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. D. J. McDougal 

OlamfmUge Historical 






3Lon&on; FETTER LANE, E.G. 


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VOL. Ml. 










First Edition, 1909. 




WILLIAM AND MARY, 1689 1694. WILLIAM, 1689 170*. 

I. Re-establishment of Presbylerianism (1689 1690). State of Scot- 
land at William's succession, i 3. Parties in the country, 5 6. Meeting 
of the Estates, 67. Rising under Dundee, 78. Battle of Killiecrankie, 
9. The Fight at Dunkeld, 911. The Religious Settlement, 1216. 

II. The Massacre of Glencoe (16901692). State of the Highlands, 
16 18. Macdonald of Glencoe, 18 19. Massacre of Glencoe, 20 21. 
Meeting of General Assembly, 21 23. The "Assurance," 23. Episco- 
palians and Presbyterians, 23 24. 

III. The Darien Scheme (1695 1702). State of Scottish Trade, 24. 
Scottish smuggling in the Colonies, 24 26. William Paterson, 27. "Act 
for a Company trading to Africa and the Indies," 27 28. The English 
Parliament and the Company, 29 30. Subscriptions to the Company 
in Scotland, 31. The first Expedition, 32 33. The second Expedition, 
33 34. The third Expedition, 3437. Complete failure of the Colony at 
Darien, 37. State of feeling in Scotland, 38 39. Execution of Thomas 
Aikenhead for Blasphemy, 40. Bank of Scotland founded, 41. Act for 
settling Schools, 41. Act against wrongous Imprisonment, 42. William's 
relations with Scotland, 42 43. 

vi Contents 



Relations of England and Scotland since the Union of the Crowns, 44. 
Landlords and Tenants, 45 46. State of Agriculture, 46 48. Economical 
condition of the towns, 49 50. The Merchant Company of Edinburgh, 
51 52. Foreign trade, 53 54. The Convention of Royal Burghs, 54 55. 
Disputes with the staple port, Campvere, 55 58. Commercial legislation, 
58 59. Scottish craftsmen, 59 61. Manufactories, 62 63. Cloth 
industries, 64 65. Fishery Company, 66. Relative importance of the 
towns, 67 68. The coinage, 69. Correction-houses, 70. Scotland com- 
pared with France and Germany, 71. State of Education, 71 72. 
Scotland ripe for commercial enterprise, 72 73. Necessity for union 
of English and Scottish Parliaments, 74. 

ANNE, 17021714. 

I. The Union Impending (r7O2 1705). Anne acceptable to the 
Scottish people, 75. Scottish politicians and Anne's accession, 75 76. 
Anne desires Union, 77. Marlborough's victories and the Union, 78. 
Meeting of the Estates, 7980. Queensberry and Hamilton, 80 81. 
Proceedings of the Estates, 82 84. Election of a new Parliament, 8485. 
State of parties, 86 87. Whig measures, 88. Fletcher of Saltoun, 88 89. 
The Act of Security, 8991. The Scots Plot, 9192. The Jacobites and 
the Country Party, 9293. Act of Security passed, 93. Its results, 94. 
Alien Act passed by English Parliament against the Scots, ib. Captain 
Thomas Green, 9496. Third session of the Scottish Parliament, 96. 
State of parties, 97 98. Riding of Parliament, 98 100. Appointment of 
Commissioners of Union, TOO 101. 

II. Proceedings of the Commissioners of Union (1706). Members of 
the Commissions, 102 104. Meeting of the Commissioners, 104 105. 
"Entire union" accepted by both Commissions, 105. Agreement regarding 
taxation, 105 107. The Equivalent, 107. Representation in the United 
Parliament, 108. Final arrangements, 109. 

III. Passing of the Treaty of Union (1706 1707). Uncertain prospects 
of the Treaty in the Scottish Parliament, no in. Meeting of Scottish 
Parliament, in. State of parties, in. Parliamentary leaders, 113114. 

Contents vii 

Riot in Edinburgh, 115. Parliamentary oratory, 116. Act securing the 
National Church, 1 1 7 118. Addresses against Union, 118 119. Riot in 
Glasgow, 119. Treaty burned at Dumfries, 120. Conduct of the Duke of 
Hamilton, 121. Favourable progress of the Treaty, 122. Last attempt to 
wreck the Treaty, 123 124. Death of the Earl of Stair, 124. Passing of 
the Treaty, 125. Did bribery carry the Union? 126 128. 

IV. First fruits of the Union (1707 1714). English officials in 
Scotland, 129. Gloomy auguries for the Union, ib. Troubles with the 
Equivalent, 130. Dishonest trading, 130 132. Abolition of the Scottish 
Privy Council, 132 133. Jacobite plots, 134 135. Jacobite invasion, 
135 137. Loyalty of the National Clergy, 138 139. Arrest of suspected 
noblemen, 140. Parliamentary election, 140 141. Question of the 
election of the eldest sons of peers, 141 142. Scottish Law of Treason 
abolished, 142 145. Growing dislike of the Union in Scotland, 145. 
Case of the Rev. James Greenshields, 146. Act of Toleration, 147 148. 
Lay patronage restored, 148. Scottish peers and the Union, 148 149. 
The Malt Tax, 150 151. Attempt to undo the Union, 152 153. 


Accession of George I, 154. Triumph of the Whigs, 155 156. 
Menacing state of the Highlands, 156 157. Parliamentary election 
victory of the Whigs, 158. Preparations against rebellion, 158 159. 
The Earl of Mar and the Government, 159 161. Mar proceeds to Scot- 
land, 161. The gathering at Aboyne, 161. Measures of the Government, 
162 163. Jacobites and Hanoverians, 163 166. Prospects of the 
Rising, 1 66. Mar raises the standard in Braemar, 167. Rebels seize 
Perth, 1 68. Jacobite attempt on the Castle of Edinburgh, 1 69 170. The 
Government forces in Scotland, 171 172. Duke of Argyle appointed 
Commander-in-chief, 172. Proceedings of the rebel army, 173 174. 
Seizure of a Government ship at Burntisland, 174 175. Jacobite risings 
in Northumberland and in the south of Scotland, 175. The two bodies 
unite, ib. Detachment of Mar's forces crosses the Forth under Mackintosh 
of Borlum, 176. Attempt on Edinburgh, 177. Mackintosh joins the 
southern rebels, 178. March into England, 179. Capitulation of the 
rebels at Preston, 180. Mar leaves Perth, 181. Battle of Sheriffmuir, 
182 184. Recapture of Inverness, 184. Arrival of the Pretender in 
Scotland, 185. His appearance in the rebel army at Perth, 186. Perth- 
shire villages burned by the rebels, 186187. Rebel army leaves Perth, 

viii Contents 

and marches to Montrose, 187 188. The Pretender sails for France, 188. 
End of the rebellion, 188. Fate of rebel leaders, 189. Forfeited Estates 
Bill, 190. Trial of rebels at Carlisle, 191. Commission on Forfeited 
Estates, 191 193. Act of Grace and Free Pardon, 193. Trial of rebels in 
Scotland, 194 195. Prospects of the Jacobites, 195. Cardinal Alberoni 
and the Pretender, 196. Alberoni sends a fleet to invade England, 196. 
Fleet driven back by storms, ib. Jacobite attempt of 1719, 197 198. 


The Argathelians and the Squadrone, 199. Argyle disgraced, 200. 
The Peerage Bill, 200 202. Triumph of the Argathelians, 203. Parlia- 
mentary election Victory of the Whigs, 203 204. Evictions in 
Galloway, 204 205. The Malt Tax, 205 207. Riot in Glasgow in 
consequence of the tax, 207 208. Discontent with the tax in Edinburgh, 
209. Walpole abolishes the office of Secretary for Scotland, 209 210. Dis- 
arming of the Highlands, 211 212. Construction of Highland Roads by 
General Wade, 212 213. Rivalries of the Argathelians and the Squadrone, 
215. James Erskine of Grange, 215 216. Walpole and the Argathelians, 
217 218. Smuggling in Scotland, 218. The Porteous Mob, 219 226. 
Fall of Walpole and triumph of the Squadrone, 226 228. The Black 
Watch, 228 231. 


I. Religion. Growth of the secular spirit, 232 235. The two parties 
in the National Church, 235 236. Effects of the Oath of Abjuration, 
236 237. Professor John Simson tried for heresy by the General 
Assembly, 238 239. The Marrow Controversy, 239 240. The First 
Secession, 240 242. The Episcopal Church, 242 244. The Usagers and 
Anti-Usagers, 244 245. 

II. Social and Industrial Progress. Disappointment with the Union, 
245. Condition of trade, 245 247. Survival of mediaeval principles of 
trade, 247 248. Growth of manufactures, 248 251. The Fishery Trade, 
252 253. Home trade, 253 255. Foreign trade Greenock and Glasgow, 
255 257. Agricultural progress, 257 258. Food of the people, 259. 
State of the Highlands, 259 261. Schools and Universities, 261 265. 
Literature, 265 268. 

Contents ix 



Prospects of the Jacobites, 269270. Attempted French invasion, 
271. The Jacobite "Association," 272 273. Movements of Prince 
Charles Edward, 273 274. He sails for Scotland, 274275. His 
personal appearance and character, 275277. His landing, 277 278. 
Gathering of the clans, 278. Standard raised at Glenfinnan, 279. Prospects 
of Charles, 280 282. Unpreparedness of the Government, 283 284. 
Movements of Sir John Cope, 284 286. Cope avoids battle, 287. Charles 
at Perth, 289. March on Edinburgh, 291. Alarm in Edinburgh, 292 
294. Rebels capture Edinburgh, 295 296. Battle of Prestonpans, 296 
299. Charles occupies Edinburgh, 299300. Disputes among Charles's 
officers, 300. Invasion of England, 301 303. Capture of Carlisle, 303 
304. March to Derby, 305307. Retreat to Scotland, 307308. March 
to Glasgow, 308 310. Events in the Highlands, 310 312. Rebels 
capture Stirling, 313. Battle of Falkirk, 313316. Retreat to the High- 
lands, 316. Capture of Inverness, 318. Movements of the Duke of 
Cumberland, 319. Night march of rebels on Nairn, 320321. Battle of 
Cullodeii, 321 324. Suppression of the Rebellion, 325. Fate of the 
rebel leaders, 326 327. Acts against the Episcopal clergy, 327328. 
Disarming Act, 328. Abolition of Highland dress, ib. Abolition of 
Feudal Jurisdictions, 329 330. Lord President Forbes, 331 332. 


I. Public Events from 1745 to 1789. Importance of the i8th century in 
Scottish history, 332. Political condition of the country, 334 335. Im- 
portance of the office of Lord Advocate, 336. Act for the encouragement 
of the linen manufacture, 337. Act annexing Forfeited Estates to the 
Crown, 337 338. The Appin Murder, 339. Fishery and Turnpike Acts, 
340 341. Question of Militia for Scotland, 341 342. The Bute 
Ministry, 342 343. The Banking Bill, 343. The Douglas Cause, 344 
345. Montgomery's Entail Act, 345 346. The Meal Riots, 346 347. 
Henry Dundas, 347 348. Colliers and Salters, 348 349. Catholic 
Emancipation, 349 351. Dundas and the Navy, 351 352. Measures 
in favour of the Highlands, 352. Dundas and Pitt, 353 354. Beginning 
of "Dundas Despotism," 354. State of the electorate in Scotland, 354 
356. Movement for burgh reform, 356 357. 

x Contents 

II. Industrial Progress from 1745 to 1789. Rapid development of 
Scotland during the period, 358. Growth of manufactures, 358 359. 
Agricultural progress, 359 360. Construction of public works, 360. 
State of the Highlands, 361 362. 

III. The Church and Literature from 1746 to 1789. "New tide of 
opinions and manners," 362 363. Characteristics of Moderatism, 363 
364. Typical Moderates, 364 365. The "New Moderatism," 366 368. 
Secession resulting in the Relief Church, 368. New Moderates and " High- 
flyers," 368. Home's Tragedy of Douglas, 369. Decline of Moderatism, 
370. Intellectual development of the country, 371. Hume's Treatise 
of Human Nature, 372. Prevailing scepticism, 373. The Scottish 
Philosophy, 373 374. Contributions to Literature and Science, 375. 


GEORGE III, 1760 1820. 


New departure in the national life, 376. Effects of the French Revolu- 
tion in Scotland, 377 378. Policy of Dundas, 378 379. Secret Societies, 
380. State Trials of Scottish Reformers, 381 384. Deposition of Henry 
Erskine from the Deanship of the Faculty of Advocates, 385. Its results, 
385. Beginnings of a Whig party, 386. Dread of revolutionary principles, 
386 387. Fear of invasion, 388. Emancipation of colliers, 388. Educa- 
tion Act, 389. Edinburgh Review published, 389. Impeachment of 
Dundas, 390. Origins of the Dundas Despotism, 391 392. Decay of 
Moderatism, 392. Election to the Chair of Mathematics in the University 
of Edinburgh, 394. Literature of the period Burns and Scott, 394 396. 
Anglicising of Scottish manners, 396 397. 


The Ministry of All the Talents, 398. Growing power of the Whig 
party in Scotland, 399. Revolutionary Societies, 400 401. Alleged 
conspiracy in Glasgow, 401. Arrest and trial of the conspirators, 402 403. 
The Scotsman newspaper established, 403. Blackwood's Edinburgh 
Magazine, 404. The "Radical War," 405 406. Public Meeting in the 
Pantheon, Edinburgh, 406 407. The political crisis in Scotland, 408. 
The Beacon and Sentinel newspapers, 409. Duel between Stuart of 
Dunearn and Sir Alexander Boswell of Auchinleck, id. Lord Advocate 

Contents xi 

Rae, 410. Partial reform of the burghs, 411. Partial reform of the Court 
of Session, 412. Letters of Malachi Malagrowther, 413. Burke and Hare 
murders, 414. End of the "manager" in Scottish affairs, 415. Tory 
discontent with the second Lord Melville, 415 416. Public Meeting in 
favour of Catholic Emancipation, 416 417. Parliamentary Reform State 
of the electorate in Scotland, 417 418. The Reform Bill Excitement in 
Scotland, 418. First election after passing of the Bill, 420 421. Passing 
of Burgh Reform Bills, 422. 

"THE DISRUPTION," 18331843. 

Continued decline of Moderatism, 423 424. Mutual relations of the 
religious and political movements, 425. The Veto Act and the Chapel 
Act, 426. The Auchterarder Case, 427. The Marnoch Case, 428 429. 
The General Assembly and the Court of Session, 429. "Claim of Rights," 
430. The Disruption, 431. Religious effort in Scotland since the Dis- 
ruption, 432 433. Scotland's contribution to the Empire, 433 444. 


INDEX ,.,,,,,, .' 445 497 


The Age of Secular Interests. 

WILLIAM AND MARY, 1689 1694. 
WILLIAM, 16891702. 


FROM the Reformation to the Revolution, considerations 
of religious creed and church government had 
been the determining factors in the history of 
the Scottish people. With the Revolution we enter on a period 
the impelling forces of which mark it clearly off from all pre- 
ceding stages of the national development. Questions of the 
divine origin of the various forms of church polity still 
continue to be favourite subjects of controversy, but they no 
longer determine public policy; henceforward it is on the 
simple ground of expediency that successive Governments deal 
with ecclesiastical questions. More and more the nation be- 
comes preoccupied with interests which involve a transfor- 
mation of its aims and ideals. By the Revolution Scotland 
was placed in new relations with the world at large, which at 
once carried her out of herself and impelled her into energetic 
rivalry with other nations. Economic interests now over-ride 

B. s. in. x 

2 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

questions of theology, and the nation expends its enthusiasm 
not over any renewal of the Covenants but over a commercial 
enterprise the object of which is mere material prosperity. 
From the sharpness of its contrast with the period between the 
Reformation and the Revolution, the period now before us may 
be distinctively designated the age of secular interests. 

The Revolution gave William no such commanding posi- 
tion in Scotland as the Restoration had given to Charles II. 
Though with varying degrees of cordiality, all classes of the 
country had welcomed Charles to the throne of his fathers. 
Strong in this support, he was enabled at the outset of his 
reign to impose a government on the country which reduced 
the Parliament to a " Baron Court," and made the Privy 
Council the all-powerful instrument of his will. Very different 
were the conditions under which William undertook the ad- 
ministration of the kingdom. Two or three excepted, there 
was not a great Scottish noble on whose fidelity he could 
depend; and the majority of the lesser barons and gentry 
were his equally dubious subjects. He had likewise to reckon 
on the persistent opposition of the Episcopalian clergy. In 
England the great majority of national churchmen had wel- 
comed the Revolution, secure in the popular support which 
would leave William no choice but to continue the existing 
Establishment. In Scotland the Episcopal church set up by 
Charles II had no such popular feeling behind it, and from 
the very conditions under which William became King of 
Scotland it might seem that he must be the necessary instru- 
ment of its doom. As far as circumstances would permit, 
William did his best to conciliate the Episcopalian section 
of his subjects, but no terms he could offer could make up 
for what they had lost, and to the end they regarded him as an 
unwelcome usurper who had sacrificed them to the exigencies 
of his position. It was on the main body of the Presbyterians 
that the stability of William's throne depended, yet there were 
special circumstances connected with the Presbyterians that 

CH. i] Williams Position 3 

seriously affected the value of their support. During the recent 
reigns the higher nobility had as a body been alienated from 
Presbytery; and, as the past history of the country had shown, 
it was only when headed by the nobility that Presbytery had 
been able to display its full strength. Moreover, the old fatal 
divisions still cleft Presbyterianism in twain. The Cameronians 
demanded a religious settlement which William could not have 
granted without alienating every other section of his subjects ; 
and, disappointed in what for them was to have been the chief 
result of the Revolution, they refused to act in concert with 
their brother Presbyterians. If opinion was thus divided in 
the Lowlands, the disposition of the Highlands was still less 
satisfactory for William. In the Highlands actual rebellion 
broke out against his government; and during every year of 
his reign there was the possibility of renewed revolt. To these 
sources of weakness within his kingdom has to be added the 
menace of invasion in the interest of the exiled King a 
menace which kept permanently alive every element hostile 
to William. In truth, what Viscount Dundee wrote to a cor- 
respondent, while William's first Scottish Parliament was sitting, 
expressed a general feeling which influenced men's minds in all 
their relations to the Revolution settlement. "I am sorry 
your Lordship should be so far abused as to think that there 
is any shadow of appearance of stability in this new structure 
of government these men have framed to themselves 1 ." 

It was under these conditions that William's first Scottish 
Parliament met on June 5th, 1689. Before it gg 

met he had already appointed his Privy Council 
the first act that showed that he meant to take a firm stand 
on his prerogative. By the arrangement now made, there was 
to be no English section of the Council sitting in London 
such as had existed since James I had migrated to England. 
As Secretary, William chose Lord Melville, a moderate Pres- 
byterian, who in the late reign had been driven to seek refuge 
1 Letters of John Graham of Claverhouse (Ban. Club), p. 70. 

4 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

in Holland; and it gave rise to some dissatisfaction that he 
retained the Secretary in London an arrangement which in 
the case of Lauderdale had made Charles II the absolute 
master of the Council 1 . During the reign of William, however, 
the Privy Council was to play no such important part as in 
the reign of his immediate predecessors. It was in open 
Parliament that every important measure was to be discussed; 
and, as was speedily to be proved, a Scottish Parliament was 
not to be the docile instrument it had been in the hands of 
the later Stewarts. 

The Parliament that now met was the same Convention 
which, after the removal of its Jacobite element, 
had unanimously offered the Crown to William 
and Mary. The spirit of unanimity, however, no longer 
possessed it when it sat as the first legalised Parliament of 
the new King. From various causes there was wide-spread 
dissatisfaction among its members. The Duke of Hamilton, 
who had been president of the Convention, was appointed 
Royal Commissioner; but, from a well-founded conviction that 
the office was meant to be an empty honour, he had accepted 
it with a grudge, and discharged its duties in a fashion that 
made William regret his choice 2 . The persons to whom was 
entrusted the conduct of the Parliament were the Earl of 
Crawford, its President, and Sir John Dalrymple, the new Lord 
Advocate. That William found it politic to couple these two 
men in the conduct of Scottish affairs is a notable proof of 
the difficulties of his position. Crawford was the solitary 
Scottish noble with strongly pronounced Presbyterian sympa- 
thies; and the one warning he never ceased to re-iterate was 
that William would not sit secure on his throne till Presbytery 
was the established religion of the country. To Dalrymple 
forms of government, secular or ecclesiastical, were equally 
indifferent. In the previous reign he had supported James 

1 State Tracts of the Reign of William III (1707), Vol. ill. 473. 
3 Leven and Melville Papers (Ban. Club), pp. 21, 78. 

CH. i] State of Parties 5 

in the assertion of the dispensing power an action from 
which even Sir George Mackenzie had shrunk. Thus identified 
with the most flagrant of all the late King's political offences, 
Dalrymple was an object of detestation to all who had 
heartily sought the Revolution. Yet the event proved that 
William did not err in choosing him as his chief Scottish 
minister. Only a man with the special gifts of Dalrymple 
courage, ready speech, and a cold, clear, and large intelligence 
-could have held the balance between the contending parties 
that strove each for its own interests in the impending settle- 
ment of Church and State. 

The Parliament had no sooner sat than Dalrymple became 
aware that all his powers would be tasked to maintain the 
degree of authority which William meant to claim as his right. 
There were three classes of members on whose opposition he 
had to reckon. There were those of Jacobite sympathies 
whose sole aim was to make as much mischief as possible 
for the new Government, and there were ardent Whigs who 
wished to draw profit from the Revolution by curtailing the 
prerogative and enlarging the privileges of Parliament. Lastly 
there was a section of dissatisfied politicians who were ready 
to identify themselves with Jacobite or Whig, if only they 
might have their revenge on those whom they considered 
their successful rivals. Chief among these malcontents was 
Sir James Montgomery of Skelmorlie, who had been one of 
the three Commissioners sent to offer the Crown to William, 
and who had looked for the office of Secretary which had 
been given to Melville. Under the leadership of Montgomery 
a systematic Opposition, known as the Club or the Country 
party, was organised against the Government. Its abettors 
regularly met in a neighbouring tavern to prepare their bills 
and to concert their tactics. Their opposition took two 
forms a personal attack on the Crown officials, and a protest 
against what were declared to be infringements of the con- 
stitution. The dispute regarding the constitution turned on 

6 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vu 

the old controversy concerning the Lords of the Articles. 
Under the last Stewarts the grievance against these Lords had 
been that, as the nominees of the Crown, and with the powers 
that were at their disposal, they were virtually the dictators 
of the Estates. In his instructions to Dalrymple William had 
proposed a method of election that was meant to remedy this 
grievance. To make the Committee representative it was to 
consist of thirty-three members instead of twenty-four, the 
two Estates (the clergy being now expelled) each to choose 
eleven as representing the interests of the Crown ; and the 
Officers of State were to be added as supernumeraries with- 
out election 1 . The Opposition refused to accept the pro- 
posal as an adequate remedy, and demanded the abolition of 
the system as a derogation from the dignity and the privileges 
of Parliament 2 . 

Such being the temper of the Estates, it was in the teeth 
of persistent opposition that the Government carried the 
measures with which it had been entrusted. Paramount 
among the questions that absorbed the public mind was the 
question of the settlement of the state religion. It was 
the recommendation of William that Presbytery should be 
restored if it found the strongest support in the nation 3 . 
But even among the three persons who represented his autho- 
rity in Scotland there was division of opinion as to the time 
and the manner in which the settlement should be made. 
Crawford was eager that Presbytery should be set up at once ; 
Hamilton, as usual, halted between two opinions; and Dal- 
rymple, though favouring Presbytery, was disposed to wait 
upon events. The measure that was actually passed revealed 
the weakness or the uncertainty of the Government. Epis- 
copacy was abolished, but Presbyterianism was not put in its 

1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, IX. App. p. 132. 

2 Ib. p. 128. The Government measure was rejected by a majority of 
ten. Leven and Melville Papers, pp. 80 i. 

8 Leven and Melville Papers, p. i. 

CH. i] The Rising of Dundee 7 

place an impotent conclusion which cut off all the hopes 
of the Episcopalians, and left the Presbyterians with fears as 
lively as their hopes. 

While the Parliament was in session, events were happening 
on which the fate of the kingdom depended. 
On the 1 3th of June Edinburgh Castle, the only 
stronghold then held for the exiled King, had been surrendered 
by its commander, the Duke of Gordon, but a more formidable 
champion than Gordon had raised the standard of James. 
When Claverhouse left the Convention in March, he retired 
to his place of Dudhope near Dundee; but the seizure of 
a letter written by James's minister, Melfort, convinced those 
now in authority that he could not be safely left at large 1 . 
Cited to appear and answer for his loyalty, he refused to obey 
the summons, and, on an attempt being made to surprise him, 
he took refuge in the depths of the Highlands. Fortune had 
now brought him precisely the occasion he could have wished 
for the display of his special gifts of mind and character. 
To the cause of James he was bound alike by instinct and 
interest, and he could now do that cause more heroic service 
than by exacting religious tests at the muzzle of the hagbut. 
He found ready to his hand the same support which his 
kinsman Montrose had turned to such good account in the 
service of his master. A numerous group of Highland chiefs 
were now as eager to draw the sword for James as they had 
been for his father Charles. During his commissionership in 
Scotland, James had made a deliberate effort to cultivate their 
good will; and, as it happened, there were special circumstances 
which led them to prefer his cause to that of William. In 
the late reign many of them had profited by the forfeiture of 
Argyle; but his son had identified himself with the Revolution, 
and might soon be in a position to claim his own 2 . The fear 

1 Balcarras, Somers Tracts, XI. 511 2. 

2 Mackay, Memoirs of the War carried on in Scotland and Ireland 
(Ban. Club), pp. 6, 18. 

8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of losing their estates in the case of some, therefore, and 
hereditary feud with Argyle in the case of others, determined 
a formidable number of chieftains to respond to the call of 
Dundee when he presented himself as the Lieutenant-General 
of the exiled King. Among those who joined him were the 
Captain of Clanranald, Macdonald of Sleat, McLean of 
Dowart, Stewart of Appin, Cameron of Lochiel, Glengarry, 
Macdonald of Keppoch, Macneil of Barra, and (name of un- 
happy associations) Macdonald of Glencoe 1 . 

The task of dealing with the insurrection was entrusted 
6 to Major-General Hugh Mackay, an experienced 

soldier, resolute and faithful, though without the 
genius to adapt himself to novel conditions of warfare. After 
some unimportant actions on both sides, and a game of march- 
ing and counter-marching in which Dundee from the nature 
of his troops had necessarily the advantage, the decisive trial 
of strength came on the evening of July 27th. The immediate 
occasion of the battle was a dispute for the mastery of the 
wide district of Atholl in the north-west of Perthshire. Its 
chief, the first Marquis of Atholl, had indicated somewhat 
indecisively his preference for the new Government ; his son, 
Lord Murray, in spite of the solicitations of Dundee, openly 
acted in its interest; but the clan itself had a long-standing 
feud with the Campbells and sympathised with their enemies 2 . 
Contrary to the wishes of the chief, his castle of Blair was held 
by Stewart of Ballechin in the interest of James; and Lord 
Murray was beaten off in an attempt to recover it. Mackay 
and Dundee both recognised the importance of the place, 
and both resolved to put it to the stake of battle. At midnight 
of the 26th of July Mackay, while encamped near Dunkeld, 
received news that Dundee had entered Atholl from Badenoch. 
Setting forth at break of day, Mackay reached the Pass of Killie- 

1 Letters of Claverkouse, pp. 40 2. 

2 Archibald, Marquis of Argyle, had raided Atholl in the interest of the 

CH. i] Battle of Killiecrankie 9 

crankie about ten in the forenoon. After a halt of two hours 
he entered the pass, and on emerging from its head took up 
his position on the slope of a hill with the river Garry in his 
rear. Before these arrangements were complete, Dundee had 
appeared and occupied the higher slopes of the same steep 
ascent. For strategy there was little scope on either side, but 
from the nature of Dundee's troops the advantage of the 
ground was all in his favour. Mackay had at his disposal 
some 3000 foot and four troops of horse the latter of little 
avail against such an enemy on a rough and steep mountain- 
side; Dundee had between 2000 and 3000 foot and one troop 
of cavalry 1 . For two hours the armies faced each other, 
and about half-an-hour from sunset the Highlanders rapidly 
descended the hill. Against their headlong onset the troops 
of Mackay were at hopeless disadvantage. Many of them 
were untrained levies, and their weapons had never been 
proved against such agile foes. Before they could fix their 
bayonets after discharging their fire 2 , their line was broken and 
three-fourths of their ranks were in hopeless confusion. Two 
circumstances, however, saved Mackay from utter ruin. True 
to their inveterate habit the Highlanders no sooner saw them- 
selves masters of the field than they fell upon the spoils ; and 
under cover of night Mackay was able to cross the Garry with 
the feeble remnant of his host. Still more fortunately for the 
defeated commander, his victorious antagonist fell in the first 
onset of the battle; and his death turned a brilliant advantage 
into a fatal disaster 3 . 

1 Dundee had expected several thousand men from Ireland ; those who 
actually joined him consisted of a ragged band of 300, led by an officer 
named Cannon. The numbers on both sides are variously stated. 

2 The bayonets then in use were bayonets~a-manchc, the handles of which 
were stuck into the muzzle of the gun. Mackay subsequently introduced 
the modern method of fixing the bayonet (Memoirs, p. 52). 

z Mackay says that the enemy lost six to his one in the field (p. 59). 
The clans lost about 600 men. 

io The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

The first rumours of Killiecrankie bore only the news of 
Dundee's decisive victory; and the alarm of 
William's supporters proved how seriously they 
regarded the mischance. It was equally a tribute to the 
victor that the announcement of his death removed all ap- 
prehensions of immediate danger. The events of the next 
few weeks proved that with Dundee had perished every 
chance of James in Scotland. Four days after the fight at 
Killiecrankie a body of Highlanders in Perth were surprised 
by Mackay; and three weeks later there occurred an action 
in which another hero fell, and in which higher military 
qualities were displayed than at Killiecrankie. In the first 
zeal of the Cameronians for the Revolution, with the result 
of which they were afterwards so miserably disappointed, 
they were eager to bear a hand in the overthrow of the 
detested Stewart, and made overtures to the Government for 
officers and weapons that they might form a regiment of 
such of their followers as were willing to take military 
service. To form a regiment from such materials, however, 
was no easy matter. Their officers must be men of their own 
way of thinking, and the terms of their service must be such 
as left them free to fight wherever and whenever they pleased. 

After negotiations, the most singular that ever attended 
the enlistment of any company of armed men, a regiment of 
Cameronians was at length embodied 1 . Its nominal head was 
the Earl of Angus, but its effective commander was his lieu- 
tenant, William Cleland. Cleland, it was said, was the only 
one among his enemies of whom Dundee was afraid, and he 
had at least reason to respect him as an equal foe. Cleland, 
though then only in his twentieth year, had fought with the 
insurgents at Drumclog, and it was mainly due to his pre- 
cocious talent that Claverhouse and his dragoons had been 

1 M. Shields, Faithful Contendings Displayed (Edit. 1780), pp. 394 
et seq. 

CH. i] The Fight at Dunkeld n 

put to rout 1 . With natural military genius he combined all 
the accomplishments of the time, and it was by his tact and 
zeal that the strange regiment had been induced to accept 
some of the conditions of military service 2 . Contrary to the 
advice of Mackay, who realised the dangerous nature of the 
position, the regiment was ordered to proceed to Dunkeld in 
the midst of a hostile country. Mackay's fears were fully 
justified; on the 2ist of August, a few days after their arrival, 
they were beset by 5000 Highlanders, led by Colonel Cannon, 
whom James had appointed as successor to Dundee. The 
Cameronians were only 1200 strong, and the town was without 
defences, but Cleland displayed all the resources of a born 
commander. After desperate righting the devoted band re- 
tired to the Cathedral and a mansion-house belonging to the 
Marquis of Atholl. The assailants, concealing themselves in 
the houses of the town, kept up a constant fire on the two last 
strongholds of the defenders. But the Highlanders had now 
met with foes very different from the untrained levies of Killie- 
crankie. The Highland Host was fresh in the memory of the 
religious enthusiasts, and it was as the enemies of God and 
man that they fought the heathenish race. When their 
ammunition failed, they tore the lead from the mansion-house; 
and a heroic sally made by a part of their company turned the 
event of the day. With burning fagots at the end of their 
pikes they set fire to the thatched roofs of the houses filled 
with their enemies, in some cases turning the keys of the doors. 
In one house sixteen are said to have perished. For four 
hours the struggle continued, but at length the assailants 
refused to face their terrible foes and retreated in disorder 
across the neighbouring hills, the Cameronians raising a psalm 
of triumph as they went. As at Killiecrankie, the victorious 

1 Wodrow, in. 70. At Cleland's suggestion the insurgents fell flat on 
their faces when the dragoons pointed their pieces. 

2 Scott had Cleland before him in his character of Morton in Old 

1 2 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

commander did not live to profit by his success. While ex- 
posing himself to give an order, Cleland received two gun-shots 
which were immediately fatal; but, more fortunate in his death 
than Dundee, he had won a victory which assured the triumph 
of his cause. If the importance of battles is to be estimated 
by their consequences and the military qualities displayed in 
them, the defence of Dunkeld should be written larger in 
Scottish history than Killiecrankie 1 . 

By the death of Dundee and the victory at Dunkeld the 
1600 country was saved from the immediate danger of 

another formidable rebellion, but the work of 
the Revolution was as yet only half done and the severest 
ordeal of the new Government had yet to be faced. The 
settlement of the Church had still to be accomplished, and on 
the event of this settlement appeared to depend the stability 
of William's authority alike in England and Scotland. It was 
by no means certain that the establishment of Presbytery in 
Scotland would strengthen his hold on that country. The 
majority of the Scottish people were in favour of such a settle- 
ment, but there were formidable interests bound up with 
Episcopacy with which it might be dangerous to make a final 
breach. It was the state of feeling in England, however, that 
most seriously disquieted William as to his ecclesiastical policy 
in his northern kingdom. The Church of England declared 
that it would stand or fall with its sister church in Scotland, 
and that whatever measure was meted to Scottish Episcopalians 
would be meted to English dissenters 2 . Fortunately for William 
he had by his side one who was pre-eminently fitted to direct 
him in his dealings with religion in Scotland. This was William 
Carstares (" Cardinal Carstares "), a Presbyterian minister, who 
had experienced the thumbscrew under Charles II, and in his 
exile in Holland had gained the unbounded confidence of 

1 Out of Cleland's troop of Cameronians sprang the famous Cameronian 

2 Leven and Melville Papers, pp. 336 7, 355 6. 

CH. i] The Religious Settlement 13 

William. Mainly through the counsels of Carstares, William 
finally decided that the establishment of a moderate Presby- 
terianism was his most expedient policy in Scotland. 

To effect a religious settlement Parliament must again be 
summoned ; and William's experience of the first 
session of that Parliament had not been en- 
couraging. As the time for its meeting approached, he was 
told that only his own presence could ensure the passing of 
such measures as he desired ; at the most he could reckon on 
a majority of fourteen votes 1 . The choice of the royal repre- 
sentatives announced the policy that had been adopted. Lord 
Melville, a moderate Presbyterian, who had been Secretary in 
the previous year, was appointed Commissioner; and the Earl 
of Crawford, a Presbyterian extremist, was continued in his 
office of President of Parliament. The same elements of 
opposition appeared as in the previous year. Hamilton, now 
removed from office, aimed simply at harassing the Govern- 
ment ; Sir James Montgomery, though secretly in negotiation 
with James, posed as the champion of extreme Presbyterianism 
and the enemy of the prerogative ; and the Jacobites identified 
themselves with him as a useful ally. In a trial of strength 
over a disputed election the Government had only a majority 
of six; but the result demoralised the Opposition which had 
securely reckoned on being the stronger party, and thence- 
forward the Government steadily proceeded with its measures 2 . 
To the extreme Whigs a notable concession was made ; they 
had pressed in the preceding session for the abolition of the 
Committee of the Lords of the Articles, and their demand was 
now granted. 

But it is by its Acts relating to the Church that this session 
of the Revolution Parliament is memorable in the national 
history. Detestable and impious in the eyes of all Presby- 
terians had been the assumption by James VI and his successors 

1 Leven and Melville Papers, pp. 391, 392, 394, 398. 

2 Balcarras, Somers Tracts, xi. 523 5. 

14 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

that they were " supreme over all persons and in all causes 
ecclesiastical"; and it was now decreed that such supremacy 
was inconsistent "with the establishment of Church govern- 
ment now desired." Next, in view of the great Act that was to 
follow, it was voted that all the Presbyterian ministers who had 
been ejected since the ist of January, 1661, should at once be 
restored to their respective parishes. Of these ministers only 
sixty remained, and on them was to devolve the duty of 
rebuilding the walls of their temple. In giving its sanction 
to the establishment of Presbytery as the national religion, the 
Parliament followed the precedent of the Convention of 1560 
which set up Protestantism in the place of the Church of Rome. 
The Westminster Confession, as embodying the creed of 
Scottish Presbyterianism, was first read, and then by one 
Act the Confession was ratified and Presbytery declared to 
be the polity of the Church that was henceforth to be recog- 
nized by the State. Finally, though against the wish of William, 
patronage was annulled, and the right of approving presentees 
conferred on congregations 1 . 

Since 1653, when the officials of the Commonwealth 
broke up its meeting in Edinburgh, no General 
Assembly had met, and the very forms of con- 
ducting it had been almost forgotten. General Assemblies 
were again to meet, but no longer under conditions that had 
made them the rivals of Parliaments and the terror of Scottish 
Kings. Yet it was with serious disquiet that William and his 
advisers looked forward to the Assembly that had been 
appointed to meet in October for the express purpose of 
setting the re-established Church in order. So long oppressed 
as the Presbyterian ministers had been, it might well be feared 
that they would not be in the most charitable frame of mind 
towards the fallen Church which in their eyes had been the 
instrument of their oppression. As things now stood, any 
indiscretion on the part of the coming Assembly would gravely 
1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, ix. in et seq. 

CH. i] The Religious Settlement 15 

compromise the recent ecclesiastical settlement. It was the 
devout prayer of Lord Melville and all who wished well to a 
moderate Presbyterianism that its session should be short and 
that it would pass by all matters that were likely to renew old 
divisions 1 . 

When the day of meeting came, about a hundred and 
eighty members, laymen and divines, put in an appearance, 
but of this number none were from the north, the stronghold 
of Episcopacy. The first proceeding of the Assembly was to 
receive three Cameronian ministers who gave satisfactory 
assurance of their conformity to the new establishment. But 
in taking this step these ministers did not represent the main 
body of their people. The eyes of the followers of Cargill 
and Cameron had gradually been opened to the true character 
of the Revolution. It had given them an uncovenanted King, 
an uncovenanted Parliament, and an uncovenanted Church; 
and, dragoons and tests excepted, they were precisely where 
they had been under the "malignant" House of Stewart. The 
uncompromising resistance of the Cameronians to the church 
policy of the last two Kings had been one of the chief causes 
of the Revolution in Scotland; and, true to their principles, 
they refused to acknowledge the new settlement when it failed 
to fulfil the first conditions of a Church whose head was Christ 
and no earthly King. Deserted by their own ministers 2 , they 
held sternly aloof from the new Church and State, refused to 
take an oath of allegiance, and as a separate body, claiming 
to represent the Church of Knox and Melville and Henderson, 
continue to exist to the present day. But the most important 
act of the resuscitated Assembly was the appointment of two 
Commissions, one for the north and another for the south of 
the river Tay. The object of both was the same to restore 

1 Leven and Melville Papers^ pp. 540 I. 

2 The three who conformed were all they possessed, and it was not till 
1706 that they were joined by two ministers (one only a licentiate) from the 
Established Church. 

1 6 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

church order and to extrude such ministers, Presbyterian or 
Episcopalian, as in life, doctrine, and political sentiments failed 
to give satisfaction to the Commissioners 1 . The work of the 
Commission in the south was comparatively easy, for there it 
had the sympathy of the main body of the people. Very 
different was the task of the northern Commissioners. To the 
north of the Tay they were in the enemy's country, and there 
were few parishes where they did not encounter more or less 
opposition to their reforming zeal. There had already been 
two purgings of the " conforming " clergy. Many had been 
"rabbled" out of their cures in the preceding December 2 , and 
others had been ejected for their refusal to pray for the new 
King and Queen; but the process of extrusion by the special 
Church Commission was most keenly resented by the fallen 
Church, and it was only by the decisive interference of the 
Government that the inquisition was gradually staid. Harsh as 
was the new persecution, however, it differed from the perse- 
cutions of the two previous reigns in one material circum- 
stance; the clergy alone were the sufferers, the laity being 
left absolutely free to sit at whose feet they chose. 


The chief work of the Revolution in Church and State had 
now been completed, and it remained to consolidate the nation 
on its new basis. Of one of its most mischievous adversaries, 
the intractable Sir James Montgomery, the Government was now 
happily rid. While posing as a strenuous Whig, he had in- 
veigled Lord Ross and Lord Anriandale into a plot for the 
restoration of James. The plot was discovered, and all three 
made confessions; but, while Ross and Annandale made their 

1 Principal Acts of General Assembly convened on October 16, 1690 
(Edin., Mosman, 1691), pp. 21 2. 

2 The "rabbling" had been sanctioned by Parliament against con- 
siderable opposition. 

CH. i] State of the Highlands 17 

peace with the Government, Montgomery was forced to quit the 

In the Highlands, also, things had gone favourably for 

William. The defeat of Cannon at Dunkeld in 


August, 1689, had discredited that officer with 
the Highlanders, who refused to rally to his further calls in spite 
of all the promises he held out from James. In the following 
year Cannon was succeeded in his command by General 
Buchan, who was even more unlucky than his predecessor. 
On the ist of May he was surprised at Cromdale in Strathspey 
by Sir Thomas Livingstone, the government officer in command 
at Inverness, four hundred of his men being taken, and his 
remaining force hopelessly dispersed. To maintain the ad- 
vantage that had been won, Mackay next took a step in imitation 
of Monk. It was from the western districts of the Highlands 
that future trouble was most likely to come. It was there that 
the majority of the disaffected chiefs had their strongholds, 
while thr proximity of Ireland placed them in convenient 
communication with the emissaries of James. With a view to 
overawe these chiefs, therefore, Mackay erected a fort at 
Inverlochy, to which he gave the name of Fort William, and 
which, though built in the course of eleven days, he deemed 
"a perfect defence" against such an enemy as the High- 
landers 1 . 

Actual warfare was now at an end in the Highlands, but 
only a spark was necessary to rekindle it In the _ g 

spring and early summer of 1691 there were 
many symptoms that trouble was impending. The disaffected 
chiefs had been led to believe that a French force was about 
to land on the west coast, and their restiveness became ominous. 
Glengarry built himself so strong a house that it could not be 
taken "without great cannon," and many chiefs persistently 
refused to take the oath of allegiance 2 . In these circumstances 

1 Mackay, Memoirs, pp. 98 9. 
* Lcven and Melville Papers, pp. 609 et seq. 
B. S. HI. 2 

1 8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

some policy was necessary to avert the repetition of the work 
of Montrose and Dundee. The policy adopted was one which 
on a limited scale had frequently been tried in the dealings of 
the Privy Council with the Highlands ; it was simply to offer 
such inducements to the chieftains as would make it their 
interest to remain at peace among themselves and with the 
existing Government. The agent chosen to carry out this policy 
was the Earl of Breadalbane, described as being "cunning as a 
fox, wise as a serpent, and as slippery as an eel." He was 
doubtless chosen for two reasons ; he was a match for any other 
Highland chief at his own weapons, and his important trust 
might secure his own dubious allegiance to the Government 
that employed him. At the end of June Breadalbane met the 
Highland chiefs at Achallader in Argyleshire, and by the offers 
he was able to make obtained a temporary advantage for the 
Government. A truce till the ist of October was arranged, and 
the expected French invasion was thus averted for the time 1 . 
In other respects his negotiations bore little fruit; some 
chieftains took such money as he chose to offer them, others 
refused either from honesty or because their price was under- 
estimated, and all remained as disaffected as ever. By 
December ;i 2,000 sterling had been spent in Breadalbane's 
mission 2 ; and his associate in the appalling crime that was to 
follow was in doubt whether the money had not been better 
employed "to settle the Highlands or to ravage them." 

To reinforce the negotiations of Breadalbane, a sterner step 
was taken. The recalcitrant chiefs still refused to take the 
oath of allegiance; and, to bring them to account, an order was 
issued on August 27th proclaiming "the utmost extremity of 
the law 8 ' against all who should not take the necessary oath 
by the ist of January, 1692. The threat had the desired 
effect; by the appointed day all the chieftains with two ex- 
ceptions had subscribed the oath. One of the two who had 

1 Papers Illustrative of the Highlands of Scotland, 1689 1696 (Mait. 
Club), pp. 534. 

2 It is uncertain how much was spent for the purpose intended. 
* Papers Illustrative of the highlands of Scotland, p. 37. 

CH. i] Macdonald of Glencoe 19 

trifled with his fate was Alexander Macdonald 1 , the chief of 
Glencoe, a person specially objectionable to the Government 
from his character and past conduct. With unhappy bravado 
he postponed the hateful step till the last days of December. 
When he appeared before Colonel Hill, the commander of Fort 
William, he was informed that only a sheriff or his substitute 
could receive the oath. Inverary was the nearest place where 
a sheriff or his substitute was to be found ; and it was not till 
the 6th of January that Macdonald was able to give the pledge 
of his allegiance. Meanwhile the machinery was being set in 
motion for the enforcement of the law. Its prime mover was 
Sir John Dalrymple, Under- Secretary of State and resident in 
London, who had been William's most trusted public servant 
since the beginning of his reign. The disaffected chiefs had 
shown such reluctance to take the oath that it was fully 
expected that in the case of several of them the law must take 
its course. Under this impression William, on the nth of 
January, 1692, subscribed and superscribed "letters of fire 
and sword," drafted after the time-honoured usage of the 
Scottish Privy Council 2 . It was with a sense of disappoint- 
ment that Dalrymple learned that all the chieftains with the 
exception of Macdonald had taken the oath by the appointed 
day 3 . In the case of most of them he was convinced that the 
oath was an idle form, and that the only security against their 
future rebellion was to cow them by a few terrible examples. 
It was with undisguised rejoicing, therefore, that he heard of 
Macdonald's failure to give the necessary satisfaction. If only 
one chief was to be taught a lesson, Glencoe was the victim he 
would have desired. The clan was "a thieving tribe," "a 
damnable sept, the worst in all the Highlands"; its chief had 
fought under Dundee at Killiecrankie and was deep in every 
Highland plot against the Government. 

The other was Glengarry. 

1 Papers Illustrative of the Highlands of Scotland, pp. 60 i. 
1 Mr A. Lang is of opinion that Dalrymple had really wished a "peace- 
ful settlement." Hist, of Scot. IV. 389. 

2 2 

20 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

The certificate of Macdonald's oath had been duly forwarded 
to the Privy Council, but by some foul play not very clearly 
explained, the Council did not accept it, and William at least was 
not informed that the oath had been taken. On Macdonald's 
head, therefore, were to be visited the sins of himself and his 
brother chieftains. It fell to Dalrymple as Secretary of State to 
give the necessary orders, and it was indubitably in the full con- 
viction that he was doing his country an excellent service that 
he issued them. He found two instruments admirably adapted 
for his purposes. The one was Major Robert Duncanson ; the 
other, a subordinate of Duncanson, Captain Robert Campbell 
of Glenlyon. Both were Campbells, and both therefore the 
hereditary enemies of the Macdonalds of Glencoe. The 
orders of Dalrymple were that the blow should be "secret 
and sudden" and that the tribe should be "rooted out to 
purpose 1 "; the special mode in which the orders should be 
carried out was left to Duncanson and Campbell. About the 
ist of February Glenlyon appeared in the vale of Glencoe at 
the head of a troop of a hundred and twenty men, the great 
majority of whom were Highlanders. On showing his orders for 
quartering there, he and his men were hospitably received, and 
lived " familiarly with the people" till the i3th. About four 
or five on the morning of that day the work of blood began. 
The first blow was struck at the house of the chief; he 
himself was shot as he was getting out of bed, and his 
wife was so brutally used that she died within a few 
hours. Every pass had been secured ; but in the darkness 
of the winter morning many made their escape to the 
neighbouring hills. Thirty-eight in all were butchered, among 
them being two children, two women and one old man of 
eighty 2 . 

Had the Massacre of Glencoe occurred at any period pre- 

1 Papers Illustrative of the Highlands of Scotland, pp. 67, 71. 

2 It should be said that the two sons of Glencoe, both of whom escaped 
the massacre, are the only authorities for the details of the story. 

CH. i] Massacre of Glencoe 21 

vious to the Revolution it would have been accounted merely 
as another of the long list of atrocities that are recorded in 
Highland history. So far as Dalrymple is concerned, the 
measures he took with regard to Glencoe were only those 
which had been consistently followed by the Privy Council 
in the case of all intractable Highland clans 1 . Previous to the 
Revolution there probably was not a single Scottish statesman 
who would not heartily have approved of letters of fire and sword 
as the most satisfactory method of dealing with a nest of dis- 
affected subjects. Assuredly none of them would have dreamt 
of suggesting an investigation into any atrocity committed 
against a Highland clan. It was, in truth, due to no awakening 
of the public conscience that such an investigation was de- 
manded in the case of Glencoe ; personal hatred to Dalrymple, 
on the part of some, and a desire to discredit the Government, 
on the part of others, must be assigned as the leading motives 
of those who clamoured most loudly for a Commission of 
Enquiry. In 1693 tne Duke of Hamilton and others were 
instructed to conduct an investigation into the circumstances of 
the massacre; but it was not till 1695 that William, anticipating 
the demand of the Estates, granted a formal Commission of 
Enquiry. As the result of the Commission, Dalrymple de- 
mitted his office of Secretary, and was forced to remain in 
retirement till the next reign, when he was again to play a pro- 
minent part in the affairs of the country. Breadalbane, who 
had gone hand in hand with Dalrymple, was charged with high 
treason and committed to Edinburgh Castle, but was never 
brought to trial. Duncanson and Glenlyon, the subordinate 
agents in the crime, were in military service on the Continent 
and beyond the reach of the law. 

It was the deliberate policy of William to avoid Parlia- 
ments and General Assemblies as far as lay in his power. In 
the past these bodies had served only to create further friction 

1 Cf. Indexes to Vols. vi., vil. and vm. of the P. C. Register, s.v. 
Macgrtgor for illustrations of the methods of dealing with troublesome clans. 

22 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

between the various political and ecclesiastical parties; and 
his future experience was not to increase his 
liking for them. With an Assembly that met in 
January, 1692, he had special reason to be dissatisfied. In a 
letter presented to that Assembly by his Commissioner, he 
expressed the desire that all ministers should be admitted into 
the Established Church who were willing to subscribe the 
Confession of Faith 1 . After about a month's sitting no step had 
been taken to give effect to the message ; and the Commissioner 
dissolved the Assembly without fixing a date for the next 
meeting, though the Moderator, obeying the clamour of the 
Assembly, named the third Wednesday of August, i693 a . 

The General Assembly did not meet in 1693, but the Parlia- 
ment met instead its first session since 1690. Two of its Acts 
were the occasion of fresh misunderstandings between the 
Church and the King. From the peculiar tenure by which 
William held the Crown a difficulty had arisen in connection 
with the Oath of Allegiance. A Jacobite might swear that 
William was King in fact, but with the mental reservation that 
he was not King of right, and with this salve to his conscience 
might hold himself free to do all in his power against the 
usurper. To remove the convenient ambiguity, therefore, it 
was enacted that in addition to the Oath of Allegiance an 
"Assurance," affirming that William was King of right as well 
as in fact, should be demanded of such persons as the Govern- 
ment should designate 3 . The other Act gave the sanction of 
the Estates to that demand of William which had been set 
aside by the late Assembly ; henceforth (it declared) all 
ministers were to be admissible to the Established Church 
who should subscribe the Confession of Faith, the Oath of 

1 Register of the Actings &V., of General Assembly on January 15, 1692 
(Edin. 1852), p. 9. 

2 The Acts of this Assembly were burned in 1701, but a copy was 
preserved. It has been inserted in the edition belonging to the University 
of Edinburgh. 

8 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, IX. 263 4. 

CH. i] Tke "Assurance* 23 

Allegiance, and the Assurance. To both of these Acts the Pres- 
byterian ministers had a strong objection. By exacting the 
Assurance from the clergy William would be asserting that 
supremacy over the Church which had been the most heinous 
offence of his immediate predecessors. As for the Act of Com- 
prehension, it was regarded as a deep-laid stratagem to swamp 
the Church with Episcopalians and to subvert its constitution. 
The ministers had still another ground for discontent 
with the Government. At the close of the last Assembly the 
Moderator, without the sanction of the King's Commissioner, 
had appointed the coming August as the date of the next 
meeting. The day was approaching ; the sanction of the King 
was not yet forthcoming ; and the ministers threatened to hold 
their Assembly independently of the royal authority. At length 
came William's consent that the desired Assembly should 
meet in March of the following year (1694); but his consent 
was clogged with a condition which threatened an open breach 
between the ministers and the Crown : no minister was to be 
allowed to sit in the coming Assembly without previously 
subscribing the Assurance. When the Commissioner, Lord 
Carmichael, appeared in Edinburgh, he learned to his consterna- 
tion that no minister would take the oath and that, if he acted 
up to his instructions, no Assembly could be held. By the 
diplomacy of Carstares the deadlock was averted, and to the 
delight of the ministers William gave way. The concession 
convinced them that he had no evil designs against the Church ; 
and, when the Assembly met, it gave satisfactory proof of its 
confidence in his good intentions ; it appointed a Commission 
to receive such Episcopalians into the Church as were willing 
to accept the necessary conditions 1 . Unfortunately the Episco- 
palians had even stronger objections to the Assurance than the 
Presbyterians themselves. The Oath of Allegiance had permitted 
a mental reservation in favour of the exiled King, but the 

1 Principal Acts of General Assembly, March, 1694 (Edin., Mosman, 
1695), pp. 23 et seq. 

24 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Assurance left no loophole of escape. The majority of the 
Episcopalian clergy, therefore, refused to avail themselves of 
the offer now made to them ; and William's desire for compre- 
hension was in great measure thwarted. 


During the last years of William's reign the Scottish people 
were exercised regarding an affair which signally illustrates the 
change that had come over the national spirit. In the year 
1695 a vision of boundless wealth was opened before their 
eyes, which transformed them from a nation of theologians 
into a nation of traders and merchants and economists. 
Ecclesiastically and politically the Union of the Crowns in 
1603 had brought little good to Scotland, and commercially 
it had been disastrous. Again and again the foreign relations 
of England had played havoc with the trading interests of the 
lesser country. The Union had injuriously affected the ancient 
commercial privileges of Scotland with France", as James VI 
and his successors were frequently reminded by the Scottish 
Privy Council. Still more detrimental to Scottish trade had 
been the war of Charles II with Holland the country with 
which Scotland had done its largest business since she had 
first come into touch with foreign nations. While the other 
trading countries of Europe were reaping a harvest from the 
continents of Asia, Africa, and America, Scotland through 
the action of the English Government was debarred from 
participating in their gains. So far as legislation could, the 
Navigation Act and the Act for the Encouragement of Trade, 
passed by the English Parliament in 1660 and 1663, per- 
manently excluded the Scots from some of the principal sources 
of the world's wealth. 

During the period preceding the Revolution, the nation 
had shown a sufficiently eager interest in the development of 
its resources. Following the lead of other nations, it had 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 25 

launched many companies, started new manufactures, and 
legislated vigorously in its own commercial interests. But 
the most cogent proof of the energy and enterprise of the 
Scottish trader is seen in the success with which he eluded 
the two measures of the English Parliament which were ex- 
pressly intended to exclude him from all traffic with the 
American Plantations. Owing to the action of successive 
Governments, numerous colonies of Scots existed all along the 
east coast of the American States, and notably in Barbados 
the most lucrative market for European goods. After his 
victory at Dunbar, Cromwell had deported 5000 Scots to New 
England; and, though many died on the voyage, a sufficient 
number survived to form a Scottish colony. The policy of 
Charles II materially increased the numbers of this first 
contingent. The religious recusants transported to the Plan- 
tations during his reign and that of James VII have to be 
reckoned by hundreds; and we have the testimony of the 
Governors of these lands that they made the best of colonists. 
Still more numerous were the deportations of a very 
different class of Scottish subjects. During the same reigns 
transportation to the Plantations was the effectual method 
of ridding the country of the useless and criminal part of the 
population; and, with the sanction of the Privy Council, ship- 
loads of these persons, men and women, were conveyed from 
the chief seaports of the kingdom and sold to employers of 
labour on the other side of the Atlantic. Among these 
miscellaneous bands of Scots, there must have been many 
who had the natural aptitude of their countrymen for making 
the most of the situation in which they found themselves; and, 
in point of fact, during the last quarter of the iyth century 
and the opening years of the next, Scottish traders in the 
American colonies became so numerous as seriously to alarm 
the English Merchant Companies. The existence of so many 
Scottish traders in the Plantations opened up a promising 
field for Scottish traders at home, who by eluding the customs 

26 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

could supply the Planters with their necessary commodities 
at a cheaper rate than the English merchants who had the 
customs to pay. The merchants of London complained " that 
their Trade is in a great measure destroyed and ruined by 
many ships trading directly from Scotland and Ireland to 
Virginia 1 , Maryland and Pennsylvania without paying their 
Majesties' duties to the undervaluing of Trade"; and similar 
complaints came from Bristol, Liverpool, and other English 
ports 2 . The English government officials in the colonies bore 
equally emphatic testimony to the extent to which Scottish 
traders had appropriated the trade with the Plantations ; " all 
the tobacco of this province" [Philadelphia], wrote one of 
these officials to the English Admiralty, "is engrossed by the 
Scotch merchants, and at such rates that I am sure none that 
designs a fair trade can afford to give it 3 ." 

The success with which Scottish traders carried on this 
illicit traffic showed that they possessed the energy and enter- 
prise for undertakings on a larger scale; and in the year 1695 
the opportunity was offered for a commercial venture in which 
the entire Scottish nation might find its interest. In other 
European countries trading companies existed under the 
sanction of their respective Governments, and with more or 
less profit were doing business in the markets of the other 
three continents. Why should Scotland not possess similar 
companies equally sanctioned by its Government? In 1693 
there had been passed by the Scottish Parliament and ap- 
proved by William an Act which conferred all the powers 
necessary for the establishment of such companies in Scotland. 
By this Act it was declared that Scottish merchants were at 

1 The ships sent from Ireland were also those of Scotsmen descended 
from the original settlers in Ulster. 

2 Scottish Hist. Rev. (Oct. 1908), p. 42. Art. by Miss T. Keith on 
" Scottish Trade with the Plantations before 1707." 

3 Hist. MSS. Com. House of Lords Manuscripts , Vol. IV. (New Series), 


CH. i] The Darien Scheme 27 

liberty to form companies for trading in all kinds of com- 
modities in all parts of the world with which his Majesty was 
not at war 1 . The suggestion of a Scottish company came from 
Mr James Chiesley, a Scottish merchant settled in London, In 
May, 1695, Chiesley pointed out to another Scotsman, William 
Paterson, that the Act of 1693 gave ample powers for establish- 
ing an East India Company in Scotland with the full sanction 
of the royal authority. He could not have found a more 
responsive listener. A native of Dumfriesshire, Paterson had 
seen most quarters of the globe, and played various parts 2 , 
but his main interests lay in trade and finance. After acquiring 
a competence in the West Indies, he returned to Europe, and, 
as the result of his observation and experience, submitted to 
several continental cities a Scheme of Foreign Trade which 
none of them saw fit to adopt. Another of his proposals had 
better fortune. In 1691, mainly through his agency, a plan 
for the foundation of a National Bank was submitted to the 
English Government with the result that in 1694 the Bank of 
England was established, Paterson being one of its original 
directors. A born "projector," therefore, Paterson eagerly 
caught at Chiesley's suggestion, and drafted an Act for the 
constitution of a Scottish company. 

No patriotic Scot could oppose the passing of an Act 
which might be expected to open up a new 
future for his country; and on May 26, 1695, 
the Scottish Parliament passed the momentous "Act for a 
Company trading to Africa and the Indies," mainly on the 
lines sketched by Paterson 3 . The charter thus granted to the 
prospective Company was indeed, as it was described, a "large 
and glorious patent." In Scotland the Company was to have 

1 Acts ofParl. of Scotland, IX. 315. 

8 The West Indies seem to have been the chief scene of Paterson's 
activity in his earlier years. If we may credit some accounts, he was 
both missionary and buccaneer before settling down to trade. 

* Acts ofParl. of Scotland, IX. 377 381. 

28 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

a monopoly of trade with Asia and Africa for all time coming, 
and in America for the space of thirty-one years. During 
twenty-one years all goods imported by the Company, except 
sugar and tobacco, were to be free of duty; and no part of 
the capital stock or of real or personal property was to be 
liable to arrest or confiscation. With the consent of the in- 
habitants, colonies might be planted in any part of Asia, Africa, 
and America, provided it was not already in the possession 
of any European sovereign 1 . For the first ten years the Com- 
pany was at liberty to fit out their own or hired ships, and to 
equip them in warlike guise if it saw fit. All members and 
servants were to be secure from arrest ; and, should any foreign 
state inflict injury on the Company, the King was to interpose 
to obtain reparation. As originally conceived, the Company 
was not to be an exclusively Scottish concern ; of the twenty- 
one promoters designated in the Act eleven were resident in 
London. As evidence to the world, however, that Scotland 
was its parent, at least half of its capital stock was to be set 
aside for residents in Scotland; and all persons concerned in 
the Company were ip so facto to be free citizens of that country. 
The promoters of the Company were fully aware of the 
obstacles they would have to face in carrying through their 
enterprise. In the English companies they would have 
enemies who would do all in their power to checkmate them 
as formidable rivals. It was indeed in anticipation of the 
hostility of these companies that the Act had been so ex- 
peditiously passed by the Estates. But in the haste to establish 
the Company a formality had been neglected which was 
subsequently made a handle against the promoters. The 
Commissioner Tweeddale had been authorised to promote 
any measure for the furtherance of Scottish trade, but on the 
condition that any Act passed with this object should be 
submitted to the King previous to its receiving the royal 

1 Paterson assumed that a settlement at Darien was legalised by this 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 29 

assent. At the date when the Act was passed, however, 
William was on the Continent; and, doubtless under pressure, 
Tweeddale had touched the Act with the sceptre without 
satisfying the prescribed condition. 

On August 29 the promoters in London held their first 
regular meeting; but, to the disquiet of Paterson, no promoters 
from Scotland made their appearance. In November the 
English Parliament was to meet; and there was a well-grounded 
fear that both Houses might take action which would be fatal 
to the interests of the Company. Apparently, however, from 
distrust of Paterson and the other London patentees, the re- 
presentatives in Scotland still delayed their coming; and on 
their own responsibility the London members took a decided 
step. They fixed (October 22) the capital of the Company 
at ^600,000, half of which was assigned to England, and 
announced that the books were opened for subscriptions. 
Within a few days the proportion assigned to England was 
over-subscribed; and steps were then taken to place the 
Company on a secure basis before the meeting of Parliament. 
An office was selected; the subscribers were required to pay 
in a quarter of their promised investments; and it was decided 
that the persons specified in the Act should constitute a Court 
of Directors, to which others, however, might be subsequently 
added. In requital of the services of Paterson and his outlay 
in the interests of the Company, it was further agreed that he 
should receive two per cent, of the money to be subscribed 
and three per cent, of the profits for twenty-one years 1 . 

On the very day (November 22) on which the subscription 
books were declared to be closed, the Houses of Parliament 
met. It was the House of Lords at whose instigation is 
uncertain that took the initiative in the investigation into the 
affairs of the Company. At the request of the Lords, the East 
India Company, the Commissioners of Customs, and private 
traders gave in opinions regarding the probable efiect of the 

1 Paterson subsequently renounced both royalties. 

30 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Scots Company on English trade. As all the opinions were 
adverse to the Company, the Lords resolved to present an 
address to the King representing " the great prejudice, in- 
convenience, and mischiefs" that would result to English 
traders from the Act passed by the Scottish Estates. On the 
i yth of December both Lords and Commons waited on the 
King at Kensington and presented the address. " I have been 
ill-served in Scotland 1 ," was William's reply, " but I hope some 
remedies may be found to prevent the inconveniences which 
may arise from this Act"; and the dismissal of the Commis- 
sioner Tweeddale and Secretary Johnston was his significant 
concession to the representation of the two Houses. Further 
proceedings of both Lords and Commons showed that they 
were fully convinced that the new Company was a menace 
to English interests; and one decision taken was to give 
serious trouble to the Company at a future day. A circular 
letter was to be addressed to the Governors of the Planta- 
tions, enjoining them to prohibit all his Majesty's subjects 
from rendering any assistance whatever to the Scottish 
Company 2 . 

These proceedings of the English Parliament were fatal to 

6 6 6 8 ^ e or ^ na ^ object and scope of the Company as 

they had been defined in the Act which established 

it. In view of the hostility of King, Lords, and Commons, 

English subscribers made haste to withdraw from a concern 

which now seemed foredoomed to ruin; and the Company which 

had begun by being a British enterprise became the affair of 

1 William's words may refer to the fact that Tweeddale neglected tc 
submit to him the Act founding the Company before giving it the sanction 
of the royal authority, but they may also refer to the belief of the Lords 
that English gold facilitated the passing of the Act. 

2 The letter was not issued till January 2, 1699. A full account of the 
proceedings connected with the Company in London is given in Mr Hiram 
Bingham's articles on the " Early History of the Scots Darien Company," 
Scot. Hist. Rev. Vol. in. (1906). 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 31 

Scotland alone 1 . The defection of England, therefore, in- 
volved at once a diminution of capital, the loss of experienced 
advisers, and the choice of a new field for the Company's 
operations. Thrown on their own resources, the Directors of 
the Company in Scotland had no thoughts of abandoning the 
enterprise. The English subscriptions being withdrawn, it was 
necessary that the capital contributed by Scotland should be 
increased, and a call was made for ^"400,000 instead of 
^3Oo,ooo 2 . The response given to the call reminded con- 
temporaries of the national ferment in 1638 occasioned by the 
imposition of Laud's Liturgy. Now, also, as in that year, 
resentment against England was a powerful motive in inciting 
the nation to throw itself into the doomed venture. The 
subscription book was opened in Edinburgh on February 26, 
1696; and by the ist of August, the day fixed for the closing 
of the list, the whole sum had been subscribed 3 . Over 1300 
persons of every rank had risked what in many cases was 
their all in the confident hope that it would be returned in 
overflowing measure. 

The capital subscribed, the momentous question remained 
-where and how was it to be expended ? Owing to the hostility 
of England, the original scheme of trade with Asia, Africa, 
and America had been made impossible, and another scheme 
must be devised. At a meeting of the Committee of Foreign 
Trade (July 23, 1696) the fatal decision was taken. It had 
long been the dream of Paterson that the Isthmus of Darien, 
connecting North and South America, had been intended by 
Providence as the natural centre of the world's trade. In his 
conception a new era in the life of humanity would be 
inaugurated, if this predestined spot, open to all the nations 

1 In April, 1697, subscriptions from Hamburg were also cancelled in 
consequence of a Memorial in William's name to the Senate of that city. 

2 The total sum eventually paid over was .419,094. 8s. i\d- 

The list of subscribers is given in Mr J. S. Barbour's excellent little 
book, A History of William Paterson and the Darien Company (Edin. 
and Lond. 1907), Appendix F. 

32 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of the earth, should become the great artery joining east and 
west in a vital and organic bond. The Company subsequently 
rejected Paterson's scheme of universal free trade, but in an 
evil day they adopted his suggestion that Darien should be 
the field of its enterprise. 

During two whole years the Company was engaged in 
preparations for establishing the projected colony, which in 
honour of the mother country was to receive the name of 
Caledonia. Ships were procured, stores laid in, and articles 
of trade (4000 periwigs among them), such as might tempt 
the cupidity of the natives 1 . On the iyth of July, 1698, 
"amidst the tears and prayers and praises" of "the whole city 
of Edinburgh," the armament weighed anchor from the harbour 
of Leith. It consisted of three armed vessels (the Caledonia, 
the St Andrew, and the Unicorn), and two tenders (the 
Dolphin and the Endeavour]. For the direction of the affairs 
of the colony seven Councillors accompanied the expedition 8 . 
On the fourth day after the fleet set sail, an unhappy discovery 
was made ; the Directors had ordered that nine months' pro- 
visions should be laid in, but on investigation it was found 
that there was only provision for six. Moreover, it was dis- 
covered that a great quantity of the bread that had been 
supplied was made of "damnified" wheat; and the necessary 
consequence was that all on board had to be put on short 
allowance. At Madeira, however, where the fleet lay at anchor 
for some days, a fresh store of wine and provisions was pro- 
curedthe officers and gentlemen-volunteers exchanging their 
coats, cloaks, and even their swords for these commodities. 

