Thither also came many of the neigh-

Book XIX. history or. Scotland. 361

bowing countries of that faction; where they differed in their o-
pinions, and agreed in nothing, but only to disturb the public
peace. The people of Hamilton desired of Argyle, that seeing
the inhabitants of Lennox were firm to the king's cause, he would
vex them, by driving away their cattle, that so he might the bet-
ter draw them, though unwilling, to his party; or else might so
impoverish them, as to render them unable to be of so much ad-
vantage to their own side. When Argyle had communicated the
thine to the council of his friends, not one of them favoured his
design; for they remembered, that, for many years, the people
of Lennox had been much addicted to Argyle, and that there
were many alliances between them. Besides, said they, why are
the Argyle men nearer than those of Hamilton to the people of
Lennox., who lie in the middle between them both? Or why
should they put a task, so full of odium, upon him? Since it was
principally their own affair, let them appear first in it, and then
Argyle would not be wanting. He would be a companion, not a
leader, in such an expedition. "When that assembly had held
some days, it was dissolved, without doing any thing, and Argyle
returned through Lennox, which was his nearest way, without do-
ing them any hurt ; which moderation of his endeared him, both to
the commons and chiefs of the opposite faction, and made his par-
don more easily obtainable.

But Huntly had endeavoured in vain to break through Mern,
Angus, and Strathearn, in the regent's absence* having plunder-
ed the country, and their castle, and ranging over the neighbour-
ing places, had appointed Crawford and Ogilvy his lieutenants a-
bout Dee, usurping, at the same time, all the power of a king.
This carriage of his made his reconciliation the more difficult.
These two men, seeing their concerns were different, had a
council assigned, to meet at St. Andrews. Thither Argyle came
first: he was easily reconciled, for that year and the former, he
had committed no act of hostility ; and besides, he was the re-
gent's kinsman, and from his childhood, his great acquaintance
and familiar friend. So that all he required of him, was, an
oath to be faithful to the king for the future ; which, if he were
not, besides the usual punishment of the law, he did not desire but
to be accounted the basest person living. The rest were also ad-
mitted into favour, upon the same oath, but on far different con-
ditions. But Huntly' s case, before his arrival, was long debated
in council.

For, whereas in England, the marriage of the exiled queen
with Howard was'carried on, and their coming into Scotland was
privately designed; their faction there did, by degrees, take hear?.,
and encourage the rebellious to disobedience. For, if matters
were put into confusion, they thought the new husband wouhi

Z z %

362 HISTORY OF SCOTtAND. Book XIX,

have an easier entrance to possess the kingdom •, for which reason
when they knew that the regent would not be persuaded to betray
the king, as being his guardian and uncle, they endeavoured by
all means to abridge his power. For, besides those that had o-
penly taken arms against the king, a great part of the counsellors
did not now, as heretofore, favour Huntly in secret, but open-
ly. They pleaded strenuously for him, that he should be indem-
nified for what was past, since that was the readiest and safest
way to agreement; nay, that it was more creditable for the state,
to heal civil breaches without violence, and not to proceed to for-
feiture ©floods or loss of life; and by this means, peace might be
obtained at home, and renown abroad. But if a military course
were taken, they must fight with a man, who, by reason of his
ancient power, his great alliance, and by his many clanships, was
very formidable; and, if he were overcome (which yet was uncer-
tain) he might fly to the highlands and mountainous deserts, or to
foreign princes, where out of a small spark of disgust, a mighty
flame of war might in time be kindled. On the other side, it was
alleged, thnt the war would not be so formidable as some ima-
gined ; for his father, though he had the report of a very pru-
dent man, was yet easily subdued, even whilst his force was en-
tire; and therefore this young man, whose power was not yet e-
stablished, and besides, was discouraged by the recent calamity of
his family, was never able to bear up against all the power of the
kingdom, and the majesty of the kingly name too: and if he were
overcome in fight, or if distrusting his forces, he fled to the
mountains, there were those, who, by the same largesses by whjch
he had attached them to his service, or by greater, might be in-
duced either to kill him, or to betray him to the regent. For the
faith of mercenaries is changed with fortune; they follow the prosper-
ous, and forsake the afflicted. As for foreign princes, they esteem-
ed men according to their power ; neither were they concerned for an-
other's misery, but respected only their own advantage. But if any
king of another temper should be so clement and merciful, as to
entertain a fugitive and a beggar too; yet now the times were
such as took off that fear. For England alone, of all Europe, was
the country which enjoyed a nourishing peace, and that favoured
the cau^e; but other neighbouring kingdoms were so busied with
domestic dissensions, that they had no time to look abr6ad: and it
they had leisure so to do, yet there was some ground of hope, th.it
equity would prevail more with them than mercy towards exiles,
who were rebels to their own kings, and faithless to the kings of
other nations. As for the impunity, which they say will declare
our clemency; it will rather be an argument of our negligence, in
regard a just combat being declined through fear, a war is impru-
dently nourished under a pretence of peacr, and that such a pre-

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 363

tence as would encourage the crest-fallen spirits of the rebels, and
weaken the chearful endeavours of the king's best friends. For
how do you think will both parties stand affected, when the one
side sees that all is lawful for them, without present punishment,
and so they hope it will be for the future : and the other sec;
their perfidious enemies to be well rewarded for their wicked
crimes, themselves robbed of all their goods, and vexed with all
the calamities of war; and, whereas they expected a reward for
their faithfulness and constancy, instead of it, to be punished for
their love to their king and country? And therefore who can
doubt but that, if matters hereafter come to arms (which of ne-
cessity they must do, unless this fire be now quenched, before it
break forth) who, I say, can doubt, but that party will be strong-
est, which thrives by its wickedness, and which may do all things
with impunity; rather than the other, which must suffer all in-
juries offered to them with patience? And if those inconvenien-
cies did not attend this vain shew of clemency, yet neither the re-
gent, nor the king himself, could lawfully so pardon, as to give
away the goods of the robbed to their plunderers. If they should
do that, they must lay down the persons of rulers, and take upon
them the habit of spoilers too; if such a condition should be
granted, it were much more cruel for people to be despoiled of
their estates by kings, the grantcrs of indemnity , than by their ve-
ry enemies that robbed them. Many things having been canvas-
sed, and alleged to this purpose, on either side; those who were
for his indemnity, were outvoted by a few voices. The regent
declared that, for peace sake, he was very willing to pardon then-
private wrongs done to himself and the king; but for the injuries
offered to particular persons, he neither could nor would pardon
them: but if Huntly and those friends of his who had followed
his party, could make some terms of agreement with those they
had plundered, he was very willing, by the consent of both par-
ties, to appoint arbitrators, who might adjust the value of the
losses.

Peace, as it was thought, being settled on these conditions,
there arose another dispute, seemingly small, but managed with
greater eagerness than before. The question was, whether par-
clou was to be given to all of Huntly's party promiscuously, or
whether every man's cause and deserts should be considered
apart? Some were of opinion, that because they thought Hunt-
ly was dealt hardly with in being forced to pay damages to the '
sufferers, that it was equitable to indulge him here, and net to
press so severely, as to disoblige his followers also. On the other
side it was alleged, that the chief aim, in such kind of wars, was
to dissolve factions; and that could not be done easily, any other-
wise t^ian if the judgment of pardon or punishment did reside in

364 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX,

the breast of the prince alone. All men understand, how unjust
it is, to impose an equal fine on those whose offences are une-
qual; and that the adjusting of the punishment should be left to
Huntly himself, was by no means fit; for he (it was probable)
would exact the lightest fine from the greatest offenders; and
would lay almost the whole burden upon such as were least cri-
minal: since in imposing punishment, he would not weigh each
man's merit, but rather his propensity to his service; and as any
man had been more fierce and cruel in the war, so he would ob-
tain from him a higher place in his favour. On the other side, the
lightest offenders would have the sorest punishment, and they
who were less active in wickedness, should be fined for their
moderation and favour towards the king. These reasons so pre-
vailed with the council, that thev decreed to weigh every man's
case apart; and yet, that they might seem to gratify Huntly in
some things, his domestics were exempted, he was to lav a fine
on them himself as he pleased; but that which he most desired,
that the regent should not come with an army into the north
parts, was absolutely refused him.

Things being thus settled with Huntly at St. Andrews, the re-
gent, with two companies cf soldiers, and a great number of his
friend?, went first to Aberdeen, then to Elgin, and at last to In-
verness. The inhabitants near these towns being commanded to
appear, they obeyed the summons; some paid down the money
imposed as a fine on them, others gave sureties. Huntly, and
the chiefs of his clanships put in hostages. Thus having settled
the country towards the north, being highly congratulated by all
good men through all his march, he returned to St. Johnstons,
where an assembly of the nobility was summoned, on account of
, which Robert Boyd had brought out of England to the regent

gin; some of them were public, some were private; the pri-
vate ones were from some courtiers in England, containing a relation
cf Howard's conspiracy, which was so strong and cunningly laid,
that they thought no-force or policy could withstand it, though all
the remaining power of Britain were united together. In the«se
his friends exhorted him not to mingle his own flourishing
fortune with the desperate condition of others, but to -provide for
himself and his concerns, yet unimpaired, apart.

The state of affairs in England compels me here a little to di-

■ because at that time, the good and ill of both kingdoms
were so conjoined, that the one cannot well be explained without
the other. The Scots, a few years before, were delivered from

h slavery by the assistance of the. English, and thereupon

hserved and subscribed to the same rites in religion, in com-
mon with the English. That sudden change of things seemed to
■ .m universal quietness to all Britain, free from all domes*-

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 365

tic tumults. But presently upon this, the pope, with the kings
of France and Spain, threatened a war, and privately combined
to give another turn to things. The pope was not wanting, by his ex-
hortations and promises, to stir up their minds already enraged ;
but the kings were not sufficiently agreed amongst themselves;
and their forces were so exhausted, that they rather desired a war,
than were able to make it. Besides, there was an emulation be-
tween them; one could not well bear that the other should have
so great an accession as England, if it were conquered, to his do-
minions. And then also some disputes arose between them and
their subjeets, which diverted their thoughts from foreign affairs,
though the novelty of a woman's reign, and she a young woman
too, and unmarried, gave encouragement thereto (eopeeiallv since
those who were ill affected to her, said she was born to Henry
VIII. in an unlawful marriage) and the former differences about
the kingdom and religion, were rather stifled than* extinguished;
and besides that, the sparks of discontent glov/ed still in men's
minds, which in a short time were likely to break out into a
flame.

In the mean time, the English catholics had made many at-
tempts, but in vain; for they were soon quelled; and though their
designs never succeeded, yet foreigners still feeding them only
with 'blooming hopes, not with real supplies, they still persisted
in the same resolute design, wanting rather a commander for their
numbers, than power or courage to assemble. The common peo-
ple of that profession had taken a view of all the nobility, and they
found none fit enough, to whom they might commit their lives and
fortune^; many of the most stirring had been cut off in the civil
wars; many had gone over to the other party; some were so old,
that they were unfit for public business; or else the vigour of their
minds, as well as the strength of their bodies, was so debilitated,
that they desired peaee, if it were but a tolerable one. There
was only one man, who for courage and power seemed fit to un-
dertake so great a business, and that was Thomas Howard, who
though he was of himself inclinable to quietness, yet there were
some causes which moved him to study innovations; for his father
and grandfather, though they had been highly eminent, both in
war and peace, yet in the storms of an unstable court, they had
been so tossed, that their highest glory was balanced with as great
disgrace. His father was condemned for treason, and publicly be-
headed; and two queens, his kinswomen, had been also put to
death; he in those difficulties was liberally brought up, and so
preserved his family from being quite extinguished. In his very
youth, he gave a specimen of great prudence, and in a few years
by the death of his wives, and by new marriages, he grew so
rich, that, next to the queen, he was the most potest oi the En-

366 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX,

glish. For wealth and prudence, the rest of the nobility yielded
to him; but, as for his skill in military matters, he had yet given
no proof of it 5, but in the controversies of religion, he carried him-
self so swimmingly and ambiguously, that though he favoured
popery in his heart, yet he was such a patron of the contrary
party, that many of them made sure of him in their thoughts, as
their own.

During this, the queen of Scots army was routed, and she her-
self fled to England, when she wrote letters to that queen, con-
cerning the cause of her coming; she was bid by her to retire to
the house of the lord Scroop, warden of the marches, till she
had considered of her demands in council. Scroop's wife was
Howard's sister, and by her means the treaty of marriage was se-
cretly begun between the queen and Howard; and the opportu-
nity seemed to be offered by God himself, seeing Howard's third
wife was lately dead, and he was then a widower. The design
was concealed, as being entrusted but to a few, yet it was whis-
pered abroad among the common people; for narrow spirits can-
not conceal great hopes > but joy gives them vent, and so they fly abroad*
The matter was so far advanced, that the fire of a civil war seem-
ed ready to break out; nay, and some were so confident of suc-
cess, after they had considered the strength of their parties, that
they thought Howard might easily do what he pleased, without
using any force.

Things were in this posture, when the Scots nobles had a
great meeting at Perth, to hear the demands of both queens, both
of them having written to them. The queen of England's letters
proposed one of these three conditions. The first was absolute,
that the queen might be restored to her throne and dignity as for-
merly. But if that could not be granted, then, that she might
reign jointly with her son, that so she might enjoy princely ho-
nour in letters and public acts; in the mean time, the regency
should be in the hands of the present regent, till the king came to
the age of seventeen. If neither of these could be obtained, then
the third condition was ("if the queen could be persuaded to ac-
cept of it) that she should live privately at home, being content
■with those honours, which, saving the authority and majesty of
the king, might be granted to her. This last request was easily
assented to, if the queen would accept it; but the other two were
peremptorily refused. For the better and more incorrupt part of
the nobility were resolute in this, that they neither could, nor
ought to determine any thing which might diminish the king's au-
thority, especially being lawfully enthroned; but the two former
heads lessened the king's honour, nay, and exposed his life too,
being a pupil, unless it could be thought that his mother, who
was known ro be cruel to her husband, was not well affected to-

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 367

wards her son either, being exasperated by her banishment,
should be now more kind to him than she had ever been before.
The letters also from the exiled queen were read, wherein she
desired, that some judges might be appointed to consider of her
marriage with Bothwell; and, if it was found contrary to the law,
that she might be released from him. Those letters highly in-
censed the king's party, because she wrote herself as queen, and
commanded them as subjects. Nay, some would not have had
them answered at all, because they seemed to abridge the king of
his power, and to arrogate all to an exiled queen. But that part
of the council which was for the queen, alleged, that they wonder-
ed much, why those who had the last, year much desired that she
would separate her cause from Bothwell' s, now when it was free-
ly offered to them, should hinder it as eagerly as they had before
earnestly desired it. If a word or two in the letters did displease
them, that fault might easily be amended; nay, some there were,
who undertook (provided the matter of the divorce might be dis-
cussed in the mean time) to procure a commission from her, in
what expressions they themselves would have it. On the con-
trary, the adverse party urged, that they saw no new cause of
such great haste; sixty days was but a lawful time for Bothwell,
who was out of the kingdom, to appear; within which time a
new commission might be sent. Neither ought that delay to seem
long, especially to her, who had passed over so great a matter in
silence, two years, and had now sent letters, which were of them-
selves an hindrance, why those who were willing to gratify her,
could not comply with them. But if she seriously desired a di-
vorce, it was easy to be obtained; let her but write to the king of
Denmark, desiring him to punish the murderer of her former hus-
band; who being once dead, she might marry whom and where
she pleased, though all her adversaries should forbid. But if she
refused this, then it was plain, she spoke not sincerely and from
her heart, but made a counterfeit pretence of divorce, that, if she
married again, she might also live in a disputable and uncertain
matrimony, even with her next husband. And of this there was
a strong suspicion, because she desired such judges to determine
the divorce, who had no power in the case. For what power
could the regent have over exiles, with whom he had nothing at
all to do; and who, unless they themselves pleased, might refuse
to stand to his judgment? Or how could they, who had not the
disposal of themselves, submit to another's judgment? But seeing
there seemed to be some hidden fraud in the case, a decision was
not to be hastily made, but the queen of England was to be ac-
quainted with it, in whose power it was, either to promote or hin-
der it. Hereupon a voung nobleman, of the regent's friends, was
Vol. II. A a a

368 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

sent to the queen of England, to acquaint her with the acts of the
convention. Some may perhaps wonder, that since gi-eater mat-
ters were transacted with less dispute, there should be such ado
made about the divorce. But this was the cause of it : Howard
had privately transacted by his friends, concerning his marrying
the queen of Scots; and the conspiracy was so strong both at home
and abroad, that it was rumoured among the vulgar, the design
Was, to take away both of the lawful princes, and so to seize on
the two kingdoms for themselves; the place, time, and the whole
of the design was so ordered, that all things seemed to be secure
against any force whatsoever. The conspirators were most for-
ward and urgent to remove what might hinder the marriage; if that
were done, they seemed secure, that all the rest should fall in of
itself. On the contrary, they who were for the king, made it
their chief business to cast in causes to delay it; for that, in the
mean while, many secret designs might in time be discovered,
and the conspiracy prevented by the care of both princes.

In this posture of affaira the deci'ee of the Scots council was
brought to the queen of England; but she alleging she was not
satisfied with that answer, and that the messenger did not seem to
her a fit person with whom she might confer in so dangerous a
time, and about such weighty matters, desired to be better in-
formed by the Scots of those matters. Whereupon there was an-
other assembly of the nobility held at Stirling, where they drew
up this answer : " That as for the third of her late propositions, it
«« might admit of a consultation, in order to an agreement; but
ic the second was of that kind, that no consultation at all could be
" admitted on that head, without manifest impiety, in regard it
" would not only diminish, but even extirpate the royal authori-
ff ty. For besides that all partnership in supreme magistracy is
" dangerous; how can two be equally joined in government; of
" whom one was a child, scarce out of his infancy ; the other a
" woman in the prime of her age, of a crafty wit, having passed
" through variety of fortunes, who, as soon as ever she can wind
K herself into part of the government, either by the strength of
" that faction, which, though she was removed by a public de-
*' cree from the administration, do yet labour to restore her, not
" by intreaties, but threats; or else by corrupting the king':;
" friends; or lastly, bv foreign soldiers, whom she is now busy to
" procure, will soon derive the whole authority to herself? How
'* will she endure that vin infant should fee equalled with her, who
" would not be equalled even by her husband? Besides, if she
" should marry some powerful person, (such a matter being now
" on foot), her strength would be doubled, and her husband (as
" of necessity he must) be admitted into p;:rt of the government,

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 369

" and would not willingly suffer, that his children should be pre-
" vented in the succession by a son-in-law; and then, in what a
<* case would the child be? What if his friends (as most men
«« are inconstant) should prefer a present benefit to future hopes,
" and so side with the strongest? What can attend an infant,
" being now thrust down into the second, and then into the
" third place, but utter ruin? As for other things, they had ra-
M ther leave them to her private thoughts to meditate upon, than
" to make a previous conjecture, what an angry woman, hav-
" ing power in her hands, prompted by the imperious counsels
" of her uncles, having evidenced her cruelty towards her hus-
u band, being also exasperated by her banishment, would at-
" tempt against a child, especially when stripped of all aid of
" nature and fortune, and exposed as a sacrifice to her rage?
" And what life would his friends lead, by whom she thought
«« she was so grievously wronged? Besides, what would the state
" of religion be, when she could vent that rage, which in for-
** mer times her fear had concealed, especially if an husband,
" of known arrogance, should further excite her innate cruelty?
" How easily might the^oung king's friends be destroyed, when
" he was cut off? Or how soon might the king be subverted,
« when he had lost his friends? For these reasons the queen
" could not be assumed into a part of the government, with-
f« out evident destruction to the king. Matters standing thus,
« there was no need to speak any thing to the first head of her
« demands."

Robert Pitcairn was sent to carry this answer into England, a
man of no less prudence than loyalty, and he came to that court
in the very crisis of time when the conspiracy to kill the queen,
and to seize on both kingdoms, was discovered. The plot was
so strongly laid, that the queen of England began to be afraid
of herself; and after she had sent Howard to the Tower of Lon-
don, she durst not proceed to punish the queen of Scots, but
was consulting to send her by sea to the regent of Scotland j
but when the storm was a little over, that design vanished.

In the mean time, the regent seeing the power of the ad-
verse faction mightily increase, sends for William Maitland,
who was a great incendiary to the conspiracy, from Perth to
Stirling ; he being conscious of his guilt, though he had ex-
perienced the regent's lenity to all his friends, even in the great-
est offences, yet made no great haste to come; till having be-
fore sifted out, by his friends, if any design was formed a-
gainst him; he tampered also with the earl of Athol to go with
him, that, if need were, he might use him as his intercessor.
As he was sitting in council at Stirling, Thomas Crawfurd, %

Aaa?

37° HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

dependent of the earl of Lennox's, accused him of having a
hand in the king's murder: Whereupon he was commanded to
be kept close prisoner in a chamber in the castle ; . whilst others
were sent to apprehend James Balfour, who was absent. The
wiser sort would have had them both processed against accord-
ing to law, as having been the authors of the tumults that had
happened for some years; and as they were privy to the murder
of the last king, so they were leaders of the faction against the
present : But the lenity of the regent overcame all consideration
of public good ; which proved calamitous to his country, and
fatal to himself: Balfour, by his friends' mediation, obtained par-
don for his conspiracy, though lately entered into; and Mait-
land was brought to Edinburgh, into a lodging not far from the
castle; some horsemen were appointed to guard him, under the
command of Alexander Hume, a young and active nobleman;
but William Kirkaldy, governor of the castle, about ten o'clock
at night brought counterfeit letters to Alexander, (as if they had
been the hand-writing of the earl of Murray) which command-
ed him to deliver Maitland into his custody. Ke knowing in
how great favour Kirkaldy was with Murray, readily obeyed,
and thus Maitland was carried into the castle by the governor,
who, even till then, had privily been of the enemies party.

The nobility were exasperated at it, and almost doubted whe-
ther they should impute so great an offence to Kirkaldy, or to
the regent himself, as one not ignorant of his audacity: and the
matter had come to a sedition, if the sanctity of his whole life
had not outbalanced all imputations of reproach. It is true,
Kirkaldy was a valiant man, and accounted, till that time, a faith-
ful observer of friendship, and as he had received many other
courtesies from the regent, so he had been lately preferred by
him to the government of the castle, before his other friends
and kindred, though the more discerning sort did even then sus-
pect him ; but such was the indulgence of the regent towards
those whom he once loved, that he could not be severe to them,
though taken in the very act of offending. Kirkaldy, the nr\t
day, was sent for by the regent, but refused to come ; and this
in an unlucky hour, when Howard and the queen were daily ex-
pected, raised the spirits of the adverse faction. Strange reports
were commonly spread abroad, that the regent was forsaken by
his intimate friends, in such a doubtful time ; and so the castle
being held against him, he was left to his enemies' will, others
being likely to follow so leading an example very shortly ; and
when the governor was taken away, the innocent king and his
iavourers would be delivered up to those punishments which the,
crudest tyrants could devise.

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3 7 1

Yet the regent was not moved by their speeches, but the next
day went to the castle, and spoke to the governor with an un-
changed countenance, as if he had been reconciled to him, and
so returned to the expedition he had undertaken against the rob-
bers. In his passage through March he turned aside, as he was
wont familiarly to do, to Alexander Hume, the chief of that
clanship; there also (Hume himself being covetous, and having
been drawn off by great promises to the contrary faction) he
found no good reception from Hume's wife, who being an ar-
rogant woman, even ridiculed him to his face ; thence he went
to Teviotdale, coming thither with a small retinue, and little
more than his ordinary guard, the thieves admiring his valour
and constancy, in that solitude of his friends, having received
the public faith for their return, came in such numbers to him,
that their multitude equalled, nay, sometimes exceeded those of
his attendants; yet he remitted nothing of his former greatness
of mind, but answered them as became the dignity of the public
and his own too; and without doubt, he had quieted them with-
out force, had not some of the neighbouring nobility, well af-
fected to Howard, and now ready to take arms, hindered his de-
sign. His friends came in to him at the time appointed, and
then he marched into the territory of the thieves, though some
of the neighbourhood endeavoured to dissuade him, telling him
of the difficulty and danger of the expedition. He passed with
his army through Liddisdale, Eusdale and Eskdale, and received
hostages not only from them, but from those beyond them ; on-
ly some, who, by reason of the greatness of their offences, di-
spaired of pardon, were outlawed. This expedition procured
him not only the favour of the people for settling them in secu-
rity, but raised their admiration also, that a man forsaken by
his intimate friends, and extremely unprovided of necessaries,
should accomplish that in a few days, which the most potent of
our kings, in full peace, and with great forces, could hardly ef-
fect in a long time.

"Whilst these things were acting, he was made acquainted that
the English conspiracy was detected, Howaid committed to pri-
son, and the Scots queen more strictly guarded than before
Robert Pitcairn, having performed his embassy with good suc-
cess, was returned; he informed the regent, that his proceedings
were very acceptable to the queen of England; in that he had
quieted the borders; that he had imprisoned the earl of Nor-
thumberland, one of the conspirators, who was fled into Scot-
land; that he was pursuing all the rest as enemies; that he had
sent to the governor of Berwick, to offer him assistance freely
on all occasions. These courtesies she promised to remember

372 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX.

and that she should not be wanting to him in his dangers,
but that all the force of England should be at his service if need
were.

All the time of this expedition, the regent had daily informa-
tion brought him by his faithful friends, of a great conspiracy
against him entered into at home. And in all the letters the
governor of the castle was still accused; whereupon the regent,
old courtesies and ancient acquaintance not being yet quite worn
out of memory, wrote to him plainly, and sent him a copy of
all his accusations. He answered so coldly to the crimes object-
ed, that he became now more suspected than before : He denied,
that any man could shew his subscription to any engagement, re-
lating to that conspiracy.

In the mean time, the day for Maitlaiid's trial drew near: For
after he was carried to the castle, to put a bold face on a bad mat-
ter, he expressly desired to be brought to his trial; for he was
fully persuaded, that the power of the conspirators was so great
in England, and also in Scotland, (of whom he was one of the
chief) that nothing could be orderly or lawfully determined: For
in trials of life and death, there used to be great {lockings toge-
ther of friends and vassals, according to the faction, favour, or
nobility of the accused, as it happened also at this time. The
chief of the faction against the king, viz. the earls of Hamilton,
Gordon, and Argyle, gathered all their force against that day;
hoping, that if the judgment were disturbed by arms (as it was
easy to do) they might end. the. conflict at one skirmish, as being
superior in number of men, opportunity of the place, and also
better provided for war. The regent expected not a contest by
arms, but law, and had therefore made no preparation on the
other side; and thus being unwilling to put things to the utmost
hazard before he needs must; and also, lest the majesty of the
government might be lessened by contending with his inferiors,
he put off the day of trial; and the day after, about January the
first, having sent the earl of Northumberland to a prison in Loch-
leven, he went to Stirling.

The adverse party thus again disappointed, and perceiving the
authority and power of the regent to increase, and that, besides
his popularity at home, he was also supported by the English;
being stirred up, partly by emulation, partly by the large pro-
mises of the queen of Scots, who by letters informed them, that
the French and Spanish forces would be presently with them,
they proceeded to accomplish that which they had long designed,
even the cutting off the regent. As long as he was alive, they
knew their projects could not take effect, and therefore they sent
messengers through ail countries to the chiefs of their faction,

'bx

Book XIX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 373

to enter into a league to that purpose. To this league the Ha-
miltons subscribed, and those who either themselves or their
children were prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh. The go-
vernor himself was thought to be privy to it, and that which fol-
lowed, increased the suspicion: James Hamilton, son of the
archbishop of St. Andrews his sister, promised to be the instru-
ment, and endeavoured to find a fit time and place to commit
the murder. It happened, that at the same time some hopes
were given to the regent, that Dumbarton would be rendered up
•n conditions; whither he went, but returned without success.
Hamilton being intent on all occasions, his ambushes not suc-
ceeding well, first at Glasgow, then at Stirling, he fixed upon
Linlithgow, as a place fittest to execute his purpose, because that
town was in the clanship of the Hamiltons, and the archbishop
his uncle had a house there, not far from that where the regent
used to lodge; in that house, being prepared for the murder, he
closely concealed himself. The regent had often been apprised
of this design, and particularly that morning, before it was light:
The discoverer for more surety added, that the murderer lay hid
at the distance of three or four houses from his lodging; that if
he would send a small party with him, he would pull him out of
his hole, and so discover the whole design and order of the secret
plot: But the regent would not alter his former purpose: only he
designed to go out of the town thro' the same gate he came in
at, and then take another route in his journey; but neither did he
keep to this resolution; either because he undervalued such dan-
gers, as believing his life to be in God's hand, to whom he was
willing to render it, when it was called for; or else because the
multitude of horse, waiting for him, stopped up the way. When
he was got on horseback, he thought to ride swiftly by the sus-
pected places, and so to avoid the danger: but the multitude of
the people crowding in, hindered this design also, so that the
murderer, out of a wooden balcony, which he had purposely co-
vered with linen, as if it was for another use, shot him with a
leaden bullet, a little below the navel, and it came out almost by
his reins, and also killed the horse of George Douglas, which
was beyond him. Hamilton escaped by a back door or passage
of the garden, which he had plucked down for that end; and
so mounting a swift horse, set on purpose to carrv him off, after
he had committed the fact, by James Hamilton, abbot of Aber-
brothock, he rode to Hamilton, with the great gratulation of those
who waited to hear the event of his audacious enterprize; who
commended him highly, and rewarded him profusely, as if now
the kingdomxhad been actually translated into their own family.
They at Linlithgow being startled at the suddenness of the

374 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XIX»

noise, the regent told them he was wounded, and as if he had
not felt it, he leaped from his horse, and went on foot to his
lodging: They who were sent for to cure the wound, at first said
it was not mortal; but his pain increasing, though his mind was
not disturbed, he began seriously to think of death. Those who
were about him, told him that this was the fruit of his own le-
nity, in sparing too many notorious offenders, and amongst the
test his own murderer, who had been condemned for treason.
To which he returned a mild answer, according to his custom,
saying, Your importunity shall never make me repent of my cle-
mency. Then having settled his domestic affairs, he commended
the king to the nobles there present, and, without speaking a
reproachful word of any man, departed this life before midnight,
about January 23d, in the year 157 1.

His death was lamented by all good men, especially by the
commons, who loved him alive, and lamented him wlien dead,
as the public father of his country; for, besides his many other
noble atchievements, they called to mind, that not a year before,
he had so quieted all the troublesome parts of the kingdom, that
a man was as safe on the road, or at his inn, as in his own
house; and envy dying with him, they who were disaffected to
him when alive, really praised him when dead. They admired
his valour in war, which yet was always accompanied with a
great desire of peace; his celerity in business was always so suc-
cessful, that an especial providence of God seemed to shine on
all his actions; besides, his clemency was great in moderately pu-
nishing, and his equity as great in his legal decisions. When
he had any spare time from war, he would sit all day long in
the college 01 the judges; so that his presence struck such a re-
verence into them, that the poor were not oppressed by false ac-
cusations, nor tired out by long attendance, their causes not be-
ing put off to gratify the rich. His house, like an holy temple,
was free, not only from impiety, but even from wanton words;
after dinner and supper, he always caused a chapter out of the
holy Bible to be read; and though he had still a learned man
to interpret it, yet if there were any eminent scholars there, (as
frequently there were a great many, and such were still respect-
ed by him), he would ask their opinions of it; which he did, not
out of a vain ambition, but a desire to conform himself to its
rules. He was in a manner too liberal ; he gave to many, and
that very often; and his alacrity in giving commended the gift.
And that he might spare the modesty of the receivers, he com-
monly gave very privately with his own hand. In a word, he
was honest and plaih-hearted to his friends and domestics ; if
any of them did amiss, he reproved them more sharply than he

Book XIX.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

375

did strangers. By these his manners, deportment, and innocen-
cy of life, he was dear and venerable, not only to his country-
men, but even to foreigners, especially to the English, to whom,
in all the vicissitudes of providence in his life, his virtues were
more known than to any other nation.

Vol. II.

Bbb

(A. C. 1571.;

THE

HISTORY

O F

SCOTLAND.

»eae©|£££|©««e«

BOOK.XI

•£* LL that time, which immediately followed the death of the
last regent, although it was free from bloodshed, yet was it em-
broiled with the various attempts of the factions. Before the mur-
der, the Hamiltons in great numbers had met at Edinburgh, un-
der the pretence of prevailing with the regent, to release James
Hamilton, the head of their kin or tribe, who was yet kept prison-
er in the castle. But after the murder was perpetrated, they sent
some from amongst them, to the rest of the Hamiltons, who were
to dissuade the other clans (for so they would have made people be-
lieve) from joining with, or protecting the public parricides. But,
as very many suspected, it was to bid them be prepared, and ready
for all occasions. For the next night after the murder, Walter
Scott, and Thomas Kerr of Farnihest, entering into England, ra-
vaged all places with fire and sword; and that with somewhat
more cruelty than was used in former times. Neither was it so
much the desire of booty or revenge, which moved them to this
unusual cruelty, as the effect of what was long before resolved by
the bishop of St. Andrews, and the rest of the heads of the fac-
tion, to incense the English against the Scots. And if they could

Book XX. i-nsTORY of scotmnd. 377

provoke them no other way to take up arms, then by injuries to
draw them, though unwillingly, into a war. The governor of the
castle, although suspected upon many accounts, so that all men's
eyes and discourse were upon him, by way of reflection, as yet
continued in his former counterfeited loyalty to the king. It was
upon his account, that William Maitland was delivered out of
prison j for when he had, in many words, pleaded his innocency
before the council, the nobles then present attesting, that it did
not with any certainty appear to them, that he v/as guilty of those
.crimes which were laid to his charge (for he was accused to have
been privy to the king's and regent's murders, and also to be the
author of the civil war that was lately raised in England) he was
at last dismissed; yet so, that the matter seemed to be deferred til*
another time, rather than absolutely to be decided. He also, pro-
testing his innocency upon oath, promised to appear whenever thfi
king's relations would appoint a day for his trial. Afterwards
when, upon consulting about the state of the kingdom, they had
almost agreed, that of those whom the queen, before she abjured
her government, had nominated tutors to the king, he that would
undertake it, provided he had not afterwards revolted to the ad-
verse faction, should have the chief administration of affairs.
Maitland, now contriving the disturbance of affairs, brought it so
about, that it should be again signified to the absent lords, that
they might, if they pleased, be present in the parliament of the
regent, to be assembled at a certain day, lest they might after-
wards complain* that so great an affair was hastily huddled up in
their absence. Athol, with a few others, consented; neither did
the rest refuse it, that they might take away all occasion of detrac-
tion and calumny from their adversaries, rather than that they had
any hopes that this delay of the parliament would bring any pro-
fit to the public.

After these things, Thomas Randolph, the English ambassa-
dor, had audience. For that queen, while the regent was yet alive,
had sent her ambassadors to demand those English exiles, who, after
Howard's conspiracy was detected, and he punished, for fear of
punishment, had escaped thither. The regent, giving these am-
bassadors audience at Stirling, had referred them to the council
at Edinburgh; and, after his death, things being in a great con-
fusion, they returned home, without any answer. But when they
convened about chusing a regent, Randolph (who some years be-
fore had been in Scotland) for that he was thought -to be well read
in the affairs, and in the men of that kingdom; and that his for-
mer embassies had been also advantageous to both nations, was in
great esteem with all good men like himself. Being introduced
into the council, he declared, " How great his queen's good-
f* will had always been towards the Scots: that as she had not

B b b 2

37^ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

" formerly been wanting to them in' their disturbances, so she
" would not fail them now. Then he rehearsed their incursions
** into England, the slaughters, rapines, and burnings of late
" days committed: adding, that she knew well enough that none
" of these things were acted by the public council; that therefore,
" at present, her kindness and friendship towards them was the
<c same it ever was. So that although she had been in the high-
u est manner, and, without any cause, provoked; yet she did
" not, as she might justly do, repeat particulars, nor publicly re-
" quire reparation; nor for the fault of a fenv^ seek punishment
« of all; that indeed she was not ignorant what a great disturb-
" ance in public affairs there was of late; yet she was no ways
" doubtful of the good-will of honest men towards her; that, in
" favour of them, she did not only free the public from any guilt,
(l but if, by reason of domestic troubles, they could not compel
" the disturbers of the peace to settle things, she would join her
«« forces with theirs, that so, by common consent, they might
" exact punishment of those violators of leagues and truces; but
« if they were not able to do that, then she would revenge their
'« injuries with her own forces; that her army should pass peace-
" ably through the country, without the least damage to it; that
" none that had not been guilty of the crimes alleged, should be
" involved in the punishment."

The remaining heads of this embassy contained admonitions,
ever profitable in all legal assemblies, but now, as the present
posture of affairs was, very necessary, viz. " That they should
«« first of all, with all care and vigilance, have regard to religion,
tc which alone teaches us our duty to God and man; that seeing no
«< commonwealth at discord within itself can long subsist, they
«c should bend their chiefest endeavours, and strive with their ut-
<{ most force, that at home, among fellow subjects and countrymen
" peace and concord might be religiously observed; and seeing
" God, the framer of the universe, had indulged them with a
" kingly government, it was just for them to honour and obey
" their kings, and to yield all observance and obedience to them.
« That peace, concord, and friendship with all men, as much as
" possible, are most acceptable to God, and quench, or at least,
« lessen the thirst of shedding human blood, (which wickedness
" God especially detests); that they increase the riches of all
" in general, and render a people more formidable to their
" enemies; that justice is the preserver of the public safety,
" of which the chief part now to be made use of is, the punish-
" ment of offenders; and since treason is most hateful to every
" lawful government, its abettors, to what part of the ca;
" ever they retreated, should have neither mercy, favouiyror in
Cf diligence shewed them."

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 379

Thus far Randolph, whose advice seemed both pious, whole-
some, and reasonable. But, because none was yet chosen re-
gent, he could not have any certain answer, and therefore was
put off till the first of May. At last, William and Robeit Doug-
las, brothers by the mother's side to the late murdered regent, pe-
titioned, that the villanous death of their brother, suffered upon'
no private, but the commonwealth's account, should be reveng-
ed. Herein the opinions were various, although all agreed, that
the murderers were to be punished. Some thought fit, that a
day should be appointed for those suspected of the murder to ap-
pear and many of their minds were given in. Others were of o-
pinion, that court days were not to be waited for against those
who were now in arms, to maintain by force that fact which they
had impiously committed; and that it was fit, not only to take up
arms forthwith against them, but likewise against all those who
were sentenced by the last parliament.

To this opinion the knights of the shires were most inclined;
yet they could not obtain their desires, through the dissuasion
chiefly of Athol, who said, they ought to expect a more numerous
assembly of the nobility; and of Morton, who thought, that,
should they join more crimes together, the revenge of the regent's
death would miscarry, and a civil war break out; because all
those who dreaded the peace, would join with the murderers;
that therefore their crimes should be separated, and affairs, if pos-
sible, by law transacted, and nothing innovated before the first of
May (which was the day appointed for their meeting). And so
that session was dissolved; most part of the people condemning
this delay of the nobility, because (said they) all things are acted
as the king's enemies please, who had occasioned these delays on
purpose, that thereby the odium of the murder might diminish,
and the opposite faction in the mean while gain strength.

L his opinion of the people was confirmed, not onlv bv some
preceding accidents, but also by very many which followed. For
presently, when the regent's murder was yet hardly divulged,
James Hamilton, upon a mortgage of his lands, procures money
of John Somerville of Cambusnethan, which, together with ano-
ther sum, borrowed of his friends, he sent to his accomplices to
hire troops, having warned them before, to be ready for all at-
tempts, because of the sudden alteration which had happened, up-
on their having rid themselves of their capital enemy. And, after
that, the queen's party ceased not to have meetings in many and
distant places. About the 15th of February, almost all the chiefs
of the rebellious faction met together at Glasgow; whence Ar-
gyle and Boyd wrote to Morton, that they, because as yet they
knew not who were the actors in, or privy to the regent's mur-
der, would willingly communicate their counsel with, the rest of

380 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

the nobility, as well for its discovery as punishment; but that
they would not come to Edinburgh. But if the king's party would
be persuaded to meet them at Linlithgow, at Falkirk, or at Stir-
ling, they would, without delay, come thither. This being
communicated to Maitland by Morton (for so the letter desir-
ed) came to nothing. About the same time, Thomas Kerr wrote
to his father-in-law, the governor of the castle, from Linlithgow,
that if the queen of England would be prevailed withal, to lay by
her resentment of the late incursions, he would endeavour that,
for the fut ure, the borders should be quieted, and kept in due or-
der; but if she should refuse these offers, he would continue in
the design he had begun; not doubting, but that his honest coun-
trymen, who yet retained their loyalty to their queen, would join
with him, and that the French auxiliaries would likewise speedily
arrive.

About the 3d of March, the Hamiltons, with Argyle and Boyd,
met at Linlithgow; but the killing of one common soldier beget-
ting-a tumult, disturbed all their counsels; which made the arch-
bishop of St. Andrews take home the Hamiltons along with him.
The rest of the rebels, especially Huntly, Athol, Crawfurd and
Ogilvy; as also those on this side Forth, Hume, Seton, and
Maitland, met at Edinburgh, where Morton was accompanied but
with a few, till the earls of Glencairn and Marr, with their follow-
ers, came to him. About the fourth of March, the heads of the
factious met to consult about the main affair; but this consulta-
tion went but slowly on, by reason of Argyle's absence, whose
power and authority was then very great. Huntly goes to him,
undertaking to persuade him to join with the rest of the faction,
but returns without success, by the treachery of Maitland (as most
men thought) who desired to keen things at a stand, that, amidst
the confusions of the kingdom, he might have the fitter opportu-
nity for innovations. Argyle also, in all his undertakings, had
another impediment, which hindered that his power was not now
so great as it was formerly; which was, that though he himself
was a most eager favourer of the queen's cause, yet neither his
friends and dependants, nor his very brother, could be prevailed
to follow him against the king.

The ensuing night, a sudden terror, without any apparent
cause, so seized upon all the factions, that they watched in their
irnaour till it was dav light ; and, in the morning, as fearfully re-
tired from Edinburgh. All the time of this convention, the chief
thing controverted was, by what authority the Scots might, at that
time choose a regent? Some, according to the queen's letters pa-
tent three years ago, by which she had designed eight of the nobi-
lity, that cut of them one or more, as should be thought fit, might
be nominated as tutors to her sou, would have one ot that number

Book XX. HrsTORY or Scotland. 381

placed at the helm. Others were of opinion, that those letters
were now useless, since a regent was already chosen, according
to their appointment; and that all thoughts of them should b^
laid aside, as being not made to be always in force, but for that
one juncture of time only. Some there were, who would have
the whole affair defence!, till the general convention of the no-
bility: But these were chiefly of Maitland's faction, who expect-
ed that a great distraction in affairs would follow, which, in a
great multitude, without a governor, is easily raised, but not so
easily laid. The third opinion condemned both these: The first,
because now there ourrht less account to be made of the oueen's
letters patent, since (if the matter of law were considered) they
were, from their beginning, of little or no force: The other,
for that a prorogation would both draw much danger along with
it, as also a greater delay than the present condition of affairs
could well permit; and therefore they would have all those to
meet, who at first had advised-, that the king should enter upon
the government, and had constantly adhered to him ever since:
These, according to the sense of this party, were to take the best
care they could for the public welfare, and speedily appoint
such a regent, who was both able and willing to provide for the
safety both of king and kingdom. But this opinion was also re-
jected. And thus, before any thing was concluded upon, the
convention broke up.

So many meetings having been tried in vain, the rebels again
return to the old seminary of the English war, thereby to draw
the populace to their faction; and send out the same officers of
the freebooters, as they called them, who were sent before, who
left nothing of cruelty uncommitted, even to the utmost extremi-
ty. And in the mean time, the heads of their faction bespatter
the queen of England with all manner of reproaches: And they
maliciously accuse the Scottish nobles, as pensioners to the En-
glish, commonly giving out, in a way of threatening, that ii
their adversaries called in the English to their aid, they would
have recourse to the French and Spaniards. About this time,
Mr. Le Verac, of the king of France's bedchamber, came from
France to Dumbarton, who, with his large promises, somewhat
elevated their spirits. Hereupon the Hamiltons appointed a
meeting of their people to be he-Id, the 9th of April, at Lin-
lithgow ; where, when the queen's faction was gathered toge-
ther in great numbers, they began openly to treat of that which
they had long before meditated in their private cabals, viz. That
if a war against the English could be made, private injuries and
actions, either about the king's or regent's murder, in that uni-
versal disturbance of affairs, would thereby either grow out of
remembrance, or at least the resentment of them would much

38 1 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

abate. These things hiving been transacted at Linlithgow, by
the ass f the conspiracy only, who having not yet plainly

unmasked their intentions, that they might have more shew of
authority, determine to meet at Edinburgh on the 11th of A-
pril, that, besides the ether conveniencies which the place would
afford them, they might draw the citizens, of whom they always
made great account, either way to their party. This seemed no
hard matter, since they had already gained William Kirkaldy,
the governor both of the city and castle, to their side: But be-
cause they understood that watch and ward was kept there, and
that the common people were more inclined to their adversaries,
they thought fit to send to the citizens first, to know whether
it was their pleasure they should meet there? The citizens an-
swer was, That they would exclude no person that was desir-
ous of the public peace, and obedient to the king; but that they
would admit neither the English exiles, nor the Hamiltons, into
their city, lest they should either highly displease the queen of
England, in whose kingdom they had great traffic, or seem to
join in counsel with those that were guilty of that horrid mur-
der; neither would they endure the proposal of any new edicts,
which might tend to the lessening of the regal authority; or,
that their soldiery should be forced (as the custom was) to run
to their arms by sound of drum. Upon these conditions, how
hard soever they seemed, they notwithstanding came into the
city, in hopes, by degrees, to gain upon the unwary multitude,
and, by soothing them with fair speeches, at last to win them
all over to them. But, for all this, they could not prevail with
the citizens to deliver up their keys, or to cease their usual watch,
though Kirkaldy, governor of the castle and city, joined his ut-
most endeavours with them to procure all this.

All that time they visited Maitland (who, if he did not dis-
semble deeply, was troubled with the gout) every day, and in
such numbers, that his house was commonly called a school, and
he a school-master: Athol, mean while, incessantly passed from
one place to another, that he might draw those of the contrary
faction to this meeting at Edinburgh; but they all unanimously
refused to come before May 1st, (which was the day generally a-
greed upon by all) unless they were satisfied of the necessity of
coming before; if any thing of moment happened, which would
admit of no delay, they would have them acquaint the earl of
Morton with it, who was at his house but four miles off; and he
would intimate it to the rest. Athol at last appoints a day, on
which some of either faction should meet at Morton-hall, which
i;> in Dalkeith; but this place did not please the queen's faction,
not that they dreaded any treachery, but out of conceit, that it
would be an undervaluing of their authority, if they should come

Book XX. ttlSTORY OF SCOTLAND. '383*

to Morton, rather than he come to them. For which reason
after many attempts, and finding nothing proceeded to their sa-
tisfaction, they were forced to break up the meeting; for being
desirous to rid the city of their adversaries, and seeing they could
not prevail with the citizens to join with them; in Oi'der to it,
they resolved to call in a greater number of their friends who
lived nearest to them, that in spite of the inhabitants they might
get all things into their own power. The governor of the castle
facilitated this very much, who set at liberty those persons whom
he had in custody, and they were almost all the heads of the
queen's faction. But a sudden rumour, that the English army-
was come to Berwick, shook all their resolutions. Alexander
Hume and John Maxwell, lately let out of prison, without any-
public authority, betook themselves to their own homes, to look
to their domestic affairs : And Hume had part of the money ga-
thered for raising of soldiers, given him, to fortify his own
castle.

Thomas Ker, and Walter Scot, who, by the instigation chiefs
ly of the archbishop of St. Andrews, had made incursions into
England, foi-eseeing, that, from this beginning, a war would be
kindled between the two kingdoms, being deserted by their neigh-
bours, and doubtful of their own strength, sent to the heads of
their faction for aid; or if that could not be given, that, at least*
they would come as far as Lauder, (a neighbouring town), and
from thence make a show of war. When in this too they could
not obtain their request, nor yet the least proportion of their
common money for the public use; and being highly incensed to
be thus betrayed and forsaken by those very men that had put
them upon the war, every one of them betakes himself to the
care of his own safety, their hopes, for the time to come, being
all blasted. Thus so many cross accidents unexpectedly falling
out at one and the same time, entirely disturbed all their plots
and machinations; but the sudden approach of the English army
was what most surprised them; and therefore, to see if they
could put a stop to it, they make use of two embassies into Eng-
land; one to Thomas earl of Sussex, to desire a truce, till such
time as they had laid open the state of their affairs to the queen
of England: The other ambassador carried letters to the queen,
containing many things, as well for their own cause, as against
the king's faction; especially by making their boasts of greater
forces than they had in reality, and vilifying those of their adver-
saries, thereby covertly threatening the English with a war: For
Maitland had made them believe, that the queen, a woman na»
turally timorous, would do any thing rather than be brought to
a war, at a time when both the French and Spaniards were, for
many reasons, at enmity with her, and her own affairs at home

Vol. II. C c c

384 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

were scarce settled. The rebels desired, that by the queen's ar-
bitriment, all the ordinances of the last two years should be cal-
led in, although many amongst them had subscribed to them;
and that all things being, <$ it were, acted do novoy a new ordi-
nance should, by a general consent, be made: And that they
might the better set forth the power of their faction, their letter
had all the great men's names that were of their party, subscribed
to it; and for the greater ostentation of their multitude, they set
to it the names of many, as well the adverse faction, as of those
that were neuters; in hopes that the English (by reason of the
great distance1, and their ignorance of things done so far off; and
that their letters to the queen would be exposed to the view
but of a few persons) would hardly be able to detect their
fraud.

About that time an accident happened, as they thought, very
advantageous to their affairs, as hoping that it would both make
the English less forward, and, at the same time, terrify the Scots
populace, viz. the arrival of a certain Frenchman, however of a
mean condition, who, as being Lansack's menial servant, was,
for his master's sake, entertained at that court. This man
brought a great many letters, all of the same purport, frGm the
French king,, not only to the heads of the queen's faction, but
likewise to many who had not declared themselves for either
faction; in which, great thanks were given to every one of them,
for their having hitherto taken the queen's part; the king desir-
ing them constantly to persist in so doing, and he would send
them assistance, even greater than they had desired of him, as
soon as ever he could do it with conveniency. He also, that
brought the letters, adds, as from himself. " That all things
« were now quiet in France, Jasper Coligny, and the other
" rebels, being reduced to such terms, as to promise to leave
« France, lest their presence should be a hinderance to the pu-
" blic peace: And he doubted not, but the soldiers which were
" to be sent to assist them, would all be raised before his re-
« turn." The wiser sort, although they knew that these things
were, for the most part, nothing but vain reports, yet permitted
the common sort to be deluded by them. When therefore the
minds of many people were, by these means, much lifted up,
their joy was lessened by the unsuccessful return of their ambas-
sadors out of England: For Sussex could not be induced to think
it would be for the English interest, to maintain an army only
to idle their time away in truces, and wholly to desist from war,
without any conditions offered on the part of the Scots. And
the letter which they wrote to the queen being opened by Sus-
sex (as she had commanded, to prevent the delay of waiting for
her answer) discovered the fraud. For it contained nothing but

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 385

vain boasting, as the English well knew, who knew every thing
that was doing in Scotland: So that their ambassadors were al-
most hooted away, and copies of their letter were sent to the
king's party in Scotland. Being thus disappointed, and frighten-
ed by the sudden drawing near of the English army, and those
who were to have assisted them, being gone to defend their own
homes; having also small confidence in the citizens, and know-
ing that their enemies would come to Edinburgh on the 1st of
May: they therefore retired from thence, and went to Linlith-
gow, thinking that place to be very commodious for the send-
ing for those of their party from the most distant places of the
kingdom; as also for hindering the journeys, of the others that
were going to the assembly; and for bringing about of those o-
ther things which were lately discussed at their consultations.
From this place the Hamiltons, with their friends and vassals
made the whole road leading to Edinburgh, very unsafe for pas-
sengers; and knowing that John Erskine earl of Marr, was to
come that way, they placed themselves on the neighbouring hills
to hinder his journey; but he knowing how the way was beset,
passed the river about two miles above; and so, on April 29th,
in the evening, came safe to Edinburgh. After that day, the
king's party kept at Edinburgh, and the queen's at Linlithgow,
mutually charging one another with the causes and rise of these
civil combustions. But those at Edinburgh informed their oppo-
sites, that they were willing to come to an easy agreement upon
other heads, and that, if they had done any one any wrong, they
would give him just satisfaction, as indifferent arbitrators should
award; provided always, that this king's authority might be se-
cured, and that both parties might join to revenge the murder of
the last king, and of the regent. To this proposal they at Lin-
lithgow gave no satisfactory answer, but, instead thereof, made
an edict, that all subjects should obey the queen's commission-
ers; and the three earls, Arran, Argyle, and Huntly, sum-
moned an assembly to be held at Linlithgow, August the 3d.
Whereupon the other party sent Robert Pitcairn their ambassa*
dor to the queen of England, to treat with her about suppres-
sing the common enemy, and to shew how well affected the
•Scots stood towards her: He was to inform her, that they would
chuse such a regent as she should please to recommend or ap-
prove.