The fleet reached its destination in the beginning of 
6 8 _ 6 November; and on the 3rd of that month pos- 
session was taken of the shores of the Gulf of 
Darien the sanction of the native chiefs being secured shortly 

Part of the stores consisted of 1500 English Bibles. 
2 Paterson was not one of the original Councillors, but, as one of the 
seven was prevented from sailing, Paterson was chosen in his place. 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 33 

aiterwards. The colonists had scarcely landed when their 
troubles began. Even during the voyage the Councillors were 
a divided body, and their bickerings continued throughout the 
whole occupation. The officers, also, misconducted themselves 
and were not unfrequently drunk when they should have been 
attending to their duties. Provisions became scarce, and the 
water of the neighbourhood proved to be bad, with the result 
that pestilence broke out, and the death-rate rose to twelve 
a day. In January, 1699, the circular letter addressed by the 
English Government to the colonial officials cut off supplies 
from the Plantations the main cause, the Scots maintained, of 
the failure of the settlement. Now, also, they were reminded 
of a fact which they had strangely ignored. The Spaniards 
asserted a previous claim to the territory they had appro- 
priated, and took effectual action to make their claim good. 
They captured one of the tenders sent out to procure supplies, 
and made preparations to attack the settlement in force. In 
these circumstances the outlook was hopeless, and a few days 
after the middle of June, 1699 hardly a year since they had 
set sail with such high hopes from the harbour of Leith the 
ill-fated band left the deadly shore, Paterson from a bed of 
fever protesting to the last against their blind abandonment 
of a glorious enterprise 1 . Disaster did not cease on the 
voyage home; of the five vessels that had left Scotland only 
one, the Caledonia, returned; of the original 1200 emigrants 
only 900 left Darien and few of these reached their native 

At the date when the colonists left Darien no rumours of 
their misfortunes had reached Scotland. In December, 1698, 
the Directors had resolved to dispatch a second expedition 
to reinforce the first; and, pending its preparation, they fitted 
out two auxiliary ships, the Olive Branch and the Hopeful 
Binning of Bo' ness, with 300 additional colonists and a cargo 

1 Paterson's wife, who had accompanied him, was one of the victims of 
the pestilence. 

B. S. III. 3 

34 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of stores. The two vessels left Leith on May 12, 1699, and 
after a prosperous voyage they reached the shores of Darien. 
To their dismay they found the settlement deserted, the huts 
burned, the fort dismantled, and everywhere traces of deso- 
lation. It was resolved, however, to await the larger armament 
that was to follow; but within a few days the Olive Branch 
took fire and her whole cargo was consumed. Quitting the 
fatal coast 1 , the Hopeful Binning made for Jamaica, where 
the majority of the settlers died of fever. To the tale of 
misfortune it has to be added that another vessel, dispatched 
from Scotland on February 24, was wrecked on one of the 

It was not till September, 1699, that the Directors received 
tidings of the failure of the first expedition, but by that date 
the third expedition was already fitted out and on the point 
of sailing from Rothesay Bay. It consisted of four vessels, 
the Rising Sun, the Hope, the Duke of Hamilton and the Hope 
of Btfness, and carried about 1300 men and an abundant 
supply of stores and ammunition. Alarmed by the report 
they had received, the Directors sent an express message to 
the Council of the expedition to delay their departure till the 
arrival of a Councillor who had accompanied the first con- 
tingent. Dreading that they were to be superseded, the 
Council disregarded the order; and the morning (September 
24) after the express had arrived they set sail in such haste 
that thev left behind a number of men who had been sent 

ashore for provisions. After touching at Montserrat, where 
supplies were refused by the Governor, the fleet reached the 
harbour of Caledonia on November 3oth, 160 men having 
died on the passage. At Montserrat there had been a rumour 
that the colony was deserted, but now the desolating fact 
stared them in the face. The new colonists, however, did 
not find an utter solitude ; in the bay lay two craft, one com- 
manded by Captain Thomas Drummond, who had been a 

1 About twelve persons were, at their own request, left behind. 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 35 

Councillor in the first expedition, the other by Mr Fulton 
from New England, both having come with supplies to find 
a desert. 

Now rose the question, should the fleet return or the 
attempt be made to renew the settlement? At a meeting of 
officers and Councillors it was resolved to settle two Coun- 
cillors, Byres and Lindsay, dissenting. They had not come to 
settle a colony, Byres said, but to reinforce one; and, detained 
against his will, he did all in his power to wreck any prospect 
of success. He had it given out that the fleet was provisioned 
only for six weeks; and, to lessen the number of mouths, the 
Council, at his instance, announced that 500 men must be 
shipped to Jamaica. A panic was the result, as no one knew 
who was to be among those deported, whose fate, it was 
supposed, was to be bartered as slaves. Nine of the men 
made off with a boat belonging to the Rising Sun; and a plot 
to seize the Councillors and two of the ships ended in one 
of the conspirators being hanged. On December 15, Captain 
Drummond, who had been one of the most eager for the 
settlement, proposed to lead an attack on Portobello, whence 
a Spanish force was expected to act against the colony. The pro- 
posal was scouted by the Council; and subsequently Byres had 
Drummond placed under arrest as a mutinous member of the 
community. In February, 1700, the colony was relieved of 
the autocratic Byres, who in view of the long-menaced attack 
of the Spaniards deemed it discreet to consult his safety in 
flight. At a later day Drummond received the highest com- 
mendations from the Directors, the conduct of Byres being 
severely condemned. 

At this period of the "greatest darkness'' of the settlement 
"light appeared 1 ." On the nth of February, 
1700, arrived a sloop, laden with provisions, and 
commanded by Captain Alexander Campbell of Finab, a brave 

1 Letter of the Rev. Alexander Shields, one of the ministers who 
accompanied the expedition. Mr Harbour's A History of William Paterson 
and the Darien Company, p. 144. 


36 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and energetic soldier, who had served with Drummond in 
the Low Countries. He had not come a day too soon, as 
the Spaniards were at length closing in on the settlement. 
On the third day after his arrival some Indians, favourable 
to the colonists, brought the news that a Spanish force was 
encamped at a spot some three days' journey off. At the 
suggestion of Campbell it was resolved to anticipate their 
attack; and, with a body of 200 men and a troop of friendly 
Indians, he accomplished a toilsome march, and came up with 
the enemy strongly entrenched. Campbell leading them on, 
the party broke through the palisades, forced their way into 
the camp, and gained a complete victory, the Indians specially 
distinguishing themselves in the fight. It was the one happy 
episode in the history of the colony, but it was to prove 
a fruitless victory. The victory was gained on February 15; 
and on the 23rd eight Spanish war-ships appeared at the 
mouth of the harbour, three more joining them on the 25th. 
Reinforced by troops from Panama and Santa Maria, the 
Spaniards beset the colony by land and sea, and the situation 
of the settlers became desperate. Provisions and ammunition 
ran short, and the supply of water was cut off; the men were 
dying of fever at the rate of sixteen a day; and, to crown the 
miseries of the garrison, a fire broke out and destroyed many 
of the huts. Yet in these hopeless conditions the Scots made 
good their defence for more than a month. On March 18 
the Spaniards offered terms the surrender of the whole 
belongings of the colony which were resolutely rejected. 
But the Spaniards themselves appear to have had enough of 
a contest in which the losses were not all on one side, and 
on the 3oth of March they offered terms which the besieged 
could honourably accept. The colonists were to be allowed 
to sail in their own ships "with colours flying and drums 
beating, together with their arms and ammunition, and with 
all their goods 1 ." 

1 Captain Campbell opposed the capitulation, but the garrison clamoured 
for it. 

CH. i] The Darien Scheme 37 

111 luck dogged the adventurers to the last. On the evening 
of April 1 1 the fleet left the doomed shore to encounter mis- 
fortunes which surpassed even the experiences at Darien. 
Aboard the Rising Sun, where the men were crowded "like 
hogs in a sty," there were two hundred and fifty deaths on 
the passage to Jamaica, and nearly a hundred more while 
she was anchored off that island. At Charleston she was 
wrecked in a storm, all who happened to be on board, 1 1 2 in 
number, being drowned. In the same storm the Duke of 
Hamilton went down, though in her case there was no loss 
of life. The same fate overtook the Hope on the shores of 
Cuba, though in her case, also, those aboard made their 
escape. Lastly, the Hope of Btfness> having sprung a leak, 
had to put into the harbour of Carthagena, where she was 
sold to the Spaniards for such a bargain as could be made. 
Thus, of the four ships that had composed the third ex- 
pedition, not one returned to Scotland. Such was the close 
of the futile enterprise of Darien, which from first to last 
had cost the mother country nearly two thousand of her 
sons and over ^200,000 of money which she was ill able 
to spare. 

We have seen that the rumour of the failure of the first 
expedition reached Scotland in September, 1699, and that in 
October the rumour was wofully confirmed. In the course of 
the following winter the reports from the second colony 
ominously suggested that it was likely to share the same fate 
as the first. The rage and disappointment of the Scottish 
people at the failure of what had been a national stake were 
proportioned to the extravagant expectations with which it had 
been taken up. Almost with one accord they attributed the 
principal cause of the disaster to William and the English 
people. The English merchants and the English Parliament 
had done their best to wreck the Company from the beginning ; 
and William had supported their efforts. Hamburg had been 
prevented from contributing its promised capital; and the 

38 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Governors of the American plantations had been prohibited 
from lending any assistance to the settlers. How, in these cir- 
cumstances, could the colony have prospered 1 ? 

Between William and England, therefore, the wrath of the 
Scots was equally divided ; and, during the last years of 
William's reign, it seemed to many but the hazard of a die 
whether he should maintain his hold on his northern kingdom. 
"God help us," wrote a correspondent to Carstares in June, 
1700, "we are ripening for destruction. It looks very like Forty- 
one 2 ." A week after Carstares wrote, the Edinburgh mob, which 
had always led the way in the manifestation of public feeling, 
gave a significant proof of its disposition to the Government. 
The news had just come of Captain Campbell's victory over 
the Spaniards, and at a public meeting it was decided, " with- 
out ever taking notice of Commissioner, Privy Council, or 
magistrate," to illuminate the town in honour of the event. 
When night came, the mob ranged the streets at will, broke 
open the Tolbooth and freed the prisoners, smashed every 
unlighted window, paying special attention to those of govern- 
ment officials, and crowned their proceedings by ringing the 
city bells to the tune of "Wilful Willy, wilt thou be wilful 
still 8 ." 

The Scottish Estates fully shared the indignation of the 
people. When they met in May, 1700, it was moved "that 
the affair of Caledonia as a national concern should be first 
taken into consideration 4 ." When they reassembled in October, 
a letter from William brought the best excuse that he could 
urge for his conduct towards the Company. It had only been 
for " invincible reasons " that he had refused to recognise the 
Company's right to settle in Darien the " invincible reasons " 
being that his yielding "had infallibly disturbed the general 

1 Both Paterson and Captain Campbell of Finab attributed the failure 
of the settlement mainly to bad management both at home and in Darien. 

2 Carstares, State Papers (ed. M'Cormick, 1774), p. 527. 

3 Ib. pp. 539, 546. 4 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, x. 193. 

CH. i] Attempts at Union 39 

peace of Christendom, and brought inevitably upon that our 
ancient Kingdom a heavy war." He had resolved, however, to 
sanction every Act that might serve to promote trade in Scotland 
and " more especially for making up the losses and promoting 
the concerns of the African and India Company 1 ." Not 
during William's reign, however, were the Company's losses 
to be made good ; compensation was to follow an event which 
the Darien disaster was a potent cause in bringing within the 
range of practical politics the union of the Parliaments of 
England and Scotland. The misunderstandings between the 
two countries which had arisen in connection with the African 
Company convinced both English and Scottish statesmen that 
union was the only safeguard against misunderstandings which 
might prove still more serious. Even while the House of Lords 
was taking action against the Company it was moved "to 
appoint a time to take into consideration of the union between 
Scotland and England " ; and before the end of William's reign 
three several attempts were made to compass this result 2 . 
When union did come, it was one of the articles of the 
Treaty that the subscribers to the African Company should 
be recouped for their losses; and by one of the last Acts of 
the Scottish Parliament the sum to be apportioned was fixed 
at ^232,884. 5-r. of*/, sterling 3 . 

During the last years of William's reign some notable 
additions were made to the Statute-book, one of which was 
little in accord with his own opinions and sympathies. In 
1649 the Covenanting Parliament had passed an Act making 
blasphemy a capital crime for the third offence, an Act 
ratified by the Restoration Parliament, which in its legislation 

1 Acts of Par I. of Scotland, x. 201. 

2 Ho^lse of Lords MSS. Vol. IV. (New Series). Hist. Mss. Com. p. x. 

3 Acts of Par!, of Scotland, xi. 487. How many of the subscribers 
actually received compensation is uncertain. A letter quoted by Mr Barbour 
in his History of William Paterson and the Darien Company, App. D, 
proves that Paterson actually received payment of an indemnity of 

4O The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

had displayed an anxious concern for orthodoxy. During the 
closing years of William there was an outbreak of heretical 
opinion on the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, which 
excited serious alarm both in England and Scotland; and it 
was in consequence of this alarm that in 1695 the Scottish 
Parliament was moved to sanction anew the monstrous statute 1 . 
Nor did the statute remain a dead letter. The year following 
the ratification of the Act, Thomas Aikenhead, an Edinburgh 
student, was tried before the High Court of Justiciary for 
openly jesting at the doctrine of the Trinity. Condemned to 
death in accordance with the recent Act, he appealed to the 
Privy Council and made humble retractation of his errors. 
The ministers of Edinburgh might have saved him had they 
unanimously exerted themselves in his favour, but at the last 
moment only two of them made an effort to avert the 
sentence. That the Church should have consented to his 
death is intelligible, as in its eyes the crime of Aikenhead 
was the most heinous that could be committed in the sight 
of God and man, and was, moreover, subversive alike of 
Church and State. What is a singular comment on the time, 
however, is that the Privy Council, composed of instructed 
men of the world, should have yielded to the opinion of the 
ministers whom in other matters they were disposed to treat 
with such scant courtesy 2 . 

Another Act of the same Parliament was in curious in- 
congruity with these proceedings of a surviving mediaevalism ; 
the same session saw the Act against blasphemy confirmed 
and an Act for the Establishment of the Bank of Scotland 3 . 
The Bank of England had been founded (1694) at the suggestion 
of William Paterson; and in 1695 Scotland, now, as we have 

1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, IX. 3867. 

2 Aikenhead's execution for blasphemy was not the last in Christendom. 
In 1748 a resident in Orleans had his tongue pierced and was afterwards 
hanged for a similar offence. 

8 Acts of Parl. of Scot land ^ IX. 494. 

CH. i] Legislation 41 

seen, with her trading instincts keenly awakened, set herself thus 
early to follow England's example. The Corporation was to 
be known as "The Governor and Company of the Bank of 
Scotland"; and its capital was to be ^"1,200,000 Scots 
(;ioo,ooo sterling) 1 , of which two-thirds were to be sub- 
scribed by persons residing in Scotland 2 . One thousand 
pounds Scots was fixed as the minimum subscription and 
twenty thousand as the maximum. Of the sums subscribed 
ten per cent, was to be paid down ; and all subscriptions were 
to be given in between the ist of November, 1695, and the 
ist of January following. One great distinction between 
the two national banks was to give a different character to 
banking enterprise in the two countries : while from the first 
the Bank of England was the servant of the State, the Bank of 
Scotland began and continued as a private concern. 

Yet another notable Act followed in 1696 the "Act for 
Settling Schools 3 ." It had been the ardent desire of the Church 
since the Reformation to have a school in every parish; but 
in spite of repeated legislation with this object the ideal had 
never been even approximately realised. By the terms of the 
new Act a school was to be established in every parish not 
already provided with one. The heritors in these parishes 
were to provide " a commodious house for a school," and to 
guarantee an annual salary to the schoolmaster of not less 
than a hundred marks and not more than two hundred. 
Should the heritors fail to do their duty, the Commissioners 
of Supply for the shire were to enforce the law and to mulct 
the heritors in their respective proportions. Yet, in spite of 
the stringent terms of the Act, a full century was to pass before 
every parish in Scotland could boast of a " commodious school- 
house" and a teacher with a tolerable provision. 

In the Scottish Statute-book there had hitherto been no 

The capital of the Bank of England was ;i, 200,000 sterling. 

2 Foreigners who subscribed became naturalised citizens of Scotland. 

3 Acts of Par I . of Scotland, X. 63. 

42 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

law corresponding to the Habeas Corpus Act of England; and 
it was one of the last Acts of William's Parliament to remedy 
the omission. In January, 1701, was passed the Act entitled 
"Act for preventing wrongous imprisonment and against un- 
due delays in Trials," which secured to Scottish subjects the 
privileges of Habeas Corpus in England. Informers against 
any subject were to sign their information; and no one was 
to be imprisoned for trial without a warrant specifying the 
charge laid against him. All crimes except such as involved 
capital punishment were to be bailable; and the prisoner under 
any charge could appeal to the proper judicatory in his case, 
and insist on being brought to trial within the space of sixty 
days 1 . For this last clause in the Act there had long been 
a crying need; prisoners under the charge of witchcraft, for 
example, had often been detained for months and even years 
without being brought to trial 2 . 

When William died on February 20, 1702, he was not 
a popular King in Scotland. In the circumstances under 
which he came to the throne and under which he reigned, 
no ruler, however distinguished by personal qualities, which 
William did not possess, could have made himself generally 
acceptable to the nation. There was no class among his 
subjects to whom his rule had given entire satisfaction; 
and the fact may be put to the credit of his general policy. 
The Episcopalians naturally detested a King who had dis- 
established their Church, though, as we have seen, he had 
done his best to secure for them the most favourable terms 
which political exigencies had permitted. Presbyterianism had 
been made the national religion ; yet the majority of the 
Presbyterians regarded him with suspicion for the favour he 
showed to Episcopacy. The Jacobites, a numerous body even 
at the close of the reign, could never cease to treat him as 

1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, X. 272. 

2 The Privy Council Register contains frequent appeals from persons in 
these circumstances. 

CH. i] William and Scotland 43 

an usurper to be got rid of at the most convenient opportunity ; 
and many persons who had favoured the Revolution were 
dissatisfied with a rule which had not made sufficient con- 
cessions to popular rights and national independence. Finally, 
by his conduct in the affair of Darien, William had alienated 
that large class of the community whose interests were bound 
up with the development of national trade. Nevertheless, 
behind all this general discontent there was one restraining force 
that worked steadily for William. The memory of the Stewarts 
remained; and, for the mass of the people, that memory 
was sufficient to make them shrink from another revolution 
which might bring back the days of Middleton and Lauderdale 
and the Dispensing Power. Though, at his death, William was 
not a popular ruler, the main body of his Scottish subjects 
gladly recognised that he had fulfilled the chief objects for 
which he had been invited to become their King. He had 
saved Protestantism, given to the nation a Church which the 
majority desired, and substituted a constitutional monarchy 
for a despotism. 



THE last years of William's reign had proved that the 
existing political bond between England and Scotland was an 
impossible relation. Since the union of the Crowns in 1603, 
the whole tendency of events had pointed to the same con- 
clusion; but the new situation created by the Revolution had 
supplied the final proof that, in the interests of both countries, 
some new arrangement must be made which would enable 
them either to develop their resources in common, or to work 
out their destinies apart. The existing bond had been tried 
under such different conditions as the despotism of the Stewarts 
and the regime of the Revolution; and in both cases Scotland 
had found herself little more than a satrapy of her more powerful 
neighbour. From the beginning of the reign of Anne, there- 
fore, responsible persons of both nations were preoccupied with 
the problem which could no longer be put aside. Separation 
or a closer union such were the alternatives that in the fulness 
of time were presented to two peoples whose destinies had been 
closely intertwined since each had attained to social and 
political existence. The representative bodies of both nations 
decided in favour of union, with the result that Scotland ceased 
to be an independent corporate unity. At the moment when 
she was about to part with her political being, it is natural to 
ask what was the condition of the land and people what she 
had done for herself through the centuries during which she 
had maintained her separate existence. 

CH.II] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 45 

According to the most trustworthy authority the population 
of Scotland on the eve of the Union fell considerably short of 
a million 1 . During the iyth century the population of the 
towns, with one or two exceptions, had not materially increased; 
and in not a few cases they had throughout the same period 
lost ground equally in resources and in the numbers of their 
citizens. The unfavourable conditions of trade, partly due to 
mal-administration on the part of successive Governments, 
and partly to mistaken economical theories, are the sufficient 
explanation of the tardy development of Scottish towns as 
compared with those of some other countries. 

Owing to equally unfavourable conditions there had been 
little increase in the rural population throughout the same 
period. Since the beginning of the iyth century no fresh land 
had been brought under cultivation 2 ; and at its close two-thirds 
of the country consisted of "moors, mountains and barren 
land 3 ." According to contemporary opinion, the two main 
causes of this backwardness were the conditions of tenancy 
and, as resulting from these conditions, the obstinate neglect 
of agricultural improvement. The root of every evil was the 
continued existence of the feudal jurisdictions which pertained 
to the greater and lesser barons. The Scottish noble was more 
desirous of extensive hunting-grounds than of a cultivated 
domain; and his next concern was to extort such rents from his 
tenants as would maintain him in his pleasures. His estates 
were managed by bailiffs whose sole object and interest was to 
see that rents were at the highest possible rate and that the 

1 Interest of Scotland (1700), p. 53. The author of this book, William 
Seton of Pitmedden, gives the population of Scotland as 800,000. Fletcher 
of Saltoun (Political Works, Glasgow, 1749, P- 68) puts it at ij millions, 
but this is undoubtedly an exaggeration. The population of England at the 
same period was between 5 and 6 millions. 

5 Macintosh of Borlum, An Essay on Ways and Means for Inclosing, 
Fallowing, Planting, &*<:. Scotland (Edin. 1729), p. 30. 

J Interest of Scotland, p. 53. According to the same authority three- 
fourths ot England were under pasture or tillage. 

46 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

tenants duly paid them. But rack-renting was only one of the 
evils attendant on the privileges of the barons. To extract 
high rents, leases were made short; and, if a higher bidder 
appeared for a farm, the tenant was promptly evicted in his 
favour. Equally galling and equally disastrous to successful hus- 
bandry were the "services" exacted from the tenant on the lands 
of his superior. As throughout the Middle Ages, every tenant 
was compelled to perform a prescribed amount of labour on his 
lord's farms throughout the different seasons of the year. Here 
is the list of services extorted from the unhappy tenant, whose 
own acres might demand all the hands he possessed : ploughing, 
harrowing, sowing, cutting and leading corn, stack-building, 
discharging his lord's errands, either in his own person or by 
deputy 1 . 

In these circumstances the Scottish farmer might well fold 
his hands and shut his eyes to suggestions of improved 
husbandry which his reason might approve; and, in point of 
fact, the methods which he still followed were those which 
had come down to him from the early Middle Ages. Enclosures, 
either in the shape of hedges, walls, or ditches, hardly existed 
throughout the length and breadth of the land. In England 
the practice of enclosing had been begun by the opening of the 
1 6th century; and by the close of the iyth the practice had 
become general. At the beginning of the i8th century the 
only district in Scotland where enclosing had been adopted was 
the shire of East Lothian, which has ever since maintained its 
repute as a pioneer in agricultural improvement. It was in vain 
that the Scottish farmer was reminded of the advantages to be 
derived from an effectual system of fencing 2 that his crops 
would be thus protected from the weather, that his fields would 
accumulate manure, that he would be freed from the expense 
of maintaining herds for his cattle and sheep, and that his 

1 Macintosh, op. cit. p. 24. 

2 Men, women, and children, we are told, were in the habit of breaking 
down enclosures under night. Jb. p. 162. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 47 

crops would be protected from the encroachments of his 
neighbours' beasts. To all such suggestions his reply was 
unanswerable : such improvements would only raise his rent 
and shorten his lease in favour of a higher bidder. To other 
suggested improvements he opposed the same dogged ob- 
stinacy, and for the same reason. Scotland was the only 
country where land was never allowed to lie fallow 1 : four, 
five, even seven crops were raised without the supply of fresh 
manure 2 . When the tenant was told that a year's fallow would 
more than repay the loss of a crop, he answered that this 
would bring no benefit to him, as it only implied an increased 
demand on the part of his landlord. Thus the one object of 
the tenant was to exploit his land during his precarious tenancy, 
with the result that with each successive quittance the soil was 
so much the poorer. But "what," exclaims the authority we 
are following, "what must a country come to that annually 
sinks in value 3 ?" 

It was in the neighbourhood of the more important towns 
that land was cultivated at the greatest advantage, for it was a 
peculiarity of Scottish towns as distinguished from those of 
England that they generally owned an extensive rural precinct. 
The town lands were likewise farmed to the highest bidder, but 
the tenant was free from feudal services, and he had the further 
advantage of a convenient market Throughout the country in 
general it was mainly such soil as naturally lent itself to tillage 
that had been brought under cultivation. A glance at the 
maps of the different counties in Blaeu's atlas published in 
1654 shows the extent to which the country was covered with 
waters and morasses which have since disappeared. Lack of 
capital and ignorance of the art of draining are the sufficient 
explanation of the failure to reclaim the extensive tracts of waste 
land ; and it was to escape the cost and labour of draining that 
the slopes of hills were utilised to a degree that astonished the 
southern visitor. 

1 Macintosh, op. cit. p. 46, 2 Jb. p. 59, 8 /<$. Dedication, p. xxv. 

48 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Among the crops raised, such as they were, flax and hemp 
were the most remunerative, as they supplied the material for 
one of the principal national industries the manufacture of 
linen yarn. Through an unfortunate economical policy, how- 
ever, the manufacture of linen cloth fell off seriously during 
the latter half of the iyth century, with resultant disaster 
equally to the farmer and the merchant Of cereal crops, bear, 
a coarse kind of barley, was the only one which an impoverished 
and ill-cultivated soil was capable of freely producing. Such 
barley and wheat as were reared were of the poorest kind, and 
failed to satisfy the palates of those who had made acquaintance 
with the products of England. Except in connection with the 
seats of the nobles and gentry, the cultivation of fruit received 
little attention. From early times multitudes of sheep and 
cattle had been reared in Scotland, but from the gradual de- 
terioration of pasture they had apparently lost value in breed 
and quality. The wool of the Galloway sheep had once, perhaps 
vaingloriously, been compared to the finest wool of Spain; but 
Scottish wool was now found to be so coarse that it was un- 
suitable for the manufacture of finer cloths, and manufacturers 
had to import material from other countries. If we are to 
believe the same authority, Scottish beef had likewise suffered 
deterioration both in quality and quantity. During four or five 
months in the year, beef was not procurable even in the capital ; 
and residents there had to satisfy their wants from Berwick- 
on-Tweed. So poor was it in quality that it would not bear 
salting; and ships venturing on distant voyages had to seek 
provision in English or Irish ports 1 . 

When we turn to the towns, we find the same continuance of 
mediaeval practices which more fortunate countries were rapidly 
abandoning. Magistrates were still chosen according to the 
law passed in the reign of James III, which had been borrowed 
from the example of France. According to this law the re- 
tiring Town Council appointed its successor, with the result 

1 Macintosh, op. cit. pp. 132, 137. 

CH. TI] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 49 

that in Scotland as in France the municipal authorities were 
entirely at the disposal of the Crown 1 . When it pleased the 
Government of the day to interfere in the burgh elections, the 
machinery of the Privy Council was set in motion, and magis- 
trates were appointed on whose support of the public policy the 
ministers of the Crown could securely reckon 2 . As the records 
of the burghs prove, this dependence on the royal will was 
at once disastrous to the growth of public spirit and to the 
individual development of the different communities. 

The deep line of cleavage which divided the townsmen 
into freemen and unfreemen was still rigorously maintained by 
the laws of the burghs. The unfreeman might neither practise 
a craft, nor engage in merchandise, nor share in any enterprise of 
his more favoured fellow. But this rigid exclusion, which had 
arisen naturally out of the economic conditions of the Middle 
Ages, was gradually found to be impracticable, even in Scotland 3 . 
Everywhere, in spite of the indignant protests of the freemen, 
enforced by the interested magistracy, unprivileged persons 
pushed their way into trade and commerce through the mere 
pressure of circumstances against which legislation was impotent. 
Among the freemen themselves there was the further division into 
craftsmen and merchants which had once been the occasion of 
chronic strife in every royal Scottish burgh. The animosities, 
however, had gradually cooled, for by the close of the i6th 
century the craftsmen had gained the two great objects for 
which they had contended the right to manage their own 

1 In 1693 the Convention of Royal Burghs recommended that no 
magistrate of any burgh should remain in office beyond two years. 
Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs (1677 I 7 1I )> P- I ^ I> The 
continuance of the same magistrates gave rise to frequent tumults in the 
burghs. Ib. pp. 369 370. 

2 The Convention occasionally interfered in the burgh elections. 
Records of the Burgh of Lanark, pp. 182 3. This was probably in 
collusion with the Privy Council. 

3 The author of the Interest of Scotland inveighs against the selfish 
policy of the freemen, p. 75. 

B. S. III. 4 

50 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vu 

affairs and to be represented in the Town Councils, though the 
ancient restriction still continued which prohibited the crafts- 
man from engaging in commerce unless he abandoned his 
special craft. 

The regulations for home trade practically remained what 
they had been in previous centuries. The dwellers in rural pre- 
cincts, dependent on the burghs, were severely restricted alike in 
the production and the sale of their commodities. On the 
appointed market-days they brought these commodities to the 
head burgh, where, after the payment of the fixed dues at the 
town-gates or the town-cross, they disposed of them in the first 
place to the privileged freemen, and, after these had been 
served, to all who were willing to buy. The mediaeval 
doctrine of the "intrinsic just price" still prevailed. Originally 
the privilege of fixing prices had been vested in the magistracy 
of the towns themselves, but in the latter half of the i6th 
century the Parliament or the Privy Council, to the indignation 
of the municipalities, gradually began to usurp the privilege. 
All through the iyth century the Government took upon itself 
the regulation not only of the rate of craftsmen's wages but also 
of the prices of food and clothing 1 . 

While such were the existing laws for the regulation of 
trade, the nation was gradually convinced through its own 
development, as well as by the experience of other countries, that 
such laws were incompatible with larger national interests, and 
that it was beyond the power of the executive to enforce them. 
This was especially seen in the case of the two heinous offences, 
regrating and forestalling, which in earlier periods had been 
the torment of the governments of every country. By fore- 
stalling was meant the intercepting of goods before they 
reached the market and disposing of them privately at other 
than the legal prices; and by regrating, the re-sale of com- 
modities under prohibited conditions. In spite of heavy 

1 In 1703, for example, the Lords of the Court of Session were 
empowered to fix the prices of wines and victuals in Edinburgh. Acts of 
Parl. of Scotland, XI. 496. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 5 1 

penalties it was found impossible even in the Middle Ages 
to suppress regrating and forestalling; but, though as late as 
the reign of Charles II the Scottish Parliament denounced the 
ancient penalties against both offences 1 , it is evident that the 
law was practically a dead letter. 

An excellent illustration of the economic conditions of 
Scotland in the iyth century is to be found in the history of 
the origin and growth of the Merchant Company of Edinburgh. 
It was mainly to the agency of trading companies that England 
owed its rapid commercial development throughout that century; 
and it was with this happy result before his eyes that in 1681 
Charles II granted letters patent for the foundation of the 
Company of Merchants of the City of Edinburgh. Two distinct 
reasons have been assigned in explanation of the origin of the 
Company, both of which cast an interesting light on the 
conflicting interests of the freemen of the burghs. In previous 
centuries the guild of merchants had been pre-eminent and all- 
powerful in every burgh a position which it owed at once to 
its privileges and its comparative wealth. By the beginning of 
the 1 5th century, however, a new power appeared in every 
royal burgh, which persistently and at length successfully made 
good its claims at the expense of the merchants. By the close 
of the 1 6th century, as has been already noted, the craftsmen 
had universally attained the two objects of their ambition the 
management of their own affairs and representation in the Town 
Councils. But this triumph involved a serious diminution of 
the prestige of the merchants; and one explanation of their 
seeking to form a distinct company is that they considered 
themselves too lightly treated by the Town Council of their 
city. But the other explanation may be accepted as the more 
probable of the two. By a decision, famous in the history of 
the Scottish capital, and known as the "Decreit Arbitral" 
pronounced in 1583, James VI had finally settled the ancient 
dispute between the contending craftsmen and merchants. 
1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, vil. 261. 


52 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Specially obnoxious among the points conceded to the crafts- 
men was their admission to the merchant guild, hitherto un- 
contaminated by their presence. It was with the genuine 
feudal feeling of class distinction that the merchants had ever 
regarded the men of the crafts; and it was from long-inherited 
instinct that they now sought to form themselves into a 
distinct company in which the despised craftsmen had no 
part. The terms of the Company's patent well illustrate the 
prevailing economic principles of the time. As we have seen, 
no craftsman was allowed to engage in any trade except on 
condition of his abandoning his craft; but by the terms of the 
Company's patent no merchant even was permitted to pursue 
the branch of commerce of which it had received the monopoly. 
For the choice of its specific industry the manufacture and 
sale of cloth two reasons may be assigned : it was the most 
lucrative trade of the country, and (what was doubtless not 
forgotten by the aristocratic merchants) it was the form of trade 
which from the earliest times had brought most distinction to 
those who followed it. The fortunes of the Company during 
the first years of its existence afford further illustration of the 
difficulties under which trade was conducted. Its deadliest 
enemies were "the unfreemen in country towns and villages," 
who, unburdened by taxation, usurped the privileges of the 
Company without loss to themselves. In 1704 the Company 
raised a bitter cry against the numbers of "young women" who 
were allowed to keep shops in Edinburgh a class of persons 
who had long given trouble to the authorities of the city. In 
its action against these infringers of its patent it is to be noted 
that it received the strenuous support of the Town Council; 
but, as has already been said, it was every day becoming more 
difficult to enforce the law against these forms of contraband 
trade 1 . 

In the case of foreign trade a prolonged controversy that 

1 Alexander Heron, Rise and Progress of the Company of Merchants of 
the City of Edinburgh (Edin. 1903). 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 53 

arose in the latter part of the i7th century seriously impeded 
its development. From the earliest times the Scottish towns 
had, according to their origin and privileges, been divided 
into burghs of barony, burghs of regality, and royal burghs 
distinctions unknown in England. The supreme privilege of 
the royal burghs was the exclusive right of exporting the staple 
commodities of the country that is, commodities the sale 
of which brought the largest profits. For this privilege the 
royal burghs had to pay dear ; they alone of the towns had to 
bear the burden of national taxation, which since the reign of 
James VI had been permanently rated at one-sixth of the whole. 
In all times the inferior burghs had surreptitiously encroached 
on the privileges of their favoured neighbours; and with the 
commercial expansion of the country their disabilities were 
made an ever-increasing grievance. In the fact that they alone 
of the towns bore national burdens, however, the royal burghs 
had a sufficiently cogent argument for the enjoyment of their 
monopoly. In the reign of Charles II the dispute between the 
rival communities came to a head. The royal burgh of Stirling 
sued the unfree burgh of Falkirk for the infringement of its trade 
privileges; and the case was brought in the first place before the 
Court of Session, and subsequently before Parliament, as the 
proper tribunal for the decision of such questions. The result 
of the Parliament's deliberation was an Act, passed in 1672, 
the object of which was to compose the differences between 
the royal burghs and the burghs of barony and regality. The 
royal burghs were to have the exclusive privilege of importing 
and exporting wine, wax, silk, spices, and all materials used for 
dyeing; but in the case of other commodities the non-royal 
burghs were to be practically on the same footing as their 
neighbours 1 . Indignant at what they considered this giving 
away of their dearly-bought rights, the royal burghs did not 
rest till they had obtained a modification of the Act of 1672. 
In 1698 two new statutes were passed which were meant to heal 
1 Miscellany of the Scottish Burgh Records Society, pp. xxv. xxviii. 

54 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

what was in reality an irreconcilable difference, created by un- 
sound economical conditions. By the first statute the non-royal 
burghs were licensed to export victual, cattle, horses, sheep, 
salt, minerals, and metals, as also to buy and sell both native 
and foreign commodities, provided they bought these com- 
modities from the freemen of the royal burghs; and by the 
second they were to receive all the trading privileges of the 
royal burghs on condition of their contributing one-tenth of 
the national taxation 1 . In point of fact, however, few of the 
non-royal burghs accepted the latter condition; and the ex- 
clusive privileges of the royal burghs, though they gradually 
fell into desuetude, were not legally abolished till i846 8 . 

In the controversy between the rival communities a great 
part had been played by the Convention of Royal Burghs. 
Originating in the Court of the Four Burghs, which dates from 
the 1 2th century 3 , the Convention had come to hold an in 
creasingly important place in the commercial life of the country. 
Its powers over the royal burghs were at once advisory and 
regulative, though its ordinances were not invariably accepted 
without appeal. It had originally met in different towns of 
the kingdom, but during the latter half of the ryth century it 
usually assembled in Edinburgh, the Provost or Dean of Guild 
of that city being commonly chosen as its president. Like the 
General Assembly, the Convention frequently sat at the same 
time as the Parliament, in order that it might at once be ready 
with its advice and serve more effectually the interests of the 
burghs. Like the General Assembly, also, it generally repre- 
sented the popular feeling of the time on great public questions. 
In 1638, for example, it ordained that none should be received 
as a burgess or hold municipal office who had not subscribed 

1 Miscellany of the Scottish Burgh Records Society, p. Hi. 

2 The royal burghs not infrequently resigned their privileges to escape 
the burden of taxation. Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs, III. 


1 See Vol. i. 91 2. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 55 

the National Covenant; and it prohibited the same persons from 
trading with the Low Countries 1 . So likewise, on the question 
of the Union, the Convention decisively took the popular side, 
and lodged its protest against the surrender of the national 
independence. If individual burghs at times resented the 
high-handed dealing of the Convention, they had all on occasion 
to be grateful for its favour and protection. Now some burgh, 
through its powerful intermediacy, had its rights made good 
against some neighbouring magnate not an unfrequent ne- 
cessity in the case of Scottish towns. Or, again, a burgh would 
through untoward circumstances fall from its former prosperity, 
and the Convention would supply the needful sum to tide it 
over its difficulties. If the Convention was on the whole a 
source of strength and protection to the royal burghs, it was 
in one direction a permanent source of weakness. Its members 
formed a definite and tangible body on which the Privy Council 
could bring direct and effective pressure when the burghs 
required to be dealt with in the immediate interest of the 
Crown. Through the Convention it could conveniently deter- 
mine the election of magistrates, impose taxes, and exercise 
generally a steady restraint on the temper of the citizens ; and 
it was doubtless mainly due to this circumstance that the 
Scottish towns displayed so little public spirit throughout 
the despotic rule of the successive Commissioners who ad- 
ministered the government during the reigns of the last Stewart 

Besides this dispute regarding foreign trade, another con- 
cern of high moment engaged the vigilance of the Convention 
during the latter half of the iyth century. This was the 
relation of the Scottish burghs to their staple port Campvere in 
Holland. From the earliest times Campvere had been the 
Scottish staple port, though recurring misunderstandings between 
the contracting parties had more than once induced the Scots 
to transfer their trade elsewhere. During the period before us 
1 Records of the Convention &V., IV. 543, 551. 

56 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

these misunderstandings became more frequent and bitter than 
ever a circumstance which has its sufficient explanation in the 
changed conditions under which foreign trade was everywhere 
now conducted. As the institution existed, indeed, it was in- 
evitable that friction should arise between the two parties. 
A considerable Scottish community was permanently resident 
in the port, among whom, as we should expect, there were 
always irresponsible and disreputable persons who found a 
temporary asylum in this colony of their countrymen. At the 
head of the community was the Conservator of Privileges, who 
was appointed for life, and was constituted sole judge in all 
matters of dispute in which Scotsmen were concerned. Under 
him were the " staple factors," one of the conditions of whose 
office was that they should be unmarried. For the accom- 
modation of merchants and skippers during their temporary 
residence in the port there was provided a "Scots house" 
under the charge of a " master," and for the spiritual edifica- 
tion of the whole settlement a church and minister, appointed 
with the approval of the General Assembly and the Con- 
vention. The very presence of this alien community in their 
midst must at all times have been a source of trouble to the 
authorities of Campvere; but it was mainly on questions touching 
their mutual trade-compact that disputes arose between the 
two parties. On each side we find the same recurring com- 
plaints. By the terms of the treaty Campvere was bound to 
send an adequate convoy, at least twice a year, for the pro- 
tection of Scotch vessels proceeding to the port. The records 
of the Convention forcibly illustrate the necessity of this 
arrangement. Corsairs of all nations swarmed in the neigh- 
bouring seas; and a voyage across the German Ocean was a 
veritable running of the gauntlet. In 1694 the Convention 
was convinced that trade would be " entirely destroyed " and 
"merchants discouraged" if the depredations of pirates were 
not effectually checked; and, as a means to this end, it besought 
the Privy Council to set apart three ships of war one to 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 5 7 

protect the west, the other two the east coast, the burghs, on 
their part, undertaking to furnish 150 seamen and four months' 
pay 1 . The complaint of the Scots was that the convoys were 
not regularly sent, and that, when they did appear, they were 
not in sufficient force to secure the safe transport of the trading 
fleet. Campvere, on its part, had a standing grievance against 
the Scots. Scottish traders, it was bitterly complained, were in 
the habit of carrying their staple commodities 2 to other ports, 
thus defrauding their ally of the better part of their bargain. 
During the reign of Anne the relations of the two parties 
became so strained that Campvere appealed to the Queen for 
the redress of its grievances. The Scots, it was complained, 
were sending their goods to Rotterdam under the convoy of 
English vessels, and in direct breach of the staple contract. 
But the Convention, to which the protest was communicated, 
was ready with its counter-complaint ; the authorities of 
Campvere, instead of providing two war-ships twice in the 
year, as was prescribed by the contract, occasionally sent 
only one, and sometimes none at all, in which circumstances 
Scottish traders were driven to seek other protection and other 
ports for their goods 3 . But the dispute was one which by its very 
nature was incapable of final settlement. Under the changed 
conditions of trade the maintenance of the staple was an 
anachronism which had ceased to be in the interest of either 

1 Records of the Convention <5rY., IV. 195. In 1664 the English Parlia- 
ment passed an Act declaring it a national disgrace for an English merchant 
vessel to strike its colours to a pirate without showing fight, and enacted that 
thenceforward, if the captain of a trading vessel of 200 tons, furnished with 
1 6 guns, did not make an effort to defend his ship, he should be disqualified. 
Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, II. 518. 

3 At the renewal of the staple contract in 1696 the following commodities 
were specified as staple goods : Wool, woollen and linen yarn, all woollen 
and linen manufactures, all hides and skins, plaiding, kerseys, Scotch cloth, 
stockings, salmon, tallow, oil, all barrelled flesh and pork, butter, dressed 
and undressed leather. Records of Convention <SrY ., IV. 217. 

3 Ib. pp. 363, 379, 438445- 

58 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

contracting party; and, though it was not till so late as 1795 
that the Batavian Republic cancelled the privileges of the Scots 
in Campvere, the ancient connection had long ceased to be of 
practical effect 1 . 

From what has hitherto been said it may appear that 
Scotland was following with but tardy steps the rapid develop- 
ment of other more favoured countries. That this was due 
neither to lack of intelligence or enterprise on the part of her 
traders and legislators is abundantly proved by the evidence of 
the national records. From the opening of the i6th century, 
which saw a new economical departure in Western Europe, the 
nation was fully alive to the revolution that was taking place in 
trade and commerce. Of the iyth century this is especially 
true. The legislation of burghs, Privy Council, and Parliament 
alike testifies to the vigilance with which Scottish statesmen and 
traders sought to follow the example of English and continental 
rivals. In general, it may be said that Scottish trade legis- 
lation closely followed the lines along which England was pur- 
suing her material interests with such auspicious promise. It 
was by the establishment of manufactories and the promotion 
of companies that England, adapting herself to the new econo- 
mical conditions, sought to develop her natural resources and 
foreign trade ; and in Scotland, throughout the same period, 
the same policy was followed with an eager persistency which 
merited a better reward. 

But, while enterprise and intelligence were certainly not 
lacking in Scotland, she was hampered by conditions which put 
her at hopeless disadvantage with her happier neighbour. Her 
fundamental weakness was the lack of capital, now all-essential 
if a nation was to hold its own in the international competition. 
This lack of capital has its sufficient explanation in the natural 
character and the previous history of the country. A limited 
area, of which so large a proportion was incapable of culti 

1 In the Edinburgh Almanac for 1847, Sir Alexander Ferrier is described 
as "Conservator at Campvere." 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 59 

vation; bad tillage; distance from the great centres of commerce, 
when navigation was conducted at such risks both from the 
elements and from the swarming pirates ; the hereditary 
antagonism against England, naturally her commercial ally 
it was under these baffling conditions that the country had to 
fight its way in the great mart of the nations. And it is in the 
lack of national resources that we find the explanation of those 
mediaeval conceptions which still held their ground despite the 
better judgment of the country. When skilled labour was not 
forthcoming at home, England had drawn upon the artisans 
of the Continent; but in Scotland there was a dogged oppo- 
sition to foreigners which was due less perhaps to national 
antipathies than to the cramping conditions which rendered the 
introduction of aliens undesirable 1 . And, as it happened, there 
were special circumstances that rendered this opposition equally 
powerful and persistent. In England, by the middle of the i6th 
century, the ancient corporations of craftsmen had been practi- 
cally annihilated ; and the various handicrafts were thus thrown 
open to all who chose to practise them. In Scotland, on the other 
hand, these corporations were never more flourishing than in 
the i yth century, and with their mediaeval traditions opposed 
a dogged obstinacy to all suggestions of improved methods of 
manufacture. James VI, on his migration to England, was 
forcibly struck by the difference of spirit which prevailed 
among the craftsmen of his two kingdoms; and in his Basi- 
licon Doron, in which he conveys his royal counsels to his 
son Henry, his presumptive successor, he stringently comments 
on the belated policy of the Scottish trader. 

The conservatism of the Scottish craftsmen receives striking 
illustration in the case of a suggested improvement in the 
method of manufacturing leather. In 1620 John, Lord Erskine, 
submitted to the Privy Council a proposal to introduce the 

1 At an earlier period Flemish craftsmen had settled in large numbers in 
Scotland. See Vol. i. 343. 

60 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

new process by means of skilled English tanners 1 . The Council 
accepted Erskine's proposal and granted him a monopoly for 
thirty-one years ; but, from the first, the great majority of the 
Scottish tanners opposed the innovation with all the means at 
their command. It was in vain that the Privy Council pro- 
claimed that a comparison of the old and the new processes 
conclusively proved that the latter produced an article at once 
cheaper and of better quality; the tanners persisted in their 
opposition to the new method, nor could pains or penalties 
induce them to adopt it 2 . The door was not indeed com- 
pletely closed against foreigners, and hesitating steps were 
taken at intervals to admit them. Thus in 1588 the Town 
Council of Edinburgh devoted the sum of ;68. 6s. %d. for the 
importation of a number of Flemish weavers, dyers, and fullers 
with their families 3 ; and from two Acts of Parliament passed 
respectively in 1584 and 1601, we learn that Flemish weavers 
were at work in Edinburgh with the sanction of the State 4 . 
But it was the Restoration Parliament of 1661 that took the 
most decided measures to encourage the settlement of skilled 
foreigners in the country. By one Act of that Parliament 
foreign fishermen were invited with the promise of naturali- 
sation and seven years immunity from taxation ; and by another, 
liberty was extended to all foreigners to establish manufactories 

1 A Committee of the Privy Council, specially appointed to examine 
into the state of the leather manufacture, had reported that the only method 
of improving it was to introduce skilled English craftsmen. Register of the 
Privy Council of Scotland, xii. 189 et seq. 

2 The story of the opposition of the tanners is told in the successive 
volumes of the Privy Council Register, Vols. xii. et seq. 

3 Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, iv. 530. In 1586 licence 
was given to certain Huguenots to practise their crafts in Edinburgh (Ib. 
pp. 458 9). They and their ministers had been invited by James VI to 
settle in Edinburgh. 

4 By the latter Act Edinburgh was to lose its privilege of cloth-making 
unless it introduced foreign craftsmen. The terms of the Act imply that 
the burghs had agreed to receive foreigners, but that they had done so 
against their will. 

CH. nj Scotland on the Eve of the Union 6 1 

in any burgh of the kingdom an invitation which was con- 
firmed by an Act in I68I 1 . 

In Scotland as in England the general interests of trade 
and commerce formed part of the wide jurisdiction of the Privy 
Council, special committees of which were at times appointed 
to deal with particular questions that might arise. In both 
countries, however, the need for a specific body came gradually 
to be felt; and in Scotland, in 1661, an Act was passed for the 
establishment of a Council of Trade 2 . It was to meet at 
suitable times and places, to suggest improvements for the 
regulation of trade, navigation and manufactories, to establish 
companies, to prescribe their respective privileges, and to ad- 
judicate between their differences. In 1705 a similar Council 
of Trade was constituted, but with larger powers. Its main 
business was to report on the state of trade in the country, to 
note the effect of the protective laws on manufactories, and to 
pass judgment on all who transgressed them 3 . Chosen by 
Parliament from the nobility, barons, and burghs, the Council 
was to present its report in the following session for the guidance 
of future legislation. 

Assuredly it was not for lack of encouragement by the 
legislature that Scotland lagged behind in the race of nations. 
From the close of the i6th century to the union of the Parlia- 
ments in 1707 the Scottish Statute-book is crowded with laws 
which, if, as often as not, more likely to defeat their objects 
than to serve them, were at least well intended and in full 
accord with the economic doctrines of the time. On one 
object the legislators set their minds with a praiseworthy per- 
sistency, which, but for the impediments already noted, must 
have effectually served the interests of the country. The 
general industrial development of the i6th century had shown 
that the day had gone by when the national industries could be 
left in the hands of the individual worker. In all the countries 

1 Acts of Par I. of Scotland, VII. 260, 261; VIII. 349. 

2 Ib. Vii. 273. 8 Ib. XI. 294 5. 

62 The Age of Secular Interests [_ BK vn 

that were commercially flourishing, companies were displacing 
the individual; and, if a nation were to hold its own against its 
rivals, it was through the agency of companies it must attain 
its end. To the promotion of companies, therefore, the 
Scottish Estates addressed themselves with an enthusiasm 
which at times suggests the visionaries of Lagado. Thus, by 
the first Parliament of Charles I, on the ground that the 
country was " spoiled and destitute of money as little or none 
is left herein," it was recommended that " societies and manu- 
factories " be established in all the chief burghs. The good 
results that would flow from such a policy were impressively 
enumerated ; the poor and idle would be supplied with employ- 
ment; the money that now went out of the country for the 
purchase of foreign goods would be kept at home ; foreign 
money would flow in for the purchase of native manufactures ; 
and finally and chiefly the value of money would be raised to 
a par with that of other countries 1 . This vision of a flourishing 
manufactory in all the principal burghs preoccupied the minds 
of the legislators throughout the whole century. Under the 
rule of the Covenant, Parliament was specially energetic in 
promoting the great project. A manufacturing committee was 
appointed for the purpose of establishing trade corporations, 
and endowing them with such privileges as were consonant 
with existing laws 2 . In every shire a "school or manufactory" 
was to be set up, to which every parish was to send one or more 
boys, who should be apprenticed for seven years in order that 
they might be instructed in the art of cloth-making 3 . The in- 
ducements held out to enterprising persons were sufficiently 
alluring. Masters and men were to be exempted from military 
service, from taxation, and from the quartering of troops the 
last burden being a long-standing and bitter grievance of the 
burghs 4 . In the Restoration Parliament still further privileges 
were conferred on existing or prospective companies. They 

1 Acts of Part, of Scotland, V. 178. a Ib. V. 412. 3 Ib. V. 657. 

4 Ib. vi. Part i. 367. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 63 

were to possess a monopoly of such goods as they produced, 
which were likewise to be exported duty-free 1 ; and they were 
to have power to impress all beggars, vagabonds, and idle 
persons and set them to work in their manufactories 2 . 

What, we naturally ask, were the articles to be produced 
by the companies that were thus so sedulously encouraged by 
the legislators? It may be briefly said that if the output of 
manufactured goods had been in proportion to their multitude 
and variety, Scotland would have been as prosperous a country 
as the most flourishing of her neighbours. It was in the reign 
of James VI that the first serious attempt was made to intro- 
duce new manufactures into the country ; and the process went 
on with accelerating pace throughout the whole of the i7th 
century. Here is a list of commodities, the working of which 
was either new or according to improved methods : various 
kinds of cloth (serge, grograms, ginghams, fustian, bombasine, 
baize), stockings, leather, canvas, cordage, thread, lace, 
perfumed gloves, ribbons, gunpowder, alum, salt, vinegar, 
oils, paper, soap, sugar, combs, needles, pins, cords, bells, 
porcelain, earthenware, coaches, chariots, sedan-chairs, and 

Of all these commodities, salt, woollen cloth, and linen 
yarn alone produced a considerable return. From a trade 
report of 1614 we learn that of the total value of all the manu- 
factures of the country considerably more than a third accrued 
from woollen cloth, about a fourth from salt, and about a fifth 
from linen yarn; and these proportions appear to have been 
maintained throughout the century. In 1631 the coal and 
salt industries together occupied twelve thousand persons, men 
and women ; and half of the country's shipping was employed 
in the export of these commodities 3 . Throughout the country, 
however, the salt industry suffered considerable fluctuations. In 
1639 the salt-masters complained that their trade was being 

1 Acts of Par 1. of Scotland, VII. 253. a Ib. viz. 485. 

3 Register of Privy Council^ IV. 255 (Second Series). 

64 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

ruined by a salt monopoly in England 1 , and in 1645 tnat their 
profits had been so low that they were unable to pay the existing 
tax on salt 2 . But what told most heavily against the development 
of the industry was the fact that Scotch salt was unsuitable for 
the curing of fish. Various ingenious persons came forward 
with proposals for producing a salt with the requisite qualities; 
but it was not till 1696 that, in the teeth of the protesting salt- 
masters, a satisfactory process received the sanction of the 
Estates 3 . 

More important as a national industry than salt was the 
coarse woollen cloth known as plaiding. Leaving salt out of 
account, the return received from the manufacture of plaiding 
was equal to that of all other industries taken together. It was 
manufactured in all parts of the country, even in the Western 
Islands, from which it was procured by traders from the 
Netherlands and Denmark; and it employed a larger number 
of hands than any other industry. Such being the economic 
importance of plaiding, it was matter of prime concern that its 
manufacture should receive careful encouragement. In pur- 
suance of this end two main conditions had to be considered if 
its prosperity was to be maintained : the good quality of the cloth 
must be secured, and those who dealt in it must have every 
chance of the highest possible profits. The procedure of the 
Government in both cases was in strict accordance with the 
economical creed of the time. At the Convention of Estates 
which met in 1630, the burghs presented a petition drawing 
attention to a serious mischief which had arisen in connection 
with the trade in plaiding. In selling their material the manu- 
facturers had come to adopt the method of selling it in the 
form of "hard rolls" instead of "open folds." Several evils 
had resulted from this practice : cloth of inferior quality was 
foisted on the buyer who had not the opportunity of examining 
it when it was presented in the form of rolls ; and, as oiten as 

1 Acts of Par 1. of Seal land, V. 60 1. 2 lb. vi. 147. 

8 Ib. X. 67. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 65 

not, the purchased cloth was not of the length and breadth 
alleged by the seller. Thus not only were the lieges defrauded, 
but foreign markets would be lost if cloth of inferior quality 
should continue to be exported 1 . A succession of Acts or- 
dained that the plaiding should be sold only in open folds; 
but, as in the case of so many Scottish statutes, these Acts 
appear to have been but lightly regarded by interested parties. 
To secure favourable conditions for the national industry, the 
Estates duly followed the example set by other countries. In 
1597 the importation of English woollen cloth was strictly pro- 
hibited 2 - -a law which fell into abeyance as one of the results 
of James VTs abortive project for the union of the Parliaments. 
The English Navigation Act released the Scots from any tender 
considerations regarding the interests of their neighbours; and 
in 1663 heavy duties were imposed on a long list of English 
goods on woollen cloth among the rest. In the war of inter- 
national tariffs, mainly occasioned by the protective policy of 
Colbert, Scotland followed the example of her neighbours; and 
in 1 68 1 a sweeping statute was passed which closed the door 
against all foreign manufactures 3 . 

But Scotland's greatest source of wealth was not in her 
tentative and meagre manufactures but in the riches of her 
neighbouring seas. From the earliest times the export of fish 
had been a main source of the national income. u Pisciriata 
Scotia," we are told, was a common designation of Scotland in 
the Middle Ages; and by the same authority 4 we are informed, 
doubtless with some exaggeration, that the fish taken on her 
shores sufficed for the needs of Italy, France, Flanders and 
England. From the trade report of 1614 already quoted, it 

1 See Index to Register of Privy Council, Vol. V. (Second Series), s. v. 

2 Acts of Par I. of Scotland, IV. 119. 

3 76. vili. 3489. 

4 Pedro de Ayala, the agent of Ferdinand and Isabella at the Court of 
[ames IV. 

B. S. III. 5 

66 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

appears that the average annual value of the fish taken in the 
Scottish seas amounted to ,153,000, of which 47,000 and 
100,000 were derived from salmon and herring respectively. 
To preserve and foster this great industry and source of wealth 
was the solicitous concern of the legislature throughout the 
i7th century; and the task was a more difficult one than it had 
been at any previous period. At all times the boats of other 
countries had made free with Scottish fishing-grounds; but in the 
1 7th century English, Dutch and Danish craft trespassed to a 
degree that seriously affected the national profits. Moreover, 
the enterprising Dutch had invented a method of barrelling 
fish which gave them a decisive advantage in the continental 

For the promotion of the fishing industry the same policy 
was adopted as in the case of manufactures the formation of 
companies with privileges or monopolies which would enable 
them to hold their own against foreign competition. The 
most ambitious attempt in this direction was an enterprise 
launched in 1630, and ardently advocated by the King himself. 
This was an international joint-stock company in which English, 
Scots, and Irish should all have a share, and the object of 
which was at once to make a preserve of the Scottish fisheries 
and to extract from them the greatest possible profit. As the 
enterprise was projected, 200 vessels were to be constructed in 
addition to those already existing; and there were to be three 
"returns" in the year, the net annual profit from which was 
reckoned at 165,414. The projected company was highly 
obnoxious to the Scottish burghs, who saw in it only another 
instance of English rapacity; but in 1632, under the designation 
of the "Association for the Fishing," it was formally con- 
stituted by royal charter 1 . Unacceptable to all Scots engaged 
in the fishing industry, however, the Association appears never 
to have flourished; and in 1690 it was finally dissolved, the 

1 Acts of Part, of Scotland, v. 720244. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 67 

right of fishing restored to all the lieges, and their ancient 
monopoly of export re-assigned to the royal burghs 1 . 

But the Association for the Fishing was only one among 
other attempts to promote that industry through the means of 
companies. Thus, in 1685, the privileges of a manufactory were 
conferred on such as were engaged in the Greenland whale 
fishing 2 ; and in 1700 there was a proposal to place the herring 
fishing on a national basis 3 . By the granting of bounties, also, 
the Estates sought to promote the same good end. Yet, in 
spite of all these praiseworthy endeavours of the legislators, 
the impression was general, both immediately before and after 
the Union, that much still remained to be done if the country 
was to derive the full advantage from a source of national 
wealth which nature, in other regards so niggardly, had so 
generously placed at its disposal. 

The changes in the relative importance of the towns which 
took place in the i7th century may partly illustrate the new 
conditions under which commerce was now successfully con- 
ducted. If we now find certain towns shooting ahead of their 
rivals, this was not so much due to the superior energy of their 
citizens as to advantages of situation and surroundings which 
favoured them alike in relation to home and foreign trade. In 
the 1 6th century the chief towns had stood in the following 
order with respect to their taxable value : Edinburgh, Dundee, 
Aberdeen, Perth, St Andrews, Cupar-Fife and Montrose, Stirling, 
Ayr, Glasgow, Dumfries, Inverness, Linlithgow, and Haddington. 
By the opening of the i8th century this sequence underwent 
considerable mutations. On the occasion of a tax of ^100 
imposed on the royal burghs in 1705, the following contri- 
butions were made by the principal towns : Edinburgh ,35, 

1 Acts of ParL of Scotland, IX. 224. In 1645 a Frenchman, Hugo 
1'Amey [sic], made a singular proposal to the Estates. On condition of 
receiving a grant of all the Scottish fisheries he undertook to introduce and 
superintend the cultivation of Indian corn throughout the country. Ib. vi. 


2 Ib. vui. 490, 3 Ib. XJ. 170. 


68 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vu 

Glasgow ^20, Aberdeen ^4. 185., Perth and Dundee 
Dumfries 1. 185. 4^., Montrose ji. 13^. 8d., Kirkcaldy 

. IO.T. 2*2?., Inverness ;i. S.T. 6</., Elgin ^i. 8s., Linlithgow 
1. 'js., Stirling ji. 5^., Ayr i. is. 4<f., all other quotas being 
under ^i 1 . In the case of some of the burghs their com- 
parative decline was due to accidental circumstances for which 
their inhabitants were not responsible. While Dundee held 
the second place in the i6th century, in the beginning of the 
1 8th it held only the fourth or fifth a declension due in large 
measure to the rough handling of General Monk, from which it 
had never wholly recovered. At the date of the tax the trade 
of Glasgow already greatly exceeded that of Edinburgh; but, 
on the other hand, the value of the lands, houses, and rents, 
on which the tax was levied in Glasgow, was inconsiderable 
compared with that of similar property in Edinburgh 2 . 

In the case of the seaport towns in general we have con- 
clusive proof that during the latter half of the iyth century 
the development of trade must have proceeded at a rate beyond 
that of any previous period. For the years 1656 and 1692 
respectively we have reports of the shipping and tonnage of the 
principal seaports the one by the Cromwellian Commissioner, 
Thomas Tucker, the other by the authorities of these towns 
themselves. In 1656 Leith (that is Edinburgh and Leith) 
owned some 12 vessels, two or three of 300 tons, and the 
remainder consisting of smaller craft; in 1692 the numbers 
were 12 vessels ranging from 150 tons to 70, and 17 ranging 
from 40 to 14. While in 1656 Glasgow had only 12 ships 
ranging from 150 tons to 12, in 1692 she had 19 ranging from 
200 tons to 30 3 . In the case of other towns we find proof of 
a more rapid development; and from a comparison of the two 

1 Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs, III. 371. 

8 Ib. iv. 36. At the time of the Union the population of Edinburgh 
was about 30,000; of Glasgow, 15,000; of Dundee, 10,000; of Perth, 
7,000. Chalmers, Caledonia, I. 181. 

8 Both of these reports will be found in the Miscellany of the Scottish 
Burgh Records Society. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 69 

reports we are led to conclude that the shipping and tonnage 
of the country had almost doubled in the course of half a 
century 1 . 

The state of the currency through the iyth century was a 
serious impediment to commercial progress. Though the same 
evils existed in other countries, there were circumstances in 
Scotland which rendered them specially acute and disastrous. 
The ancient custom still prevailed of leasing the mint to in- 
dividuals or corporations, with the result that the coinage 
became a private venture conducted mainly in the interest of 
the tack-holders. Milling was introduced in 1637, but was 
practised with so little system that the forging and uttering of 
false coin, an ancient and general offence, went on as vigorously 
as ever. What produced the greatest confusion, however, and 
perpetually distracted the legislature was the influx of foreign 
coins, which at times almost superseded the native money, 
regain and again the importation of these foreign coins was 
prohibited under penalties; but interested traders evaded the 
law, and the prohibited pieces continued to flow into the 
country, to the ruin, we are told, of all honest dealing 2 . The 
Scottish coins in circulation were mainly silver or copper, gold 
pieces being almost never seen. At the time of the Union, it 
has been reckoned, the value of the silver and copper money 
in circulation amounted in each case to ^60,000, while the 
amount in gold was only ;3o,ooo 8 . The foundation of the 
Bank of Scotland in 1695, only a year later than that of the 
Bank of England, is another proof that Scotland was doing her 
best to follow the lead of other countries. While the capital 
fixed for the English Bank, however, was ^1,200,000, Scotland 

1 A comparison of the revenues at the middle and the end of the i7th 
century yields another proof of the commercial progress of the country. The 
revenue in 1657 was 37,690. igs. (Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, II. 
473), and about the time of the Union ,160,000 (Stanhope, Reign oj 
Queen Anne, p. 281). 

2 After the Union ,13,280 of foreign money and ,40,000 of English 
were called in. Hill Burton, I. 172, note (Ed. 1873). 

* Chambers, Domestic Annals of Scotland, ill. 332. 

70 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

was content with ^120,000 a disproportion which yet does 
not measure the relative wealth of the two countries 1 . 

According to the well-known statement of Fletcher of 
Saltoun, the population of Scotland about the time of the 
Union was ij millions, of whom 200,000 existed by begging 
from door to door 2 . Both of these statements could only be 
based on conjecture; and both, we have good reason to believe, 
are manifest exaggerations. That mendicancy abounded in 
town and country, however, the Parliamentary and burgh legis- 
lation of centuries gives superabundant proof. In the case of 
the poor as in the case of commerce we find the Scottish 
legislators making the same heroic efforts to follow the example 
of more prosperous countries. The new methods of dealing 
with mendicancy which were adopted by continental cities in 
the 1 6th century were conscientiously imitated by the Scottish 
burghs. But in this laudable effort they were hindered by the 
same disability as in the case of the development of trade ; the 
means were not forthcoming to put their excellent laws into 
execution, and beggars remained the same perennial plague 
which they had been since legislation began. One of the chief 
means adopted in the 1 6th century for diminishing mendicancy 
was the establishing of work-houses for the employment of 
able-bodied beggars; but, though the utility of these insti- 
tutions was fully recognised in Scotland, it was not till 1632 
that the Estates passed an Act ordaining that correction-houses 
be erected "within several parts of this Kingdom 3 ." That 
similar Acts had to be passed at least thrice during the re- 
mainder of the century would seem to prove that the injunction 
was practically a dead letter 4 . 

If this is a somewhat dismal picture of Scotland at the close 

1 According to Lockhart of Carnwath, the relative resources of Scotland 
and England were as i to 50. According to Fletcher of Saltoun the 
proportion was i to 30 (Works, p. 67). 

2 Works, pp. 68, 100. 

3 Acts of Par 1. of Scotland, V. 49. 

4 According to Fletcher, Holland was the only country that provided 
work-houses for the poor (Works, p. 90). 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 71 

of the i yth century, it is to be remembered that she was by no 
means alone in her misery. In England, at the time of the 
Revolution, a fourth of the population was " more or less 
dependent on parochial relief"; and in the years immediately 
following "pauperism increased with frightful rapidity 1 ." Com- 
pared with Germany, still desolated by the results of the Thirty 
Years' War, Scotland might be considered an enviable country. 
Nor would the Scottish peasant have been a great gainer if his 
lot had been cast in the contemporary France of Louis XIV. 
At the opening of the i8th century a tenth of the French nation 
were actual mendicants, and of the remainder a fifth were not in 
a position to render them assistance. " The cultivation of land," 
writes Fenelon in 1710, "is almost abandoned; town and country 
are dispeopled ; every trade is in a state of decay, and workmen 
are deprived of their sustenance. France is one great hospital ; 
everywhere is desolation and want 2 ." Even Fletcher's picture 
loses something of its blackness when confronted with this 
of Fenelon. 

In one respect, at least, Scotland had an indisputable ad- 
vantage over wealthier and' more prosperous countries ; educa- 
tion was more widely spread among all classes than in any 
other nation 3 . It was the testimony of English as well as Scots 
that the middle and lower classes in Scotland were at once 
more intelligent and better instructed than the same classes in 
England 4 ; and England bore a favourable comparison with 
France and Germany. In regard to the nobility and gentry of 
the two countries we have similar evidence. The Scottish 
gentry as a class were admittedly superior to the English 

1 Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, II. 379 
(Ed. 1892). 

1 Lavisse et Rambaud, Histoire Gentrale (1895), vi. 247. 

J According to Lockhart {Memoirs, p. 251) it was a proverbial saying 
of the English that "they never saw a Scotsman a fool." Probably 
Lockhart, in his patriotic zeal, gave the saying a favourable turn. 

4 Cf. Vol. II. 453. 

72 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

squirearchy, alike in accomplishments and knowledge of the 
world. While the English squire rarely left the bounds of his 
native parish, the Scottish gentleman, in accordance with long 
precedent, not infrequently continued his studies in foreign 
schools, in France or Holland and Italy, and completed his 
education by a course of travel. To the attainments and wide 
outlook of the Scottish nobility the State Papers of the period, 
which contain the correspondence of many of them, afford the 
most signal proof. More frequently than not, their letters are 
models of lucid and forcible statement; and in the best of them 
there is a suggestion of literary culture, due, as we learn, to the 
wide-spread study of Latin, French, and Italian 1 among the 
leisured classes everywhere in Scotland. It cannot be said 
that the national spirit was opeixto large and tolerant ideas, 
but there was an educated opinion in the country which for 
seriousness and receptivity was as enlightened as that of any 
nation in Europe. In Scotland it was noted that the Newtonian 
theory found readier acceptance than among Newton's own 
countrymen 2 . 

The final impression we derive from a survey of the de- 
velopment of Scotland throughout the iyth century is that the 
nation was ripe for a larger scope than was possible under 
existing conditions. The initiative, the enterprise, the in- 
telligence were there in large degree ; and only the opportunity 
was needed for her to take her place and hold her own in the 
rivalry of the nations. At the opening of the i8th century 
she was absorbed by the same ambition that preoccupied the 
leading peoples of Europe the ambition to develop her 
material resources out of the sheer necessity of self-subsistence. 
"Trade," writes Fletcher of Saltoun, "is now become the 
golden ball for which all the nations of the world are con- 

1 Acquaintance with Italian is curiously displayed in the Scottish State 
Papers of the time. Earl Stanhope was struck by this fact {Reign of 
Queen Anne, p. 202). 