Thus whilst each party was crossing one another's design, the
English enter Teviotdale, and spoil the towns and villages be-
longing to the families of the Kers and of the Scots, (who had
violated the peace, by making incursions into England, and giv-
ing harbour to such English fugitives as fled to them for shelter),
wasting and hurning their country. The earl of Sussex thti;

C c c 2

386 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

general besieged Hume castle, where the owner of it laid up
much provision, and all the neighbourhood had brought in their
best goods to that fort, as into a place of safety. It was valiantly
defended by the garrison within, and the English, the next day
after, were about to raise the siege; when letters were brought to
the garrison soldiers, written a while before by Alexander, owner
of the castle, which disturbed all their measures. For by these
letters he commanded them to obey the orders of William Drury,
an English knight, and to do what he commanded them, without
any dispute. Drury acquainted Sussex herewith, whereupon the
castle was surrendered and plundered, and Sussex placing in it a
garrison of English, with a great booty returned to Berwick,
Thus Hume, who was so far from being afraid of the English,
that rather he thought them his very friends, as knowing that
Drury and Sussex both did secretly favour Howard's affairs, al-
most ruined himself by his own incredulity; for, at last, being
forsaken of all his friends and relations, who were mostly royal-
ists, he came with one or two in his company to Edinburgh, and
shut up himself, as a recluse, in the castle there.

On the other side of the borders, Scroop, an English command-
er, entered Annandale, and ransacked the lands of one Johnston,
(who also had made incursions into England); but Johnston him-
self with a few of his companions, being well acquainted with
the passes of the country, made a shift to escape from the horse
that pursued him. John Maxwell, who had gathered together
3000 men out of the neighbourhood, yet durst not adventure to
come into his aid, but only stood upon his own guard. A while
after, the English that were at Berwick having received hostages
and thinking that matters would have been carried with fidelity
towards them, sent in 300 horse, and 1000 foot, under the com-
mand of Drury, against the common enemy. Upon the rumour
of their march, the Hamiltons went to Glasgow, resolving to de-
molish the castle of the archbishop there, that it might not be a
receptacle to the e2rl of Lennox, then returned out of England,
and that country be made the seat of war. They knew that it
was kept but by a few raw soldiers, that the governor was absent,
and that it was unprovided of necessaries, so that they thought to
surprise it by their sudden approach; for they flew into the town
in such haste, that they shut out a good part of the garrison sol-
diers from entering into the castle; but being disappointed of their
hopes, they began to batter and storm it with the utmost violence,
and were as valiantly repulsed; for the garrison-soldiers (which
-were but 24) did so warmly receive them for several days, that
they killed more of the assailants, than they themselves were; and
the rest they beat off, very much wounded. Of their own, they
lost but cne man, and none cf the rest received so much as a

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 387

wound. But the people of Hamilton, hearing that the English
-were already at Edinburgh, and that John Erskine was come to
Stirling, with a design speedily to relieve the castle, though they
had received some additional force, even from the remote parts of
the kingdom, yet toward evening they raised their siege, and in
great fear packed away. Hamilton and Argyle himself posted in-
to Argyle's country. Huntly went home, over the almost im-
passable mountains-, the rest shifted for themselves, and ran seve-
ral ways to save their lives.

But the English, two days after they came to Edinburgh, went
to Glasgow, and in their passage through Clydesdale, wasted all
the lands of the Hamiltons, and any others that had consented to
the death of the. regent; as also of those who had harboured the
English fugitives, and carried away a very great booty, making ha-
rock in all the country; when the engines to beat down the castle,
that was situated near a village called Hamilton, were bringing to
Stirling. Drury, who privately favoured the English rebels, had
almost rendered the whole expedition fruitless : for he was so far
from quieting the English who mutinied, because their pay was
not paid them at the day (whereupon they threatened immediately
to lay down their arms), that it was thought by many, he himself
was the author of the mutiny. But the soldiers were appeased,
upon the receiving their pay down upon the nail; and the great
guns being planted, and playing against it, the castle was surren-
dered in a few hours. Amongst the booty, some there were that
knew the apparel, and other household stuff of king James V. that
the owner of the castle, when he resigned up his regency, had so
solemnly sworn he had none of. The castle was left half de-
molished; and the town, together with the stately mansion of the
Hamiltons, the wild common soldiers burnt to the ground against
the will of their commanders. Upon which the army marched
back, the English to Berwick, and the Scots each to their own
home. Drury interceded for the garrison, that they should march
away in safety ; who being dismissed, took Robert Semple prison-
er, the chief of his family, out of the house of his son-in-law,
who was quietly returning home, as if the service had been end-
ed; which passage greatly increased the suspicion of Drury.

There matters were scarce finished, before Pitcairn returned
from his embassy out of England, and brought this answer.
** That the queen wondered, they never made her acquainted
tf with the state of their affairs till now, four months after the
*« death of the regent; and by reason of this delay, she was un-
" certain what estimate to make of them. In the mean time,
" that she had been often solicited importunately by the French
" and Spanish ambassadors in the name of their kings, and that
" she was even tired out with the daily complaints of the Scots

388 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

« queen, that she had promised them audience ; but upon condi-
« tion, that the queen of Scots should write to her party for a
*« cessation of arms, till the conference was ended. That those
" innovations which they had attempted by their public edicts,
" they should revoke by other edicts contrary to the former, and
" to suffer things to stand as they were, when the regent was
" murdered. That the English exiles should be given up without
« fraud; and if upon the conference, matters were accommoda-
« ted between them, hostages and other pledges should be given
" on both sides, for the faithful performance of agreements.
« That upon these conditions a conference was promised, and
" having obliged herself to this, she could not join with them in
« their design of making a new regent, lest she might seem to
" condemn their queen without hearing her; but in general she
" said, that she had a great affection for them, and their welfare.
" In the mean time she desired, that they would abstain from
" arms, and from making a regent, and she would take care,
" that such a small delay would be no damage to them." This
answer being reported to the Scots, did variously affect them. On
the other hand, the necessity of the time required them to steer
their counsels so as they might be pleasing to the queen of Eng-
land; and on the other, they knew of what concern it was to the
public, that one chief magistrate should be set up, to whom all
complaints might be made; for want of creating one some months
already past, the enemy had improved the delay to gather forces,
to make new courts of justice, daily to set forth new edicts, and
to usurp all the offices of a king. On the other side, the royalists
were dejected, and a multitude, without one certain person whom
to obey, could not be long kept in obedience. After the ambas-
sador's return, news came that there was a new insurrection in
England, and that in London the pope's bull was fastened on the
church doors to exhort the English, partly to cast off the unjust
yoke of the queen's government, and partly to return to the popish
religion ; and it was thought, that the hand of the queen of Scots
was in all this.

Now though they knew from the earl of Sussex's letters, that
notwithstanding these things, all was quiet in England; and also,
the said Thomas Randolph had, in presence, confirmed it, yet
they could hardly be restrained from chusing a regent. But at
last a middle way prevailed, that they might have an appearance
of a chief magistrate, to set up an inter-regent, or deputy-king,
to continue till the 1 2th of July; in which time they might be far-
ther informed of the queen of England's mind. They judged
that she was not averse from their undertaking, especially upon
this ground, that she had put it into the articles of capitulation,
that they should give up all the English exiled for rebellion; for if

Book XX. History of Scotland. 3S9

that were done, they understood, that the spirits of all die papists
in England would be alienated from the queen of Scots. If it
were denied, then the conference, or treaty, would break off,
and the suspicions which made the commonalty averse, would
daily increase. For they saw, that other things would not easily
be agreed upon, when a greater danger threatened the English
than the Scots, upon the deliverance of their queen; and if other
things were accorded, yet the queen of England would never let
her go, without .hostages; neither was she able to give any such,
who could make a sufficient warranty. These considerations gave
them some encouragement, so that they proceeded to create Mat-
thew Stewart earl of Lennox, the king's grandfather, vicegerent
for the time.

Whilst this new viceroy, by the advice of his council, was bu-
sied in rectifying things, which had been disordered in the late tu-
mults; letters came opportunely from the queen of England, Ju-
ly the 10th, Wherein she spake much of her affection to the king
and kingdom of Scotland, and freely offered them her assistance;
withal she desired them to abstain from naming a regent, which
was a title invidious of itself, and of no good example to them;
only if they were resolved, and asked her advice, she thought none
was to be preferred to that high office before the king's grand-
father; none being cf greater fidelity to the king, yet a minor; and
who undoubtedly had the prerogative before all others. These
letters encouraged them, by the joint suffrages of all the estates,
of a viceroy to make him regent.

As soon as evtt he was created regent, and had taken an oath,
(according to custom) to observe the laws and customs of his coun-
try: first of all he commanded, that all who were able to bear
arms, should appear at Linlithgow, August the 2d, to hinder the
convention, which the seditious had there appointed in the name
of the queen; then he himself summoned a parliament in the name
of the king, to be held the 10th day of October; he also sent to
the governor of the castle of Edinburgh, (who still pretended
great friendship to the king's party, though his words and actions
did very much disagree) to send him some brass cannon, carriages,
and other things for the managing them. This he did, rather to
try the governor's fidelity, than in hopes to obtain his desires.
He promised very fair at first, but when the day was coming on,
that the parliament was to meet, when he was desired to perform
his promises he peremptorily refused, alleging, that his service
should be always ready to make up an agreement between, but not
to shed the blood of his countrymen.

Nevertheless the regent came, at the day appointed, to Lin-
lithgow, with 5000 armed men in his company; but hearing
that the enemy did not stir, only that Huntly had placed one

39° HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

hundred and sixty soldiers at Brechin, and had sent out an order,
commanding the inhabitants to get in provisions for some thou-
sands of men, by the 2d of August: The garrison there placed
by him, not only robbed the inhabitants, but waylaid all travel-
lers, who passed the roads thereabout. Upon which the regent,
by the advice of his council, resolved to march thither, and to
seize on the place (which would be of great advantage to him)
before Huntly could arrive at it; and if occasion offered, there
to fight him, before his partners came up with their force, and
so to defeat that party of musketeers, which was all he had •,
and, by that means, might take some of the leaders of the fac-
tion, as the earl of Crawfurd, James Ogilvy, and James Balfour,
who he heard were there. Pursuant to this, he commanded
Patrick Lindsay and William Ruthven, chief officers, and James
Haliburton, governor of Dundee, to take what soldiers they could
raise at Dundee and St. Johnston, and to make haste thither,
to prevent the news of their coming. They made all the speed
that ever they were able •, the next night horsing their foot for
greater expedition j however, as they drew near the place, they
marched slowly, to get some refreshment before they charged
the enemy ; so that the alarm was taken at Brechin, that the e-
nemy was a coming: Upon which Ogilvy and Balfour, who
chanced to be there, got the soldiers presently together; and en-
couraging them as well as they could for the time, they told them
that they and Huntly would return again in three days; and so
they got on horseback, and hasted away over the mountains to
their own men. The soldiers that were left, catched up what
was next at hand, and about twenty of them got to the tower of
a neighbouring church: The rest fled into the house of the earl
of Marr, which was seated on a hill near to it, it was like a
castle, and commanded the town. James Douglas earl of Mor-
ton, with eight hundred horse, went a farther march about, and
came not in till the day after: The regent sent home the Lennox
men and those of Renfrew, to guard their own country, if Ar-
gyle should attempt any thing against it; but he, in three days,
overtook those whom he had sent before to Brechin. At the
noise of his coming, the neighbouring nobility came in, so that
now he mustered 7000 effective men; whereupon they who were
in the church tower presently surrendered themselves. The rest
having stoutly defended themselves for a few days, killing and
wounding some who were unwary in their approaches, at last
hearing that brass cannon were planted against them, and that
Huntly bad forsaken them, surrendered also at mercy to the re-
gent. He hanged up 30 of the most obstinate, many of them
having been taken and released before; the rest being very feeble
he dismissed. Huntly was then about twenty miles oil, endea-

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 39!

vouring to gather more force, but in vain (for most men, when
they hud free liberty to declare themselves, abhorred so bad a
cause): upon which he was forced, through fear, to provide for
his own safety, and, with a small party, retired into the remote
countries.

After this the regent returned to Edinburgh, to be present at
the parliament there summoned; and, by their advice, to settle
the present disturbances. The rebels perceiving, that, by the a-
greement of all the estates, there was no hope left them; especial-
ly they who were guilty of the king's murder, and of the death of
the regent, dealt with the queen of England, that, because she
had* promised the French and Spanish ambassadors, she would
hear both parties, and compose things, if she could, that there-
fore no new decree should be made in the mean time. This de-
lay being obtained (for nothing was done in that assembly, only
the election of the regent was confirmed) the rebels never ceased
to solicit the French and Spaniards to send forces into Britain, to
restore their queen ; and because they affirmed, that the restitu-
tion of the pope's, or the old religion, depended on her, there-
fore they had recourse also to the pope, that though he were far
remote, yet he might help them with money. Whereupon he
sent an agent into Scotland, to inquire into the present state of
things there, who giving an account, that the popish party there
was very weak ; and that all the rebels were not unanimous in the
restoring of popery, he refused to meddle with it; but, in the
mean time, he endeavoured to raise some commotion in England,
by his execrations and curses hung upon church-doors by night;
by his indulgencies, and by his promise of indemnity for what
was past; for there he thought his faction was the strongest. The
regent having appointed the parliament to be held the 25th of Jan.
(for within that time he hoped to satisfy all' foreign ambassadors)
to compose things legally and judiciously, as well as he could, re-
turned to Edinburgh. The rebels, having renewed the truce, by
means of the queen of England, till the ambassadors of both par-
ties had been heard before her; yet, contrary to the peace desired
by themselves, were very busy to attempt alterations, encouraged
(as it is thought) by the favour of the earl of Sussex, who then
Commanded the army of the English in Northumberland." For he,
either not altogether despairing of the duke of Norfolk's affair, or
else induced by the promises of the exiled queen, of whose return
he had some hopes, was somewhat inclinable to the rebels; which
the Scots taking notice of, were more sparing in communicating
counsels with him. The winter being past in the reviving of the
truce; the parliament summoned on the 25th of January was de-
ferred till May. In the mean time, the Hamiltons having in vain
suborned many men to kill the regent, at last seized upon the

Vol.11. ' Ddd

392 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. B©ok XX,

tower of Paisley, driving out the garrison-soldiers, as thinking they
might do it with impunity, whilst men's minds were employed in
greater things. The regent appointed the earl of Morton, Ro-
bert Pitcairn, and James M'Gill, his ambassadors to England, to
reason the affair with the ambassadors of foreign princes, and
sent them away February the 5th, and he himself marched to
Paisley, where he summoned in the neighbouring nobility that
were of his party, and attacked the castle. Having cut oft their
water, the besieged were forced to surrender. Afterwards, when
Gilbert Kennedy annoyed the royalists, with his plundering in-
cursions in Carrick, he went to Ayr; and as soon as Kennedy
heard of the approach of a few troops, being also afraid of his
clanships, who had been always loyal to the king and his party,
he gave his only brother as hostage, and appointed a day to
come to Stirling, and subscribe to the capitulation agreed on.
Hugh Montgomery, earl of Eglinton, and Robert Boyd, follow-
ed his example ; and surrendering themselves to the regent, were
by him received to favour. During all this time that the regent
was quelling the seditious, and Morton was absent in his embassy
in England; they that held Edinburgh castle, being freed from the
fear of their enemies near at hand, ceased not to list soldiers, in
order to put garrisons into the most convenient places of the city,
to take away provisions which the merchants had brought to Leith,
and to provide all things necessary to endure a siege, till their ex-
pected relief from foreign parts might arrive.

The regent was very much bruised by a fall from his horse, and
therefore returned to Glasgow, where a common soldier came to
him, and gave him some hopes of surprising Dumbarton; he had
been a garrison soldier in the castle there, and his wife coming
often to visit him, had been accused, and whipped for theft, by
Fleming the governor. Her husband beaig a loving man,
and judging his wife to have been wrongfully punished, went
from the castle; and from that day forward, employed all his
thoughts how he might do Fleming a mischief. Upon which,
he breaks the business to Robert Douglas, kinsman to the regent,-
and promises him, that if he would assign a small party to follow
him, he would shortly make him master of that castle. Robert
acquainted John Cunningham with the design, who was to inquire
diligently of him, how so great an attempt could be accomplished?
He being a blunt rough soldier, perceiving that they startled at his
proposal, because he could not well make out how to accomplish
what he had promised : Since, said he, you do not believe my words,
FU go on myself the first man in the service : if you ivill follow m<tt J
will make you masters of the place; but, if your hearts fail you, then let ii
alone. When this was told to the regent, though the thing itself,
being in reality a great enterprise, had somewhat elevated their

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 393

spirits, ant! made them willing enough to have it effected, yet the
author, (though they judged him trusty enough) seemed not a fit
instrument to bring about so great an undertaking. Upon whieh,
Thomas Crawfurd, a bold man, and a good soldier, was made
acquainted with the project, and it was agreed between them, ra-
ther to try the hazard of so great fortune, than idly to neglect
such an opportunity. Upon which a few days were appointed to
provide ladders, and other necessaries, and the design was to be
put irt execution the first of April, for then the truce granted to
the rebels, by the mediation of the queen of England, would ex-
pire. In the mean time, no talk at all was to be made about it.

Before I declare the event of this piece of service, give me leave
to tell you the nature and situation of the castle of Dumbarton.
From the confluence of the rivers Clyde and Leven, there is a plain
champaign of about a mile, extended to the foot of the adjoining
mountains; and in the very angle where the two rivers meet,
stands a rock with two heads or summits. The highest, which
is to the west, has on the very top of it a watch-tower, from
whence opens a large prospect to all adjacent parts. The other
being lower, looks towards the east; between these, that side
that turns towards the north and the fields, hath stairs ascend-
ing obliquely up the rock, cut out by art, where hardly a single
man can go up at once. For the rock is very hard, and scarce
yields to any iron tool; but if any part of it be broken off by
force, or falls down of itself, it emits a smell far and near like
sulphur. In the upper part of the castle there is a vast piece of
rock, of the nature of a load-stone, but so closely cemented, and
fastened to the main rock, that no manner of joining at all ap-
pears. Where the river Clyde runs by to the south, the rock,
(naturally steep in oiher parts) is somewhat bending; and stretch-
ing out its arms on both sides, takes in some firm land, which is
so inclosed, partly by the nature of the place, and partly by hu-
man industry, that, in the overthwart or transverse sides of it, it
affords sufficient space for many houses; and in the river, a road
for ships, very safe for the inhabitants, by playing from the castle
brass ordnance, but unsafe for an enemy; and small boats may
come up almost to the very castle-gate. The middle part of the
rock, by which you go up, being full of buildings, makes, as it
were, another castle distinct and secluded from the higher one.
Besides the natural fortification of the rock, the two rivers, Leven
to the west, and Clyde to the south, make a kind of trench about
it. On the east side, when the tide is in, the sea washes the foot
of the rock; when it is out, that place is not sandy (as usually
chores are) but muddy, the fat soil being dissolved into dirt.
This strand is also intercepted, and cut by many torrents of wa-»
ter, which tumble down from the adjacent mountain. The other

Ddd2

394 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

side turns towards a plain field of grass. The castle has three
fountains in it always running; besides springs of running water
in many other places. The ancient Britons, as Bede says, called
the place Alcuith; but the Scots who were heretofore severed
from the Britons by the river Leven, because that fort was built,
on the borders of the Britons, called it Dunbritton, now Dum-
barton. There is a little town hard by of the same name, upon
the bank of the river Leven, about half a mile distant from the
confluence of the rivers.

This castle was accounted impregnable; and in all foreign and
civil wars was of great advantage to them that held it, and as
prejudicial to their enemy. At that time John Fleming was
governor of it, by commission from the banished queen; he,
though he consented not to the king's father's murder, yet hav-
ing not a force sufficient to defend himself against the royalists,
sided with the parricides, and for four years last past, had kept
up the garrison at the charge of the king of France (whom he
had persuaded, that almost all the Scots had secretly confede-
rated with the queen of England) ; and made his boast to him,
that he held, as it were, the fetters of Scotland in his own hands;
and whenever the French had leisure from other wars, if they
would but send him a little assistance, he would easily clap them
on, and bring all Scotland under their power: And the French
king was as vain in feeding his fond humour; for he sent him
some military provisions by one Monsieur Verac, whom he
commanded to stay there, and to give him an acccount of the
affairs of Scotland. Besides, the insolence of the governor was
increased by the treachery of the garrison soldiers of Edinburgh
castle, who had lately revolted from the king; he was also some-
what animated by the sickness of the regent, who was almost
killed with a fall from his horse, and was troubled with the gout,
besides;" he was no less encouraged by the truce, which the
queen of England had obtained for them till the end of March.
These considerations made him and his garrison soldiers so se-
cure and negligent, that they went frequently to make merry in-
to the town, and lie there all night, as if they had been lulled at
rest in the very bosom of peace.

Affairs standing in this posture, and preparation being made
for the expedition, as much as the present haste would permit,
John Cunningham was sent before with some horse, to stop all
passengers; so that the enemy might have no intelligence of
their coming. Thomas Crawford followed after with the foot;
they were ordered to meet together at Dumbuck, a hill about a
mile from the castle, at midnight. At that place Crawford (as
he was commanded) told the soldiers what the design was they
were going upon, and how they were to effect it; he shewed

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 395

them who was to lead them on, and had promised to scale the
walls first; and then he, and those commanders that would be
taken notice of for their courage, were to follow. The soldiers
were easily persuaded to follow their leaders; and accordingly
the ladders were carried, and other things, to storm the castle;
and the foot a little before day, marched on towards it. The
horse were commanded to stay in the same place, to expect the
event. As they were approaching the castle, they met with two
obstructions; one was, that the bridge over the brook that runs
between the fields was broken down; the other, that a fire ap-
pearing suddenly near it, occasioned a suspicion, that the bridge
was broken down on purpose to stop the enemy; and the fire
kindled by the garrison soldiers, to discover and prevent the ene-
my's approach: But this fear was soon dispelled, by their repair-
ing the bridge, as well as they could in such haste, and making
it passable for the foot; the scouts likewise were sent out to the
place where the fire was seen, and they could find no sign of any
fire at all; so that in reality the fire was a mere ignis fatuns of
a meteorous nature, like those fires which are bred in the air,
and sometimes pitch on the ground, and presently vanish. But
they had a greater cause of fear, lest the sky, which was clear
and starry, and the approach of the day, should discover them
to the centinels that watched above; but, on a sudden, the hea-
vens were covered with a thick mist, yet so that it reached not
below the middle of the rock whereon the castle stood, but the
upper part was so dark, that the guards in the castle could see
nothing of what was done below. But as the mist came season-
ably, so there was another misfortune, which fell out very un-
luckily, and had almost ruined the whole design: For many lad-
ders being necessary, in order to get up that high rock, and the
first unmanageable by reason of their length, and being overla-
den with the weight of those who went hastily up, and not well
fastened at foot, in a slippery soil, fell suddenly down with
those that were upon them: That accident cast them into a great
consternation for the present; but when they found that no bo-
dy was hurt in tire fall, they recollected their almost despairing
spirits; and, as if God Almighty had favoured their design, they
went on upon that dangerous attack with greater alacrity, set-
ting the ladders up again more cautiously; and when they came
to the middle of the rock, there was a place seasonably conve-
nient where they might stand; there they found an ash shrub
casually growing amongst the stones, which did them great ser-
vice ; for they tied ropes to it, and let them down, by which
means they drew up their fellows that were left below; so that
at one and the same time, some were drawn up by the ropes to the
middle of the rock, and others, by setting other ladders, got up

39^ history or Scotland. Book XX.

to the top of it. But here again they met with a new and unex-
pected misfortune, which had almost destroyed all their measures;
for one of the soldiers, as he was in the middle of the ladder, was
suddenly taken with a kind of fit of an apoplexy ; so that he stuck
fast to the ladder, and could not be taken from it, but stopped the
way to those that would follow. This danger was also overcome
by the diligence and chearfulness of the soldiers ; for they tied him
to the ladder, so that when he recovered out of his fit, he could
not fal); and then in great silence turning the ladder, the rest
easily mounted. When they came to the top of the reck, there
was a wall to which they were to fix their third ladders, to get
over it. Alexander Ramsay with two common soldiers, got
upon it; the centinels presently spied them, gave the alarm, and
cast stones at them : Alexander being assaulted with this unusu-
al kind of battery, having neither stones to throw again, nor
shield to defend himself, leaped down from the wall into the cas-
tle, and there was set upon by three of the -guard; he fought it
out bravely with them, till his fellow soldiers, being more solici-
tous for his danger than their own, leaped down after him, and
presently dispatched the three centinels.

In the mean time, the rest made what haste they could, so that
the wall being old, loose, and overcharged with the weight of
those who made haste to get over it, fell down to the ground;
and by its fall, as there was a breach made for the rest to enter,
so the ruins made the descent more easy through the rock, that
was very high and rugged within' the castle. Upon which they
entered in a body, crying out with a great noise, For God nr.d ike
king; and often proclaimed the name of the regent; so that the
guards being astonished, forgot to fight, but fled every one to
shift for himself as well as he could; some kept themselves with-
in doors, till the first brunt of the soldiers' fury was over. Fle-
ming escaped die danger by slipping down through the oblique
rock, having but one in his company,, who was knocked down;
but he, descending a by-way, was let out at a postern, and so
got into a vessel on the river, which, bv reason of the tide's be-
ing in, came up to the walls, and fled into Avgyleshire. The
centineh of the lower castle, and twenty-five more of the garrison
soldiers, who hud been drinking and whoring in the town all
night, taking the alarm, never offered to fight, but fled every
one whicli way he could. There were taken in the castle, John
Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrews; John Fleming of Bogal; a
young English gentleman, that had fled from the last insurrection in
England; Vcrac, a Frenchman, who seme time before had been
sent to them with some warlike provisions, and staid there in the
name of the French king, to acquaint him with the state of af-
fairs in Scotland. Alexander, the son of William Livingston,

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 397

endeavoured to escape, by changing his habit, but was discovered
and brought bach. The regent being informed of the taking of the
castle, before noon came thither. And first, he highly commended
the soldiers, then he comforted Fleming's wife, and gave her not
only her own furniture, plate, and all her household staff, and
utensils, but also assigned an estate, part of her husband's, which
had long before been forfeited into the king's exchequer, to main-
tain herself and children: the rest of the booty was allowed the
soldiers.

Having settled things thus, he had leisure to take a view of the
castle •, and coming to the rock by which the soldiers got up, it
seemed so difficult an ascent to them all, that the soldiers them-
selves confessed, if they had foreseen the danger of the service, no
reward whatsoever should have hired them to undertake it. Verac
was accused by the merchants, that when they came into the bay
of Clyde, he had robbed them in an hostile maimer: upon which,
many of the council were of opinion, he should have been indicted
as a pirate or robber; but the empty name of an ambassador pre-
vailed more with the regent, which he had violated by his unwar-
rantable conduct. However, that the injured people might be
kept in some hopes (at least) of satisfaction from him, he was
kept seemingly for atrial, and lodged in a house at St. Andrews,
whose owner was inclined to the rebels: whence he was taken a-
way, as it were by force, which was the thing aimed at, and then
he suddenly left the kingdom. The Englishman, though many
suspicions were fixed upon him, and though the commendatory
letters of John Lesly, bishop of Ross, to Fleming, which was
found after the castle -was taken, really convicted him, yet he was
sent home to England ; but after he was gone, it was found, that
he was suborned by the duke of Norfolk's party to poison the king
of Scots: Bogal was kept prisoner.

There was one prisoner more, whom the regent most desired
should have perished, and that was the archbishop of St. Andrews.
He, in former times, while his brother was regent, had advised
him to many cruel and covetous practices; and under the queen
also he bore the blame of all miscarriages. The regent feared, if
he should delay his punishment, the queen of England would in-
tercede for him, and the archbishop's friends were in great hopes
oi it; and lest the straitness of time should prevent their endea-
vours for him, the archbishop earnestly desired he might be tried
by the legal way of the country, for that would occasion some,
though not much delay. But his desires were over-ruled, it be-
ing alleged, that there was no need of any new process in the
archbishop's case, for it had been already judged in the parlia-
ment. Upon which, being plainly convicted as guilty oi" the king's
murder, as also of the last regent's, he was hanged at Stirling.

398 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

There was then new evidence brought in against him; for the
greatest part of it had been discovered but lately. The archbishop
of St. Andrews, who lodged in the next house, when the propo-
sition of killing the king was made to him, willingly undertook it,
both by reason of old feuds between them, and also out of hopes
thereby to bring the kingdom to his own family. Upon which he
chuses out six or eight of the most wicked of his vassals, and
commended the matter to them, giving them the keys of the
king's lodgings. They then entered very silently into his cham-
ber, and strangled him when he was asleep ; and when they had
so done, they carried out his body through a little gate (of which I
spoke before) into an orchard adjoining to the walls; and then a
sign was given to blow up the house. The discovery of this wick-
edness was made by John Hamilton, who was a chief actor there-
in, upon this occasion. He was much troubled in his mind, day
and night, his conscience tormenting him for the guilt of the
fact, and not only so, but, as if the contagion reached to his bo-
dy too, that also was miserably pained and consumed by degrees ;
endeavouring all ways to ease himself, at last he remembered that
■ there was a schoolmaster at Paisley, no bad man, who was yet a
papist; to him he confesses the whole fact, and the names of
those who joined with him in perpetrating the murder. The priest
comforted him what he could, and put him in mind of the mercy
of God; yet, because the disease had taken deeper root, than to
be expiated by such remedies, within a few days he was so over-
whelmed with grief, that he died. The priest was not so silent in
the thing, but that some notice of it came to the king's friends.
They, many months after the murder was committed, when
Matthew earl of Lennox, was regent, and when Dumbarton was
taken, and the bishop brought to Stirling, caused the priest to be
sent for thither. He then justified what he had spoken before a-
bout the king's murder; upon which, being asked by Hamilton,
How he came to know it? Whether it was revealed to him in an
auricular confession? He told him, yes. Then said Hamilton,
you are not ignorant of the punishment due to those, who reveal
the secrets of confessions, and made no other answer to the crime.
After fifteen months or more, the same priest was taken, saying
ma°.s the third time; and, as the law appointed, was led out to
suffer. Then also he publicly declared all that he had before af-
firmed in the thing, in plainer and fuller words, which were so o-
penly divulged, that now Hamilton's vassals fell out amongst
themselves, and charged one another with the king's death.

In the mean while, the rebels had procured a little money from
France, by means of the brother of him who commanded Edin-
burgh castle. Besides, Morton was returned from his English

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 399

embassy, and in a convention of the nobles held at Stirling, de-
clared the effect of it in these words:

« When we came to London, February the 20th, we were re-
" ferred by the queen to 6even men of her council, chosen out for
" that purpose-, who, after much dispute between us, at last in-
" sisted upon two points •, first, that we should produce the
« clearest and best arguments we had, to shew the reasons of
" those actions, which had lately passed in Scotland, that so the
" queen might be satisfied in the equity of them, and thereby
u know how to answer those who demanded a reason of them.
" If we could not do that, yet the queen would omit nothing
" which might conduce to our safety. In answer to this we
" gave in a memorial to them, to this effect: The crimes where-
" with, at first, our king's mother complained, that she was
" falsely charged with, have been so clearly proved by the earl
«« of Murray, and his partners in the embassy, that both the
" queen of England, and those who were delegated by her to
" bear the cause, could not be ignorant of the author of the
" king's murder, which was the source of all our other miseries:
" to repeat them again before the queen, who, we doubt not, is
tl therein sufficiently satisfied already, we think it not necessary;
<: and besides, we ourselves are unwillingly drawn into the trou-
« ble of renewing the memory of so great a wickedness. But
« they who cannot deny, that this fact was cruelly and imp*-
<< ously perpetrated, do yet calumniate the resignation of the
{i kingdom, and the translation of the government from the mo-
" ther to the son, as a new and intolerable thing, extorted from
" her by mere force. First, as for the matter of fact in punish-
" ing our princes, the old custom of our ancestors will not suf-
'« fer it to be called new, neither can the moderation of the pu-
" nishment make it invidious. It is not needful for us to reck-
" on up the many kings, whom our forefathers have chastised
iC by imprisonment, • banishment, nay, death itself; much less
<c need we confirm our practice by foreign examples, of which
" there are abundance in old histories. The nation of the Scots
" being at first free, by the common suffrage of the people, set
" up kings over them, conditionally, that, if need were, thev
M might take away the government by the same suffrages that
" gave it: The footsteps of this law remain to this very dav;
" for, in the neighbouring islands, and in many places of the
" continent too, which retain the ancient speech and customs of
" our forefathers to this dav, the same course is yet observed
" in creating their magistrates. Moreover, these ceremonies
'• which are used in the inauguration of our kings, have an ex-
« press representation of this law, by which it easiiy apni

Vol 11. E e e

400 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

" that kingly government is nothing else but a mutual stipula*
" tion between king and people; and the same most clearly may
€t be collected from the inoffensive tenor of the old law, which
<c hath been observed ever since there was a king in Scotland,
*« even unto this present time, no man having ever attempted to
« abrogate, abate, or diminish this law in the least. It is too
" long to enumerate how many kings our ancestors have divest-
" ed of their kingdoms, have banished, imprisoned, put to
" death; neither was there ever the least mention made of the
" severity of this law, or the abrogating of it, nor ought there
" to be: For it is not of the nature of such sanctions, which
« are subject to the changes of time; but in the very original of
" mankind, it was engraven in men's hearts, approved by the
«< mutual consent of almost all nations, and together with na-
" ture itself was to remain inviolable and eternal; so that these
" laws are not subject to the empire of any man, but all men
« subject to the dominion and power of them. This law pre-
<c scribes to us in all our actions, it is always before our eyes
" and minds, whether we will or no, it dwells in us: Our an-
" cestors followed it, in repressing the violence of tyrants by
" armed force. It is a law not proper to the Scots only, but
" common to all nations and people in well instituted govern-
« merits. To pass by the famous cities of Athens, Sparta,
« Rome, Venice, which never suffered this right to be taken
" from them, but with their liberty itself; even'in those times,
" wherein oppression and tyranny were most triumphant in the
" Roman government; if any good man was chosen emperor,
" he counted it his glory to confess himself inferior to the whole
" body of the people, and to be subject to the law. For Tra-
" jan, when he delivered a sword to the governor of a certain
« city, (according to custom) is reported to say, Use it either for
« me, or against me, as I shall deserve. Even Theodosius, a good
" emperor in bad times, would have it left recorded amongst his
«« sanctions and laws, as a speech worthy of an emperor, and
" greater than his empire itself, to confess, That he was inferior
« to the laws. Nay, the most barbarous people, who had little
«< notion of civility, had however a sense and knowledge of this,
« as the history of all nations, and common observation shews.
" But not to insist on obsolete examples, I will produce two
« in our own memory: Of late, Christiern, king of Denmark,
" for his cruelty, was forced out of the kingdom, with all his
" family; a greater punishment than ever our people exacted
«*, from any of their kings; for they never punished the sins of
" the fathers upon their children. As for him, he was deserv-
fi ejly punishea, after a singular manner, as the monster of his

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4QI

«* age, for all kinds of wickedness. But what, did the mother
" of the emperor Charles V. do, to deserve perpetual imprison*
" ment? She was a woman in the flower of her age, and her
" husband died young, even in the very prime of his age; it
« was reported, she had a mind to marry again: she was not ac-
" cused of any crime, but of a certain allowable intemperance
" (as the severe Catos of the age speak); and of an honourable
" copulation, approved by the laws of God and man. I: the
" calamity of our queen be compared with Christieiv s of Den-
« mark, she is not less an offender, (to say no more) but she
*< has been more moderately proceeded against an,; punished.
" But if she be compared with Joan of .- ustria, the mother of
" the emperor Charles, what did that poor lady do, but desire,
M as far as lawfully she might, a pleasure allowed by the law,
" and a remedy necessary for her age? Yet, being an innocent
" woman, she suffered that punishment, of which our queen,
W convicted of the highest crimes, does now complain: The mur-
" der of her lawful husband, and her unlawful marriage with
" a public parricide, have now the same intercessors, who, in
" killing the king, did inflict the punishment due to wicked men
" on the innocent. But here they remember not what exam-
*' pies of their ancestors prompt them to; neither are they mind-
" ful of that eternal law, which our noble progenitors following,
** even from the first beginnings of kingdoms, lave thereby re-
" strained the violence of tyrants. And, in our present c :,
" what have we done more, than trod in the steps oi so many
'* kingdoms and free nations, and so bridled that arbitral
" which claimed a power above law? And yet we ; ive n >ne
" it without severity neither, as our ancestors have used in the
" like kind; for they never would have suffered any one, ho
" had been found guilty of such a notorious crime, to e
*' the punishment of the law. If we had imitated r
" had been free from fear of danger, and also from -the ible
f* of calumniators; and this may be easily known by the demand
** of our adversaries. How often have they ace used and arraign-
" ed us before our neighbouring princes? What nations do they
" not solicit, and stir up against us? What do they desire by
" this importunity? Is it only, that the controversy may be dc-
" cided by law and equity? We never refused that condition;
** and they would never accept of it, though it was often offer-
f* ed them. What then do they desire? Even this, that we
" should arm tyrants with public authority, who are manifestly
" guilty ol the most notorious wickedness, who are satiated with
f* the spoils of their subjects, besmeared with the blood of
if kings, and aim at the destruction of all good men! That we

E c e s

402 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

« set them up over our lives, who are found actors in the par-
« ricide, and very much suspected to be the designers of it,
" without acquitting themselves in a judiciary way? And yet
*« we have gratified their request, more than the custom of our
« country, fhe severity of the law, or the distribution of equal
'< justice would allow. There is nothing more frequently cele-
" brated, nor more diligently handled by the writers of our his-
" tory, than our punishment of evil kings. And amongst so
" many p^ecant governors, who ever felt the like lenity of angry
" subjects in inflicting punishment, as we have used in punish-
" ing our king's mother, though evidently guilty of the greatest
«« crime? What ruler convicted of Such crime, had ever power
" given to substitute a son, or kinsman, in his or her place ? To
ff whom, in such circumstances, was the liberty ever granted,
" to appoint what guardians they pleased to the succeeding king?
f* And, in the abjuration of the kingdom, who can complain of
" any hard usage? A young woman unable to undergo the load
" of government, and tossed by the storms of unsettled affairs,
" sent letters to the nobility to free her from that rule, which
« was as burdensome to her, as it was honourable: It was grant-
f( ed her: She desired the government might be transferred from
v her to her son; her request was assented to: She also desired
<„' to have the naming of guardians, who might rule the state till
<f her son came to be of age; it was done as she desired: And
*c that the thing might have more authority, the whole was re-
l( ferred to the estates in parliament, who voted, That all was
" rightly done, and in good order*, and they confirmed it by an
<< act, than which there cannot be a move sacred and a firmer
« obligation. But it is alleged, that what was done in prison,
" is to be taken, not as done willingly, but by constraint, for fear
♦' of death; and so many other tilings which men are inforced to
<c do for fear, are wont, as they ought, to go for nothing. In-
« deed, this excuse of fear, as sometimes it is, not without rea-
" son, admitted by the judges, so it doth not always infer a just
t( cause for abolishing a public act once made in a suit of law.
" If a man strike a fear into his adversary for his own advan-
" tage, and so the plaintiff extorts more from the defendant,
" than he could ever obtain by the equity of the Jaw; those rc~
« medics are most rightfully and deservedly provided, against
" such as are either terrified by compulsion, or inforced by icar,
<* to do what is prejudicial to themselves. But it is otherwise,
« if a guilty conscience creates a fear to itself, out of an cxpec-
»' tation of a deserved punishment, to avoid which, the offender
" assents to some certain conditions: This fear carries with it
*< no just cause to rescind public acts; for otherwise, the more

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 403

wicked a person is, so much the easier retreat he might have to
the sanctuary of the law; and then the remedies found out for
the relief of the innocent, would be transferred to indemnify
the guilty. And the laws themselves, the avengers of wrongs,
« would not be a refuge to good men, when vexed by the im-
4 probity of the bad; but an unjust shelter to the evil, when
4 they fear deserved punishment. But that fear, let it be what
4 it will, wherein has it made the condition of the queen the
4 worse? The title of royal dignity, and the administration of

* the government, was long since taken from her by parliament;
4 and being reduced to privacy, she lived a precarious life, which
4 she owed to the people's mercy, more than her own innocen-
4 cy: When therefore she was divested of the kingdom, what
4 did she lose by her fear? Her dominion was ended before,

* she only cast away the empty name of ruler; and that which

* might lawfully have been extorted from her against her will,
4 she parted with of her own accord, and so redeemed the re-
4 sidue of her life, the sentiment of her infamy, the perpetual
4 fear of imminent death, which is worse than death itself, only
4 by the laying down the shadow of a mere title and name.
4 And therefore I wonder that, on this head, no body discovers

* the prevarication of the queen's delegates, and of her ambas-
4 sadors. For they who desire, that what was done in prison,
4 by the queen, may be undone; ask this also, that she may be
4 restored to that place from which she complains she was e-
4 jected through fear. And what is that place, to which they
4 so earnestly desire she should be restored? She hath been re-
4 moved from governing the kingdom, and from all public ad-
4 ministration, and left to the punishment of the law. Now

these goodly advocates would have her restored to the neces-
sity of pleading for herself in a cause which is as manifest as
it is foul and detestable; or rather, it being already proved,
that she should suffer just punishment for the same. And
whereas, now she enjoys some ease in the compassion of her
relations, and, in so black an offence, is not in the v/orst con-
ditions of life, they would again cast her into the tempestuous
hurry of a new judgment; she having no better hope of her
safety, than she can gather from the condemnation of so ma-
ny kings, who have been called before judges to act for them-
selves. But because our adversaries seditiously boast, to trou-
ble the minds of the simple, that the majesty of good kings is
impaired, and their authority almost vilified, if tyrants be pu-
nished; let us see what weight there is in this pretence: We
may rather, on the contrary, judge, That there is nothing
more honourable for the societies and assemblies of the good;,

4©4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

«« than to be freed from the contagion of the bad. "Whoever
« thought that the senate of Rome incurred any guilt, by the
" punishment of Lentulus, Cethegus, or Catiline? And Valeri-
" us Asiaticus, when the soldiers mutinied for the killing of Ca-
« ligula, and cried out to know, Who ivas the author of a fact so
« audacious? He answered from an eminence where he stood, 1
« ?vish I could truly say> I did it: So much majesty there was in
«< that free speech of one private man, that the wild soldiers
« were by it presently dissipated and quieted. "When Junius
« Brutus defeated the conspiracy made for bringing back the ty-
<* rants into the city of Home, he did not think that his family
f* was stained by a severe execution, but that, by the blood of
«« his children, the stain was rather washed away from the Ro-
<s man nobility. Did the imprisonment of Christiern of Den-
t* mark detract any thing from the commendation of Christiern
« the next king? Did it hinder him from being accounted the
« best of kings in his time? For a noble mind that is support-
« ed by its own virtue, doth neither increase by the glory, nor
« is lessened by the infamy of another. But to let these things
« pass, let us return to the proof of, the crime. I think, we
« have abundantly satisfied the queen's request; her desire was,
« that we should shew her such strengthening and convincing
« proofs for what we have done, that she might be satisfied in
" the justness of our cause; and also be able to inform others,
« who desired to hear what we could say for ourselves. As for
« the king's murder, the autfior, the method, and the causes of
« it, have been so fully declared by the earl of Murray, and his
" associates in that embassy, that they must needs be clear to
" the exact judgment of the queen, and those others delegated
« by her to hear that affair. As for what is objected to us, as
" blame-worthy, after that time, we have shewn, that it is con-
« sentaneous to the divine law, and also to the law of nature,
*< which too is in some measure divine: Besides, it is consonant to
" our own country laws and customs: Neither is it different from
« the usage of other nations, who have the face of any good and
*' just government amongst them. Seeing then that our cause
" is justified by all the interpreters of divine and human laws;
<« and that the examples of so many ages, the judgments of so
« many people, and tne punishment of tyrants do confirm it, we
« see no such novelty nor injustice in our cause, but that the
" queen herself might readily subscribe to it; and persuade o-
" thers that, in this matter, they should be no otherwise opini-
" onated oi us, but that we have carried ourselves like faithful
f subjects and good Chiistians."

These were the allegations, which we thought fit to make to

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. QOg

justify our cause, which we committed to writing, and read tliem
the last day of February, before those grave and learned persons,
whom the queen had appointed to confer with us on that sub-
ject; and the next day, which was March the ist, we again went
in the morning to court, to learn how she relished our answer,
and what judgment she made of the whole cause-, but, because
that day she was going to her country house at Greenwich, a-
bout three miles below London, we had no opportunity to speak
with her: Then we went to the chief of the council, who at
first were appointed to hear and treat with us : " They told us,
" that the queen, though she had very little spare time, in re-
« gard of her journey, and other business, yet had read our me-
" mortal: But she was not yet so fully persuaded, that our cause
" was so just, that she could approve it without scruple; and
« therefore she desired us to go to the second thing at first pro-
«* posed to us, which was, To find out some way, whereby this
«< dispute might be ended upon some moderate conditions." To
which we replied, ■«« ihat we were not sent from home with an
" unbounded commission, but one circums'cribed within cctim
'« limits; so that we had no freedom to enter into any deb^i- at
" all, of what might in the least diminish the authority of our
tf king; and if such a liberty had been offered us, yet we should
** have been unwilling to accept it, or to make use of it, if al-
« lowed us."

" Matters standing thus; the queen being at Greenwich, and
" we at London, we sent some of our number to her, to know
« whether she had any thing more to say to us: 'If not, that we
« might have liberty to go home, there to consult, as well as
«* we could, the good of our country, and our own private con-
« cerns: And if there were any thing we might gratify her
« majesty in, we were willing to show our obsequiousness and
« respect; nay, that we should take more opportunity to shew
« it at home, than wc could have now in another's dominions.
« This demand procured us a summons to appear at court the
«« 5th of March. When wd were come into the queen's pre-
<< sence, she mightily blamed our stiffness in maintaining our
» opinion, and that we so pertinaciously shunned a dispure, or
*« rather a consultation, about a matter so much concerning our
" security: She also added a large declaration of her mind and
« will against the king, and these who maintained his cause.
« We urged, that the justice of our cause had been clearly e-
" nough declared before. She answered that she was not sa-
« tisiiea in her mind with the examples and arguments produ-
« ced by us neither, said she, am I wholly ignorant of such das-
" putes, as having past j< me of my former ti:ne in the study of
" the law: But, says she, if you be fully determined to uiake no

406 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Boole XX.

" other proposal for your king's safety, and your own; yet I
« would have you, at least, enter upon another conference with
" the chief of my council, who treated with you about these
" things before. We answered, That we were not at all so stiffly
" wedded to our own opinions, as not to be willing to hear any
" good expedient, that might be offered by her, or her coun-
U sellors; but ever with this proviso, that no alteration be made
" in the present state of the kingdom; nor any diminution at
«« all of the king's authority: For upon these two heads, we
«« neither could, or would admit the least consultation or debate.
" The day after, we went down again to the queen's palace,
«< (as we agreed), and entered into a conference with her coun-
" sellors, where many proposals were made by them to decide
«< the controversy between mother and son, concerning the title
•* to the government: We, because the reasons were many, and
" concerning matters of such great moment on both sides, de-
« sired that we might have them given us in writing, and time
fi allowed us to consider of things of such great consequence.
,<« They were ready to do it, having first consulted the queen.
" When we had run them all over in order, the matters propos-
" ed seemed so difficult to us, and so derogatory to the power
" of the king, and so exceeding the bounds of our embassy and
" commission, that we neither would, could, nor durst touch
•« upon them. The day after, Robert Pitcairn was sent to court
l< with this answer: That such matters did belong to the deci-
" sion of all the estates, and were not to be disputed by so smull
" a number of persons as we were. He also carried our answer
fC to them, who the day before, viz. the 9th of March, had de-
« sired to have all in writing. He earnestly desired the queen,
" that seeing we had executed all the points within the bounds
" of our commission, we might have leave to return home. Ten
" days after, we had liberty to attend the queen: The delegates
f* of the council, who, from our first coming, were appointed to
" treat with us, were very urgent that we would yet treat with
" them, about finding out some remedies to compose things:
u They used many arguments to that purpose, telling us, that if
,f a war from abrosd should be added to our troubles at home,
•* our labours, dangers and difficulties would be doubled, espe-
" cially being not able to extricate ourselves by our own for-
" ces. But we persisted in our resolution, and would hearken
" to no model of accommodation, which lessened the king's au-
" thority, and so that day ended."

The next day, which was the 20th of March, we were sent
for again to court, and being commanded to come to the queen,
•?hs spoke to us to this purpose: « That she and her council luui

Book XX. HISTOR\ OF SCOTLAND. 407

" weighed our answers, by which she understood, that none
" but a supreme council, or parliament of Scotland, consisting
" of all the estates, could give a certain answer to her demands*,
<* and thereupon she had found out a way how to leave the mat-
« tcr entire as she found it, and with an honest pretence too.
" She was informed, that there was shortly to be a convention
" of all the estates in Scotland, that we should go thither, and
».' God speed us well; and that we should there endeavour, that
** an equal number of both factions should be chosen, to exa-
« mine the grounds of the difference between them; and that
" she also would send her ambassadors thither, who should join
" their endeavours with those to promote a peace: In the mean
*< time, 'she desired, that the pacification might be renewed, till
*< the matter was brought to some issue. She said also, that
« she would confer with the queen of Scots' ambassadors, and
« persuade them, if she could, to the same. But when it was
« moved to them, they excused themselves, saying, that they
« could determine nothing on that head, without consulting their
t* queen; but that they would write to her to know her pleasure
" in the case. We pressed hard to have our convoy to return
» . s was promised us, but were desired to have a little patience,
« til! an answer was returned from the Scots queen to the bi-
<l shop of Ross, and the rest of her ambassadors, and then we
« should have our dismission. We urged our return still, but
» without effect, though we told her we had nothing to do with
» the bishop of Ross, neither was our embassy to him; we had
« ended what we came for, and did much wonder why the bi-
« shop of Ross should retard our journey, especially since so
« many tumults were raised in our absence, to the great incon-
« venience of the king's party: But though our importunity was
" almost exceeding the bounds of good manners, yet we could
« not prevail; for the matter was deferred from day to day, till
" the last of March, and then the queen returned to London."
The things which were acted in parliament for three' days after
employed the queen so much, that she had no leisure to debate
foreign matters. " But the 4th of April she sent for us, and ex-
« cused the delay: She told us, that our king's mother had bv
« her letters severely chid her ambassadors for their presumptu-
" ous confidence in descending to debate her cause after that
" manner; and therefore, says the queen, seeing they are so a-
« verse to peace, which I propose, I will detain you no longer;
.<* but if she hereafter repent of her present sentiment (of which
" M pes) and take the coarse pointed out by me, I

' I •;•-' '-' )"bl but you, for your part, will perform your duty.''

408 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

Thus we were respectfully dissmissed, and the 8th day of April
we began our journey towards our own country.

This account was given at Stirling, by the ambassadors, be-
fore the convention of the estates. Upon which, the care and
diligence of the ambassadors were unanimously approved. Other
matters they referred to the first of May, a parliament being sum-
moned against that time. In the mean time, both parties bestir
themselves, one to promote, the other to hinder the assembling
of it. The wisest senators were of opinion, that the queen of
England would never let the Scots queen leave her kingdom, as
foreseeing how dangerous it would be to all Britain. In the in-
terim, mention was made by somebody of demanding the Scots
king, as an hostage for his mother, rather in hopes to hinder a
concord, than to establish it; for she was well assured, that the
Scots would never yield to it-, but there were some powerful men
in her council, who secretly favoured the duke of Norfolk's fac-
tion: These were desirous that the queen of Scots should be re-
stored, and that thereby the adverse faction might, in time, be
broken and diminished, that so they might obtain that point from
them by necessity, which they saw they could not otherwise
gain; nor did they doubt, but the matter would come to that
pass, when the rebels were assisted with money, and other ne-
cessaries for war from France; and the royalists had their eye
only on the queen of England, who had, at the beginning, large-
ly promised, them, upon understanding the crime of the queen,
that she would take a special care of the king and kingdom of
Scotland. Neither could the French king well bring about his
designs. He was willing the Scots queen should be restored,
but not that the king should be put into English hands; and
hearing how strong the Norfolk faction was, which was all for
innovations, he did not despair, but that the Scots queen might,,
in time, escape out of prison privately, or be delivered by How-
ard's means. Thus stood the state of Britain at that time.

Morton, having given a laudable account of his embassy to
the convention at Stirling, returned to his own house about four
miles from Edinburgh: He had a company of one hundred foot,
and a few horse to guard his house, and to defend himself, if
the townsmen should attempt to make any excursion, till more
forces might come in. In the mean time, the queen's faction
were masters of the town, and set guards in all convenient pla-
ces; and levelled all their designs to exclude the regent, and to
hinder the parliament which was summoned to be held at Edin-
burgh. Upon which, Morton, as the regent had commanded,
sent twenty horse and about seventy foot (for the rest had passes
to £0 abroad for forage) to Leith, who were to make a public

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 409

proclamation there (for Edinburgh was garrisoned already) that
no man should assist the rebels by land or sea, either with provi-
sions, arms, or any other warlike furniture ; they that did so,
were to undergo the same punishment with them. These know-
ing themselves to be inferior to the town soldiers, sent their foot
another way about, which was covered by a hill from the sight
of the city, (commonly called Arthur's seat) and the horse pas-
sed near the walls and gates of the city, not a man of the enemy
stirring out. When they had done what they were commanded
to do at Leith, they had not the same fortune at their return;
for the foot refused to march back the same way that they came,
but returned against the will of the horse near the gates of the
city, and so passed with them under the walls, with an intent to
try what courage themselves were of, and their enemies too, when
on a sudden, a sally was made from two of the gates. At first
they fought bravely, so that those of the town were forced to
retire in disorder into the town, with no great loss, it is true,
yet it easily appeared that they were inferior in valour, though su-
perior in number. The regent having nothing in readiness to
attack the town, and having no time neither, by reason of the
sudden sitting of the parliament, to bring any cannon thither,
thought it better to desist from force, and to hold the parliament
without the gate of Edinburgh: For that city being stretched
.out mostly in length, they, who first compassed it with a wall,
left a part of it in the suburbs; yet so, that the inhabitants of
that part had the full privilege of citizens, as well as those with-
in the walls. There the convention was held, for the lawyers
gave their opinion, that jt was no great matter in what pa;t so-
ever of the city it met. In this parliament, these were declared
traitors, viz. the chief of them who held out the castle, especial-
ly those, who out of consciousness of their guilt of the king's and
regent's murders, had avoided trial.