2 Cf. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century -, II. 45. 

CH. n] Scotland on the Eve of the Union 73 

tending 1 ." But if Scotland was to have her share of success in 
this contention, there were two indispensable conditions she 
must accept after the example of the countries that were 
dividing the trade of the world among them. The mediaeval 
traditions must be abandoned which set freeman against un- 
freeman, town against town, and subordinated the interest of 
the nation as a whole to the interests of every separate com- 
munity. A national commerce directed by the State had in 
all the prosperous countries superseded the mediaeval policy 
of the predominance of the town; but, as we have seen, this 
revolution had for special reasons been but imperfectly accom- 
plished in Scotland. The other condition was equally forced 
upon her by the exigencies of the time. As the world now 
went, it was only the powerful States that could command the 
necessary conditions for the development of a national trade. 
The wars of the Grand Alliance and of the Spanish Succession 
were the results of the alarm of England and the Low Countries 
lest France should wrest commercial supremacy from both 
of them; and it was through sheer superiority of force that 
England had in the course of the iyth century won her way 
against Holland in the international competition. Should 
Scotland resume her former isolation from England, therefore, 
she would have to hold her own against opposing forces, the 
very effort to cope with which would have drained the re- 
sources which it was her necessity to multiply. It was thus the 
pressure of circumstances beyond her control that drove her 
into that closer union with England which was, in truth, a 
necessary consummation for the existence of both. 

A heavy price indeed had to be paid for the momentous 
transaction. It was at the cost of the institutions with which 
her independence as a nation was bound up that she could 
alone secure the advantage which had become indispensable 
for the development of her resources. Nor can it be doubted 
that in the case of the Scottish people the surrender of their 

1 Works, pp. 2878. 

74 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

autonomy was a sacrifice to which only the instinct of self- 
preservation could eventually have reconciled them. The 
prolonged struggle that had been necessary to conserve national 
independence, the very intensity of the antagonisms which had 
so often cleft the nation in twain, had fostered a passionate 
and aggressive patriotism which characterised the Scot equally 
at home and abroad. The two institutions which the nation 
had in succession to surrender its own Parliament and Privy 
Council were the symbols of the independence which had 
been so dearly won and so stoutly maintained. It was a fortu- 
nate circumstance, however, that they were generally regarded 
only as symbols. The history of neither institution during 
the century that preceded the Union had been such as to give 
it a place in the hearts of the people. Men of all parties 
were agreed that both had been the instruments of the greatest 
evils from which the country had suffered in the disastrous 
century that had passed since the Union of the Crowns. In 
point of fact, throughout the whole of the period, neither 
Parliament nor Privy Council had been in any sense a national 
institution. Under successive Kings both had alike been but 
the convenient means through which they had imposed their 
will on the nation. " The worst of Chambers," said Cavour, 
"is better than the best of ante-chambers"; and the Scottish 
Parliament and Privy Council had been but the ante-chambers 
of the Court since James VI had assumed the Crown of 
England. "Long ago," writes one in 1700, "it hath been 
a problem in Scotland whether Parliaments were useful or not." 
It was in truth mainly as symbols that the two bodies were 
regarded by the nation at large; and in an age when material 
interests were over-riding every other, the conviction, however 
reluctant, was bound to prevail that between a pseudo-inde- 
pendence and a perilous isolation on the one hand, and material 
interests on the other, the alternative was decided by destiny 


ANNE, 1702 1714. 


THE accession of Anne was for many reasons highly 
acceptable to the Scottish people. The succession of un- 
toward events during the late reign of itself disposed them to 
hail the accession of a new sovereign as the dawn of a happier 
day. Whatever might be the character of William's successor, 
there would not be a repetition of Glencoe and Darien. But 
the accession of Anne was welcomed for other reasons. 
Loyalty to the House of Stewart had survived all the nation's 
trying experiences of its latest representatives; and it was a 
genuine source of national satisfaction when a legitimate 
Stewart once more sat on the throne of the three kingdoms. 
Moreover, the accession of Anne was a salve to the national 
conscience, which had not ceased to have its misgivings re- 
garding the expatriation of the native line of princes. 

But, if the new sovereign was cordially welcomed by the 
people at large, it was otherwise with the group of politicians 
who had been the principal agents in the government of 
William. With the exception of Lord Murray, son of the first 
Marquis of Atholl, all the chief officers of state were Whigs 
bound by their previous action to the principles of the Revolu- 
tion 1 . But that the daughter of James VII would give her 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. i. 42 3. 

76 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

unqualified support to these principles was an expectation 
which no English or Scottish statesman could entertain. That 
there would be serious changes in the public policy everyone 
was assured, though with what rapidity and to what degree was 
as yet only a matter of anxious conjecture. The character and 
sympathies of Anne, however, were already sufficiently known 
to justify a forecast of the general lines which her policy would 
follow. She would not be a ruler with the commanding 
character of her predecessor; the probability was that her 
government would be mainly determined by the advisers who 
might secure her ear, and it was precisely this consideration 
that agitated the politicians of both countries from the day of 
her accession. To what parties in State and Church she 
naturally inclined was already well known to her subjects in 
both countries ; if left to herself, it was fully understood that in 
politics she would give herself to the Tories, and that in religion 
she would be the champion of the Church of England. 

The anticipation of such a problematical future could not 
fail to distract the counsels of the politicians in Edinburgh. It 
was a crisis well calculated to test at once the strength of 
political convictions and the virtue of public men. One 
of the results of the Revolution had been that it had 
changed the conditions of political life. Under the regime of 
the later Stewarts statesmen had been merely the nominated 
officials of the Crown, the interests of which they were bound 
to serve at the risk of losing their place. By the transfer of 
power to the Parliament, which had been effected by the 
Revolution, statesmen were placed in new relations at once to 
the sovereign and the people, which involved a wider scope of 
individual action, fraught at once with good and evil to the 
nation at large. Throughout the reign of William there had 
been a scramble for power and place such as had been 
unknown in previous reigns; and under the government of 
a queen, and a queen of the character of Anne, it was to be 
anticipated that the game of politics would be one in which 

CH. in] Anne and the Union 77 

only audacity and intrigue would hold their own. It was with 
the disquieting sense of such a future that the politicians sitting 
in Edinburgh received the news of the accession of the new 
sovereign; of their perturbation at once for their personal 
interests and for the interests of their country the opening 
months of the new reign were to afford signal proof. 

The first steps of Anne were reassuring to the late King's 

Scottish ministers. In the presence of some 


twelve of them she took the coronation oath, 
the omission of which had been held such a grave offence on 
the part of her father 1 . But before this action a more signifi- 
cant step had been taken, which proved that in one all- 
important line of policy she was prepared to follow the example 
of William. It was William's dying bequest that, in the 
interests of both kingdoms, an incorporating union should be 
consummated at the earliest possible date; had he lived, it 
was his intention to press the great question at the next meeting 
of the English Parliament. As was proved by her subsequent 
conduct, Anne was herself personally convinced of the desira- 
bility of union ; and it was a proof of her conviction that her 
first act with reference to Scotland was to recommend it In 
accordance with a suggestion made in her first speech to the 
English Parliament, a Bill was passed ordaining that Commis- 
sioners of Union should be chosen from both countries. It 
was not till a later date in the same year (1702) that the Com- 
missioners were actually appointed and addressed themselves 
to their task; but the initiative had been taken, and through 
all the vicissitudes of parties the great end was never to be 

As it happened, the opening months of Anne's reign saw 
England involved in a policy which, little as the two nations 
suspected it, was to be the most powerful means of linking 
them in a common destiny. On the 4th of May, England (for 
since the Union of the Crowns, though Scotland had to bear 
1 Burnet, Hist, of his own Time (Oxford, 1822), v. 20, 

78 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

her own burden in England's wars, she had no part in de- 
claring them) proclaimed war against France. At this period 
Louis XIV was at the height of his power and glory, and the 
controller of the most powerful armies in Europe. For twelve 
years England was to be engaged in a trial of strength with 
this formidable enemy; and it was through the experience of 
her long conflict that her statesmen became gradually convinced 
that Scotland was necessary to her. As in the days of Elizabeth 
and Mary, Scotland might be an instrument in the hands of 
her enemies which might cripple her alike in her foreign and 
domestic policy. At any moment, Scotland in rebellion against 
her ill-assorted partner might invite England's enemies to her 
shores, with results that might be equally disastrous to both and 
would certainly be disastrous to England. Fortunately for 
both countries, the victories of Marlborough placed England 
precisely in the position that enabled her successfully to pro- 
mote the Union which she was constrained to desire. Had 
her armies suffered a crushing defeat, it may indeed be doubted 
if the Union would have taken place when it did. Discredited 
in the eyes of the Scottish people, she could not have made 
her overtures with the same authority and prestige; and 
other interests and other cares would have diverted both 
nations from pursuing a purpose which was common to both. 
As it happened, the War of the Spanish Succession and the 
success with which England waged it produced the necessary 
conditions out of which union could naturally arise. Thus, 
while politicians wrangled and intrigued in protracted negotia- 
tions over the conditions of incorporation, they were urged 
onwards by forces of which they were hardly conscious. 

The beginning of the new reign in Scotland gave a fore- 
taste of what was to be its character to the end. Under 
William's strong hand the various parties which divided the 
country had been held in comparative check, but only the 
opportunity was needed to evoke the violence of their an- 
tagonism. A technical difficulty was the occasion of the first 

CH. in] Tory Tactics 79 

conflict between the Whigs who had steadily supported the 
Revolution and the Tories who had always looked askance at 
it. By an Act of Parliament of the late reign (1696), similar to 
one passed by the Parliament of England, it had been settled 
that the existing Parliament should meet twenty days after the 
King's death, and should continue to sit for the space of six 
months. This was a constitutional innovation in the case of 
both countries, but both Parliaments had been strictly within 
their powers in effecting it. The arrangement, however, was 
not acceptable to the Scottish Tories at this particular juncture ; 
an appeal to the electorate, they were convinced, would give 
them an overwhelming majority in a new Parliament. As the 
Estates did not meet within the prescribed twenty days, it was 
urged that they had forfeited their claim to be considered 
a legal body and that a new election was imperative. The 
prescribed day of meeting had hardly passed when the Tory 
chiefs took energetic steps to compass their end. In a body, 
the Duke of Hamilton and the Marquis of Tweeddale among 
them, they proceeded to London to persuade Anne to issue 
writs for a new Scots Parliament 1 . But for reasons of their 
own, Anne and her advisers did not welcome the proposal 3 ; 
the English Parliament of the late reign continued to exist, 
and it was desirable that that of Scotland should work along 
with it. With minds that boded mischief the Tory leaders 
returned to Scotland and awaited the meeting of the Estates 
in which they knew they could play but a secondary part. 

It was doubtless from the anticipation of a tempestuous 
session that the meeting of the Estates was delayed till the 
9th of June three months after the death of the late King. 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 43; Miscellany of the Scot. Hist. Soc. I. 


2 Anne submitted the question to the Scottish Privy Council, which 
decided that she could adjourn the meeting of the Estates beyond the 
prescribed twenty days. Hume of Crossrigg's Diary (Ban. Club, 1828), 
pp. 80 i. 

8o The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

The continuance of the Duke of Queensberry in the office of 
Royal Commissioner was an indication that the Government 
contemplated no immediate change of policy. While his 
father had been one of the most willing agents of James VII, 
the second duke had from the beginning been a steady sup- 
porter of the Revolution. If anything further had been needed 
to exasperate the Duke of Hamilton against the existing regime, 
it was the place accorded to Queensberry. Between the two 
there was a personal and family rivalry which grew into a 
mutual hate aggravated at every step by the development of 
public affairs 1 . As they were to be the two great protagonists 
in the battle of the Union, it is as well that we should have 
their portraits distinctly before us. Neither can be considered 
to have been a great man, but they both appear to have im- 
pressed their contemporaries as great personages. 

In the characters of both there was a personal fascination, 
due to widely different qualities in each, which counterbalanced 
salient defects of mind and temper. Of meagre person, with dark 
complexion, Queensberry, who had now turned his forty-fifth 
year, was a master in the art of dealing with men 2 . Gentle, 
insinuating, with an enticing air of hesitation, he possessed in 
special degree that douceur seduisante which has been noted in 
men like Talleyrand and Louis XI. Everything he did was 
done with a nonchalant grace which he never lost in the most 
trying emergencies. He was accused of neglecting the duties 
of his office, but the soft persistency with which he attained his 
principal objects is the sufficient proof that the neglect was 
more apparent than real. That he was the man subsequently 
chosen to carry the Treaty of Union through the Scottish 
Parliament is conclusive evidence that of all the statesmen of 
the time he possessed in largest degree the temper and tact 
and resolution which the task so eminently required. 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 53. 

2 Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq. (Lond. 1733), 
pp. 179180. 

CH. in] Queensberry and Hamilton 81 

His rival and adversary, Hamilton, was in opinions and 
natural qualities his striking antithesis. Hamilton had early 
made his peace with William, but throughout the whole of 
William's reign he had shown himself the violent opponent of 
the principles of the Revolution. He was now about fifty years 
of age, of middle stature, of a " black coarse complexion " and 
"a brisk look 1 ." Stately and somewhat arrogant in manner, 
he was adjudged by his contemporaries to be one of the most 
accomplished noblemen of his time 2 . Though he doubtless 
owed much to his exalted rank and his great possessions, he 
had personal gifts which would have given him a foremost 
place in any deliberative assembly. In the qualities requisite 
to the leader of a political party, however, he was gravely 
deficient. Violent in speech and action, he was lacking both 
in tact and steadfastness of purpose; and his conduct was 
frequently characterised by a caprice or irresolution which 
strained the allegiance of his warmest supporters. So singular 
were his vagaries at certain critical moments that, as in the case 
of his ancestors in the reigns of Mary and Charles I, an 
explanation was sought in his family claims to the royal succes- 
sion. All three representatives of the house of Hamilton lived 
in times when a turn of events might have placed them on the 
throne; and in the ambitious policy of all three their con- 
temporaries suspected personal motives as its only adequate 
explanation. But whether Hamilton's vacillations were due 
to personal character or family ambition, it was of the first 
moment to the successive Governments that the man whose 
abilities and authority could have done them the greatest 
mischief was such as he was. 

1 Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq. (Lond. 1733), 
pp. 176 8. 

2 An Englishman, who heard Hamilton in the Scottish Parliament, 
speaks of his "usual haughty and bantering air." A Journey to Edenborough 
in 7705", by Joseph Taylor, late of the Inner Temple (ed. William Cowan, 
Edin. 1903), p. 117. 

B. S. III. 6 

82 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

On the opening day of the session (June 9, 1702) Hamilton 
gave an illustration of his headstrong character. At the close of 
prayers he rose with the intention of speaking, when he was inter- 
rupted by the Chancellor, the Earl of Marchmont, who reminded 
him that the House was not yet constituted. Hamilton persisted; 
he had a paper to read to the House, he said, and he proceeded 
to read it. The paper contained the burden of what he and 
his party had all along maintained a protest against the 
legality of the sitting House. The whole proceeding had been 
previously arranged; and, when he had concluded his reading, 
he walked out of the House accompanied by fifty-seven mem- 
bers, to be received in the street by cheering crowds who had 
been waiting the event 1 . 

As the subsequent proceedings of the House proved, 
Hamilton had committed a tactical blunder. There remained 
after the secession a body of one hundred and twenty members 
(contemptuously known as the Rump), who were virtually 
unanimous in passing a succession of measures exclusively in 
the Whig interest. Of this unanimity a striking example was 
given on the fourth day of meeting. Sir Alexander Bruce of 
Bromhall ventured to remark that there were some things in 
Presbyterian Church government inconsistent with monarchy. 
Instantly there was a general cry of "To the Bar, to the Bar"; 
and it was promptly decided that the offending member should 
be expelled and that his constituency 2 should send up another 
representative 3 . A succession of Acts, all tending to confirm 
the principles of the Revolution, showed how completely the 
members were of one mind. The present session of Parlia- 
ment was declared a " free and lawful meeting " ; in accordance 
with the Claim of Right, which virtually based the Crown on 

1 Marchmont Papers (Lond. 1831), III. 240 i; Hume of Cross- 
rigg's Diary, p. 83. The numbers of the protesters are variously given j 
I have adopted those given by the Earl of Marchmont, who was present. 

! The burgh of Sanquhar. 

8 Marchmont Papers^ in. 241 ; Hume of Crossrigg's Diary, p. 88. 

CH. in] Proceedings of the Estates 83 

a Parliamentary title, Anne was acknowledged the lawful 
successor of William ; and the Presbyterian Church as esta- 
blished at the Revolution was confirmed as the Church of the 
nation. The sensitive zeal of the House was curiously illus- 
trated in a minor matter which occupied its attention to the 
close of the session. It had come to its knowledge that the 
Faculty of Advocates had signed an address to the Queen 
couched in terms "very undutiful and unbecoming." On 
investigation it was discovered that only about twenty advo- 
cates, and these " only young men of no note,'* out of a body 
of a hundred and forty-five, had signed the address. But, as 
was to be shown at a later date, the Faculty was fervently Tory 
in its sympathies; and the procedure of the House, which 
ended in no definite result, was but the action of a political 
party eagerly seizing the opportunity of humiliating its oppo- 
nents. Zealous and unanimous as was this Parliament, how- 
ever (" all one man's bairns," as Lockhart described it), it did 
not close its sittings without an indication that there were 
perilous differences of opinion which were of menacing import 
for future political harmony. It had been the recognition by 
Louis XIV of the son of James VII that had roused England 
to its declaration of war against France; and the English 
Parliament had emphasised its defiance by an Act of Abjura- 
tion against the Pretender. With interested zeal the Earl of 
Marchmont indiscreetly sought to introduce a similar Bill into 
the Scottish Estates; but the passion with which it was rejected 
showed how differently the exiled House was regarded by the 
two nations 1 . 

The Parliament closed its sittings on the 3oth of June ; but 
before it rose it had taken the first, though, as it 
proved, ineffectual step towards union. Follow- 
ing the example of the Parliament of England, it requested the 
Queen to appoint Commissioners to negotiate the terms of 
an international settlement. On the loth of November the 

1 Marchmont Papers, in. 242 et seq. ; Lockhart, op. cit. i. 48 9. 


84 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Commissioners, twenty-three for England and twenty-one for 
Scotland, met in the Cockpit at Whitehall, then the Privy 
Council Chamber. The history of their proceedings proves 
that on the part of England, at least, there was no great eager- 
ness for a successful issue. To the annoyance of the Scots 
the English Commissioners gave but irregular attendance, on 
eight occasions even failing to make a quorum 1 . It was of 
good omen, however, that on two all-important points both 
bodies were unanimous that there should be a common 
legislature, and that in accordance with the Act of Settlement 
the succession should descend on the Electress Sophia and 
her heirs. But it was when the questions of trade and taxation 
came to be considered that what were supposed to be the 
conflicting interests of the two countries became clearly ap- 
parent. As these difficulties had again to be faced at a later 
day, they need not here detain us. What this first abortive 
Commission proved was that in neither country was opinion 
yet sufficiently matured to exercise a compelling force on its 
representatives. In the case of both countries the experience 
of the next few years was needed to supply the momentum 
requisite to overcome difficulties which now appeared insuper- 
able. When the Commission rose on February 3, 1703, it was 
on the understanding that it should resume its meetings in the 
following October 2 ; that it never again met is the sufficient 
proof of its futility. 

While the Union Commissioners were still sitting at White- 
hall, Scotland was undergoing a novel experi- 
ence; for the first time since 1689 she was 
engaged in electing a Parliament the last, as it was destined, 
that she was ever to elect. As all parties comprehended the 
momentous issues at stake, their efforts were proportionably 

1 The English Commissioners are said to have excused their remissness 
on the plea that the Commissioners for Scotland did not represent the 
real feeling of the Estates. 

8 Acts of Parl. of Scotland t XI. Appendix, 145 161. 

CH. in] A New Parliament 85 

directed to secure such a representation as would further their 
respective aims. Under the existing conditions of election, a 
Parliament that would express the free and spontaneous will of 
the nation was an impossibility equally north and south of the 
Border. Bribery and coercion did not, indeed, prevail in Scotland 
to the extent prevailing in England; but, as we have seen, 
the Government had ample powers of influencing the electorate 
in its own interests. If the Privy Council were unanimous, it 
could bring such pressure to bear on the royal burghs that 
their representatives would for the most part be men who 
would do its bidding. In the case of the representatives of 
the shires, the sheriffs of the counties were efficient electioneer- 
ing agents who were supplied with cogent means, in the shape 
of bribes or intimidation, of influencing the constituencies 1 . 
There had been occasions in the past, however and such a 
case was the present when a vehement national feeling could 
counterbalance coercion and intrigue. At the moment when the 
elections took place, there arose a grave alarm that the national 
Church as re-established at the Revolution was in danger. Nor 
was the alarm without foundation. In the preceding year the 
Bill against Occasional Conformity, which would have deprived 
the dissenters of civic status, had been introduced into the 
English Parliament; and, though it was defeated by the Lords, 
its acceptance by the Commons showed what was the current 
of English public opinion. "Presbytery is to be ruined 2 ,'' 
wrote the Earl of Mar from London at the end of January, 
1703; and it was from this conviction that the Presbyterian 
party made a strenuous effort to return such a majority as 
would ensure the safety of the Church. Their zeal had its 
reward; when the elections closed they found themselves 
represented by a majority which on all questions touching 
Presbytery could command the vote of the House. 

1 A common form of bribery was the bestowing of Collectorships of the 
Customs. Fletcher of Saltoun, Works, p. 255. 

1 Pafers of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, Hist. MSS. Com., January 79, 

86 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Before the elections began, important changes had been 
effected in the list of officials entrusted with the administration 
of the government. Queensberry was retained as Royal 
Commissioner, but the principal of his late colleagues were 
displaced by men adverse to the Presbyterian interest. The 
Earl of Marchmont, a zealous Presbyterian, was succeeded in 
the Chancellorship by James, first Earl of Seafield, who as 
Solicitor-General and Secretary of State had faithfully served 
the government of William. In the opinion of contemporaries 
Seafield equally shared with Queensberry the opprobrium or 
credit of the future legislative Union. According to common 
testimony, Queensberry could not have had a more efficient 
ally 1 . Of striking personal beauty and persuasive speech, he 
combined the training of a lawyer with accomplishments that 
made him one of the fine gentlemen of the period. In his 
smiling grace, however, his enemies saw something mysterious 
and sinister, which yet did not prevent their admitting that, 
though a political apostate, he was a "just judge 2 ." There 
were others in the group of new officials who were to play 
notable parts in the impending controversies, but their charac- 
ters and actions will appear as we proceed. 

The Parliament met on May 6 in the full consciousness 
that the national destinies were in its hands. In 
its first session it proved itself the most aggres- 
sively patriotic of all Scottish Parliaments, yet by strange irony 
it was to be the instrument of effacing Scotland as an inde- 
pendent nation. Hard as had been Queensberry's task in 

1 Seafield, however, opposed Queensberry during the first session of the 
new Parliament. Lockhart, I. 77. 

2 The English traveller already quoted thus describes his impression of 
Seafield. " The Earl of Seafield, who is Lord Chancellor, is a very ingenious 
man. His chief perfection, and what is most requisite for his office in the 
House, is resuming debates, which he does with an admirable dexterity, 
by giving so happy a turn for the interest of the party he espouses, that he 
generally carries the point, without the censure of either party." A Journey 
to Edenborough, p. 113. 

CH. in] State of Parties 87 

managing the Parliament of the previous year, it was light 
compared with the difficulties he had now to face. In the last 
Parliament there had been only two parties the one following 
Hamilton, the other at the bidding of Queensberry himself; 
but there now appeared a third party, which to the day when 
the Union was effected was to be a thorn in the side of the 
Government. As things now stood, the House was divided 
between the supporters of the Government, known as the Court 
party; the Country party, who posed as the champions of 
Scottish interests, and had Hamilton as their uncertain leader ; 
and the new party variously styled Jacobites, Cavaliers, and 
Episcopals, generally opposed to the principles of the Revolu- 
tion and the national Church as now established. The conflict- 
ing aims and interests of these three parties created a situation 
sufficiently embarrassing; and the embarrassment was aggravated 
by the peculiar relations between the Country party and the 
Jacobites. Fundamentally antagonistic as these two parties 
were, there was one common feeling which united them 
a common fear and detestation of England. For the Jacobites 
the ascendency of England in Scottish affairs meant the con- 
tinuance of the Revolution regime and the perpetual exclusion 
of the House of Stewart; for the Country party it implied 
a menace to Presbytery and the national independence. 
Actuated by this common fear, therefore, though impelled by 
such different motives, Jacobite and Whig had no hesitation 
in presenting a united front against every proposal that implied 
a concession to England. So hopeless was the imbroglio 
created by these tangled interests that the formation of com- 
mittees was found to be impracticable, and all business had to 
be transacted in full Parliament 1 an arrangement which gave 
free rein to the passions of the hour. 

It was not with the support of the Jacobites, but in their 
own strength, that the Whig party carried an "Act for securing 

Letter of Viscount Stair to Godolphin, Stair Annals (Blackwood, 
!875), II. 203 et seq. 

88 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the true Protestant religion and Presbyterian government 1 " in 
the face of many jeers at the arrogation implied in its terms. 
In the case of two other Acts, however, the Jacobites and 
Whigs co-operated with a zeal which throws a strange light on 
the political conditions of the time. By England's war with 
France her trade with that country had been interrupted, but 
this was no reason why Scotland should be a sufferer for her 
sake. It was in defiance as well as defence, therefore, that the 
two strangely assorted parties triumphantly carried an Act 
allowing the importation of all foreign wines and liquors those 
of France being mainly intended 2 . Still more defiant was the 
challenge implied in an "Act anent Peace and War." Since 
the Union of the Crowns the successive sovereigns had never 
consulted the Scottish Estates in their declarations of war, yet 
they had exacted from Scotland her proportional quota of money 
and men. In view of the great war in which England was now 
engaged this was assuredly a grievance which the least sensitive 
of patriots might resent. It was with justifiable patriotism, 
therefore, that an Act was carried ordaining that no successor 
of the reigning sovereign should declare a war involving Scot- 
land without consulting her representatives 3 . 

Among the throng of party leaders who were confounding 
the councils of the nation there was one heroic figure who has 
retained an abiding place in the memories of his countrymen 
Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun. Fletcher was an idealist and 
a doctrinaire, unique among the men that surrounded him. 
At a period when civic virtue seemed a chimaera, he had 
a reputation for singleness of purpose to which his bitterest 
opponents paid ungrudging homage. In religion his ideal was 
a church without dogma; in politics, a republic, in which a nation 

1 Acts of ParL of Scotland, xi. 104. 

2 Ib. p. 112. The reason why the Jacobites supported this Bill was 
that it kept open the communication with France the home of their 

3 2b. p. 107. 

CH. in] Fletcher of Saltoun 89 

should have its destinies in its own hands. Ideals more in- 
congruous with the spirit of the time it would be hard to 
conceive; and in the eyes of all parties Fletcher was a visionary 
who yet extorted esteem because his words were a voice of the 
human conscience. As the nearest approach to a republic, he 
desired a monarchy restricted by a constitution which should 
make the prince the guardian and not the author of the law. 
It was in the history of Scotland since the Union of the 
Crowns that he found practical reasons for his hardy proposal. 
Since that date Scotland had been a dependency of England 
controlled by English statesmen doing the bidding of an 
English King. For such a state of things there was but one 
remedy : the prerogative of the Crown must be subordinated 
to the will of the people. 

The new Parliament was disposed to go a considerable 
length in defiance of English ascendency; but 
Fletcher's proposals, as embodied in twelve 
"limitations," were not only impracticable as things went, but 
ran counter to the political doctrine of Whig and Tory alike. 
The patriots of all parties had, in truth, another scheme in 
their minds, the execution of which was to be the main 
achievement of the session. In passing the Act of Settlement 
of 1701, which devolved the Crown on the Electress Sophia 
and her descendants, the English Parliament had taken no 
heed of Scotland, though she had an equal stake at issue. The 
neglect was not meant as a studied insult, but was merely 
another example of England's traditional policy with regard to 
Scotland. But this very indifference only aggravated the 
offence in the eyes of the Scottish patriots; and they resolved 
to convince England that their country was not the harmless 
dependency she imagined. As a counter-declaration to the Act 
of Settlement, Whigs and Tories combined in passing an Act 
which was virtually a declaration of national independence. 
By the terms of this Act the famous "Act of Security" -the 
Estates, twenty days after the death of the reigning sovereign 

9O The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

without issue, were to name a successor who should be at once 
a Protestant and a descendant of the House of Stewart. Who- 
ever this successor might be, he or she must not be the person 
designated by the Parliament of England unless under con- 
ditions that secured to Scotland complete freedom of govern- 
ment, of religion, and of trade 1 . Another clause in the Act 
proved that it was meant as no idle threat : heritors and burghs 
were required to provide all able-bodied men with arms and to 
hold a monthly levy for exercise and discipline 9 . 

Before the combined phalanx that clamoured for the 
passing of this uncompromising measure, Queensberry and his 
supporters were helpless. According to his instructions, he 
was above all things to secure the legalising of the last session 
of the late Parliament, the settlement of the succession in 
accordance with the arrangement made in England, and a 
grant of supply. The first of these objects he had no difficulty 
in effecting, as the Whigs were as deeply concerned in it as 
himself. It was very different with the question of the succes- 
sion. When the Earl of Marchmont ventured to introduce 
a Bill in favour of the Electress Sophia, at the mention of the 
name the shout arose, " Call the mover to the Bar ! " " Send 
him to the Castle ! " By all the arts and influence in his power 
Queensberry sought to turn the House from its purpose. Till 
the Act of Security was passed, it was inexorably insisted that 
there would be no supply. But, even if Queensberry himself had 
been willing to give way, the ministers in London could not 
consent to an Act which would have stultified their own policy 
and endangered their place. At the close of the session the 
Commissioner announced that he was empowered to give the 
royal sanction to all the Acts passed by the House except the 
Act of Security. Neither party had reason to be satisfied with 
the result of the long controversy, for, if the patriots lost their 
measure, the Commissioner had to go without supply. As it 
happened, the next few years were to exhibit the Act of 
1 Acts of Part, of Scotland, xi. 69. 8 Ib. p. 74. 

CH. in] The Act of Security 91 

Security as a shining example of the futility of human counsels. 
Intended by its authors as a declaration of the independence 
of the Scottish Parliament, it was to be one of the principal 
causes of its extinction. As the indubitable expression of the 
mind of the Scottish nation, it for the first time brought home 
to the English statesmen the momentous fact that the existing 
relations between the two countries could no longer be main- 
tained without danger to the wellbeing of both. 

An incident that followed the close of the session aggra- 
vated all the animosities which had been provoked. 
Before the Parliament had met, a general Act 
of Indemnity had been granted for past political offences, with 
the result that numbers of Jacobites had returned from their 
exile on the Continent. Everybody knew that the House of 
Stewart had many passionate supporters throughout the country; 
and the proceedings in connection with the Act of Security had 
naturally quickened the alarm of Queensberry. In an unhappy 
moment for himself he lent his ear to a story which is another 
of the many mysteries of Scottish history. Simon Fraser of 
Beaufort, afterwards the notorious Lord Lovat, in a secret 
interview communicated to him a plot 1 in which the Duke of 
Atholl 2 was to be the principal agent, and the object of which 
was to effect a rising in the Highlands in favour of the exiled 
House. Eraser's antecedents and his previous relations with 
Atholl should have warned Queensberry against accepting his 
affirmations ; but Atholl had made himself specially troublesome 
in connection with the Act of Security, and Queensberry was pre- 
pared to believe the worst of him. Queensberry communicated 
Eraser's information to the sovereign; and in due course the 
English House of Lords, mainly composed of Whigs and eager 
to discredit the Tories, appointed a committee to examine the 

In England known as the Scots' Plot, and in Scotland as the 
Queensberry Plot. 

1 He had succeeded his father, the first Marquis of Atholl, in 1703, 
and been created Duke at the close of the session. 

92 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

evidence. After a prolonged enquiry the committee arrived at the 
general and probably correct conclusion that "there had been 
dangerous plots between some in Scotland, and the Court of 
France and St Germains, and that the encouragement of this 
plotting came from the not settling the succession to the crown 
of Scotland in the house of Hanover 1 ." 

All the circumstances of the affair tended at once to 
embitter the strife of parties in Scotland and 

r ^ to widen the breach between the two countries. 

That the English House of Lords should sit in judgment on 
a matter in which Scotsmen were the parties at the bar was 
regarded only as another proof of insolent assumption. The 
strife between the Court party and the Jacobites had been 
sufficiently embittered during the late Parliamentary session; 
but the proceedings of Queensberry in connection with the 
plot converted party hate into irreconcilable personal rancour. 
In these circumstances he had become impossible as the head 
of the Scottish administration; and, when the Estates met in 
July, 1704, the Marquis of Tweeddale 2 displaced him as Royal 
Commissioner. Of all the leading politicians Tweeddale was 
the most generally acceptable to the various factions ; accord- 
ing to the Jacobite Lockhart, " he was the least ill-meaning man 
of his party, either through inclination or capacity 3 ." But 
Tweeddale and the other new officials who had been appointed 
along with him were not to find their task any easier than their 
predecessors. One tactical stroke, indeed, was achieved which 
led to important results in the future : from the ranks of the 
Country party and the Jacobites Tweeddale succeeded in 
detaching an important section which under the name of the 
New Party gave its support to the Government throughout the 
ensuing session 4 . But this advantage was more than counter- 
balanced by a coalition which is a significant illustration of the 

1 Burnet, History of his own Time, V. 133. 
! John Hay, second Marquis of Tweeddale. 
3 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 97. 4 Ib. p. 98. 

CH. in] Jacobites and the Country Party 93 

motives that influenced Scottish statesmen in this crisis of their 
country's destinies. By a scandalous compact the friends and 
supporters of Queensberry agreed to join hands with the 
Jacobites on the condition that the affair of the Plot should be 
tenderly dealt with in the interests of those who had exploited it 1 . 
It was this unhallowed alliance of the Country party and 
the Jacobites, led by Atholl and Hamilton, that Tweeddale had 
to face in his task of carrying out his instructions. These 
instructions were the same as had been laid upon his prede- 
cessor to secure the succession and to obtain supply. In the 
interests of England the attainment of these objects was more 
urgently necessary than ever. Jacobitism was becoming more 
and more menacing in Scotland; and the 3000 royal troops 
quartered in that country were clamouring for pay. But the 
majority of the House had but one idea in their minds of what 
was for their country's good the royal sanction of the Act of 
Security. Again the former tactics were followed; supply 
would be granted on the sole condition that the Act of Security 
should be authorised. As affairs now stood both at home and 
abroad, Godolphin, the English Treasurer, was in the most 
embarrassing of dilemmas. The battle of Blenheim was im- 
pending; and the defeat of England and her allies by France 
would have been a potent encouragement to Jacobitism in 
Scotland. That there should be an effective force in Scotland, 
therefore, was necessary for England's security ; and it was 
necessary, moreover, that this force should be supported by 
Scotland herself, as an army maintained by English money 
would have been a direct incentive to national rebellion. On 
the other hand, to sanction the Act of Security was to incur 
a charge of betraying England's interests which might be used 
with dangerous effect by Godolphin's political enemies. Whether 
of set purpose or not, he advised the Queen to consent to 
the Act which was to be the immediate and direct cause of the 
union of the two nations. Thereupon the House voted supply. 

1 Lockhart, op. at. I. 98. 

94 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Sanctioned by the Crown, the Act of Security might now 
be regarded as the expression of the national 
will, and as such it was interpreted by all parties 
in England. In the words of Defoe the Act "put her [Scot- 
land] into a posture fit to be treated with, either by England or 
by any other nation 1 ." It was, in truth, the menace of the 
second alternative that first aroused in English statesmen a 
sense that Scotland could no longer be treated as a depend- 
ency. "Scotland," in Defoe's quaint words, "began to be 
talked up in the world a little." So profoundly convinced were 
all Englishmen of the menace implied in the Scots Act that 
the Tory House of Commons and the Whig House of Lords 
with one accord took up the challenge. In both Houses Bills 
were carried in terms and spirit as unflinching and defiant as 
that of the Scots. The Bill of the Commons, which was 
eventually adopted by both Houses, bore the significant title 
" An Act for the effectual securing the Kingdom of England 
from the apparent dangers that may arise from several Acts 
lately passed in the Parliament of Scotland." By the terms of 
this Act, unless the Crown of Scotland were settled by Christ- 
mas Day of 1 705, all Scotsmen would thenceforward be held 
as aliens, and all importation of Scotch cattle, sheep, coals, 
and linen be prohibited. More prudent or more calculating 
than the Scottish patriots, however, the English Parliament 
offered an olive branch along with the sword. By the same 
Act the Queen was empowered to appoint Commissioners to 
negotiate a union between the two countries which meanwhile 
seemed on the brink of international hostilities 2 . 

By a perverse coincidence another untoward affair still 
further estranged the two irritated peoples. A Scottish vessel, 
the Annandale, belonging to the African Company, which still 

1 Defoe, The History of the Union of Great Britain (Edin. 1709), 
Part i. p. 53. 

2 Cf. a Tract entitled, The Reducing of Scotland by Arms and annexing 
it to England^ etc. (Lond. 1705), pp. i et seq. 

CH. in] Captain Green 95 

lived a precarious existence after the disaster of Darien, was 
seized in the Thames, at the instance of a rival English 
Company, on the ground of infringed privileges. The African 
Company in vain demanded redress; but, by what was deemed 
a providential intervention, an opportunity of retribution was 
put in its hands. There appeared in the Forth an English 
vessel, the Worcester y commanded by Captain Thomas Green. 
At the instance of the Company, which claimed powers of 
reprisal, the vessel was seized by its secretary and a number of 
associates, and the captain and officers were brought forcibly on 
shore. Thus far the Scottish Privy Council had refused to 
interfere; but some words dropped by certain of the crew 
having raised the suspicion that the Worcester\&&. been engaged 
in acts of piracy, there appeared to be a case for judicial 
investigation. Further words of the crew, moreover, suggested 
a more definite suspicion. A vessel belonging to the African 
Company, the Speedy Return^ had long been missing; and the 
idea took possession of the public mind that Drummond and 
his crew had been among the victims of the suspected pirate. 
After a trial before the High Court of Admiralty, begun on 
March 5, 1705, and lasting over a week, Green and fourteen 
of his men were found guilty of murder and piracy. The 
injustice of the whole proceedings has a simple explanation : 
Scotland was now in one of those public frenzies to which 
every people is subject, and the frenzy in this case was a wild 
desire for retaliation against England, which blinded even the 
coolest of the Scots to the simplest laws of evidence 1 . In 
England indignation was proportionably great. Twice the 
Queen interposed in favour of the doomed men ; but, terrorised 
by the mob who clamoured for their blood, the Scottish Privy 
Council could only yield so far that three victims, the captain 
and two of his officers, instead of fifteen, suffered the last 

Baillie ot" Jerviswood, writing to Johnstone, the Scottish Secretary, 
says that "the murder, as well as piracy, is made clear to conviction." 
ftrviswood Correspondence (Ban. Club, 1842), p. 65. 

96 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

extremities of the law. It was a gross miscarriage of justice, 
for, as conclusive evidence afterwards proved, Green and his 
associates were innocent of the death of Drummond and the 
plunder of his ship 1 . 

It was at this period of intensest strain between the two 
countries that the Scottish Parliament entered 
on the work of its third and penultimate session 
(June 28). The events of the preceding year had again 
necessitated important changes in the administration. Tweed- 
dale had failed as completely as Queensberry to effect the 
objects of the Crown, and by his subsequent conduct he had 
given deep offence to the English advisers of the Queen. He 
and the New Party, of which he was the leader, were believed 
to be mainly responsible for inciting the proceedings against 
Captain Green, with the express purpose of making bad blood 
between the two nations. Tweeddale and his chief associates 
were therefore set aside, the Duke of Argyle 2 being appointed 
Commissioner, Queensberry Privy Seal, and Seafield Chancellor 
the three men who beyond all others were to be the principal 
agents in carrying out the Union. In his character and his 
ambitions Argyle presented a striking contrast to his two 
colleagues, and they found him on occasion a somewhat in- 
convenient yoke-fellow. While Seafield and Queensberry were 
professional politicians and adepts at all the tricks of their 
trade, Argyle's head, we are told, "ran more upon the camp 
than the Court 3 ." His political methods were those of the 
soldier rather than those of the courtier ; able, impulsive, and 
outspoken, he was incapable of intrigue and impatient of 
opposition. That one so young and so inexperienced was 
chosen to fill so important a post might make one wonder, but 
there was a cogent reason for the choice 4 . The main body on 

1 It is probable, however, that Green and his crew had been guilty of 
other acts of piracy. 

2 John, second Duke of Argyle. * Lockhart, op. cit. I. no. 
The Englishman who visited Edinburgh during his session says: 

"The Duke of Argyle was thought, as we were told, not only too young 

CH. in] State of Parties 97 

whose support the Government had to depend were the Presby- 
terians who had hitherto looked to Hamilton as their somewhat 
uncertain leader. But if anyone could divide the allegiance 
of the Presbyterians, it was the descendant of the two most 
illustrious victims of the fallen dynasty. That the advisers of 
Anne did wisely in honouring the young Duke was to be 
signally proved in the two all-important sessions that were to 
close the existence of the Scottish Parliament. 

In the new session the various political parties assumed 
the definitive form which they were to maintain till the Union 
became an accomplished fact. As was afterwards to appear, 
the Government could count on a majority, varying in 
numbers, and acting from conflicting motives, but in the main 
affording its support to the policy of the Crown. To this 
majority, composed of the officers of state and all their 
hangers-on, of the supporters of Presbytery and of the 
principles of the Revolution, their opponents gave the oppro- 
brious designation of the " Court Party " or simply *' The 
Courtiers." A second political section was that "New Party," 
created by Tweeddale in the previous session, which now 
appears under the name by which it is best known the 
"Squadrone Volante." The exotic name is an illustration of 
that interest in Italian literature which has already been noted 
in educated Scots of the period ; and, in spite of its affectation, 
it happily enough suggests the tactics which the party systemati- 
cally pursued. Holding itself strictly aloof, it professed to act 
from purely disinterested motives, and in accordance with this 
detached attitude now voted with the Ministry and now against 
it. Fortunately for the success of the Government measures, 
the chiefs of the Squadrone Tweeddale, the Earls of Rothes 

for so high a station, but too warm to bear the reflections of the leading 
mal- contents, but on the contrary he behaved himself in this critical juncture 
with so sedate and even a temper that he justly gained an universal repu- 
tation and brought the session to a happy conclusion." A Journey to 
Edcnborough) pp. 113 4. 

B. S. III. 7 

98 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and Roxburgh, Baillie of Jerviswood, and Secretary Johnston, 
all of whom were ejected officials were more or less favour- 
able to union, and by their support eventually assured its 
consummation. Finally there was the party opposed to union 
in every shape, because it would involve the doom of all their 
hopes the party known to their opponents as the Jacobites, 
but who labelled themselves with the innocent euphemism 
the "Cavaliers." Though the House was thus divided by 
these clearly-defined parties one thing became clear as the 
work of the session proceeded : the preponderant opinion was 
in favour of union in one shape or other 1 . 

Let us look at the scene without and within the Parliament 
House, as it is described by an Englishman who visited 
Edinburgh during the session about to commence 2 . " He saw 
him (the Commissioner) go to the Parliament House in this 
manner," this observer writes. "First a coach and six horses 
for his gentlemen, then a Trumpet, then his own coach with 
six white horses, which were very fine, being those presented 
by King William to the Duke of Queensberry, and by him sold 
to the Duke of Argyle, as we were informed, for .300. Next 
goes a troop of Horse Guards, clothed like my Lord of Oxford's 
regiment, but the horses are of several colours ; and the Lord 
Chancellor, and the Lord Chief Justice Clerk and other Officers 
of State close the cavalcade in coaches and six horses. Thus 
the Commissioner goes and returns every day, and also goes 
in the same manner to Church." Diverging from the High 
Street, the picturesque procession entered the Parliament 
Close, "the pride of Edinburgh," with the church of St Giles 
in front, and adorned with the equestrian statue of Charles II 
as at the present day. The Parliament House itself, erected in 
the reign of Charles I, was not unworthy to be the meeting- 

1 This is the testimony of the Jacobite Lockhart. It was plain, he says, 
"that there was too great an inclination in the House to have a Treaty and 
accept of an Union." Memoirs, I. 135. 

a A Journey to Edenborough, pp. in i. 

CH. in] The Parliament House 99 

place of the representative body of a nation. On the south 
side of the Hall was the Commissioner's throne, where he sat 
in silence through the prolonged debates, with the silken 
purse containing his commission lying on the cushion before 
him. Beneath him sat the Lord Chancellor, the president of 
the House ; on his right, the Lord Treasurer, and on his left, 
the Secretary of State. At one end of the long table that 
occupied the body of the Hall and on which were disposed the 
Crown, Sceptre and Sword, was the Lord Justice-Clerk ; at the 
other, the Earl Marischal. To the right and left of the Com- 
missioner the benches rose in tiers, on which the members 
were arranged in accordance with their rank. On the upper- 
most seats to the right were the Dukes, Marquises and Earls, 
and under them the representatives of the shires ; and on those 
to the left, the viscounts and barons, and beneath them the 
representatives of the burghs. At the opposite end of the Hall, 
facing the throne, but outside the area, was the pulpit from 
which sermons were occasionally delivered during the course 
of the session ; and behind the pulpit was a partition, beyond 
which strangers were not permitted to enter while the House 
was sitting 1 . At the opening of each day's business prayers 
were first said ; then the rolls were called, and the Chancellor 
announced the question demanding the attention of the House. 
Members might only speak once to the matter in hand, and 
only when they were expressly called upon by the Chancellor. 
When a vote was taken each member was individually asked 
whether he approved or disapproved of the motion before the 
House. Such were the regulations for the conduct of busi- 
ness, but in the excited debates of the last Scottish Parliament 
they were constantly set at naught by the more impetuous 
members of all parties ; and in the long evening sederunts, 
when the Hall was dimly lit by the sporadic candles, there were 

1 Early Travellers in Scotland (Edin. 1891), pp. 280 i. Before 
entering the House, strangers were presented with batons to indicate that 
they were not members. 


ioo The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

frequent scenes of uproar and violence in which all restraint 
and decorum were thrown to the winds. 

The express charge laid upon the new Commissioner was, 
in fact, to persuade the Scottish Estates to follow the example 
of England and petition the Queen for the appointment of 
Commissioners to negotiate a union. As the result was to 
prove, the majority of the members favoured this step; but 
there were other clamorous interests which evoked the keenest 
feeling and long baffled the Ministry in its principal object. 
The backward condition of trade gave rise to a succession of 
measures regulating the export of wool and the importation of 
various commodities and culminating in the appointment of 
a Council of Trade 1 . But it was an alternative proposal of 
Fletcher that most seriously endangered the object of the 
Ministry. In Fletcher's opinion no form of union that 
could be devised would secure what was Scotland's chief 
concern, namely her independence. Again, therefore, he 
produced a scheme of "limitations" by which succeeding 
rulers should be bound to accept the will of the people as 
expressed by its representatives. Fletcher's proposal gave 
rise to prolonged and obstreperous debate, but the sense 
of the House gradually declared itself in favour of the Govern- 
ment measure. By a trick of destiny the measure was intro- 
duced by the Earl of Mar, who was subsequently to repent his 
action, sword in hand. Under the significant title, "Act for 
a Treaty with England," it answered to the full all the desires 
of Anne's advisers. What they had especially desired was that 
the Scots Parliament should imitate that of England and 
empower the Queen to nominate the Scottish Commissioners. 
To the disgust of the Jacobites, with whom he had all along 
coquetted, Hamilton gave his vote for this arrangement, in the 
hope, it was alleged, that he would be one of the treaters him- 
self 2 . As determining conditions under which the Commis- 
sioners were to act, it was ordained that Church discipline and 

1 See above, p. 61. a Lockhart, op. cit. I. 136. 

CH. in] Commissioners of Union 101 

government should not come within their cognisance, and that 
there should be three reports of their proceedings, one for the 
Queen and one for each of the Parliaments, to whose final 
decision all their conclusions should be submitted. One great 
obstacle to the acceptance of the measure had been the Alien 
Act passed the previous year by the Parliament of England. 
In view of that Act, it was maintained, was it not a national 
humiliation for Scotland even to make a show of seeking union 
with a nation that had thus insulted her ? If Scotland were to 
make overtures of union, therefore, they must be conditional 
on England's rescinding the insulting Act. Fortunately more 
moderate counsels prevailed, and the House contented itself 
with an address to the Queen, praying that the objectionable 
Act should be repealed as a necessary condition for the suc- 
cessful issue of the future negotiations. 

" From this day," writes the Jacobite Lockhart, " may we 
date the commencement of Scotland's ruin 1 " words which in 
his language meant that union was now inevitable. But this 
was an opinion based on later events, and was so far from being 
general at the time when the Act for Union was passed that 
Lockhart was equally near the truth when he says that there 
was not a man in Britain who expected that the Act would 
ever take effect 2 . Never, indeed, had the feeling between the 
two nations been more bitter than at the close of the year 
1705, when the negotiations for union were about to begin. 
In more unfavourable circumstances, it might well seem, a 
great policy had never been launched. Yet in the conscious- 
ness of both nations there lay behind their fiercest recrimina- 
tions the uneasy conviction that union meant self-preservation, 
and that the hour had come when the great issue must be 
determined. Through all the questionable motives and actions 
of the men who were mainly instrumental in accomplishing the 
great object we can discern a profound faith that they were 
working in harmony with the dominant forces of the time. 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 133. 2 Ib. I. 140. 

IO2 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 


UNION, 1706. 

It was an auspicious circumstance for the coming negotia- 
tions that a Whig majority was sent up to the English Parlia- 
ment which met in October, 1705. The Treaty of Union was 
specifically a measure of the Whigs; and, as they now had 
a secure majority in both Houses, it became their prime con- 
cern to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion. As a decisive 
pledge that England at least was sincerely desirous of union, 
the Alien Act was repealed Lord Somers, who had been 
mainly responsible for it, taking a principal part in its repeal. 

As authorised by the Parliaments of both countries, the 
two Commissions were duly nominated by the 
Queen that for Scotland on February 27, and 
that for England on April 10, 1706. Each Commission con- 
sisted of thirty-one members, but for excellent reasons they 
were somewhat differently composed. On the part of England 
there could be little difficulty in securing a body of men of 
high rank and office who would engage in their task with 
a sincere desire -for its accomplishment. The English Com- 
mission, therefore, consisted mainly of persons whose name 
and authority would impress English public opinion. There 
were the two archbishops 1 ; Godolphin, Lord High Treasurer; 
Cowper, Lord Keeper; the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Presi- 
dent of the Council; the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Privy 
Seal ; and various officers of the Royal Household and digni- 
taries of the law the most notable member of all being Lord 
Somers, who, though he held no office, was the moving and 
guiding spirit throughout the whole proceedings. In the case 
of the Scottish Commission the choice was a more delicate 
business. To secure thirty-one Scots of sufficient standing who 
would be likely to work in harmony towards a common result 

1 The Archbishop of York, a zealous High Churchman, did not sym- 
pathise with his fellow-Commissioners, and abstained (like Lockhart) from 
signing the Treaty. 

CH. m] English and Scottish Commissions 103 

was a task that required considerable circumspection. As the 
person most likely to guide him aright in his choice, Godolphin 
took counsel from Argyle, the late Commissioner, and Queens- 
berry, who had previously held the same office. The result 
was a Commission so curiously composed that it gave rise 
to a suspicion of the good faith of the English Ministry. With 
the exception of Argyle, who declined the commission, the 
chiefs of the Scottish Government were chosen; but of the other 
Commissioners a few were known as steady opponents of the 
Revolution and its principles 1 . Besides Argyle another notable 
personage was left out the Duke of Hamilton, whose ante- 
cedents and character sufficiently explain his being passed 
over ; while, on the other hand, the Jacobite Lockhart, to the 
disgust of many of his party, accepted nomination, salving his 
political conscience by the consideration that he might do good 
service in the enemy's camp 2 . Whatever may have been the 

1 Burnet, V. 273. It was at the suggestion of Stair and Marchmont 
that certain Commissioners were expressly chosen because they were opposed 
to the Union. Stair Annals, I. 215; Marchmont Papers, 111.293. "lam 
very positive," writes Marchmont to Argyle, "that to mix some of those of 
greatest interest who are not reckoned favourable to an entire union will 
be better than to leave them out ; for, besides that it will take off the 
pretence of having been neglected and slighted in an affair of so great 
importance, there will be a fairer probability of persuading and convincing 
in a treaty, wherein themselves have had a hand, than in a Parliament when 
a matter comes prepared before it." 

1 The Scottish Commissioners were: The Duke of Queensberry, the 
Earls of Seafield, Mar, Loudon, Sutherland, Wemyss, Morton, Leven, 
Stair, Rosebery, and Glasgow, Lord Archibald Campbell, Viscount Duplin, 
Lord Ross, Sir Hugh Dalrymple, Adam Cockburn of Ormiston, Sir Robert 
Dundas of Arniston, Robert Steuart of Tillicoulty, Francis Montgomery, 
Sir David Dalrymple, Sir Alexander Ogilvie of Forglen, Sir Patrick 
Johnstone (Lord Provost of Edinburgh), Sir James Smollett of Bonhill, 
George Lockhart of Carnwath, William Morrison of Prestongrange, 
Alexander Grant, jr. of that Ilk, William Seton, jr. of Pitmeclden, 
John Clerk, jr. of Penicuik, Hugh Montgomery, formerly Provost of 
Glasgow, Daniel Stewart, brother-german of the Laird of Castlemilk, 
and Daniel Campbell of Ardentinny. 

IO4 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

suspicions regarding the composition of the Scottish Com- 
mission, the result of the common deliberations amply justified 
the discernment of those who were responsible for it. 

The two Commissions met on the i6th of April, 1706, in 
the Council Chamber of the Cockpit at Whitehall. Throughout 
their whole proceedings it was evident that they went to work 
with a seriousness of purpose which had been absent from the 
Commissions of 1702. Some preliminary Articles determined 
the manner in which business was to be conducted : all pro- 
posals coming from either Commission and every conclusion 
adopted were to be reduced to writing ; no finding was to be 
held obligatory till all the Articles assumed their final form ; a 
committee from each Commission was to revise the minutes, 
subject to the approval of both Commissions ; and, finally, all 
the proceedings were to be kept secret during the time of the 
negotiations 1 . An unwritten rule, the prudence of which we 
can understand, is another illustration of the serious spirit in 
which the two Commissions regarded their task : throughout 
the whole of their proceedings there was no interchange of 
hospitalities between their respective members 2 . 

At the instance of Cowper, the Lord Keeper, the assembly 
addressed itself at once to the paramount object of the Treaty. 
On the behalf of the English Commissioners Cowper submitted 
the following proposals : that the two kingdoms should be united 
under the name of Great Britain ; that the United Kingdom 
should be represented by one Parliament ; and that the succes- 
sion to the Crown should devolve on the House of Hanover in 
accordance with the English Act of Settlement. It must have 
been known to the Scottish Commissioners that on these condi- 
tions alone would England consent to a Treaty; but, now that the 
die had to be cast, they realised all the difficulties of their posi- 

1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, XI. Appendix, 165. 

2 Mar and Keltic Papers, Aug. 3, 1706. " None of the English during 
the Treaty had one of the Scots so much as to dine or drink a glass of wine 
with them." 

CH. in] The Work of the Commissions 105 

tion. The great majority of their countrymen, they knew, were 
opposed to incorporation, and desired a merely federal union 
which would have preserved to Scotland its independent Parlia- 
ment. Moreover, it was the conviction of many, perhaps the 
majority* of the Scottish Commissioners themselves that in the 
meantime it would be more prudent to aim at a federal union 
which would at least be the means of ensuring the succession 1 . 
It was from this conviction that the Scottish Commissioners 
made a counter-proposal which favoured a federal rather than 
an incorporating union. The answer was peremptory; the 
discussion of the counter-proposal was simply declined. The 
Scots were thus face to face with two alternatives to wreck 
the negotiations or accept the English offer. With full know- 
ledge of the national odium they would incur, the Scots 
withdrew their proposal and agreed to " an entire union of the 
two Kingdoms 2 ." 

The foundation of the Treaty having thus been laid, it 
remained to settle the mutual conditions on which the Union 
should be based. As the most important of these conditions 
the question of trade came first under consideration. It was 
of good augury that both Commissions were of one mind 
regarding a point on which, so far as Scotland was concerned, 
the main benefit of union must depend. In agreeing to accept 
incorporation, the Scottish Commission made it an indis- 
pensable condition that freedom of trade, both at home and 
abroad, should accrue to all subjects of the United Kingdom ; 
and the prompt response was that the demand "was a neces- 
sary consequence for an entire Union 3 ." 

The question of taxation and the regulation of trade did 
not admit of such an easy solution. The disparate wealth, 
the conflicting interests, the divergent economies of the two 

This was the opinion of the two most sagacious Scotsmen of the 
time Principal Carstares and the Earl of Stair. Mar and KeLlie Papers* 
March 2, 1706; Stair Annals, I. 211. 

* Acts of Parl. of Scotland, XI. Appendix, 165 6. 8 Ib. p. 166. 

106 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

countries, raised problems which at best could be settled only 
in a tentative fashion. The first sweeping proposal of the 
English Commissioners was that taxes and trade regulations 
should be uniform in both countries. To this proposal, unjust 
on the face of it, the Scots replied by suggesting the appoint- 
ment of two Committees, one from each side, which should 
report the respective revenues and debts of the two countries, 
as indispensable to a satisfactory settlement. This reasonable 
proposal commended itself to the English ; and Committees of 
eleven were appointed from either Commission. When the 
respective reports were presented, the difficulties of negotiation 
became fully apparent. The revenue of England was esti- 
mated at ,5,691,803, that of Scotland at ;i 60,000, while 
against an English national debt of .17,763,842 Scotland 
reckoned hers only at ^160,000. To effect an equitable 
arrangement in the face of these disparities had seemed to 
many an impossible task; and those who favoured a federal 
union confidently anticipated that here was the rock on which 
the Treaty must be wrecked. It seemed, however, as if both 
Commissions were inspired by the very difficulty of their task. 
With consummate ability and in the friendliest spirit of con- 
cession they faced each problem as it arose. A great stride 
was taken when the Scots gave a general acquiescence to the 
original proposal for uniformity of taxation and trade regula- 
tions. With this agreement, however, they made two demands 
which gave rise to prolonged negotiations : in the case of 
certain commodities Scotland should be exempted from taxa- 
tion ; and neither nation should be burdened with the debts 
of the other. In the case of salt, a more lucrative industry in 
Scotland than in England, an important concession was made 
in favour of the former country; for seven years after the Union 
was accomplished, salt made in Scotland was to be free of duty, 
though on the condition that throughout the same period it 
should in no shape be exported across the border into England. 
Similarly Scotland was to be exempted from the existing 

CH. in] The Work of the Commissions 107 

English duties on stamped paper, vellum and parchment, on 
windows and lights, and on coal culm and cinders consumed 
at home. But it was in the case of the land tax that Scotland 
received the most generous treatment. Great as was the 
inequality of the value of land in the two countries, when the 
English Commissioners agreed that the land tax in Scotland 
should be less than a fortieth of that contributed by England, 
they were certainly straining a point in favour of the poorer 
country. Finally, in the case of malt, it was concluded that 
Scotland should be exempt from duty till the 24th of June, 
1707 an arrangement which was to be a bitter source of mis- 
understanding between the two nations. 

The other demand made by the Scots, besides exemption 
from certain taxes, was for such a sum of money as would 
recoup their country for becoming a partner in England's debts 
and for the various losses she had sustained at the hands of 
English trading companies. From the first the English 
Commissioners had acknowledged the reasonableness of this 
demand; and there were, moreover, diplomatic reasons why 
they should accede to it. If the Scottish Commissioners could 
go home with the bait of a substantial sum to dangle before 
their countrymen, it would be a potent inducement towards 
a favourable consideration of the Treaty when it was eventually 
submitted to the judgment of the Estates. Under the name 
of the " Equivalent " -a term of reprobation among all the 
opponents of the Union the precise sum of .398,085. los. 
was at length, after much deliberation, accepted by both sides 
as an equitable compensation for Scotland's past losses and 
future obligations. Of this sum part was to go to the payment 
of the national debts of Scotland and part to meet the claims 
of the African Company, on condition that it should close its 
books; while any surplus was to be spent in promoting the 
fishing and other industries, and in indemnifying individuals 
tor such losses as they might sustain by the change of the 
national coinage. 

io8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Of all the matters that had to be handled by the Com- 
missions the question of representation in the United Parlia- 
ment was that which most sorely tried their mutual forbearance. 
On the one hand, the sensitive patriotism of the Scots led them 
to make demands which could not be justified by measure 
and line; while, on their side, the English insisted on 
regarding the question as a purely business transaction. In 
the case of the Parliamentary union effected by Cromwell, 
thirty members had been deemed an adequate representation 
for Scotland a number which was reduced to twenty-one 
under the Protectorate of his son Richard. The arrangement 
proposed by the English Commissioners was rather more 
generous: a representation of thirty-eight, they maintained, 
would be an ample recognition of Scotland, seeing she was to 
contribute only a fortieth of the national taxation. But this 
was a point of view which did not commend itself to the 
Scots; what they saw was that Scotland was giving up her 
national assembly, and that a contingent of thirty-eight would 
be impotent in the United Parliament. As a concession to 
their insistence, the English Commissioners at length agreed to 
raise the number to forty-five an offer which the Scots were 
given to understand would be rejected at the risk of the whole 
Treaty. Even more unsatisfactory to the Scots, and especially 
to the nobles of their number, was the ultimatum of the 
English with regard to representation in the House of Lords. 
Sixteen in all this was the sum total that was adjudged to be 
a fair representation of the nobility of Scotland in the pro- 
spective British House of Peers. To the fortunate few, how- 
ever, there were to accrue certain privileges which might 
reconcile them to the deprivation of their fellows. Once 
elected, they as Peers of Great Britain would have exemption 
from all civil processes and the privilege of being tried by their 
own order. 

The questions of taxation and representation had raised the 
chief difficulties in the course of the negotiation ; in the case 

CH. in] Terms of the Treaty settled 109 

of arrangements requisite to complete the Union there was 
little friction between the contracting parties. It was har- 
moniously agreed that in the United Kingdom there should 
be a uniform coinage, a uniform standard of weights and 
measures, and a common Great Seal. On the other hand, 
Scotland was to retain her various Courts of Law, with the 
addition of a Court of Exchequer which was to deal exclu- 
sively with fiscal questions. The rights and privileges of the 
Scottish royal burghs were to remain untouched, as likewise 
the feudal jurisdictions of the barons concessions which were 
imperative if the Treaty were to receive the sanction of the 
Scottish Estates 1 . Finally, as sign and symbol of the com- 
pleted Union, the arms of the two nations were to be conjoined, 
as her Majesty saw fit, on "all flags, banners, standards, and 
ensigns both at sea and land 2 ." 

Such were the results of the joint labours of the two 
Commissions as embodied in twenty-five Articles, drawn up by 
a special Committee of four from each side. The first meeting 
had taken place on the i6th of April and the last on the 23rd 
of July, so that in the space of nine weeks the Commissioners 
had accomplished a task, which in the opinion of the majority 
of both nations had seemed a "chimera of the English 
ministry." The conclusion of the Treaty was signalised by 
formalities befitting the importance of the occasion. Summoned 
to assemble in the Council Chamber at St James's, the Com- 
missioners, two and two, an Englishman on the right and a 
Scotsman on the left 3 , proceeded to the presence of the Queen, 

1 It was the vote of the nobility that carried the Union in the Scottish 

2 The clearest and most succinct account of the negotiations of the 
Commissioners will be found in Vol. XI. of the Acts of ParL of Scotland, 
Appendix, pp. 163 200. The Articles of Union are given in pp. 201 5. 
A fuller account of the negotiations is given by Defoe (Part II of his book 
on the Union). 

1 In the presence of the Queen, however, Mar complacently notes, the 
Scots stood on her right. 

no The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

surrounded by her Court and all the foreign ambassadors. 
Presenting copies of the Articles, the Lord Keeper of England 
and the Lord Chancellor of Scotland in turn addressed her 
Majesty who graciously congratulated them on the success of 
their labours 1 . 


It might be regarded either as a gracious or a politic act that 
the English Ministers conceded to the Parliament 
of Scotland the first opportunity of sitting in 
judgment on the Treaty of Union. The precedence was 
doubtless nattering to Scottish national pride ; but, on the other 
hand, it gave the English Parliament the advantage of revising 
the conclusions of the rival House. As it was understood that 
the Estates were to assemble in the autumn of 1706, there was 
anxious speculation among all parties as to the probable fate of 
the momentous measure. As had been originally stipulated, 
the Articles of the Treaty were to be kept carefully secret till 
the opening of Parliament a circumstance which raised dark 
suspicions among all those to whom union was detestable in 
any shape. Still, it was with feelings of suspense rather than 
of violent emotion that the country awaited the great issue in 
which its political destiny was to be in the balance. Even the 
shrewdest and most interested observers were puzzled to decide 
what was likely to be the fate of the Treaty in an assembly so 
full of cross currents as the Parliament of Scotland. To 
Godolphin, when asking information on this very point, Mar, the 
Scottish Secretary, could only say, " until the Parliament once 
meet and so the members be all come here, it is hard to make 
such a conjecture that your Lordship can rely on 2 ." On one 
point, however, Mar and his colleagues were assured, and the 
assurance was in the highest degree disquieting : the majority 

1 Mar and Keltic Papers, July 25, 1706. 
8 Ib. Sept. 16, 1706. 

CH. in] Opinions regarding Union in 

of the clergy of all denominations were bitterly opposed to an 
incorporating union such as had been concluded in the Treaty. 
The Episcopalians opposed it because it would for ever close 
the door against the House of Stewart; the Cameronians 
regarded it as an impious paction which would give the 
Covenants to the winds ; and the clergy of the Established 
Church dreaded it as inevitably involving the destruction of 
the Presbyterian settlement. It was this last body, which for 
sufficient reasons had steadfastly supported the Government 
since the Revolution, whose opposition the Ministry had the 
greatest cause to dread. Its clergy were for the most part 
"young men of little experience and warm zeal 1 ," who, as was 
afterwards to be seen, did not hesitate to incite their parishioners 
to open rebellion when the passing of the Treaty seemed immi- 
nent. Fortunately the National Church was directed by more 
moderate heads than these youthful divines, and under the 
guidance of the veteran ecclesiastic Carstares 2 was induced to 
accept an arrangement which gave it a stability and prestige 
which it had never known since Protestantism had become the 
religion of the Scottish people. 

The last Scottish Parliament met for its last session on the 
3rd of October, 1706. There had been important changes in 
the Ministry since the previous year. As the man most likely 
to carry the Treaty to a successful issue, Queensberry was 
reappointed to his former post of Royal Commissioner; and 
throughout an ordeal which was to demand the steadiest nerve 
not less than the rarest judgment and resolution, he was to 
extort the admiration of his bitterest opponents. The new 
Secretary of State was the Earl of Mar, who proved himself in- 
defatigable in furthering the Union which he was afterwards to 
do his best to destroy. As indispensable to the business in 

1 So the Earl of Marchmont describes them. Marchmont Papers, III. 


2 On Carstares' services to the Union see Dr Story's Life of Carstares, 
pp. 290 et seq. 


112 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

hand, Seafield, who now saw eye to eye with Queen sherry, 
retained the office of Chancellor. 

The same parties that had appeared in previous sessions 
again divided the House; but, as was soon to appear, their 
relations to each other had somewhat changed. The Jacobites 
were there, more irreconcilable than ever to a Union which 
would be a death-blow to all their hopes ; but their opposition 
was paralysed by the rivalries of their chiefs, Hamilton and 
Atholl 1 . Associated with the Jacobites was the Country Party 
led by Fletcher and Lord Belhaven, who opposed the Union 
from no dynastic considerations but from the conviction that it 
involved the betrayal and ruin of their country 2 . A third party 
was that large body of Whigs who had all along given their 
steady support to the Government, and who regarded the 
Union as the natural issue of the Revolution. Lastly, there 
was that capricious section, the Squadrone Volante, on which, 
as Unionist and anti-Unionist equally perceived, the fate of the 
Treaty might eventually depend, since, with its following of 
twenty-four members, it must hold the balance on the occasion 
of every critical vote. But, dubious as had been its action in the 
previous sessions, its leaders from the first had been in favour 
of union, and the Government had good hope that it might 
reckon on their support. In the collective voting of the Estates 
a fact of special historic interest was to emerge : while the 
representatives of the shires and burghs were in general 
nearly equally divided, a clear majority of the nobles went 
steadily for the Union. To the nobles of Scotland, therefore, 
and not to the merchants and gentry, is to be assigned the 
preponderating influence in linking the destinies of the two 

Besides the chief official leaders, Queensberry, Mar, and 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 160. 

2 In the case of certain Articles in the Treaty (such as the question of 
the Succession) the Jacobites and the Country Party could not, of course, 
act in concert. 