The rebels being thus condemned by act of parliament (the
judgment of which court is of very great authority) lest the com-
monality, which usually is at the beck of the nobility, should be
alienated from them, they also of the number which they had
there, made up a convention, such as it was. Few appeared,
who had any lawful right to vote; and of them some came not
to the assembly at all; some presented themselves but as specta-
tors only, abstaining from all judiciary acts; so that having nei-
ther a just number of voices, nor being assembled either in due
time or according to ancient custom; yet, that they might make
shew of a lawful sufficient number, two bishops, and some o-
thers that were absent (a thing never heard of before) sent in
iheir votes in writing, at all adventures. At this time the cas-?

Fff 2

4IO HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

tie continually played with its great guns upon the place where
the nobility were assembled; and though the bullets often fell
amongst crowds of people, yet did they neither kill nor wound so
much as one man. There was but few condemned in titl er
convention; and both parties appointed another convention to be
held in August, one at Stirling, the other at Edinburgh. When
the assembly was dismissed, neither party attacked the other, so
that there was a kind cf truce by common consent. Upon this,
the greatest part of the soldiers that were with Morton, being
pressed men, slipped away to their own homes.

They who kept the town, knowing that Morton had but a
small party for his guard, and being willing also to have repara-
tion for their former ignominious repulse, they sent out two hun-
dred and twenty musqueteers, and one hundred horse, carr
two brass field pieces along with them; intending either to burn
the town of Dalkeith, where Morton then was; or, if that suc-
ceeded not, to frighten the enemy, and keep him within the
town; and if they could thus put him into a fright, they intend-
ed to make their boasts of it all over the country. They shewed
themselves well accoutred on a hill over against Dalkeith: Upon
which, those cf Dalkeith being alarmed, cried presently, Amu
Arm. Morton's men drew out immediately, being two hundred
foot, and about sixty horse, and mounting a little an opposite
hill, and then again descending into the valley, stood over against
them ready for battle: Some archers picquered and skirmished
on both sides, and there was a light onset; but the rebels, who
expected to find their enemies unprepared, being disappointed cf
their hopes, marched back in as entire a body as they could to re-
cover the city; and thus seme pressing upon others, in the ea-
gerness of their retreat, they came to Craigmillar castle, situate
almost in the mid way betwixt Edinburgh and Dalkeith. There
a few of Morton's foot, which passed by the castle privately on
the other side, rose from their ambush, and attacked die enemv's
body, in the strait passage of the way which was between them,
and so disordered their ranks, and put them to flight: They, who
kept garrison in the castle of Edinburgh, perceiving from the
higher ground, that their men were flying toward them, sent
out eighteen horse, and thirty foot to relieve them; with this
supply they charged again, and the king's horse being fewer i.>.
number by half, and not able to endure the action, tied b •
as much haste as they had pursued before. The foot wa
manner vu.:elcss on both sides, because of a great shower that fell
suddenly from the clouds. In the pursuit of the Mori
were but few slain, more were wounded, and about twei
taken priscn:rs: Of the rebels there were more shin, but

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 41;

prisoners taken. But one accident did almost equal the loss of
both parties: They which came from Edinburgh, brought with
them a barrel of gunpowder, and as the soldiers, in haste and
carelessly, went to take out some powder, a spark 01 fire fell in-
to it, and blew it up, insomuch that the horse which carried it,
James Melvil, the commander of the foot; and many other sol-
diers, were so scorched and burnt, that the most part of them, in
a few days after, died.

Whilst these things were acting about Edinburgh, victory in-
clining to neither side, one troop of the Scots, who, seme years
befoi-e, had served in Denmark, under Michael Weeras, a noble,
virtuous, and learned young man, returned into their own coun-
try, and offered their service to the king, against the desires of
the townsmen, who would willingly have drawn them over to
their party. They had a little time allowed them to visit their
friends; and coming together at the day appointed, they were
informed, that some ships were manned out by the rebels to in-
tercept them. Morton himself was aware of the design, and
therefore taking what force he could on a sudden get ready, with-
out acquainting any body with his design, he came so suddenly
to Leith, that he had almost taken them before they went a ship-
board; sixteen of them who did not make such haste to launch
out their boat he took prisoners on the shore. The next day he
provided ships, either to follow them (he could not do it sooner
because of the tide) or to intercept them in their return. The
regent also was made acquainted with it the same night, who
speedily gathering some irregular troops, hastened to the left
shore of the Forth, to set upon the rebels when they landed: But
the speed of the Danish soldiers rendered those endeavours need-
less; for the greatest part of them got aboard a large vessel, and
so passed safely over. The rest, who were in a smaller skiff,
were taken far from Leith, and being about twenty-six were car-
ried prisoners to the castle. After this action, the regent return-
ed to Stirling: Morton, being wearied with labour and watching,
and seized with the cholic, was confined to hia bed at Leith.
Drury the Englishman, who had treated a truce between the
factions for many days, could in the end effect nothing; for the
regent would yield to no other terms, but that the places which
were seized on, during the former truce, should be restored.
When Drury was about to depart, the rebels, as it were in re-
spect and compliment to him, drew out aii the strength that ever
they could make, supposing that whilst Morton was sick, they
should either put their enemies into a terrible fright, who were
inferior in number to themselves; or else, if they durst light with
the force they had without then general, they might do some

4 HI HISTORY' OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

considerable execution upon them toward the ending of the
war.

Morton being informed of this by his horse-guard, rose pre-
sently out of his bed, and buckling on his armour, brought up
all his men into a neighbouring hill, where he kept them ready
for the attack, about four hundred paces from the enemy. Dru-
ry rode between both armies, and earnestly desired them to re-
turn home, and not to break off all hope of accommodation, by
over rash and hasty counsels: Upon which they both agreed to
retreat, only the dispute was, who should do it first. Drury en*
deavoured to compound this difference also, and desired of both,
that when he, standing in the middle between both armies, gave
a sign, they should both retreat in one and the same moment.
Morton was willing; but the rebels threatened, that unless he re-
treated first of his own accord, they would beat him shamefully
out of the field: and indeed they could hardly be kept from ad«?
vancing towards him.

When Morton heard this answer, he supposed he had satis-
fied Drury and the English, whom at this time he was unwilling
to offend, but would rather have them witnesses of his modera-
tion; whereupon he presently drew forth against the enemy:
First, his horse made a brisk charge, and routed the enemy's wings,
their foot attempted to charge him, but were routed also; when
the gate of the next street being narrow, could not admit of
many at once in their hasty flight, many were there slain, many
trodden under foot; great numbers taken, none making any re-
sistance, bur only a party of foot, who having the advantage of
the next church-yard, rallied again; and yet, at the first charge
were a second time put to flight. Their flight into the city was
so confused, that the guards left the gates, and all fled into the
castle; so that if the pursuers had not been intent on their booty,
they might have taken the town, as being unguarded. Above
fifty of the rebels were killed, and about one hundred and fifty
taken. Alexander Hume had a slight wound with a fall from
his horse, and was taken prisoner: Gavin Hamilton was killed:
James Culen, Huntly's kinsman, a commander of foot, hid him-
self in a poor woman's pantry, but was discovered, and brought
to Leith. The common people, when they saw him, made such
a. shout, that it plainly appeared they would not be satisfied, but
by his death; for in the former civil wars, he had been a cruel
and rapacious plunderer. He was infamous in his military em-
ployment, in France; and when the kings of Denmark and Swe-
den were at difference, he promised to serve them both, and ac-
cordingly took their money to raise soldiers, but cheated them
in turri. Many such villanous things he had dene; jHl4 being

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4 1 3.

thus taken at last (as I said) to the great joy of all, was led forth to
his execution.

After a few day's rest, the townsmen recruited their forces,
and then shewed themselves again in arms-, after that, light skir-
mishes passed between the parties almost every day, with various
events. The king's party were more courageous, but the rebels
had places more convenient for ambushes; and besides, they had
a high castle, from whence they might see all the motions of their
enemies; neither would they commonly venture any further on an
action, than their ordnance out of the castle could command.
The regent kept himself at Leith, watching all their sallies, and
stopping all provisions by sea; for he could not do it by land, by-
reason of the largeness of the city, and unevenness of the adjacent
places, in the surrounding of which many opportunities of service
were lost Whilst these things were acting about the city, a
French ship was taken, that brought gun powder, iron bullets,
small brass guns, and some money for the rebels. The money-
went to pay the king's soldiers, but the bullets, powder, and part
of the cannon, being sent with little or no guard to Stirling up the
river, the rebels, having intelligence of it, procured some vessels
from other havens, and surprised them ; but not being able to car-
ry their booty to the castle, they sunk it in the" river. About the
same time another small ship was also taken, in which there was
little else but letters and large promises of assistance, speedily to
be sent from France. For during the two whole years last past,
in which there was war by turns in Scotland, the queen of Eng-
land, on behalf of the royalists, the king of France, and the Eng-
lish papists, on behalf of the rebels, sent in some small sums or*
money, but loaded them with more promises, as rather studying,
that their respective party might be conquered, than conquer.
Both of them were willing matters should be brought to that ne-
cessity; the English queen, that the Scots, being worn out by
their divisions, might be willing to send their king into England,
and to seem to depend wholly on her; the French king, that the
rebels might surrender Dumbarton and Edinburgh to him, and
that thus by these two commanding garrisons from both seas, he
might keep the Scots always in fear of his arms. But despairing
of the queen's liberty, and Dumbarton castle being lost, he moved
but slowly in the cause of the rebels; he was not willing, now
the kingdom was exhausted with domestic seditions, to undertake
a new and unnecessary, war, for the sake of one castle only; it
was enough, he thought at present, if it did not fall into the ene-
my's hands.

i'he Scots were fully resolved not to give up their Jang to th*

414 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

English, upon the account of old controversies; as also, because
the English papists were so strong, who placed all their hopes in
his death. For if he were taken out of the way, the queen of
England would not only be weakened, seeing it was one royal
life only that delayed their hopes; but also the queen of Scots
would be the undoubted heir of the whole island, who, by her
marriage, might gratify whom she pleased with the regal power,
and so be of mighty moment in the change of the state of religion
through all Europe. And in the English court there were some
no mean persons, who preferred the hopes of new masters before
old benefits ; yet if, as long as the king of Scots was alive, they
should cut off Elizabeth, many of those of the queen's privy coun-
cil feared, lest the known wickedness of the Scots queen might
diminish her authority, and increase her son's power, and so, for
fear of tyranny, endear him more to the English. "Whereupon the
English rebels were willing to destroy the queen of England, and
king of Scots both ; and not succeeding in doing it openly, they
resolved upon poison.

Matters standing thus in Scotland, both factious prepared
themselves against the approaching sitting of the parliament.
The rebels had only three of the lords voting with them, of which
two were the procurators, or commissioners to the convention, to
be held in the queen's name, the third, Alexander Hume, was the
only man who had right to vote. And of the ecclesiastical order,
two bishops, the one banished thither two months before, by the
regent : and, the state of the city being changed, not daring to de-
part without a convoy, he staid there against his will. The other
was a bankrupt, who having spent his estate, was driven thither
by necessity. By their votes, above two hundred were condemn-
ed, some of them being children under age. Besides, the im-
pertinence of the soldiers, as if they had already got the victory,
divided other men's patrimonies among themselves, and so put
many quiet and innocent persons (and, by that means, more liable
to injuries) into the roll of those that had forfeited.

The regent went to Stirling in a ' great concourse of nobility,
where he held a parliament; in which, about thirty of the most ob-
stinate of ihe queen's party were condemned, the rest were spar-
ed in hopes of pardon. The rebels thought this a fit opportunity
for them to attempt something in the absence of the nobility; and
accordingly they drew all their forces out of the city, and to make
a greater shew, the townsmen with them; they set them in battle
array, dial so, as, in former times, by light skirmishes, they might
draw the king's forces out of Leith. In the mean time, while the
enemy were kept in play by them, they resolved to send others

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4I5

privately to march about, and when the garrison was drawn out,
to enter in at the opposite gate, and so burn the town. Patrick
Lindsay was governor of Leith, a wise and valiant person; he drew
out his forces, having sufficiently provided against ambuscades,
and marched directly towards the enemy. They fought stoutly
at first; at last he gave the rebels a round salvo, and so beat them
back, not without slaughter, to the gates of the town ; a great
many prisoners were brought off", but the most part of them were
townsmen. Alexander Hume was taken once, but rescued again
by his own party. In the evening, as the king's party were re-
turning joyful for the victory, James Haliburton, a good man,
and a skilful soldier, who commanded all the foot, being too far
from his company, was taken by some horse in the dusk of
the evening, when he could not discern of whose party they were
in the high way, and so carried prisoner into the city. Upon this
loss, the rebels took heart to make another attempt, more full of
danger and boldness, and more likely, if it had succeeded, to have
put an end to the whole war. For having received intelligence by
their spies, that the nobility of the contrary faction at Stirling,
were so careless and remiss, that in an open town, they had not
so much as a night-guard, as if it had been a time of profound
peace, they took 300 foot, and 200 horse, and marched thither.
To ease the foot, who were hastily called forth, they took away
all the countrymen's horses, who came to market the day before ;
and if occasionally they lighted on any other horses by the way,
they took them too. The captains in this expedition, were
George Gordon, Claud Hamilton, and Walter Scot; they were
much encouraged to the undertaking by George Bell, an ensign of
a foot company, who was born at Stirling; he knew all the con-
venient passages and accesses into the town, and was acquainted
with all the noblemen's lodgings ; he gave them assm-ed hopes,
that they would quickly master all, insomuch that they were so
confident of success in their march, as to appoint whom to kill,
and whom to save alive. They came to the town early in the
morning, and found things in profound security, not so much as
a dog opened his mouth against them; so that they silently enter-
ed the town, and without any resistance went up to the market
place. They set guards at all the passes, and then went to the
noblemen's lodgings; the rest were easily taken, only James
Douglas, earl of Morton, put some stop to them in his lodging;
when they could not break in upon him by force, they set fire to
the house; one or two of his servants, who stoutly defended the
passes, were killed; and he himself, when all was a fire, hardly
escaping out of the flames, surrendered himself to Walter Scot,
his kinsman, who came up with him. At the same moment the
regent, being poorlv guarded,' and forced to fight for himself,
Vol. II. Ggg

4!<> HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

was taken prisoner. Alexander earl of Glencaim, and Hugh earl
of Eglinton, were reserved under a guard for execution. For
Claud Hamilton told his men, They should kill all the noblemen of the
contrary faction as soon as ever they passed out of the gates , lOithout any
distinction. All things thus succeeding beyond expectation, the
common soldiers scattered themselves all over the town to get
plunder. Upon this, John Erskine, governor of the castle, who
had before tried to break through the enemy in the market place,
but in vain, they were so strongly posted, sent a party of musquet-
eers into his own new house, which was then building, and not
quite finished, from whence there was a prospect into the whole
market place. This house, because it was uninhabited, and not
completed, was neglected by the enemy, and afforded a safe pose
to the royalists, whence to play on their enemies; When the re-
bels saw that they were shot at from a high place, garrisoned a-
gainst them with unusual Weapons, they presently turned their
backs, and ran away in such fear, that, when they came to the
narrow way leading to the gate, they trode down one another.
That which saved them was, there were but few to pursue; for
they who had driven them out of the market place, could come
out but one by one through the gate of the new house, which
had but one, and that half shut too towards the town; and
but a few came forth from other houses, where they stood
armed, ready for all events. Thus the whole soldiery, which,
the day before, had attempted so desperate a piece of service, and
had almost successfully finished it, were driven out of the town
in such fear and confusion, that they left their prisoners, and
every one shifted for himself. In all this tumult, there was on-
ly one man of note of the king's party killed, and that was
George Ruthven, a young gentleman of great hopes, who pres-
sing too eagerly upon the thickest of his enemies, lost his life.
And Alexander Stuart of Garlice, as he was leading away pri-
soner, was struck down dead, it is not known, whether by his
own men, or the enemy.

In this great consternation, they who before kept within their
own doors for fear, came now abroad. They who had taken
James Douglas and Alexander Cunningham, prisoners, seeing
no hopes to escape, surrendered themselves up to their captives.
David Speuce captain of horse amongst the rebels, was leading
Way the regent-, he knew that many lay in wait for the regent's
lift:, and therefore he defended him with all the care he could;
insomuch that when the ruffians aimed at the regent, they hit
him, and he died the same day, to the great grief of both par-
ties; for he was an accomplished young gentleman in every re-
spect Loth in body and mind, and inferior to no man of his age

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 417

ia Scotland. After his decease, the enemy's horse, never did
any memorable service. Two of those that assaulted the regent
contrary to quarter, were put to death, not being able to escape:
The rest fled in such fear, that the prisoners whom they had ta-
ken, escaped out of their hands. For certain, all the enemy's
party might have been destroyed, if there had been horse suili-
cient to have pursued: But the tories of Teviotdale, at their first
entrance into the town, had plundered all the horses, which sav-
ed them. The slain of both sides were almost equal: Of the
royalists, not a man was carried away prisoner; of the other side
many; most of whom being intent on plunder, were taken in
the houses of which they were a riffling. The regent died the
same day of his wounds. His funeral was celebrated in haste, as
well as they could in such an hurry; and then the nobility as-
sembled, to create another regent to succeed him. They chose
out three of their own number, having first given them an oath,
to stand to the decision of the nobility; and thus, as candidates,
they were to expect the issue of the next assembly. The three
were, Gillespy Campbell, earl of Argyle; James Douglas, earl of
Morton; and John Erskine, earl of Marr. All the votes favour-
ed John Erskine. His first attempt was to attack Edinburgh,
there having been an army appointed to be levied by the former
regent against the first of October: But this sudden change of af-
fairs made it to" be deferred till the 15th of the same month;
that delay was a great hindrance to business; for it gave space to
the townsmen, who wrought night and day, to perfect their
work; so that the early winter, the long nights, the bad wea-
ther, in those cold countries, the difficulty of conveying provi-
sions, and his want of military accommodations, caused him to
return, without carrying the place.

For some months after, sallies were made, but of no great ad-
vantage to either side: For the prospect of the castle being free
and open to all parts, gave opportunity to the rebels, that they
would never come to action, nor yet fall into any ambush; for,
by a signal given from an eminence in the castle, they were easi-
ly warned to retreat in time; yet once, when all the horse and
foot sallied out of the town, to intercept a few of the royalists,
and they pressed upon them, who pretended hastily to fly away;
when they in the castle saw the colours of some companies start
up from a neighbouring valley, they presently sounded a retreat
to them. Upon which, the rebels, before they came to the place
of ambush, retreated back in great fear, and their flight was so
much the more confused, because, though they were advised of
their danger beforehand, yet they did not know what, or frorn
whence it was, nor flbuld they so much as suspect it: Those fe\v

Cgg?

41 8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

horsemen, who before made semblance of flight, pressed upon
their rear in such a manner, that they caused the foot to break
their ranks, and every one ran to the city as fast as ever he could;
many were wounded and taken, amongst them, seme captains and
cornets of horse.

Whilst matters were thus slowly carried on about the city, in
the country towards the north there was a great loss received
upon this occasion: There were two families of chief power and
authority in those parts, the Gordons and the Forbeses; the
Gordons lived in great concord amongst themselves, and by the
king's commission, had for many years presided over some neigh-
bouring counties, and so increased their ancient power and au-
thority: On the other side, the Forbeses were always at difference,
and continually weakened one another; but neither of them had
now, for many years, made any attempt upon the other, as being
mutually allied by marriages, there being rather a secret emula-
tion, than an open breach. In the family of the Forbeses, there
was one Arthur, a man of sense and very active, and who, from
the beginning of the troublesome times, had always been on the
king's side: He thought it was now time for him to set up his
own name and his family's, as also to advance the power of the
party which he followed. He first then endeavoured to recon-
cile his own family; which if he could accomplish, he feared
not any power that could be raised against him -in those parts.
When a day was appointed for that purpose, Adam Gordon,
brother to the earl of H'untly, by all means endeavoured to hin-
der it, and for that end, giving private notice to his friends, and
vassals, there came a great number of them to the place. There
were two troops of the Forbeses in sight, but, before they could
join, he set upon one of them, and killed Arthur upon the spot;
at his fall, the rest were scattered and put to flight; some eminent
men were killed, and many taken;, the rest, for some days after
dared not stir, for fear those of their party who were taken pri-
soners, should suffer for it. And their fear was increased by
the burning of Alexander Forbes's house, with his wife great
with child, his children and servants in it. Arthur Forbes's el-
der brother, chief of the clan, after his house was taken and plun-
dered, hardly escaped, and came to court; where though they
were much straitened themselves, yet were there two hundred
foot granted to him, and to the nobility that followed his party;
and withal leters were written to the neighbouring nobility to join
with him.

When they were thus joined with the rest of the Forbeses, and
some neighbouring families, they thought themselves secure e-
nough from force, but they wanted a c'ommander over them; tor

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 419

the heads of the families were mostly young men, and there was
scarce one more eminent than another amongst them. So that be-
ing unresolved in their counsels, John Keith, with 500 horse,
went home to his own house which was not far distant. Alexan-
der Forbes, and his vassals, with 200 foot, marched to Aberdeen
to drive thence Adam Gordon, and to refresh his men after their
march. Adam receiving intelligence that his enemy was advanc-
ing with but a small party, draws his men out of the town, and
to make a shew of a greater multitude, compelled the townsmen
to draw out with them, upon which ensued a sharp action in the
field near the town. The king's foot, out of eagerness to fight,
followed the Gordons too far, and having no gunpowder nor re-
serves, were repulsed and put to flight, principally by the archers;
there were not many of them killed, because much of the ac-
tion was in the dark night, but several were taken, and a-
mongst them, Alexander Forbes, after he had stoutly defended
himself against them a long time.

This success in the north mightily encouraged the rebels to at-
tempt greater matters. Upon which, in a different part of the
kingdom, they resolved to attack Jedburgh, a small town, and, as
the country custom then was, unfortified; but the inhabitants
were brave, and, for some years past, had always stoutly resisted
the rebels. Thomas Ker of Farnihest, and Walter Scot, lived
near the town; they, besides their old clans, which were numer-
ous enough, had associated to them the three neighbouring coun-
ties, Liddisdale, Ewesdale, and Eskdale, places always notorious
for robbery; but then, in regard of the licentiousness of the civil
war, they pillaged without controul a great way farther. And
besides, in Teviotdale itself, there were some great families noted
for those practices, either being infected by their neighbours, or
because they had been accustomed to plunder their enemy's,
country: Nor did these only come in, but some of the neighbour-
ing English, in hopes of booty, joined themselves with them; be-
sides this, they sent for one hundred and twenty musquetcers
from Edinburgh, all picked men out of every company of the
foot. The people of Jedburgh knew that they were aimed at,
and therefore sent in haste to the regent, to acquaint him with
their danger; and only desired a few light harnessed soldier.;
from him: In the mean time, they were not wanting to do their
best. They sent for Walter Ker of Cesford, and levied a reason-
able number of soldiers out of the neighbourhood, and fortified
their town as the time would permit.

Both parties were also informed at tire same time, that William
Ruthven was come as far as Driburgh, with 120 musquetcers and
hotsemen, part of which he had brought with him, and part he

420 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Book XX.

raised in the neighbouring county of March. But the rebels, be-
ing confident of their number, as being 3000 men, marched to
the town early in the morning, to prevent the coming in of their
relief. Ruthven suspected they would do so, and therefore
marched speedily after them, and made some attempts upon their
rear. And Walter Ker joined his forces with the townsmen, and
drew out directly towards the enemy; who seeing this, that they
might not be surrounded, presently retreated to places of greater
advantage. The robbers, who came in for hopes of plunder, see-
ing the town fortified, and the royalists ready for action, went
home the nearest way they could; and the rebels, with their vas-
sals, and a company of foot, retreated to Hawick, never thinking
that the enemy would, in the least, attempt any thing against
them there; and their hopes were increased by the winter-season,
which was sharper than ordinary, by reason of a great quantity of
snow lately fallen, that covered all the ground. But Ruthven
intended to make use of the opportunity, and in the third watch
drew out his party, and marched so suddenly towards Hawick,
that he was within a mile of it before the enemy took the alarm.
At Hawick they were so surprised, that there was no room for
counsel left, but horse and foot were immediately drawn out, and
following the current of the next river, endeavoured to retreat to
a place of more safety. But the swiftness of their pursuers pre-
vented them; the horse knew the country, and made a shift to e-
scape, bur the foot were left a prey to their enemies; they posses-
sed themselves of a small wood on a rock near the river, where
they were surrounded by the horse, and not venturing to stav till
the foot came tip, they all surrendered themselves at mercy. But
there being other dangers to be prevented, and seeing that they
could not be carried up and down in so sharp a winter, haying
passed their words to return at a day appointed, and, leaving somev
hostages for that purpose, they were sent home without their
arms. When they were discharged, Kircaldy made several weak
pretences to elude their promises, which however hindered them
from returning at the time appointed.

The rest of the winter, and the following spring, was wholly
taken up in light skirmishes, in which few were killed, but more
ef the rebels than royalists; for the rebeis, when they saw an ad-
vantage, would draw out on the hills near the city, and before
they had scarce begun a skirmish, would frequently retire into the
city. In the mean while frequent embassies came in from Eng-
land, to reconcile the factions, but without effect; for the queen
of England, though she most favoured the king's party, yet she
■was willing t 1 make such a peace, as might engage both parties
...;:ver': iclioed to the queen's cause,

Book XX. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 421

and therefore, by large promises, hindered peace, and advised a
continuance of the war. Some money they sent at present, but
not enough for die occasion, but only to feed hopes; and a great
part of what was sent was always fingered by those who brought
it.

In the mean time light skirmishes passed for some months be-
tween the parties, but not at all contributing to the main affair.
Neither were other parts of the kingdom free from burning and
plundering. Adam Gordon gathered a party together, and enter-
ing Angus, besieged Douglas s house of Glenbervy; and, finding
that himself was absent, they miserably burnt and destroyed all
that was there, which struck such a terror into those of Dundee,
that they called in the garrisons from the adjoining parts of Fife to
their assistance-, for Gordon would give them no quarter, as hav-
ing been in a particular manner ever true to the king's cause. A-
bout this time Blackness was betrayed by its governor to the Hani-
iltons, which is a castle that hinders commerce between Leith and
Stirling. The regent broke down all the mills about Edinburgh,
garrisoned all the noblemen's houses about it, and stopped all pas-
sages into the city; many prisoners were taken on both sides.
Archibald Douglas, one of Morton's familiar friends, was appre-
hended on suspicion ; which was increased by the baseness of his
former life, as also by some letters found about him; and, even
after he was taken, he corresponded by letters with the enemy ;
which evidently shewed that he had assisted the rebels, both by
advice and actions, having transmitted to them both money and
arras.

THE

GENEALOGY

OF ALL THE

KINGS

OF

SCOTLAND;

DEC L A RING

What year of the World, and of Christ, they began to
Reign; how long they Reigned, and what Qualities they
were of.

Vol. II. H h h

THE

GENEALOGY

OF ALL THE

KINGS

0 F

SCOTLAND.

f_N« B. 27>*> numbers within parentheses in the following genea-
logy, refer to the pages rf the foregoing history , ivhere every king's
reign is to be found*

i. Fergus, (p. 108.)

JL he first king of Scotland, the son of Ferchard, a prince of
Ireland, began to reign in the year of the world 3641; before
die coming of our Saviour Jesus Christ 330 years: In the first
year of the 12th Olympiad, and in the 421st year of the builds
ingof Rome: About the beginning of the 3d monarchy of the

Hhh2

446 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

Grecians, when Alexander the Great overthrew Darius Codo-
manus, the last monarch of Persia. He was a valiant prince,
and died by shipwreck, upon the sea coast of Ireland, near
unto Carrickfergus, in the 25th year of his reign.

2. Feritharis, (p. III.)

Brother to Fergus, began to reign in the year of the world
3666; in the year before the coming of Christ 305. He
was a good justiciar. In his time there was a law made,
That if the sons of the king departed, were so young, that they
could not rule, that then, in that case, the nearest in blood
should reign, being in age sufficient for government; and then,
after his death, the king's children should succeed: Which law
continued unto Kenneth III. his days, 1025 years almost. He
was slain by the means of Ferlegus, Fergus his brother's son,
in the 15th year of his reign.

3. Mainus, (p. 112.)

King Fergus's son, succeeded to his father's brother in the
year of the world 368 1,. and in the year before the coming of
Christ 290. He was a wise and good king, and married the
king of the Picts daughter, who did bear him two sons. He
died peaceably in the 29th year of his reign.

4. DORNADILLA, (p. I 1 3.)

Succeeded to his father Mainus, in the year of the world
3710; in the year before the coming of Christ 261. A good

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 447

king: He made the first laws concerning hunting. He had
two sons, raid died peaceably in the 28th year of his reign.

5. Nothatus, (p. 113.)

Succeeded to his brother Dornadilla*iri the year of the world
37385 and the year before the coming of Christ 233. He
was a greedy and a cruel tyrant. He was slain by Dovalus, one
of his nobles, in the 20th year of his reign.

6. Reutherus, (p. 113.)

Dornadilla his son, began to reign, in the year of the world
37585 in the year before the coming of Christ 213. He was
a good king, and died peaceably in the 26th year of his reign.

7. Reutha, (p. 115.)

Succeeded to his brother Reutherus, in the year of the world
3784; in the year before the coming of Christ 187. A good
king. He of his own accord left the kingdom, and lived a
private life, when he had ruled fourteen years.

8. Thereus, (p. 115.)

Reutherus's son, began to reign in the year of the world
3798; in the year before Christ 173. He was an unwise and
cruel tyrant. He was expelled and banished the realm, in the
12th year of his reign, by his nobles: And Conanus, a wise
grave man, was made governor of the land. He died in exile
in the city of York.

448 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

9. JOSINA, (p. Il6.)

Succeeded to his brother Thereus, in the year of the world
3810; in the year before Christ 161. He was a quiet and
good prince, a good medicinar and herbister, or skilful in phy-
sic and the nature of herbs. He died in peace in the 24th
year of his reign.

IO. FlNNANUS, (p. Il6.)

Josina his son, began foreign in the year of the world 3834;
in the year before Christ 137. A good king. He was much
given to the superstitious religion of the druids. He died in
peace in the 30th year of his reign.

II. DURSTUS, (p, Il6)

Finnanus's son, succeeded to his father in the year of the
world 3864; in the year before Christ 107. A cruel and trai-
torous tyrant, slain by his nobles in battle, in the 9th year of
his reign.

12. EVENUS I. (p. II7.)

Succeeded to his brother Durstus, in the year of the world
3873; in the year before the coming of Christ 98. A wise,
just, and virtuous prince. He died peaceably in the 19th year
of his reign.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 449

13. GlLLUS, (p. Il8.)

Evenus's bastard son, succeeded to his father, in the year of
the world 3892* in the year before Christ 79. A crafty ty-
rant, slain in battle by Cadallus, in the 2d year of his reign.

14. Evenus II. (p. 120.)

Donallus's son, king Finnanus's brother, began to reign in the
year of the. world 3894; in the year before the corning of
Christ 77. A good and civil king. He died in peace, in the

1 7th year of his reign.

15. Ederus, (p. 121.)

Son to Dochamus, that was son to Durstus, the nth king,
began to reign in the year of the world 391 1; in the year be-
fore the coming of Christ 60. A wise, valiant, and good
prince. He died in the 48th year of his reign.

16. Evenus III. (p. 121.)

Succeeded to his father Ederus, in the year of the world
3959; in the year before the coming of Christ 12. A luxuri-
ous and covetous wicked king. He was taken by his nobles,
and impiisoned, and died in prison in the 7th year of his
reign.

45° * GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

17. METELLANUS, (p. 122.)

^Ederus's brother's son, began to reign in the year of the
world 3966, five years before Christ's incarnation. A very
good and modest king. He died in the 39th year of his reign.
In his time there was peace both at home and abroad, and
our Saviour Jesus Christ was born, and suffered death in his
reign.

18. CaRATACUS, (p. 122.)

The son of Cadallanus and of Eropeia, who was sister to
Metellanus, began to reign in the year of the world 4005; in
the year after the birth of Christ 34. He was a wise and vali-
ant king, and reigned 20 years.

19. CorbredI. (p. 123.)

Succeeded to his brother Caratacus, in the year of the world
4025; in the year of Christ 54. A \tfise king, and a good jus-
ticiar, or executor of justice. He died in peace in the 18th
year of his reign.

20. Dardanus, (p. 123.)

Nephew to Metellanus, began to reign in the year of the
world 4043; in the year of Christ 72. A cruel tyrant. He
was taken in battle, and beheaded by his own subjects, in the
4th year of his reign

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 45 1

21. CORBRED II. (p. 124.)

Surnamed Galdus, son to the former Corbred, began to reign
in the year of the world 4047; in the year of Christ 76. A
valiant and worthy king; for he had many wars with the Ro-
mans, and was often victorious over them. He died in peace
in the^ 35th year of his reign.

22. Luctacus, (p. 126.)

Succeeded to his father Corbred II. in the year of the world
4082; in the year of Christ 1 1 1. A lecherous bloody tyrant.
He was slain by his nobles in the 3d year of his reign.

23. Mogaldus, (p. 127.)

Son to the sister of Corbred II. He began to reign in the
year of the world 4085; in the year of Christ 114. A good
king, and victorious in the beginning of his reign: but in the
end of his life became inclined to tyranny, lechery and co-
vetousness, and was slain by his nobles in the 36th year of his
reign.

24. Conarus, (p. 128.)

Succeeded to his father Mogaldus, in the year of the world
41 21; in the year of Christ 150. A lecherous tyrant. He
was imprisoned by his nobles, and died in prison in the 14th

Vol. n, 1 i i

452 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

year of his reign, and Argadus a nobleman was made gover-
nor.

25. Ethopius I. (rr. 131.)

Son to the sister of Mogaldus, began to reign in the year of
the world 4135; in the year of Christ 164. He was a good
prince. He was slain by an Irish harper, whom he admitted
to lie in his chamber, in the 33d year of his reign.

16. Satrael, (p. 132.)

Succeeded to his brother Ethodius I. in the year of the world
4168; in the year of Christ 197. A cruel tyrant. He was
slain by his own courtiers in the 4th year of his reign.

27. Donalp I. (p. 132.)

The first Christian king of Scotland, succeeded to his bro-
ther Satrael, in the year of the world 4172; in the year of
Christ 201. A good and religious king. He was the first of
the kings of Scotland that coined money of gold and silver.
He died in the 18 th year of his reign.

28. Ethopius II. (p. 134.)

Son to Ethodius I. began to reign in the year of the world
4190; in the year of Christ 219. An unwise and base mind-
ed king, governed by his nobles. He was slain by his own
guard in the 16th year of his reign.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 453

29. Athirco, (p. 135.)

Succeeded to his father Ethodius II. in the year of the world
4206; in the year of Christ 235. A valiant prince in the be-
ginning; but he degenerated, and became vicious: and being
hardly pursued by his nobles for his wicked life, slew himself
in the 1 2th year of his reign.

30. Nathalocus, (p. 135.)

As some write, son to the brother of Athirco, began to reign
in the year of the world 4218; in the year of Christ 247. A
cruel tyrant, slain by his nobles, and cast away into a privy, in
the 1 ith year of his reign.

31. Findochus, (p. 136.)

Son of Athirco, began to reign in the year of the world
4229; in the year of Christ 258. A good king and valiant,
slain by feigned hunters, at the instigation of Donald, lord of
the isles, ]iis brother, in the 1 ith year of his reign.

32, Donald II. (p. 138.)

Succeeded to his brother Findochus, in the year of the world
4239; in the year of Christ 269. A good prince. lie was
wounded in battle, and being overcome, died for grief and sor-
row in the 1st year of his reign.

I i i 2

454 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

33. Donald III. (p. 138.)

Lord of the isles, brother to Findochus, began to reign in the
year of the world 4240; in the year of Christ 270. A cruel
tyrant, slain by Crathilinthus his successor, in the 12th year
of his reign.

34. Crathilinthus, (p. 139.)

Findochus's son, began to reign in the year of the world
4252; in the year of Christ 282. A valiant and a godly king.
He purged the land from the idolatrous superstition of the
druids, and planted the sincere Christian religion. He died
in peace in the 24th year of his reign. In his time was Con-
stantine the Great, emperor of Christendom, born in Eng-
land.

35. FlNCORMACHUS, (p. I40.)

Son to the brother of the father of Crathilinthus, began his
reign in the year of the world 4276; in the year of Christ 304.
A godly king and valiant. He was a worthy furtherer of the
kingdom of Christ in Scotland. He died in peace in the 47th
year of his reign.

36. RoMACHUs,(p. 141.)
Brother's son to Crathilinthus, began to reign in the year of

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 455

the world 4323; in the year of Christ 351. A cruel tyrant,
slain by his nobles, and his head striken oif, in the 3d year of
his reign.

37. Angusianus, (p. 142.)

Crathilinthus's brother's son, succeeded to Romachus in the
year of the world 4326; in the year of Christ 354. A good
king, slain in battle by the Picts, in the third year of his reign.

38. Fethelmachus, (p. 142.)

Another brother's son of Crathilinthus, he began to reign in
the year of the world 4329; in the year of Christ 357. He
was a valiant king; for he overcame the Picts, and slew their
king. He was betrayed to the Picts by an harper, and slain by
them in his own chamber, in the 3d year of his reign.

39. Eugenius I. (p. 143-)

Fincormachus's son, began to reign in the year of the world
4332; in the year of Christ 360. A valiant, just and good
king. He was slain in battle by the Picts and Romans in the
3d year of his reign, and the whole Scots nation was utterly ex-
pelled the isle, by the Picts and Romans, and remained in exile
about the space of 44 years.

40. Fergus II. {p. 150.)
Erthus's son's son to Ethodius, Eugenius I. his brother, re-

4$6 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

turning into Scotland, with the help of the Danes and Goths,
and his own countrymen, who were gathered to him out of all
countries where they were dispersed, conquered his kingdom
of Scotland again out of the Romans and Picts' hands. He
began his reign in the year of the world 4374', in the year of
Christ 404. He was a wise, valiant, and good king. He was
slain by the Romans in the 1 6th year of his reign.

41. Eugenius II. (p. 154.)

Son of Fergus II., succeeded to his father in the year of the
world 4390; in the year of Christ 420. He was a valiant and
a good prince. He subdued the Britons, and died in the 3 2d
year of his reign.

42. Dongardus, (p. 161.)

Succeeded to his brother Eugenius II. in the year of the
world 4422 ; in the year of Christ 452. A godly, wise, and
valiant prince. He died in the 5th year of his reign.

43.' ConstaxtineI. (p. 162.)

Succeeded to his brother Dongardus, in the year of the world
4427; in the year of Christ 457. A wicked prince. He was
n by a nobleman in the isles, whose daughter he had defiled
in the 2 2d year of his reign.

KINGS OF SCOTLANB. 457

44. CONGALLUS I. (p. 163.)

Son of Dongardus, began to reign in the year of the world
4449; in the year of Christ 479. A good and quiet prince.
He died in peace in the 2 2d year of his reign.

45. Goranus, (p. 1.65.)

Succeeded to his brother Congallus I. in the year of the world
4471; in the year of Christ 501. A good and wise prince.
He died in the 3 4th year of his reign.

46. Eugenius III. (p. 172.)

Congallus's son, succeeded to his father and uncle, in the
year of the world 4505; in the year of Christ 535. A wise
king and a good justiciar. He died in the 23d year of his
reign.

47. Convallus II. (p. 172.)

Succeeded to his brother Eugenius III. in the year of the
world 4528; in the year of Christ 558. A very good prince.
He died in peace in the r ith year of his reign.

458 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

48. KlNNATELLUS, (p. 1 72.)

Succeeded to his brother Congallus II. in the year of the
world 4539; in the year of Christ 574. A good prince. He
died in the first year of his reign.

49. Aidanus, (p. 173.)

Son of Goranus, the 45th king, began to reign in the year
of the world 4540; in the year of Christ 575. A godly and
good prince. He died in the 35th year of his reign.

'50. Kenneth I. (p. 175.)

Surnamed Keir, Congallus II. his son, began to reign in the
year of the world 4575; in the year of Christ 605. A peacea-
ble prince. He died in the first year of his reign.

51. Eugenius IV. (p. 175.)

Son of Aidanus, began to reign in the year of the world
4576; in the year of Christ 606. A valiant and a good king.
He died in the 16th year of his reign.

52. FerchardI. (p. 176.)
Succeeded to his father Eugenius IV. in the year of the world

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 459

4592; in the year of Christ 626. A bloody tyrant. He slew

himself in the prison, whereinto he was put by the nobles of
his realm, in the 12th year of his reign.

53. Donald IV. (p. 176.)

Succeeded to his brother Ferchard I. in the year of the world
4604; in the year of Christ 638. He was a good and religi-
ous king. He was drowned in the water of Tay, while he was
fishing, in the 14th year of his reign.

54. Ferchard II. (p. 177.)

Succeeded to his brother Donald IV. in the year of the
world 4618; in the year of Christ 652. A very wicked man.
He was bitten by a 'wolf in hunting; of the which ensued a fe-
ver, whereof he died in the 18th year of his reign.

55. Malduinus, (p. 178.)

Son to Donald IV. began to reign in the year of the world
4636; in the year of Christ 670. A good prince, strangled
by his wife, who suspected him of adultery in the 20th year of
his reign. She was therefore burned.

Vol. II. Kkk

460 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

56. EuGeniusV. (p. 178.)

Malduinus's brother's son, began to reign in the year of the
world 4656; in the year of Christ 690. A false prince, slain
by the Picts in battle, in the 4th year of his reign.

57. Eugenius- VI. (p. 179.)

Son to Ferchard II. began to reign in the year of the world
4660; in the year of Christ 694. A good prince. He died in
peace in the 1 oth year of his reign.

58. Ameerkelethus, (p. 179.)

Son of Findanus, son of Eugenius V. began to reign in the

'year of the world 4670; in the year of Christ 704. He was a

vicious prince, and was slain by the shot of an arrow, in the 2d

year of his reign. The shooter thereof is unknown, as not set

out in history.

59. Eugenius VII. (p. 180.)

Succeeded to his brother Amberkelethus in the year of the
world 4672; in the year of Christ 706. He died in peace in
1 7th year of his reig-i. A good prince.

iflNGS OF SCOTLAND. 461

<5o. MURDACUS, (p. l8o.)

Amberkclcthus's son, beean to reign in the year«.of the world
' 1
4689; in the year of Christ 723. A good prince. He died in

the 1 6th year of his reign.

61, Etfinus, (p. 180.)

Eugenius VII. his son, began to reign in the year of the
world 4705; in the year of Christ 739. He died in peace in
the 31st year of his reign.

62. Eugenius VIII. (p. 181.)

Murdacus's son, began to reign in the year of the world
4736; in the year of Christ 770. A good prince in the begin-
ning of his reign; but thereafter degenerating from hrs good
life, he was slain by his nobles in the 3d year of his reign.

63. Fergus III. (p. 181.)

Etfinus's son, began to reign in the year of the world 47391
in the year of Christ 773. A lecherous prince, poisoned by
his wife in the 3d year of his reign.

Kkk2

4<52 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

64. SoLVATHIUS, (p. l8l.)

Eugenius VIII. his son, began to reign in the year of the
world 4742; in the year of Christ 776. A good prince. He
died in peace in the 20th year of his reign.

65. Achaius, (p. 182.)

Etfinus's son, began to reign in the year of the world 4762;
in the year of Christ 796. A peaceable, good, and godly
prince. He made a league with Charles the Great, emperor
and king of France, which remaineth inviolably kept to this
day. He died in the 3 2d year of his reign.

66. Congallus II. (p. 184.}

Achaius's father's brother's son, began to reign in the year
of the world 4794; in the year of Christ 828. A good prince.
He died in the 5th year of his reign.

67. Dongallus, (p. 184.)

Solvathius's son, succeeded in the "year of the world 4799; in
the year of Christ 833. A valiant and good prince. He was
drowned, coming over the river Spey, to war against the Picts,
in the 7th year of his reign*

KINGS OF SCOTLAND.

463

68. Alpinus, (p. 184.)

Achaius's son, began to reign in the year of the woi;ld 4806;
in the year of Christ 840. A good prince. He was taken in
battle, and beheaded by the Picts, in the 3d year of his reign.

69. Kenneth II. (p. 185.)

Surnamed the Great, succeeded to his father Alpinus, in the
year of the world 4809; in the year of Christ 843. A good
and valiant prince. He utterly overthrew the Picts in divers
battles, expelled them out of the land, and joined the kingdom
of the Picts to the crown of Scotland. He died in peace in the
20th year of his reign.

70. Donald V. (p. 191.)

Succeeded to his brother Kenneth II. in the year of the world
4829; in the year of Christ 863. A wicked prince. He slew
himself in the 5th year of his reign.

71. CONSTANTINE II. (p. I93.)

Son of Kenneth II. began to reign in the year of the world
4834; in the year of Christ 868. A valiant prince. He was

464 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

slain by the Danes in a battle fought at Cr ail in Fife in the 1 6th
year of his reign.

72. Ethus, (p. 194.)

Surnamed Alipes, the son of Constantine II. succeeded to his
father in trie year ex the world 4850 j in the year of Christ 884
A vicious prince: He was imprisoned by his nobles, where he
died iii the 2d year of his reign.

73. Gregory, (p. 195.)

Surnamed &e Great, son of DongalJus II. began to reign in
the year ot the world 4852; in the year of Christ 886. A
prince valiant, victorious, and renowned through the world in
his time. He died in peace in the 1 8th year of his reign.

74. Donald VI. (p. 197.)

Son of Constantine II. began to reign In the year of the world
4870; in the year of Christ 904. A valiant prince: He died
in peace, being loved of his subjects in the 1 ith year of his

reign.

75. Constantine III. (p. 198.)

Son of Ethus, surnamed Alipes, began to reign in the year
of the world 4881 ; in the year of Christ 915. He was a vali-
ant king, yet he prospered not in his wars against England; and

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 465

iherefore being weary of his life, he became a monk, and died
after he had reigned 40 years as king.

76. Malcolm I. (p. 200.)

Son of Donald VI. began to reign in the year of the world
4921; in the year of Christ 955. A valiant prince, and a.
good justiciar, or executor of justice : He was slain in Moray,
by a conspiracy of his own subjects, in the 9th year of his
feign.

77. Indulphus, (p. 201.)

Son of Constantine III. began to reign in the year of the
world 4930; in the year of Christ 964. A valiant and good
prince: He had many battles with the Danes, whom he over-
came; but in the end he was slain by them in a stratagem of
war, in the 9th year of his reign.

78. Duffus, (p. 202.)

The son of Malcolm I. began to reign in the year of the
world 4939, in the year of Christ 973. A good prince, and
a severe justiciar, or executor of justice: He was slain by one
Donald at Forres in Moray, and was buried secretly under the
bridge of a river beside Kinloss; but the matter was revealed,
and the murderer, and his wife that consented thereto, severely
punished: He reigned five ye«rs.

466 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

79. CULENUS, (p. 204.)

Indulphus's son, began to reign in the year of the world
4944; in the year of Christ 978. A vicious and effeminate
prince: He was slain at Methven, by Radarus, a nobleman
(whose daughter he had defiled) in the 4th year of his reign.

80. Kenneth III. (p. 207.)

Duffus's brother, began to reign in the year of the world
4948*, in the year of Christ 982. A valiant and a wise prince j
but in the end became cruel, and slew Malcolm his brother's
son; and in God's judgment, who suffereth not innocent
blood to be unpunished, he was slain, as some say, by a shaft
or arrow, shot by a device or sleight, out of an image fixed in
a wall at Pettercairn, by the means of a noblewoman there, cal-
led Fenella, in the 24th year of his reign.

8l. CONSTANTINE IV. (p. 217.)

Surnamed Calvus, Culenus's son, began to reign in the year
of the world 4964-, in the year of Christ 994. An usurper of
the crown: He was slain in battle, at the town of Cramond in
Lothian, in the 2d year of his reign.

82. Grimus, (p. 219.)
Duffus his son, began to reign in the year of the world 4966:

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 467

in the year of Christ 996. A vicious prince: He was slain hi
battle by Malcolm II. his successor, in the 8th year of his
reign.

83. Malcolm II. (p. 221.)

Son of Kenneth III. began to reign in the year of the world
4974; in the year of Christ 1006. A valiant and a wise prince,
who made many good laws, of the which a few are yet extant.
He was slain by a conspiracy of his nobles at the castle of
Glammis, who after the slaughter thinking to escape, were
drowned in the water of Forfar : For it being winter, and the
water frozen, and covered with snow, the ice brake, and they
fell ini in the righteous judgment of God. He reigned thirty
years. Some write, that, after a great victory in battle, he did
give much of his lands to his nobles, and they agreed that he
should therefore have the wardship and custody of their heirs,
as long as they were under the age of 2 1 years, and the profits
of all .their lands, over and above their charges for education,
and the disposing of them in marriage, and the money that
should be given for their marriage: And that he .first did give
unto his nobles sundry and several titles of honour. Which
wardships, marriages, times of full age, and reliefs, and manner
of liveries of their lands out of the king's hands, do in Scotland,
rery much agree to the laws of England, as many other parts
of their laws do.

84. Duncan I. (p. 227.)

Son of Beatrix, daughter of Malcolm II. began to reign ill
Vol. II. L 11

468 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE.

the year of the world 5004-, in the year of Christ 1034. A
good and a modest prince. He was slain by Macbeth, traitor-
ously, in the 6th year of his reign.

85. Macbeth, (p. 232.)

Son of Douada, daughter of Malcolm II. began to reign in
the year of the world 5013 j in the year of Christ 1043. ^n
the beginning of his reign he behaved himself as a good and
just prince, but after, he degenerated into a cruel tyrant. He
was slain in battle by his successor Malcolm III. in tl*e 1 7th
year of his reign.

#6. Malcolm III. (p. 235.)

Surnamed Canmore, son of Duncan I. began to reign in th e
year of the world 5027; in the year of Christ 1057. A very
religious and valiant prince. He married Margaret, daughter
to Edward, surnamed the Outlaw, son to Edward, surnamed
Ironside, king of England, a very good and religious woman,
according to those times, who bare unto him six sons and two
daughters. The sons were, Edward the prince, Edmond, E-
thelred, Edgar, Alexander, and David: The daughters were
Mathildis or Maud, surnamed Bona, wife to Henry I. surnam-
ed Beauclerk, king of England, the son of "William the Conquer-
or of England; of her virtues there is extant this old epi-
gram:

Prospers non laiafnfecerey nee aspera tristem;
Prospera terror «, aspera risus erant •

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 4<5(>

ffon decor effecitfragilem, non sceptra supcrbaw: ,

Sola potens humilis, sola pudica decens.

That is,

Prosperity rejoiced her not ; to her grief was no pain;

Prosperity affrighted her, alas! affliction was her gain;
Her beauty was no cause of fall y in royal state not proud;

Humble alone in dignity, in beauty only good.

She founded the church of Carlisle. The other daughter was
Mary, wife to Eustathius, earl of Bologne. King Malcolm
builded the churches of Durham and Dunfermline: He was
slain with his son prince Edward, in the 36th year of his reign,
at the besieging of Alnwick, by Robert Moubray, surnamed
Piercy, and was buried atTinmouth-, but after he was remov-
ed to Dunfermline.

87. Donald VII. (p. 241.)

Surnamed Bane, usurped the crown after the death of his
brother, in the year of the world 5063; in the year of Christ
1 093. And was expelled in the first year of his reign by Dun-
can II. the bastard son of king Malcolm III.

88, Duncan II. (p. 242.)

Usurped the crown in the year of the world 5064} in the
L112

47° G-ENEALOGY OF ALL THE

year of Christ 1094. A rash and foolish prince. He was slain
by Macpendir, the thane or earl of the Mearns, when he had
reigned little more than a year, by the means of Donald VII.

Donald VII. made king again in the year of the world 5065 ;
in the year of Christ 1095, and reigned three years. He gave
the west and north isles to the king of Norway, for to assist
him to the crown of Scotland: He was taken captive by Edgar,
his eyes put out, and died miserably in prison.

S9. Edgar, (p. 242.)

The son of Malcolm III. began to reign in the year of the
world 5068; in the year of Christ 1098. He builded the pri-
ory of Coldinghnm. He was a good prince. He died at Dun-
dee, without succession, and was buried at Dunfermline, in the
9th year of his reign.

90. Alexander I. (p. 243.)

Surnamed Fierce, succeeded to his brother in the year of the
world 5077; in the year of Christ 1107. A very good and
valiant prince: He builded the abbacies of Scone and of St.
Colm's Inch: He married Sybilla, daughter to William duke
of Normandy, &c. He died in peace, without succession, at
Stirling, in the 17th year of his reign, and was buried at Dun-
fermline.

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. I7I

91. David I. (p. 244 )

Commonly called St. David, the youngest son of king Mal-
colm III. succeeded to his brother in the year of the world
5094; in the year of Christ 11 24. A good, valiant and reli-
gious prince: He buiided many abbacies, as Holyrood-house,
Kelso, Jedburgh, Dundranan, Cambuskenneth, Kinloss, Mel*
ross, Newbottle, Dunfermline, Holm in Cumberland, and two
religious places at Newcastle in Northumberland: lie erected
-four bishopricks, Ross, Brechin, Dumblane and Dunkeld: He
married Maude, daughter of Woldeofus earl of Northumber-
land and Huntingdon, and of Juditha, daughter's daughter to
Wiliam the Conqueror, king of England; by whom he had
one son, named Henry, a worthy and good youth; wko mar-
ried Adama, daughter to William earl of Warren, who bare un-
to him three sons, Malcolm the. Maiden, William the Lion,
and David earl of Huntingdon; and two daughters, Adama,
wife to Florentius earl of Holland, and Margaret, wife to Co-
mmits duke of Britain: He died before his father. St. David
died in peace at Carlisle, in the 29th year of his reign, and
was buried at Dunfermline.