CH. in] Parliamentary Leaders 113 

Seafield, there were other prominent personages whose ability 
or influence materially contributed to the passing of the Treaty. 
According to the Secretary Mar, the man above all others to 
whom the Union was due was the Duke of Argyle, the Royal 
Commissioner of the previous year. In popular opinion, how- 
ever, this pre-eminence belonged to a very different person 
Sir John Dalrymple, now Earl of Stair, for many of his country- 
men the "Curse of Scotland" and for Defoe "the man of 
greatest counsel in the Kingdom." Learned in law, of con- 
summate ability and iron will, "there was none in the 
Parliament capable to take up the cudgels with him 1 ." Less 
distinguished than these was Seton of Pitmedden in Aberdeen- 
shire, whose weighty speeches at once raised the tone of debate 
and supplied the most cogent arguments in support of the 
Treaty. To the chiefs of the Squadrone, also the Marquis of 
Tweeddale, the Earls of Rothes, Haddington and Roxburgh 
must be assigned a conspicuous place among the men by 
whose votes and whose influence the Union was carried. 
Among the champions of union outside Parliament the first 
place belongs to the indefatigable Daniel Defoe, expressly 
commissioned to take up his residence in Edinburgh, and aid 
the Government by his pen and his counsel. The most 
dexterous and prolific of pamphleteers, he was an indispensable 
ally in the war of broadsides which presently deluged the 
country. Of the anti-Unionists the most prominent was still 
the Duke of Hamilton, though his wayward or timorous 
character was to be conspicuously shown in the impending 
contest, and in the final issue he was to succumb to his fears 
or his doubts. More uncompromising and resolute to the end 
was his rival the Duke of Atholl, who of all their opponents 
proved the most embarrassing to the Government. The most 
consistent and resourceful of the Jacobites, however, was Lock- 
hart, the author of trie Memoirs, for whom every weapon was 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 89. 
B. S. III. 8 

114 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

permissible against the Union and the succession of the House 
of Hanover. For eloquence and passionate adjuration the 
palm belonged to Fletcher and Lord Belhaven, from whose 
speeches we can still realise all the burning passions of the 
hour. Whether in short we look to the one side or the other 
in the great controversy, we cannot but be struck by the fact 
that there has seldom met in any national crisis a body of men 
more capable by talent, by accomplishment, by experience, of 
grasping the whole issues of the momentous question they had 
to determine. 

The month of October was spent in preliminaries to the 
great contest that was to decide the fate of the Treaty. By 
a majority of the House it was resolved that the Articles 
should first be read and discussed in succession, but without 
putting them to the vote. From the first the Government was 
made to realise the arduousness of its task. The present 
Parliament, it was vehemently urged, was incompetent to 
sanction the Treaty, as it had received no mandate for that 
purpose, while by somewhat contradictory reasoning it was 
further maintained that no Parliament had the power of altering 
the "fundamentals" of the national constitution. To postpone 
the evil day was the deliberate aim of the Opposition; and, 
these general objections being over-ruled, an old device was 
adopted at once to provoke delay and to compromise the 
Treaty in the eyes of the nation. As Parliament was about to 
engage in deliberations involving the welfare of the country, 
it would be fitting that they should be preceded by a national 
fast and humiliation. It was the hope of the Opposition that 
the Commission of the General Assembly, a permanent body 
appointed to look after the interests of the Church, would 
petition the Parliament to sanction a fast ; if the Parliament 
should refuse, this would further embroil the Government with 
the Church and throw fresh obstacles in the way of the Treaty. 
Under the guidance of Carstares, however, the Commission 
contented itself with holding "a day of prayer" on its own 

CH. in] Excitement in Edinburgh 115 

account and recommending the various presbyteries throughout 
the country to follow its example 1 . 

If the Government thus had its way in Parliament, it re- 
ceived convincing proof that it was not regarded with favour 
out of doors. From the day when the Parliament sat, Edin- 
burgh had been in a furious state of excitement, which was 
assiduously fanned by the Jacobite members. The excitement 
came to a head on the 23rd of October. On the evening of 
that day the Parliament House was beset by a wild mob bent 
on mischief. " Had the mob got in," wrote Mar, " it was too 
probable that the consequences would have been tragical." 
Hamilton, " in his chair with the glasses down," made his way 
to Holyrood attended by the huzzaing multitude. Having seen 
Hamilton safely home, they turned their attention to the 
ex-Provost, Sir Patrick Johnstone, who, as one of the Com- 
missioners for the Union, had made himself specially detested. 
Fortunately Johnstone's abode was in an upper storey, so that 
only a small detachment could lay siege to his door. Mean- 
while, Mar, with Argyle, the Marquis of Lothian, and some 
half dozen others, were dining at Lord Loudon's, when the 
noise of the tumult broke in upon their conviviality. Summon- 
ing certain of the baillies, they ordered them to call the Town 
Guard and suppress the disturbance. The Guard was in time 
to save Sir Patrick's door, but was unable to disperse the 
rioters. The mob grew in numbers and excitement as the 
night wore on ; and (a thing unprecedented) the Lord Provost 
at the command of the Commissioner was constrained to 
introduce a battalion of the Royal Guards within the precincts 
of the town, with the result that the streets were promptly 
cleared and tranquillity restored. The tumult had shown how 
the Edinburgh populace regarded the prospective Union ; but, 
as no blood was drawn and little damage was done beyond the 
breaking of windows, the mob could hardly have been in its 
angriest mood. Moreover, the event turned to the advantage 
1 Mar and Kellie Papers, Oct. 13, 16, 23, 1706. 


n6 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of the Ministry, as it afforded an excuse for quartering three 
regiments of foot in the city, between whose files the Com- 
missioner daily rode in his coach between Holyrood and the 
Parliament House 1 . 

The Articles having been read and discussed, the tug of 
war came on the ist of November, when it was moved that they 
should now in succession be put to the vote, though with the 
condition that none should receive the sanction of the House 
till all had been approved. As the first Article, enacting the 
Union of the two kingdoms, was the foundation of all that 
followed, the battle over it was fought with the full conviction 
of its importance. The two champion orators on the respective 
sides were Seton of Pitmedden and Lord Belhaven, the differ- 
ent style of whose speeches displays the range of oratory in 
a Scottish debate 2 . Measured, compact and logical, Seton's 
speech would not have misbecome Lord Somers himself. Bel- 
haven's, on the other hand, was a melodramatic rhapsody 
exclusively addressed to the emotions of his audience. In the 
form of a vision he drew a desolating contrast between Scot- 
land free and independent and Scotland bound hand and foot 
to England. " I think I see," he cried in a famous passage, 
" our ancient mother Caledonia like Caesar sitting in the midst 
of our senate, ruefully looking round about her, covering herself 
with her royal garment, and breathing out her last with an Et 
tu, mi fili" Even for the most emotional of anti-Unionists 
this was a flight to which they could not rise ; and there 
was a general laugh at the orator's expense when March- 
mont rose and quietly remarked that the best answer to the 
speech they had just heard was : " Behold he dreamed, but lo ! 
when he awoke, he found it was a dream 3 ." On the vote being 

1 Mar and Kellie Papers, Oct. 26, 1706; Defoe, op. cit. Part ill, pp. 28 
et seq. 

2 Both speeches are given by Defoe, op. cit. Part IV, pp. 28 et seq. 

* Ib. p. 44; Mar and Kellie Papers, Nov. 3, 1706. Belhaven's speech, 
when printed, had a greater success outside of the House, and was apparently 
regarded as a masterpiece of eloquence. 

CH. in] Parliamentary Oratory 117 

taken on the 4th of November, a majority of thirty-three 
declared for the Government a number which significantly 
proved that the fate of the Treaty might yet be in the hands of 
the Squadrone. As it appeared, however, the Squadrone had 
made up its mind to support the main objects of the Union ; for 
again with its aid, on the i5th and i8th of November respec- 
tively, the second and third Articles, the one devolving the 
succession on the House of Hanover, and the other enacting 
that there should be one Parliament for the two kingdoms, 
were carried by similar majorities 1 . As these were the governing 
Articles of the whole Treaty, the Ministers might now entertain 
fair hopes that the Union was in sight. 

Another point that was gained strengthened the proba- 
bility of a successful issue. As we have seen, all questions 
concerning the Church and religion had been expressly ex- 
cluded from the union negotiations. It was with natural 
anxiety, therefore, that the clergy of the National Church 
regarded the prospect of an incorporating union and its 
probable results for the religious settlement of the country. 
To the majority of them it seemed that, in the event of union, 
no possible arrangement could provide an adequate guarantee 
for the security of the Presbyterian settlement. A United 
Parliament, in which the overwhelming majority would be 
English Churchmen, would of necessity sooner or later seek to 
impose one form of Church government on both kingdoms. 
Possessed by this dread, the majority of the national clergy 
unmistakably showed that they were prepared to oppose the 
Treaty with all the means in their power. "One thing I must 
say for the Kirk," wrote the Secretary Mar on the 7th of 
November, "that if the Union fail it is owing to them 9 ." It 
was from the conviction of its wisdom as well as from policy 
that on the i2th of November an Act of Security was passed, 

1 Acts of Par/, of Scotland, xi. 311 329; Defoe, op. cit. Part IV, 
pp. 2280. 

8 Mar and Keltic Papers ', Nov. 7, 1706. 

n8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

which, so far as words could go, safeguarded for all time the 
National Church of Scotland as it had been established at the 
Revolution. According to the terms of this Act, the Church 
as it now existed was "to continue without any alteration to 
the people of this land in all succeeding generations " ; and 
the four Universities, whose professors must be members of 
the National Church, were similarly to remain "within this 
Kingdom for ever." Though not embodied in the Act of 
Union, the Act of Security was to form an indissoluble part of 
it ; and, to surround it with a special sanctity, the successors of 
the. reigning sovereign were to subscribe and swear to it at 
their accession instead of at their coronation 1 . By this solemn 
pledge for the immunity and perpetuity of their Church, its 
sager heads were gained for the Union ; but no pledges could 
satisfy the majority of the country clergy, who all through the 
prolonged debate spared no endeavours to bring it to naught. 

With every prospect of being foiled in the Parliament, the 
Opposition had still the hope of attaining its end through the 
force of public opinion. When Charles I sought to impose 
Laud's Liturgy on the nation, it was by means of " supplica- 
tions " that the Privy Council had been taught that the nation 
would not have it. If a sufficient number of petitions against 
the Union were forthcoming, therefore, the Government might 
be similarly coerced into abandoning the detested Treaty. To 
procure such petitions from every class and every part of the 
country thus became the strenuous endeavour of the Jacobite 
minority. That these petitions or addresses were prompted, 
inspired, and even dictated by the Jacobite leaders we have the 
admission of one of their own number 2 ; but it is equally un- 
deniable that the addresses expressed the popular attitude 
towards the Union. At the beginning of November the 

1 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, xi. 4023. The Act was carried by a 
majority of 74. Mar and Kellie Papers, Nov. 12, 1706. 

2 Lockhart, op. cit. i. 166170. Cf. also p. 437, for an illustration 
how addresses were procured. 

CH. in] Addresses against Union 119 

addresses began to pour in, and continued in an unremitting 
stream through the greater part of the session. They came 
from the barons and freeholders, from the Convention of 
Burghs, from single burghs and parishes, and were all to one 
purport that an incorporating union would be equally in- 
jurious to the honour and interest of the kingdom. But the 
rain of addresses made no impression on the obdurate 
Ministers. "The story of the addresses is very well known," 
wrote the Secretary ; " they were procured by people mostly 
disaffected to the Government 1 "j and Argyle mockingly said 
that they were only fit to make kites of. 

But popular opinion expressed itself in a more emphatic 
form than in this paper assault. In the capital the opposition 
to the Treaty continued as violent as ever ; and on November 
the i Qth the Commissioner informed the House that on his 
way home on the previous evening he had been stoned by " a 
number of people of the meanest degree." In Glasgow also 
the populace was showing even more serious signs of restive- 
ness. An inflammatory sermon preached in the Tron Church 
on November yth gave the cue to the mob, already prepared for 
mischief. On the following day the people beset the Council- 
House and clamoured for an address against the Union. The 
Provost refused at the risk of his life, and fled to Edinburgh. 
Thinking that the tumult had subsided, he returned to Glasgow; 
but within a few days the mob rose again, and on this occasion 
found a leader in one Finlay, who had seen service in Flanders. 
Again a quarrel arose with the Provost, who was set upon as 
he was leaving the Tolbooth, and compelled to take refuge in 
a house where he found safety from his pursuers in a folding- 
bed. The mob was now master of the town, and was en- 

1 Mar and Keltic Papers, Nov. 16, 1706. Mar adds that no one could 
say that the nation's inclinations were known by these addresses, as the 
quarter of the people had not signed them. An address from Ayr implied 
approval of the Treaty, but suggested " rectifications " of it. The Ministry 
maintained that, if they had taken the trouble, they could have procured as 
great a number of favourable addresses as the Opposition. 

I2O The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

couraged by rumours of similar enterprises in Stirling, Hamil- 
ton, and other parts of the country. At the head of a party 
of over 40 men Finlay marched to join hands with sympathisers 
at Hamilton ; but, meeting with no encouragement by the way 
and alarmed by the tidings of the approach of the Queen's 
troops, their hearts failed them, and they separately returned to 
Glasgow. The mob of the town had by this time become 
equally disheartened; and, a detachment of 220 dragoons 
having carried off Finlay and one of his chief associates, order 
was at length restored after what had been one of the most 
serious outbreaks in the history of any Scottish burgh 1 . 

From other parts of the kingdom notably from the south 
and west and the country of the arch-anti-Unionist Atholl 
there came rumours of risings and musters, all directed against 
the obnoxious Treaty 2 . On the 20th of November a body of 
men entered the town of Dumfries, publicly burned the Treaty, 
and fixed to the town cross a flaming protest against its con 
ditions. To the Cameronians, who were credited with this 
achievement, the Union was a bartering of the national soul, 
which could only entail judgment in this world and the next. 
According to a questionable authority, they even permitted 
themselves to be drawn into a sinister alliance. Sooner than 
see the Union take effect, they were prepared to join hands with 
the Jacobites, and fight by their side against the common foe. 
One Cunningham of Eckatt, a discontented Whig in the pay of 
the Jacobites, organised a plan of action which, if it had taken 
effect, would have plunged the country in civil war. In concert 
with the Highland followers of the Duke of Atholl, an army of 
Cameronians, numbering over 7000 men, was to march on 
Edinburgh, "raise the Parliament," and cut short the pro- 
ceedings of the legislators. On the eve of the enterprise, 
however, the Duke of Hamilton, who had all along been in 
the secret of the conspiracy, shrank from the consequences of 

1 Defoe, op. cit. Part in, pp. 60 71. 

2 Mar and Kellie Papers, Nov. 26, 1706. 

CH. in] The Cameronians 121 

his action, and gave secret orders that it should be postponed 
till a more favourable opportunity 1 . 

This enterprise having miscarried, the Opposition conceived 
the idea of attaining their ends by more constitutional methods. 
The barons, freeholders, and heritors should flock to the 
capital, and petition the Commissioner either to abandon the 
Treaty or consent to the election of a new Parliament with 
a special mandate to deal with the whole question of union. 
The design had the approval equally of Fletcher, Atholl, and 
Hamilton ; the intended address was drawn up, and above 
five hundred of the petitioners appeared in the city. Once 
more, however, the vacillating Hamilton played his character- 
istic part. At the last moment he informed the petitioners 
that, unless the address approved the Hanoverian succession, 
he would not be a party to it a condition which sent the 
petitioners home with their purpose unaccomplished 2 . 

It was, in truth, in terror of their lives as well as anxiety 
for the fate of the Treaty that the Ministers proceeded with 
their task. " I am not very timorous," wrote Mar on Novem- 
ber i Qth, "and yet I tell you that every day here we are in 
hazard of our lives." Nothing, he also writes on the same 
day, prevents an invasion of the capital but the season of the 
year and the bad weather; and a week later he urges, as a 
necessary measure, that troops should be immediately quartered 
in the north of England and Ireland 3 . To the indignation of 
their opponents, the Government took a step which was yet 
a necessary precaution for the prevention of civil war. By 
a clause in the Act of Security it had been made incumbent 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 196201. Lockhart himself advanced money to 
Ker. Cf. also Memoirs of John Ker of Kersland, in North Britain, Esq. 
(i 726). Ker, who played an active part in the affairs narrated in the text, was 
in the pay both of the Jacobites and the Government. 

2 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 201 4. 

1 In the beginning of December 800 horse were actually sent to the 
Borders by the advice of Marlborough. Mar and KeUie Papers, Dec. 10, 

122 The Age of Secular Interests [BK 

on all burghs and heritors to hold monthly levies for exercise 
and discipline 1 . Passed under different circumstances and with 
a very different intention, this clause provided a convenient 
pretext for those musterings which were now alarming the 
Government. On the 3oth of November, therefore, an Act 
was passed suspending the operation of the dangerous clause 
during the current session of Parliament 2 . 

Amid all these disquieting manifestations the Government 
steadily pursued its work of passing the Treaty into law. The 
three fundamental Articles having been carried, those dealing 
with trade and taxation had next to be faced, and the great 
concern of the Ministers was that they should emerge only 
with such modifications as would not be unpalatable to the 
Parliament of England. Only when concession was imperative 
did they yield an inch of ground, with the final result that the 
alterations effected in certain of the remaining Articles were 
both few and inconsiderable. In the case of the sixth Article, 
which imposed equality of customs, oatmeal was added to the 
list of Scottish commodities which should be favoured with 
a bounty. Of the fiscal Articles the eighth, which dealt with 
the duties on salt, was the one which raised the gravest appre- 
hensions on the part of the Government 3 ; and, in point of fact, 
they had under this head to make what they deemed an im- 
portant concession. By the eighth Article Scotch salt was to 
be free of duty for seven years after the Union, but after that 
date was to be subject to the duty of 2s. ^d. a bushel which 
had been imposed in England in the previous reign ; but by the 
Article, as it was finally modified, this duty was to be reduced 
to a shilling, and a bounty, moreover, assigned to pork and 
salted beef 4 . As the following five Articles were passed without 

1 See above, p. 90. 

2 Acts of Parl. of Scotland, XI. 344. 

3 "There is nothing of the Treaty I am now so afraid of here as the 
salt," wrote Mar on Dec. 10. 

4 Mar and Kellic Papers, Dec. 21, 24, 1706. 

CH. in] The Duke of Hamilton 123 

amendment, the Ministers began to congratulate themselves 
that they were now " in sight of land." Before the close of 
December, however, the Opposition made still another effort to 
wreck the Treaty through the force of public opinion. Again 
the barons, freeholders, and heritors were to be summoned to 
Edinburgh to present the address which had previously mis- 
carried through the action of Hamilton. Warned of this 
purpose, however, the Government effectually met it by a pro- 
clamation (December 27) declaring the intended convocation 
to be "unwarrantable and seditious 1 ." 

By the opening of the new year (1707) there was every 
prospect that the Union would speedily be an 
accomplished fact. One final struggle, however, 
was made by the Opposition to avert the disastrous day. Of 
all the Articles of the Treaty none was more galling to the 
national pride than the twenty-second, which limited the repre- 
sentatives of Scotland in the United Parliament to the number 
of sixty-one. Against this obnoxious Article every anti-Unionist 
might be expected to concentrate the full bitterness of his 
wrath. Again on the initiation of Hamilton, therefore, it was 
arranged that on the day when this Article came up for debate 
a decisive effort should be made to cut short the proceedings of 
the House. As devised by Hamilton, the plan of proceeding 
was ingenious and, but for the character of its author, might 
have led to the civil war which its supporters anticipated. In 
place of the Treaty the alternative of settling the succession 
on the House of Hanover was to be offered to the House an 
offer which Hamilton urged would array the English Tories 
against the Union. As the alternative would be scornfully 
rejected, a general protest against the Treaty was then to be 
read, whereupon the Opposition were in a body to leave the 
house " not to return again." So things were arranged; and, as 
Hamilton was the father of the plan, it was generally under- 
stood that he was to bell the cat. When the momentous day 
1 Acts of Par I. of Scotland, XI. 371 ; Lockhart, op. cit. I. 203 5. 

124 The Age of Secular Interests [BK viz 

came, it was announced that Hamilton was suffering from 
toothache, and could not leave home. Overcome by the 
expostulation of his friends, however, he at length appeared in 
the House, and, summoning such as were in the secret, desired 
to know who was to present the protest. It was in vain that 
his friends urged that he was the only fitting person to dis- 
charge this duty; he would be the first to subscribe the protest, 
he said, but they must find another to present it. The delay 
was fatal; the House had passed the critical point in its 
business when the blow was to be struck, and another oppor- 
tunity did not occur 1 . 

With the passing of the twenty-second Article, which had 
prompted the abortive plan, is associated a tragic event. On 
the day on which it was carried there had been a long and 
obstinate debate in which the Earl of Stair had taken his usual 
prominent part. The strain, coming at the close of the pro- 
longed and anxious session, proved too much for his exhausted 
powers; and in the course of the following night he was 
stricken with apoplexy 2 . He had not lived to see the final 
ratification of the Union, for the accomplishment of which 
he had from first to last done more than any other of his 
countrymen, but of the ultimate result he died in full assurance. 
He ranks with the greatest statesmen that Scotland has pro- 
duced ; but, even though it be admitted that his career has 
been judged without due appreciation of the circumstances of 
his time, in his passionless temper and luminous reason there 
was something from which men shrank as apart from normal 

Eight days after the death of Stair, and after an inter- 
mittent struggle of nearly three months, the Treaty of Union 
received the final sanction of the House 3 . On the i6th of 
January the Commissioner touched the Act with the royal 
sceptre and at the same time, as inviolably bound up with it, 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 206 214. 2 Stair Annals t I. 216. 

3 It was carried by a majority of 41. 

CH. in] Passing of the Treaty 125 

the Act for the Security of the Church. A few difficult matters, 
however, still remained to be settled which prolonged the 
session till the 25th of March. Among them was the distri- 
bution of the Equivalent, in which so many different interests 
were involved. As finally arranged, more than half of the 
total sum was to be allocated to the African Company; part 
was to go for losses in connection with the change of the 
coinage, part to the payment of national debts, and part to the 
expenses of the two Commissions for the Union, while ^2,000 
were to be granted annually during seven years for the en- 
couragement of the manufacture of wool. A still more difficult 
question, as evoking the worst passions of the leaders of all 
parties, was the settlement of the method of electing the 
representatives for the United Parliament. Following the 
prudent example set by the English Parliament, now delibe- 
rating on the Treaty, the House resolved that the first repre- 
sentatives sent up should be chosen from the existing assembly. 
Out of the forty-five members who were to sit in the House of 
Commons thirty were to represent the shires and fifteen the 
burghs Edinburgh alone having a member to itself. In future 
elections the other sixty-six burghs were to be divided into 
groups of fourteen, each of which was to choose a Com- 
missioner ; and these fourteen Commissioners were to form the 
elective body. In the case of the election of the sixteen 
representative peers who were to sit in the House of Lords the 
strife was specially prolonged and bitter. Out of a hundred 
and fifty-four Scottish peers who were to be the favoured few ? 
It was finally agreed that the nomination should be left with 
the Commissioner, who, so far as circumstances would allow, 
made up the list out of all the leading peers who had given 
their support to the Treaty 1 . In the case of future Parliaments 
it was resolved that the representative peers should be elected 
by their fellows and by open voting. 

1 Mar and Kellie Papers, Feb. 5, 1707. In deference to the Queen's 
expressed wish, Hamilton was not chosen. 

1 26 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

The labours of the legislators were now accomplished, and 
they had been such as to put the severest strain equally on 
their powers of mind and body; but they reaped no reward 
in the exulting gratitude of their countrymen. Throughout 
their labours and for many a day after them, they were gene- 
rally denounced as hirelings who had sacrificed their country 
for their own base profit. That they should be accused of 
being directly bribed to play their miserable part was a natural 
charge in an age when venality prevailed in every department 
of the State. Russell, Marlborough, Godolphin, and almost 
every prominent English statesman of the time, trafficked 
for pelf or place on a scale which affected the national ex- 
chequer; and the Speaker of the House of Commons kept 
open a regular office for the bribery of its members. The 
charge of bribery brought against the Scottish statesmen who 
carried the Union was first deliberately formulated by the 
Jacobite Lockhart 1 a witness, to say the least, capable of 
making rash statements against his opponents. At the prompt- 
ing of Queensberry, according to Lockhart, ^20,540. ijs.'jd. 
were paid out of the English Treasury to purchase votes and 
influence in support of the Union. Of this sum ,12,325 
found its way into Queensberry's own hands for his official 
expenses, and the remainder was distributed among thirty 
different persons. Lockhart's statements do not bear a close 
examination, yet it is more than probable that certain sums of 
money were spent in procuring the support of influential 
persons for the Union. We have indisputable evidence that, in 
connection with the session of 1703, bribes were freely dis- 
tributed among the members of the Scottish Parliament 2 ; and 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 262 272. A similar accusation is brought by 
Secretary Johnstone. According to Johnstone ,10,000 were paid to 
Godolphin to give his support for the Union. He also affirms that 
money was disbursed to the Scottish Ministers with the same purpose 
(Jerviswood Correspondence, p. 160). But these are vague accusations and 
may be taken for what they are worth. 

2 The proof of this is contained in the following passage : "His Grace 

CH. in] Did Bribery carry tke Union? 127 

during the all-important session of 1706 7 there was still more 
pressing occasion for similar inducements. That bribery 
carried the Union, however, would be a contention absurd on 
the face of it. If one thing is apparent from the correspond- 
ence of the Scottish statesmen who were mainly responsible 
for its accomplishment, it is that they were profoundly con- 
vinced of its necessity in the interest of both kingdoms. "Yet 
I may say over an old prayer of mine," wrote the Earl of 
Cromarty to Mar, on November 17, 1705, "God send a solid 
Union in and of Britain ; for I am sorely afraid and firmly 
persuaded that such only will secure Britain and deliver old 
Scotland from its many complaints 1 ." It was in this spirit and 
out of this conviction that the men who carried the Union 
threw themselves into their labours with an ardour and a good 
will which no bribery could purchase ; and, if from sentiment 
rather than reasoned conclusions a majority of their contem- 

(Queensberry) wishes his Lordship to remind the Queen of some secret 
disbursements he made when Commissioner, for which he had secret 
instructions, but which because of their nature could not be stated in 
the accounts with the Treasury. Her Majesty may trust him or order 
payment or not as she pleases. " James Murray, Lord Clerk Register, to 
the Earl of Mar, Mar and Kellie Papers, Nov. 20, 1705. The Scottish 
nobles had always been an impecunious body ; and, at the time of the 
Union, their frequent journeys to London and the prolonged sessions of 
the Scottish Parliament must have occasioned a heavy drain on their 
incomes. The Earl of Rosebery, though an ardent supporter of the 
Union, unwillingly accepted his appointment as one of the Commissioners 
for the Treaty, on the ground that " considering the scarcity of money in 
this country, it is not very convenient for me." Ib. March n, 1706. It 
was reckoned that a journey to and from London, and a residence of six 
months there, would cost ^"500. Essay upon the Union, &c. (Edin. 1706), 
p. 79. 

1 Mar and Kellie Papers, Nov. 17, 1705. Baillie of Jerviswood, 
one of the chiefs of the Squadrone, writes to the Earl of Roxburgh as 
follows: "After all, considering the temper of this people, how unfit to 
govern ourselves, how likely to weary of Limitations, were they got, and 
for other reasons mentioned in yours, I must be convinced that Union is 
our only game."-- Jerviswood Correspondence, p. 145. 

128 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

poraries denounced them as traitors to their country, the 
consenting testimony of a later time has approved the far- 
sighted wisdom of their policy. 

In the beginning of February, about a fortnight after the 
Treaty had been ratified in the Scottish Estates, 
it was submitted to the Parliament of England. 
It had been with the approval of a large majority of both Lords 
and Commons that the negotiations had been undertaken ; and 
the swift progress of the Articles through both Houses showed 
that they had not changed their minds. Only one addition of 
importance was made to the measure. Following the example 
of the Scottish Church and recalling, perhaps, the Solemn 
League and Covenant with its portentous implication, the 
English bishops insisted that an Act s'ecuring the Church of 
England should be added to the Treaty. On the 6th of March, 
from her throne in the House of Lords, the Queen gave the 
royal assent to the measure in the presence of Lords and 
Commons; and on the igth amid a salvo of guns from the 
Castle the "exemplified" Act was read to the Scottish Parliament 
and ordered to be recorded. As the Chancellor Seafield handed 
the Act with his signature affixed to the Clerk of the House, he 
is said to have exclaimed, " Now, there's ane end of ane auld 
song 1 ." It is a form of words employed by his countrymen 
when they would relieve a sigh with a jest. 


A correspondent writing to the Earl of Mar from Edinburgh 

on the ist of May, the day when the Treaty of 

Union came into force, uses these significant 

words : " There is nothing so much taken notice of here to-day 

1 Seafield's saying is recorded by Lockhart, who characterises it as 
a "despising and contemning remark" (pp. cit. I. 223). When a Scotsman 
uses these words, however, it is in "humorous sadness"; and it was 
doubtless in this spirit that Seah'eld uttered them. 

CH. in] English Officials in Scotland 129 

as the solemnity in the south part of Britain and the want of it 
here." True, the bells rang from the steeple of St Giles' to 
signalise the occasion ; but the same correspondent notes as of 
dubious omen that the first tune they played was, " Why should 
I be sad on my wedding day 1 ?" The first experience of the 
results of the Union was indeed fitted to justify the gloomiest 
auguries as to the future relations of the two kingdoms now 
indissolubly bound to a common destiny. In their zeal to con- 
summate the Treaty, neither the English nor the Scottish legis- 
lators had taken the most ordinary precautions to ensure its 
harmonious working in the first stages of its action. Hardly had 
the Union come into force when one needless cause of friction 
after another arose to make both nations repent their irrevocable 
act. By one of the terms of the Treaty it had been arranged 
that English revenue officials should be quartered in Scotland 
to superintend the new fiscal operations of which 'the natives of 
that country had no experience. In any case the duties to be 
performed by these strangers must have rendered them ob- 
noxious ; but the promiscuous mob of officials who were sent 
across the border and the manner in which they went about 
their task awoke a lasting indignation throughout the whole 
country, and as much perhaps as any other cause created a 
settled antipathy to the Union 2 . 

An ill-judged delay in disbursing the Equivalent was also 
a needless source of temporary irritation. The Equivalent had 
been a tempting bait from the first, and promptly paid would 
have come with a better grace ; but weeks and even months 
wore on and still the coveted treasure did not make its appear- 
ance. " The Equivalent is so much despaired of here," wrote 
one from Edinburgh, "that among the vulgar the greatest part 

1 Mar and Kellie Papers, May i, 1707. 

1 Lockhart, in his usual vigorous style, describes them as "the very 
scum and canalia" of England (i. 223). The Earl of Glasgow, writing to 
Mar, says that their coming threw the country "into an unaccountable 
ferment." Mar and Kellie Papers ; May 30, 1707. 

B. S. III. 9 

130 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

believe it is gone to Spain, and some believe that the bridge of 
Berwick is fallen with the weight of it, and all is lost 1 ." At 
length, on August 5, conveyed in twelve waggons, and guarded 
by 120 Scottish dragoons, the precious burden reached the 
capital, where in spite of doubled guards a riotous mob vented 
its spleen by stoning the convoy 2 . But disloyal manifestations 
were not confined to the populace. The loth of June, the 
birthday of the Pretender, had been signalised by defiant 
demonstrations in favour of the exiled family. In the roads of 
Leith several merchant ships mounted their ensigns; and at 
one o'clock in the morning a "considerable company " gathered 
round the town cross and quaffed the healths of the Pretender 
and the Duke of Berwick 3 . 

The cupidity of traders in both countries gave rise to other 
embarrassments in connection with the first working of the 
Treaty. From the ist of May, when the Treaty was to come in 
force, duties on imported goods were to be equal in both 
countries; and a piece of sharp practice naturally suggested 
itself to the trading instinct. The duties in Scotland were 
considerably lower than the duties in England; it would be 
a good stroke of business, therefore, for English and Scottish 
traders alike to import into Scotland as great a quantity of 
commodities as possible before the coming ist of May. But 
from the ist of May, by the terms of the Union, there would 
be free trade between the two kingdoms; and so the com- 
modities thus cheaply imported could be conveyed into 
England with excellent profits to the ingenious dealers. The 
arrangement for levying imports in Scotland, moreover, ad- 
mirably lent itself to their happy device : the customs in that 
country were let to tacksmen who, in view of the increased 

1 Mar and Keltic Paper "s, May 31, 1707. 

2 Ib. Aug. 5. It was made a further grievance that only ; 100,000 were 
in bullion. The remainder, in Exchequer Bills, was shortly afterwards 
cashed in London. 

9 Ib. June 12, 1707. 

CH. in] Dishonest Trading 131 

body of imports, gladly abated their usual exactions. In this 
profitable enterprise English dealers shared as well as Scots; 
but the English dealers had also a game of their own, and of 
more questionable commercial morality. On tobacco imported 
into England a duty was paid of 6d. per pound, but when 
again exported it received a bounty of 5^. Export the tobacco 
to Scotland therefore; receive it back duty free after the ist of 
May; and $d. per pound would be recouped to the happy 
trader. In view of this tempting prospect it is no wonder that 
at least 6,000 hogsheads of tobacco found their way from 
England across the Scottish border. 

But these practices were not regarded with favour in all 
quarters. The London merchants especially saw with indig- 
nation that, in the case of the most lucrative commodities, they 
would be serious losers by these dubious transactions ; and 
they appealed to the House of Commons for redress. The 
Commons responded by passing a bill declaring that the im- 
portation of foreign goods by way of Scotland was "a notorious 
fraud"; but the House of Lords was of a different mind, and 
refused to give its sanction to the bill. About the middle of 
June the affair came to a head. Fifty vessels, laden mainly 
with wine and brandy, appeared in the Thames all from 
Scotland and all with assurances that their cargoes had been 
imported before the ist of May. They were promptly pounced 
upon by the custom-house officers, and their cargoes seized. 
Loud was the outcry in Scotland at what was declared to be 
a gross breach of the Treaty of Union ; and the Convention of 
the Scottish Burghs strenuously petitioned the Government on 
behalf of their injured fellow-countrymen. But to distinguish 
between the commodities that had been honestly or dishonestly 
imported in the arrested ships was a problem which passed the 
wit of Parliament and Privy Council alike ; and finally the 
question was referred to the first British Parliament, which was 
appointed to assemble in the following autumn 1 . From the 
1 Defoe, op. cit. Appendix, Part i. pp. i 7. . 


132 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

nature of the case the difficulty was one which could only 
arise immediately after the Union came in force ; but by a little 
prevision it might easily have been prevented, and it was an 
unfortunate beginning of the new commercial relations of the 
united kingdoms. 

The first Parliament of the United Kingdom met on October 
23, 1707, and is notable for the passing of three 
important measures with reference to Scotland : 
in strict accordance with the Treaty of Union it abolished the 
Scottish Privy Council, set up a system of Justices of Peace, and 
established a Court of Exchequer in Edinburgh. The history 
of the Scottish Privy Council since the days when it had been 
manipulated by James VI had been such that no patriotic 
Scot could regard its decease with any feeling but unmingled 
satisfaction. In the words of a contemporary pamphleteer 
it had been virtually a "Turkish Divan," the tool of each 
successive Government, and an engine of oppression in the 
case both of Parliament and people 1 . The Scottish members 
of the United Parliament, however, were deeply divided as to 
the policy of its abolition. The Ministers who had carried the 
Union were strenuously opposed to its removal, for reasons that 
may have been partly selfish but were also based on grounds of 
public policy. It was impolitic in the interests of the Union, 
they urged, to offend public sentiment by destroying yet 
another national institution while the ink of the Treaty was 
hardly dry. But there was another reason that appealed more 
cogently to the English Ministry, and induced them to support 
the view of their Scottish allies. Before very long there would 
be an election for a new Parliament; and the Council would be 
a potent instrument in securing a representation favourable to 

1 Somers Tracts , XI I. 624. It was a common saying that the Secretary 
of the Privy Council, as resident in London, and thence sending down the 
King's orders, was de facto King of Scotland. The Testamentary Duly of the 
Parliament of Scotland -with a View to the Treaty of Union <Srv. (1707), p. 5. 

CH. in] Scottish Privy Council abolished 133 

the existing Whig Ministry. It was the members of the 
Squadrone, who for reasons equally mixed insistently pressed 
for its abolition. As Privy Councillors, Queensberry and his 
associates were supreme in Scottish affairs a state of things 
naturally distasteful to rival politicians. Before the House of 
Commons, however, the Squadrone plied other arguments : 
the Scottish Privy Council, they urged, had always been and 
always would be an instrument of tyranny ; and, moreover, it 
was at once irrational and inconsistent with the Treaty of 
Union that two Privy Councils should exist for one kingdom. 
In the Commons a bill for the abolition of the Council was 
passed by a great majority, and subsequently carried in the 
House of Lords in spite of the determined opposition of the 
Ministry. By the terms of the bill the Council was to become 
defunct on the ist of May, 1708, a date which, in view of the 
coming elections, the Ministers would gladly have postponed 
till the ist of October; but the Opposition understood the 
motive and inexorably insisted on the earlier date 1 . On the 
question of the Justices of Peace, the Scottish representatives 
were equally divided. It was the contention of the official 
party that the action of the Justices would be fatal to the feudal 
jurisdictions of the barons, which were specially conserved by 
the twentieth Article of the Treaty. By the Squadrone, on 
the other hand, it was maintained that the Privy Council had 
exercised the very powers which would be entrusted to the 
Justices; and that, moreover, Justices of the Peace were no 
new officials in Scotland. On this question, also, the Squadrone 
were supported by majorities both in the Lords and Commons ; 
and the appointment of Justices of Peace for Scotland with 
jurisdiction identical with that of the same officials in 
England formed part of the Act abolishing the Scottish Privy 
Council 2 . 

1 Burnet, op. cit. v. 349 352. 

8 The Act is given by Defoe, op. cit. Appendix, pp 

.. 868. 

134 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

In the spring of 1708 English statesmen were perturbed 
by affairs in Scotland of greater mpment than 
wrangles regarding the Privy Council and Justices 
of Peace. It had been the hope of the Scottish Jacobites and 
the apprehension of the Government that an invasion on the 
part of France might summarily cut short the session of the 
Parliament which had carried through the Treaty of Union 1 . 
The invasion, it was understood, would be as much in the 
interests of France as of Scottish Jacobitism, as it would com- 
pel England to withdraw her troops from the Continent, where 
they were fighting the armies of Louis XIV. It was mainly 
with this object, as Jacobites like Lockhart fully perceived 2 , 
that in the spring of 1707 Louis dispatched a secret agent to 
Scotland to ascertain on what support he might reckon in the 
event of a French force landing on its shores. The agent he 
chose was one Colonel Hooke, who had begun life as an Inde- 
pendent preacher and a Whig, but subsequently became a 
Roman Catholic and entered the French army. Hooke had 
already paid a visit to Scotland in 1705, and had made the 
acquaintance of the Duke of Hamilton and other Jacobite 
leaders. Landing at Slains Castle, the abode of the Earl of 
Erroll, Lord High Constable of Scotland, he set himself in- 
dustriously to work to foment and consolidate the disaffection 
against the Government. A less sanguine person than Hooke 
might have been discouraged by the slippery dealing of the 
Jacobite leaders. He received ready promises from minor 
personages ; but the three chiefs who were the mainstay of their 
party the Dukes of Hamilton, Atholl and Gordon refused to 
see him in person, and only communicated with him through 
subordinates in studied evasions. Moreover, his mission was 
complicated by the continued rivalry of Atholl and Hamilton, 
each jealous for the first place in the councils of the King that 
was to be. To decide between these rivals was the most 

^ Jerviswood Correspondence, p. 174. 
8 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 234. 

CH. in] Jacobite Plots 135 

delicate business of Louis' emissary. If Atholl could command 
a mighty force of Highlanders, Hamilton, it was expected, 
could bring into the field the redoubtable Presbyterian Whigs 
of the west and south. On the whole, the Colonel decided 
to give the preference to Hamilton, and he returned to France 
with an alluring report on the general state of the country. 
Everywhere there was disaffection with the existing Govern- 
ment, and a longing for the rightful king ; if a French force set 
foot in the country, an army of 25,000 foot and 5,000 horse, 
composed of Jacobites and Presbyterian Whigs, was ready to 
join it and march to the conquest of England 1 . Induced by 
this pleasant prospect, Louis decided to make the great venture. 
At this period, it was going well with his struggle against the 
Allies; on April 25th the Duke of Berwick had inflicted a 
severe check on the combined armies of Spain and England at 
the battle of Almanza, and the invasion of Scotland would be 
an opportune diversion. If the enterprise were successful, he 
would at once serve his own interests and satisfy his con- 
science, for he had promised to the dying James II that he 
would recognise his son as the rightful king of Scotland, 
England and Ireland. 

At the close of February, 1708, the alarming news reached 
London that certain operations at Dunkirk 
portended an invasion of Britain 2 . At first the 
rumours were received with incredulity, and the Squadrone 
mockingly said it was "a trick of the Court 3 ." By the second 
week of March, however, there was no longer room for doubt 
that invasion was imminent; and it was with well-grounded 
alarm that the Government regarded its possible issue. " I 
wish it come to nothing," wrote Mar from Whitehall, "but 
I am sure we have reason to apprehend the consequences of 
it if there be an attempt made by them on any place of this 

1 Correspondence of Colonel N. Hooke (Roxburghe Club, 1871), II. 
347 409. 

2 Mar and Kellie Papers, Feb. 19. 3 2b. Feb. 26. 

136 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

island." In Scotland there were only some 1500 royal troops, 
ill-paid, ill-equipped, and probably disaffected; and the for- 
tresses of the country, the Castle of Edinburgh included, were 
in no condition to offer more than a feeble resistance. Un- 
certainty regarding the general feeling of the country increased 
the apprehension of the Government, for, though Jacobite 
plotters might exaggerate the disloyalty, there was no mis- 
interpreting the fact that a general discontent prevailed, which 
any slight success of the enemy might fan into rebellion. Nor 
was England herself in a position to promise success in a great 
emergency, for her fleet was ill-manned, and her best troops 
were abroad and probably could not be recalled in time to 
prevent disaster. 

On the i yth of March 1 the invading force sailed from 
Dunkirk. It consisted of five ships of the line, 
twenty-one frigates, and two transports, and con- 
veyed a body of about 6,000 men. Its commander was Admiral 
Forbin, who was the first seaman in France, but augured 
from the outset that the expedition was doomed to failure. In 
Forbin's own ship sailed the hero of the enterprise, the 
Chevalier de St George for his enemies, the Pretender 2 , and 
for his friends, the lawful king of the country he was essaying 
to conquer. As the invasion had been planned, the fleet was 
to enter the Firth of Forth ; and the first attempt was to be 
made on Edinburgh, where only a feeble resistance was antici- 
pated. Inadvertently, however, the fleet overshot its mark 
during the night; and it was not till the 23rd of March that it 
entered the Firth. As it proved, the delay was fatal to the 
success of the expedition. At daybreak of the 24th, before 
a landing could be effected, strange ships were seen at the 
opening of the Forth. It was the English fleet under the 

1 New Style. 

2 That is, the Claimant. The term Pretender, as then understood, had 
not the injurious implication it has at present. According to Burnet it was 
Anne who " fixed" the "new designation" on her brother. 

CH. in] Jacobite Invasion 137 

command of Admiral Byng, who had been on the track of the 
enemy since he had put out of Dunkirk. Forbin was now in 
a critical situation, as the English were twice as strong as 
himself and commanded the egress from the Firth. In the 
expectation that the French would show fight, however, Byng 
drew up his ships in battle order, and thus gave Forbin the 
opportunity of slipping past him into the open sea. While 
these manoeuvres were proceeding, the Scots who had accom- 
panied the Chevalier became alarmed for his safety, and their 
fears increased when the English gave chase. The hope of his 
country, they told him, would now be safer on land than at 
sea ; and at their importunities he besought Forbin to put him 
ashore at a certain castle whose lord was one of his friends. 
But Forbin had received strict charge regarding the safety of 
the prince, and refused to run the risk of setting him on shore. 
A successful issue of the enterprise was no longer to be hoped 
for; and Forbin, pursued for ten hours by the English fleet, 
made the best of his way back to Dunkirk. Only one ship had 
been taken, but, from first to last, the expedition had cost 
France the lives of 4,000 men 1 . Both in England and Scot- 
land, however, it was the general conviction that only good 
fortune had saved the country from disaster. But for the 
stormy weather that had retarded the enemy's fleet, a landing 
would have been effected near the capital ; and all the chances 
were that a civil war would have ensued, the issue of which it 
would have been impossible to predict. As it happened, the 
result, in Burnet's words, was "one of those happy providences 
for which we have much to answer 2 ." 

In connection with the abortive invasion there was one 
circumstance on which the Government had reason to con- 
gratulate itself, and which was all-important for the durability 

1 Professor Sanford Terry has collected the authorities regarding the 
invasion in his useful little book The Chevalier de St George and the Jacobite 
Movements in his Favour, 1701 1720 (Lond. 1901). 

2 Burnet, op. cit. V. 358. 

138 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of the Union. When the danger was actually imminent, the 
Presbyterians of the south and west, who in the delusive hopes 
of Colonel Hooke were ready to take part with the invader, 
gave convincing proofs how utterly he had been misled. In 
districts, which during the debates on the Treaty had made 
themselves notorious by their hostile manifestations, the 
ministers spared no pains to rouse their parishioners to the 
defence of their religion and their country. From the Presby- 
teries of Glasgow, Kilwinning, Irvine, Paisley, Ayr, Hamilton, 
and Dumfriesshire the districts where disaffection had been 
rifest addresses were sent up to the Queen, expressing their 
ardent loyalty to the Crown and their joy at the nation's 
deliverance ; and in the same districts, before the danger was 
past, subscriptions were diligently raised to maintain an armed 
force which might be at the service of the Government if 
occasion should require it. Finally, the General Assembly, 
which met in April under the moderatorship of Carstares, gave 
collective and unanimous testimony to the loyalty of the 
National Church by a response to the Queen's letter which 
left nothing to be desired as an expression of attachment to 
her person and abhorrence of her enemies 1 . The threatened 
return of a Stewart King had in fact effectually opened the 
eyes of the Presbyterians to what such an event might portend. 
They knew that the son of James VII was a Roman Catholic 
like his father ; they saw the kind of men by whom he was 
surrounded and who would eventually direct his councils ; and, 
with the memories of his ancestors in their minds, they perceived 
that by their past doings they had been playing fast and loose 
with the very existence of their Church. Under the existing 
regime that Church was as secure as statute could make it; 
how it would fare at the hands of a Stewart King they had good 
reason to forebode. It was one of the definite and fortunate 
results of the late invasion, therefore, that the ministers of the 
National Church, as a body, became henceforward the stay and 

1 Mar and Keltic Papers, March 24, April 15, May 5, 1708. 

CH. in] Loyalty of the National Clergy 139 

prop of the double settlement that had been effected by the 
Revolution and the Union. During the remaining years of 
the reign of Anne their allegiance was to be sorely tried by 
measures which they resented as infringements of their liberties, 
but they never forgot that the Hanoverian dynasty was the 
only guarantee for the permanent security of their Church. 

But, though the loyalty of the national clergy had been thus 
unmistakably declared, the Government was still encompassed 
with difficulties which the factions among Scottish statesmen 
sought to turn to their own account. The failure of the 
French invasion had further exasperated the natural enemies of 
the Union. The Episcopalian clergy had not concealed their 
jubilation at the prospect of what they deemed their coming 
deliverance, and were proportionally disappointed when their 
hopes were blasted. Naturally their relations to the predomi- 
nant Church became more uncomfortable than ever. To 
detestation of their tenets was now added the quickened fear 
of their political predilections, which involved the overthrow of 
the existing settlement. During the remainder of the reign, as 
we shall see, the National Church only wanted the power to 
stamp out Episcopacy as at once a danger to the State and 
a standing reproach to true religion. The Jacobite laity, when 
the plan of invasion had miscarried, were no more reconciled 
than before to the existing Government. With more persistent 
assiduity they set themselves " to improve the general dissatis- 
faction V' and by such constitutional means as were in their 
power to strengthen their interest in the representation of the 

A step taken by the Government immediately after the 
invasion materially assisted the Jacobites in both of these aims. 
It was known or suspected that many lords and gentlemen had 
all along been in collusion with the invaders ; and the French 
fleet had hardly left the Scottish coast before the Duke of 
Gordon, the Earls of Moray, Seaforth, Traquair and others, 

1 The phrase is Lockhart's (pp. cit. I. 292). 

140 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vu 

Lord Belhaven among them, were lodged in Edinburgh Castle, 
the Duke of Atholl being secured in his own residence 1 . To 
the indignation not only of Jacobites but of many friends 
of the Government, the majority of these prisoners, to whom 
the Duke of Hamilton was subsequently added, were brought 
up to the Tower in London, there to await their trial for high 
treason. It was naturally concluded that the chief officers 
of state for Scotland Queensberry, Mar, and Seafield were 
responsible for this insult to the nation. In point of fact, 
it was the action of Sunderland, Godolphin, and Marlborough, 
who were playing a deep game against their Whig colleagues 
in the English Ministry. Their intention in bringing the 
Scottish prisoners to London was not to pursue them with 
the rigours of the law but to gain their support in view of the 
coming elections. As it happened, they were caught in their 
own trap. Their Whig colleagues secured the discharge of the 
prisoners 2 , who, with Hamilton as their chief, engaged themselves 
to use their influence in electing such Scottish peers as would 
be favourable to the Whig interest. To crown this incongruous 
alliance of Whig and Jacobite, the Squadrone, which now had 
for its chiefs the Dukes of Montrose and Roxburgh, the Earls 
of Rothes and Haddington, threw their influence into the 
scale against Queensberry and his associates, whom they had 
lately supported in carrying the Treaty of Union 3 . 

The impending election was the first appeal that had been 

g made to the country since the Union of the two 

kingdoms; and all parties put forth their full 

strength to secure satisfactory results in their respective interests. 

As the time of the election approached, it was with increasing 

1 Mar and Keltic Papers, March 25, May 14. 

2 Lord Belhaven died in confinement. 

8 Lockhart's account of these transactions (pp. cit. I. 293 4) is 
borne out in the main by the papers of the Earl of Mar and Kellie. From 
Mar's correspondence, however, it is clear that he and Queensberry did not 
connive with Sunderland and Marlborough in bringing the Scottish prisoners 
to London. 

CH. in] Parliamentary Election 141 

apprehension that the Scottish Ministers looked forward to its 
result. The Privy Council no longer existed to enable them to 
bring effectual pressure to bear on the shires and burghs; and 
the alliance of the Squadrone and Jacobite lords was an un- 
expected and formidable factor in the situation. Nor was the 
feeling of the country such as to justify any sanguine hopes that 
there would be a spontaneous rally in favour of the Govern- 
ment. Writing from Edinburgh to the Queen on the eve of 
the elections, Mar uses these significant words : " I think 
myself obliged in duty to let your Majesty know that, so far as 
I understand the inclinations and temper of the generality of 
this country, [it] is still as dissatisfied with the Union as ever, 
and seems mightily soured 1 ." Such being the general outlook 
on the eve of the elections, their result might be regarded 
as an agreeable surprise to the Government. In the shires and 
burghs Ministers had a decisive majority; and, in spite of the 
joint efforts of the Squadrone and their allies, they secured ten 
out of the sixteen representative peers. 

The first British Parliament by ordinary election met in 
November, 1708, and sat till the following April. 
Through a conjunction of circumstances the 
main business of the session was concerned with the affairs of 
Scotland. A petition from the shire of Aberdeen against the 
election of Lord Haddo, the eldest son of the Earl of Aberdeen, 
raised a constitutional question which had been keenly debated 
in the last session of the Scottish Parliament. The petition found 
strong support both from the Scottish and English members 
of the House of Commons. By the Scots it was maintained 
that the election of the eldest sons of peers for the Estates 
had been contrary to constitutional practice in their country, 

1 Mar and Kellie Papers, June 14, 1708. Writing to another corre- 
spondent on the same date, Mar says that on the night of the roth of June 
(the birthday of the Pretender) he was dining with Seafield and others, 
and was detained till the morning from the fear of a Jacobite mob in the 

142 The Age of Secular Interests [BK 

while the English members resented their election as an 
encroachment of the peers on the privileges of the Commons. 
It was by a great majority of the House, therefore, that the 
elections of four eldest sons of peers were disallowed ; and 
it was resolved that such persons should henceforth be dis- 
qualified for any constituency 1 . Another question regarding 
the privileges of peers concerned the Upper and not the 
Lower House. Queensberry, now a Secretary of State, had 
been created a peer of Great Britain under the title of the 
Duke of Dover, and by this title had a right to a seat in the 
House of Lords. But in virtue of his Scottish title he could 
also claim a vote in the election of the sixteen representative 
peers of Scotland. To the exercise of this double right two 
objections were taken. It gave an undue advantage to the 
favoured person over his fellow-peers ; and, moreover, it would 
be in the power of any Ministry to confer English titles on 
a sufficient number of Scots and so secure the election of a 
body of Scottish peers entirely in its own interest. Induced 
by these considerations, a majority of the House decided 
against Queensberry's claim; but, as was to be seen at a later 
day, the relation of Scottish peers to the House of Lords was 
to raise another difficulty that touched more closely both their 
own privileges and the honour of their country. 

Of much greater moment than the privileges of the peers 
was another business in which not one class only but the 
entire nation of Scotland was interested. In connection with 
the late invasion a number of Stirlingshire gentlemen had been 
tried at Edinburgh on a charge of high treason, and all of them 
had been acquitted. In view of the state of public feeling in 
Scotland their acquittal was in the Government's own interest ; 
but the Ministers in London were convinced that their acquittal 
must have been due to some inherent defect in the Scottish law 
of treason. Now that the two kingdoms had become one, 
however, the security of England was involved in the con- 
1 This disability was removed by the Reform Bill of 1832. 

CH. in] Scottish Law of Treason abolished 143 

tinuance of this law ; and the Ministers resolved that there 
should be one law of treason for both countries, and that this 
law should be that of England. The proposal raised equal 
alarm and indignation on the part of the Scots, all ranks and 
parties of whom for once combined against the common enemy. 
By the i8th and igth Articles of the Treaty of Union it had 
been expressly stipulated that the laws and judicatories of 
Scotland should remain unaffected on the completion of the 
Union. But now, before the Union was two years old, it was 
proposed that these conditions should be set at naught ; what 
pledge, then, was there that all the other Articles safeguarding 
the interests of Scotland the security of the National Church 
among the rest would not sooner or later undergo the same 

In spite of this indignation a bill was introduced into 
the House of Commons for carrying out the object of the 
Ministry, but so determined was the opposition of the united 
Scottish members that the bill was rejected. Not to be 
thwarted, however, the Ministers submitted the bill to the 
House of Lords, where they could reckon on a larger following. 
By the terms of the bill what was treason in England was to be 
treason in Scotland; and the English treason law with its 
prescribed pains and penalties was to be the same in both 
countries. To each of these heads the Scots Lords, supported 
by a large body of English Tories, offered a strenuous oppo- 
sition. How, they asked, were they to know what constituted 
treason in England? The bill did not define it, and they 
would have to ransack the English statutes to discover it for 
themselves. As to the proposal to apply the English treason 
law to Scotland, the Scots stoutly maintained that their own 
law was the better of the two, as ensuring a fairer trial to the 
accused 1 . To the third clause, which attached the same penal- 
ties to treason in both countries, the Scottish Lords, for reasons 

By the English law of treason the accused was not allowed the 
assistance of counsel, and only two witnesses were required. 

144 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

sufficiently explained by the past history of their order, offered 
a specially stubborn resistance. By the English law confisca- 
tion followed the proof of treason a penalty, it was argued, 
which visited the sins of the fathers upon the children, and 
which, moreover, involved a breach of private rights in Scotland, 
which had been expressly safeguarded by the Treaty of Union. 
In spite, however, of the efforts of the Scots and their allies, 
only two amendments were effected before the bill received 
the sanction of both Houses ; and these came from the 
Commons. The names of witnesses against the accused were 
to be submitted to him ten days before trial; and forfeiture 
of landed estate was not to follow judgment of treason to 
this being attached the condition that it should not come 
into force till three years after the succession of the House 
of Hanover. One enactment of the bill was in the interest of 
common humanity : the application of torture, which had dis- 
graced state trials in Scotland during the reigns of Charles II 
and James VII, was henceforth abolished. But this humane 
improvement did not make the measure more palatable to the 
indignant Scots. What they perceived was that one of their 
national laws had been abolished in the interests of England, 
and that another judicatory had been established whose forms 
were alien and distasteful 1 . It was in vain that the English 
Ministry accompanied the detested measure by an Act of Grace 
condoning all treasons committed before the iQth of April, 
1709 the date of the Act 2 . A deep distrust and alarm had 
been provoked ; and the enemies of the Union could triumph- 
antly ask what security could Scotland now possess that other 
terms of the Treaty would not receive similar treatment 3 . The 

1 By the new law a Commission of Oyer and Terminer superseded the 
Scottish Court of Justiciary. 

Treasons committed at sea were excluded from this immunity. 

3 The history of the Bill is fully told by Burnet, who took an active part 
in the debates in the House of Lords and supported his countrymen (Hist, 
of his own Time, v. 389 398). 

CH. in] Growing Dislike to the Union 145 

proceedings of the United Parliament during the next few 
years were not fitted to reassure the agitated nation. 

It had been the bitter complaint of patriots like Fletcher 
of Saltoun that since the Union of the Crowns Scotland had 
been a mere dependency of England ; but during the years that 
immediately followed the Union of the Parliament the same 
complaint could be raised with at least equal truth. Throughout 
these years every interest of Scotland was regarded and treated 
purely and simply with reference to the exigencies of political 
parties in England. There was not a class in Scotland which 
had not reason to complain of a breach of the Articles of Union, 
and to regret that it had ever been accomplished. Clergy, 
merchants, peers, all in succession had their own special 
grievances which they were powerless to redress, and from 
which the only escape, as it seemed, was the dissolution of 
that Union which had been the cause of all the mischief. To 
this end, indeed, converged the feelings of all classes in the 
country; and, had the reign of Anne continued for a few 
years longer, the chances were many that the Union would 
have been dissolved with the hearty consent of both peoples. 

The Parliament which met in November, 1708, was pro- 
rogued in April, 1709; and there followed a 
revolution in English parties which determined 
the policy of the country to the close of the reign. The quarrel 
of Anne with the Duchess of Marlborough, and the passions 
let loose by the trial of Sacheverell created a situation necessi- 
tating a new election (1710), which resulted in the return of an 
overwhelming Tory majority. In Scotland, solely out of dis- 
content with the Union, the constituencies, burghs and shires 
alike, declared with equal decision for the same party ; and of 
the sixteen representative peers returned every one was a Tory. 
Supreme in the House of Commons, the Tory Ministry made 
itself equally supreme in the House of Lords by the simple 
process of creating twelve new peers of their own political 
party (1711). It was with this new Government that the 

B. s. in. 10 

146 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

interests of Scotland were to lie during the remaining years 
of the reign of Queen Anne. 

The National Church was the first body to be disquieted 
by the conduct of the new Government. In 1709 an Episco- 
palian clergyman, named James Greenshields, settled in Edin- 
burgh and drew around him a congregation of his own persuasion. 
As its numbers were largely composed of English who had 
settled in the town after the Union, he made use of the 
Anglican liturgy in his service. In the eyes of the ministers of 
the National Church this was a wanton defiance at once of 
their jurisdiction and the law of the land an opinion in which 
they were supported by the civic authorities of the town. On 
Greenshields' refusing to desist from holding his service, the 
magistrates, at the instance of the Presbytery, enforced the 
prohibition ; and, as he still continued obdurate, he was lodged 
in the Tolbooth. From his prison he appealed for redress to 
the Court of Session, and twice that Court confirmed the 
magistrates' order. Now, to the astonishment and dismay of 
the Established Church, Greenshields appealed to the House of 
Lords, which on the ist of March, 1710, reversed the decision 
of the Court of Session. Here then was the jurisdiction of 
the Church, supposed to be for ever safeguarded by the Union, 
set at naught in its prime concern. Henceforth the limits of 
that jurisdiction would be determined not by the constitution 
of the National Church but by a House of Lords, of which 
Anglican bishops formed a component part. So the ministers 
naturally reasoned, and they were to have further proofs of the 
soundness of their conclusions. 

In 1712 the Jacobite Lockhart and five associates of his 

own way of thinking were the instruments of 
1712 * 

introducing a bill into the House of Commons, 
which on the face of it was the product of the most enlightened 
statesmanship 1 . It was the famous Act of Toleration, expressly 
designed for the protection of Episcopacy in Scotland. Passed 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 378. 

CH. in] Act of Toleration 147 

by large majorities in both Houses, it would have been an 
admirable measure but for the motives which prompted it. 
Lockhart, its chief author, frankly states his aim in introducing 
it: it was to convince the Presbyterian clergy "that the establish- 
ment of their kirk would in time be overturned, as it was 
obvious that the security thereof was not so thoroughly es- 
tablished by the Union as they imagined 1 ." Nor can the 
English Tories who supported him be credited with more 
exalted motives. In 1711 they had at length succeeded in 
passing "their favourite measure," the Occasional Conformity 
Act, which ordained that every officer, civil or military, and 
every magistrate of a corporation, obliged by the Acts of 
Charles II's reign to receive the Sacrament, should pay a 
penalty of ^40 and forfeit his appointment if he attended 
any religious meeting of Dissenters; and in 1714 the same 
party afterwards passed the Schism Act, which disabled Dis- 
senters from maintaining schools for the education of their own 
children. Toleration was in truth a doctrine equally obnoxious 
to the main body of Presbyterians and Episcopalians both 
in Scotland and in England, and was only approved by the 
Church that happened to need it. If the Act of Toleration 
had been passed with the highest of motives, therefore, it would 
still have been unpalatable to the Presbyterians of Scotland. 
But it was the invasion of the Church's jurisdiction by an alien 
power that woke their deepest alarm. Moreover, there were other 
clauses in the Act which implied that, in the view of those who 
were responsible for it, the National Church was on precisely 
the same footing as the Episcopalian dissenters. Presbyterian 
and Episcopalian alike were commanded to pray for the Queen, 
and to take the oath of allegiance and abjuration the last, as 
denned by the Act of Settlement, requiring that the sovereign 
should be an Episcopalian. Thus, in the opinion of its clergy, 
was the Church's spiritual independence assailed from another 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 418. 

10 2 

148 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

side, since a compulsory oath was a constraining of conscience 
against which it had done battle since it came into existence. 
A few days after the passing of the Act of Toleration 
another blow was dealt at the privileges of the 
Church: on the 7th of April, 1712, an Act was 
passed restoring lay patronage, which had been abolished in 1690. 
Again the Church protested that this was a flagrant breach of the 
Act of Security, which had guaranteed all the Church's privileges 
as they existed at the time of the Union. It was fully perceived, 
also, that not consideration for the Church's welfare, but pure 
political expediency had prompted the legislators in their 
action. It would still further prejudice the Church against 
the Union and therefore against the succession of the House 
of Hanover, and at the same time materially weaken its political 
influence. Often in the past the ministers had by their in- 
fluence over their congregations seriously hampered the policy 
of successive Governments ; but in the future the majority of 
the lay patrons would see to it that no minister should be 
placed in a charge where he was likely to work mischief. Of 
the eventful histony that was in store for the Act that had thus 
been passed neither Church nor legislators could dream ; but 
what the Church did realise was the fact that, as things now 
went, the Act of Security was at the mercy of any strong 
Government that might see fit to over-ride it. 

But besides the Church, the nobility of Scotland were to 
have their turn of humiliation. In 1711 the 

I7II 12 

Queen created the Duke of Hamilton a peer of 
Great Britain under the title of the Duke of Brandon ; and, as 
in 1709 the Duke of Queensberry had been allowed to take 
his seat in the House of Lords as Duke of Dover, Hamilton 
naturally concluded that he could claim the same privilege. 
But to the indignation of the Scottish peers a majority of 
the House now maintained that Queensberry's case was no 
precedent, as it had never been the subject of formal debate 
and had never been definitely concluded. The majority further 

CH. in] Scottish Peers and the Union 149 

urged that by the Treaty of Union sixteen Scottish peers only 
could have the privilege of voting in the House, and that no 
English title granted by the Crown could confer it. Behind 
these arguments, however, lay what was alleged to be the true 
reason of the opposition : at any time the party in power might 
create such a number of Scottish peers as would give them a 
majority in the House. By fifty-seven to fifty-two the Lords 
resolved that no Scottish peer should by right of an English 
title become a member of their House 1 , and that henceforward 
only the sixteen elected peers should represent the nobility of 
Scotland 2 . Not only by the Scottish peers themselves, but by 
the Scottish nation at large, the decision was regarded as 
another proof of the deliberate intention of. England to construe 
the Treaty of Union to its own advantage. 

The great inducement that had led many Scots to desire 
the Union had been the prospect of more favourable conditions 
of trade, but during the years that immediately followed 
its accomplishment the Scottish merchants were as bitterly 
dissatisfied as any class in the nation. The volume of trade, 
far from increasing as the result of the Union, had manifestly 
decreased. Nor had the legislation of the United Parliament 
been such as to convince the Scottish trading classes that 
England had a sincere desire for the equal prosperity of both 
countries. A bill introduced in the session of 1711, imposing 
a duty on the export of linen, was regarded by the Scots at 
once as an injustice and as an infringement of the Union. 
According to the fourteenth Article of the Treaty, taxation was 

1 The disability was not removed till 1782. 

3 Burnet, op. cit. VI. 80 4, 91 2, 97 8. As a protest against the 
resolution the Scottish peers determined to sit no longer in the House, but 
after a few days "by secret, forcible arguments" they were persuaded to 
return. "If that affair of the peerage then go against us," wrote the Earl 
of Mar, "I dread the consequence it will infallibly have. The Union 
depends on it," &c. Mar and Kellie Papers, June 10, 1711. Yet Mar 
deserted his countrymen in the stand they made against the English 

150 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

to be imposed with strict regard to its general equity ; but, in 
the case of this bill, the fact was ignored that linen was for 
Scotland what woollens were for England its staple com- 
modity of export 1 . When the Scottish members protested 
against the injustice, they were scornfully told by Harley, the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, that when England gave them 
the Equivalent she had bought the right to tax them. Nor was 
this an isolated instance of English discouragement of Scottish 
enterprise. A bill introduced by the Scots proposed that 
timber for ship-building might be imported into England from 
Scotland as well as from America ; but, before it became law, 
it was clogged with conditions that defeated the objects of its 
proposers 2 . In the case of another bill that would have favoured 
the linen manufacture of Ireland at the expense of the same 
manufacture in Scotland, the Scottish members gained an ex- 
perience by which they would have done well to profit; by 
their united and determined opposition they succeeded in 
effectively blocking the measure 3 . 

Scottish discontent with the Union, however, reached its 
climax when, on the eve of the Treaty of Utrecht 
(1713), it was proposed to levy an equal duty on 
malt in all the three countries. Again the Scots raised the cry 
that the tax was a flagrant breach of the Union, which had 
expressly stipulated that taxation should be imposed on general 
principles of equity. The barley raised in Scotland did not 
approach that of England in quality; and to levy an equal 
tax on malt in the case of both countries, therefore, would be 
an intolerable injustice. Moreover, a special Article in the 
Treaty had exempted Scotland from a Malt Tax during the 
continuance of the war with France, and, though peace was now 
imminent, it had not yet been concluded; and, finally, the 
Treaty had declared that Scotland was to be exempted from 
contributing to the expenses of the war, though the very terms 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 326 8. a Ib. pp. 332 3. 

9 Ib. pp. 328332. 

CH. in] The Malt Tax 151 

of the proposed Act expressly stated that the money raised 
from the tax was to be spent in meeting these expenses. In 
both Houses the Scots presented a united and resolute front 
against the measure, but for the first time English Whigs and 
Tories made a common cause against them 1 . With a secret 
assurance that Scotland would be exempted from its application, 
the bill was passed, so that in substance the Scottish members 
had gained their point, though as a concession and not as 
a right 8 . 

The discontent produced in connection with the Malt Tax, 
both among the Scottish members and their countrymen 
at home, brought to a head the long-gathering wrath against 
the Union as a transaction which could only issue in the ruin 
of the country. "The English," Mar had written at the close of 
1711, "as most of the Scots are, seem to be weary of the 
Union 3 ." In the case of England it was no secret that the 
chiefs of the Ministry, Harley and Bolingbroke, only waited the 
opportunity to declare for the Pretender; and that, so far 
as they with safety might, they were seeking to guide events 
to that end. With this end in view, it was understood, the 
Duke of Hamilton was appointed ambassador to Paris with 
the ostensible object of concluding the Peace of Utrecht, but 
at the same time with secret instructions regarding the exiled 
House an object which was tragically frustrated by Hamilton's 
death in a duel with Lord Mohun. The granting of pensions 
to Highland chiefs to meet the expense of arming their clans 
could also be interpreted only in one way by Whigs and Tories 
alike 4 . If these were the dispositions of the English Ministers, 
in Scotland they could reckon on powerful support. When 
the hour for action came, the Highlands in general would 

1 "This was the first instance since the Union," writes Lockhart, "of a 
national disposition against Scotland." Op. cit. I. 416. 

2 Ib. pp. 414 7 ; Burnet, op. cit. vi. 148 150. 
J Mar and Kellie Papers, Dec. 27, 1711. 

4 Lockhart, op. cit. I. 377. 

152 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

be at tneir back ; and there were unmistakable signs that the 
Lowlands, both town and country, were becoming daily more 
restive under the existing condition of things. As the result of 
the legislation since the Union, there was not a class which was 
not groaning under some real or imaginary grievance. Where 
there was not a material grievance, sentiment was an equally 
powerful motive of disaffection, as was exemplified in an action 
of the Faculty of Advocates, who represented the class of the 
national gentry. The Duchess of Gordon, a Roman Catholic 
in religion and a Jacobite in politics, presented the Faculty 
with a silver medal, its one side figured with the image of the 
Pretender and the legend Reddite, the other with a map of the 
British Islands and the words Cujus est? By a majority of 
sixty-three to twelve the body accepted the treasonable gift, 
and it was only the threatened consequences of their action 
that constrained them to restore it to its donor. 

It was amid the indignation created by the Malt Tax that 

the Scottish members took the definite resolution 
I 7 I 3 

of making an effort to undo the Treaty of Union. 

All parties among them were now united by common grievances; 
and for different reasons both Whigs and Tories desired the 
same immediate end. The Whigs had urged union mainly 
because it would ensure the Protestant succession; but, as 
public opinion was now tending, it seemed that this result was 
becoming every day more doubtful. On their part, the Tories 
were eager for its dissolution for the same reasons which had 
moved them in opposing its accomplishment : an independent 
Scottish Parliament, as they reckoned, was imperatively neces- 
sary in the interests of the exiled House. It was with these 
discrepant aims, therefore, that the Scottish members, peers 
and commoners, Whigs and Tories, now joined hands in a 
common effort to demolish the Union. The motion for dis- 
solution, it was agreed, should first be submitted to the House 
of Lords, where it was likely to meet with least opposition : 
and by a curious irony the man who undertook to propose it 

CH. in] Attempt to undo the Union 153 

was the Chancellor Seafield (now Earl of Findlater), who had 
been one of the chief instruments in effecting the Union. 
The Union, he told the House, had failed in the chief 
object for which it had been intended. Far from becoming 
more united in interests and affections, the two nations had 
become more and more estranged every day since the 
Treaty of Union had been in force. Scotland, on her part, 
complained that its Articles had been systematically disre- 
garded in the interests of England, and that she had no 
guarantee that this treatment would be discontinued. In 
the interests of both countries, therefore, he urged the dissolu- 
tion of a Union which had failed in its object, and in the 
end could only be disastrous to both. When the vote on the 
motion was taken, fifty-four Lords were found on either side ; 
but of the proxies thirteen gave their votes for the motion and 
seventeen against it 1 . 

Had the motion been carried, its supporters were fully 
aware that a grave situation would have been created. " If we 
saw a possibility of getting free of the Union without a civil 
war," Mar had written in January, 1712, "we would have some 
comfort, but that I am afraid is impossible 3 ." The day of 
the dissolution of the Union would have revealed to Whig 
and Tory the essential antagonism of their respective ends; and 
the result could hardly have been other than Mar anticipated. 
The issue would have again been joined between Protestantism 
on the one hand, and Roman Catholicism on the other, for 
in this light the conflict would have been regarded by all 
Presbyterian Scotland. By the death of Queen Anne on 
the ist of August, 1714, a new situation was created which 
averted what seemed an impending disaster, and eventually 
reduced Jacobitism to a sentiment and a dream. 

1 The irony of the situation is shown by the fact that the Whig Lords 
supported Seafield's motion and the Tories opposed it. 

2 Mar and Kellie Papers y Jan. 17, 1713. 


GEORGE I, 1714 1727. 
GEORGE II, 1727 1760. 


THE immediate consequences of the death of Anne (August i, 
1714) were fraught with surprise to all parties in the United 
Kingdom 1 . Had she lived six weeks longer, according to 
Bolingbroke, the restoration of the Stewarts would have been 
assured; and the relative numbers and resources of Whig 
and Jacobite at her death justified the confident assertion. 
Both in England and Scotland, the majority of the Tories 
regarded the son of James VII as their rightful king, 
and were prepared to accept him as such should events so 
dispose. Moreover, though the death of Anne had discon- 
certed the schemes of Bolingbroke and his Jacobite allies, 
measures had been taken during the preceding four years 
with the express purpose of determining events in favour of 
the Stewart prince. Court appointments were mainly in the 
hands of sympathisers with the exiled House; the army was 
officered by Jacobites ; and the strong places on or near the 
coast (Berwick and Edinburgh among them) were put in similar 
safe keeping 2 . In the Highlands, we have seen, large sums 

1 Lord Morley tells us that " a Whig of this generation " described 
the accession of the House of Hanover as " the greatest miracle in our 
history." Life of Walpolc (Lond. 1890), p. 40. 

a Mahon, Hist, of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of 
Aix-la-Chafelle (Lond. 1836), I. 76 8. 

CH. iv] Triumph of the Whigs 155 

had been systematically distributed among the clans who fully 
understood the ultimate object of the Government's generosity 1 . 
Yet, as the event immediately and conclusively proved, there 
had been wanting to all these measures the soul and purpose 
requisite to give them effect when the decisive moment came. 
The late Queen had not been dead many days before the nation 
was convinced that a Stewart restoration was as remote a con- 
tingency as ever, and that the principles of the Revolution 
were to receive their final sanction by the accession of a king 
whose essential claim to the throne was that he was a Protestant 
by birth and conviction. In this unexpected issue all good 
Whigs could endorse the sentiment of the Dowager Countess 
of Stair, expressed in a letter to her son : " I wrote to you 
since this surprising show of Providence happened, which is 
certainly the ground of high praise to God 2 ." 

The circumstances that attended the proclamation of 
George I in the capital of Scotland were as 
encouraging to the Hanoverian party as they 
were disconcerting to the Jacobites. "I have seen nothing 
like it but the happy Revolution," writes Wodrow ; and he 
significantly adds that " the Jacobites seem to be thunder-struck 
and many of them are laying about 3 ." The proclamation took 
place on the 5th of August amid a concourse of nobility and 
gentry which struck dismay into the Jacobites, who, only a 
week before, had been full of sanguine hope of a far different 
issue. After a day spent in the solemnities of the proclamation, 
the evening was made gay with ringing of bells, illuminations, 
the discharge of guns from the Castle, and "other demon- 
strations of extraordinary joy 4 ." On the following night the 

1 Parliamentary History, vi. 1275. 

2 Murray Graham, Annals and Correspondence of- the Viscount and the 
First and Second Earls of Stair (Edin. and Lond. 1875), I. 253. 

3 Wodrow, Correspondence (Edin. 1843), * S^3 

4 Rae, The History of the Late Rebellion raised against his Majesty 
King George (Dumfries, 1718), pp. 61 3. Rae was present in Edin- 
burgh on the day of the proclamation. 

156 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

auspicious occasion was further signalised by a magnificent 
ball given in Holyrood by the Duchess of Argyle, who in 
the exuberance of her loyalty danced a reel with Baillie John 
Campbell, a Highland spy, and Robert Campbell, "a scrubb 
writer" (solicitor) 1 . Nor in the country at large was there 
much overt suggestion that the nation was not all of one mind. 
While in England, on the Queen's death, there were riots in 
several of the leading towns, in Scotland such ebullitions were 
confined to Aberdeen, a stronghold of Jacobitism, and Glasgow, 
where an Episcopalian Church was demolished by a mob, 
prompted (it was alleged) by the Episcopalians themselves, " to 
throw dirt on the Presbyterians 8 ." 

But under this apparent calm, as the whole nation knew, 
there was a wide- spread unrest charged with the gravest possi- 
bilities for the future. Before the accession of George there 
had been Jacobite manifestations in different parts of the 
country, which implied a measure of strength and confidence 
that might at any moment assert itself with formidable effect 
against the new Government. In the capital itself the Jacobites 
were so numerous that it was deemed necessary to take precau- 
tions for the security of the Castle and to summon troops from 
Dundee and other towns where they happened to be quartered 3 . 
In the western counties there were districts, notably in Ayrshire 
and Dumfriesshire, where the loyalists deemed it prudent to 
form plans of common action in the event of any movement 
hostile to the Government 4 . But it was the state of the 
Highlands that gave the greatest cause for uneasiness to all 
who were favourably disposed to the new regime. So early as 
February (1714), Wodrow was perturbed in his quiet study 
at Eastwood, near Glasgow, by rumours of threatening move- 

1 MSS. of the Duke of Atholl, Hist. MSS. Com., Twelfth Report, 
Part vin. 66. 

2 MSS. of Duke of Portland, Hist. MSS. Com., V. 494. 
8 Rae, op. clt. p. 63. 

4 George Charles, Transactions in Scotland (Edin. 1818), pp. 16 et seq. 

CH. iv] State of the Highlands 157 

ments among the clans. At recent burials of chiefs there had 
been gatherings of thousands of armed Highlanders, which 
could only bode impending mischief; within a march of two 
days and a half from Glasgow there were upwards of a thousand 
armed Papists prepared at any moment to fall upon that town. 
In May, Wodrow was informed that the clans were actually in 
arms, and that the Marquis of Huntly had joined them ; and 
his conclusion was that "all honest men should be on their 
guard 1 ." 

These menacing indications could not be ignored by the 
Lords Justices who were entrusted with the re- 

T T T A 

gency till the arrival of George in his new 
kingdom. On the i5th of September a reward of ^100,000 
sterling was offered for the seizure of the Pretender's person 
should he land in any part of Great Britain. In the same 
month half-pay officers, mainly belonging to Scottish regiments, 
were sent down to Scotland to drill the militia under the direc- 
tion of the Commander-in-Chief, Major-General Whetham. 
The appearance of an armed body of Highlanders at Inver- 
loch) T , dispersed by a detachment from Fort William, led to 
still more decisive measures. The most important of the 
suspected Jacobites were placed under surveillance the Duke 
of Gordon in Edinburgh and the Marquis of Huntly in his 
own house, while the Duke of Atholl was ordered to take 
up his residence in his Castle of Blair to ensure the peace 
of the neighbouring country 2 . Finally, in December a Com- 
mission of Police was appointed for the discharge of the 
miscellaneous duties which had formerly fallen to the Scottish 
Privy Council the maintenance of peace, the superintendence 
of trade and commerce, and the general supervision of all the 
interests of the nation. By the close of the year these measures 
had apparently been so effectual that on the last of December 
Duncan Forbes could write to a correspondent that "there 

1 Wodrow, Correspondence^ I. 545, 557 8. 

2 I\ae, op. cit. pp. 77 9. 

158 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

is not so much as a whisper of any project, Whig or Tory, 
further than that of the elections for the ensuing Parliament 1 ." 
The elections took place in February, 1715. It was to the 
disadvantage of the Whigs that there were two 
sets of adversaries with whom they had to 
reckon in the contest. There were the Jacobites, whose 
numbers in the country districts were nearly equal to their own ; 
and there was another section formidable both in town and 
country, and with no Jacobite sympathies but convinced that 
now was the opportunity for dissolving the Union which was 
the abiding cause of all Scotland's ills. The result of the 
elections, both in England and Scotland, proved that the mass 
of the two peoples had resolved for the time at least to give 
their support to the government of George I. To the House 
of Commons Scotland returned an overwhelming Whig majority; 
and the list of representative peers designated by the King's 
advisers were chosen to a man. The Parliament thus elected 
passed soon afterwards the famous Septennial Act (1716), 
which prolonged its powers for seven years ; and its appointed 
work was to give permanence and security at once to the 
Union and to the Hanoverian dynasty. 

Though the two nations had thus unequivocally given their 
sanction to the new Government, it was becoming 
every day more evident that the Jacobites would 
not be content to remain supine under their defeat. "The 
vanity, insolence, arrogance, and madness of the Jacobites," 
writes a correspondent to John Forbes of Culloden in February, 
" is beyond all measure insupportable. I believe they must be 
let blood." And he proceeds to say that Edinburgh is swarming 
with Papists and Jacobites, and that saddles are being manu- 
factured in the same town for the use of dragoons to serve the 
Pretender 2 . In March the same correspondent writes that 
the Pretender is expected every moment, and that his friends 

1 Culloden Papers (Lond. 1815), p. 34. 

2 Ib. p. 37. 

CH. iv J Preparations against Rebellion 159 

are all ready 1 . During the spring and summer it became 
apparent that some action in favour of the exiled House was 
seriously intended. In July the state of things in both 
countries became so menacing that on the 20th of that month 
the King formally announced to the House of Commons that 
the country was in danger and that preparations were neces- 
sary to avert it. There was an enthusiastic response on the 
part both of Lords and Commons; the Habeas Corpus Act 
and the Scottish Act 2 corresponding to it were suspended, 
and the offer of ; 100,000 for the person of the Pretender was 
renewed. Against invasion the fleet and army were put on 
a war footing : twenty-one regiments were raised, and the 
train-bands ordered to be in readiness for emergencies 3 . 

In the case of Scotland the alarm of the Government was 
speedily justified. On the 2nd of August John, 
Earl of Mar, started from London on his por- 
tentous journey northwards with the deliberate purpose of 
setting Scotland aflame with civil war. As his sobriquet 
"Bobbing John" implies, Mar was regarded by his contem- 
poraries of all parties as pre-eminent for his versatility even 
in that versatile age. He had been a Privy Councillor under 
King William ; he had been an ardent adherent of Queensberry 
in the reign of Anne, had deserted him and rejoined him ; he 
was, as we have seen, one of the principal agents in effecting 
the Union, but had soon changed his mind and professed 
to regret his action. As he himself tells us, he had been 
in communication with the Pretender for four years before the 
death of Anne 4 ; and yet, as we shall see, none was more 

1 Culloden Papers (Lond. 1815), p. 42. 

2 An Act for preventing wrongous imprisonment and against undue 
delays in Trials, passed by the Scottish Parliament in 1701. See above, 
pp. 41 2. 

Tindal, Continuation of Rapiris Hist, of England (Lond. 1746), 
xxvi. 767. 

The Earl of Mar's Legacies to Scotland and to his Son (Lord Erskine) 
(Miscell. of Scot. Hist. Soc. 1896), p. 163. 

160 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

enthusiastic in the expression of his loyalty at the accession of 
the Hanoverian King. Yet it is not for his versatility that 
Mar mainly deserves reprobation on the page of history ; the 
rapidity with which he changed sides is not unparalleled in the 
case of statesmen either north or south of the Tweed. The 
crime for which he must be arraigned is that out of mere 
vindictiveness and disappointed ambition he kindled civil war 
for a cause which, as his action both before and after it proved, 
was rooted in his heart neither by sentiment nor conviction. 
During the crisis that followed the death of Anne it is apparent, 
alike from his public and private utterances, that he meant to 
accept the House of Hanover if he could be sure of George's 
favour. "God direct the people of our country to behave 
themselves right, and to prevent making it a field of blood and 
confusion 1 ," he wrote (July 31, 1714) to his brother Lord Grange 
words which in the following year were to receive a notable 
commentary in his own action. On August 30 he addressed a 
letter to George, while still in Holland, in which he expressed 
his humble devotion and loyalty; and to emphasise the im- 
portance of his homage he procured a document, subscribed 
by leading Highland chiefs and equally charged with loyal 
sentiments, which however George refused to receive 8 . George 
was, in fact, as Mar well knew, fully informed of his devious 
past, and, in keeping with his general policy of excluding all 
suspected persons from his service, deprived him of the Secre- 
taryship of State, which was given to the Duke of Montrose. 
It was a still more insulting rebuff that he was removed from 
the hereditary custody of Stirling Castle, a charge, which he 
told the Duke of Montrose, had been in his family for 
"hundreds of years 3 ." Even this insult he received with 

1 Mar and Kellie Paper -s, p. 505. 

2 The letters are given by Rae (op. cit. pp. 85 7), but the date (Aug. 30) 
is possibly an error. Mar procured the letter of the Highland chiefs through 
his brother, Lord Grange (Mar and Kellie Papers, p. 509). 

3 Mar and Kellie Paper s^ p. 510. 

CH. iv] Movements of Mar 161 

apparent humility : it was his duty, he wrote, " to submit to 
the King's pleasure." But he had received these rebuffs in no 
chastened spirit; and, within a year, he was deep in the 
counsels of the House of Stewart and its friends. 

If we are to accept Mar's own word, it was " by the King's 
(Pretender's) repeated orders " that he engaged in 
an enterprise of which he himself had little hope 
from the beginning 1 . Embarking in a coal-sloop in the disguise 
of a workman, and accompanied only by Major-General 
Hamilton, Colonel Hay, and two domestics, he landed at Elie on 
the coast of Fife after a voyage of eight days. The people of 
Fife were, as in the previous century, thoroughly Presbyterian 
and therefore Hanoverian in their sympathies, while the country 
gentlemen (the representative of Hackston of Rathillet among 
them) were generally inclined to the Stewarts 2 . In Fife, as 
throughout Scotland generally, Mar had carefully prepared the 
ground before his arrival ; and he was soon in communication 
with every Jacobite of importance in that county. His first 
object was to bring together such a body of representative persons 
as would enable him to organise a plan of campaign. A long- 
standing custom in the Highlands supplied a convenient 
opportunity of attaining this end. When the chiefs had any 
questionable enterprise in hand, it was their custom to organise 
a great hunt, known as the Tinchal, and under the colour 
of this sport to assemble at some appointed spot and come to 
a mutual understanding. During the previous year many such 
huntings had been arranged ; and the summons was now issued 
for a similar gathering at Aboyne in Mar's own country on the 
26th of August. The concourse that met on the appointed 
day was fitted to encourage the hope that they were engaged in 
no desperate adventure, for among those who responded to the 

1 Mat's Legacies, p. 163 ; Berwick, Memoirs, p. 246 ; Stuart Papers 
(Hist. MSS. Com.), i. 520 5. Cf. W. C. Mackenzie, Simon Fraser, Lord 
Lovat, His Life and Times (Lond. 1908), p. 233. 

a Wodrow, Correspondence, II. 85. 

B. S. III. 1 1 

1 62 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

summons were the Marquis of Huntly, eldest son of the Duke 
of Gordon, the Marquis of Tullibardine, eldest son of the Duke 
of Atholl, and the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, 
Errol, Southesk, Carnwath, Seaforth, and Linlithgow. Pre- 
senting such credentials as he possessed from the Pretender 1 , 
Mar, whose gift of persuasive speech was his chief qualification 
for the enterprise in hand, wrought so effectually on his audience 
that it was unanimously decided to raise the standard for 
James VIII on the yth of September ensuing. 

Fully aware of all these doings, the Government took prompt 
measures to defeat them. Its first step was to pass an Act 
(August 30) designated with unconscious irony as " An Act for 
encouraging loyalty in Scotland," and commonly known as the 
" Clan Act." By the terms of this Act every Crown vassal was 
to forfeit his estates if found guilty of treasonable correspon- 
dence with the Pretender; if the sub-tenants of such guilty 
vassals remained loyal, they were to sit rent-free for two years 
after the attainder of their superiors, while, on the other hand, if 
the tenants were the guilty parties, their lands and possessions 
were to revert to the superiors of whom they were held. 
Another clause in the Act effectually precluded a subterfuge of 
which Scottish proprietors had often availed themselves in the 
past : entails and settlements in favour of children or other 
heirs were made void from the ist of August, 1715, for all time 
coming. The Clan Act is, in truth, one of the landmarks 
in the history of Scotland. The kings of Scots had known 
to their cost how lightly their great vassals had defied their 
authority at the head of a host of retainers who were ever ready 
at their beck and call. Moreover, by the Treaty of Union the 
feudal jurisdictions of the Scottish barons had been carefully 
safeguarded for all future time. But with the terrors of the 
new Act before him every lord would seriously reckon the cost 

1 As yet he had no official commission, but in his Legacy to his son he 
says that it was by the Chevalier's " express and repeated orders " that he 
had gone to Scotland. Mar's Legacies, pp. 163 4. 

CH. ivj Measures of the Government 163 

of abjuring his allegiance to the existing Government. Thus 
far the Clan Act was in the interest both of the present and 
the future ; in the case of a further clause its wisdom was not 
justified by the event. By this clause the Crown was empowered 
to summon all suspected persons to appear in Edinburgh on a 
given day under pain of forfeiture, a year's imprisonment, and 
a fine of .500. About sixty persons throughout the Highlands 
and Lowlands were promptly summoned, but of the list only 
two appeared Sir Alexander Erskine, the Lyon King-of- 
Arms, and Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre ; and the result of 
the ill-advised measure was that those already in rebellion 
were confirmed in their courses and the wavering driven to 
join them 1 . 

The two nations were now face to face with the arbitrament 
which had been foreboded since the beginning of the reign. 
What were the ruling principles and passions that had cleft 
both peoples in twain, and what were the respective strength 
and weakness of the parties now about to close in internecine 
strife? The outbreaks of 1715 and 1745, it has been said, are 
to be regarded simply as " the last struggle of barbarism against 
civilisation " in our country 2 . So far as the mass of the High- 
landers who engaged in the rebellion was concerned, the remark 
undoubtedly contains a large measure of truth. For them either 
rising was merely a raid into the Lowlands on a larger scale 
than usual, which might result in proportionally greater spoil, 
but which once achieved would leave their modes of life pre- 
cisely what they had been. As an explanation of the collective 
Jacobite movement in both countries, however, the explanation 
is obviously inadequate. In his Essay on the Protestant 
succession, published three years before the rebellion of 1745, 
Hume expresses the opinion that an "impartial patriot" in 
the reign of Anne might well have been puzzled to decide 

1 Memoirs of the Insurrection in Scotland in 1715, by John, Master of 
Sinclair (Abbotsford Club, 1857), p. 36. 

1 Buckle, Hist, of Civilization in England (Lond. 1873), in. 157. 

II 2 

164 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

whether a Stewart or a Hanoverian succession was in the best 
interests of his country. In favour of the Stewart there was 
a "succession clear and undisputed, free from a pretender, 
with such a specious title as that of blood" an argument, 
he adds, the most easily comprehended by the mass of a 
people. The advantage of a Hanoverian succession, on the 
other hand, lay precisely in the fact that it violated the claim 
of hereditary right and would bind King and people recipro- 
cally to each other. Impartial patriots, such as Hume imagined, 
are rare in every age; yet, as the literature of the time proves, 
these respective arguments were fully present to judicious 
minds in both parties. So long as a representative of the 
House of Stewart remained such was the contention of Tory 
and Jacobite a stable, permanent Government was an impossi- 
bility *; and the experiences of the reign of Anne were a 
sufficiently cogent support of their contention. More con- 
vincing, as events proved, however, because based on a wider 
induction, was the argument of the Hanoverians that the 
interests of a free and Protestant country could not be safe in 
the hands of a Stewart and Roman Catholic King. The 
governing fact, indeed, in the great issue between the two 
parties was that the Pretender had been reared in the 
Catholic religion, and conscientiously refused to abjure it, even 
to gain the throne of his ancestors 2 . Since the accession of the 
Stewarts to the Crown of the three kingdoms, the dread of 
a restoration of Catholicism had been a dominating political 
motive in England and Scotland alike; and it was the per- 
sistence of this dread that was the main source of strength 
to the Hanoverian party. Further, the religion of the exiled 
prince created a fatal cleavage among his own supporters, the 

1 The refrain of the Jacobite song, " There'll never be peace till Jamie 
come hame," thus expressed both logic and sentiment. 

2 It was Walpole's permanent conviction as a public man that the 
Pretender might at any time have gained his father's throne had he 
declared himself a Protestant, 

CH. iv] Jacobites and Hanoverians 165 

great majority of whom were firmly attached to some form 
of Protestantism, and could only regard with dubious con- 
fidence the advent of a king who was bound by his own 
convictions to repeat the fatal policy of his father. 

In a crisis such as was now upon the nation, passion and 
sentiment are more potent motives than enlightened reason; 
and the course of events since the Revolution had been such 
as to evoke sentiment and passion in intensest degree. Among 
men and women 1 of a certain type loyalty to the exiled 
House was a sentiment that over-rode every other considera- 
tion, and undoubtedly gave the chief momentum to the Jacobite 
cause in both countries. What romantic loyalty was to the 
rank and file of the Jacobites, attachment to the Protestant 
religion was to the common multitude of the Whigs a senti- 
ment, as history proves, the mightiest to influence and impel 
men to self-sacrificing action. But while the mass of both 
parties were mainly influenced by these simple motives, in 
their leaders are found all the mingled passions evoked by 
momentous contingencies in human affairs. On the side of 
the Jacobites, Mar was only the most prominent example of 
a type of men, who, as the squalid history of the exiled 
court lamentably shows, had adopted the Stewart cause for 
the simple reason that no other course was open to them. 
Nor were motives of self-interest absent in determining the 
adhesion of the Whig chiefs to the House of Hanover: 
even their most eminent leader in Scotland, the Duke of 
Argyle, when his fortunes were low at the Court of George, had 
thoughts that he might improve them in another quarter. 
Personal animosities between the chiefs of the rival parties 
were a further aggravating cause which tended to produce the 
cleavage in the nation at large. In making a clean sweep 
of every Tory from his Government 2 , George only acted as 

1 In Addison's Freeholder we have a remarkable testimony to the in- 
fluence of women in promoting the Jacobite cause. 

2 With the exception of the Earl of Nottingham. 

1 66 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the exigencies of the moment imperiously dictated, since, apart 
from their conflicting ideas regarding the interests of the nation, 
men who had stood in such relations to each other as the Whig 
and Tory statesmen of the last years of Anne could never have 
worked together towards a common policy 1 . Nevertheless the 
exclusion of the Tories from all share in the Government was 
one of the decisive facts in the situation ; a party debarred for 
an indefinite period from all share in the councils of the 
nation could hardly remain loyally disposed to a regime, the 
existence of which depended on this condition. 

From the outbreak of the Civil War the keenest observers 
on both sides were convinced that the rebellion would prove 
futile. Bolingbroke, now the Secretary of the Pretender, and 
Mar himself both held this opinion ; and such Whigs as the 
Earl of Stair were equally confident of what must be its issue. 
To the majority of the people of Scotland, however, the result 
appeared by no means so certain. The mass of the Highlanders, 
it was supposed, would be on the side of the exiled House; and 
the achievements of Montrose and Dundee were a vivid 
memory in the national mind. In the Lowlands, moreover, it 
was the general conviction that the Jacobites had the advan- 
tage in numbers; and, if Lowlander and Highlander could 
concentrate their forces under efficient conduct, the Govern- 
ment might have the worst to fear. On the other hand, it 
was reasoned that the Highlanders were incapable of united 
action beyond a brief period; and that the Jacobites in the 
Lowlands, confined as they were to special districts, could 
be effectually kept in check by the constituted authorities. To 
the south of the Forth the Presbyterian ministers were almost 
to a man staunch for the Government 2 , and their influence with 

1 This is the opinion of such different authorities as Lord Morley 
(Walpole, p. 41) and Ranke (History of England, principally in the \>jth 
Century, Oxford, 1875, v. 362). 

2 On May 4th, 1715, the General Assembly had deposed two ministers 
because they refused to pray for King George. Wodrow, Correspondence, 
i- 33- 

CH. iv] Relative Strength of Parties 167 

their parishioners, as the event proved, was more powerful 
than that of the Jacobite lairds. Above all, with the leading 
exceptions of Dundee, Aberdeen, and Elgin, the towns 
were steadfastly loyal and were prepared to do their utmost 
in support of the existing Government. It was with these 
conflicting hopes and fears that the nation awaited the 
momentous issue which was to determine its political and 
religious destiny. 

On September 6 Mar, attended by some sixty men, raised 
his standard at Castleton in Braemar 1 , and form- 
ally proclaimed James III and VIII as King 
of Great Britain and Ireland. As in the case of the rearing of 
Charles Fs standard at Nottingham, a circumstance of ill omen 
attended the event : the gilt ball that surmounted the standard 
spear fell to the ground. The die was now cast, and Mar 
proceeded to take steps for the execution of the enterprise. The 
Fiery Cross, the ancient symbol that summoned the clansmen 
to attend their chiefs in war, was dispatched through the 
districts that were friendly to the cause. More modern means 
of rousing the country were not neglected. A letter to the 
gentlemen of Perthshire, through which the march southwards 
must lie, commanded them in King James' name to raise their 
dependants, to disarm the disloyal in their neighbourhood, and 
(a needful warning) to restrain their followers from plundering 
and living at free quarters. On the 8th of September Mar issued 
a Declaration, couched in the inflated style in which he was 
an adept, wherein he denounced all the ills from which the 
country was suffering and promised every blessing from the 
restoration of the rightful king 2 . A letter he at the same time 
addressed to the bailie of his own lordship of Kildrummie 
signally illustrates the powers which the Scottish barons exerted 
over their inferiors. " Particularly," he wrote, " let my own 
tenants in Kildrummy know that, if they come not forth with 

1 On the site now occupied by the luvercauld Arms Hotel. 

2 Rae, op. cit. pp. 192 3. 

1 68 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vil 

their best arms, I will send a party immediately to burn what 
they shall miss taking from them ; and they may believe this 
not only a threat, but, by all that's sacred, I'll put it in execu- 
tion, let my loss be what it will 1 ." Finally in an elaborate 
manifesto, issued in the name of himself and his associates, 
and printed by Robert Frebairn in Edinburgh, he set forth the 
reasons of his undertaking, and concluded with the alluring 
promise that every footman who joined the cause should 
receive twenty shillings sterling, and every horseman twelve 
pounds sterling inclusive of their pay 2 . 

Meanwhile there were indications that the enterprise was to 
receive substantial support. The clan Mackintosh, the first to 
respond to Mar's appeal, sent a detachment of 500 men under 
the command of Mackintosh of Borlum, who gave immediate 
proof of the vigour he was to show throughout the campaign 
by capturing the important town of Inverness. At Aberdeen, 
Brechin, and Dundee, in all of which towns the sympathies 
of the majority were with the exiled House, the Pretender was 
proclaimed by the territorial magnates in their neighbourhood. 
By the middle of September Mar was in a position to begin his 
march southward, and, gaining numbers as he went, he pro- 
ceeded by way of Moulin and Logierait to Dunkeld where he 
received a further reinforcement of some 4000 men from Atholl 
and Breadalbane 3 . The luckiest stroke in the campaign enabled 
him to march still further into the heart of the country. By 
his orders, Colonel John Hay, brother of the Earl of Kinnoull, 
seized the town of Perth, which Mar himself occupied on the 
28th. The possession of Perth, which was henceforth to be the 
head-quarters of the rebel army, was at once a source of prestige 
and a substantial gain. As the event proved, it gave Mar the 
command of the north-eastern Lowlands, and the seaboard north 
of Dundee, and effectually prevented a junction between the 
loyal forces of the north and the south. 

1 Ray, op, cit. pp. 1934. a # PP- 1948. 

3 The numbers are variously given* 

CH. iv] Attempt on Edinburgh Castle 169 

While Mar was engaged in what appeared to be a triumphant 
progress, an attempt was made in another part of the kingdom 
which, if it had been successful, would have gone far to decide 
the issue of the contest. It had been the hope of Mar to gain 
possession of the Castles of Dunbarton, Stirling, and Edinburgh 
at the outset of the campaign achievements which would have 
been worth many victories in the field 1 . As it happened, the 
attempt was made only in the case of Edinburgh. The princi- 
pal agent in the adventure was James, Lord Drummond, son 
of the titular Duke of Perth, Chancellor of James VII, and 
a Roman Catholic. A sergeant in the Castle, one William 
Ainslie, was gained over, and a plan of surprise was arranged 
which, but for a series of accidents, had every chance of success. 
On the night of the 8th of September a rope was to be dropped 
near the sally-port to the west of the Castle; a scaling party 
was to ascend the walls, and, in the event of success, three 
rounds of artillery were to be the signal for the news to be 
communicated to Mar who should immediately march on the 
capital. About a hundred men, mainly Highlanders, had 
been secured by Drummond to carry through the operations. 
Among the conspirators was one Arthur, who in an unlucky 
moment communicated the plot to his brother, a Dr Arthur, 
who had but lately adopted Jacobite sentiments. As a recent 
convert, the Doctor appears to have had qualms of conscience 
regarding the enterprise, and displayed such signs of inward 
perturbation as to draw the attention of his wife, to whom 
in conjugal confidence he revealed his secret. Mrs Arthur, 
who did not share her husband's opinions, promptly in an 
anonymous letter communicated the intelligence to Sir Adam 
Cockburn of Ormiston, Lord Justice-Clerk, the most zealous 
of Whigs. As promptly, Cockburn sent his information to the 
Deputy-Governor of the Castle, Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, 

1 Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, Collections des Memoires relatifs 
cl F Histoire de Prance (Paris, 1828), Tome LXVI. p. 230 ; Wodrow, op. cit. 
II. 74. 

170 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

though his letter did not reach its destination till eleven o'clock 
at night. By that hour the adventurers should have been 
ready for their work ; but, as was the common saying of the 
time, " wine and women " were ever the bane of the Jacobite 
cause. The younger members of the band had spent the 
evening in a tavern ; and it was two hours after the appointed 
time when the party assembled under the walls of the Castle. 
They had still a brief space in which to carry out their adven- 
ture ; the sentinel on whom they depended was in readiness ; 
and the Commander of the Castle, either from remissness or 
treachery, had neglected to take the precautions suggested by 
Cockburn's letter. But even at the last moment fortune con- 
tinued to banter them. The rope-ladder at their disposal was 
found to be too short; and in the midst of their embarrassment 
came the hour for the change of the watch. A shot from one 
of the sentinels announced to them that the game was up ; and 
in a general scramble the party made off, leaving behind them 
four wounded companions who were taken by the Town-Guard 
which had just appeared upon the scene. Thus miscarried 
what Wodrow calls this "most dreadful design," which, if it 
had succeeded, would have put the rebels in possession of the 
most important stronghold in the kingdom, of the military 
stores intended for the royal army and of the ^60,000, known 
as the Equivalent, which had been allocated to Scotland at the 
Treaty of Union and which had lain unused in the Castle ever 

Even before Mar had raised his standard, however, an 
event had happened which the more discerning friends of the 
House of Stewart regarded as the knell of its cause. Louis XIV, 
"the best friend," according to Bolingbroke, "the Chevalier 
ever had," died on the ist of September. By the Peace of 
Utrecht Louis had bound himself to recognise the House of 
Hanover; but his interests and inclinations must, in the opinion 
of all parties, have constrained him sooner or later to support a 
Stewart restoration. As things went in France after his death, 

CH. iv] Regent Orleans and the Jacobites 171 

all hope of aid from that country was effectually cut off through- 
out the whole period of Mar's adventure. The Regent Orleans, 
who was charged with the government during the minority of 
Louis XV, found it his pressing interest to conciliate England, 
and, so far from being disposed to lend assistance to her rebels, 
was constrained to put every obstacle in their way. Through 
the vigilance of the Earl of Stair it was discovered that vessels 
equipped with men and arms, intended to support the cause of 
the Pretender, were assembled at Havre and other ports on the 
coast of France ; but at Stair's imperious request Orleans gave 
orders that every vessel should put on shore its armed men 
and munitions of war. So effective was Orleans' intervention 
that during the whole period of the rebellion Bolingbroke was 
unable to send "one single musket" to Scotland 1 . 

In spite of the inherent weakness of the Jacobite cause, 
the existing situation demanded immediate and strenuous 
action on the part of the Government. No more than in the 
case of the invasion of 1708, however, was the Government 
in a position to crush the enemy immediately with an over- 
whelming force. An army of 8000 men, of whom 1500 
were quartered in Scotland, made up the complement at its 
disposal in the present crisis. Fortunately the principal 
towns south of the Forth gave decisive proof that they were 
prepared to exert themselves to the utmost in behalf of the 
existing Government. In Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dumfries 
associations of volunteers were formed; and constant communi- 
cations were established between them, which kept them in- 
structed as to their own and the enemy's movements. In the 
country districts similar associations were set on foot the 
Presbyterian ministers of all shades of opinion sedulously 
urging their parishioners to join them. With such regular 

1 Fragment of a Memoir of Field-Marshal James Keith, written by 
himself (Spalding Club, 1843), p. 13. Patten states, however, that a small 
ship, freighted with ammunition, did reach Arbroath in safety. Hist, of the 
Rebellion in 1715 (Lond. 1745), p. 142. 

172 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

troops as were at his disposal, General Whetham, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief in Scotland, took up his position in the Park 
at Stirling an important movement, as it gave him the 
command of the main passages across the river Forth and 
prevented the junction of the southern and northern rebels. 

But a more distinguished and influential commander than 
Whetham was needed to rally and concentrate the forces of 
royalty in Scotland. To fill that post there was but one public 
man who possessed the requisite advantages and qualifications 
John, Duke of Argyle, who had played such an important 
part in effecting the Treaty of Union. One of the great 
potentates of the Highlands, he had distinguished himself 
under Marlborough in Flanders and was accounted the third 
British general of the time. The only fear that his appoint- 
ment inspired was that his natural impetuosity might lead him 
to despise the enemy and to engage in hazardous actions. In 
point of fact, "though a young man full of fire," he was to 
conduct the campaign like "an old wary general 1 ." Other 
Scottish peers who showed themselves zealous for the Govern- 
ment were the Duke of Roxburgh, the Marquises of Annandale 
and Tweeddale, and the Earls of Selkirk, Loudoun, Rothes, 
Haddington, and Forfar. Of these, however, some were mem- 
bers of the Squadrone, and all through the crisis refused to 
co-operate heartily with the Commander-in-Chief. 

On the 1 4th of September, a fortnight before Mar occupied 
Perth, Argyle arrived in Edinburgh, bringing with him, however, 
no addition to the forces already in the country. On the lyth 
he reached Stirling, where he reviewed the army at his disposal, 
amounting in all to 1840 men, a number which by additions 
from the regular troops and volunteers from Glasgow and other 
towns was gradually increased to nearly 4000. Before the end 
of September, also, the Earl of Sutherland was zealously 
mustering the men of his country a service, as it proved, of 

1 Memoirs of the Master of Sinclair, p. 94. 

CH. iv] Mar occupies Perth 173 

the first importance, since it occupied the rebels in the North 
and was one of the causes alleged by Mar for his hesitation to 
cross the Forth. 

Meanwhile Mar in his quarters at Perth had been daily 
strengthening his position. With the assistance of an ingenious 
dancing-master, he made an attempt at fortifying the town 1 , 
and procured some pieces of ordnance from Dundee where 
Jacobite magistrates were now in the ascendant 2 . During 
the month of October his numbers were increased to above 
12,000 men, chiefly by the contingents of the Marquis of 
Huntly, the Earl of Seaforth, and the Earl Marischal 8 . Further 
to strengthen his hands he had, on the day he entered Perth, 
received a formal commission from the Pretender appointing 
him General and Commander-in-Chief of the army in Scot- 
land 4 . But the supreme difficulty Mar had to face was to hold 
together a host mainly composed of such materials as the 
Highlanders. In three events, it was said by one of the rebel 
officers, would they promptly desert in a body: if they were 
not speedily brought into action, if victory brought them booty, 
and if they chanced to be beaten 5 . There was but one method 
by which he could secure their service for any length of time 
by supplying them with regular and liberal pay ; and to procure 
the means of doing so he resorted to the only course open to 
him. By a peremptory order, issued on October 4, he com- 
manded all landowners within the districts under his jurisdic- 
tion, which now included all the eastern counties from Fife to the 

1 Sinclair, op. cit. pp. 198 9. 

2 Charters Relating to the Town of Dundee, pp. 136 et seq. 

3 The numbers of men supplied by the various chiefs are variously 
given by the different contemporary authorities. In the Mar and Kdlie 
Papers (p. 512) there is a list of the numbers under each leader (Oct. 13). 
The total is given at 917 horse and -2666 foot. Other authorities of the time 
put the numbers at a much higher figure. 

4 The Commission, dated 7th September, 1715, is given in the Mar 
and Kellie Papers (p. 511). 

8 Sinclair, op. cit. p. 26. 

174 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Moray Firth, to pay in twenty shillings sterling on every hundred 
pounds Scots of their rent by the i2th of October; should any 
fail to come forward with the prescribed sum, they were to be 
mulcted in forty shillings sterling at the same rate 1 . The 
towns that had acknowledged his authority were similarly 
taught that they had not found an easy master. The town of 
Aberdeen, for example, was enjoined (October 14) to supply 
300 Lochaber axes and a six months' cess of ^200. 105-. qd. 
sterling ; on the 2oth of the same month, to pay a contribution 
of ^2000, which the magistrates prayed to have reduced to 
^500; and on January 18, 1716, to raise a troop of 30 horse 
at the cost of 4000 pounds Scots 2 . 

The energies of Mar were not wholly absorbed in exacting 
supplies for his followers. One well-conceived venture, if it 
had succeeded, would materially have furthered his cause. 
This was the capture of Argyle's castle of Inverary, which, 
besides being well stored with arms, would have been a post 
from which to threaten Glasgow and the eastern Lowlands. 
Aware of the importance of the position, however, Argyle 
dispatched a company to Inverary under Colonel Campbell 
of Finab, who was subsequently joined by Lord Islay, the 
brother of Argyle 3 . On October 20 General Gordon, at the 
head of some 2000 men, appeared before the place, and twice 
made a feint of attack, but in the circumstances deemed it 
prudent to beat a retreat and rejoin the main army at Perth. 
Another enterprise was more fortunate and brought a temporary 
elation to the camp of the rebels. The hero of the exploit was 
the Master of Sinclair, the author of the Memoirs of the Rising, 
in which he takes the tone of the devil's advocate towards the 
cause which he had adopted. From a friend Sinclair had 
learned that a vessel, freighted with military stores and intended 
for the use of the Earl of Sutherland, was anchored at Burntis- 

Rae, op. cit. pp. 235 6. 

! Aberdeen Burgh Records (16431747), pp. 353, 357, 360. 
8 Rae, op. cit. pp. 283 5 ; Patten, op. cit. p. 149. 

CH. iv] Master of Sinclair s Exploit 175 

land, on the coast of Fife. At nightfall, on the 2nd of October, 
Sinclair, at the head of 400 horsemen, each with a soldier 
behind him, made his way to the place by a circuitous path. 
Leaving the cavalry to guard the town, with his foot he seized 
the boats in the harbour, and in the darkness captured the 
desirable prize. Before daybreak next morning the adven- 
turous troop was again in Perth and in possession of above 
400 stand of arms 1 . 

But events were happening in other parts of the kingdom 
which called for actions of greater moment on the part of Mar 
and his host. Almost simultaneously, in the beginning of 
October, the standard of rebellion had been raised in England 
and in the southern counties of Scotland. On the 6th of that 
month Mr Forster, member for Northumberland, and a party of 
about twenty gentlemen assembled at Greenrig in that county 
with the express object of drawing the sword for the Pretender. 
Strengthened by the accession of the Earl of Derwentwater 
and other gentlemen of the same county, they attempted a 
series of petty exploits ; but their cause found little support 
among the majority of the people. It was welcome news, 
therefore, when they heard that the Jacobites on the Scottish 
border had risen and were prepared to join forces with them 
at the earliest opportunity. On the i2th of October Viscount 
Kenmure drew a party together at Moffat, and on the following 
day made an attempt to surprise Dumfries. Apprised of his 
approach, however, the town made such a show of defence 
that he abandoned his purpose and retreated to Moffat, where 
he proclaimed the Pretender and set up his standard. Though 
joined by the Earls of Nithsdale, Carnwath, and Wintoun, 
his force did not amount to more than 200 horsemen; and, 

1 Rae, op. cit. p. 234 ; Sinclair, op. cit. pp. 95 102. " All these par- 
ticulars," is Sinclair's characteristic comment on his own narrative, "I 
have mentioned, though about a thing of no consequence, to show the 
trouble one has with such fools, and how great a misfortune it is to be con- 
cerned with them." 

176 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

as a step which prudence directed, he crossed the Border 
on the 1 8th of October and joined the English rebels at 

It was the tidings of these movements that incited Mar to 
a bolder stroke than he had yet attempted. His plan was 
to dispatch a strong force across the Firth of Forth which, 
effecting a junction with the Jacobites of the south, should 
march upon Glasgow, and thus, in his own phrase, enclose 
Argyle at Stirling " in a hose-net." As affairs now stood with 
Mar, the enterprise was well within his resources. The army 
at his command was in such strength that he could safely spare 
a numerous detachment to co-operate with his allies on the 
Border ; and he was master of all the sea-coast from the Firth 
of Forth to Cromarty. Mackintosh of Borlum, as one of his 
most experienced officers, was entrusted with the command of 
the expedition; and 2500 men were placed at his disposal. 
The transport of the troops across the Firth, at its broadest 
nineteen miles in width, was the first and most dangerous part 
of the enterprise. There were three vessels of war in the 
Roads of Leith; and Argyle, who had been informed of the 
project, gave orders for the seizure or destruction of every boat 
in the Firth. Along the seaboard to the north of the Firth, 
however, the necessary number of boats was readily pro- 
curable ; and, as the rebels commanded the mainland of Fife, 
it was easy to place them at convenient stations at the fitting 
time. On the night of the nth of October Mackintosh led his 
men to the coast, their movements being covered by a feigned 
display at Burntisland, and on that and the succeeding night 
he transported considerably more than half of his whole con- 
tingent to the coast of Lothian. Only one boat with forty men 
had been taken 1 . 

This daring feat accomplished with partial success, Mack- 
intosh, if he had obeyed his commander's orders, should at 

1 Patten, op. cit. pp. 5 7 ; Rae, op. dt. pp. 2589. 

CH. iv] Movement on Edinburgh 177 

once have marched to join the rebels on the Borders. But 
Mackintosh conceived a bolder plan. Induced, as it appears, 
by invitations from Jacobites in Edinburgh, he decided to 
make an attempt on that town 1 . After a night's encampment 
at Haddington, where he had brought his men together, 
Mackintosh, on the morning of the i4th of October, directed 
his march towards the capital. But the news of the success- 
ful crossing of the Firth by the rebels had alarmed the 
authorities of the town. The train-bands, the City-guard, and 
the Associate Volunteers were posted at the different ports; 
and, about the very hour that Mackintosh left Haddington, an 
express was dispatched to Argyle at Stirling. So expeditious 
were Argyle's movements that with 200 foot and 300 picked 
dragoons he appeared at the West Port just as the enemy 
reached Jock's Lodge, about a mile to the east of the town. 
An immediate attack was now impossible ; but, still in the hope 
that he would be joined by a body of Edinburgh Jacobites, 
Mackintosh marched to Leith, where the fort erected by 
Cromwell afforded him a temporary place of security. In the 
vessels in the harbour he found a convenient supply of powder 
and cannon, and he made all the preparations for a protracted 
siege. The following morning (October 15) Argyle, with his 
500 men increased to noo, presented himself before the fort 
and summoned it to surrender 2 . The answer was a mocking 
challenge that he should try his hand at taking it. With no 
guns at his disposal Argyle was incapable of making a successful 
attack, and withdrew with the intention of procuring the means 
of assault by the following day. But the situation of the rebels 
was full of peril ; there had been no effort in their favour on 

1 The Duke of Berwick, one of the great masters of war at that time, 
describes Mackintosh's march on Edinburgh as " ce mauvais pas oil il 
s'etoit embarque ridiculement. " MJmoires, LVI. p. 248. 

2 Rae, op. cit. (p. 262, note), mentions that the ministers of Edinburgh 
distinguished themselves on this occasion, not only inciting their people 
to the defence of their town, but themselves joining the ranks with firelock 
and bayonet. 

B. S. III. 12 

178 The Age of Secular Interests |_ BK vn 

the part of their friends in Edinburgh ; their escape by sea was 
precluded by the three war- vessels in the Forth ; and the next 
day might see every outlet cut off by land. At nine o'clock at 
night, therefore, with all the silence needful, they deserted the 
fort, and, the tide being at ebb, crossed the sands of Leith, 
leaving behind them forty of their comrades who had partaken 
too freely of the brandy that had been procured in the town 
Custom-house. At Seton Palace, about twelve miles east of 
Edinburgh, they found other quarters, where, in spite of efforts 
to dislodge them, they remained till the 20th of October. But 
for the baffled troop there was now no alternative but to 
resume its original plan of action ; and at Kelso, by a mutual 
understanding, Mackintosh joined forces with the combined 
body of the Northumberland and Dumfriesshire rebels on the 
22nd of October 1 . 

The three contingents thus united amounted to about 600 
horse and 1400 foot 2 . What was to be their future plan of 
action ? There were two courses open to them, either of which 
a capable commander might have followed in the circum- 
stances. They might march against General Carpenter, the 
royal general who was now on their track at the head of 900 
cavalry wholly consisting of raw levies; or, as Mar had 
originally arranged, they might proceed to the west, and by 
threatening Glasgow divert Argyle from Stirling and open up 
the eastern Lowlands to the army at Perth 3 . But, says the 
annalist of the Rebellion, "a fate attended all their councils, 
for they could never agree to any one thing that tended to 
their advantage 4 ." While the Scots wished to march in the 
direction of Glasgow, the English proposed to cross the Tweed 
and join issue with Carpenter. As neither party would give 

1 Rae, op. cit. pp. 257 8 ; Patten, op. cit. pp. 5 14. 

2 Mackintosh had lost some of his men through desertion. 

3 In the Duke of Berwick's opinion, the latter would have been the 
right course to follow. 

4 Patten, op. cit. p. 51. 

CH. iv] March into England 179 

way, the result was an unhappy compromise. With undefined 
purpose they proceeded by way of Hawick and Jedburgh to 
Langholm, which they reached on the 30th of October 
Carpenter, still in pursuit, entering Jedburgh on the same day. 
Throughout the march, the Highlanders, who had insuperable 
objections to entering England, had given evident signs that 
theywere prepared to take their own way when the opportunity 
offered. When, therefore, some two miles south of Langholm, 
the English contingent insisted on marching south into Lanca- 
shire, about 400 x of the Highlanders refused to go further and 
took their way homewards on what proved to be a disastrous 
journey. Directing their steps to the coast of Ayrshire, where it 
was their intention to seize such boats as they could lay hold 
of and sail for the western Highlands 2 , they had to traverse a 
country where their speech and dress marked them out to 
the hostile inhabitants. Of their original number 300 were 
taken and lodged in the Tolbooth of Glasgow 3 . 

With their numbers thus reduced, the main body of the 
rebels entered England, encouraged by the fallacious promise 
that 20,000 men were ready to join them. At Penrith they 
received a notable tribute to their formidable appearance : a 
body of militia, to the number of 14,000 men, drawn from the 
three northern shires, which had been collected to oppose their 
entry to the town, fled in confusion at their approach without 
striking a blow. But this bloodless victory had no effect in 
bringing in volunteers; between Penrith and Appleby they 
were joined by only one recruit, while all along the march there 
were numerous desertions. At Kendal, which they reached on 
the 4th of November, an observer noted that "the Lords, Forster, 
and most of the other horsemen were disheartened and full of 

1 400 is the number specified by Rae and Wodrow ; other authorities 
estimate it at 500. 

2 This is Wodrow's statement, but Rae says their object was to reach 
the sources of the Forth. 

1 Rae, op. dt. pp. 267 280 ; Patten, op. cit. pp. 29 58 ; Wodrow, 
Correspondence, n. 86. 


180 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

sorrow 1 ." In Lancaster, where they remained from the 7th to 
the Qth, their prospects were somewhat brightened. A "great 
many " gentlemen of Lancashire with their friends and attend- 
ants joined their ranks, though, as most of them were Catholics, 
these additions made the Scots " mighty uneasy." On the Qth 
they proceeded to Preston, which was to be the term of their 
doomed enterprise. The toils were, in truth, fast closing round 
them. On the i2th General Wills, at the head of a Govern- 
ment force, appeared before the town, and was joined the next 
morning by General Carpenter, who had immediately pushed 
southwards on the report that the rebels had entered England. 
Still their united forces amounted only to 1200 men; and 
Preston was a place capable of vigorous defence. But Forster 
had neither the skill nor the courage requisite to the emer- 
gency; and after two days' fighting, in which the Highlanders 
under Mackintosh and Lord Charles Murray specially dis- 
tinguished themselves, with the consent of the English but to 
the indignation of the Scots he capitulated at discretion. Of 
the insurgents 17 men had fallen, of the royalists 70. So far 
as England was concerned the rebellion was at an end, and it 
only remained to dispose of the seven lords and some 1500 
officers and privates whom the surrender had placed in the 
hands of the Government 2 . 

On the day before the rebels at Preston surrendered 
the insurrection in Scotland sustained what was likewise 
to prove its fatal disaster. Since the nth of October, when 
Mackintosh of Borlum transported his troops across the 
Firth of Forth, Mar had lain inactive at Perth, mainly occupied 
in dictating letters and proclamations demanding supplies for 
his host 3 . Equally by friends and foes Mar was denounced 

1 Miscell. of Scot. Hist. Soc. I. 516. 

2 Patten, op. cit. pp. 64 103. A list of the prisoners of note is given 
in Tindal (op. cit. xxvi. pp. 175 6, note). 

3 These documents are given in the Collection of Original Letters and 
Authentic Papers relating to the Rebellion of 1715 (Edin. 1730), pp. 91 
et seq. 

CH. iv] Mar leaves Perth 181 

for his hesitation in descending into the southern Lowlands 
when the forces opposed to him amounted only to a third of 
his own numbers. His own excuses for his inaction were that 
the Earl of Sutherland remained unsubdued in the north, and 
that sooner or later the Prince would appear at the head of a 
foreign force which, united with the army at Perth, would 
render victory certain. What is remarkable is that the chief- 
tains who had gathered to his standard were, as a body, no 
more eager than himself to take the decisive step of crossing the 
Forth; had they unanimously and enthusiastically urged the 
venture, Mar of himself could not have withstood them. What 
they dreaded in the open country was the onset of cavalry, 
against which they could easily provide among their own hills ; 
and doubtless they recalled the fatal termination of Montrose's 
descent into the Lowlands at Philiphaugh. Alarming tidings 
at length determined Mar to hazard what in reality was his final 
stake ; the Dutch troops which the Government had summoned 
at the beginning of the rebellion were on their way to England 
and would speedily join Argyle at Stirling 1 . It was not at the 
most opportune moment that he had taken his decision. His 
allies in the south were on the eve of disaster; the abortive 
attempt of the Duke of Ormonde to effect a landing in 
England had discouraged the Jacobites of that country; and 
the arrival of the Chevalier with his promised reinforcements 
was as far off as ever. It was with no sanguine hopes, there- 
fore, that on the loth of November Mar broke up his camp at 
Perth, and began his march to the fords of the Forth in the 
parish of Aberfoyle 2 . 

On the very morning when Mar began his march, Argyle 
received information of his intended movements and resolved 
to bar his progress to the Forth. Dispatching a hasty summons 

By the Peace of Utrecht, Holland came under the obligation to send 
6000 men to England, should necessity call for them. 

! According to Sinclair nobody in the army knew the position of these 
fords except Rob Roy, and he could not be trusted. Memoirs, p. 201. 

1 82 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

for the troops quartered in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Kilsyth, and 
Falkirk, he gave orders that everything should be in readiness 
for breaking up the camp at Stirling on the afternoon of the 
following day. On the morning of the i2th he began his 
march towards Dunblane, and on the evening of the same day 
took up his position on Sheriffmuir, two miles and a half to 
the east of that town. As the road from Perth, which Mar 
must follow to reach his destination, lay immediately to the 
west of the moor, he would thus be forced either to accept 
the gage of battle or beat a retreat. On leaving Perth, Mar 
had proceeded to Auchterarder and thence to the Roman 
camp at Ardoch, and on the evening of the i2th took up his 
position at Kinbuck, about two miles distant from the ground 
occupied by Argyle. The following morning Mar gave orders 
that his whole army should form on Sheriffmuir with its front 
facing Dunblane; and in a Council of War, which he now 
deemed it prudent to convene, it was resolved without a dis- 
sentient voice to risk the chance of battle 1 . In the circum- 
stances, indeed, it would have been ignominious to shrink 
from the issue : in numbers he had more than two to one 2 , 
and the uneven nature of the ground did not permit the free 
play of cavalry who were the special dread of the Highlanders. 
As Argyle finally disposed his troops, he himself commanded 
the right wing, General Whetham the left, and General Wight- 
man the centre. The battle began by a true Highland onset 
on Argyle's left, which was still in process of forming in the 
position that had finally been assigned to them. Thus taken 
by surprise, they were at once thrown into confusion and 
driven in headlong flight, which was not stayed till they reached 
the gates of Stirling, about five miles distant from the field of 
battle 3 . The fortunes of the day were precisely reversed in the 

1 Sinclair relates that Mar made "a very fine speech" on the occasion, 
adding that "it was the only good action of his life." Memoirs, p. 212. 

2 Argyle had 3500 men under his command, and Mar about 8000 or 9000. 

3 Whetham, who commanded the panic-stricken left, gave the excuse 

CH. iv] Battle of Sheriff muir 183 

case of Argyle's right which was led by himself. Opposed to 
the enemy's left commanded by Mar, and outnumbered by 
three to one, his ranks were at first shaken by a murderous 
fire, but by the one adroit tactical stroke of the day he re- 
newed their confidence and decided the result of the contest. 
A detachment under Colonel Cathcart was directed to attack 
the enemy's flank, and the order was executed with such vigour 
and success that after half an hour's hard fighting the whole of 
Mar's left gave way and fled in confusion in the direction of the 
Allan water, some two miles distant. As the fugitives greatly 
outnumbered the pursuers, it was only by pressing them hard 
that Argyle bore them before him. Ten times, it is said, the 
fleeing host made an attempt to rally; and it was not till after 
three hours' persistent pursuit that they were driven across the 
stream. Meanwhile Mar's right wing, after disposing of Argyle's 
left, had taken up its position on an eminence known as the 
Stony Hill of Kippendavie, where, with a singular lack of initia- 
tive, they remained inactive while Argyle was engaged in the 
pursuit of their comrades. Returning from his pursuit of Mar, 
Argyle joined forces with Wightman and approached the emi- 
nence on which the enemy's right, to the number of 4000, still 
retained their position. As he had only at his command 
between one and two thousand men, an attack on his part 
would have been foolhardy in the circumstances ; but what is 
singular is, that the enemy, who had exhibited such headlong 
courage at the beginning of the battle, should now have hesi- 
tated to take advantage of their numbers and position. Neither 
side being willing to risk the chances of a fresh struggle, Argyle 
withdrew his men to Dunblane, where he was joined during the 
night by his scattered forces; and the following morning the 
enemy had disappeared 1 . 

that his object was to guard the pass at Stirling. Wodrow, Correspond- 
ence, ii. 100. 

There are several accounts of the Battle of Sheriffmuir, both by 
royalists and insurgents, which, though they differ in details, are in agree- 

184 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

So far as the immediate result of the battle was concerned, 
neither side had reason to boast of a decisive victory, though 
both eagerly claimed it. Their losses were nearly equal, about 
600 of the Government troops having fallen, and 700 or 800 
of the insurgents ; and, if the right of the one army had carried 
all before it, the right of the other had been equally successful. 
As to the ultimate consequences of the battle, however, there 
can be no doubt: the march of Mar to the Forth had been 
decisively checked and the southern Lowlands saved from 
invasion; and, as was speedily to be proved, the Jacobite cause 
had received a blow from which it was unable to recover. As 
even Argyle's enemies admitted at the time, if Sheriffmuir was 
not a victory for the Duke, it was at least a victory for King 
George 1 . 

On the fatal i3th of November the cause of the rebels 
suffered another reverse which, though less momentous, 
was attended by inconvenient results. On the night of 
that same eventful day, through the agency of Simon 
Fraser of Lovat, who at this period of his devious career 
found it his interest to be on the side of the Government, 
Inverness was retaken. By this important capture communi- 
cation was opened with the Earl of Sutherland, who had with 
difficulty held his own since the beginning of the rising; and 
the Marquis of Huntly and the Earl of Seaforth had to with- 
draw from Mar's camp (which had again been removed to Perth) 
in order to defend their own territories 2 . As the Marquis of 
Tullibardine and many others of less importance followed their 
example, the prospects of the insurgents grew every day more 
unpromising. Moreover, while Mar's army was thus diminish- 

ment as to the main features of the battle. Besides the narrative of Rae 
(op. tit. pp. 302 310) others will be found in Patten (op. cit. pp. 151 171). 

1 Marshall Keith says plainly that the result of Sheriffmuir "was the 
entire ruin of our party." Memoirs, p. 20. 

2 Tindal, op. cit. XXVI. 197. For Lovat's share in the capture of 
Inverness and his general conduct at the time see Mackenzie's Simon 
Eraser, Lord Lovat t pp. 249 et seq. 

CH. iv] Arrival of the Pretender 185 

ing, Argyle, by the second week of December, had been rein- 
forced by the 6000 Dutch troops under the command of 
General Cadogan; and Glasgow had been garrisoned by the 
English regiments that had fought at Preston. It was in these 
depressing circumstances that Mar, with the consent of Huntly 
and others of his captains, made overtures to Argyle for coming 
to terms with the Government. Argyle, as it appears, did his 
utmost to recommend these overtures to the Ministry, but was 
coldly informed that nothing short of unconditional surrender 
would satisfy his Majesty 1 . 

It was with dubious feelings that Mar and the majority of 
the Jacobite leaders received the tidings that the 
Chevalier had at length set foot on Scottish soil 
(December 22nd). "Now there's no help for it," exclaimed 
Huntly when he heard the news ; " we must all ruin with him : 
would God he had come sooner 2 ." Not only was his arrival 
belated, but, instead of the well-furnished force he had been 
expected to bring with him, he had come with a single ship 
and accompanied by only six attendants 3 . Yet there was no 
lack of enthusiasm on the part of his supporters among whom 
he appeared. From the Episcopal clergy of the diocese of 
Aberdeen he received an effusive address in which they ex- 
pressed the hope that, as he had been trained in the same 
" school of the Cross " as Moses and Joseph and David, he 
would prove like them to be a blessing to his kingdom and a 
father to his people*. At Fetteresso, the chief seat of the Earl 
Marischal, he was met by Mar, whose feelings on the occasion 
must have been conflicting ; and at Dundee, where he made a 

1 Keith, Memoirs, p. 23; MSS. of Marquis of Townshend (Hist. MSS. 
Com. 1887), pp. 182 3. Townshend's letter to Argyle shows that the 
latter had given serious offence to the King by his advocacy of Mar's 

2 Sinclair, Memoirs, 333. 

Two other vessels followed with the rest of his train. One of these 
reached the Scottish coast in safety, the other was shipwrecked. 
The address is given by Rae (op. cit. pp. 352 4). 

1 86 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

public entry, he had to remain for an hour on horseback in the 
market-place that the excited crowd might kiss his hand. 

On the Qth of January, 1716, the Chevalier at length made 
his appearance in Perth, and was now for the 
first time brought face to face with the realities 
of his situation. On the part both of the Prince and his army 
there was the keenest disillusion. Instead of the hero-king of 
their imagination the Highlanders saw an unimpassioned and 
stately personage, well-fitted to play a part in a Court ceremony, 
but neither by his physical nor his mental qualities capable 
of inspiring enthusiasm or leading a desperate cause. "Can 
he speak ? " was their wondering question, as they marked his 
frigid demeanour when he appeared among their ranks. Nor 
was the disenchantment of the Prince less grievous than their 
own. He had expected to find an imposing host which only 
required his presence to lead it to certain victory : what he saw 
was a motley band of 4000 foot and 500 horse 1 , whose sorry 
array presented a strange contrast to that of the disciplined 
troops of France in whose ranks he had served as a volunteer 2 . 

Such as they were, army and Prince, a momentous alternative 
confronted them. Was Perth to be evacuated or defended? 
Argyle, with a force which now greatly outnumbered their own, 
must speedily be before its gates, when no alternative would be 
left to them. In point of fact, though the secret had .been 
kept from the army at large, the decision had been taken, 
a month before the Prince's arrival, to relinquish the place 3 . 
As the arrival of James had been followed by no important 
accessions, it was now resolved to carry out this counsel. On 
the 3<Dth of January, day of sad omen to the supporters of the 
House of Stewart 4 , the army crossed the frozen Tay ; and its 

1 Keith, Memoirs, p. 24. 

8 A letter from Mar to the Prince (Nov. 24, 1715) might have pre- 
vented him from indulging in sanguine hopes (Mar and Kellie Papers^ 
pp. 5145). 

3 Earl of 'Mar 's Journal (Patten, op. cit. pp. 201 2). 

4 Charles I was executed on the 3Oth of January. 

CH. iv] Burning of Perthshire Villages 187 

main body, by way of the friendly town of Dundee, continued its 
march to Montrose. But before the evacuation an order had 
been issued which produced wider misery than any other act 
throughout the insurrection. To stay the progress of Argyle 
towards Perth it was commanded that the villages between 
that town and Stirling should be given to the flames and at 
the same time all their stores of victual destroyed. During 
the week that preceded the exodus from Perth the order was 
rigorously executed; and the villages of Auchterarder, Black- 
ford, Muthill, Dunning and Crieff were utterly wiped out. As 
it was the dead of winter and a snow-storm of unusual violence 
supervened at the time of the burning, the homeless inhabitants 
were thus reduced to the extreme of misery 1 . The Prince 
signed with his own hand the order for the merciless deed, 
but not without compunction at what was represented to him 
as an unavoidable necessity. "The burning goes mightily 
against his mind," wrote Mar, "but there's no help for it 8 ." 
A few days later James addressed a letter to Argyle, pleading 
the hard necessity which had occasioned the act, and stating 
that he had arranged for the distribution of a sum of money 
among the sufferers. Neither the letter nor the money, it is 
supposed, ever reached their destination 3 . 

On the day following the flight of the rebel army, Argyle 
and Cadogan took possession of Perth 4 ; but after their march 
through the wintry wilderness that lay between Stirling and 
that town their troops were in no condition to give immediate 
pursuit to the enemy. Meanwhile, weakened by desertion and 
dispirited by the uncertain councils of its leaders, the fleeing 
army had reached Montrose, whither on the afternoon of 

1 MiscelL ofMaitland Club, in. 443474- 

2 Stuart Papers (Hist. MSS. Comm. 1902), i. 496. 
8 Miscell. of Maitland Club, III. 444, 447 9- 

4 Wodrow records that, as Argyle's Highlanders entered the town, their 
pipers played the tunes, "The Campbells are coming," "Wilt thou slay 
me, fair Highland laddie," and "Stay and take the breeks with thee." 
Correspondence, II. 146. 

1 88 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

February 4 came the alarming news that a detachment of the 
royal troops was already at Arbroath. The order was im- 
mediately given that the army should be ready at eight o'clock 
to march to Aberdeen ; and the Prince's guard was directed to 
attend him at the same hour. The hour came, but no Prince 
appeared. As had been previously concerted, he had in the 
darkness slipped into a vessel in the harbour, attended by 
Mar, Lord Drummond, the Earl of Melfort and a few other 
gentlemen and domestics, and by midnight was in full sail for 
France 1 . 

The insurgent army, thus deserted by its chiefs, continued 
its march towards Aberdeen, where a letter from the Chevalier 
announced his constrained departure and bade each man look 
to his own safety. How best to attain this end whether by 
holding together or by immediate dispersion was now the 
supreme question. A despairing application to the Marquis 
of Huntly, who returned an evasive response, resolved the 
difficulty. Such of the main body as still held together took 
their way to Ruthven in Badenoch, which, as a central spot 
in the Highlands, was deemed the fittest place at which to 
part company. " From thence every one took the road [that] 
pleased him best 8 ." 

The rebellion was at an end ; and, his work accomplished, 
Argyle in the beginning of March proceeded to 
London, where his own affairs urgently demanded 
his presence. To his rival and bitter enemy, General Cadogan, 
was entrusted the task of restoring order in the disaffected 
districts. A march through the Highlands reduced to sub- 
jection such clans as still remained in arms; and a detachment 
sent to the Island of Lewis, where the Earl of Seaforth still 
held out, completed the work of subjugation. By the middle 

1 Keith, Memoirs, pp. 28 9. Rae, op. cit. p. 369. According to Mar 
it was the accident of a vessel conveniently offering itself that determined 
James to take the opportunity of sailing. Stuart Papers, n. 508 ; iv. 23 6. 

2 Keith, Memoirs, pp. 31 2. 

CH. iv] Fate of Rebel Leaders 189 

of May Cadogan followed Argyle to London, where their 
quarrel was vehemently exercising both the King and his 
Ministers 1 . 

The punishment of the prisoners taken in the rebellion 
and precautionary measures for the future were now the main 
concerns of the Government. The fate of the Jacobites who had 
been taken in England had already been decided. By the 
close of February, Derwentwater and Kenmure had been 
publicly executed; the Earls of Nithsdale and Wintoun, 
Mr Forster and Mackintosh of Borlum were doomed to the 
same fate, but, by remissness or connivance on the part of the 
prison authorities, all of them at one time or another succeeded 
in making their escape. For various reasons the trial of the 
rebels in Scotland was postponed till a later date; and mean- 
while the Parliament, which had met on the pth of January, 
was engaged in passing measures necessitated by recent events. 
Of pre-eminent importance for the future of the three kingdoms 
was the Septennial Act, which prolonged the duration of the 
existing Parliament for six years more, and thus secured 
a permanent Whig majority, bound to the support of the 
Hanoverian succession. Another Act, in which both Scotland 
and England were interested, appointed a Commission to 
deal with the estates which had been forfeited during the 
late rebellion ; and in the interest of Scotland an Act was 
likewise passed for disarming the Highlands as a means for 
securing the peace of the country. 