92. Malcolm IV. (p. 249.)

Surnamed the Maiden (because he would never marry) suc-
ceeded to his grandfather David I. in the year of the world
5123; in the year of Christ 1 153. A good and meek prince:

4'/2 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

He builded the abbey of Couper in Angus, and died at Jed-
burgh, and was buried at Dunfermline, in the 12th year of his
reign.

93. William, (p. 254.)

Surnamed the Lion, succeeded to his brother Malcolm IV.
in the year of the world 5135; in the year of Christ 1165.
A good and a valiant king: He married Emergarda, daughter
to the earl of Beaumont : He builded the abbacy of Aberbro-
thock, and she builded the abbacy of Balmerino. He died at
Stirling in the 49th year of his reign, and was buried at Aber-
brothock.

04. Alexander II. (p. 259.)

Succeeded to his father William, in the year cf the world
5184; in the year of Christ 12 14. A good prince: He mar-
ried Jean, daughter to John king of England, by whom he had
no succession. After her death, he married Mary, daughter
to Ingelrame, earl of Coucey in France, by whom he had Alex-
under III. He died *t Kernery in the west isles, and was bu-
lled at Melrpss, in the 35th year of his reign.

95. Alexander III. (p. 262.)

Succeeded to his father, in the year of the world 5219-, in

year of Christ 1249. A good prince: He married firs,t

Akvgr.i-et, daughter to Iknry III. king of England, by whom

kings of Scotland. , "473

he had Alexander the prince, who married the earl of Flan-
ders' daughter, David, and Margaret, who married Hangona-
nus, or, as some call him, Ericus, son to Magnus IV. king of
Norway, who bare to him a daughter, named Margaret, com-
monly called, The Maiden of Norway, irt whom king William's
whole posterity failed, and the crown of Scotland returned to
the posterity of David earl of Huntingdon, king Malcolm IV.
and king "William his brother. After his son's death, (for they
died before himself without succession) in hope of posterity, he
married Ioleta, daughter to the earl of Dreux in France, by
whom he had no succession. He built the Cross church of
Peebles: He died of a fall from his horse, upon the sands, be-
twixt Easter and Wester Kinghorn, in the 27th year of his
reign, and was buried at Dunfermline.

After the death of Alexander III. which was in the year of
the world 5255, in the year of Christ 1285, there were six re-
gents appointed to rule Scotland: For the south side of Forth
were appointed Robert the archbishop of Glasgow, John Cum-
ming, and John the Great Steward of Scotland: For the north
side of Forth, Macduff earl of Fife, John Cumming earl of
Buchan, and William Fraser archbishop of St. Andrews, who
ruled the land about the space of seven years, until the contro-
versy was decided betwixt John Baliol and Robert Bruce,
grandfather to Robert Bruce the king of Scotland, who did
come of the two eldest daughters of David earl of Huntingdon;
for Henry Hastings, who married the youngest daughter put
not in his suit or claim with the rest, and therefore there is lit-
tle spoken of him.

96. John Baliol, (p. 274.)
Was nreferred before Robert Bruce to be king of Scotland,

474 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

by Edward I. surnamed Longshanks, king of England, who
was chosen to be judge of the controversy, which preferment
was upon a condition, that John Baliol should acknowledge
Edward I. as superior, which condition, like an unworthy man
he received. He began his reign in the year of the world
5263; in the year of Christ 1292. He was a vain glorious man,
little- respecting the weal or commonwealth of his country.
He had not reigned fully four years, when he was expelled by
the said Edward I. king of England; and leaving Scotland, he
departed into the parts of France, where he died long after in
exile: And so Scotland was without a king and government
the space of nine years; during which space, the said Edward
I. surnamed Longshanks, cruelly oppressed the land, destroyed
the whole ancient monuments of the kingdom, and shed much
innocent blood.

97. koELRT Bri.'CE, (p. 285.)

Began to reign in the year of the world 5276; m the year
of Christ 1306. A valiant, good and wise king. In the 'be-
ginning of his reign, he was subject to great misery and afflic-
tion, being oppressed by England; but at length, having over-
come and vanquished Edward II. king of England commonly
called Edward of Qernarven, at the field of Bannockburn, he
delivered Scotland from the wars of England, and set it at full
liberty, all Englishmen by force being expelled out of the land.
He •married first Isabel, daughter to the earl of Mar, who bare
unto him M irjory, the wife of Walter, the Great Steward of
Scotland; from whom, and the offspring of the Stuarts, the
king now rui lescended. After her death, he married

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 475

Isabel, daughter to Haymerus de Burc, earl of Hultonia or
Hulster in Ireland, who bare unto him David II. Margaret,
the countess of Sutherland, and Maude, that died young. He
died at Cardross, and was buried at Dunfermline, in the 24th
year of his reign.

98. David. II. (p. 309.)

Succeeded to his father Robert Bruce, in the year of
the world 5300; in the year of Christ 1330. A good
prince, subject to much affliction in his youth, being first, af-
ter the death of Thomas Randolph his regent, forced to fly in-
to France for his own safeguard, and, then returning home,
was taken at the battle of Durham, and was holden 12 years
almost captive in England; but after he was restored to his li-
berty. He married first Jean, daughter to Edward II. king of
England; and after her death, he married Margaret Logie,
daughter to sir John Logie, knight, and died without succession
at Edinburgh, in the 40th year of his reign, and was buried at
Holyrood-house.

99. Edward Baliol, (p. 313.)

Son to John Baliol, usurped the crown of Scotland, being
assisted by Edward III. king of England, in the year of the
world 5302; in the year of Christ 1332. But he was expelled
at length by David II. his regent, and David II. established
king.
Vol. II. M m m

47*> GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

ioo. Robert II. (p. 333.)

Sumamed Blear-eye, the first of the Stuarts, son to Walter
Stuart and Marjory Bruce, daughter to king Robert Bruce, suc-
ceeded to his uncle in the year of the world 5341; in the
year of Christ 1370. A good and a peaceable prince. He
married first Eupham, daughter to Hugh carl of Ross, who
bare unto him David earl of Strathern, Walter earl of Athol,
and Alexander earl of Buchan, lord Badenoch. After her
death, for the affection he bare to his children begotten before
his first marriage, he married Elizabeth Mure, daughter to sir
Adam Mure, knight, who had born unto him John, after cal-
led Robert III. earl of Carrick, Robert earl of Fife and Mon-
teith, and Eupham, wife to James earl of Douglas. He died
at Dundonald the 19th year of his reign, and was buried at
Scoon.

101. Robert III. (p. 352.)

Surnamed John Farnezier, succeeded to his father, in the
year of the world 5360; in the year of Christ 1390. A quiet
and a peaceable prince : He married Anabel Drummond, daugh-
ter to the laird of Stobhall, who bare unto him David the
prince, duke of Rothesay, that died in prison of very extreme
famine at Falkland, and James I. taken captive in his voyage
to France, and detained a captive almost eighteen years in Eng-
land. He died of grief and sorrow at Rothesay, when he

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 477

heard of the death of the one son, and captivity of the other,
and was buried at Paisley, in the 16th year of his reign.

Robert earl of Fife and Monteith governed Scotland in the
year of the world 5376; in the year of Christ 1406: He died
in the 14th year of his government, James I. being a captive
in England.

Murdoch Stuart succeeded to his father Robert earl of Fife,
in the government of Scotland, in the year of the world 5390;
in the year of Christ 1420, and ruled four years, James I. be-
ing yet a captive in England. Both the father and the son
Walter were executed after, for oppression of the subjects, by
king James I.

io2.James I. (p. 370.)

Began to reign in the year of the world 5394; in the year of
Christ 1423. He was a good, learned, virtuous and just
prince: He married Jean, daughter to John duke of Somerset,
and marquis Dorset, son to John of Ghent, son to Edward III.
the victorious king of England; who bare unto him James II.
and six daughters, Margaret, wife to Lewis £1. the dauphin,
after king of France, Elizabeth, duchess of Britain, Jean, coun*
tess of Huntly, Eleanor, duche3S of Austria, Mary, wife to the
L. of Campvere, and Anabella. He was s-lain at Perth traitor-
ously by Walter earl of Athol, and Robert Graham, and their

M m m 2

478 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE

confederates, in the 31st year of his reign, if we count from the
death of his father; and in the 13th year, if we count from his
deliverance out of England; and was buried at the charter-*
house of Perth, which he built.

103. James II. (p. 3. vol. II.)

Succeeded to his father in the year of the world 5407 ; in the
year of Christ 1437. A prince subject to great troubles in his
youth: He married Mary, daughter to Arnold, duke of Guel-
dre, daughter to the sister of Charles, surnamed Audax, the last
duke of Burgundy, &c. who bare unto him three sons, James
III. John earl of Mar, Alexander duke of Albany, and Mary,
wife first to Thomas Boyd earl of Arran; and, after his be-
heading, to James Hamilton of Cadzou. He was slain at the
siege of Roxburgh, in the 24th year of his reign.

104. James III. (p. 46. vol. II.)

Succeeded to his father in the year of the world 5430; in
the year of Christ 1460. A prince corrupted by wicked cour-
tiers. He married Margaret, daughter to Christiahus I. sur-
named Dives, King of Denmark, Norway and Sweden. He
was slain at the field of Bannockburn, in the 29th year of his
reign, and was buried at Cambuskenneth.

105. James IV. (p. 92. vol. II.)
Succeeded to his father in the year of the world 5459; in

KINGS OF SCOTLAND. 47c,

the year of Christ 1489. A noble and courageous prince. He
married Margaret, eldest daughter to Henry earl of Richmond,
king of England, and of Elizabeth, daughter to Edward IV.
king of England, in whose two persons the two houses of
Lancaster and York were united, and the bloody civil wars of
England pacified. He was slain at Flowden by die English,
in the 25th year of his reign.

106. James V. (p. 121. vol. II.)

Succeeded to his father in the year of the world 5484; in
the year of Christ 15 14. A just prince and severe. He mar-
ried Magdalane, daughter to Francis I. king of France, who
died shortly thereafter without succession. After he married
Mary of Lorrain, Duchess of Longeville, daughter to Claud,
duke of Guise, who bare to him two sons, that died in his life-
time, and one daughter named Mary, mother to king James
VI. He died at Falkland, in the 29th year of his reign. He
was buried at Hoiyrood-house.

107. Mary, (p. 290. vol. II.)

Succeeded to her father James V. in the year of the world
5513-, in the year of Christ 1544. A virtuous princess. She
married first Francis II. dauphin, afterwards king of France.
Then, after his death, returning home into Scotland, she mar-
ried Henry Stewart, duke of Albany, &c. lord Damly, son
to Matthew earl of Lennox (a comely prince, Pronepnoy's son,
the daughter's daughter of Henry VII. king of England) to
whom she did bear James VI. She was put to death in Eng-
land the 8th of February, after eighteen years captivity.

4S0 GENEALOGY OF ALL THE KINGS, &C.

108. James VI. (p. 336, vol. II.)

A good, godly, and learned prince, succeeded to his mother,
in the year of the world 5 5 3 7 •, in the year of Christ 1567.
He married Anna, daughter to Frederick II. king of Denmark;
and Sophia, daughter of Ulricus, d -ike of Mecklenburg, who
bare unto him Henry Frederick the prince, Febiuary 19th
1593, and Elizabeth, August 19th 1599, and Charles, duke of
Albany 3 November 19th 1600. And, upon the d of

quefn Elizabeth, he succeeded to the crown of England) and
was crowned king at Westminster, Jujy 25th. 1604. He had
also by his wi+e queen Anne two other daughters born in Eng-
land, lady Mary, and lady Sophia, who both died young.
Prince Henry died November 6th 1612. Lady Elizabeth was
married to Frederick V. of that name, count Palatine of the
Rhine, afterwards elected king of Bohemia, by whom she had
many children. King James died at his palace at Theobalds
in England, March 27th 1625, when he had reigned 22 years
over Great Britain and Ireland, and was buried with great sor
Jemnity at Westminster.

Ji'Iira cano : So: occubuity nox nulla sccutaest.

AN

ALPHABETICAL TABLE

OF THE

PRINCIPAL MATTERS

CONTAINED IN THE

SECOND VOLUME OF THIS HISTORY.

»<»©«©l^*5>l®®e««

Page

Adam Huntly taken prison-
er by the earl of Murray
284
Adrian the pope's legate in Eng-
land 88
Agnes Keith, daughter of the
earl of March, married to
James earl of Murray 275
Akin of Lorn keeps his brother
prisoner 60
He is imprisoned himself ibid.
Alexander, duke . of Albany,

Page
brother to James III. taken
by the English 59

But soon released ibid.

Committed prisoner to Edin-
burgh castle 75

Whence he craftily made his e-
scape ib.

He coming to the king of Eng-
land, solicits him to take arms,

80

He is recalled by the Scots, and
hath the chief government be»«
stowed unou him 82

4Sz

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

He restores his brother James to
the free possession of the king-
dom 8 2

And falls again into disgrace,
and dies in France 86

Alexander the son of Alexan-
der of Albany ibid.

Alexander Boyd abuses and
wounds John Kennedy 62

He is tried for his life 67

Beheaded ibid.

Alex. Campbell, a Dominican,
the notoriety of his end 150

Alex. Cunningham slain (with
K. James III.) in his army

Alex. Cunningham brings aid
to the Reformers 237

Being taken prisoner, he takes
him prisoner, whose captive
he was before 435

Alexander Elphinston slain in
fight \ 119

Alex. Forbes marries Gnecina
Boyd 97

Alexander Forbes taken by A-
dam Gordon 438

Alexander, earl of Crawfurd,
deserts Douglas and submits
to the king 38

Alexander, earl of Glencairn,
banished 288

A general in the king's^ army

345
Alex. Gordon beats the earl of

Crawfurd 36

Alex. Hume marches into Eng-
land 112
He brings his squadron off* safe
from Flowdcn-field 119
His great authority 123
Accused by Hepburn 128

Page

Sides with the queen ibid.

Goes for England, is reconciled

to the regent and returns

129

He raises an insurrection ib.

His goods confiscated, he is tak-
en and beheaded ib.

Alexander Hume, as a proxy,
takes the coronation-oath for
James VI. yet a child 336

He is general of the king's army

345
Wounded 346

Revolts to the queen's party

371

His castle taken and rifled by
the English 384

He is chief in the council of the
rebels 414

Taken prisoner, but by the com-
ing in of his friends released
ibid.

Alex. Haliburton wounded and
dies 250

Alexander Livingston made su-
preme governor, or regent 3

He puts the queen in prison

Disagrees with Creichton the
chancellor 4

The king taken out of his hand

10

Reconciled to the chancellor
12, 13

Lays down his office 1 9

Is brought to his trial, and re-
manded to prison, 22

Alexander, the son of William
Livingston, taken prisoner

396

Alex. Lindsay overcomes Alex.

Ogilvic 20

Alex. Ramsav's chcnrful for-

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

433

Page
wardness in surprising Dum-
barton castle 396
Alex. Seton sent to Berwick

Having no hopes of relief, he
surrenders up the town to the
English 380

Alexander Stuart, archbishop of
St. Andrews, slain at Flowden
fight 122

Alnwick castle taken 24

Amiens, the bishop thereof in
Scotland, his cruelty 258
Andrews, a great astrologer 74
Andrew Briton, or Breton, his
story 1 1 o

Slain by Thomas Howard, the
English admiral 1 1 1

Andrew Ker escapes out of pri-
son 131
He disagrees with Douglas 133
Andrew Ker revenges his fa-
ther's death no
Andrew Ker beaten by the duke
of Norfolk 227
Andrew Forman sent into Eng-
land and France by James
IV. 108
He hath a great many church-
preferments 123
He is accused by Hepburn 128
Mediates for peace 130
Andrew, earl of Rothes, banish-
ed 287
Andrew Wood faithful to king
James III. 92
Admiral of the Scots navy ib.
Reconciled to James IV. 93
Overcomes the English in one
sea-fight ibid.
And also in a second 94
Andrew Stuart chancellor 66
His ireedom of speech aeainst a
Vol. II. N n

Page
popish king 288

He is wounded in a fight 346

Annas Montmorency suspects

the power of the Guises in

France, not without cause

228

Anti-assemblies in Scotland, two

427

Anthony Darcy slain by David
Hume 132

Apparition to king James IV.
dissuading him from a war
with England 1 1 3

Archibald Douglas his great
power 3

His affronting answer to the
chancellor 7

His death 16

Archibald Douglas his oration
to the nobles against the king's
evil counsellors 77

With the effects thereof 79

Archibald Douglas his speech to
king James IV. dissuading
him to fight the English 116

He marries the widow of James
IV. 122

Accused by Hepburn 129

Takes Edinburgh, but resigns
up the government thereof

133

Flies into England 129

Returns from France and Eng-
land into Scotland 142
Opposed by his wife ib.
Chosen one of the governors of
the king and kingdom 143
Overthrows Lennox 243
Forbid to meddle with the go-
' vernment 1 5 1
Outlawed and banished ib.
Returns after fifteen years exile

17$
n

434

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page
Coming to compose controver-
sies, he is detained by Hamil-
ton 183
His memorable speech and fact

190
He persuades the regent to break
with the cardinal, and to side
with the nobles ib.

He beats the English 191

Archbishop of St. Andrews
(with the bishop of Aber-
deen) imprisoned 141
Archbishop of St. Andrews ex-
ecuted as accessory to the
king and regent's murders
398
Argyle, earl, joins with the re-
formers 238
Arrogance the usual companion
of power 65
Arthur the son of Henry VIII.
of England, marries Katha-
rine, the infanta of Spain
106
Arthur Forbes slain ib.
Assassination of king Henry o-
ciious to all nations 309
Assassins of king Henry labour
to impute the parricide to
Murray and Morton ib.
Astrological predictions, cour-
tiers much addicted to them

7J>73

Authority, got by good arts, is

lost by bad 330

B

Beatrix, leaving her husband
James Douglas, asks pardon
of the king 40

She marries John earl of Athol,
the king's natural brother

41

Page
Bishops chosen heretofore by
their canons 64

Bishop of Dumblane sent into
France to excuse the queen's
marriage with Bothwell 3 1 9
He is disappointed in his embas-
sy 333

Bishop of Dunkeld commended

Bishop of St. Davids sent by

the English king to the Scots

162

Bishop of the Orcades prefers

court favour before truth,

318

Black money what 80

Blackness betrayed to the Hamil-
tons 421

Boyds creep into favour at court

5

Their faction against the Ken-
nedys 6

They carry the king to Edin-
burgh, and strengthen them-
selves by getting the king's
pardon 63

Their greatness occasions their
ruin 64

Brigid's, or Bride's church burnt

60

Bull's head put upon a man's,
heretofore a sign of death in
Scotland 16

Calen Campbell, with two others,
chosen governor of the king
and kingdom 142

He is sent against the Douglasses

*53

Crail purged from monuments

of idolatry 240

Cecily, Edward of England's

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

485

Page
daughter, promised in mar-
riage to the son of James III.

, . . <6

The intended marriage nulled,

and the dowry repaid ib.

Charles of Burgundy slain at
Nantz 72

He lays the foundation of ty-
ranny in his country 90

Charles V. sends to Scotland,
to join in affinity with them

73

Why his mother was commit-
ted to perpetual imprisonment
214

Charles Guise cardinal, guaran-
tee for the kingdom of Scot-
land 220

Childeric, a Saxon commander,
wounded 194

Christ's birth day profaned 194

Christiern of Denmark, with all
his male-stock, cast out of the
kingdom 404

Cochrane, one of king James
Ill's evil counsellors, put to
death 79

Commonalty affect innovations

Competitors for the regency

417
Constance, the decree of its

council seasonable for perjur-
ed persons 178
Convention of thenoblesto.chuse
a regent after Murray's death

377
Cornish rise against Henry VII.

of England 11

The council of Constance deny

faith to be kept with those

they call heretics

178

Nn

Page
Count of R.othes committed to

prison 196

Crawfurd (earl of it) takes part

with the Douglasses 20

p

But afterwards deserts them

28

And is received into favour by
the king ib.

Creichton sent ambassador in-
to France 23

Crock, the French ambassador,
dislikes the queen's marriage
with Both well 319

He mediates a peace 330

Cunninghams overcome by the
Hamiltons 176

Cup of St. Magnus. See Mag-
nus.

D

David Beton, the cardinal 164

Chosen regent by a pretended
will, but, the fraud being dis-
covered, he is displaced and
imprisoned 175

He endeavours to avert the im-
minent ruin of popery 177

He deceives Lennox with vain
hopes of marrying the queen

183

He grieves to be deprived of a
rich morsel, which he had
swallowed in his hopes 1 84

He is sharply reproved by Mont-
gomery f 195

His cruelty against protestants

198

He espouses his daughter to the
earl of Crawfurd's son 20 1

He is slain in his castle, with the
manner thereof 204

His foul character 20 1

David Douglas, with his bro-
il 2

486

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page
ther William, beheaded 16
David Hamilton, defends the
cause of the gospel 198

David Panater, or Painter, bi-
shop of Ross, made an abbot
by the king of France 218

David Rizzio, a musician, his
story 286

He persuades the queen to cut
oif the Scottish nobility 293

His court preferments, famili-
arity with the queen of Scots,
violent death and burial 294
to 298

David Spence slain 416

David Straiton, or Straton, burnt
for a Lutheran 161

Denmark, the king thereof bar-
gains with the ambassador of
Scotland, to quit his right to
the islands about Scotland

63

Dcssy general of the French
forces in Scotland 211

Called home by the king of
France 215

Donald, lord of the iEbudse, is
left by his wife 40

Sends agents to make his peace
with the king 41

After the king's death lie plays
Rex again 60

Tie takes the earl of Athol pri-
soner, and burns St. Bride's
church ib.

He is shipwrecked, and falls di-
stracted ib.

Drury intercedes for peace be-
tween the parties in Scotland
411

Dougai Stuart, a prodigy of him
and others • 310

Duke of York overthrown, and

Page
slain by the queen of England

Dunbar fortified by Alexander
against the king, but deserted
by him 74

Again possessed by him, and
delivered to the English 82
Retaken by the Scots 84

Dumbarton twice surprised 20
Taken by the queen 278

Retaken by the regent by sur-
prise, and the manner how

395
Its situation, and why so called

394
The people of Dundee, "ene-
mies to the Gordons 421

E

Edinburgh, how seated 409

A convention held at the one
end, while the enemy held
the castle at the other ib.

The citizens of Edinburgh would
not admit the English exiles,
nor Hamilton, to enter their
city 383

Edward, duke of York, calls
himself king of England 47

Edward IV, of England makes
peace with the Scots 82

He dies 84

He laid the foundation of tyran-
ny 90

Edward VI. of England an hop-
ful prince, his death 220

Education at court, what 277

ElbeufF, marquis of it, stays with
the queen in Scotland 267

Elizabeth, queen of England,
sends aid to the reformers of
religion in Scotland 25:4

Her grave oration to the ambas-

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

487

Page

sador of the queen of Scots

270,271

She, in part, adopts the cause of
the queen of Scots 348

Her letters to the regent to de-
fer the convention of the e-
states ib.

Her other letters to him, which
break off the course of his
victories 349

She is is informed by the regent,
that the cause of their queen's
deposing, was the murder of
her husband 353

She sends letters to the nobles
of Scotland, to receive their
queen again 368

Their answer to her letters

37o»37I
Howard's conspiracy against her

detected ib.

She demands the English fugi-
tives to be given up to her by
the Scots 388

She is made arbiter betwixt ihe
parties in Scotland 391

Some of her council would have

king James sent into England

408

Which the Scots refuse to do

414

She favours the king's cause
most, yet is (politically) slow
in her aid 421

Ambassadors from France desire
the Scots to make war upon
England 225

Enemies, their sudden liberality
to be suspected 140

English worsted in Scotland

4*1

Overthrown by the Scots . 27

Page
Ask aid of the Scots against their
own king 42

English, their horses frightened'
in Scotland 137

Make war on Scotland 157

Enter Scotland again 191

Are worsted 194

Again enter 205

And gave the regent a great o-
verthrow 208

Enter Scotland again 210

And prevail against James Dou-
glas ib.
English fleet attempt the Or-
cades 230
Send aid to the reformers in
Scotland 251
Assist the vindication of king
and regent's murderers, a-
gainst the queen's faction

Their queen Elizabeth designed
to be destroyed, and the king
of Scots too 414

Faith not to be kept with here-
tics, as papists say 179

Famine and pestilence in Scot-
land 3 7

Fifteen judges appointed in
Scotland, but soon disused

J57
Flattery, the pest of great fami-
lies 9
Francis I. king of France, by
the help of the king of Eng-
land, restored to liberty out
of the Uands of the Spaniards
160
He sends the earl of Lennox in-
to Scotland 1 79

488

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

Is alienated from Lennox 185

Sends Montgomery into Scot-
land 202

Francis II. of France sends
PAbros into Scotland 245

He is influenced by, and is un-
der the power of the Guises
261

His death ibid.

Francis, duke of Guise, curator

of the kingdom of Scotland

220

Appointed general of the po-
pish faction 287

Franciscans, • or begging friars,
their wealth 236

France, its miserable state 261

Its king, Francis, promises to
aid the Scots of the queen's
faction 383

And the Scots rebels 413

Upon what grounds he did it

ib.

Fraser's family almost extinct

7 Q2

Friendship with princes far otr,
sometimes safer than with
those nearer heme 140

French and Scots soldiers muti-
ny 2 1 4

Their auxiliaries rn Scotland
cannot forbear their wonted
plundering 253

Their soldiers kill the go-
vernor of Edinburgh, with
seme of the citizens 2 1 4

They design to surprise Had-
dington ibid.

Are disgusted by the Scots 215

] iish in Scotland

3 ;: 2 T 6

French transposed into their
ovi n country ibid,

sends auxiliarie

Page
strengthen the regent 244

French ambassador's demands
from the reformed 245

French their contumelious pride

against some of the Scots

ibid.

Their design to establish tyran-
ny 258

French ambassador, busy be-
tween the queen and the roy-
alists 342

Upon the queen's overthrow,
he sculks away 346

French leave Scotland by con-
sent 260

French ship sent with provision
and ammunition into Scot-
land taken by the royalists

41 3
Friars mendicants, mercenaries

to parish-priests and curates

420

Their opinions, and why Man-

ducants, rather than Mendi-

tnts 238

Galeacius Sforza slain bv his

uncle

357

Gavin Dunbar, the king's tutor,
made chancellor 150

Gavin Douglas called archbi-
shop of St. Andrew s 122

Committed to prison 276

George Buchanan imprisoned
for religion, escapes out or
his chamber-window whilst
his keepers were asleep 166

He is sent in embassy, with o-
thers, into England 340

George, brother to the ear! of
Douglas, made earl of O'-
mond 24

Commands the forces against

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

48i>

Page
England 25

Extolled for his victory over
them 26

Declared a public enemy 36
Beheaded 39

George Douglas, earl of Angus

*9

His memorable facts 49

II.: is against the queen mother

5°

His bold and unworthy speech
to the king 146

George Douglass, the regent's
youngest brother 343

Delivers the queen out of pri-
son _ 344

George Gordon sent with an
army against England 169

The king's hatred against him

170

Accused and imprisoned 222

Released ibid.