The suppression of the rebellion was attended by no general 
elation throughout Scotland. What preoccupied the mind of 
the nation was the future proceedings of the Government in 
relation to the crisis from which the country had now safely 
emerged. As these proceedings gradually became known, 
there was not a party in Scotland which did not find grounds 
for bitter complaint. For the majority of his countrymen, 
Argyle had been the deliverer of the nation in its hour of peril; 

1 Rae, op. cit. pp. 3735- 

igo The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

yet the reward of his services was the dismissal of himself and 
his brother, Lord Islay, from all public employment 1 . The 
resolution of the Government to call to account every person 
in its hands who had taken part in the rising was as obnoxious 
to its friends as to its foes. The number of the prisoners (in 
Glasgow alone there were 350) of itself gave this proposed 
action the appearance of indiscriminate severity; and, more- 
over, as was asserted at the time, there were not 200 gentlemen 
in Scotland who were not nearly related to some one or other 
of the rebels. Even the Crown officials keenly shared the 
general discontent; and Sir David Dalrymple, the Lord Advo- 
cate, bitterly declared that the Forfeited Estates Bill was 
"much the worst" he had ever seen. So keen was the 
apprehension of the friends of the Government regarding the 
policy it was pursuing that Duncan Forbes, afterwards the 
distinguished President of the Court of Session, a Whig by 
conviction and family tradition, felt constrained to take a re- 
markable step : he addressed an anonymous letter to Walpole, 
as being "an honest man," in which he powerfully set forth the 
dangers to king and country attending the present course 2 . 
But it was this very discontent among all the parties in 
Scotland that justified its own action in the eyes 
of the Government. " If you had your way," 
Townshend, the Secretary of State, wrote to Dalrymple, " not 
a rebel would suffer punishment 8 ." Under the conviction, 
therefore, that Scottish Jacobites should receive a lesson for 
the future, the Government held on its way. It was well known 
that a jury could not be found in Scotland to convict a single 

1 The Squadrone, Argyle's political adversaries, had done their utmost 
to discredit him with the Government ; but the true reason for his disgrace 
was that the King "was resolved none should be about his son that had 
more interest with him than he had " (Stuart Papers, n. 316). Argyle was 
Groom of the Stole to the Prince of Wales. 

2 Culloden Papers, pp. 61 et seq. The letter is anonymous, but the 
editor is probably right ijj assigning it to Forbes. 

8 Omond, The Lord Advocates of Scotland (Edin. 1883), I. 305. 

CH. iv] Trial of Rebels at Carlisle 191 

rebel; but the Treason Law passed immediately after the 
Union was found to supply a means of obviating this difficulty. 
On September 3 a batch of 39 prisoners in the Castle of Edin- 
burgh were removed to Carlisle, where on English ground the 
law might take its natural course. In the eyes of Whig and 
Tory alike, here was another breach of the Union on the part 
of their overbearing ally; and the sympathies of all classes 
went with their deported countrymen. Dalrymple, the Lord 
Advocate, who should have conducted the prosecution, went 
to a German Spa to escape the odious duty; and Duncan 
Forbes, the senior Advocate-Depute, likewise refused to act. 
A proposal for a contribution to defray the expenses of the trial 
of the prisoners met with an enthusiastic response nobles, 
corporations, and the magistrates of various towns being among 
those who contributed, even the "Goodman" (gaoler) of 
the Edinburgh Tolbooth sending in his mite 1 . Yet, by the 
admission even of the enemies of the Government, the prisoners 
received a fair trial; and, though some of them were sentenced 
to death, the law was not enforced in a single case an emphatic 
testimony to the growth of public opinion since the days of the 
Pentland Rising and Bothwell Bridge. 

Equally unpopular with the trial of the Jacobite prisoners 
were the proceedings of the Commissioners appointed to en- 
quire into the forfeited estates. It was itself regarded as an 
outrage on the national feeling that of the six Commissioners 
appointed four were Englishmen, members of the House of 
Commons 8 . In the opinion of the Government's own advisers, 
as expressed by Dalrymple, the wiser policy would have been 
to pardon the proprietors and to be content with a fine 3 . To 
the executive, however, this advice was only a proof that 
Jacobitism was still rampant in Scotland and demanded syste- 

1 Omond, op. cit. 306 7 ; Stair Annals , I. 323 348 ; Chambers, 
Domestic Annals, III. 411. 

2 One of the four Englishmen was Sir Richard Steele. 
8 Stair Annals, II. 45. 

192 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

matic repression. Accordingly, on the ist of September, 1716, 
the Commission met in Edinburgh, and straightway found 
itself entangled in the meshes of Scottish law. First, the 
Court of Exchequer, which had been established at the Union 
to deal specifically with fiscal affairs, advanced a prior claim 
on the estates in question. At the outbreak of the rebellion, as 
we have seen, suspected persons who disobeyed the summons 
to appear in Edinburgh on a certain day were liable to a fine 
of $oo l . This sum, therefore, the Court of Exchequer 
claimed; and the claim would apply to every estate which 
came under the cognisance of the Commission. But it was 
the Court of Session that with pleasant ingenuity placed the 
most manifold obstacles in the way of the obnoxious proceed- 
ings. Before the Government could touch a penny of the 
coveted money, the creditors of the forfeited parties must first 
be satisfied, and factors must be appointed in the interest of 
these creditors. But these factors the Court of Session itself 
had the privilege of appointing ; and the persons they selected 
were to a man notorious for their Jacobite sympathies. Not 
to be thwarted, however, the Government in the following year 
passed another Act appointing thirteen Commissioners to dis- 
pose of all the estates of the attainted parties 2 . But, as 
Dalrymple said, the difficulty was precisely to turn the estates 
into money. Few would be disposed to purchase properties, 
of which it was probable that they would be unable to draw 
the rents. But the Government was relieved from an unex- 
pected quarter. A London Company, founded for supplying 
the city with water from the Thames, had miscarried in that 
scheme, and, in keeping with the adventurous commercial 
spirit of the time, resolved to recuperate its fortunes by pur- 
chasing the Highland Estates which were offered at such a 
reasonable figure. The York Buildings Company, as it was 

1 See above, p. 163. 

2 Dalrymple called it " that damned bill of sale." Omond, Lives of the 
Lord Advocates, I. 309. 

CH. ivj The Clan Macgregor 193 

called, became in effect the principal purchaser; but, encom- 
passed by as many difficulties as Scottish law and Scottish 
prejudice could put in their way, it was not till the year 1725 
that the Commissioners were in a position to wind up their 
accounts. The net result of all their labours was the fullest 
justification of Dalrymple's advice : ,84,043 were realised 
from the sale of the estates, and 82,936 were consumed by 
the expenses of the Commissioners, leaving a balance to the 
Government of ^noy 1 . 

With two other actions of the Government closes the 
memorable chapter in Scottish history known as 
"The 'Fifteen." Before the Parliament rose on I7 * 7 

July 15, 1717, it passed a measure which had been anticipated 
with eager expectancy in both kingdoms. This was an Act 
of Grace and Free Pardon, by which the Jacobite prisoners 
were given liberty to settle either at home or abroad. But 
there was one notable exception from the general indemnity : 
the whole clan of Macgregor was expressly excluded by the 
terms of the Act. For this exception, however, there were 
special reasons. Since the "Slaughter in the Lennox" in 
1603*, in which the Macgregors had been the principal actors, 
the clan had lain under proscription which had been confirmed 
by successive Governments throughout the i7th century. 
During the late rising, moreover, the clan had taken the 
opportunity of marauding the neighbouring Lowlands and, 
though in equivocal fashion, had identified itself with the 
Jacobite cause. Its most notorious member, the famous Rob 
Roy, had played a somewhat prominent part in the service 
of Mar, though always with a proper regard to his own interests. 
Even since the close of the rebellion he had been doing 
business on his own account, but he had been arrested by the 

1 Report of Commissioners, printed for Jacob Tonson (Lond. 1724). A 
list of the Forfeited Estates, with their annual rentals, is given by Tindal 
(op. cit. xxvn. no in). 

2 See ante, Vol. II. p. 238. 

B. S. III. 13 

1 94 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Duke of Atholl, and had escaped ward. It was not without 
justification, therefore, that the Government insisted on regarding 
the Macgregors as public enemies who had not merited the 
benefit of the general Act of Indemnity 1 . 

The last direct action of the Government relating to The 
'Fifteen showed that it was still haunted by the 

T ^7 T Q * 

spectre of Scottish Jacobitism. It was an action 
at once inconsequent and futile. By its Act of Grace and 
Free Pardon it had given a free bill to the Jacobites in both 
countries; but now (1718) it conceived the notion of taking 
proceedings against the Jacobites who had fled across the 
water. As it had good reason to know, no jury in Scotland 
would find a bill against the exiles; but it had a weapon 
in its hands of which it chose to try the effect. As we 
have seen, an Act of the reign of Anne had introduced the 
English Treason law into Scotland 2 . In accordance with this 
Act a commission of Oyer and Terminer was sent down to 
Scotland, and began its sittings at Perth in the month of 
September. A Grand Jury was called and sworn ; the fullest 
proof was produced against the parties accused 3 ; but the jury 
obdurately refused to find the required bills. With the single 
exception of Cupar-Fife, there was not a town where the 
Commissioners sat which did not follow the example of Perth. 
"I am sure," wrote one of the baffled Commissioners to the 
Duke of Roxburgh, the Scottish Secretary, "some other method 
must be thought of, for this will not do 4 ." What the Govern- 
ment failed to see was that it was fighting not against Jacobite 

1 It appears that Rob Roy surrendered himself to the Duke (Atholl 
Papers, p. 71). The difficulty in dealing with the Macgregors was that 
since their original proscription they were scattered up and down the 
Highlands and thus eluded apprehension. 

2 See ante, p. 143. 

3 The parties accused were Freebairn, the printer, and Fullarton of 

4 Stair Annals, II. 56 8, 348, where letters of the two English Com- 
missioners are given. 

CH. iv] Trials of Rebels 1 95 

sympathies but against resentment due to English interference 
in Scottish affairs. 

In the beginning of the year 1718 the Jacobite cause 
seemed at its lowest ebb both at home and 
abroad. Immediately after the Chevalier's arrival 
in France from Scotland, he had foolishly quarrelled with 
Bolingbroke, the one able counsellor he possessed. In the 
autumn of 1717 Mar was so hopeless of his master's future 
that he was seeking to make his peace with King George 1 . 
The funds of the party had been drained by the rising in 
Scotland, which, it was said, had cost not less than ;i 2,000,000; 
and by the death of Mary of Modena, James VIFs widow, on 
May 7th, 1718, the pension which she had received from 
Louis XIV was lost to the cause. Severely repressed at 
home, the friends of the exiled House could find little to 
comfort them in the political state of Europe. In France, 
which had once been their stay, the Regent Orleans continued 
to find it his interest to be on good terms with England, and 
in no other country were there signs of any developments 
favourable to the Stewart. 

Such was the outlook of the Jacobites at the beginning 
of 1718, but by its close a situation had arisen on the 
Continent which filled them with the most sanguine hopes. 
Their special providence on this occasion was not France but 
Spain. At this moment the destinies of that country were in 
the hands of Cardinal Alberoni, who, born the son of an 
Italian gardener, was now the dominating figure in the politics 
of Europe. Thwarted by England in his policy of utilising 
Spain in the interests of his native country, he determined 
on revenge, and, as the most direct and effectual means of 
obtaining it, he conceived the plan of an invasion of Britain 
in favour of the Stewart. Moreover, there was another 
formidable personage who was prepared to co-operate with him 
in his enterprise. Charles XII of Sweden had a long-standing 

1 Hardivickc Paper s^ II. 561. 


196 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

grievance against George I, and he had been biding his time 
to square accounts with him. In July, 1715, Verden and 
Bremen had been sold to George by Frederick IV of Denmark 
who had previously wrested them from Sweden. The 
rising of Mar in the autumn of that year offered Charles a 
speedy opportunity of seeking his revenge; and, but for the 
overthrow of the Swedish fleet at Riigen in the month of 
September, he would in all probability have carried out his 
intention of invading England. Now, therefore, he lent a 
ready ear to the overtures of Alberoni, and concluded a 
formal alliance with Spain against Great Britain. Again, 
however, England had her usual good fortune against her 
intending invaders: on the nth of December, 1718, Charles 
was killed at Fredericksten, and Alberoni was left to his own 

Before the death of Charles, Alberoni had already begun 
his preparations for the intended invasion. In 
December, 1718, the Duke of Ormonde, the 
most important of the exiled Jacobites, appeared in Madrid 
by his invitation ; and together they concerted the plans that 
were to be followed. When in the beginning of March, 1719, 
the Chevalier himself arrived in Spain at the summons of 
Alberoni, the fleet destined for the invasion of England had 
already sailed. Consisting in all of twenty-nine vessels, with 
5000 troops and arms for 30,000 more, it had set out from 
Cadiz on the 7th of that month. By a curious fatality the 
same disaster overtook it as befell the Great Armada. On 
the 2 Qth it was encountered by a storm which wrought such 
havoc with ships and men that the damage was irreparable 
and the expedition came to an end. 

But in addition to the main enterprise Alberoni had 
arranged a minor expedition, the special object of which was 
to create a diversion in the Scottish Highlands in favour of 
the debarkation in England. To Earl Marischal Keith, who 
had been one of the principal leaders in the 'Fifteen, he had 

CH. iv] Jacobite Attempt 0/1719 197 

entrusted the command of two frigates, with a detachment of 
Spanish regulars to the number of 307 men, for the express 
purpose of executing this important project. Sailing from 
San Sebastian on the 8th of March, the Earl reached the 
Isle of Lewis in the beginning of April, where he was shortly 
afterwards joined by the Earl of Seaforth and the Marquis 
of Tullibardine, who in a small craft had accomplished an 
adventurous voyage from Havre. As was the fatal habit 
in Jacobite councils, differences at once broke out among 
the leaders. Tullibardine claimed the chief command, which 
the Earl Marischal surrendered, though still retaining the 
charge of the ships. Further disagreement arose as to their 
immediate procedure Tullibardine counselling delay, while 
the Earl urged prompt action on the mainland. Owing to 
their ill-timed dissensions, it was not till the 1 3th of April that 
a landing was effected on an islet at the mouth of Loch Duich 
in Ross-shire. Still Tullibardine insisted on inaction ; and the 
Earl Marischal took the decisive step of dispatching the vessels 
to Spain a prudent precaution, as within a week an English 
squadron was off the coast. The fate of the adventurers was 
no longer in their own hands. They had deposited a store 
of arms and ammunition in the Castle of Eileen Donan on 
the islet in Loch Duich, placing it under the guard of forty- 
five Spaniards. The fort with its stores and garrison was 
taken by the enemy's ships. Now cut off from escape by sea, 
they made a belated attempt to raise the neighbouring clans; but 
the news of the destruction of the larger fleet (p. 196) was already 
widely known, and the clans made but a feeble response to 
their appeal. "Not above a thousand men appeared 1 ," writes 
the historian of the expedition ; " and even those seemed not 
very fond of the enterprise." Meanwhile, the Government 
forces, in number noo men, were steadily approaching under 
the command of General Wightman. On the loth of June 
the two armies were face to face in Glenshiel, a defile issuing 
1 J. F. E. Keith, brother of the Earl Marischal. 

198 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

at the head of Loch Duich. The battle began between 
5 and 6 o'clock in the afternoon, and after about three hours' 
fighting the invaders were completely routed 1 . On the 
Government side 21 men were killed and 121 wounded; the 
losses of the enemy amounting to about the same figures. 
Next morning, by the advice of the Jacobite leaders, the 
whole Spanish contingent surrendered 2 , and "everybody else 
took the road he liked best 3 ." So ended the fourth attempt 
to effect a Stewart restoration that had been made since the 
Revolution ; and in this, as in all the three previous attempts, 
fortune rather than the efforts of the existing Government had 
the principal share in the issue. 

1 That the victory was decisive is the opinion of the latest authorities. 

2 They were sent home to Spain in the October following. 

8 Mr W. K. Dickson, in lens Jacobite Attempt of 1719 (Scot. Hist. Soc. 
1895), has given an admirably lucid account of all the circumstances attend- 
ing the invasion. See also an article by Professor Sanford Terry in The 
Scottish Historical Review for July, 1905. 


GEORGE I, 1714 1/27. 
GEORGE II, 1727 1760. 


THE political history of Scotland from the Jacobite attempt 
of 1719 to the rising of 1745 is mainly the history of a 
succession of measures on the part of the Government generally 
unacceptable to the people, and in two notable cases attended 
by open defiance of its authority. In passing these measures 
the King's Ministers maintained that they were only exacting 
from Scotland what was its due as a constituent member of 
the United Kingdom ; while the Scots, on their part, bitterly 
complained that they were over-ridden by their powerful neigh- 
bour, that their national interests were neglected, and that the 
burdens laid upon them were out of all just proportion to the 
relative resources of the two countries. In its dealings with 
Scotland the Government possessed an advantage which at 
once supplied a pretext for its actions and enabled it to put 
them in force. Unhappily for the country, its public life was 
distracted by the rivalries of two parties, which in their strife 
for the first place in the management of affairs showed little 
scruple in subordinating the national welfare to their own 
momentary interests. The one party was that singular body 
known as the Squadrone, which had played such a peculiar 
game in the preceding reign and which still gave itself out 
as the party of independent patriots. Opposed to it was the 
party that looked to Argyle as its head and was known by the 
significant name of the " Argathelians 1 ." To play off these 

1 Argatkelia is the Latin name for Argyle. 

2OO The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

two parties against each other was the deliberate policy of the 
Government ; and on one or the other it could always reckon 
for a more or less cordial support of its measures. 

Since the accession of George I the Squadrone had regarded 
itself as the party that would enjoy his favour. "It would gall 
anybody," wrote a correspondent of the Duke of Atholl from 
Edinburgh during the week of the King's proclamation, "to 
see the insolent haughty carriage of our Squadrone Lords who 
meet and cabal among themselves as if they were constituted 
governors by the sovereign 1 ." During the first years of the 
new reign their hopes were fully justified. Argyle was indeed 
entrusted with the charge of suppressing the rebellion ; but, as 
subsequent events proved, this was solely because there was 
no other man who was equal to the task. From first to last, 
throughout the campaign, it was matter of public talk that the 
Squadrone sought to thwart him in all his actions 2 . In the 
General Assembly that met in May, 1716, after the rebellion 
was at an end, it was in the teeth of the bitter opposition of 
the Squadrone elders that the name of Argyle received special 
mention in the address of congratulation to the King 3 . But 
the triumph of the Squadrone, as we have seen, was close at 
hand. In the beginning of June, the King, jealous of Argyle's 
influence with the Prince of Wales, deprived him of all his 
public offices; and for a time the Squadrone was supreme. 

In the attitude of both parties towards a notable measure of 

the Government, in which Scotland and England 
1719 . 

were equally interested, we have an illustration 
of the tactics they were prepared to follow to ingratiate them- 
selves with the Court. This measure was the famous Peerage 
Bill, which, if it had passed, would have fundamentally changed 
the British constitution. By the terms of this Bill the existing 
number of English peers was never to be increased by more 

1 Atholl Papers, p. 66. 

2 Wodrow, Analecta, I. 306. 

8 Wodrow, Correspondence^ n. 186. 

CH. v] The Peerage Bill 201 

than six in all time coming, while in the case of Scotland the 
sixteen elective peers were to be displaced by twenty-five 
peers with a hereditary right to sit in the House of Lords 1 . 
The effect of the Bill, as its promoters fully understood, 
would have been to perpetuate the Whig oligarchy which 
had effected the Protestant succession and to put King and 
Commons under its feet. That the King approved a measure 
so fatal to the prerogative was simply due to the exigencies 
of the hour: the Whig chiefs were convinced that, when the 
Prince of Wales came to the throne, he would identify himself 
with the Tories and give them a majority in the House of 
Lords by the creation of new peers. But it was the Whig 
chiefs who had put George where he was; and, moreover, 
anything that would spoil the happiness of his son was 
pleasing to the father. The Peerage Bill, therefore, received 
his hearty consent. 

It was the Scottish clause in the Bill that raised the greatest 
excitement among English and Scottish peers alike. The 
arguments against this clause, as presented by Lord Cowper, 
were that it was an infringement of the Treaty of Union, 
that the non-hereditary Scots peers would be deprived of all 
share in the government of the country, and that the existing 
sixteen elected peers had no right to give away the privileges of 
those who elected them without their having a voice in the 
decision. On the other side, it was urged that twenty-five peers 
was an improvement on sixteen, that the excluded peers 
would have their chance when heirs male failed to any of the 
twenty-five, that the method of electing was derogatory to the 
dignity of the order, and that the clause in question was no 
breach of the Union, which made only two things unalterable 
religion and the proportion of taxes. What was remarkable 
was that all the sixteen Scottish peers the Argathelians as 
well as those of the Squadrone strenuously supported the 

1 In the event of the failure of male heirs, in the case of both countries, 
new creations were to follow. 

202 The Age of Secular Interests [BK 

Bill 1 . Among the Scottish peers in general, however, there 
was no such unanimity ; and there was one party among them, 
mainly Tory or Jacobite, which did its utmost to defeat the 
measure. " I assure you," wrote the Earl of Glencairn, " I 
would go to the world's end to prevent it, for sure I am never 
such another barefaced thing was ever thought of 2 ." But the 
opposition to the Bill was not confined to Jacobite Scottish peers : 
the Commons of both countries fully realised that its passing 
into law would affect their constitutional rights, and so loud 
was the outcry against the measure that the Government was 
constrained to postpone pressing it till the following session. 
In the interval the clamour only grew louder ; and in the war of 
pamphlets that ensued two illustrious combatants, Addison and 
Sir Richard Steele, entered the lists against each other, to the 
unhappy breach of a lifelong friendship. But the King and 
his Ministers had set their hearts on passing their measure; and 
at the opening of the following session (Nov. 25) it was again 
introduced in the House of Lords. A few days sufficed to see 
it through that House, but in the Commons it met with a 
different fate. Mainly through the efforts of Walpole, from 
whom the occasion evoked one of his most memorable 
speeches, the Bill was rejected by the decisive majority of 
ninety-two 8 . In the consenting opinion of later times, it was a 
sinister measure, prompted by the circumstances of the moment 
and conceived in the interests of the ambitious section of a 
single order. That every Scottish elective peer should have 
given it his support is a striking proof that court influence had 
not ceased to over-ride national interests with the extrusion of 
the Stewart. 

1 Argyle seconded it, and the Duke of Roxburgh, the chief of the 
Squadrone, supported it with equal ardour. Stair Annals, n. 338 341. 

2 Portland Papers, v. 580. Petitions against the Bill were sent up 
from Edinburgh (ib. p. 579). According to Lockhart it was mainly peers 
of Jacobite sympathies who signed these petitions. Memoirs, n. 58 9. 

3 Parliamentary History, VII. 606 624. 

CH. v] Triumph of the Argathelians 203 

During the opening years of the reign, the Government had 
identified itself with the Squadrone because it appeared to be 
the stronger of the two Scottish parties and was the more 
amenable to its desires. But the Squadrone had not been so 
dutiful as was expected ; and it gradually became apparent that 
the Argathelians had in reality the support of the majority of 
the nation. Significant signs of returning favour, therefore, now 
began to cheer the discredited party. On February 6, 1719, 
Argyle was appointed High Steward of the Household; and 
on the 3oth of the April following he was created a peer of 
England with the title of the Duke of Greenwich. When in 
April, 1721, Walpole became First Lord of the Treasury and 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was a day of good omen for 
the Argathelians. Under the administration of Walpole their 
leader was to attain to a measure of authority in Scotland sur- 
passing that of his ancestor, the Great Marquis. 

The date was now approaching which the Septennial Act 
had prescribed as the term of the existing Parlia- 
ment. Long before it came, parties in Scotland 
had been assiduously exerting themselves to influence the 
coming elections in their respective interests. The political 
situation was indeed one fitted to try the virtue of public men. 
Argyle was confident that, if his followers and the Squadrone 
were left to themselves, neither receiving the support of the 
Government, he could reckon on a majority both among the 
elective peers and among the representatives of the Commons 1 . 
What rendered the result doubtful was that the Jacobite vote, 
both in the case of the peers and of the Commons, might turn 
the scale in favour of either party. Lockhart, the indefatigable 
agent of the Jacobites in Scotland, did not let the opportunity 
slip of doing something for their cause, and with this intention 
made overtures to Argyle, who was related to him by marriage 
and with whom he had always been on the friendliest terms. 
According to Lockhart, Argyle was not indisposed to make a 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. II. 59. 

2O4 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

bargain with him; but, if so, their negotiations were peremptorily 
cut short. What the Government wanted was a Whig majority 
in the next Parliament ; whether returned by the Argathelians 
or the Squadrone was a matter of indifference, as in either case 
it had means at its command to compel their support. The 
order therefore came down that the two parties should combine 
their forces, and bend their whole efforts to return a majority 
both of peers and Commons. The order was submissively 
received ; and the result of their united action was a victory for 
the Whigs even more decisive than in the case of the election 
of I7I6 1 . 

In the year 1724 the country had an experience unpre- 
cedented in its previous history. During the 
preceding year the landowners in the south- 
western shires Dumfries, Kirkcudbright and Wigtown had 
suddenly and on an extensive scale begun to enclose their 
lands with stone walls and to turn them into pasturage 2 . As 
the result of these proceedings, numerous families were evicted 
from their holdings with consequent wide-spread misery. The 
plea urged by the landlords in justification of their action was 
that their tenants were lazy, that they were permanently in 
arrears with their rents, and that they exhausted the land by 
leaving it fallow only every third year. In the beginning of 
May, 1724, the general discontent throughout the suffering 
districts came to a head. Two evicted farmers, one a tenant 
of Gordon of Earlstoun, the other of the Viscountess Kenmure, 
were the leaders of the movement. Having drawn up a bond 
of association, they were gradually joined by numbers which 

1 Lockhart, op. cit. II. 59 et seq. The victory of the Government was 
gained by the usual methods of influencing the elections through its officials. 
On this occasion the means employed were so "unwarrantable " that, im- 
mediately after the election, the Convention of Royal Burghs recorded its 
indignant protest. Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs, in. 318. 

2 It was the traffic of the Scottish cattle-dealers with England that led 
to these enclosures. Fraser Tytler, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the 
Honourable Henry Home of Kames (1807), II. 175. 

CH. v] Evictions in Galloway 205 

rose to some five or six hundred men. The destruction of the 
offending enclosures was their first object ; and this they accom- 
plished in the most thoroughgoing fashion. Assembling in the 
darkness of the night men, women and children and armed 
with crowbars and other necessary implements, they had 
accomplished their work before daybreak, and dispersed to 
their respective places of hiding. Unable to cope with the 
"Levellers" or " Dykebreakers " in their own strength, the 
landlords found themselves forced to appeal for aid to the 
Government, which promptly dispatched the regiment of 
the Scots Fusiliers to the disturbed districts. In a fierce 
encounter, which took place in Kirkcudbrightshire, the Levellers 
were worsted and sixteen of them made prisoners. Fines, 
imprisonment, and transportation followed ; and by the end of 
June the shires of Kirkcudbright and Dumfries were reduced 
to order. In Wigtownshire, however, the Levellers still con- 
tinued their work; and it was not till the summer of 1725 that 
Wodrow was able to record that the disturbances had all but 
ceased. Among the landlords themselves, we are glad to learn, 
there were some who did not refuse their sympathies to the un- 
happy law-breakers ; and proposals were even made to establish 
woollen manufactures in Wigtown, Stranraer, and Kirkcud- 
bright, to afford employment for the victims of what was an 
imperative reform in the agricultural interests of the country 1 . 

The most ingenious malcontent could hardly charge the 
Government with the responsibility for these 
unhappy occurrences ; but in the following year 
it was to supply its enemies with " the most popular handle of 
clamour 3 " since the beginning of the reign. We have seen 
that in 1713 Scotland successfully resisted the imposition of a 
Malt Tax on the ground that it involved an infringement of the 
Treaty of Union 3 . But this exemption had remained a standing 

1 Tindal, op. tit. xxvni. pp. 247 8 ; Wodrow, Correspondence, 
ill. 125, 137, and Analecta, in. 152, 157, 170, 198, 210. 
1 Wodrow, Analecta, ui. 177. 3 See ante, p. 

206 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

grievance with the English, who naturally resented that Scot- 
land should thus escape its due proportion of a tax which was 
so heavy a burden on themselves. On Walpole's becoming 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, these classes brought such per- 
sistent pressure to bear upon him that, against his better 
judgment, he found himself constrained to meet their wishes. 
In the autumn session of 1724 he imposed an additional duty 
of sixpence on every barrel of ale in the hope that in this 
form the tax might prove less odious to the Scots. No sooner 
had the news of the tax reached Scotland, however, than almost 
as one man the nation set its face against it. Again the old 
arguments were forthcoming : the tax was a breach of the 
Union Treaty, and was, moreover, out of all proportion to the 
relative resources of the two countries. It was a golden oppor- 
tunity for the Jacobites, and they did not fail to make the most 
of it. " The King's friends," says Lockhart, " laid hold upon 
this occasion, and privately, underhand, fomented the bad 
humour 1 ." But the public humour hardly required any mis- 
chievous fomenting. What the new duty meant was that the 
national drink, ale sold at twopence a pint and known as 
" Twopenny," would be affected either in quality or price. 
From almost every shire in the country addresses were sent up 
to the Government representing the iniquity of the new exaction 2 . 
But when, in obedience to their constituents, the Scottish 
members laid their protests before Walpole, he was ready with 
a cogent reply. Since the Union the representatives of the 
Scottish shires and burghs had been regularly feed by the 
successive Governments during their attendance on their 
Parliamentary duties 3 . If Scotland would not contribute its 
quota of taxation, Walpole told them, they must "tie up their 
stockings with their own garters." Nevertheless, the national 

1 Memoirs, II. 134. 2 Wodrow, Analecta, III. 177. 

3 Before the Union the constituencies were under an obligation to 
maintain their representatives while Parliament was sitting. According to 
Lockhart the sum paid by the Government to each Scotch member was 
10 guineas a week. Memoirs, n. 139. 

CH. v] The Malt Tax 207 

opposition to the tax was so menacing that Walpole judged it 
prudent to make a show of concession. He abandoned the 
tax on ale, and substituted for it a duty of 3^. on every bushel 
of malt. Should the sum thus levied not amount to ^20,000 
-the contribution he desired the maltsters were to make up 
the deficit. 

The Malt Tax was not more acceptable than had been the 
proposed tax on beer ; and, as the day for levying 
it (June 23, 1725) approached, there was every 
indication that the Government would be set at defiance. As 
it happened, it was in Glasgow, which during the 'Fifteen 
had proved itself the most loyal of Scottish burghs, that the 
opposition took most formidable shape. A conjunction of 
untoward circumstances appears to have brought about this 
result. The member for Glasgow, Daniel Campbell of Shaw- 
field, as it chanced, had made himself specially obnoxious in 
the town. He was suspected of having aided and abetted 
Walpole in imposing the detested tax, and, moreover, he had 
done the Glasgow merchants a disservice in their Virginian 
tobacco trade. In the preceding December the mob of the 
town had broken the windows of a handsome mansion which 
he had recently built for himself; and, as the day for levying 
the tax drew near, he became uneasy for the security of his 
belongings, and, ill-advised, appealed for protection to General 
Wade, the Commander-in-Chief of the forces in Scotland. The 
23rd of June came; but so menacing was the feeling of the 
town that it was deemed prudent to delay the work of the excise 
officials. On the evening of the following day two companies 
of infantry, dispatched from Edinburgh by General Wade 
under the command of Captain Bushell, arrived in the town. 
They were received by the mob with volleys of stones and 
abuse of themselves and the Malt Tax. Arrived at the Tol- 
booth, where they meant to take refuge, they found its door 
locked, the mob having secured the key ; and by the provost's 
orders they took up their quarters in a public-house. During the 

208 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

night the mob again arose and fell upon Campbell's mansion, 
which in the morning was a gutted wreck 1 . When in the 
course of the day the soldiery ventured into the streets, they 
were attacked with such fury that in self-defence they were 
compelled to discharge their pieces, with the result that nine 
persons were killed and about seventeen wounded. As the 
numbers of the troops were insufficient to overawe the mob, 
Captain Bushell on the advice of the provost evacuated the 
town, and marched to the garrison of Dunbarton, pursued for 
six miles by several hundreds of the enraged populace 2 . 

Such defiance of authority could not be overlooked ; and 
measures were promptly taken to call the most conspicuous 
offenders to account. On the 8th of July, General Wade and 
Duncan Forbes, who about a month before had been appointed 
to the office of Lord Advocate, marched from Edinburgh at 
the head of a force which effectually overawed the mutinous 
town. As the result of a rigorous examination, twenty-one of 
the populace were committed to prison, and the provost and 
six baillies conducted to Edinburgh to undergo a trial on the 
charges of murder, felony and riot. But, as public opinion now 
prevailed in the country, they were secure from judicial con- 
demnation. Ably defended by Dundas, who had been deprived 
of the office of Lord Advocate for his opposition to the Govern- 
ment,- they were released on bail; and it was deemed more 
prudent to take no further proceedings against them. In 
deference to popular sentiment it was even found necessary to 
bring Captain Bushell to trial for firing on the mob; and, though 
his action was fully justified in the circumstances, the verdict 
went against him, and he was only saved from its consequences 
by the royal pardon 3 . 

1 Campbell and his wife had prudently retired to the country on the 
previous day. Lockhart says that, had the mob laid hands on Campbell, 
they would certainly have "de-Witted" him (Memoirs, n. 162). 

2 Parliamentary History, Viii. 483 et seq. 

3 Culloden Papers, pp. 79 93 ; Parliamentary History, vill. 485 6 ; 
Lockhart, Memoirs, II. 162 4. 

CH. v] Riot in Glasgow 209 

In less dramatic fashion Edinburgh also distinguished 
itself by its opposition to the obnoxious tax. 
The brewers of the town took the heroic resolu- 
tion to cease from brewing till the duty was removed ; and, as 
Edinburgh consumed some 2500 barrels of ale a week, the 
sacrifice was not confined to themselves. But the Lord Advo- 
cate Forbes had a weapon in his hands which he used with 
convincing effect against the recalcitrant brewers. From the 
earliest times the Court of Session had exercised the privilege 
of regulating the sale of provisions in the capital. At the 
suggestion of Forbes, therefore, the Court of Session passed 
an Act of Sederunt declaring the action of the brewers to 
be illegal, and peremptorily enjoining them to resume their 
duties in the interest of the lieges. After a week's resistance 
the brewers concluded that they had done enough for the 
honour of their trade and of their country; and the citizens 
were straightway supplied with their weekly modicum of ale. 

The troubles of the Government connected with the Malt 

Tax had hastened a revolution which had already 

been in progress. We have seen that Walpole, 

on his accession to power in 1721, had shown a disposition 
favourable to the party of Argyle at the expense of the Squad- 
rone. But the action of the Squadrone with reference to the 
Malt Tax convinced him that, so long as that party was in 
power, the Government would be hindered at every turn in its 
Scottish policy. Roxburgh, the Secretary, and Dundas, the Lord 
Advocate, had identified themselves with the national opposition 
to the odious tax, and done all in their power to prevent its 
being enforced. In the summer of 1725, therefore, Walpole 
took a step characterised by his usual vigour : at one sweep he 
removed Dundas and the minor officials of the Squadrone from 
their posts ; and in the beginning of September he completed 
the discomfiture of the Squadrone by the dismissal of Roxburgh 
from the Secretaryship. But Walpole was resolved on a still 
more decided measure. The office of Secretary for Scotland, 

B. s. in. 14 

2io The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

he was convinced, was a standing embarrassment for the 
Government in the administration of Scottish affairs; and he 
determined that it should be abolished 1 . In taking this step 
he had the support of the most enlightened opinion in Scot- 
land. Since the removal of James VI to England, the Scottish 
Secretary had never ceased to be an unpopular personage : he 
had invariably been more English than the English and the 
obedient agent of the successive Courts. " If any one Scots- 
man has absolute power," wrote the Lord Advocate Forbes, 
"we are in the same slavery as ever"; and he received the news 
of the abolition of the Secretaryship with "a great deal of 
joy 2 ." Nominally the duties of the extinguished office were 
entrusted to the English Secretary of State, then the Duke of 
Newcastle ; but, in point of fact, during the next six years the 
management of Scottish affairs was entirely in the hands of 
Lord Islay, brother of the Duke of Argyle, and the trusted 
confidant of Walpole. Thus the Argathelians had displaced 
the Squadrone, and for some eleven years to come they were to 
maintain an ascendency which no Scottish party had exercised 
since the Union. In the Highlands, it was said, Argyle became 
the one great man whereas formerly there had been four 3 . As 
for Islay, so great was his power that he was popularly known 
as the "King of Scotland" and "Conge' d'elire." Through 
one or other of the brothers every office had to be sought; and 
no young advocate gave signs of ability but his adhesion to their 
party was secured by some timely favour. " Thus universally 
careful," writes the chronicler, "are they to spread and secure 
their influence 4 ." 

1 The office was temporarily restored in 1731, was abolished after the 
Rebellion of 1745, and again restored in 1885. 

2 Hill Burton, Lives of Simon, Lord Lovat, and Duncan Forbes of 
Culloden (Lond. 1847), p. 333. 

3 Wodrow, Analecta, in. 318. Wodrow names Seaforth and Huntly, 
but says he has forgotten the fourth. According to Lockhart, the fourth 
was Atholl. 

4 Ib. HI. 192. 

CH. v] Disarming of the Highlands 211 

Besides the Malt Tax there was another measure of the 
Government in furtherance of which Argyle, Islay, and Forbes 
lent their hearty co-operation. For the first time in the 
national history a serious attempt was now made to bring the 
entire Highland country within the pale of civilisation. On 
the outbreak of the rebellion of 1715 an Act had been passed 
for the disarming of the Highlands, but it had practically 
remained a dead letter. A memorial on the state of the 
Highlands presented to the Government by Simon Lovat was 
the occasion of the measures now taken to reduce them to the 
condition of the rest of the kingdom. As the first step towards 
this end, General Wade was commissioned to proceed to the 
Highlands and to prepare a report on the state of things 
described by Lovat. The immediate result of Wade's report 
was a bill drafted by Forbes which, under the title of "An Act 
for disarming the Highlands," passed into law in the summer 
of I725 1 . To Wade was now entrusted the arduous task of 
putting the Act in force ; but, interrupted, as we have seen, by 
the riots in Glasgow, it was not till August, 1725, that he was 
in a position to begin his operations. Under his command he 
had 400 regular troops and six companies of Highlanders 
drafted from such clans as had given proofs of their loyalty. 
With Inverness as his base, he dispersed detachments throughout 
the Highland country, and stationed them in the important 
passes, where barracks were erected for their accommodation. 
By these measures the time-honoured Highland practices were 
for a time effectually checked; cattle-lifting and blackmail, 
which till now had continued as prevalent as ever, could not 
survive under the new conditions. The chiefs of suspected 
clans also found it their interest to give in their ambiguous 
submissions; and Rob Roy, in a letter to Wade which does 
him little credit, besought remission for his many past delin- 
quencies 2 . In one all-important matter, however, Wade was 

ii George I, cap. 26. 

1 Rob Roy had taken sides with the Jacobites at Glenshiel as well as 
during the 'Fifteen. 


212 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

unhappily befooled, as the country was to learn to its cost at 
a later day. One of the principal objects of the late Act was 
to deprive the Highlanders of all weapons that might render 
them formidable in the event of another rising; and Wade did 
his best to secure this result. With the connivance of the 
chiefs, weapons were indeed surrendered with apparent readi- 
ness; but in almost every case the weapons brought in were 
antiquated pieces, of no value in the existing modes of warfare. 
" These people," says Lockhart, " make a jest of all he (Wade) 
has done or will do in that affair 1 ." 

But the most durable memorial of Wade's labours was a 
great undertaking which also formed part of the Government's 
measures for reducing the Highlands to peace and order. In 
all past time the principal difficulty in dealing with these 
" peccant " districts had been their inaccessibility to such forces 
as had been dispatched against them. Mountain paths there 
were in abundance; but for the march of regular troops there 
were no lines of communication which might enable them to 
strike with speed and effect. To establish such lines of 
communication was the work of Wade which has associated 
his name for all time with the history of the Scottish Highlands. 
In the summer of 1725 the work began, and eleven years were 
spent in accomplishing it. During each succeeding summer 
500 soldiers were employed in constructing the different lines 
of road each private receiving 6d. daily in excess of his usual 
pay. Wherever the nature of the surface would permit, the 
roads followed a perfectly straight line over moor, mountain, 
and river. The length of all the roads together amounted to 
about 250 miles, their standard breadth being 16 feet; while 
40 bridges of various dimensions had to be constructed in 
laying them out. When the great work was completed, all the 
main outposts of the Highlands were so connected that from 
all or each of them an attack could be promptly delivered at 
any desired point. The garrisons of Inverness, Fort Augustus, 

1 Memoirs^ II. 282. 

CH. v] Wades Highland Roads 213 

and Fort William were connected by a road followed at a later 
day by the Caledonian Canal. From Inverness to Dunkeld 
ran another way, known as the " Great Highland Road " and 
now traversed by the Highland Railway, which was joined at 
Dalwhinnie in the parish of Kingussie by a road from Fort 
Augustus, and by another from Crieff at Blair Athol. Besides 
the network of roads, still further precautions were taken to 
place the country under effective control. An armed galley 
was launched on Loch Ness ; two new forts were constructed 
at Inverness and Fort Augustus; and fortified towers, each with 
its own garrison, were erected in spots where the nature of the 
country or the disposition of the inhabitants appeared to call 
for them. As was to be proved at no distant date, all these 
precautions were insufficient to prevent the most formidable 
of all the uprisings of the clans. Yet in the end the work 
accomplished by Wade proved the greatest step towards the 
assimilation of the Highlands with the neighbouring country 1 . 

The Jacobites on the Continent had confidently looked 
forward to the death of George I as an event 

1*727 1728 

that would be highly favourable to their cause. 
Deluded by plausible reports of the state of public opinion 
in both countries, they imagined that, more advantageously 
than in 1715, another attempt might now be made to restore 
the House of Stewart to its own. Accordingly, on the news 
of George's death (June n, 1727) the Prince hastened from 
Italy into Lorraine, and at once put himself in communi- 
cation with the Courts of Vienna, Paris, and Madrid. To 
Lockhart, his unswerving adherent in Scotland, he also wrote 
suggesting that the time was opportune for a rising in that 
country, and that he was prepared to put himself at the head 

1 Captain Burt, Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland to 
his Friend in London (Lond. 1754), Letter xxvi. A detailed account of 
Wade and the Highland roads is given by Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie in 
Transactions of the Inverness Scientific Society and Field Club, Vol. V. 
pp. I45177- 

214 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

of it. But that astute agent was too well informed to be under 
any illusion as to Jacobite prospects either at home or abroad. 
As Lockhart well knew, the cause of the Stewarts had in truth 
never been more hopeless than now. On the Continent there 
was no appearance of any combination in its favour ; and in 
Britain the mass of the people of both countries were in a 
state of comfortable acquiescence in the existing regime 1 . 
Moreover, during the last few years the Prince's management 
of his own private affairs had not been such as to increase the 
loyalty of his adherents. His marriage in 1719 with Clementina 
Sobieski, grand-daughter of John Sobieski, King of Poland, had 
been followed by conjugal scandals which sorely tried the 
fidelity even of such devoted followers as Lockhart 2 . To 
the disgust of these persons, also, he had, since his dismissal 
of Mar, surrounded himself with a band of contemptible 
sycophants whose petty intrigues degraded him in the eyes 
of all who had his best interests at heart 3 . When, in con- 
cluding his Memoirs with the year 1728, Lockhart reviews 
the prospects of the cause to which he had devoted himself 
with a loyalty that had not shrunk from questionable courses, 
it is with disillusion and despondency that he surveys the 
story of a life spent in vain. 

The accession of George II made no change in the relative 

position of parties in the two countries. The 

new King retained his father's Ministers; and the 

new Parliament which met in January, 1728, contained a larger 

Whig majority than its predecessor. In Scotland, the peers 

1 Even Lockhart admits that George II " mounted the British throne 
with the favour of the populace." Memoirs , II. 403. Here, it will be 
noted, we are concerned only with Lockhart 's opinion of James's conduct, 
which he leads us to suppose was the general opinion of Scottish Jacobites. 

2 Lockhart told him very frankly that his conduct towards his wife had 
seriously injured his cause in Britain. 

3 The Prince's whole conduct, says Lockhart, "gave the world a very 
unfavourable opinion of his prudence, justice, honour and gratitude." Ib. 
p. 405. 

CH. v] The Argathelians and the Squadrone 215 

nominated by the Government were chosen to a man; and the 
representatives of the shires and burghs were in an overwhelm- 
ing majority on the same side. Thus the Argathelians were 
secured once more in their ascendency. Nevertheless the rule 
of Argyle and Islay was not generally satisfactory to the country ; 
and even such good Whigs and Presbyterians as Wodrow were 
disposed to join with the Squadrone in accusing them of 
"bringing Scotland to direct slavery and dependence" upon 
England 1 . Every year the opposition to their policy grew 
more embittered ; and every year saw an increase in the 
ranks of their adversaries. With their standing rivals, the 
Squadrone, were joined every Tory and Jacobite, peer and 
commoner, whose sole aim was to embarrass the Government 
by every means in their power. As the time drew near for the 
next election in 1734, no efforts were spared to effect a revolu- 
tion in the representation of the country ; and, as it happened, 
the situation in English politics materially strengthened the 
Opposition in Scotland. In 1733, Walpole's introduction of 
the Excise Bill concentrated the ranks of his enemies in a 
desperate effort to ruin him in the eyes of the country; and 
among his opponents were the Duke of Montrose, and the 
Earls of Marchmont and Stair. Montrose was deprived of the 
Privy Seal, Stair of the office of Vice-Admiral, and Marchmont 
of the office of Lord Registrar. All three promptly joined 
the Squadrone. 

Another recruit to the ranks of the Squadrone deserves 
more than a passing mention as one of the remarkable figures 
of the time. This was James Erskine of Grange, brother of 
the Earl of Mar, who since 1706 had been one of the Lords 
of Session, and ostensibly the straitest of Presbyterians, though 
never free from the suspicion of Jacobite leanings. One inci- 
dent in his life has its place among the chroniques scandaleuses 
of Scottish history. Married to an uncomfortable wife, he had 
her spirited away to the remote isle of St Kilda, gave out that 

1 Wodrow, Analecta, III. 436. 

216 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

she was dead, and publicly celebrated her funeral. Lord Grange 
was, in fact, one of those persons who, to their own content, 
can combine zeal for religion, unscrupulous ambition, and the 
grosser appetites of sense. With all the violence of his nature 
he had long detested Walpole; and, now that that Minister was 
at bay, he determined to take a direct part in his final over- 
throw. In 1731 the office of Secretary for Scotland had been 
restored ; and it was Grange's ambition to gain that highly 
important post. But to attain his end he must first be elected 
a member of the House of Commons; and here Lord Islay and 
Walpole resolved to checkmate him. Grange was a judge, but 
hitherto a place on the Bench had been no disqualification for 
representing a constituency. As it conveniently happened for 
Grange's enemies, however, an Election Bill was before the 
House of Commons in February, 1734; and into this Bill was 
introduced a clause making it illegal for a Scottish judge to sit 
in Parliament. " I will not be trampled by him, Lord Islay, 
and his dogs 1 ," was Grange's comment on this stroke of his 
enemies ; and he was as good as his word. He resigned his 
seat on the Bench and was returned for Clack mannanshire, 
though his sacrifice was not rewarded by the coveted Secretary- 
ship. Out of intemperate party hate had at least come the 
desirable result that henceforward Scottish judges should hold 
themselves remote from political passion. 

Strengthened by the accession of these recruits, the 

Squadrone redoubled their efforts to secure a 
I733I734 , u ,. ,,, , 

majority in the coming election. We have seen 

that since the Union it had been the custom of the Govern- 
ment in power to send down a list of elective peers, known 
as the " King's list," and to use every means to have this 
list returned. On November 22, 1733, a numerous body 
of Scots peers met in Edinburgh, and resolved that such 
nomination was contrary to the Union Treaty and fatal to the 
freedom of Parliament 2 . In their efforts to secure a majority 
1 Marchmont Papers, II. 18. 2 Ib. II. 4 9. 

CH. v] The Argathelians and the Squadrone 217 

of elective peers the Squadrone had the eager support of the 
English Opposition in the House of Lords; and, in order to 
concoct their measures in common, the Scots and English 
peers founded the Rumpsteak or Liberty Club which met 
every Tuesday during the Parliamentary session 1 . As the 
result of their common counsels, the Marquis of Tweeddale 
(March 13, 1734) moved in the House of Commons that the 
Scottish peers should in future be elected by ballot 2 ; and the 
Duke of Bedford (March 18) moved in the House of Lords 
that any undue attempt to influence the election of the peers 
of Scotland was a "high insult on the justice of the Crown 3 ." 
Both motions were lost. In the following May came the 
elections for the House of Commons. The results were satis- 
factory to neither party : the numbers of the Opposition were 
considerably increased, but they fell short of what had been 
confidently hoped in the case of both countries. In regard 
to the election of the Scottish peers the Government had to 
put forth even more than its usual efforts to secure the return 
of its nominated list. So high did feeling rise by the day when 
the election came that a regiment had to be stationed before 
Holyrood palace to prevent the angry peers from breaking the 
peace. Mainly owing to Lord Islay's unscrupulous use of the 
varied means in his power, the Government list was again 
returned to a man 4 . 

The Argathelians were now, as it seemed, more closely 
bound to Walpole than ever ; only by their joint 
interests and action had they been able to hold 
their own against their common enemies in the late election. 

1 Marchmont Papers, II. 19. The Club was composed of 27 members, 
of whom eight were Scots the Dukes of Queensberry and Montrose, the 
Marquis of Tweeddale, and the Earls of Buchan, Marchmont, Stair, Graham, 
and Ker. 

2 Parliamentary History, IX. 485. 3 Ib. p. 487. 

4 It is a notable proof of Islay's dexterity in the use of his means that, 
when the new Parliament met in January, 1735, neither in the Lords nor 
Commons could a definite charge of bribery and intimidation be proved 
against him. 

2i8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Events during the next few years, however, were to prove that 
the bond between Walpole and the Argyle party was not indis- 
soluble, and that there were limits beyond which they were 
not prepared to go when the interest and honour of Scotland 
seemed to be at stake. In 1736 an affair occurred in Scotland 
which a contemporary English statesman described as " one of 
the most extraordinary [incidents] that ever happened in any 
country 1 ." This was the notorious Porteous Mob, in itself 
one of the most dramatic incidents in the national history, and 
made for ever memorable by the genius of Scott. Though the 
immediate occasion of this extraordinary manifestation was local 
and temporary, its causes and results were national and perma- 
nent. Ever since the Union the Scottish people had regarded 
it as their interest and duty to take every advantage of the 
allied country which, as they were convinced, had systematically 
sought to sacrifice their welfare to its own. As it happened, 
there was a standing opportunity of overreaching a Government 
which they persisted in regarding as an alien domination. The 
duties which had been imposed on the import of tea, brandy, and 
wine were held to be a wanton injustice which every good Scot 
was justified in eluding by every shift in his power. As the 
result of this conviction, the smuggling of these commodities 
became in point of fact a national business ; along the entire 
seaboard the native residents, and notably the farmers and 
country gentlemen, were in conspiracy with the smugglers to 
outwit the Government officials. To inform against a smuggler 
was to risk both person and repute. In the whole nation 
there was but one class whose interest it was to oppose the 
illicit trade the citizens of the royal burghs, who had the 
prescriptive privilege of importing foreign commodities. In a 
letter, written in the year of the Porteous Mob, the Convention 
of Royal Burghs bewailed the national evils which resulted 
from the " infamous trade of smuggling," and noted the fact 

1 This was the remark of Lord Carteret. Parliamentary History, IX. 

CH.V] Smuggling 219 

that not one out of a hundred of those who engaged in it 
eventually escaped ruin 1 . For more disinterested reasons than 
the Convention, the General Assembly formally denounced the 
national sin; but this was only to arraign human nature and 
the existing condition of things. Cupidity, patriotism, and the 
natural human delight in baffling the powers that be, were 
all-prevailing motives which only the growth of public opinion 
and of a more enlightened self-interest could avail to over- 

come 2 . 

It is in connection with Pittenweem, a petty coast town 
of Fife, that the story of the Mob begins. Two 
notorious smugglers, Robertson and Wilson, had 
on more than one occasion suffered at the hands of the Govern- 
ment officials; and, with no great shock to public opinion, they 
had sought to recoup themselves by robbing a Collector of 
Customs who happened to pass the night in that town. Appre- 
hended and conveyed to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, both were 
sentenced to death. Before the day of execution they made an 
attempt to break prison an occurrence common enough at the 
time and, but for an untoward accident, would have made 
good their escape. In concert with other fellow-prisoners, they 
succeeded in making an aperture in the window-grating of 
their cell, large enough to allow egress to a man of ordinary 
size. One of the party made his way out in safety; but when 
Wilson, a man of bulky frame, attempted to follow him, he 
stuck in the opening ; and, the gaoler appearing on the scene, 
Robertson was thus prevented from making his escape. The 
Sunday before their execution came, when it was the custom 
for condemned criminals to be taken to church and admonished 

1 Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs, in. 612 621. 

2 " If I were a clergyman in a smuggling town, I would not preach 
against smuggling... How could I show my hearers the immorality of 
going twenty miles in a boat, and honestly buying with their money a keg 
of brandy, except by a long deduction which they could not understand?" 
Coleridge, Table Talk, July 28, 1830. 

220 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

for the benefit of themselves and the congregation. While the 
church-bell was still ringing and the congregation still entering, 
the two comrades, doubtless by previous arrangement, simul- 
taneously fell upon their guards and attempted to make their 
escape. Robertson succeeded in disentangling himself, and, 
as the congregation was little disposed to bar his progress, he 
made his way into the street. Less fortunate than his com- 
panion, Wilson was grappled as he was on the point of spring- 
ing over the seat. His own escape being thus hopeless, he did 
his best for his mate, who had formerly lost his opportunity 
through his default. Seizing a guard with each hand and a 
third with his teeth, he held them so long that they were unable 
to give prompt chase to Robertson, who was never retaken 1 . 
In public opinion Wilson was now both a martyr and a hero; 
and the authorities deemed it necessary to take special pre- 
cautions in connection with his execution, a regiment of the 
Welsh Fusiliers being stationed in the suburbs under the com- 
mand of General Moyle. On April 14 Wilson was escorted 
to the place of execution in the Grassmarket by the City Guard 
commanded by Captain Porteous. From his own personal 
character and the nature of his office, which often brought him 
into collision with the rougher element in the town, Porteous 
was not a popular favourite. On the present occasion, it is 
said, he was not in a temper to perform his duties with dis- 
cretion ; he resented the presence of the military as a slight on 
his office, and, moreover, having just risen from dinner, he was 
somewhat heated with his potations. The execution was carried 
through without disturbance ; but no sooner was the victim's 
body taken down than, as was not unusual on such occasions, 
the mob became restive, and discharged a volley of missiles at 
the executioner and the attendant Guard. Had Porteous been 
in a calmer temper, he might have remembered how Captain 

1 Dr Carlyle, who was present on the occasion, affirms positively that 
Wilson's first intention was to effect his own escape, and that his assisting 
Robertson was a second thought. Autobiography, pp. 34 5. 

CH. vj The Porteous Mob 221 

Bushell had been found guilty for firing on the Glasgow mob 
and had owed his life to a royal pardon 1 . As the story goes, 
however, Porteous ordered his men to fire on their assailants, 
and showed the example by firing himself. His men obeyed 
the order, but, discharging their pieces over the heads of the 
mob, they shot several persons who had been viewing the 
spectacle from the neighbouring windows 2 . 

Popular indignation at once demanded that Porteous 
should be brought to account ; and on the 20th of July he 
was unanimously found guilty by a jury of Edinburgh citizens 
-certainly in the circumstances not an impartial body and 
sentence of death followed. But there were some calmer 
heads to whom it seemed that Porteous had but done his duty 
in teaching a lesson to a riotous mob, and that the evidence 
produced at the trial was contradictory and inconclusive. 
Signed by certain persons of high rank, an " application " for 
the commutation of the sentence to perpetual banishment was 
submitted to the Ministers prior to its being presented to 
Queen Caroline, then acting as regent in the absence of her 
husband. The Ministers agreed to support the application, 
but on a secret condition which throws an interesting light on 
the public life of the time : the Opposition should join in the 
petition as a pledge that they would not make political capital 
out of it. Thus supported by representatives of both parties, 
the application was presented to the Queen, who, vehemently 
sympathising with Porteous, granted a respite for six weeks, 
which was made known five days before the date fixed for the 
execution 3 . 

The announcement of the respite was received with general 
indignation throughout Scotland; and, as the 8th of September, 

1 See ante, p. 208. 

2 The exact number killed was never known. Carlyle, who had been 
taken by his tutor to see the execution, conjectured that there may have 
been eight or nine killed and as many wounded. Autobiography, p. 37. 

3 Omond, The Lord Advocates of Scotland (Edin. 1883), 1.351. 

222 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the date fixed for the execution, approached, there was a pre- 
monition in the air that " something extraordinary " would 
anticipate the course of events 1 . The premonition was not 
unfounded : on the night of the yth, just before the gates of 
the city were closed, a number of persons began to assemble 
in the suburb known as Portsburgh a quarter inhabited by the 
poorer classes of the town. Their proceedings at once showed 
that a plan of action had been carefully premeditated. On the 
beating of a drum, their numbers were increased to some 
thousands, and they promptly secured in succession the West 
Port and the ports of the Cowgate and Netherbow, thus cutting 
off Moyle and his Fusiliers from all communication with the 
interior of the city. Their next step gave evidence of an 
equally well-matured purpose: they surrounded the quarters of 
the City Guard, took possession of their weapons, and dis- 
missed them unharmed. Then, as by an understood compact, 
they made for the Tolbooth, and their object became apparent. 
Their demand for admittance being refused, they proceeded to 
batter the door with implements which had apparently been 
carefully provided. All their efforts having failed, tar-barrels 
and other combustible materials were next applied with the 
desired result. Meanwhile, their intended victim, confident 
that the law would not take effect on the morrow, had by the 
irony of fate been making merry with a company of his friends 
specially invited for the occasion. The uproar of the mob 
before his prison left him in no doubt as to their object ; and 
he endeavoured to escape by the chimney of his chamber, but 
found his ascent barred by an iron grating. Speedily discovered 
by the leaders of the riot, he was sternly informed of the doom 
that awaited him. With the same cool deliberation that had 
characterised all their proceedings, the avengers now went 
about their final act. Setting aside all his prayers and offers of 

1 Carlyle says that he was so "prepossessed" that he dreamt he saw 
Porteous hanged in the Grassmarket, and that his dream was fulfilled in the 
course of the next day. Autobiography ', p. 39. 

CH. v] The Porteous Mob 223 

reward, they handed his money and papers to one of his 
friends, a fellow-prisoner, and even produced a person to offer 
him the last offices of religion. As he refused to walk, he was 
carried by two of the rioters to the usual place of execution in 
the Grassmarket. Strange to say, the self-constituted ministers 
of justice had forgotten the two most important accessories of 
the business in hand a rope and gallows. The rope was pro- 
cured from a neighbouring booth a guinea being generously 
deposited in payment ; and a dyer's pole was substituted for the 
gallows. In such circumstances the ghastly work could hardly 
be deftly done ; and the struggles of the victim, the bungling 
of the operators, and the awkwardness of the instrument con- 
verted the execution into a brutal murder. The deed done, 
the mob disappeared as mysteriously as it had arisen and, 
when morning broke, the only tokens that remained of the 
horrors of the past night were the suspended body of Porteous 
and the littered street. 

Such an outrageous defiance of authority in the capital of 
Scotland could not be ignored by the Government, which 
naturally suspected that a deed carried out with such an appear- 
ance of premeditation was not the work of a casual mob but 
the calculated attempt of a disloyal party to discredit it in the 
eyes of a disaffected nation 1 . The wrath of the Ministers was 
mainly directed against the magistrates of the town, who, 
indeed, could make but a poor show in their own defence. 
When the riot broke out, they were assembled in a tavern in 
the Parliament Close according to their enemies, engaged in 
merry-making; according to their own account, deliberating on 
measures to restore order in the town. They sent verbal 
messages to General Moyle and the Commander of the Castle 

1 The riot, says Carlyle, was represented to the Government "as a 
dangerous plot and was ignorantly connected with a great meeting of the 
Covenanters, of whom many still remained in Galloway and the West, 
which had been held in summer in the Pentland Hills to renew the 
Covenant." Autobiography ^ p. 39. 

224 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

requesting them to deal with the rioters ; but these officers, 
perhaps remembering the case of Captain Bushell, refused to 
act without a written order. With such a force as they could 
bring together, they had even made an attempt to suppress the 
tumult, but were resolutely beaten back by the overwhelming 
numbers of the mob. What they could not excuse was that, 
in view of the notorious state of public opinion, they had not 
taken such precautions as to preclude the possibility of any riot 
at all. 

The first step of the Government was to insist on a rigorous 

enquiry into all the circumstances of the affair. 
1730 1737 

Lord Islay, Forbes, the Lord Advocate, and 

James Erskine, the Solicitor-General, sedulously set to work at 
the investigation; but there was a conspiracy of silence, and 
from such persons as were examined no information was to be 
extracted. Only two persons, one an idiot, were brought to 
trial; and, as no evidence against them was forthcoming, both 
were acquitted. But if individuals could not be brought to 
punishment, the city might at least be made to suffer for its 
contumacy. When Parliament met on February i, 1737, the 
House of Lords at once took action to effect this end; and a 
Bill of Pains and Penalties was brought in for the chastisement 
of the offending city. By the terms of this Bill the Provost 
was declared incapable of public office, and condemned to a 
term of imprisonment; the town charter was to be destroyed, 
the City Guard abolished; and (crowning insult to the 
capital of Scotland) the port of Netherbow was to be razed. 
Opposed by the Duke of Argyle and the other Scottish peers, 
the Bill had the support of the peers of England the Opposi- 
tion reflecting that the harshness of the measure would rende\ 
the Government still more unpopular throughout Scotland. 
One circumstance in connection with the proceedings materially 
contributed to this last result : with the object of eliciting 
further information regarding the riot the Scottish judges were 
summoned before the Lords, and, to the indignation of every 

CH. v] The Porteous Mob 225 

Scot, were made to stand at the bar the custom in the case of 
English judges being that they sat on the woolsack or came to 
the table when giving evidence before the House. 

The Bill easily passed the Lords, but in the Commons it 
met with a different reception. The Scottish 
members to a man opposed it as an insult to 
their nation : and the Crown officials, Forbes, the Lord Advocate, 
and Erskine, the Solicitor-General, denounced it as foolish in 
itself and disastrous at once in the interests of both kingdoms 
and of the Government. As the Scots were supported by 
many of the English members, Walpole saw the impolicy of 
pressing the measure, and agreed to a succession of amend- 
ments which denuded it of its most offensive features. As the 
Bill finally emerged, it simply imposed a fine of ^2000 sterling 
on the city as an indemnification to the widow of the unhappy 
Porteous, and deposed and disqualified the Provost. Thus, as 
was cynically remarked by Lord Hervey, five months had been 
spent in the endeavour to debar a man from an office which he 
did not covet, and to reconcile a cook-maid to the death of 
her husband. Another Act passed in connection with the 
Porteous riot was as inept as it was ill-advised : ministers were 
ordered to read from their pulpits, on the first Sunday of 
every month, for the space of a year, a proclamation urging 
their flocks to do their utmost to discover the murderers of 
Porteous and to bring them to justice. There was a double 
implication in this Act which awoke the tenderest scruples on 
the part of many of the clergy : it implied an interference of 
the State with the Church which was flat Erastianism; and the 
occurrence in the proclamation of the expression, "Lords 
Spiritual assembled," committed those who read it to the 
recognition of an order which it was their fundamental principle 
to regard as unscriptural. Throughout the whole business 
connected with the riot, the two political parties had warily 
watched its bearing on their respective interests. The interests 
of both alike had united them in opposing the original Bill of 

B. s. in. 15 

226 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Pains and Penalties against the city of Edinburgh; but the 
proclamation offered an opportunity for discrediting the Govern- 
ment which the Squadrone did not allow to slip. They con- 
vened meetings of the ministers in Edinburgh; corresponded 
with those in the country, and sedulously strove to foment the 
general dissatisfaction with the Government order. As Lord 
Islay had not concealed his opinion that the "high-flyers" among 
the ministers had given the rioters their blessing, that section 
needed no encouragement to defy the order to read the pro- 
clamation. At least one half of the ministers disobeyed the law; 
but so universal was the indignation against the proceeding of 
the Government that it was deemed prudent not to enforce the 
penalties of disobedience 1 . As a general result of the Porteous 
Riot, the national antipathy to Walpole, engendered by his 
policy from the beginning, was heightened to fury ; and the day 
was to come when the nation was to have its revenge 2 . 

In the year 1737 happened the two events that eventually 
proved fatal to the authority of Walpole. By the death of 
Queen Caroline he was deprived of the main support which 
had enabled him to hold his enemies at bay ; and, as the result 
of the quarrel between the King and the Prince of Wales, the 
Prince identified himself with the Opposition, and thus removed 
from it the taunt that it was a mere band of Jacobite conspira- 
tors. In Scotland the defection of Argyle was another serious 
blow to the existing Government. Between him and Walpole 
there was a permanent antagonism which their respective 
characters sufficiently explain; and it had been only the bond 
of common interests that had hitherto permitted their working 
in concert. In the proceedings connected with the Porteous 

1 Carlyle says that the case of conscience created by the Proclamation 
caused "anxious days and sleepless nights to such ministers as had 
families." Autobiography, pp. 40 r. 

8 An excellent account of the Porteous Mob is given by Mr A. H. Millar 
in a series of articles contributed to the People 's Journal (Dundee, June n 
August 13, 1887). Cf- W. Roughead, Trial of Captain Porteous (1909). 

CH. v] T/ie Argathelians and the Squadrone 227 

Riot their relations had grown so strained that reconciliation 
became impossible; and henceforward Argyle openly took his 
place among the ranks of Walpole's enemies 1 . Strengthened 
by the accession of Argyle, therefore, Squadrone and Jacobites 
alike confidently reckoned that the next election would at 
length rid them of a Minister who had so long thwarted their 
ambition, and who, in the opinion of the majority of the nation, 
had systematically directed the affairs of Scotland in the 
interests of his own ascendency. 

The election came in April and May, 1741 ; and its result, so 
far as Scotland was concerned, was a triumphant victory for 
the Opposition, only six out of the forty-five members being 
returned for the Court. On February 2, 1742, Walpole left 
the House of Commons for the last time; and the administra- 
tion of Carteret and Newcastle that followed involved a revolu- 
tion in the policy of the Government of Scotland. The Marquis 
of Tweeddale, one of the chiefs of the Squadrone, was appointed 
to the revived office of Secretary of State, but as strictly under 
the direction of Carteret as his predecessors had been under 
the direction of Walpole. The position of Argyle under the 
new Administration was as embarrassing to himself as to the 
new Ministers. He was but a recent recruit of the victorious 
party, but his services in the late election had been such as 
could not be overlooked ; and he received a place in the Cabinet 
with the full approval of the King, who as Prince of Wales had 
been his admirer and supporter. In the new conditions, how- 
ever, it was impossible for him to retain his former ascendency in 
the affairs of Scotland. His nominees remained in their offices, 
but this was only under sufferance; and, when he asserted 
himself against the new Scottish Secretary, Carteret bluntly 
told him that things were now to be differently managed in 
Scotland. His haughty spirit could not brook the humiliation; 
and in March, 1742, he resigned his office and openly joined 

1 Argyle's brother, Lord Islay, however, remained faithful to Walpole. 


228 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the Tory opposition 1 . For seventeen years he had dominated 
Scotland as no subject had ever done before him. By his 
enemies he was accused of unscrupulously subordinating the 
interests of the country to those of his own party; and even 
good Whigs, we have seen, reproached him with governing 
Scotland too much in the interest of England. The best 
justification of his policy is that it was approved and ardently 
supported by the most upright and most sagacious Scottish 
statesman of the time Duncan Forbes of Culloden. From 
1725 to 1732 the period of Argyle's greatest ascendency 
Forbes had held the office of Lord Advocate 2 ; and it is signifi- 
cant that both dissociated themselves from Walpole at the same 
time and for the same reason the conduct of that Minister in 
connection with the Porteous Riot. Argyle did not long survive 
his loss of power. On the 27th of May, 1742, he spoke in the 
House of Lords for the last time, and died at Sudbrooke in 
Surrey on October 4th of the following year 3 . 

With the fall of Argyle closes a well-defined chapter in the 
national history, but to the last years of his supremacy belongs 
a matter which deserves passing mention. Since the accession 
of George I the country had been convincingly reminded that 
the Highlands of Scotland were still capable of disturbing 
the peace of the nation and even of endangering the existing 
Government. The rebellion of 1715 had indeed been success- 
fully crushed; but it was fully perceived that only the oppor- 

1 As the Pretender, encouraged by the assurances of Lockhart, had 
always entertained the hope that Argyle would eventually join his cause, 
he now wrote a letter to him, the purport of which Argyle communicated 
to the Government. Campbell, Life of John, Duke of Argyle (Lond. 
I 745) P 34 1 Cf. Lang, History of Scotland, IV. 436, on Argyle's rela- 
tions with the Jacobites. 

2 On the death of Sir Hugh Dalrymple in 1737, Forbes was appointed 
Lord President of the Court of Session. 

3 The Scottish Peerage, edited by Sir James Balfour Paul, Lyon King- 
of-Arms (Edin. 1904), I. 376. As Argyle left no male issue, he was 
succeeded in his Scottish titles by his brother, Lord Islay. 

CH. v] The Black Watch 229 

tunity was needed for a similar rising in favour of the exiled 
House, and that such an opportunity would come whenever 
Britain should be involved in a foreign war. In 1738 there 
was every indication that war with Spain was imminent; 
and the Jacobites at once set to work among the clans to 
prepare them for the expected opportunity. It was then 
that the sagacious Forbes conceived a scheme which, if it 
had been carried out, might have gone far to avert the 
threatened danger. Thoroughly acquainted with the state of 
the Highlands, and on intimate terms with many of the chiefs, 
he was himself the best judge of the practicability of his scheme. 
According to this plan, 4000 or 5000 men were to be raised in 
the Highlands, and, placed under the command of chiefs and 
other gentlemen of consequence, were to be sent to fight 
abroad wherever their services might be required. Thus, as 
Forbes reasoned, they would at once be hostages for the 
loyalty of their friends at home, and a valuable addition to the 
fighting force of the country. Both Lord Islay and Walpole 
approved of the plan, but in the political conditions of the time 
Walpole shrank from putting it into execution. In England the 
raising of such a body of men would have been denounced as a 
dangerous increase of the standing army ; Scotland, ever jealous 
of her national independence, would have regarded such a 
force as another Highland Host that would be a formidable 
weapon in the hands of the Government; and finally, there 
was the not remote possibility that by some turn of events it 
might be a grave menace to the Government itself. About the 
very time, indeed, when Forbes made his proposal, the Govern- 
ment received a significant warning of the danger that might 
attend the experiment of giving it effect 1 . 

The employment of Highlanders for overawing their unruly 
fellow-countrymen dates from the reign of James VI ; but it 
was under General Wade, as we have seen, that they were first 
utilised effectively on a considerable scale. As the Highlanders 

1 Culloden Papers, p. xxxi. 

230 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

thus employed retained their native dress, they were known as 
the "Black Watch" to distinguish them from the regular 
troops, who were known as the " Red Soldiers " from their 
scarlet uniform. About 1730 the Government took the im- 
portant step of forming the Black Watch into six companies, 
placing them under the command of such chiefs and gentlemen 
as had given satisfactory proofs of their loyalty. In 1739 the 
further step was taken of forming these companies, augmented 
by four additional companies, into a regiment of the line. 
Thus originated the regiment which, first under the designation 
of the 43rd and subsequently of the 42nd, was to win for itself 
such an honourable name in the annals of British heroism. The 
first incident in its history was not auspicious. In 1743 an 
order was received for the regiment to proceed into England 
in March of that year. As officers and men were alike under 
the impression that the service of the regiment was to be 
restricted to Scotland, the order was received with indignation ; 
and curiously enough, Duncan Forbes, now Lord President of 
the Court of Session, expressed his strong disapproval of this 
proceeding of the Government. When it was explained, how- 
ever, that the sole reason for the order was that the King might 
have the opportunity of seeing a Highland regiment, it was 
with feelings of flattered vanity that the regiment began its 
march to London. During the march through England they 
received the friendliest attentions on the part of the people, but 
as they approached the capital they were subjected to jeers and 
taunts which at home they would promptly have avenged with 
the dirk. On May i4th they were reviewed on Finchley 
Common by Marshal Wade, to whom many of the officers and 
men were familiar acquaintances. The flattering notice of 
great persons, however, could not conceal from the proud 
Highlanders most of whom, even the privates, belonged to 
the rank of gentlemen that they only afforded an amusing 
spectacle for the multitudes who came to gaze at them. In 
the temper in which they now were, they were ready to believe any 

CH. v] The Black Watch 231 

tale regarding the ultimate intentions of the Government; and 
by the Jacobite agents, who were present everywhere, they 
were told that they had been decoyed to London with the ex- 
press object of their being transported to the plantations. One 
morning, a few days after the review, the bulk of the regiment 
was not to be seen ; and it was discovered that they were in 
rapid march to their native mountains. , A regiment of cavalry 
was immediately dispatched on their track, and came up with 
them about four miles from Oundle in Northamptonshire. 
After some persuasion they consented to surrender, and were 
brought to London, where they were tried by court-martial. 
All were found guilty and condemned to be shot; but the 
sentence was carried out only in the case of two non-com- 
missioned officers and a private two hundred of the deserters 
being distributed among different regiments serving abroad 1 . 

1 Stewart, Sketches of Character, Manners, and Present State of the 
Highlanders of Scotland (Edin. 1822), I. 240 261. 




IN the foregoing narrative of public affairs from the Revo- 
lution of 1689 there is a peculiarity which distinguishes it from 
the narrative of the entire period between that event and the 
Reformation. From the Reformation to the Revolution religion 
was the dominant factor in the determination of public policy. 
The critical events of that period were all the direct issue of 
the change in the national religion that had been effected by 
the Estates in 1560. It was religion that had dethroned Mary 
and Charles I and James VII ; and these successive events 
mark the turning-points in the national destinies throughout 
the entire period. But, from the Revolution onwards, religion 
is no longer the prime consideration that rules the counsels of 
statesmen and gives its character to their policy. Religion 
could not indeed be ignored, since the Protestantism which 
the nation had adopted was now vitally bound up with its well- 
being. But the great public transactions that had been effected 
since the Revolution were not primarily in the interest of 
religion. The Union of the Parliaments was not accomplished 
for the special purpose of conserving the Church which had 
been established as the result of the Revolution : it was the 
welfare of the nation in all its interests which the promoters of 
the Union had in view in linking the two nations in a common^ 
destiny. Even in the case of the Protestant Succession, the 

CH. vi] Growth of the Secular Spirit 233 

leading motive of statesmen was not the conviction of the 
divine origin of Protestantism but the conviction that Pro- 
testantism was identified with public liberty and, therefore, 
with the free development of the national resources. Thus it 
is that, subsequent to the Revolution, religion no longer consti- 
tutes the warp and woof of the story of the Scottish people, 
and becomes but one of the diverse strands of which the entire 
web is composed. Trade, commerce, industry, literature, and 
developing thought become concurrent factors with it in the 
growth of national life; and, like these various interests, it is but 
one other phase of the national mind. In this transformation 
of the national aims and ideals, it is to be noted, Scotland was 
but following the lead of other countries of Western Europe. 
In England, throughout the lyth century, material interests had 
gradually over-ridden the concern for religion and the Church ; 
Holland had long been a nation of traders; and Louis XIV 
had made the Church in France a mere personal and political 

Besides dethroning religion from its supreme place in the 
public counsels, the secular spirit was even more vitally affect- 
ing it in another direction. The lyth century had seen not 
only the rapid development of material interests but the decisive 
appearance of the scientific spirit alike with reference to man 
and nature. A century which had produced thinkers like 
Descartes and Hobbes and Spinoza could not but look with 
critical eyes into the traditional religion which professed to 
solve the mysteries of God and man. For thinking men the 
discovery that the earth was not the centre of the universe 
awoke a spirit of speculation that questioned the foundations 
on which Christian Europe had hitherto based its faith and its 
hopes. By the beginning of the i8th century, as the conjoint 
result of expanding secular interests and the growth of the 
scientific spirit, thinkers in every country were more or less 
openly assailing Christianity alike in its origin and its teaching. 
In 1736 these tendencies, originated by the English Deistical 

234 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

writers, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Blount, Tindal, and Toland, 
found their definitive expression in the Thtologia Naturalis of 
Christian Wolff, in which it was proclaimed that reason was 
the philosopher's stone by which all knowledge and experience 
must be tested. It was the watchword and battle-cry of the 
Aufklarung) which throughout the i8th century divided the 
theologians of every country, and of Scotland among the rest. 
It was a controversy that touched the life of Christianity at 
once as a system of doctrine and a system of ethics; and the 
champions on either side could emphatically say, as Luther 
said to Zwingli, " you are of another spirit from us." In the 
history of religion in Scotland throughout the i8th century we 
discern the conflict of these tendencies underlying all the con- 
troversies that harassed and dismembered her national Church. 
From the Reformation to the Revolution, the Protestantism 
of Scotland had been haunted by one terror the terror of a 
revived Catholicism. With the expulsion of James VII this 
dread was finally removed, but only to be replaced by another 
spectre which gradually assumed more terrible proportions. 
In the case of those who represented the tradition of the 
Covenants it is no longer Rome that perplexes and disquiets 
them regarding the future of their religion ; it is the growing 
spirit of scepticism which at home and abroad threatens to sap 
the foundations on which their faith rested. From the religious 
writings of the period we gather how vividly the appearance of 
the new enemy was realised. In the pages of Wodrow a 
timorously devout soul, yet curiously inquisitive regarding 
every novelty in speculation 1 we see reflected all the per- 
plexity of the type which he represented. He himself reads 
the Journal des Savans and the letters of the arch-sceptic Bayle 2 , 
but he does so with fear and trembling; and it is with pious 
horror that he records that the Divinity students of Glasgow 

1 Wodrow himself speaks of what he calls his " Athenian temper." 
Correspondence, II. 361, 391. 
Ib. II. 12, 213. 

CH. vi] Growth of Rationalism 235 

"very openly oppose the Confession of Faith, and that this 
spreads extremely through the young merchants and others 1 ." 
From Edinburgh, also, he hears that there are "secret Atheisti- 
call Clubs" in that town, imitated, he is told, from the Hell-fire 
Club in London 2 . More portentous still there is a class of 
young ministers entering the Church known as the "Bright 
Youths" or the "Oratoriall Preachers 3 ," who provide their 
congregations with the husks of heathen morality instead of the 
substance of sound doctrine. 

In presence of these new tendencies it was inevitable that 
there should be a division of opinion regarding the temper and 
attitude in which the Church should encounter them. So it 
was that one class of ministers, the spiritual successors of the 
upholders of the Covenants, were convinced that to yield an 
inch to the enemy was to yield all. With an instinctive 
prescience they perceived that, if the human intellect were 
once allowed to play freely on the Christian mysteries, there 
could be no limit to the process. In this conviction they clung 
to the faith that had been handed down to them, not only 
because they believed it to be true, but because the suggestion 
of error was a menace to the foundation of religion itself. As 
it was with doctrine, so was it with the rule of life. Like the 
Jansenists of France and the Pietists of Germany, they held 
that religion could be conserved only by the renunciation of 
every unnecessary distraction from the tremendous prospect 
of an appointed day of reckoning. As rigidly as the German 
Pietists, they defined the sphere within which Christians 
could dwell with security, because only from within this 
entrenched ground could they successfully resist the enemy 
of souls. They abjured the world's amusements, not because 
they were in themselves sinful, but because they gave occasion 
to sin 4 . In religion, as in theology, they conceived, the only 

1 Analecta, in. 170. 2 Ib. 309. 3 Id. IV. 238. 

4 It should be said that Ebenezer Erskine, the founder of the Secession 
Church, enjoyed a game at bowls on the green at Stirling ; and that his 

236 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

security against the new peril lay in walking in the way of their 

To minds of another class it seemed that the enemy should 
be met in a different fashion. He should be met with his own 
weapons the weapons of reason and accommodation. The 
doctrines of religion should be adapted to common sense, and 
its rules of conduct adjusted to the life of average humanity. 
Thus the impugners of Christianity would be disarmed, and 
religion placed on a foundation from which it could not be 
dislodged. Within the Church itself the opposition of these 
two classes of men is clearly visible during the first half of 
the 1 8th century; but it was in its latter half that their funda- 
mental antagonism impressed itself on the Church's history 
and produced two types of religion mutually repellent and 

At the Revolution Presbyterianism had received the sanc- 
tion of the State, but, both within and without its own body, it 
was speedily beset with many troubles. It was a grievous fact 
that a numerous body of the people, especially in the northern 
counties, remained staunchly Episcopalian and refused to enter 
the communion of the Established Church. Moreover, though 
the Treaty of Union had renewed the guarantee of the Revo- 
lution, the subsequent action of the State had raised grave 
fears regarding the security of the Church's privileges and 
jurisdiction. The decision in the case of Greenshields (p. 146), 
the Act of Toleration, the restoration of patronage, the Oath 
of Abjuration, had seemed to show that the Church was at the 
mercy of whatever statesmen might chance to have the direc- 
tion of affairs. Of all these grievances it was the Abjuration 
Oath that for a time was the occasion of the most serious 
trouble. That a Presbyterian should be required to take an 
oath implying that the sovereign should be an Episcopalian, 
was naturally regarded as an outrage on his Church and his 

brother Ralph, like Cardinal Newman, solaced himself with the violin, 
though not without some scruples of conscience. 

CH. vi] The Oath of Abjuration 237 

individual conscience. To the exaction of this oath more 
than to any other cause was due that discontent with the 
Union so widely spread among the Presbyterians, who yet 
never wavered in their allegiance to the Protestant Succession 1 . 
The accession of George I was ardently welcomed by the 
great majority in the Established Church; but an almost equal 
majority desired the dissolution of the Union. First in 1715, 
therefore, and still further in 1719, the terms of the oath 
were modified to meet scrupulous consciences. Ministers 
were still required to abjure the Pretender, but they were no 
longer made to affirm that the sovereign must be an Episco- 
palian. Even this concession, however, did not satisfy the 
"high-flyers" of the south-western shires 2 : in their eyes an 
oath imposed by the State was an impious invasion of the 
privileges of the Kirk ; and they refused to follow the example 
of their defecting brethren the authorities for the most part 
prudently ignoring their obduracy. 

Thus perturbed from without by the action of the State, 
the Church had its troubles within its own bosom. It was 
unfortunate, also, that at this critical period of transition she 
had no commanding mind to control opposing tendencies and 
give unity to their action. In 1715 she had lost her sage 
leader Carstares; and, though many among her ministers were 
learned and able men, there was no one pre-eminent for the 
gifts and experience which had given Carstares his position in 
the direction of her affairs 3 . In the wavering action of the 
Assemblies throughout the controversies immediately awaiting 
her the lack of a master-mind was to be lamentably illustrated. 
As the history of religion has shown, the most dangerous 

1 Wodrow gives what he considers an approximate list of the Presby- 
terian non-jurors in 1712. Correspondence, I. 311. 

2 About a third of the whole ministry had refused to take the oath 
before the Act of 1719- Spalding Miscellany, I. 247. 

3 An admirable characterisation of Carstares is given by Mr Mathieson 
in his Scotland and the Union (Glasgow, 1905), p. 314. 

238 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

enemies of a church are the propounders of novel doctrines 
within its own fold ; and its gravest responsibility is to mete 
judgment with charity to its erring sons. During the quarter 
of a century that followed the accession of George I, the absorb- 
ing business of the Church Courts was the consideration of 
heresies which in the opinion of the majority threatened the 
alternatives of schism or disintegration. 

The first disturber of the peace was John Simson, Professor 
of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, who in 1714 was 
charged before the General Assembly with teaching Arminian- 
ism name of sinister suggestion in the history of the Scottish 
Church. From all we know of Simson, he was one of those 
persons who, with little force of moral conviction and with no 
taste for any form of martyrdom, find an intellectual delight in 
dialectic play with abstract problems. The great majority of 
the ministers were at least nominally faithful to the doctrines 
of the Westminster Confession ; and such a charge against a 
teacher of future divines could not be ignored. For three 
years the question of Simson's orthodoxy perplexed the mind 
of the Church ; but at length, in 1717, the Assembly found that, 
though he had been guilty of indiscretion, he was not a proved 
heretic, and contented itself with the admonition that he should 
be more circumspect in future. It was to be convincingly 
proved, however, that the suspicion of Simson's heterodox 
leanings was but too well founded. In 1726 it was intimated 
to the Assembly that he was infecting his students with poison 
still more deadly than that of Arminius. The charge now 
brought against him was that he was busy propagating Arianism, 
the resuscitated heresy of the age, which had counted among 
its adherents personages no less illustrious than Milton, Locke, 
and Sir Isaac Newton 1 . Again successive Assemblies were 
puzzled and divided as to what should be done with the 

1 Wodrow was aware that Newton was an Arian, but rejoiced that 
nothing was found in his posthumous papers that bore on the Trinitarian 
Controversy. Analecta, in. 461. 

CH. vi] Heresy in the Church 239 

dangerous Professor. Simson was subtle and slippery; the 
questions raised in the case lay in the profoundest regions 
of metaphysic; and the passions evoked by the protracted 
controversy only farther darkened its issues. Eventually, in 
1729, after four years' trying suspense, Simson was found guilty 
of erroneous teaching and suspended from his office, though 
the Assembly allowed him to retain his emoluments 1 . 

To the same period as the case of Simson belongs another 
theological controversy which more deeply affected the well- 
being of the Church, and was to be attended with far-reaching 
consequences. This was the famous Marrow Controversy, 
which turned on the mysterious doctrine of grace with reference 
to the redemption of sinners. Originating, as it might seem, 
in a mere accident, the long debate was yet the direct issue 
of an opposition of tendencies within the Church which sooner 
or later was bound to result in schism. The unintentional 
originator of the controversy was the Rev. Thomas Boston, 
minister of Ettrick, whose book on the " Fourfold State " long 
supplied the spiritual nutriment of a considerable section of 
his countrymen. In the house of one of his parishioners 
Boston found a work entitled The Marrow of Modern Divinity \ 
published in 1645 and 1649, and long erroneously ascribed to 
Edward Fisher, a graduate of Oxford 2 . The book had found 
much acceptance in England, as the numerous editions of it 
had proved; and to Boston it brought the revelation of "a 
free, open and unrestrained gospel." He communicated his 
discovery to certain sympathetic brethren, with the result that 
the first part of the book was published in 1718 for the edifica- 
tion of Christians in Scotland. Immediately there arose a 
conflict regarding the teaching of the Marrow, which revealed 
a profound division of spirit among the ministers of the national 

1 A detailed account of the Simson case is given in the Correspondence 
of Wodrow. The authoritative narrative of the case is to be found in the 
*' Processes against Simson." 

2 See Diet, of Nat. Biog. t s.v. Fisher, Edward, 

240 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Church. It was attacked by Principal Hadow of St Andrews, 
one of the most vehement opponents of Simson, as inculcating 
rank antinomianism and thus contradicting at once the stand- 
ards of the Church and the message of Scripture. In 1720 
the General Assembly endorsed the opinion of Hadow, only 
four members dissenting from its resolution. But, to the 
friends of the Marrow^ the judgment of the Assembly be- 
trayed equally a misapprehension of its teaching and an 
erroneous conception of the Gospel itself. In the following 
year twelve of them "represented" to the Assembly that it 
should reconsider its decision as based on a misconception 
of the precious volume. From the next Assembly (1722) 
came its response to the " representation " ; by a vote of a 
hundred and thirty-four against five the " Marrow-men " were 
formally rebuked at the bar of the House 1 . So far as the 
Assembly was concerned, this was the end of the controversy ; 
but the conflict had elicited and accentuated an antagonism 
of tendencies within the national Church which was to be 
disastrous in the immediate future. In their representation 
to the Assembly the Marrow-men had clearly indicated wherein 
the antagonism lay : it was "a growing humour" of the time, they 
said, to turn religion into mere morality; and the Assembly 
in condemning the Marrow had identified itself with this 
humour 2 . 

The echoes of the Marrow Controversy had hardly died away 
when the Church had to face another revolt against its authority 
which was to result in more momentous issues. In point of 
fact the same opposing principles underlay both controversies, 
though each had its origin in a special question regarding which 
the Church was found to be irreconcilably divided. The new 
occasion of strife was the Act restoring Patronage, which had 

1 Undeterred by the censure of the Assembly, Boston published a com- 
plete edition of the Marrow in 1727. 

2 A detailed account of the Marrow Controversy is given by Dr M'Crie 
in the Christian Instructor, Vols. XXX., XXXI. New Series, 1831 a. 

CH. vi] The First Secession 241 

been passed in 1712 through the intrigues of Jacobite politicians. 
Unhallowed in its origin and generally detested by ministers 
and laity alike, it had practically remained a dead letter till 
about the year 1730. Towards that date, however, there 
appeared a tendency to give effect to the legal rights of patrons 
and to over-ride the wishes of the congregations. In 1730 
twelve cases of alleged intrusion came before the Assembly ; 
and, as it had itself authorised such intrusions, it now found 
itself in collision with a considerable number of presbyteries in 
different parts of the country. An Act which it passed in 
1732 decisively showed that its sympathies were no longer with 
popular election, and was the immediate occasion of the disaster 
that was to follow. The right of calling a minister was to lie 
with the heritors and elders if the patron failed to exercise his 
right of presentation within six months; if the congregation 
disapproved of their choice, the decision was to lie with the 
Presbytery. The vote of the presbyteries, on which the Assembly 
had proceeded, had shown that there was a numerous body 
within the Church who disapproved of the Act; and before the 
Assembly closed it received a significant warning of the issues 
it had raised. The warning voice was that of Ebenezer Erskine, 
then minister of Stirling, who as non-juror and Marrow-man had 
already distinguished himself as a champion of popular rights 
and a "free gospel." His own subsequent proceedings showed 
that he was prepared to give effect to his denunciation. In 
October (1732) he preached a sermon before the Synod of Perth 
and Stirling, in which he virtually proclaimed himself a rebel 
against the Assembly's authority. Censured by the Synod and 
subsequently by the Assembly, Erskine remained immovable ; 
and, along with three other ministers who had identified them- 
selves with him, he was, in November, 1 733, declared by a Com- 
mission of Assembly to be no longer a minister of the Church. 
The reply of Erskine and his associates was what is known as 
the First or Extra-judicial Testimony, in which they appealed to 
the " first free, faithful and reforming General Assembly of the 

B.S. III. 1 6 

242 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Church of Scotland." The action of the Assemblies that 
immediately followed implied a condemnation of their previous 
proceedings. The Assembly of 1734 rescinded the Acts which 
had occasioned the protest of Erskine, and vainly empowered 
the Synod of Perth and Stirling to " repone" the refractory four 
in their parishes. Still in a mood of concession, the Assembly 
of 1735 sent a special deputation to London to petition for the 
abolition of patronage; and that of 1736 declared that it was 
contrary to the principles of the Church that ministers should be 
thrust on unwilling congregations. In the eyes of the four, 
however, these concessions did not represent the real mind of the 
prevailing party in the Church : in 1736 that party had condoned 
the teaching of Professor Campbell, the first full-fledged 
specimen of the " Moderate 1 " whom the Church had hitherto 
brought forth, and had thus revealed its true spirit. At the 
close of 1736 the inexorable four issued a second manifesto, 
known as the "Judicial Testimony," which was at once an 
indictment of the Church and of society at large. The back- 
slidings of the Church, the great betrayal of the Union, the 
recent repeal of the laws against witchcraft, all came alike 
under their sweeping condemnation. After such a deliverance 
reconciliation would have been a mockery. Yet it was not till 
1740 that the Assembly finally cast forth its recalcitrant sons, 
then increased to the number of eight 2 . Such was the origin of 
the first "Secession" from the Church which had been re-estab- 
lished at the Revolution ; and, whatever might be the theories of 
its originators, they could never in point of fact have found a 
permanent home in a national Church whose only guarantee of 
continuity is that it responds to the movement of the national 

While the national Church was being thus tried by its 
refractory sons and by an obdurate Government, Episco- 

1 The specific sense attached to the term " Moderate " in Scottish 
ecclesiastical history belongs to the latter half of the i8th century. 

2 They were deposed by a vote of 140 against 30. 

CH. vi] The Episcopal Ckurck 243 

palianism, which had been set aside in its favour, was having 
its own melancholy experiences. In its case, also, its troubles 
came partly from without and partly from within; it had an 
enemy in the Church which had displaced it, and it had in the 
Government an unsympathetic and suspicious guardian. Zealous 
General Assemblies insisted on thrusting ministers on Epis- 
copalian congregations an enterprise which, in Forfarshire 
and Aberdeenshire, where Episcopalianism was strong, had 
frequently to be carried through by the arm of the flesh. 
Though the Government did not sympathise with the 
Assembly's zeal, and made some effort to moderate it, it had 
reasons of its own for regarding Episcopalianism with well- 
grounded distrust. Naturally the Episcopalians had little 
affection for a regime which had deprived them of their official 
status, and looked with longing hope to a possible restoration 
of the exiled family. From the days of the Revolution they had 
given sufficient proof of their disaffection; but it was only during 
the rising of the 'Fifteen that as a body they had decisively 
shown that they were prepared to do their utmost to effect a 
counter-revolution. By word and deed they had ardently 
supported Mar, and they had effusively welcomed the Stewart 
prince on his arrival in Scotland. They had cast their die and 
lost; and they had little ground for complaint, therefore, when the 
Government took such measures against them as might avert a 
repetition of their mischievous action. The Act of 1719, which 
relieved the Presbyterians from their chief scruple at the Oath 
of Abjuration, treated Episcopalians not as troublesome sectaries 
but as political conspirators. Under the penalty of six months' 
imprisonment, no clergyman was to minister to more than nine 
persons in addition to the members of a household without 
expressly praying for King George. Only justifiable by the 
circumstances that called it forth, the statute was never 
stringently enforced ; and, as the apprehension of fresh Jacobite 
attempts passed away, it practically became a dead letter 1 . 

1 Grub, Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, in. 3789. 

1 6 2 

244 2^ Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

It was, in truth, " the King over the Water " and not King 
George who was the worst enemy of the disinherited Church. 
True to the traditions of his House, the exiled prince regarded 
the Episcopal Church merely as a convenient political instru- 
ment for the advancement of his personal interests. Like his 
immediate ancestors he asserted the right of appointing bishops 
by his sole authority, choosing them not on account of their 
fitness for their episcopal functions but for their suitability as 
agents of his cause. Even in the days when Episcopacy was 
in the ascendant, this exercise of the royal authority had been 
resented as an intrusion on the rights of the Church. Now, 
however, when the King was but a King in name, it was felt by 
many to be a stretch of authority to which it was unnecessary 
to submit. The result was a disastrous cleavage in the Church, 
giving rise to dissensions, the pitiful story of which is told from 
his own political point of view by the arch-plotter Lockhart. 

By an unhappy coincidence, the controversy was embittered 
by a further difference which proved that in the Episcopalian, 
as in the Presbyterian body, there was an opposition of spirit 
and tendency which could only issue in schism. The different 
nature of the disputes in the respective Churches throws an 
interesting light on the two types of religion in Scotland which 
had now confronted each other for more than a century. It 
was on points of metaphysical theology and on patronage that 
the Presbyterian General Assembly had found itself a divided 
body ; it was on points of form and ceremony that the same 
disaster befell the Episcopalians. The party among them who 
stood out for ecclesiastical independence were equally eager 
for certain liturgical changes which, they maintained, had 
the sanction and example of the primitive Church. These 
" Usages," as they were styled, were the mixing of water with 
wine, the Commemoration of the faithful departed, the use 
of an express prayer of Invocation, and of a formal prayer of 
Oblation in connection with the Eucharist. From the begin- 
ning, Scottish Episcopalians had been as averse from ritual as 
the Presbyterians ; and there had been little difference in the 

CH. vi] Immediate Results of the Union 245 

public religious services of their respective Churches. To the 
adoption of the Usages, therefore, the majority of both the 
Episcopalian clergy and laity at first presented a strenuous 
opposition. Gradually, however, the zeal and learning of the 
party of innovation prevailed ; and by the close of our period 
that party had become predominant in the Episcopalian Church. 


While the Churches were thus distracted by controversies 
regarding doctrines and forms, the mind of the people at large 
was preoccupied with other matters. Under the new conditions 
determined by the Treaty of Union, Scotland had become one 
of the international competitors for the markets of the world. 
During the period before us (1714 1745) she was making 
her first tentative efforts to follow the example of those more 
prosperous countries that had been leading the way in develop- 
ing their internal resources and extending their home and 
foreign trade. Her first experiences under the new conditions 
were not such as to encourage very sanguine hopes for the 
future. The promise of immediate commercial prosperity had 
been the golden bait with which the statesmen responsible for 
the Union had sought to reconcile her to the loss of national 
independence. An improved coinage and free trade with 
England and her colonies were to be the means through which 
the harvest was to be promptly and bounteously reaped. Pro- 
portioned to her deceived hopes, therefore, was her disappoint- 
ment at the actual result which seemed the immediate and 
direct consequence of her reluctant copartnership. Far from 
entering at once into a golden harvest, what she appeared 
to have reaped was the loss of her trade with France, heavier 
duties and heavier taxation exacted with a rigour unknown in 
her previous history. 

The gloomy views regarding the results of the Union enter- 
tained by the majority of the nation were doubtless exaggerated, 

246 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and in the end proved to be illusory; yet the general condition 
of the country, after nearly forty years' experience of partnership 
with England, was hardly such as to afford convincing justifica- 
tion of the wisdom of its promoters. About the year 1742 
Lord President Forbes, the most enlightened public man of his 
time, drew up at the request of the Marquis of Tweeddale, the 
Scottish Secretary, a statement regarding the national revenue 
which is sufficiently explicit. The revenue, he says, is " in such 
a declining state that the usual expense of the civil Government 
can hardly be answered V 5 The only cheering fact to which he 
can point is the promising condition of the linen manufacture ; 
the fishery "has totally failed for some years"; the foreign 
trade of Glasgow has been seriously injured by the Spanish 
War; and, as for the rest of the country, it is "worse than 
nothing." Never was there less coin in the country within 
living memory; and paper was the only currency to be seen 2 . 
The expenses of the Government had been hitherto met by the 
duties from the customs and excise, but for many years the 
customs had produced "little worth speaking of," and the 
excise had fallen to a half of its former value. Having stated 
the gloomy facts, Forbes suggests a remarkable remedy. The 
fall in the excise was due to the consumption of foreign wine 
and brandy, but above all to the universal practice of tea- 

1 Culloden Papers, p. 183. According to Forbes, the annual expense 
of the civil government, at the date when he wrote, was ,52,000, while 
the whole revenue amounted to ^31,240 (Ib. pp. 189 190). 

2 " I find it observed," says Wodrow, writing in 1731, " that very soon 
Scotland must be drained of money in specie, and really it is a wonder 
how any almost is left with us. Indeed, except it be coals (and that 
is a trifle), linen cloth and black cattle, which may bring in a little, 
we have scarcely any other branch of trade that brings in money to us 
in specie " (Analecta, IV. 269). Hume (Essay on Balance of Trade) says 
that after the re-coinage that followed the Union there was nearly a million 
of specie in the country, but that at the time he wrote there was only 
a third of that sum in currency. 

CH. vi] Condition of Trade 247 

drinking 1 . Moreover, as these foreign beverages were for the 
most part smuggled, the revenue was thus doubly defrauded ; 
these foreign commodities paid little duty, and home-made 
liquors were in so little demand that they might hardly be 
reckoned as contributing to the national exchequer 2 . The 
remedy proposed by Forbes was quite in keeping with the 
economical principles of the time; what he suggested was 
that such a heavy duty should be laid on tea that the 
majority of the nation would be forced to eschew that beverage, 
and thus benefit both the revenue and their stomachs by 
drinking the twopenny ale of their native country. 

From Forbes's account of the state of the revenue we may 
infer that the general development of the country had not been 
such as to produce an irresistible conviction that the Union had 
done more good than harm. Nevertheless there were manifest 
indications that the nation had entered a new phase of its 
history, and that only time was needed for her to profit to the 
full from the new opportunities. In trade and commerce the 
country was still bound by economical principles from which 
England was now in large degree emancipated; but everywhere 
there were signs of growing impatience with restrictions that 
had become impossible under the new conditions of national 
development. The royal burghs still retained their legal 
privilege of exclusive foreign trade in staple commodities; but 

1 It was from Holland and Friesland, where tea was universally drunk, 
that Scotland both acquired the commodity and learned its use. 

3 Cttlloden Papers, pp. 188 195. Coffee was as universally drunk in 
Prussia as tea in Scotland, and with the same result to the revenue. 
Frederick the Great issued an ordinance prohibiting the importation of coffee, 
in which he told his subjects that "warm beer" was a more wholesome 
beverage than coffee, and that they would do well to keep their precious 
money in their pockets and not foolishly enrich the foreigner. Biedermann, 
Deutschlands politische, materielle^ und sociale Zustande im achtzehnten Jahr- 
hundert (Leipzig, 1880), II. 297. It is to be remembered that the essence 
of Mercantilism, the economical doctrine of the time, was to retain specie 
in the country at all costs. 

248 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the non-royal burghs generally had openly disregarded the law, 
and thus lent the weight of their example to the promiscuous 
smuggling which occasioned the lament of Forbes 1 . The rigid 
distinctions between merchants and craftsmen, and between 
craftsmen free and unfree, still dominated the corporate life of 
the towns. To take but one curious example: in 1718 the 
Town Council of Dundee granted to two "violers" the sole 
privilege of playing the violin at weddings, and prohibited the 
burghers under penalties from employing " unfree persons " on 
such occasions 2 . It was one thing, however, to proclaim these 
prohibitions, but another to enforce them; and from every 
royal burgh came complaints to the Convention that unfree 
traders and craftsmen were doing a thriving business at the 
expense of honest men 3 . In point of fact the expanding life 
of the nation was rapidly bursting the bonds of an effete 

The relative prosperity of the Scottish towns shows with 
what unequal and hesitating steps the country had entered on 
the path of progress. While such burghs as Glasgow, Paisley, 
Greenock, Dunfermline, and Edinburgh, were for special 
reasons rapidly increasing in wealth and population, there were 
others which seemed to be losing instead of gaining ground. 
Culross, once a flourishing little burgh, was through "total 
decay of trade " now unable to pay the stipends of its ministers 
and school-masters, and lay under a burden of debt; and in 
the same plight were Cupar-Fife, Fortrose, and other towns 4 . 
In 1726 the magistrates of Aberdeen complained of "the great 

1 The Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs abound with com- 
plaints regarding the unscrupulous smuggling of the unfree burghs. 

2 Charters, Writs ^ and Public Documents of the Royal Burgh of Dundee 
(Dundee, 1880), p. 161. 

3 It should be said that in France and Germany "exclusive privileges" 
were at once more invidious and more rigorously enforced than in Scot- 

4 Records of the Convention of Royal Btirghs (1711 1738), pp. 124, 
128, 147. 

CH. vi] Growth of Manufactures 249 

decay of trade" in their burgh, occasioned, they said, by the fact 
that the commodities which formerly had come to their port 
now found their way to the various little towns to the north 1 . 
The numerous sea-coast towns of Fife, which had been in a 
state of decline all through the iyth century, showed no signs 
of renewed prosperity after the Union; and Dundee had not 
yet recovered from the terrible handling of Monk. Whatever 
prosperity there might be in the country, therefore, was dis- 
tributed with singular inequality in the nation at large. 

It is in the birth of new manufactures and in the more 
vigorous development of old ones that we find the most 
promising assurance of the future commercial prosperity of the 
country. We have seen that throughout the iyth century there 
had been no lack of effort, both on the part of the burghs and 
of the Government, to promote the cultivation of many and 
various manufactures 2 . Mainly owing to the lack of capital, 
however, these efforts had in large degree been nugatory ; and 
it was precisely the confident promise of those who had pro- 
moted the Union that the indispensable capital would be 
abundantly forthcoming. In the case of this as of other 
anticipations the nation had some ground for grumbling 
at having been deluded. By the i5th Article of the Treaty 
of Union it had been provided that from Martinmas, 1707, 
2000 should for the space of seven years be annually applied 
for the furtherance of Scottish trade and manufactures. Chiefly 
for the reason that the authorities could not agree as to how 
the money should be distributed, the whole available sum of 
^14,000 remained on their hands unused and without interest. 
In the case of the Malt Tax of 1725, also, it had been pro- 
vided that the surplus over ,20,000 that accrued from the tax 
should be similarly devoted to the encouragement of trades 
and industries. 

1 Records of the Burgh of Aberdeen (1643 T 747)> P- 37O. 

2 See ante, pp. 58 et seq. 

250 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

It was in 1726 that the Convention of Royal Burghs 
took a decided step to secure the application of both grants for 
the benefit of the nation. In a representation to the Govern- 
ment it formulated plans for the allocation of the grants with 
such precision as to preclude any further excuse for delay in 
their distribution. The result of the representation was an Act 
of Parliament in the following year which closely followed the 
lines suggested by the Convention. ^6000 were to be dis- 
tributed annually for three years of which ^2650 were to go 
to the linen trade, ^2650 to the herring fishing, and ^700 
to the trade in coarse wool. In the case of the grant in 
favour of the linen trade, the Act, in accordance with the 
suggestion of the Convention, gave specific directions for its 
allocation. Premiums were to be given for the growing of lint 
and hemp ; housewives were to receive prizes for the produc- 
tion of the best linen cloth; schools were to be established 
where children might be taught to spin 1 ; and special sums 
were to be expended in the purchase of machinery and other 
material requisite for the manufacture in question. Most 
significant sign of the new spirit of enterprise ten families of 
cambric weavers from France were induced to settle in Edin- 
burgh, where the name of Picardy Place still preserves the 
memory of the foreign colony. For the effective administra- 
tion of the annual grants there was appointed a " Board of 
Trustees 2 ' consisting of 21 members, who, stimulated by the 
enlightened Forbes of Culloden, were to discharge their duties 
with zeal and intelligence. The manufacture of linen had long 
been an important industry of Scotland; but from the impetus 
it now received it developed with great rapidity, due not so much 
to the frugal bounty of the Government as to the ardour and 

1 These spinning-schools were chiefly planted in the Highlands with 
the express purpose of stimulating habits of industry in these districts. 

2 It existed under the designation of the " Board of Trustees for 
Manufactures" till 1907, when it was converted into the "Board of 
Trustees for the National Galleries of Scotland." 

CH. vi] Growth of Manufactures 251 

improved methods with which the manufacture was carried on. 
Precisely from this time, indeed, the country entered on the 
path of manufacturing enterprise which was to lead to such 
magnificent results before the century had closed 1 . 

The impetus given by the Act of 1727 was all that was 
needed to hasten the progress of the nation which had already 
well begun. In 1725 Paisley laid the foundation of its 
future prosperity by the introduction of yarn-spinning from 
Holland. Stimulated by the demand in the American 
market, Glasgow in the same year vigorously began the manu- 
facture of linen, which was to be its principal industry till well 
forward in the century. Not only in Glasgow but in the 
majority of the towns and villages the same manufacture was 
assiduously taken up as the most profitable industry of the 
time. " I have found good linen everywhere, but chiefly in the 
Lowlands," wrote Captain Burt, who came to Scotland in 
I726 2 . By 1735 the spinning-wheel had generally displaced 
the ancient rock and reel, with the result of rapidly increased 
production. Between 1728 and 1738, we are told, the manu- 
facture of linen for export was considerably more than doubled. 
While the prosperity of the linen manufacture could not be 
gainsaid, other industries had gone back rather than forward. 
The brewing of home liquors, we have seen, had been seriously 
decreased by the smuggling of tea, wine, and brandy. The 
making of coarse woollen cloth, known as plaiding, had once 
been a more important national industry than linen ; but since 
the Union it had gone down in value by not less than two- 
thirds 3 . Thus in spite of the brilliant promise of the linen 

1 Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs (17111738), pp. 413 
443. In 1737 the Convention made a present of table linen to Speaker 
Onslow, who showed his gratitude by a gift of ^100 sterling for the 
encouragement of that manufacture (ib. pp. 6289). 

2 Letters, I. 20. 

8 Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs (17111738), p. 419. 

252 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

industry, there was some ground for the pessimistic outlook of 
Forbes over the general condition of the country. 

But it is in the story of the abortive efforts to promote the 
fishery trade that we find the most cogent illustration at once 
of the prevalent economical doctrines of the time and of the 
difficulties that beset the nation in its heroic attempts to 
develop its resources. All Scotsmen were fully aware that the 
chief wealth of their country lay in the riches of its seas; at the 
beginning of the i7th century the profits from the fisheries 
were nearly equal to the profits from all other industries 
together. We have seen the various attempts to promote the 
fishery trade throughout the whole of that century 1 ; yet at 
its close the trade was less prosperous than at its beginning. 
While the Scots were throwing away half-a-million in Darien, 
700 Dutch boats, besides those of other nations, were plundering 
their seas and reaping a golden harvest 2 . In 1720 a com- 
plaint and a petition from certain merchants in different 
royal burghs drew the attention of the Convention to the un- 
satisfactory condition of the fishery trade in which they were 
engaged. The complaint was on two grounds : traders of unfree 
burghs were infringing the monopoly of the royal burghs ; and 
English companies were reported to be in the process of forma- 
tion for the express purpose of exploiting the Scottish seas. If 
the royal burghs were to preserve their rights and to work the 
fishing trade with success, it must be the duty of the Conven- 
tion to avert both of these evils 3 . 

The petition which accompanied the complaint was that the 
Convention should undertake the formation of a company, 
composed exclusively of the freemen of royal burghs, which 
with an adequate capital might be in a position to carry on the 

1 See ante, pp. 65 et seq. 

2 Knox, A View of the British Empire, especially of Scotland (Lond. 
J 785) p- xvi, note. 

8 It will be remembered that the royal burghs enjoyed their monopoly 
on the condition of paying a sixth of the land tax. 

CH. vi] The Fishery Trade 253 

fishing trade with good hope of success. By express Parlia- 
mentary enactments the Convention possessed the power of 
forming trading companies; and it promptly acted on the 
suggestion of the merchants. On July 25, 1720, the contract 
of copartnery was approved and sanctioned; and all eligible 
persons were invited to take shares in the new Company. The 
invitation received an eager response; the Lord President of 
the Court of Session commended the enterprise to his brother 
judges, several of whom were induced to become partners; and 
Allan Ramsay, in a poem with the auspicious title "On the 
Prospect of Plenty," prophesied that Scotland had at length 
found its El Dorado 1 . By October 25 the subscribed capital 
amounted to ^2,200,000 Scots a sum which far exceeded the 
hopes of the promoters of the Company. Thus brilliantly 
launched, the new Company seemed in a position to command 
success. Far from attaining so happy a result, however, the 
fishery trade for half a century to come was neither more nor 
less prosperous than it had been before the formation of the 
Company 2 . So late as 1761, while the Dutch had 152 vessels 
engaged in fishing off the Scottish coasts, the Scots had 
only i7 3 . 

If the difficulties in the way of developing the national 
industries were thus formidable, there were no less serious 
obstacles to be overcome in the development of internal trade. 
There was the mutual jealousy of the towns the inheritance of 
mediaeval economic conditions ; for the prosperity of one town 
was regarded with envious disapproval by all the others as 
involving a diminution of their own. The craftsmen of the 

1 The poem was dedicated to the royal burghs ; and the Convention 
rewarded its author with a gratuity of 10 sterling {Records of Convention 
of Royal Burghs (1711 1738), p. 283). 

2 According to Knox ( View of the British Empire, p. xxx), the failure 
of the Company was owing to the fact that its interests clashed with those 
of the Dutch, whom the Government was then anxious to conciliate. 

3 The story of the launching of the Scots Fishery Company is told in 
the Records of the Convention of Royal Burghs (1711 1738), pp. 238 260. 

254 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

burgh rigorously excluded the handiwork of their brother 
craftsmen in every other; and the merchants were equally jealous 
of any infringement of the hereditary privileges of their class. 
Natural human instincts and expanding experience were 
gradually setting aside these restrictions ; but hearty and open 
co-operation towards national ends was impossible under the 
existing conditions. Even had such co-operation existed, the 
petty resources of the majority of the towns were inadequate 
to produce a vigorous and abundant internal trade. At the 

^ beginning of the i8th century Glasgow had about 15,000 in- 
habitants 1 , and Edinburgh thrice as many; but the population 
of only one or two of the other towns rose above 7000. So 
late as 1760, ten or twelve pack-horses, going and returning 
once a week, served for all the traffic between Edinburgh and 

1 Glasgow. The state of the roads was another formidable 
impediment to rapid inter-communication. Wheeled vehicles 
were impossible 2 ; and commodities had to be transported in 
creels or panniers suspended over the backs of horses. It was 
under these impeding conditions that such internal trade as 
existed was carried on with England and between the different 
parts of the country. To England the Scots conveyed the 
time-honoured commodities, linen cloth, slate, coals, salted and 
dried fish the race of pedlars, always jealously regarded by 
the accredited merchants, playing a large part in this trade. 
From time immemorial, also, Englishmen had frequented the 
Scottish markets and fairs on the borders for the purchase of 
cattle and Galloway horses. But, as the Highlands were the 
chief rearing-grounds of cattle, it was at the fair of Crieff that 

1 Brereton was, therefore, far out in his reckoning of the population of 
Glasgow in 1637, but we must accept with considerable reserve such con- 
temporary statements regarding the numbers of inhabitants in the towns. 
Early Travellers in Scotland, p. 150. 

2 Wheeled traffic was in use but only for short distances. It should be 
said that in Germany and France roads were in no better condition than 
in Scotland. It took a letter nine days to go from Frankfort-on-the-Main 
to Berlin. Biedermann, op. cit. II. 333. 

CH. vi] Home and Foreign Trade 255 

the English dealers found the most abundant market. At 
Crieff Fair, in 1723, the Highlanders sold 30,000 cattle, for 
which they pocketed 30,000 guineas "a sum they had never 
seen before 1 ." 

It was in her trade beyond the seas and not in her trade 
at home that we find the most promising indications of a 
prosperous future awaiting the country. Previous to the Union, 
foreign trade had been almost exclusively limited to the 
exchange of commodities with France and the countries on the 
shores of the German Ocean and the Baltic Sea; any trade the 
Scots might enjoy with the English colonies in America had 
to be carried on surreptitiously, and at the risk of the imported 
goods being arrested on their arrival at any port on British 
shores 2 . By the Treaty of Union, however, the colonies were 
thrown open to Scottish traders, and at a time when they were 
fully prepared to profit by the opportunity. Hitherto the towns 
on the west coast had been at a disadvantage from the fact that 
the foreign markets were mainly to the east; now that the 
western trade was opened up, however, their opportunity came. 
This was signally proved in the case of the two most important of 
them Greenock and Glasgow. In the commercial history of 
Greenock during the i7th century we have a signal illustration 
of the disastrous effects of the monopoly of foreign trade that 
was claimed by the privileged royal burghs. Like all the 
other "unfree" burghs, Greenock did its best to evade the 
invidious regulation ; but at length, in its own interest, the town 
was constrained to pay an annual contribution to the royal 
burghs for the privilege of untrammelled trade with foreign 
countries 3 . Now virtually a free burgh, the town entered on 

1 Northern Rural Life, p. 62. The Highlanders hired themselves at 
u. a day to drive the cattle into England, returning at their own charges. 

1 This illicit trade with the American colonies, however, was carried 
on to such an extent as to excite the alarm and indignation of English 
merchants. See ante, pp. 24 6. 

3 As late as 1879 tn * s " cess " amounted to ^75. It is now abolished. 

256 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

that career of prosperity which has made it what it is to-day. 
Till now Greenock had possessed only a pier for the landing 
of goods ; but a harbour was needed if its trade was to grow 
under the new conditions. Hitherto, when a Scottish burgh 
felt the need of a harbour, it petitioned Parliament or the 
Privy Council for a licence to appeal to the generosity of other 
burghs for pecuniary assistance towards the enterprise. Dis- 
appointed in this appeal, Greenock took the matter into its own 
hands, and constructed (1707 1710) a spacious harbourage at 
the expense of ^5555 sterling. In 1719 it sent its first 
ship across the Atlantic ; and so fortunate were its successive 
ventures that by 1740 it had completely cleared off the debt. 

On a larger scale Glasgow entered on a similar course of 
prosperity. Even in the first half of the i7th century Glasgow 
had traded as far as Barbados ; but the result had not encour- 
aged the town to persist in the venture 1 . When, however, the 
western trade was opened up by the Treaty of Union, its re- 
sources and the spirit of its citizens enabled Glasgow to draw 
full profit from the golden opportunity. Till 1718 the town 
had possessed no vessels of its own ; and for such trade as it 
carried on with America it had chartered ships from White- 
haven. In that year, however, Glasgow sent the first ship of its 
own construction across the Atlantic. It was the beginning of 
the Clyde shipping industry and the beginning of the com- 
mercial greatness of the city. In 1 740 Glasgow owned 67 vessels, 
and in 1792 it owned 7i8 2 . The beginnings of its prosperity 
were sufficiently humble, as the principal commodities it had 
to barter were salted fish, tarred ropes, and the coarse plaiding 
which had always been one of the chief industries of Scotland. 
By the introduction of the linen manufacture in 1725, however, 
it was enabled to effect exchanges on a larger scale; and so ex- 
tensive became its dealings that in the importation of tobacco, 

1 Tucker's Report (1655), Early Travellers in Scotland (Edin. 1891), 
p. 177. 

a Knox, View of the British Empire, pp. xxxiv xxxv. 

CH. vi] Agricultural Progress 257 

then the most lucrative of commodities, it stood second to 
London alone. For a time, indeed, the trade of Glasgow was 
under an eclipse. Whitehaven, Liverpool, and Bristol, in- 
dignant at the appearance of this unexpected rival, induced the 
Government to harass the rising port with such vexatious 
interference that from 1721 it was crippled for many years in 
the development of its resources. But no adverse circum- 
stances could check its new-born spirit of enterprise ; and, till 
the outbreak of the American War arrested the trade with 
Virginia, the "tobacco lords" of Glasgow were the most 
prosperous magnates in the country 1 . 

While in the towns there was this spirit of enterprise, ready 
to profit by new conditions, in the country there was no such 
prompt alacrity to adopt improved methods of rural industry. 
The closer intercourse with England that followed the Union 
had familiarised many Scottish landlords with the agricultural 
methods of that happier country; and certain of them did their 
best to introduce these methods into their own estates. Lady 
Mordaunt, married to the heir of the House of Gordon in 
1706, introduced fallowing and the making of hay arts 
virtually unknown in Scotland 2 ; and her example was followed 
by other proprietors in Moray. Adam Cockburn of Ormiston 
made the "novel experiment" (1698 1713) of granting long 
leases ; and his son John, during the term of his possession, 
imported from England both new products and new methods 
of tillage 3 . The Earl of Stair, on his retirement from public 
duties, was the first to raise cabbages and turnips in open 

1 In 1740 the total shipping of Edinburgh and Leith amounted to 
47 vessels with a tonnage of 2628. In the same year the average tonnage 
of England was 476,941, while that of Scotland was only 12,342 forty 
to one. Knox, pp. xxxiv xxxvi. 

2 The word "hay," according to Sir Anthony Weldon, was "heathen 
Greek" to the Scots. Yet the old ballad says, " When muirmen win their 

3 See the Letters of John Cockburn of Ormiston edited by Dr Colville 
for the Scottish History Society (1904). 

B. S. III. 1 7 

258 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

fields, and the Earl of Haddington to sow clover and grass 
seed. In emulation of England, where husbandry was now a 
fashionable interest among the great landholders, a "Society 
for Improving the Knowledge of Agriculture" was founded 
in 1723, its membership consisting of 42 peers and 260 com- 

\ moners. But in the country at large there was no quick 
response to this leading ; and, except in the case of some 

j specially favoured districts, the same modes of tillage prevailed 
at the end as at the beginning of the century 1 . In the natural 
inertia of the agricultural class, and still more in the general 
system of short and precarious leases, we have the sufficient 
explanation of the dogged opposition to improvement 2 . One 
notable innovation in agriculture, however, belongs to the 
period before us, and was to be of prime importance for the 
future of the population. Potatoes had long been a staple 
article of diet in Ireland ; but both in Scotland and England 
there was a strong aversion to potatoes as human food. In 
1663, however, the Royal Society had given its countenance 
to the despised tuber, with the result that its use was now 
widely spread in England. In 1726 Cockburn of Ormiston 
began to rear potatoes in his garden, and others followed his 
example; but it was not till 1739 that the experiment was 
made at Kilsyth of cultivating them in fields. Thenceforward 
potatoes gradually became a common crop, and after the 
middle of the century a general article of diet 8 . 

1 Northern Rural Life, p. 2 1 . 

2 See ante, pp. 45 7. The state of things there described still 
continued. It may be remarked that in Germany and France, throughout 
the 1 8th century, agriculture was as backward as in Scotland. In both 
of these countries precarious leases and feudal services were more op- 
pressive, and the relations between landlord and tenant less kindly, than 
in Scotland. 

3 In France there was the same objection to the potato as in England 
and Scotland; and it was not till 1781 that the peasants, following the 
example of the Court, began to use it generally as food. Rambaud, 
Histoirc dt la Civilisation franfaise (Paris, 1902), II. 513. Potato culture 

CH. vi] Food of the People 259 

The general diet of the people was what it had been in the 
previous centuries. The staple repast of the country laird was 
beef or mutton, fresh in summer and salted in winter, varied 
with fowls which, according to the testimony of English visitors, 
were miserable specimens of their kind. His drink was ale or 
claret, the latter being both cheap and good, as all strangers 
testified. The main sustenance of the country people, especially 
in the Lothians and Fife, was pease-meal, which they stipulated 
to receive on engaging themselves for farm labour 1 , wheaten 
bread being a dainty only to be found at the tables of the 
nobility and opulent merchants. "Twopenny ale" was the 
universal beverage of the poorer classes, till, as we have seen, to 
the indignation of Forbes and other patriots tea took its place. 
Compared with the same classes in France and Germany, 
indeed, the lot of the Scottish peasant was not unhappy. A 
friend of Wodrow, who visited France, was struck by the 
misery of the people of that country in comparison with what 
he saw at home. "The poverty of the common and lower 
sort," he found, "is inexpressible; nothing like it wherever he 
was... Their country is not able to provide itself in eatables, 
and the trade not able to keep them from starving 2 ." His 
testimony is fully endorsed by the latest historians of France. 

In what has been said regarding the social condition of 
the country we have had the southern and eastern Lowlands 
chiefly before us. But, as the Government had been forcibly 
reminded by the Rising of 1715, there was another region in 
Scotland which was a constituent part of the Kingdom and for 
whose wellbeing it was also responsible that great tract of 
Highland country which, from the traditions of its people and 
the nature of its soil, presented a problem to successive statesmen 
which has not yet been satisfactorily solved. In the structure 
of its society, as in its economic conditions, the Highland 

was introduced into Prussia by Frederick the Great. Bartels, Der Bauer 
in der deutschen Vergangenheit (Leipzig, 1900), p. 129. 

1 Wodrow, Analecta, II. 368. 2 Ib. ill. 231. 

17 2 

260 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

country was precisely what it had been from time immemorial. 
Between the chieftain and the clan the same relations con- 
tinued absolute control in the case of the one and absolute 
devotion in the case of the other. The majority of the inhabit- 
ants gained an honest subsistence by such labours as the 
nature of the soil permitted ; while, though in less degree than 
in previous periods, a turbulent minority eked out their living 
by occasional raids into the neighbouring Lowlands. In every 
spot where it was possible, oats and barley were cultivated 
the spade being frequently the only implement available to 
break the scanty covering of earth 1 . But the meagre harvest 
from these crops was inadequate for the subsistence of the 
population ; and cattle were universally reared for the Lowland 
markets. But even the rearing of cattle was carried on under 
conditions which only necessity could supply the will to over- 
come. All the best soil being devoted to the cultivation of 
corn, the only grazing-grounds were the mosses and the moun- 
tains. When the snows came, the animals were brought to the 
clachans, where they shared the abodes of their owners. In bad 
seasons, when the harvests failed and food was scanty, the cattle 
were bled, and their blood was mixed with milk compounded 
with oatmeal to form cakes 2 . Such being the conditions of living 
in the Highlands, it is no matter for wonder that stirring spirits 
sought an easier subsistence in the plunder of the rich Low- 
lands, more especially as it was a living tradition among the 
Highlanders that these Lowlands had once been their own. 
On the removal of the Black Watch in 1739 there was a 
recrudescence of the time-honoured practices of cattle-lifting 
and blackmail, which recalled the most flourishing times of the 
professional Highland cateran. A remarkable computation 

1 This is the testimony of Captain Burt, who, having long resided in 
the Highlands, writes from close personal knowledge (Letters^ II. 144). 

2 Burt, op. cit. ii. 121 ; Knox, p. 122. This practice was not unknown 
in the Lowlands. Graham, The Social Life of Scotland in the i8t/i Century 
(Lond. 1901), p. 159; Col. Fullarton, A General View of the Agriculture 
of Ayr (1793), p. '4- 

CH. vi] The Highlands 261 

made at the close of the rebellion of 1745 sums up as follows 
the annual losses sustained by the Lowlanders from Highland 
creaghs-. value of cattle-lifting, .5000; cost of attempts to 
recover them, ^"2000 ; expenses for guarding against theft, 
;io,ooo; blackmail, 5000; loss arising from understocking 
the ground from fear of plunder, .15,000; total, ^S/jOoo 1 . 
As the result of the suppression of the Rising of the 'Forty-five, 
these evils were effectually checked; but for a long period to 
come the economical condition of the Highlands was to baffle 
the wits of statesmen and to be a reproach on the civilisation 
of the country. 

In 1696 the Scottish Parliament had enacted that every 
parish should have a schoolmaster and a " commodious house " 
for the scholars, and that the heritors and tenants should divide 
the necessary expenses between them. There had been several 
previous Acts to the same effect; but, like so many other 
statutes of the Scottish legislature, they had received but im- 
perfect obedience. The Church had, indeed, done its best in 
all times to enforce the beneficent law, but it had to encounter 
obstacles which no zeal availed to overcome. Burghs might be 
either unwilling or unable to meet the expense of maintaining a 
schoolmaster and school; and in the country, heritors and 
lords of barony 2 might be equally disinclined to put their 
hands in their pockets for the same purpose. The Act of 1696 
doubtless received a larger measure of obedience than its 
predecessors; yet it was long after our period before every 
parish could boast its school, sanctioned and maintained by 
the authorities 3 . In connection with schools, as in connection 

1 Northern Rural Life, pp. 196 7. 

2 Some lords of barony showed an enlightened interest in the education 
of their dependants. The lord of the barony of Stitchell, for example, 
ordered all his tenants to send their children to school under a penalty of 
^10 Scots for each failure. Records of the Baron Court of Stitchell, ed. 
Rev. George Gunn (Scot. Hist. Soc. 1905), p. xxv. 

1 Mr Graham (Social Life in Scotland, pp. 419 421) gives statistics 
proving that after the Act of 1696 there were still wide districts unprovided 
with schools. 

262 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

with trade and commerce, mediaeval notions still universally 
prevailed. Wherever in town or country there was an 
accredited school, no private individual was at liberty to set up 
a rival institution. The interior of the schools was for the 
most part precisely what it had been in the Middle Ages. The 
teacher alone had his seat and desk ; on the floor, strewn with 
straw or rushes (seldom removed), the scholars squatted or lay 
at full length as their tasks demanded ; and corporal chastise- 
ment was inflicted with mediaeval brutality. As in the Middle 
Ages, also, any spare space under cover might be utilised for a 
school-room where better accommodation was wanting church- 
steeples, barns, byres, stables, even family vaults being appro- 
priated for the purpose 1 . In one respect, indeed, Scotland 
showed its superior respect for education. In France the first 
chance-comer was supposed to be competent to instruct the 
youth of the country 2 ; and in Prussia Frederick the Great made 
schoolmasters of his discharged non-commissioned officers 3 . 
In Scotland, on the other hand, the candidate for a parochial 
school had to give proof of his competency to the Presbytery ; 
and the candidate for a burgh school had to undergo a more 
stringent test. So far as status and emoluments were con- 
cerned, however, the schoolmaster in Scotland was at this 
time no better off than his fellow in other countries. Just as 
in France and Germany, he was at the lowest end of the social 
scale; and his salary was so meagre and precarious that he 
was forced to eke it out with other incongruous employments. 
According to Wodrow, writing in 1725, the "generality" of the 
people were then able to read 4 a statement which assuredly 
could not be made of contemporary France and Germany 5 . 

1 Graham, p. 425. In France the same conditions prevailed. A room 
in a cabaret, among other strange places, was sometimes utilised as a 
school. Rambaud, Civilisation fran^aise^ II. 263. 

2 Ib. ii. 262. 

' Bartels, Der Bauer in der deutschen Vergangenheit, p. 129. 
4 Anakcta, in. 203. 

In Franche-Comte", the district of France where the best provision 
had been made for education, only 29 per cent, of the women could sign 

CH. vi] State of Education 263 

Nevertheless, as statistics prove, there were considerable 
numbers of the population in the country who could neither 
read nor write 1 ; and the only instruction they received was 
from the weekly sermon and reading of the Bible in Church. 
Much, therefore, still remained to be done for the educa- 
tion of the mass of the people; yet, with limited resources 
at its disposal, Scotland had accomplished a work for the 
instruction of its youth which compares favourably with that of 
any contemporary people. 

In the case of the Universities, as in the case of schools, 
the perennial lack of means had retarded their development 
since the days of the First Book of Discipline, which had 
adumbrated such an admirable plan of academic organisa- 
tion and studies. If the Universities were to respond to the 
needs of the time, there were three reforms that were indis- 
pensable. Their teachers must be freed from the domination 
of the Church ; the mediaeval system of regenting must be 
abolished ; and the scope of study must be enlarged by the 
introduction of new subjects, taught by men specifically equipped 
to teach them. The time had not yet come for the first of 
these reforms, for the Church was still of John Knox's opinion 
that it must be preserved from the bondage of the Universities. 
In the case of Simson and other professors we have seen 
how jealously the General Assembly scrutinised their teaching. 
So offensive, indeed, did the professors consider this inquisition 
that in 1728 they made an abortive attempt to draw up a 
collective protest against it. The second necessary reform, 
the abolition of the system of regenting, was effected in two 
of the Universities in Edinburgh in 1708 and in Glasgow 
in 1727 with immediate happy results in the case of both. 
Under the ancient system one regent or tutor conducted 
each his own group of students through all the subjects in 

their names, while in other parts of the country the percentage was as low 
as 6. Rambaud, op. cit. n. 263. 
1 Graham, op. cit. p. 421, note. 

264 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the curriculum of three or four years ; under the new system 
each subject was assigned to a special professor with the 
exclusive privilege of teaching it. The reform thus effected at 
Edinburgh and Glasgow indicated a genuine awakening of 
interest in university education. At the beginning of the i8th 
century the University of Edinburgh had but eight professors 
and 300 students; Arts and Divinity alone were taught no 
provision being made for instruction in Law and Medicine. 
Before the close of our period a great stride had been taken 
towards the remedying of these defects. In 1707 a Legal 
Faculty was commenced by the creation of a Regius Professor 
of Public Law 1 ; and within the first quarter of the century 
the establishment of the Faculty was completed. With the 
appointment of Alexander Monro to the Chair of Anatomy in 
1720 the Medical School of Edinburgh was started under 
brilliant auspices which its future history was so amply to 
fulfil 2 . In Glasgow the advance was not so rapid ; yet there, 
also, there was distinct progression. At the beginning of the 
century the entire staff of the University consisted of a Principal, 
a Professor of Divinity, and four Regents of Philosophy ; but 
between 1711 and 1717 three new professors were added. 
But the chief glory of Glasgow during the period was the 
teaching of Francis Hutcheson, " the prototype of the Scottish 
Enlightenment 3 ,'' who, appointed Professor of Moral Philosophy 
in 1730*, broke away from the mediaeval tradition of lecturing 
in Latin 6 , and in flowing English opened up visions of truth 
and beauty and sweetened the sources of national thought and 
feeling. Most promising indication of all, however, was the 
fact that in physical science, as in mental philosophy, the 

1 Grant, The Story of the University of Edinburgh (Lond. 1884), I. 283. 

2 Ib. i. 300. 

3 Scott, Francis Hutcheson, His Life, Teaching and position in the 
History of Philosophy (Cambridge, 1900), p. 265. 

1 Hutcheson began his duties as professor in Nov. 1730. 2b. p. 56. 
1 Some years before Hutcheson took this revolutionary step, Christian 
Thomasius had begun to lecture in German at Leipzig. 

CH. vi] The Universities 265 

newest light was finding entrance into academic teaching ; not 
Aristotle as interpreted in the Middle Ages, but Bacon, Newton, 
and Locke were becoming the sources of its inspiration. 

In this work we are concerned with literature only so far as 
it illustrates national interests and national character ; but, as 
it happens, the Scottish literature of the period before us is 
of considerable importance under this special aspect. It was 
during the i8th century that the intellectual product of Scot- 
land first commanded the attention of the world. In physical 
science, in economics, in mental philosophy, and in literature, 
influences then went forth from her which had important 
results for the civilisation of Western Europe ; and during the 
first half of the century they had already begun to manifest 
themselves. James Thomson, though he spent the greater 
part of his life in England, yet received his inspiration from his 
native country. In his Seasons he freshened the sources of 
poetry by his direct return to nature; and his inspiration was of 
potent effect in the imaginative literature not only of England 
but of France and Germany 1 . During this period, also, Scot- 
land may be said to have heralded the Romantic movement in 
literature which attained its full fruition by the close of the 
century. In the vernacular songs and ballads of Lady Grizel 
Baillie (16651746), Lady Wardlaw (1677 1727), Hamilton 
of Gilbertfield (1665 ? 1751), and Allan Ramsay (16861758), 
and in the collections of vernacular poems made by Watson 
(1706 n) and by Ramsay, are implicitly announced the 
sentimental interest in the past, the delight in elemental 
emotions, the untrammelled play of fancy and imagination 
which are the dominant notes of romanticism. In a different 
sphere the philosophical writings of Hutcheson represent 
1 On the influence of the Seasons in French literature, see Morel, 
James Thomson, sa Vie et ses Oeuvres (Paris, 1895). M. Morel points out 
that Thomson's influence on French literature was not confined to natural 
descriptive poetry; according to him, Rousseau derived his "ides morales" 
and his "doctrine sociologique " from the Seasons and from Liberty 
(PP- 5334). 

266 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

another intellectual influence that went forth from Scotland 
during the first half of the i8th century. Not only was he the 
inspirer of youth at home and the " prototype of the Aufkld- 
rung? or Enlightenment, in Scotland, but his published works 
exercised a profound influence on the similar movement in 
Germany 1 . In the same period, also, appeared David Hume's 
Treatise on Human Nature (1739) and his Essays, Moral and 
Political (1741 2), which threw out all his suggestions in 
economics and abstract philosophy which subsequently made 
the tour of the intellectual world. 

But it is in the vernacular literature of the period that we 
find the most interesting expression of what was native to the 
soil and the people. Allan Ramsay, the chief representative of 
this literature, is more important as the exponent of a type of 
national thought and feeling than as a literary artist. The 
Scottish people as a whole were, no more than the Jews, at all 
times exclusively interested in theology and religion. In all times 
it is only the "remnant" of a people that can be profoundly 
concerned about the saving of their souls; and the Scottish 
people were no exception. Before the Reformation, as after 
it, the masses of the people were as purely human as those of 
any other country. In the futile attempts of the Church to 
suppress natural instincts we have negative evidence of the 
fact ; and in the records of the Privy Council of Scotland, in 
which the national life is most adequately portrayed, we find a 
representation of interests and habits and propensities which 
have their precise parallel in the broad delineations in which 
Teniers has depicted the rustic life of the Low Countries. The 
Scottish peasant smoked his pipe, drank his twopenny ale, 
played his game of backgammon, had his sports and his amuse- 
ments like any Dutch boor. And, as the expression of this life, 
there were always current the broad tale and the convivial song 

1 Scott, Francis Hutcheson, p. 267. According to Mr Scott, it is not 
as the "founder of Scottish philosophy" but as a "philosopher of the 
Enlightenment " that Hutcheson deserves to be remembered (p. 285). 

CH. vi] Literature of the Period 267 

which rigorism in religion never availed to suppress. It was in 
Allan Ramsay, however, that the naturalism of the popular life 
found its first widely popular exponent since Sir David Lyndsay 
and Dunbar. His Gentle Shepherd is the idealised picture of 
natural human relations, which assuredly existed in Scotland 
as well as in other countries ; while his songs and occasional 
pieces, with closer fidelity to fact, are at once the record of a 
broad national experience outside the sphere of spiritual life 
and the revelation of a distinctive side of the national character. 

As products of the religious instincts of the nation, two 
books should be noted, each in its own way of significant 
import. One of them, Boston's Fourfold State, has already been 
mentioned. Boston was a religious genius, and he expounded 
doctrinal Calvinism, the theme of his book, with a freshness, 
an ingenuity, and an intensity of conviction which for nearly a 
century made his work the breviary of souls kindred to his 
own. The other spiritual manual proceeded from a different 
inspiration and appealed to religious minds of another type. 
This was the Life of God in the Soul of Man, the work of Henry 
Scougal, an Episcopalian minister, who was Professor of 
Divinity in the University of Aberdeen from 1674 to 1678. 
The historical interest of Scougal's book is that, falling into the 
hands of Whitefield and the two Wesleys, it profoundly in- 
fluenced the religious life of all the three, and thus has an 
important place in the history of English Methodism 1 . 