Studies to raise commotions

Privy to the conspiracy against
Murray 280

Condemned for treason 285

Restored by the queen to his
former dignity 287

Chief of the queen's faction

331
George Lesly E. of Rothes, sent

ambassador into France 228
There poisoned, as it was be-
lieved 230
George Ruthven slain 417
George Wishart preacher of
the gospel 196
Persecuted by cardinal Beton,
against the regent's mind
198
Fortels the death of cardinal
Beton 200

Page

His pious and Christian deport-
ment before, and at his mar-
tyrdom 198, &c.

Giles, tutelary god of Edin-
burgh, his shew affronted.
232

Gilbert Kennedy slain by the
command of James Douglas

152

A man of great spirit ibid.

Gilbert Kennedy's constancy in
keeping his word 179

Gilbert Kennedy earl of Cassils,

sent ambassador to France

229

He dies there, not without the
suspicion of poison 230

Gilbert, his son, chosen judge
in Bothwel's case, but ex-
cuses himself 314

Gilespy Campbell, an actor in
the reformation 239

Recalled by threatening letters,
by the queen regent 240

Gilespy earl of Argyle, banish-
ed 290

His levity 343

Privy to the queen*s wickedness

246

General of her army 345

Reiuses to own himself a sub-
ject to the king 318

The regent receives him into fa-
vour, and he is in great au-
thority 361

The bishop of Glasgow fright-
ened by a voice from heaven

Gordons at feud with the For-

bescs 418

Gordon an enemy to Murray

275
He labours to destroy him 277

49°

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

His design against him, at one

time wonderfully prevented

280

Gordon's bold attempt against
the queen herself 281

Gray hath the chief command

inScotlandagainstthe French

257

Groom in a stable his bold at-
tempt on James Hamilton, in
revenge of his master's death
148, 149

For which he is put to death

ib.

Guises, their desire to hasten the
marriage of Mary with the
dauphin 229

Their over-great power suspect-
ed ib.

They design Scotland as a pecu-
liar for their family 262

They seek to destroy James earl
of Murray, as an enemy to
popery 277

Guns, 1. e. great ordnance of i-
ron, when first used in Scot-
land 44

FI

Haddington deserted by the
English 216

Hamilton leaves the party of the
Douglasses 39

Ilamiltons willing to free the
queen out of prison ^41

Overthrown in battle, and some
of them taken prisoners 347

They meet at Edinburgh in be-
half of queen Mary 381

Hengibt, captain of the pirates,
hath lands given to him in
Britain, by Vortigern 184

Fenrv VI. undervalues the no-

Page

bility, and advances upstarts

42
A conspiracy against him by the

nobles of England ib.

He is taken by the duke of

York, and brought to London

He flies into Scotland 48

Joins battle with Edward IV.

and is overcome 49

Returns privately to England,

and is taken 50

Henry VII. succeeds Richard

III. who was slain in battle

86
He denounces war against France

108
Desires to make a perpetual

- league with the Scots 87
Marries his daughter Margaret

to James IV. 107

War denounced against him by

James, as he was besieging

Tournay 113

His magnanimous and kingly

answer to the heralds 114
Henry VIII. desired the exiled

Douglasses may be restored

156

By the French ambassador he

desires peace with the Scots

He sends controversial bocks of
divinity to James V. 162

Complains the Scots had violat-
ed the law of nations, wars
upon them, takes Leith, and
burns Edinburgh 184

His forces are worsted 192

Kis general persuades the Scots
to peace 206

Gives the Scots a great over-
thi

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

49 1

Page

Henry of France sends some Ger-
man foot into Scotland 211

He displaces the regent by sub-
tilty 219

Henry Stuart comes out of
England into Scotland 285

Made duke of Rothesay, and
earl of Ross, by the queen of
Scots 289

At which many of the nobles
are disgusted 290

He marries the queen ibid.

Strangely disrespected at the
baptism of his own son 304

He withdraws from court ib.

Is poisoned, but overcomes it
by the strength of his youth

3°4> 3°5

A design to destroy him 307

308

Is actually murdered 309

Heralds slain against the law of
arms 292

Hepburn (John) insinuates him-
self into the new regent 182

Herris hanged by James Doug-
las 32

Hugh Kennedy, his courageous
answer 147

Hume castle surrendered to the
English 385

Huntly overthrown by James
earl of Murray, taken and
pardoned 20

I

James, earl of Arran, son to
James, returning from France,
sides with the reformers 245

Goes to his sister Mary the
queen 264

Hardly persuaded to allow
the admission of the mass in
Vol. II. O

Page
the queen's chapel 272

Made earl of Mar, and after-
wards of Murray 274

James Balfour, governor of E-

dinburgh castle for the queen

328

He raises insurrections 354

James Culen taken and execut-
ed for his crimes 225

James, surnamed Crassus, the
Douglasses being dead, suc-
ceeds to the right of the earl-
dom 1 6

He dies ibid.

James Douglas made earl, when
William Douglas his father,
was slain 34

He accuses the king and nobles
of perfidiousness 35

Proclaimed a public enemy 36

Marries Beatrix, his brother's
widow ibid.

Persuaded to a reconciliation
with the king, which he refu-
ses ibid.

Being forsaken by his friends,
he applies to England for aid

33
And to Donald the islander 39
Forsaken by his wife 40

James Douglas, earl of Morton,
and Alex. Hume, take the co-
ronation oath for king James
VI. in his minority 337

He provides for the common-
wealth at his private charge
338
Commands the king's army a-
gainst the queen 340

Goes into England with the re-
gent _ 351
Sent ambassador into England

39l
o o

492

AN ALPHABETICAL TAELE.

rage

His chearfulness to encounter
the enemy 412

Taken prisoner, and then takes
him prisoner whose captive
he. wa-. before 416

James Huliburton taken prison-
er 414

James Hamilton, earl of Arran,
admiral 01 a navy under king
James IV. 109

He plunders Knockfergus in
Ireland ibid.

At last sails for France no

Is chosen regent 176

Opposes Archibald Douglas af-
ter his return from France
140

Highly disgusted by king James
V. 108

Compelled to change his opini-
on concerning the contro-
verted points of religion 181

His shameful flight, vanity, and
inconstancy 188

Remiss in the case of George
Wishart 217

Corrupf<"-d by avarice ibid.

Made duke of Chattelhcrault

220

Put from his regency 22 1

James Hamilton returns from
France 356

Endeavours to engpge queen
Elizabeth of England, to
make him regent ibid.

But without success ibid.

He submits to the regent 362

James Hamilton, son of the

1 archbishop of St. Andrews

his sister, treacherously shoots

Murray, and kills him 278

James Hamilton, a bastard, bro-
ther to the earl of Arran,

Page
chosen judge against the Lu-
therans 168
He is tried, condemned and ex-
ecuted 169
Jiimes Hepburn, earl of Both-
well, committed to prison
277
But escapes 280

Banished

161

A rival to the earl of Lennox

181

Called out of France by the
queen 287

Divorced from his former wife

318

Procures a schedule from the
nobility about his marriage
with the queen 316

Surprises and marries the queen

Outlawed 288

Accused of the king's murder

3*3

His mock trial 3 14

Wounded by an highway pad

302
Designs to destroy Murray 3 1 1
His challenge answered 315
He flies 332

And dies distracted in Denmark

341

James Kennedy, archbishop, an

adversary to the Douglasses

l9

Retires from a corrupt court

23

Disallows the faction of the
queen-mother 50

His oration, that women ought
net to govern 43, 44, &c.

His praise, death and character

61

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

493

Page
James Kennedy builds a large

ship 74

James Livingston put to death

by .the Douglas faction 22
James Londin, a prodigy of him

310
James Macgil sent, with others,

ambassador into England 351
James Mackintosh unjustly put

to death 2 ) 5

James, earl of Murray, appoint-
ed vicegerent' 158
Settles the borders 154
Sent into France 162
James, earl of Murray, refuses

to associate with the queen

and Bothwell 326

But chuses rather to leave t'u

land ibid.

He returns from travel and is

made regent 336

His resolute speech 342

He meets the queen of England's

ambassador at York 351

Waylaid by his enemies in his

journey ibid.

Goes to London

154

Where he manages the accusa-
tion against the queen 355
Whence honourably dismissed,
and his transactions there ap-
proved in Scotland 361
Is deserted by his friends 376
Too careless of himself 377
Killed by one of the Hamil ons

.379
His laudable character ibid.
James Murray offers to encoun-
ter Bothwell, hand to hand

3*4
James Sunderland, ambassador

from Scotland to France 262

Page

James Sunderland sent ag nst
the thieves \ ^7

Carries propositions fr: > \e

reformers to the qiieen re-
gent \ 233

James Stuart marries jo n trfe
widow of James I. 9

Is banished 22

James Sruart the queen's bro-
ther, puts the English to a
r veat ibitH

Hath threatening letters seat
him by the queen 241

An actor in reforming religion

ibid.

Made earl of Mar and Murtai

Jews imitated by the Rom<

Iffurtj or Inert isle

Fatuus, •
Images demolished at :

Impostors, notorious ones - 3
Joan Douglas, a fine wo nan,
unjustly put to death (66
John, son of Alexander, bro-
ther to James III. duke cf
Albany declared regen; whefc
in France 124

He arrives in Scotland . 26

Gets the queen-mother into his
power 1 29

Goes into France, appointing
governors in his absence

*33
Returns to Scotland 141

Raises an army against Eng-
land, but makes a truce 136

Goes again into France, whencjg
he returns with a gieat navy

IV

O o o 2

494

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

Marches into England, and as-
saults Werk castle 142

Goes the ihird time into France,
and his power is vacated in
his absence 143

Join Erskine sent ambassador
into France 162

Of the queen's faction 209

Made governor of Edinburgh
castle 222

Sent ambassador into France

229

John, brother to king James III.
put to death 75

John Erskine favors the refor-
mation 234

Afraid of the queen regent

239
Beats the rebels out of Stirling

416

Chosen regent 417

Straitens Edinburgh 420

John Armstrong, a captain of
thieves executed 155

John earl of Athol, marries Bea-
trix Doughs 316

He and his wife taken prisoners
by Donald 60

John Cockburn of Ormiston
wounded and taken by Both-
well 249

John, earl of Douglas's bro-
ther made baron of Balvany

Proclaimed a public enemy 35

John Damiot, a conjurer, fore-
tels David Rizio's death 298

John Forbes condemned and
beheaded 166

John 1 ien ing, the queen's go-
vernor of Dumbarton castle,
when it was surprised 396

He escapes, but Ins wife is

Page
well treated by the regent

397
John Fleming of Bogal, taken

there ib.

John Herris, undeservedly put

to death by the Douglasses

32
John Hepburn, powerful and
factious 125

Flis feud with the Humes 127
He insinuates himself into John
the regent ib.

Accuses Douglas, Hume, and
Forman 128

John Hamilton, archbishop of
St. Andrews 207

A debauched man 2 To"

John Hamilton, troubled in
conscience for the king's mur-
der, discovers his accomplices

398

John Kennedy made one of the
king's guardians or tutors

59
John Knox preaches to reclaim

those that killed cardinal Be-

ton 203

His sermon to the people of

Perth, for the reformation

237

Upon which they destroy popish
shrines ib.

His encouraging sermons to the
reformers at Stirling 25 2

His sermon at king James VI.
his inauguration 336

John II. lays the foundation of
tyranny in Portugal 90

John Lesly privy to the conspi-
racy against James earl of
Murray 280

John Mac Arthur, captain oLTo-
ries, executed 410

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

495

Page

John Melvil put to death 216

John, earl of Mar, brother to

James III. put to death, by

opening a vein till he expired

75
John Muderach taken 2.24

John Monluc, bishop of Valence
in Scotland 257

John Maxwell of Herries, re-
volts from the reformers
287

Made prisoner by the regent,
but released without public
authority 383

John, earl of Mar, a command-
er in the king s army 346

John Scot, his wonderful absti-
nence from food, and mira-
cles 155, &c.

John Ramsay preserved by the
king 79

Proves an evil counsellor to
James III. 86

John Stuart, earl of Lennox,
revolts from the regent 130

But is again received into favour

*3l

He endeavours to take the king

from the Douglasses, and is

slain 147

John Stuart, eai'l of Athol, sent

against John Muderach 223
John Windram secretly favours

the cause of true religion

198

Joan Douglas and her husband,

their miserable ends 165

Jean, the wife of James I. her

manly fact 21

Put in prison with her husband

ib.
Fler death ib.

Julian Romer taken 216

Junius Brutus

Page
40

K

Katharine Medicis, after her
sou's death undertakes the
government 264

Kingly government what 400

Its origin ib.

Kings, their wives anciently not
called queens 54

They are inferior to the laws

401

Kings, if young, their favours
slippery 64

King desired to be revenged on
his nobles, endeavours to set
them one against another

84

L' Abros a French general, would
have all the nobility of Scot-
land destroyed 259

Lamont the French king's am-
bassador in Scotland 113

He moves the Scots to a war
against England ib. &c.

Langside fight 345

Laodice (queen) her cruelty to
her own children 358

Laws about hunting, their au-
thors. See hunting laws

Laws in Scotland, few, besides
the decrees of the estates

157
Legate, a counterfeit Roman

one 33

Lent observed on a politic ac-
count only 28^
Leon Strozy, admiral of the
French gallies in Scotland, to
revenge the cardinal's death
204

4$6

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

Lewis XL lays the foundation

of tyranny 90

Lewis de Galais, ambassador

from France to the queen's

party 283

Lindsays and Ogilvies fight

The Lindsays prevail ib.

Lutherans persecuted 156

166

M

Maclane, executed by Douglas

See Man.

Magistrates, have power over
men's bodies, but not over
their consciences 236

Main, an English commander a-
gainst the ocots, slain in fight

26

M.dcolm Fleming executed by
the Douglasses 16

Margaret Creichton, who 84

Margaret queen of England de-
livers her husband Edward by
•force of arms 49

ShefliesintoScotland, and thence
into France 50

Margaret sister to Edward of
England, wife to Charles of
Burgundy, endeavours to raise
commotions in England 97

Margaret, daughter of Henry

VII. marries James IV.

106

The first female regent in Scot-
land 122

After her husband's death, she
marries Archibald Douglas

ib.

She fries with her husband into
England 128

Page

But returns 132

Displeased with her husband

ib.

Persuades the Scots to break
with the French 139

But opposed therein by the
French faction 140

Martigues, the earl of it comes
into Scotland, with his cha-
racter 259

Mary, wife of James II. her
manly spirit 44

Mary of Guise, widow of the
duke of Longueville, marries
James V. 166

By degrees she dispossesseth the
regent 220

Takes upon her the ensigns of
government ib.

Imposes new taxes 224

Changes ancient affability into
arrogance 16

Persecutes the reformed, and is
perfidious 240

Makes a truce with the reform-
ed 243

The administration of the go-
vernment taken from her by
proclamation 249

She dies in the castle of Edin-
burgh 257

Her disposition and character

258

Mary, queen of Scots born 173

Begins her reign ibid.

Henry of England desires her
for his son's wiie 1 76

She is sent into France 212

From whence that king sends
letters, desiring her a wife for
his son 227

Ambassadors sent thither for
that purpose, of which some

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

497

Page
Jie there 228

She marries the dauphin 234

When Mary of England died,
she carries herself as the next
heir, and assumed the royal
arms of that kingdom ibid.

When her husband died, she re-
solves to return into Scotland
263

Her subtle answer to a cunning
cardinal 265

She lays the foundation of ty-
ranny 275

Designs a guard for her body

276

Her unbecoming familiarity
with David Rizio 286

She marries Henry Stuart 290

She punishes David's homicides

298

Her strange proclamation about
Rizio's death 300

She brings forth James VI.

ibid.

She is willing by all means to be
rid -of her husband 298

A jocular process against her
husband's murderers 311

She marries Bothwel 317

The French ambassador, and
the Scottish nobles, dislike
her marriage 3 19

She frames an association against
the nobles 325

And they another against her

326

Earl of Murray leaves Scotland
in discontent ibid.

Besieged with Bothweil at
Borthwick, and escapes in
man's apparel 327

Surrenders herself prisoner yi2

Proved guilty of her husband's
death by letters 333

Page

Hamilton designs her deliver-
ance 342

She escapes 343

Is overthrown by the nobles,
and flies for England 347

She endeavours by Balfour to
raise tumults in Scotland

352
Designs to marry Howard of

England 363

Continued in the Lord Scroop's
house 367

Her faction garrison Edinburgh,
from whence they sally out
against Morton 410

Massacre designed in France by
the Guises 262

Matthew Stewart earl of Len-
nox marries Margaret Ham-

ilton

97

Sent for out of France into
Scotland 179

Returns 1 80

Circumvented by the cardinal's
cunning, about his marrying
the queen 1E2

Upon which he rises in arms,
but he is forced to agree v.
the regent 1 S ?

He justifies himself to the
French king 184

Is worsted, and flies into Emr-
land, where he is kindly re-
ceived and marries Margaret
Douglas &187

Created regent 389

Takes Brechin from Huntly

39°
Hurt by a fall 30:-

Mendicant friars called Mandu-

cant
Mercenary soldiers change

for;. 3^0

498

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

Michael "YVeems helps the roy-
alists 411

Monks, their monasteries over-
thrown by order of the lords
264

Monster, like an hermaphrodite,
born in Scotland 95

Morton's large account of his
negociation in England to the
regent 399 to 407

Mother) cruel to her own chil-
dren 359

Mourning garments, when first
used in Scotland 176

N
Norman Lesly, his valour a-

gainst the English 191

He surprises St. Andrews, and

kills cardinal Beton 202, 203

O

Oration of archbishop Kennedy,
that the administration of the
chief government, is nor to'1
be committed to queen-mo-
thers 52 to 59

Orkney, the bishop thereof,
marries the queen to Both-
wel 318

D'Oysel a Frenchman, desirous
of g!ory t 227

Differs with the Scots nobles,

but afterwards yields to them

ibid.

P

Patrick Graham chosen bishop
of St. Andrews by his can-
ons, in the room of James
Kennedy 63

Made • of Scotland by

■ , but obsti acted by

Page
the courtiers ibid.

He labours to maintain church
privileges 64

Is excommunicated, and forced
to resign his bishopric 66,

67
And dies in prison ibid.

Patrick Gray one of those who
slew king James III. 90

Patrick Gray committed to cus-
tody 194

Patrick Blackater, flies from the
Douglasses 144

He is treacherously slain by
John Hume 14J

Patrick Hamilton put to death
for religion, by the conspira-
cy of the priests 151

Patrick Lindsay sides with the
reformers 234

Goes with the regent into Eng-
land .350

Patrick Ruthven's magnanimity

297

He kills David Rizio 298

He acquaints Murray with the
conspiracy against him 290

Paul Mefane or MefFen, preach-
er of the gospel, troubled for
religion 230

Harboured by the inhabitants
of Dundee 231

Paul Terms sent with aid from
France to Scotland 216

Peace-downs. See Dunipacis.

Peace confirmed with an intend-
ed affinity, betwixt Scots and
English 76

But soon broken ibid.

Mediated for by the Scottish
nobility 80

Made between French and Eng-
lish 21.6

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

499

Page
Between the reformers and the
court 260

Peter Mauset a robber, execut-
ed 126
Peter Hiale, the king of Spain's
ambassador in England 103
His errand to solicit a match be-
tween Katharine of Spain,
and Arthur, Henry's son ib.
He mediates a peace between
Scots and English 104
Perkin Warbeck a notable im-
poster 97
Set up by the dutchess of Bur-
gundy to vex Henry ibid.
Sails out of England into Scot-
land 98
Engages James IV. against
Henry 100
Marries Catherine, the earl of
Huntly's daughter 1 o I
Dismissed out of Scotland 104
Taken and hanged in England

ibid.

Priests, impostors 154, 155

Priests so ignorant, as to think

the New Testament was

written by Martin Luther

m

A priest treacherous 20

One betrays queen Joan 21

Another forges a will 136

Princes not slaves to their
words 233

Prodigies on divers occasions

3°?
Process, ridiculous against the

king's murderers 271

Proclamation about the same

ibid. Repartees betwixt her and the
Proclamation, or schedule, of

James II. drawn in contempt

about the streets 35

Yol. II. P P

Page
Prophecies of witches, how ful-
filled 256
Punishments, too exquisite, en-
rage spectators 353

CL

Quadrantary faith, what 233
Quindecemvirate in bcotland

Queens ancieitfly, kings wives
not allowed to be so called 54
Queen, mother of James III.
sues for the regency, with
her reasons 49

The Scots not willing to be go-
verned by her ibid.
Queen dowager sails into France

217
Where she labours to out the
regent of his government
218
Hath the regency conferred up-
on her 219
The first female regent in Scot-
land ibid.
Levies new taxes 223
But because of an insurrection,
desists from collecting them
224
Refuses the proposition sent
her by the reformed 246
Prepares forces against them

238

Makes a temporary agreement

with them 239

Which she endeavours to elu^e

ib:d.
Makes another truce with them

243

reformed 246, 247, 248

Her death and character 257
Queen of Scots, not to use the.

50®

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page
English arms, during queen
Elizabeth's life 273

Qu'. :n of Scots, one of their
deaths 85

Queen's party divide from the
ting's 384

They s ad ambassadors to France
and England for aid 383

Qacen Elizabeth rejects them

ibid.

Question debated, whether a
tagistrate may be com-
p iicd by force to do his du-
ty 271

R

Ralph Evers his vain boast

189

Ralph Sadler, ambassador from
England about die marriage
of Mary with king Henry's
sou 177

He hears the Scots differences,
and endeavours to compose
them 275

Rebels, after Murray the regent
was dead, had several meet-
ings 384

They send ambassadors to the
queen of England, to desire
a truce, but in vain 3 3

They solicit the French and
Spaniards for aid 391

Assault Leith 414

Surprise Stirling, but beaten out
-igain 417

Attempt Jedburgh, but repuls-
ed and routed 420, 42 1

Recognition, what 108

Reformed religion, the nobles

sw tr to maintain it in behalf

of James VI. whilst a child

^53

Page

Reformed congregation in Scot-
land, the first so called 232

Reformers abrogate die queen
regent's power 247

They meet with difficulties in
their wor'. 243

Are assisted by the English

253

Regent slain at Stirling 382

Religion, the nobles arm for it
in Scotland 238

Rhingrave sent with aid by the

French king into Scotland

:i 1

Richard duke of York, brings
king Edward prisoner to Lon-
don 46

Slain by the queen ibid.

Richard Colvil put to death by
Doughs 27

Robert Cochrane, of a trades-
man made a courtier 73

Taken by Douglas, and com-
mitted to prison 78, 79

Robert Cunningham, of the
family of the Lennoxes, op-
poses Bothwel 3 1 3

Robert Graham a great enemy
to king James 391

Conspires against him ibid.

Seizes him with his own hands
for which he is executed

397
Robert earl of the Orcades,

made one of the king's guar-
dians 59

Robert Pitcairn sent amb
dor into England 383

Queen Elizabeth's answer to his
embassy 388

Robert Reid sent ambassador in-
to France 162

Poisoned there

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page
Robert Semple kills Creichton

216
Rose, white, badge of the York

faction 98

Roxburgh town taken 43

Its castle taken 44

Royalists overthrown in the

north 4 1 6

Ruthven had the mayoralty of

Perth taken from him by the

cardinal 196

Scots nobles anciently had skill
in surgery 96, 97

Scottish parliament demolishes
all monasteries 203

Scottish crown ordered to be
sent to the dauphin of France

Skirmish between the English
and French in Scotland 255

Sorbonists sent into Scotland

246

Stephen Bull overthrown by
Andrew Wood 95, 96

The administration of the go-
vernment, to whom to be
committed, when the king is
a minor _ 356> 357

Sussex, the earl of it commands

an English army in Scotland

386

A taylor, his bold speech 3 1 8

Theodosius, his memorable
speech 400

Thomas Boyd marries the eldest
sister of James III. 65

He is sent ambassador into Nor-
way 66

Declared a public enemy 68

Page

He dies at Antwerp 69

Thomas Ker wastes England

380

Thomas Duchty, or Doughty,
an impostor 15 5

Thomas Howard, admiral, of
the English navy 1 1 r

General at FlOwden fight 1 i 7

Afterwards falls into disgrace

121

The conspiracy detected 380

Thomas Pitcairn sent ambassa-
dor to queen Eiizabeth 304

Thomas Randolph, the English
ambassador in Scotland, de-
mands the English exiles 42a

Thomas Wolsey, a cardinal,

self-ended and ambitious

119

Thornton, Patrick, put to death
for murder 40

Tantallon castle b°sieged by the
king, and surrendered 151,

Trajan's remarkable speech 401
Triobolar faith, what 139

Truce between Scots and Eng-
lish for seven years 84
Truce between the queen re-
gent and the reformers, and
on what terms 243

V

Valerius Asiaticus, his bold

speech 311

Vidam in France, who 260

W

Wallace slain in fight by the
English 27

Walter Mills martyred for reli-
gion 23 1

Warwick, earl overthrown by

$•"

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

Page

the queen of England 46

Werk castle described 141

William Creichton chancellor 3

Deceived by the queen, and her

son, the king taken from him

6
He guides the king after he had
taken him in a wood, to his
party 10

His death 40

William Cecil a prudent coun-
sellor in England 257
Sent ambassador into Scotland

ib.
William Creichton slain 216
William Creichton outlawed,
with his crimes 83

William Douglas succeeds Arch-
ibald his lather 9
Beheaded 1 5
William Douglas, the son of
James the Gross, marries Be-
atrix his uncle's daughter 16
Submits to the king 1 7
Goes to Rome 28
Returns, and declared fcegent 30
Conies to court on safe conduct

33

At last slain by the king's own

hand. 34

William Douglas desires leave

to revenge the death of his

brother the earl of Murray

379
William Drury an English

knight secretly favours the re-
bels 386
William, bishop of Dumbl.me,
sent inro France to excuse the
queen's hasty marriage in

Page
Scotland 318

William Grahame the king's
guardian ' 59

Wiiliam Hume beheaded 291

William Elphinston, bishop of
Aberdeen, laments the state
of Scotland ' 124

William Keith taken prisoner
by the English 232

William Kirkaldy of Grange,
admiral of the navy against

Bothwell

331

William Livingston goes into
France with the queen 230

William Maitland an ingenious
young man 25 I

Sent into England to desire aid

349
Sent into England to compli-
ment queen Elizabeth on Ma-
ry's account 267
Persuades her to declare Mary
her heiress ib.
Which she refuses to do 269
He favours the queen's affairs

OT*7

Is factious and perfidious ib.
Studies innovations ib.

He is taken and released 373
William Rogers an English mu-
sician, one of James IIPs evil
counsellors 74

William Sivez his story 7 1

William Stuart bishop of Aber-
deen, sent ambassador into
France 256

Wonians isle. See Nuns isle
Women, whether the supreme
government ought to be 'Com-
mitted to them 56

F I N I S.

Printed by Chapman & Lang, Trongate, Glasgow.