From this brief survey of the literary activity of the period it 
will be seen that in the sphere of thought as in the sphere of 
material interests the nation had entered on a new stage of its 
development. In both there was the same widening of horizons, 
the same promise of future expansion which was not to be 
belied. During the latter half of a century so eventful in her 
national history, it will appear that Scotland had her own con- 
tribution to make to the commonwealth of nations. But before 

1 Rev. D. Butler, Henry Scougal and the Oxford Methodists (Lond. 

268 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

entering on the period when she was to take her place 
decisively in the international community, she was to have still 
another notable experience in which the forces of the past were 
to be arrayed against the forces of the future and were to be 
finally overthrown in the interest of all that was most promising 
in the national life. 



WHEN the Jacobite Lockhart concluded his Memoirs in 
1728, it appeared to him that the future had little in store for 
the cause to which he had devoted his public life. Surrounded 
by evil and foolish counsellors and entangled in conjugal 
squabbles (such was Lockhart's opinion), the heir of the 
Stewarts had forfeited the confidence of his best friends, 
Lockhart himself among them. The Jacobite hopes had 
always rested on the possibility of European complications 
which might at once raise enemies against England, distract 
her energies at home, and create a reaction in favour of the 
exiled House. But at the moment when Lockhart laid down 
his pen, there was no appearance of such a fortunate juncture 
being at hand ; and the course of events during the next twelve 
years justified his gloomy forebodings. Under the guidance 
of Walpole, whose abiding policy was peace, the country was 
kept clear of all entanglements in continental affairs which 
might have brought their opportunity to the supporters of the 
Stewart. At length, in the year 1739, there came a turn in 
European politics which gave good hope to the Jacobites 
that their hour was now at hand : before the end of that year 
war broke out with Spain; and it soon appeared that the 
leading continental Powers must sooner or later be involved 
in the struggle. Since, moreover, it was shortly after the 
war began that Walpole fell from power, the chances were 

270 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

greatly increased that England, under the guidance of Ministers 
who had passionately opposed his policy of peace, would not 
remain a passive onlooker in the general scramble of the 

The course of events realised the most sanguine hopes of 

the friends of the House of Stewart. In 1743 
1743 1744 

England took up the cause of Maria Theresa; 

and, at the head of a combined army of English and Hano- 
verians, George II defeated the French at Dettingen (June 27). 
A war between England and France was the event on which the 
Jacobites had always based their surest hopes. In any contest 
with England the most effectual policy of France was to strike 
at her through the claims of her exiled House. An invasion of 
England in the interest of the Stewarts had the appearance of a 
recriminative act of justice in the eyes of Europe ; and now, as 
at previous times, France was misled as to the extent of British 
disloyalty to the House of Hanover. It was in her own interest 
more than in the interest of the House of Stewart that France, 
early in 1744, made preparations for an invasion of England on 
a scale more extensive than had secured the success of William 
of Orange. It was a necessity of the enterprise necessary for 
its success and necessary to justify it in the eyes of Europe 
that a representative of the Stewarts should be its most 
prominent personage. But the elder Pretender was now in his 
fifty-seventh year, and had lost any ardent hopes he ever 
cherished of an earthly crown. In his son and heir, Charles 
Edward, however, the Jacobites had already found a promise 
of future achievement which the character of the father had 
never given at any period of his life. In view of the intended 
expedition, therefore, Charles, then twenty-three years of age, 
was secretly summoned from Rome to Paris in January, 1744; 
and in the following month the invading fleet sailed from Brest 
under the command of Admiral Roqueville l . 

1 In spite of the attempted invasion France did not declare war against 
Great Britain till March 20, 1744. 

CH. vn] Attempted French Invasion 271 

The armament consisted of twenty-two warships, with a 
force of 4000 men; and, as the plan of the expedition was 
arranged, Roqueville was to be reinforced by an army of 15,000 
men, conveyed in transports from Dunkirk under the command 
of Marshal Saxe. Again, as in 1588 and in 1707, England was 
saved by the winds and waves from an attack the issue of 
which would have been doubtful. When off the Isle of Wight, 
Roqueville dispatched a summons to Marshal Saxe, whose 
transports put to sea though neither himself nor the Prince was 
aboard. Unexpected by Roqueville, however, the English 
admiral, Sir John Norris, with a fleet superior to his own, 
had already come up with him; and an action would have to be 
fought before a landing could be effected. Roqueville shrank 
from the contest and made for the French shore, but was over- 
taken by a storm which, while it secured him from the pursuit 
of Norris, played havoc with the transports of Saxe. Never 
since the Revolution, as England herself fully realised, had she 
been in such peril of disaster ; and never again was the House 
of Stewart to have such an opportunity of recovering its lost 
inheritance. And the failure of the enterprise was not only 
a lost opportunity to the Stewart: in openly identifying himself 
with the action of England's enemy, Charles was one day to 
find that he had alienated the heart of the English people. 

Twice the French Government had equipped a fleet for the 
restoration of the Stewarts, and in both cases the enterprise had 
ended in disaster. Henceforward, though France in her own 
interests did not cease to aid and abet the Stewart cause, such 
assistance as she found it expedient to lend was never on 
a scale sufficient to be a serious danger to the existing English 
dynasty. This was the determining fact in the fortunes of his 
House, to be gradually learned by the young hero who was 
now fairly launched on a career which for a brief space was to 
astonish the world. Buoyed up by a great hope and by a 
nature prone to adventure, Prince Charles had no thoughts of 
returning to the petty circle of his father, between whom and 

272 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

himself there was a permanent lack of sympathy. In France he 
would be ready for any opportunity that might arise ; and in 
France he remained waiting on events that might favour the 
great adventure on which he had set his heart. But during the 
years 1744 and 1745 the French King had his own battles 
to fight, and had no resources to spare for another attempt 
on England either in his own interests or in the interests of the 
Stewart. Gradually, therefore, it became the fixed conviction 
of Charles that, if his heritage was to be won, it must be won by 
his own sword. In Scotland and England themselves, he con- 
vinced himself, were to be found the armies that would restore 
his father and himself to their rights. 

So far as England was concerned, his confidence was to 
prove a delusion; at no time, not even when he seemed to be 
in the full tide of victory, was there any disposition on the part 
of the masses of the English people to adopt his cause 1 . As 
soon appeared, his only hope lay with that people who under 
Montrose, Dundee, and Mar had shown their readiness to give 
their lives for the claims of his family. Since the revolution 
which drove the Stewarts from the throne, it had been a prin- 
cipal part of their policy to maintain a close connection with 
such Highland chiefs as favoured their cause ; and, by alluring 
promises and by the distribution of honours and of more sub- 
stantial gifts, they had succeeded in retaining their interest and 
attachment. So early as 1741, when the turn of events on the 
Continent seemed to give promise of a coming opportunity, an 
" Association " of six persons had been formed for the express 
purpose of furthering Jacobite interests in Scotland and in 
France. Of the six three were to play a prominent part in the 
enterprise on which Charles had now set his heart young 
Cameron of Lochiel; Simon, Lord Lovat; and the titular Duke 

1 Charles in a letter to his father (Feb. 21, 1745) complains that the 
English Jacobites were afraid of their own shadows and thought of little 
else but amusing themselves. Mahon, Hist, of England from the Peace 
of Utrecht^ III. 298 9. 

CH. vn] The Jacobite "Association' 273 

of Perth, grandson of the Chancellor of James VII. Through 
the agency of two emissaries William Macgregor, alias Drum- 
mond of Balhaldy, and John Murray of Broughton, who was 
eventually to prove a traitor to the cause the Association 
carried on negotiations with Charles and his father with the 
express object of effecting another attempt in favour of the 
Stewarts. On one point the Scottish Jacobites were, almost to 
a man, agreed : if the attempt were to be made, its success 
could only be assured with the assistance of a foreign force 1 . 
It was only from France that such assistance could reasonably be 
hoped for ; and to persuade France to engage in the adventure 
was the prime object of the emissaries of the Association. 
First, therefore, on Cardinal Fleury, the French minister, and 
subsequently on his successor, Cardinal Tencin 2 , Balhaldy and 
Murray tried their powers of persuasion : the Prince had but to 
land in Scotland with an adequate force at his back, and there 
would be such a rising in his favour as would carry him to 
victory. Thus a formidable enemy of France would be dis- 
placed by a powerful ally. But neither Fleury nor Tencin was 
in a position to yield to these alluring promises, even had they 
given them the fullest credence. 

The futility of these negotiations only strengthened the 
resolve which Charles had formed on the failure of the French 
attempt of 1744. It was his only hope and his best hope, he 
was convinced, to throw himself on the loyalty of his own 
countrymen, and let them have all the honour and credit of 
restoring their rightful prince. When at Gravelines, after the 
dispersion of Saxe's transports, he had seriously proposed to Earl 
Marischal Keith to hire a single craft and sail for the Scottish 
coast; and after months of idle waiting in France he announced 
to Murray of Broughton, that go to Scotland he would, if it were 

1 The Duke of Perth did not share this opinion. 

2 As Tencin owed his Cardinal's hat to the elder Pretender, it was 
hoped that he would do his utmost in the interests of the House of 

B. S. III. l8 

274 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

only with a single footman 1 . An event that happened in May, 
1745, finally determined him to make the bid for fortune which 
to all the world but himself seemed the senseless prank of 
an unschooled boy. On the nth of that month the flower 
of the British troops were cut off at Fontenoy ; and England, 
entangled in a continental war, was crippled at once by her 
loss of prestige and the loss of her bravest defenders. Of his 
own initiative, unaided and even discouraged by his Scottish 
supporters, Charles set about the preparation for his great 
adventure. He borrowed 180,000 livres from a firm of bankers 
among his adherents, and desired his father to pawn his jewels, 
though concealing from him the object of the proceeds. Two 
merchants of Nantes, Rutledge and Walsh, also devoted to his 
cause, supplied the armament, with which he proposed to 
sail for the conquest of a kingdom. It consisted of two 
craft the Elizabeth, carrying sixty-four guns, and the Doutelle, 
a brig carrying eighteen. With the money he had himself 
raised he was able to procure a store of arms and ammu- 
nition, and after the purchase he had still about 4000 louis 
d'or in his pocket. Of all these preparations the French 
Government was supposed to know nothing ; and even the old 
Chevalier was kept in ignorance till they were virtually com- 
pleted. " Let what will happen," Charles at length wrote 
to his father, on the eve of his departure, "the stroke is struck, 
and I have taken a firm resolution to conquer or to die, and 
stand my ground as long as I shall have a man remaining with 
me 2 ." Charles's name would have been a more heroic one in 
story had he stood by his resolution. 

On June 22, Charles embarked at Nantes in the Doutelle^ 
and on July 5 left Belleisle, where he had been joined by the 
Elizabeth. Along with him in the Doutelle were the "Seven 
Men of MoidartV the only members of the expedition who 

Murray of Broughton, Memorials (Scot. Hist. Soc.), p. 93. 
1 Mahon, op. cit. in. Appendix, p. xvi. 
3 The Seven, of whom three were Irishmen, were: the titular Duke 

CH. vn] Prince Charles sails for Scotland 275 

knew him for what he was his incognito being that of a 
student of the Scots College of Paris, the son of his tutor, 
Sir Thomas Sheridan, who was one of the Seven. A disaster 
that occurred on the voyage would have turned from his 
purpose one less sanguine than Charles. Off the Lizard or 
Ushant the two vessels were sighted by the Lion, a British 
man-of-war, commanded by Captain Brett; and an engagement 
could not be avoided. For some five or six hours there was 
a furious action between the Lion and the Elizabeth, with the 
result that both vessels were disabled ; and the Elizabeth had 
to put back to France, carrying with her most of the arms and 
ammunition which Charles had laid in for his enterprise. 
Charles, it is said, was eager to join in the fight, but Walsh, the 
owner of the Doutelle, refused to risk his precious charge; and, 
when the result of the encounter was known, the Doutelle held 
on its way. Escaping two other English men-of-war through 
a lucky mist, she at length reached (July 23) 1 the island of 
Eriska a spot which, from the remoteness of its situation and 
the friendliness of its people, was excellently fitted for begin- 
ning the enterprise on hand. 

Charles was now face to face with the facts of his great 
venture. He was at length among the people with whose arms 
he had confidently reckoned to recover his heritage; would 
they answer to his trust or belie it ? As he fully understood, 
it was against the wishes and advice of his most devoted 
adherents in Scotland that he had come without a foreign 
contingent; for a month previous to his arrival, Murray of 
Broughton, by the instructions of the Jacobite leaders, had 

of Atholl (Marquis of Tullibardine), Sir John Macdonald, Aeneas Mac- 
donald, Colonel Strickland, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Captain O'Sullivan, 
and George Kelly. 

1 I have followed throughout the dates (all in Old Style) given by 
Mr W. B. Blaikie in his Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward Stuart. 
They difter considerably from the dates in the log of the "Dutillet," 
published at Nantes in 1901 and translated by Mr J. N. Robertson for the 
Gaelic Society of Inverness in 1 904. 


276 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

waited on the west coast to dissuade him from his enterprise. 
But on the actions of the chiefs depended the action of the 
clans, on whose support his hopes mainly depended. These 
were the difficulties that Charles had to face ; and it is a signal 
tribute to his personal qualities that he triumphantly overcame 
them. For the special circumstances of the moment, indeed, 
he had precisely the gifts of mind and person that were 
requisite for success. Unlike his father, whose chilling 
demeanour had depressed the soldiery under Mar, Charles 
possessed all the superficial advantages that make a popular 
hero. His external appearance was such as to please both 
men and women. The men admired his tall and lithe figure 
and his power of physical endurance, equal to that of any 
Highlander in the host he was afterwards to lead. In the 
opinion of women, who were to be such efficient allies in his 
cause 1 , with his abundant reddish hair, to which his dark eyes 
formed a striking contrast 2 , his handsome features, and melan- 
choly expression, he embodied all that could be desired in 
a king and a hero. The leading traits in his character equally 
fitted him for the part he was for the moment called to play. 
Frank and easy in address, vivacious and ever eager for action, 
he won without effort the admiring devotion of his susceptible 
Celtic followers. Even his faults, which gradually became 
more apparent as the enterprise proceeded, served for the time 
to strengthen his ascendency over them. His blind confidence 
in his own fortune, which led him to disregard all consequences, 
and his easy assumption that absolute self-devotion was a natural 
duty to himself as the representative of a God-appointed King, 
imposed on a people to whom the tie between chief and clan 
was an inviolable bond. It was, then, as a chosen instrument 
to execute a decree of fate that he regarded himself; and for the 

1 " It is remarkable many of the prettiest ladies in Scotland are 
Jacobites." Ray, A Compleat History of the Rebellion (London, 1760), 
p. 289. 

2 His eyes are described as being somewhat lustreless. The colour of 
Charles's eyes and of his hair is a matter of dispute. 

CH. vn] Charles and the Macdonalds 277 

task that lay immediately before him nothing short of such 
confidence was necessary. Among all the world's heroes, as 
Frederick the Great told him, he was the only one who had 
made the attempt to conquer a kingdom without an army 
behind him. Yet Charles doubtless remembered that, almost 
exactly a century before, Montrose, attended by two followers, 
had begun an enterprise similar to his own, had raised a host of 
Highlanders, and all but made himself master of Scotland. If 
this could be effected by a subject, what might not be done by 
a divinely-commissioned Prince ? 

It was in the country of the Macdonalds that Charles had 
landed ; and that clan had been pre-eminent for its devotion to 
the Stewarts. It was of ill-augury, therefore, that the first 
Macdonald to whom he made his appeal Macdonald of Bois- 
dale not only told him that he had come on a foolish errand, 
but did his best to dissuade other chiefs from joining him. 
Undepressed by this rebuff, Charles sailed on July 25 to 
Lochnanuach, where he landed at Borrodale in Arisaig. No 
more favourable district could have been found for beginning 
his adventure. Its remoteness secured him from immediate 
attack; the clans in the near neighbourhood were those 
from whom he had most to hope, and they had a special 
reason for hostility to the existing Government. For all the 
clans in this part of the country the Clan Campbell, with the 
Duke of Argyle at its head, had represented the royal authority 
since the revolution of 1689; and the Clan Campbell had long 
been dreaded and detested for its power and rapacity. It was 
mainly the hate and fear of the Campbells, indeed, that 
prompted the western clans to look to the restoration of the 
Stewarts as the only means of crushing an enemy with whom in 
their own strength they were unable to cope 1 . But even in this 

1 One of the first blows proposed to be struck in the Rising was the 
seizure of the Duke of Argyle at Inverary. It was Murray of Broughton 
who suggested this attempt, which circumstances frustrated. Memorials, 
p. 161. 

278 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

friendly country the first reception of Charles was far from 
encouraging. The Macdonald chiefs of the neighbourhood to 
whom he appealed responded as coldly as their kinsman of 
Boisdale ; and so discouraging seemed the immediate prospect 
that even the Seven urged his return to France. There were 
two men whose adhesion to the enterprise it was of the first 
importance to secure Sir Alexander Macdonald and Macleod 
of Macleod. Both of these chiefs had long shared in the 
Jacobite councils, and Charles had reckoned confidently on 
their support, but the reply of both to his appeal was the same: 
had he come with an army at his back they would not have 
failed him; as it was, they considered his present attempt 

In these depressing circumstances Charles alone never lost 
his assurance; and at length his persistence had its reward. 
Two chiefs, who had hung back at first, declared for him ; and 
these at once by their example and the influence at their disposal 
made the enterprise possible. The one was young Macdonald 
of Clanranald 1 , and the other Donald Cameron of Lochiel, son 
of the chief of the Camerons, and known as " Young Lochiel " 
though now in middle age; and, as Clanranald eventually 
brought 200 and Lochiel 700 men into the field, the accession 
of these two chiefs was of the first importance to the enterprise 2 . 
Another recruit was Macdonald of Glengarry, who bound him- 
self by a written engagement to raise his clan an engagement 
which he promptly fulfilled. The Rising had fairly begun, 
and events now proceeded with a rapidity which characterised 
the Rising to the end. It was decided that the standard of 
James VIII should be raised at Glenfinnan on August 19 ; and, 

1 On the news of Charles's arrival old Clanranald is said to have 
exclaimed, "What muckle devil has brought him to this county \sic\ 
again?" Lyon in Mourning (Scot. Hist. Soc.), III. 185. According 
to another authority Lochiel did not appear himself, but sent his brother 
Dr Archibald Cameron. 

2 It was the conviction of the Highlanders themselves that there would 
have been no rising had Lochiel not joined. 

CH. vn] Gathering of the Clans 279 

as a pledge that the die was cast, the Doutelle left the Scottish 
coast. On August 1 1 Charles was at Kinloch-Moidart on the 
way to Glenfinnan; but, before the raising of the standard, 
hostilities had begun. On August 14, Captain Swettenham of 
Guise's regiment, on his way from Ruthven to take command 
at Fort William, was captured by Macdonald of Keppoch and 
sent to Charles's camp. Two days later the same clan per- 
formed a more notable exploit. The Governor of Fort 
Augustus, who had received news of the stirring among the 
clans, deemed it prudent to strengthen Fort William, adjoining 
the country where mischief was brewing, and the capture of 
which would have been an important gain for the enemy. Two 
companies of the Royal Scots, therefore, were dispatched to 
Fort William under the command of Captain Scott. The 
distance was about twenty-eight miles, and there was a military 
road all the way. Scott had accomplished the better part 
of the march when he was met at Spean Bridge by a band of 
the Macdonalds, and, ignorant of the strength of the enemy, 
deemed it prudent to retreat As he rounded the south- 
west shore of Loch Lochy, however, the Macdonalds, now 
strengthened by a body of the men of Glengarry, came up with 
him and summoned him to surrender. Scott had only lost 
five men, and his numbers were superior to those of the enemy ; 
but, bewildered by the Highland tactics, he chose to obey the 
summons. Some eighty men were taken prisoners and not a 
Highlander had fallen 1 . 

The i Qth of August had been fixed for the raising of the 
standard and for the gathering of the friendly clans; and on 
that day Charles proceeded by boat from Kinloch-Moidart to 
Glenfinnan, the place of rendezvous. He was attended by 
a guard of 50 Clanranalds, and on the voyage he was joined by 
150 men of the same clan. When the glen was reached, not a 
soul was to be seen to break its solitude. Taking up his 

1 As in the case of almost every event of the Rising, the accounts of 
this affair are full of discrepancies. The main result, however, is certain. 

280 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

quarters in a barn at the head of Loch Shiel, Charles awaited 
what the day was to bring forth. At length the sound of the 
pibroch was heard ; and presently Lochiel appeared on the 
brow of a hill at the head of some 700 Camerons. Shortly 
afterwards he was followed by Macdonald of Keppoch ; and 
then came the portentous ceremony of the day. On an 
eminence in the centre of the glen, the standard a banner of 
red silk with a white ground in the midst 1 was raised by the 
aged Duke of Atholl 2 , aided by two assistants. Then "such 
loud huzzas and schiming [skimming] of bonnetts up into the 
air, appearing like a cloud, was not heard of, of a long time 3 ." 
A stirring speech from Charles, in which he expressed his 
confidence of "a happy issue/' closed the ceremony, which 
no ill-omen had attended as in the case of the raising of the 
standard by Mar. 

Now that the great issue was about to be joined, what were 
the respective prospects of the two sides in the coming struggle? 
One fact at once arrests our attention : Charles did not begin 
his undertaking under such promising auspices as Mar in the 
'Fifteen. In the case of the Highlanders, the mainstay of both 
enterprises, there was no such spontaneous and general response 
to Charles as there had been to Mar. The chiefs who had 
shown themselves most eager for a Stewart restoration were 
convinced that this new attempt was irrational and desperate ; 
and it was against their own judgments that they were persuaded 
to take part in it. Had Charles been a man after the pattern of 
his father, it may be doubted if a rising would have taken place. 
It was Charles's own enthusiasm and personal charm that won 
over Clanranald and Lochiel; and the example of these two 
chiefs gave the first impetus to the enterprise. The attempt fairly 

1 The motto, Tandem Triumphans, was not inscribed till some weeks 

2 William, Marquis of Tullibardine. He had been attainted for his 
part in the Rising of 1715. 

8 Culloden Papers, p. 387. 

CH. vn] Prospects of Charles 281 

begun, however, the very disadvantages under which Charles 
had come turned decisively in his favour. Chiefs and clansmen 
alike were touched by the fact that he had chosen them as the 
instruments for the recovery of his rights; and his implicit 
confidence in their loyalty appealed at once to their sentiment 
and their imagination. But, as abundant evidence proves, it 
was not from purely disinterested motives alone that the chiefs 
had thrown themselves into the cause. Even Lochiel, the most 
heroic figure in the band, made a hard and fast bargain with 
Charles before he gave in his adhesion: should the attempt 
miscarry, the full value of his estate was to be made good 
to him. In the event of success the hope of all the chiefs was 
that the restoration of the Stewart would imply increased power 
and increased domains at the expense of such as had given 
their support to the existing dynasty. Of the sordid aims and 
shifty practices of many of them there can now be little doubt; 
but from what important movement, political or religious, have 
these baser elements been absent ? When we turn from the 
chieftains to the clans, what we find is a general indifference 
equally to the House of Stewart and the House of Hanover, 
and an aversion to take up arms at the command of their 
chiefs. In the case of many of the clans, actual coercion was 
necessary to compel them to take the field 1 ; and, once in the 
field, numbers deserted whenever a convenient opportunity 
offered. Like the chiefs, many of the rank and file doubtless 
came under the spell of Charles's enthusiasm and gallant 
bearing ; but the dominant thought in the mind of the average 
Highlander was that he was engaged in a Highland raid on a 
large scale which ought to result in proportionate profit. 

If the Highlands on the whole responded less readily to 
Charles than to Mar, the state of feeling in the Lowlands did 
not compensate for the disadvantage. In 1715 all classes in 
the Lowlands were groaning under the supposed results of the 

1 Cf. A List of Persons Concerned in the Rebellion (Scot. Hist. Soc.), 
p. 360. 

282 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Union ; and the Hanoverian dynasty was as yet but an experi- 
ment that remained to be tried. Jacobites, moreover, were at 
once more numerous, more confident, and disposed to be more 
adventurous. But during the intervening thirty years the most 
energetic part of the Lowland population had begun to see 
that there were possibilities of good in the Union, and to adapt 
themselves to the conditions it imposed. This changed attitude 
was most signally exemplified in the case of the towns to the 
north of the Forth. In the 'Fifteen, Perth, Dundee, and 
Aberdeen had opened their gates to Mar, but it was only under 
compulsion that they opened them to Charles. Further, in 
the case of Mar's rising there were two obstacles to his success 
in the Lowlands, and these presented still graver difficulties 
to Charles. That an army of Highlanders should be the 
instrument of restoring the exiled House was a prejudice 
to the Jacobite cause which had been deepened by the growing 
contrast between the industrial Lowlander and the Highlander 
despising all trade and commerce. To the Lowlander in 1745 
the Highlander was, to a greater degree than ever before, an 
alien, a barbarian, and a natural enemy. But the insuperable 
objection to the Stewarts was still that which had originally 
caused their rejection their identification with the Church of 
Rome. If there was less fanatical hatred of Rome than in the 
previous century, on the other hand Protestantism was now 
more closely wrought into the life of the nation and bound 
up with its material prosperity. It was in vain that Charles in 
his manifestoes promised equality of religion in his father's 
name. That father, it was known, had made his home in the 
headquarters of the detested religion and was the pensionary of 
the Pope ; and Charles himself, though a Gallic in matters of 
faith, persistently refused, save on one occasion, to enter a 
Protestant place of worship throughout his whole campaign 1 . 

1 It is on record that Charles attended an Episcopal place of worship 
in Perth. Chambers, Hist, of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745 6 (Edin. 
1830), I. 87. Cf. Lyon in Mourning, II. 96, note. 

CH. vu] Unpreparedness of the Government 283 

In certain respects, the circumstances of the year 1745 
were more favourable to a successful rebellion than those of 
the year 1715. In 1715 there was a strong central Govern- 
ment, composed exclusively of Whigs, which, once the alarm 
had been given, took firm and united action to meet the 
threatened danger. In the Duke of Argyle, moreover, it had a 
commander who by his experience and prestige was specially 
fitted to cope with the enemy with whom it had to deal. In 
1745, on the other hand, affairs were directed by "a divided and 
a diffident Ministry 1 "; and this Ministry had no commander 
immediately at hand who was equal to the sudden emergency. 
At both periods the rivalries of the Squadrone and the 
Argathelians seriously impeded consistent and resolute action 
in the crisis through which the country was passing, but in the 
'Fifteen the promptness of Argyle, backed by the united central 
Government, overcame all difficulties that faction threw in the 
way. In the 'Forty-five a feeble Ministry and the lack of a 
capable general gave full scope to the reckless rivalry of parties, 
with the result that till the last stages of the rebellion no con- 
centrated effort could be made for its suppression. On the fall 
of Walpole, Lord Tweeddale, the leader of the Squadrone, had 
been appointed to the revived office of Secretary of State for 
Scotland, with the patronage of all places in his hands. But, 
though excluded from the Secretaryship which he had desired 
for himself, Lord Islay, now Duke of Argyle, was still what 
he had long been, the virtual "King of Scotland 2 ." Tweeddale 
therefore, in his administration of Scottish affairs, was guided 
in the first place by the probable results of his action on the 
influence of his rival 3 . It was out of antipathy to Argyle, we 

1 This is the description of the Government given by Sir Andrew 
Mitchell, Under-Secretary of State for Scotland. Ciilloden Papers^ p. 227. 

2 It was a remark of Lord Chesterfield that affairs in Scotland would 
never be settled till George was king of that country and not Argyle. 
Omond, Lord Advocates of Scotland, n. 25. 

3 Lord Gower, the Privy Seal of England, told Lord Marchmont that 
the Ministry could not depend on any information from Scotland, as the 
one party flatly contradicted the other. Marchmont Papers, I. 106. 

284 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

are told, that no preparations were made to meet the emergency, 
though for months before the coming of Charles the Govern- 
ment was fully aware that he might be expected. When the 
Rising had actually begun, and Lord Marchmont proposed 
that he and certain other nobles should receive commissions to 
raise levies in Scotland, Tweeddale informed him that there 
was no need for such action, as the irregular troops of the 
enemy would prove no match for the regular troops of the 
Government. The most serious neglect on the part of Tweed- 
dale, however, was that all through the crisis he failed to 
supply loyal subjects with the arms necessary to defend them- 
selves against the invader. As the result of the disarming 
of the Highlanders by Wade, the loyal clans had been deprived 
of serviceable weapons, while the disloyal had retained them. 
When Tweeddale was urged to supply arms to those who 
would make good use of them, his answer was that he would 
not run the risk of arming enemies instead of friends. A 
further mischievous result of the division of parties was that 
the officials in charge of Scottish affairs could not act in concert, 
and even deliberately checkmated each other. Craigie, the 
Lord Advocate, was told by Tweeddale that he was not to 
be guided by President Forbes, who did more than any other 
man to save his country; Craigie and Dundas, the Solicitor- 
General, were hardly on speaking terms; and General Cope 
was instructed to make no important movement without first 
consulting Craigie and Lord Milton, the Lord Justice-Clerk. 
It was amidst these distracted counsels and the consequent 
paralysis of action that Charles was now to find his opportunity. 
Before the end of July the Government had been informed 
that Charles had left France, though it was still unaware that he 
had actually landed in Scotland 1 . As in the case of his father, 
its first step was to put a price of ^30,000 on his head- 
an attention which Charles afterwards repaid by offering a 
similar sum for that of the "Elector of Hanover." So ill- 

1 Yet after Fontenoy an invasion had been generally expected. 

CH. vn] Movements of Sir John Cope 285 

served were the authorities with information that, though 
Charles had landed at Borrodale on July 25, it was not till 
August 8 that the news reached Sir John Cope, the Com- 
mander of the Forces in Scotland. Of his own counsel and 
with the approval of those to whom he was responsible, Cope 
decided to march to Fort Augustus in the hope of checking the 
Rising before it came to a head. Had this step been taken 
a month before, as prudence might have dictated, in all 
probability there would have been no 'Forty-five. But, as 
Cope was to learn to his cost, his plan of operations was 
belated, and the forces at his disposal were inadequate to its 
execution. In all Scotland at this moment there were not 3000 
troops ; and most of these were recent levies, dispersed among 
the strongholds throughout the country. Under his immediate 
command Cope had about 1500 men, of whom 100 were 
dragoons ; and with this force he marched from Edinburgh 
to Stirling on August 19. In the 'Fifteen Argyle, prudently 
as the event showed, had made his headquarters at Stirling, 
and effectually checked the enemy's march into the Lowland 
country. To guard the Forth, Cope left his 100 dragoons 
-a force totally inadequate for the purpose under the com- 
mand of Colonel Gardiner, and continued his own march 
to Crieff. It was another of Cope's illusions that in his march 
through the Highland country he would be joined by large 
numbers from the loyal clans ; and in anticipation of these re- 
inforcements he took with him a thousand stand of arms for 
their equipment. As the march proceeded, however, not a 
single recruit presented himself; and most of the arms were 
sent back to Stirling as a useless encumbrance. Even thus 
relieved, Cope found the march arduous. As the country 
could afford no supplies, he took with him a train of black 
cattle and a vast quantity of provisions which his sumpter- 
horses were unable to transport with sufficient expedition. He 
was reminded, moreover, that he was in an unfriendly country ; 
his baggage-horses were stolen during the night, and the 

286 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

natives to whom he applied for information deliberately misled 
him. At Dalnacardoch in the Forest of Atholl, where he 
arrived on August 25, he received news which were sufficiently 
disquieting. There he was met by Captain Swettenham, re- 
leased on parole, who informed him that the rebels to the 
number of 3000 were marching on Corryarrick Pass with the 
object of opposing his march to Fort Augustus. 

Such, indeed, was Charles's bold resolution. Since the 
raising of the standard at Glenfinnan his adherents had in- 
creased at once in numbers and enthusiasm. It was at 
Kinlochiel, where he remained during the 2ist and 22nd of 
August, that he first heard of Cope's intended march to Fort 
Augustus through the pass of Corryarrick; and he promptly 
decided to oppose him. At Moy he took a prudent step 
which proved to be in the immediate interests of the enter- 
prise. On the 1 8th of August 1 he had been joined by Murray 
of Broughton, the emissary of the Association; and he now 
made Murray his secretary with the charge of a general super- 
intendence of the army. Murray was to be the arch-traitor of 
the cause, but for the post to which he was appointed no fitter 
man could have been chosen; and his illness at a critical 
moment in the attempt was acknowledged to be one of the 
causes of its failure. For one moment there was hesitation as 
to the most expedient course which the army should follow. 
At Invergarry Charles received a communication from Lord 
Lovat, the chief of the Frasers, urging him to march at once 
to Inverness and offering the support of his own and other 
clans in the north. Fortunately for himself, as we shall see, 
Charles rejected Lovat's proposal, and, at the earnest instance 
of the Duke of Atholl, resolved to carry his arms south- 
wards and make direct for Edinburgh. An incident that 
took place at Invergarry reminds us of the nature of the host 
that was about to contend for a kingdom: in true Highland 
fashion a bond was drafted by which the chiefs pledged them- 

1 Perhaps a few days earlier. 

CH. vn] Cope avoids Battle 287 

selves neither to lay down their arms nor to make peace 
without the consent of their whole number. On the march 
to Corryarrick Pass there were several important accessions. 
The Stewarts of Appin joined with 260 men, the Macdonalds 
of Glengarry with 400, the Macdonalds of Glencoe with 120; 
and it was with a force amounting to nearly 2000 that Charles 
now prepared to dispute Cope's passage. It was in the spirit 
of the most sanguine confidence that Charles looked forward 
to the expected encounter; on the morning of the anticipated 
event he donned the Highland garb which he continued to 
wear throughout the campaign, and, as he tied on his brogues, 
he "solemnly declared" that he would be up with Mr Cope 
before they were unloosed 1 . Cope, however, had determined 
not to risk the chances of a battle. At Dalwhinnie he had 
learned that Charles had occupied the north end of the pass 
and that his intention was to enclose the royal forces in their 
progress through it. The pass (the Devil's Staircase, it was signifi- 
cantly called) was four miles long, with no fewer than seventeen 
sudden turnings and with a deep ditch on one side ; steep in 
ascent, moreover, and beset with rocks and thickets which 
afforded admirable ground for such an enemy as the High- 
landers. To face the enemy in such circumstances would have 
been an act of audacity to which Cope was unequal. With 
the approval of a Council of War he avoided the dangerous 
pass, and instead of making for Fort Augustus, which was his 
original destination, he made a detour to the east and by way 
of Ruthven in Badenoch reached Inverness on August 29. 

Confident as they had been of victory, both Charles and 
his followers were bitterly disappointed on discovering that 
Cope had eluded them. Calling for a glass of usquebaugh, a 
beverage to which he became only too partial, Charles drank 

1 Culloden Papers, p. 216. In imitation of his favourite hero, Charles XII 
of Sweden, Charles marched on foot at the head of the clans. He did not, 
as is generally supposed, wear the Highland dress during his residence in 

288 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

to the health of "Mr Cope," and expressed the wish that all 
his enemies might prove equally accommodating 1 . After some 
hesitation as to whether Cope should be followed up, it was 
concluded that he had had too long a start, and that the most 
prudent course was to carry out the intention of a direct march 
on Edinburgh. Against the opinion of Charles, an attempt, 
which proved unsuccessful, was made on Ruthven Barracks 
with the object of securing a quantity of meal, the army having 
hitherto subsisted on broiled flesh. Another enterprise was 
attended by a happier result; a party of the Camerons, dis- 
patched for the purpose, seized the heir of Cluny, the chief 
of the Macphersons, in his own house whether with his own 
connivance or not is uncertain. Young Cluny had been pre- 
viously appointed to a company of one of the royal regiments, 
and till the day before his capture had been in attendance on 
Cope, who, suspecting his loyalty, had deliberately insulted him. 
Cluny's sympathies were strongly Jacobite, and, brought into 
contact with Charles, he easily yielded to his blandishments. 
Even an angel, he said, could not resist "the soothing close 
application" of the Prince; and some days later he pledged 
himself to raise his clan on condition that Charles became 
security for the value of his estate 2 . Pursuing his march south- 
wards into the district of Atholl, Charles reached (August 31) 
Blair Castle; and, the Duke having fled at his approach, the 
castle was given to his attainted elder brother, the Marquis of 
Tullibardine, who had raised the standard at Glenfmnan. On 
the evening of September 4, Charles entered Perth arrayed 
in a resplendent suit of tartan gaily trimmed with gold. The 
magistrates had fled to Edinburgh, but he was received with 

1 Charles at a later stage of his adventure drank a bottle of brandy a 
day " without being in the least concerned." Blaikie, Itinerary (Maccea- 
chain's narrative), p. 100. Before Charles's coming to Scotland, his father 
had already noted " un peu trop de gout qu'il sembloit alors avoir pour le 
vin. "- Browne, History of the Highlands, III. 445. 

2 Cluny had previously pledged himself to raise his clan for the Govern- 

CH. vn] Charles at Perth 289 

cheers by the populace, though, as subsequently appeared, the 
majority of the citizens were out of sympathy with his cause 1 . 
At Perth there was a halt of seven days, rendered necessary by 
the measures that had now to be taken for the organisation of 
the army. 

First, as a definite announcement of the object of the 
Rising, the father of Charles was proclaimed King of Great 
Britain and Ireland under the title of James VIII 2 . But the 
all-important question was the means by which the enterprise 
was to be carried to a successful issue. When Charles entered 
Perth, he had only one guinea in his purse; but his army, 
though a voluntary one, expected to be both fed and paid. 
There were those now with Charles who could remind him 
how Mar had met his expenditure in the 'Fifteen by exacting 
contributions from the towns and country districts over which 
he could exert his authority. All through his campaign, 
therefore, this was the method of raising supplies adopted by 
Charles ; and he now began operations at Perth. Perth itself 
was mulcted in ^500; and from Dundee, Arbroath, Montrose, 
and other towns, left defenceless by the flight of Cope, pro- 
portionate sums were exacted The means for provisioning it 
being now supplied, the army had next to be organised into 
fighting shape. During the march from Corryarrick Pass, but 
especially during the halt at Perth, there had been some 
notable accessions, which were to be at once a source of 
weakness and strength in the immediate future. Among the 
most conspicuous recruits were Lord Nairne, the titular Duke 
of Perth, Lord George Murray, Oliphant of Gask, Lord 
Strathallan, and Chevalier Johnstone, who subsequently wrote 
Memoirs of the Rising. Of these persons, the Duke of 
Perth and Lord George Murray were to play the most con- 
spicuous part in the enterprise. Perth's high rank made him 

The city of Perth, we are told, was " wanting in respect " to Charles 
and his following. Murray of Broughton, Memorials, p. 188, note. 
8 The same proclamation was made at Dundee. 

B. S. III. 19 

290 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

a valuable recruit, though neither by his character nor ability 
nor by the number of men he brought into the field 1 did he 
materially contribute to the efficiency of the rebel army. For 
good reasons, however, Charles placed implicit faith in his 
loyalty; Perth was a Catholic, had spent the greater part of 
his life in France, and by sentiment and conviction was devoted 
to the House of Stewart. In Lord George Murray, Charles 
from the first had no such confidence; and Murray's ante- 
cedents to a certain extent justified his suspicions. Murray 
had served under Mar in the 'Fifteen and at Glenshiel in 
1719, but had afterwards made his peace with the Govern- 
ment, and like his brother, the Duke of Atholl, was regarded 
as a loyal subject. Though Charles may not have been aware 
of the fact, Murray, shortly before joining him, had expressed 
to the Lord Advocate Craigie his disapproval of the rebellion, 
and had been one of those who gave a friendly greeting to Cope 
while he was at Crieff 2 . Yet, in spite of Charles's suspicions, 
it was to Murray, more than to any other man, that he mainly 
owed such successes as he achieved. " I do not ask you to 
go before," he would say to his men on the eve of action, "but 
merely to follow me"; and the friendly observer who records 
the saying remarks that had Charles slept throughout the 
whole affair and left Murray in sole command, the Rising would 
have had a different end 3 . As it was, Murray's own jealousy of 
Perth and Charles's suspicions of his ulterior motives were to 
be among the chief causes of the eventual failure of the 
enterprise. Meanwhile, however, Murray's abilities could not 
be dispensed with in the immediate necessity of organising the 
force now at Charles's disposal ; and he and Perth were appointed 
Lieutenants-General an ill-assorted pair, as the event was to 

1 It was by sheer compulsion that Perth, Oliphant of Cask, and others 
were able to raise the tenants on their lands. Chambers, op. cit. i. 83. 

2 Omond, Lord Advocates of Scotland, II. 15 16. 

3 Chevalier Johnstone, Memoirs of the Rebellion (London, 1832), pp. 
?6, 1 86, note. 

CH. vn] March on Edinburgh 291 

prove. By Murray's advice the clans were arranged in battalions; 
each soldier was provided with a bag for carrying meal the 
staple of the army's diet and, by his further judicious sugges- 
tion, the clans were to be left to their own methods of fighting. 
It was in high hopes of ultimate victory that Charles left 
Perth (September n) on his memorable march to Edinburgh. 
" Since my landing," he had written to his father from Perth, 
" everything has succeeded to my wishes. It has pleased God 
to prosper me hitherto beyond my expectations 1 ." By way of 
Dunblane and Doune he reached the Fords of Frew on the 
Forth, some six miles to the west of Stirling, on September 13. 
Colonel Gardiner's dragoons had been stationed at the Fords 
to dispute his passage; but, as the enemy could effect a crossing 
at different points, Gardiner was unable to execute his purpose, 
and he made a rapid retreat to Linlithgow. Having thus suc- 
cessfully crossed the Forth, an achievement from which Mar 
had shrunk in the 'Fifteen, Charles addressed a peremptory 
demand to the Provost of Glasgow for a contribution of ;i 5,000 
and the surrender of all the arms in the city, and to enforce 
the demand made a feint of marching thither. On the i4th the 
army proceeded past Stirling, some shots from the Castle taking 
no effect, and after a halt at Bannockburn encamped at Falkirk 
on the same day. Here Charles was joined by Lord Kilmarnock, 
one of the few Lowland noblemen who espoused his cause. 
Kilmarnock had fought against Mar in the 'Fifteen, and 
had since lived a life which had made him regardless of conse- 
quences. As his end was to prove, it was from desperation 
rather than conviction that he now joined the Pretender; and 
he was to earn an unenviable name in Jacobite memories. It 
was now, also, that Lord George Murray gave the first proof of 
the energy and enterprise by which he was to be distinguished 
throughout the campaign. During the night when the army was 
encamped at Falkirk, he led a detachment to Linlithgow with 

1 Ewald, The Life and Times of Prince Charles Stuart (London, 1875), 
I. 169. 


2 92 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the object of surprising Gardiner's dragoons. These doughty 
warriors, however, did not await his coming; and it was evident 
that Charles had little resistance to anticipate before he reached 
the capital. On Sunday, September 15, the rebels were at 
Linlithgow, where Charles gave orders that the church service 
should proceed as usual ; and the following day they advanced 
to Corstorphine, only three miles from Edinburgh. During the 
long march from Perth they had been kept under perfect 
discipline; such provisions as had been required were bought 
with legal money ; and the Highland instinct for plunder had 
been rigorously repressed 1 . The crisis of the Rising had now 
come; if the attempt on the capital miscarried, the enterprise 
must prove the mad escapade which the majority of Charles's 
advisers had predicted. 

It was at an opportune moment that Charles sought to make 
himself master of Edinburgh. The walls of the town, which 
had never been satisfactorily constructed, were now in a condi- 
tion that rendered them incapable of effectual defence. The 
time was also long past when every burgher was a capable 
man-at-arms, and when every candidate for citizenship had to 
give evidence that he possessed the full equipment of offensive 
and defensive arms prescribed by the burgh. Certain bodies, 
indeed, existed for the defence of the town ; but, as the event 
was to prove, they were ridiculously unfit to discharge the duty 
to which they were about to be summoned. There was the 
Town Guard, a body of military police, now numbering 126 
men, mostly advanced in years and totally unacquainted with 
war; and there were the Trained Bands, over a thousand in 
number, composed of citizens whose only claim to be reckoned 
as soldiers was that they annually appeared in uniform on the 
King's birthday. On the first alarm of the Rising, an attempt 

1 At Stirling Lochiel shot one of his men for plundering. The Whig 
writer of the Woodhouselee MS. (Edin. and Lond. 1907) testifies that 
" never did 6000 theiving ruffiens with uncowth wappons make so harme- 
less a march in a civilised plentifull country " (p. 17). 

CH. vii] Alarm in Edinburgh 293 

was made to raise a regiment for the defence of the city; but it 
was the legal opinion that this could not be done without the 
permission of the King, and it was not till the gth of September 
that the requisite permission was received 1 . So tardy, however, 
was the response both in the town and in the neighbouring 
country that, when Charles appeared before the walls, only 
some 200 men had enlisted in the proposed Edinburgh 
regiment. More enthusiasm was shown in the formation of 
a regiment of Volunteers, which rose to the number of 400, 
made up of tradesmen, apprentices, and students at the Uni- 
versity. Such were the numbers and character of the force 
which, through the remissness of the Government, was to be 
entrusted with the defence of the capital of the kingdom. And, 
if the defending force was inadequate, the spirit that prevailed 
in the city was not such as to promise heroic and united effort. 
Two-thirds of the men, we are told by a contemporary, were 
Whigs, and two-thirds of the women were Tories ; and there 
was a further cleavage of opinion between the citizens who 
thought that the town should be defended and those who 
thought that defence was useless 2 . At the very time when 
Charles appeared, moreover, there was pending an election 
of magistrates which appears to have exercised the minds of 
the citizens as much as the dread of the approaching enemy. 
The issue at stake in the coming election was whether the 
existing magistracy, which, with Provost Stewart at its head, 
was Jacobite in its sympathies, should be displaced by one as 
decided in its sympathies with the reigning dynasty. So keen 
was the strife between the two parties that united action for the 
defence of the town was rendered impossible ; and Maclaurin, 
the Professor of Mathematics in the University, who undertook 

1 So careless and ill-informed was the Government that, the very day 
Charles entered Edinburgh, both the Scottish Secretary and Under-Secretary 
were under the delusion that Charles had retreated to the Highlands. - 
Omond, op. cit. II. 18. 

2 Carlyle, Autobiography ', p. iia. 

294 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

to strengthen the walls, had to complain that he worked "under 
infinite discouragements from superior powers 1 ." 

It was on Sunday, September 15, the day on which Charles 
reached Linlithgow, that the town was first made to realise its 
impending danger. Shortly after ten o'clock, when service had 
begun in the churches, the fire-bell rang an ominous summons 
at all times, but on this occasion of specially awful portent. It 
was a summons to the Volunteers and other armed bodies in 
the town to accompany the dragoons under Colonels Gardiner 
and Hamilton to Corstorphine, where it was proposed to dispute 
the enemy's further progress. Not a Volunteer, however, 
ventured out of the town gates ; and the dragoons were sup- 
ported by only 180 men of the Edinburgh Regiment and the 
Town Guard. But the dragoons were to prove no greater 
heroes than the Volunteers. On the day following the 
alarm, Colonel Gardiner, who had been in command of both 
regiments, was displaced by General Fowkes, who stationed 
his force at Coltbridge about a mile to the west of the town, 
with an advance guard at Corstorphine. It was on the after- 
noon of the same day that Charles had reached that village, 
and a reconnoitring party he had sent forward came in sight of 
Fowkes' pickets. The sight of the enemy and a few pistol 
shots fired at random proved too much for the courage of the 
dragoons, who at once made off to the main body at Colt- 
bridge ; and these in their turn were seized with such a panic 
that they fled as fast as their horses could carry them through 
the fields now occupied by the new town of Edinburgh, and 
did not draw rein till they reached the village of Prestonpans, 
nine miles distant 2 . 

1 Culloden Papers, p. 262. The tradesmen of the town were so much 
taken up with the election that they had no leisure to attend to the walls. 
Home, History of the Rebellion (Edin. 1822), in. 39. On the conduct 
of Provost Stewart see Woodhouselee MS. pp. 15 16. 

" This affair was known as the "Canter of Coltbridge." After the 
flight Colonel Gardiner told Carlyle that he had not above ten men on 
whom he could depend. Carlyle, Autobiography, p. 132. 

CH. vn] Occupation of Edinburgh 295 

With the flight of the dragoons, which the townsmen had 
seen with dismay, went any hope of a successful defence. A 
meeting was called by the Provost with the view of ascer- 
taining public opinion; but its divided counsels were inter- 
rupted by a letter from Charles in which he peremptorily 
demanded the surrender of the town. In the vain hope of 
securing a temporary respite, a deputation was dispatched to 
Charles, now quartered at Gray's Mill near Slateford. The 
deputation was not even admitted to his presence, but was 
informed by Murray of Broughton that only immediate 
surrender would secure the town from attack. Even while 
the ambassadors were on the way to Charles, however, news 
reached the town that Cope was nearing Dunbar; and, too late 
to overtake them, a messenger was dispatched for their recall. 
The deputation returned about ten o'clock at night with 
Charles's ultimatum; but, still in the desperate hope of gaining 
time, a second embassy was dispatched in a hackney coach at 
two o'clock in the morning of the lyth. Again Charles refused 
to consider their petition; and the deputation made its way 
home, to be the unwitting instruments of the capture of the 

Charles had in fact determined to anticipate the action of 
the distracted magistracy. Immediately after the second depu- 
tation had left his camp, Lochiel, Murray of Broughton, and 
O'Sullivan, at the head of 900 men, marched round the south 
side of the town to the Netherbow Port. Then one of the 
band, dressed in a "great coat and hunting cape," was sent 
forward to request admittance the arrangement being that the 
whole force should effect an entrance the moment the gate was 
opened. The man was refused admittance ; and, as the simple 
ruse had failed, it was proposed to retire to St Leonard's Crags, 
where, secure from the guns of the Castle, Charles's further 
orders might be awaited. Just at this moment appeared the 
coach of the returning deputies ; and, as the gate was opened 
for its admission, the Highlanders with a "hideous yell" rushed 

296 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

in behind it. The guards at the gate offering no resistance, 
they swept up the street and seized the Guardhouse ; after 
which, all the ports being secured, the main body drew up 
in the Parliament Close. Without the loss of a single life 
Charles was master of the chief town in the kingdom. 

Marching by way of Morningside to avoid the fire of the 
Castle, Charles at the head of his main body entered the King's 
Park to the east of the town about 10 o'clock of the same 
eventful morning. Partly from curiosity and partly from sym- 
pathy with his cause, crowds had flocked to see the representa- 
tive of their ancient kings on this the proudest day of his life. 
Even those who were least friendly disposed to him admitted 
that he became the part he had to play. His admirers thought 
he resembled Robert Bruce, while the censorious agreed that 
he looked like "a gentleman and a man of fashion," if "not 
like a hero or a conqueror." As he neared Holyrood Palace, 
he mounted a horse to avoid the pressure of the crowd, and 
with the Duke of Perth on his right and Lord Elcho on his 
left he rode to the entrance of the ancient home of his fathers. 
At the door he was met by an enthusiastic adherent, James 
Hepburn of Keith, who with drawn sword marshalled him into 
the Palace. At noon a ceremony took place, which was re- 
garded with different feelings by the assembled multitude: at 
the Town Cross, James VIII was proclaimed King and Charles 
his Regent the heralds and other officials having been secured 
for the performance of the ceremony. 

But business of another kind summoned Charles from these 
triumphs. At the very hour when James VIII was being pro- 
claimed at the Town Cross, Sir John Cope was disembarking 
his troops at Dunbar, some thirty miles from Edinburgh. Too 
late to intercept the approach of the rebels, he lost no time in 
marching on the capital, and on the iQth of September he reached 
the town of Haddington. It was on the evening of the same 
day that Charles heard of his approach; and the following 
morning about 10 o'clock his army left its camp at Duddingston 

CH. vn] Battle of Prestonpans 297 

to give battle to Cope. " I have flung away the scabbard," he 
exclaimed, as he put himself at its head, "with God's assistance, 
I don't doubt of making you a free and happy people." In 
a long column, only three abreast, his united force crossed 
the Esk at Musselburgh, and ascending the steep slope which 
leads to Carberry Hill and Fawside Castle, proceeded along 
the ridge overlooking the Firth of Forth, which a century 
before had been followed by Leslie in his pursuit of Crom- 
well at Dunbar 1 . On the same day Cope had marched 
from Haddington to Prestonpans. As the Highlanders ap- 
proached the village of Tranent, the two armies came in sight 
of each other a shout from the royal troops and a yell from 
the rebels proclaiming their mutual recognition. After some 
manoeuvring, which so discomposed Cope that he had five 
times to change his position, Charles finally pitched his camp 
a little to the east of Tranent, where he was secure from the 
enemy's artillery. As night fell there was perfect stillness in 
the Highland quarters, and not a light revealed their position, 
while blazing fires illuminated the camp of Cope. 

When both armies lay down for the night, it was in the 
certainty that the morrow would bring battle. The two sides 
were not ill-matched. During his halt in Edinburgh, Charles 
had been reinforced by 150 of the Clan MacLachlan, 250 Atholl 
men led by Lord Nairne, and about 100 of the Grants of Glen- 
moriston, so that his total force now amounted to about 2500, 
Cope's being nearly the same in number 2 . On both sides there 
were disadvantages which in a fair field and with equal conduct 
might have made the coming issue doubtful. Charles had but 
one useless field-piece ; and, though he had secured 1000 
muskets from the Edinburgh magazine, many of his following 
were without the weapons of modern warfare. In equipment 

1 The whole body of Charles's horse, fifty in number, were sent on 
before to reconnoitre. 

2 These numbers are approximately those given by Mr Blaikie in his 
invaluable Itinerary (pp. 0,0 i). 

298 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Cope had greatly the advantage: he had six guns and some 
mortars, and a body of 600 cavalry ; but, on the other hand, he 
had no trained gunners, and both his horse and their riders 
were for the most part untrained to action. But there was to 
be no fair field and no pitched battle, and the event of the 
encounter of the two hosts was never for a moment to be in the 

As Cope had finally taken up his position, his army faced 
east, with a long wall about twelve feet high immediately in his 
rear, the village of Preston being a little further to the south- 
west. In front of him were some fields in stubble extending to 
a waggon-road which still connects Cockenzie and Tranent; on 
his left the ground sloped down to the sea between Cockenzie 
and Prestonpans; and on his right was the high road which 
still runs past the hamlet of Seton. To the south of the 
high road were a deep ditch and a morass. Once across 
this ditch and morass, Charles would have a clear approach 
to the enemy through the open fields; and a fortunate 
chance brought him the opportunity. Before day broke, one 
Anderson of Whitburgh, a native of the district, communi- 
cated the information that there was a footpath across the bog 
by which he would undertake to conduct the army into the 
open fields beyond. Day had broken when the crossing was 
effected, but a thick mist still concealed the two armies from 
each other. Like "hunters in quest of their prey 1 ," the High- 
landers stole upon the enemy ; and so sudden was their onset 
that only two shots were fired by Cope's artillery, those in 
charge of it being at once ciit down or put to flight. The 
cavalry, which Cope had stationed on his right and left wings, 
were thrown into confusion at the outset and disordered the 
main body of the infantry, which fled almost without striking a 
blow 2 . From the nature of the ground, and owing to the high 

1 Henderson, op. cit. p. 30. Another writer says that the approach 
of the Highlanders was "like a black hedge." Ray, op. cit. p. 39. 

2 After the battle it was noted that there was no blood on their bayonets. 

CH. vn] Return to Edinburgh 299 

wall in the rear, however, escape was hardly possible; and 
almost to a man the foot were either wounded, taken, or slain. 
The gallant Colonel Gardiner, deserted by his own troop, was 
cut down by a Highlander's scythe while encouraging a small 
body of infantry who had made a braver stand than their 
companions; while Cope, at the head of the greater part of his 
cavalry, fled from the field by way of Dalkeith, Lauder, and 
Coldstream, and reached Berwick-on-Tweed on the following 
morning. The actual fighting was over in less than ten 
minutes 1 . 

The immediate fruits of the victory were such as to en- 
courage the most sanguine hopes of Charles and his followers. 
It was the crowning stroke of what had hitherto been a 
triumphant progress ; and for the moment it laid Scotland 
at the victor's feet. The castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, the 
forts in the Highlands, the town of Inverness, and the country 
adjoining it, were still held for the Government; but there was 
nowhere a force that could meet him in the field. It was in 


the triumph of victory and confidence in his fortune that 
Charles the day after the battle proposed an immediate march 
into England a proposal which was overruled by the majority 
of his advisers. On September 22, therefore, the army re- 
turned to Edinburgh 2 as the most convenient rallying-ground 
and the natural seat of authority. There for over a month 
Charles exercised all the powers of sovereignty which circum- 
stances permitted. He consulted with a Council which met 
daily in Holyrood; he had even thoughts of calling a Parlia- 
ment; and he put his ban on "the pretended Parliament of the 
Elector of Hanover," which had been summoned to meet on 

1 The action is generally known as the " Battle of Prestonpans," though 
the village of Preston is nearer the field. The Jacobites called it the 
"Battle of Gladsmuir," as they preferred to consider it the fulfilment of 
an ancient prophecy of a victory to be gained at Gladsmuir. 

2 As the army entered Edinburgh, the bagpipes struck up the tune, 
"When the king enjoys his own again." 

300 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the i yth of October 1 . Wherever his authority extended, he 
appropriated the public money; the best horses in the neigh- 
bourhood of Edinburgh were requisitioned for his cavalry ; and 
the towns were forced to make such contributions as were 
deemed proportionate to their resources. Apart from these 
measures, necessary in his position, he spared no means 
of making himself acceptable to the country. Levies at 
Holyrood, which he was so well fitted to grace, gave the 
semblance of a Court, which was a novel experience for the 
citizens of the capital. In a proclamation issued on the loth 
of October he drew an alluring picture of the happy results 
that would ensue on the accession of his father to his rightful 
throne. The "pretended Union" would be abolished; the 
monstrous National Debt would be dealt with by a legal 
Parliament ; and everyone would be free to be of what religion 
he pleased. 

Under all this show of authority, however, the inherent 
weakness of Charles's position was manifest to all discerning 
observers. Throughout the whole Lowland country there was 
no indication of any movement in his favour; and even in 
Edinburgh, his headquarters, only 300 persons, and these not 
very desirable recruits, assumed the white cockade. Nor was 
he complete master of Edinburgh, while its Castle was still 
held for the Government and commanded the town. On his 
return from the victory at Prestonpans, he had prohibited all 
communication with the Castle; but, when its governor, General 
Guest, sent some shots into the town, he countermanded the 
order out of consideration for the citizens 2 . These were for- 
midable difficulties to be overcome if the cause was eventually 

1 Charles also touched for the King's Evil. 

2 An account of Charles's dealings with the Royal Bank of Scotland 
will be found in Campbell's Diary (Miscell. Scot. Hist. Soc. Vol. II.). In 
payment for notes he received .6500 from the Bank. A description, from 
a Whig point of view, of Charles's occupation of Edinburgh is given in the 

Woodhouselee MS. Edin. 1907, ed. C. E. S. Chambers. 

CH. vn] Disputes among Charles s Officers 301 

to triumph; but there were other difficulties with which Charles 
had to contend and that demanded personal qualities in which 
he was conspicuously deficient. Even while he was at Perth 
animosities had broken out among his chief followers, partly 
due to mutual jealousies and partly to fundamental differences 
of opinion. Since the day he had landed, Charles had shown 
his preference for Irish officers, at once as his oldest friends 
and as most disposed to flatter his notions of his own con- 
sequence. But to the proud Highland chiefs these Irish were 
mere adventurers who had nothing to lose in any event, while 
they themselves risked their all. As the enterprise proceeded, 
therefore, it was with growing dissatisfaction that they saw 
themselves set aside in favour of persons whose opinions alike 
in politics and religion only compromised its success. But it 
was the mutual dislike and rivalry of Murray of Broughton and 
Lord George Murray that proved most disastrous to Charles's 
interests. They were the two ablest men among his following 
-the one his most capable administrator, the other his most 
daring and skilful officer. As has been said, Charles had 
suspected Lord George's loyalty from the beginning; and it was 
to Murray of Broughton that he preferred to give his confidence. 
A momentous decision had now to be taken, which re- 
vealed the conflicting interests and opinions that divided 
Charles's Council. We have seen that on the very day of his 
late victory he had proposed an immediate march into England. 
He was overruled at the time, but he did not abandon his 
intention; and on September 22 he had dispatched an agent 1 
into Northumberland to prepare his adherents for his coming. 
To an invasion of England, however, the Highland chiefs and 
their clans had a superstitious aversion, begotten of past 
memories; and it was against their own convictions that they 
consented to a compromise which was to end in disaster. It 
was Charles's wish that the invasion should take place by way 
of Northumberland; but to this proposal Lord George Murray 
1 This agent was arrested at Newcastle. 

302 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and most of the chiefs refused to listen, and on grounds that 
were sufficiently reasonable. By the close of October there 
were still no indications of any Jacobite rising in England; and, 
moreover, on the 2gth of that month, Marshal Wade was at 
Newcastle with a force which was estimated at 14,000 foot and 
4000 horse 1 . The alternative proposed by Murray and the 
chiefs was that, while making a feint of marching against Wade, 
the army should enter England through Cumberland and thus 
give an opportunity for the Jacobites of the western counties to 
declare themselves for Charles. To this suggestion Charles 
reluctantly gave his consent (October 31) rather than abandon 
the invasion on which he had set his heart. 

Since the day of Prestonpans the army had been materially 
increased in numbers and improved in equipment and dis- 
cipline. Among the more important personages who had cast 
the die with Charles were Lord Ogilvie, Lord Pitsligo, 
Lord Lewis Gordon, the Earl of Nithsdale, and Viscount 
Kenmure. Though there had been numerous desertions since 
the late victory, at the date when Charles began his march to 
England he had under his command at least 400 horse and 
4500 foot 2 . As the army was organised for the march, there 
were five troops of horse under different officers, and thirteen 
regiments of foot, of which six were made up of the clans, each 
commanded by its own chief. Instead of one useless piece 
of artillery there were now about twenty guns, partly captured 
from Cope, and partly obtained from four French ships which 
had put in at Stonehaven and Montrose. For the conveyance 
of the baggage 1 50 carts and waggons had been requisitioned, 
and provisions for four days were laid in to preclude the neces- 

1 6000 of these were Dutch troops which Holland was pledged to send 
to England, should the need for them arise. By the terms of the capitu- 
lation of Tournay these troops were prevented from righting and returned 
to Holland. 

3 The numbers have been put at between 5000 and 6000. See Drum- 
mond Norie, The Life and Adventures of Prince Charles Edward Stuart, 
II. 1546. 

CH. vi i] Invasion of England 303 

sity of plunder 1 . On October 31 the army was concentrated 
at Dalkeith, six miles from Edinburgh; and on November 3 
the memorable march began. As had been arranged, with 
the object of misleading Marshal Wade, Charles and Lord 
George Murray at the head of the clans proceeded by way of 
Lauder, Kelso, Jedburgh and Langton, while the rest of the 
army under the command of the Dukes of Perth and Atholl 
followed the western route through Peebles, Moffat and 
Lockerbie. On November 9, Charles encamped two miles west 
of Carlisle, and within two hours afterwards he was joined by 
the detachment under Atholl. Charles was now on English 
ground, and his great desire was accomplished; but the invasion 
had been undertaken against the general conviction of officers 
and men, and the experiences on the march had given sufficient 
evidence of the fact. At Kelso it was with difficulty that many 
of the men could be persuaded to continue in the ranks, and a 
full thousand had deserted before the English border was reached. 
A gloomy omen had further damped the spirit of the clans : as 
Lochiel crossed the border he cut his hand while in the act of 
triumphantly unsheathing his sword. 

It would have augured well for Charles's prospects in Eng- 
land had Carlisle readily opened its gates; but, when the town 
was summoned on the roth of November, the answer was a bold 
defiance. The town had, in fact, resolved to make a more 
effective defence than it had made in the 'Fifteen, when a 
numerous body of militia had fled at the sight of the rebel army. 
Seven hundred men had been introduced from the surrounding 
country, and five hundred citizens were supposed to be capable 
of making a good fight. The town walls, though in the same 
dilapidated condition as those of Edinburgh, might have been 
serviceable in the case of a vigorous defence ; and, also as 
at Edinburgh, there was a Castle commanding the town, 
though its garrison consisted only of some 80 old and infirm 
men. It was fatal to a resolute defence, however, that there 

1 Every private received 6d. a day. 

304 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

was no understanding between the acting mayor, a foolish 
dignitary, and Colonel Durand, the commander of the Castle. 
Both for safety and honour it was necessary that the town 
should be taken ; and the conduct of the siege was entrusted to 
Lord George Murray, who at once set about erecting batteries 
and digging trenches the country people of the neighbourhood 
being forced to take a hand in the work. On the loth there 
came news that Wade was about to march to the relief of the 
town; and on the nth the whole army marched to Brampton, 
where it was proposed to give him battle. It was not till the 
i6th, however, that Wade left Newcastle ; and when, on the lyth, 
he reached Hexham through roads heavy with snow, it was to 
hear that Carlisle had surrendered. A peremptory letter from 
Charles, in which he threatened "dreadful consequences" in 
the event of resistance, had brought town and Castle to terms ; 
and on the i7th he entered the town in triumph, mounted on a 
white horse, and with a hundred pipers playing before him. 

The capture of Carlisle was another triumph for Charles, 
but so little did it profit him that a grave question immediately 
arose as to what should be the next movement of his victorious 
army. Now also there broke out the most serious quarrel that 
had yet arisen among his advisers. Lord George Murray, 
indignant that the arrangement of the capitulation, which he 
had been the principal agent in effecting, had been entrusted to 
the Duke of Perth, resigned his commission as Lieutenant- 
Gene/al, alleging as a further reason for the step that Perth 
as a Roman Catholic would be distasteful to Charles's friends 
in England 1 . In the opinion of the whole army, however, 
Murray's services were indispensable; and on its petition he 
was reinstated in his command Perth with characteristic 
amiability resigning his Lieutenancy and resuming the captaincy 
of his own regiment. The quarrel having been thus composed, 
a Council was held on the iSth to determine the further move- 

1 As yet only two persons (from Northumberland) had joined him. 
The inhabitants of Carlisle had shown no inclination in his favour. 

CH. Vii J Marck through England 305 

ments of the army. Four alternatives were suggested : to 
march against Wade, to return to Scotland, to remain at 
Carlisle in the hope of a Jacobite rising in England, and to 
proceed to London through Lancashire, where it was supposed 
that Charles had most friends. Charles's own vehement desire 
was that London should be their grand aim ; and, though still 
in their hearts opposed to the advance into England, Lord 
George Murray and the chiefs consented to proceed on the 
march in the hope, which every day proved to be more 
fallacious, that the friends of the Stewart would yet rally to 
the cause 1 . 

From motives of dogged fidelity rather than from any high 
hopes the army resumed its ill-fated march. An English rising 
and a French invasion had been the two inducements to the 
enterprise, but these two events seemed as far off as ever. It 
was with considerably diminished numbers, moreover, that the 
most hazardous part of the march was about to be undertaken ; 
for, in addition to the desertions between Dalkeith and the 
English border, between 200 and 300 men had to be deducted 
as a garrison for Carlisle Castle. As the march was arranged, 
the army was to proceed in two divisions, the one following the 
other at the interval of half a day ; and the halting-places were 
to be the chief towns on the route. On November 21 the 
start was made, Lord George Murray leading the way with the 
Lowland regiments, while Charles followed with the clans, 
at whose head he continued to march in his Highland dress 
with his target over his shoulder. The strictest discipline was 
maintained, only a few hen-roosts being visited; but in the 
districts through which the army passed, the Highlander in his 
wild garb was regarded as a being capable of eating children 2 
and of other heathenish practices. Penrith was the first halting- 

1 Charles's curt letter in reply to Murray is given by Drummond 
Norie (op. cit. n. 177). It gives a striking proof of the strained relations 
between them. 

2 Chevalier Johnstone, op. cit. p. 101. 

B. S. III. 20 

306 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

place, then Kendal and Lancaster ; but still there was no sign 
of any rising in Charles's favour. Preston, the next stage, was 
a place of gloomy memories for every Scottish Jacobite ; there 
the Duke of Hamilton in the " Engagement " expedition of 
1648 and the volunteers in the 'Fifteen had met with disaster. 
It was with well-timed decision, therefore, that Lord George 
Murray, on arriving before the town, at once led his men over 
the bridge which crossed the Ribble, and thus broke the spell 
of superstitious dread associated with the place. Preston in the 
previous generation had been a stronghold of Jacobitism ; but 
the only recruits it supplied to Charles were three gentlemen 
from Wales and "some few common people 1 ." Better things 
were hoped of Manchester, which had the repute of being even 
more Jacobite than Preston ; nor was the hope altogether dis- 
appointed. There Charles was received with a greater show 
of sympathy than at any other place on the march, and a 
subsidy of .3000, partly voluntary and partly forced, was con- 
tributed by the town. At Manchester, also, he raised about 
300 recruits, not all indeed of choice quality, but the only 
material addition to his ranks in his progress through England. 
These new adherents, together with those that had enlisted at 
Preston, he formed into the "Manchester Regiment" and 
placed under the command of Colonel Townley, a Catholic, 
one of the three gentlemen who had joined him a few days 

At Manchester it was debated once more whether the march 
should be continued, the decision being that Derby should be 
its term, should prospects not brighten. At Macclesfield news 
was received that the Duke of Cumberland was at Lichfield and 
that his outposts were stationed as far north as Newcastle- 
under-Lyme ; and, to cover Charles's advance to Derby with the 
main army, Lord George Murray at the head of a column made 
a feint of attacking Cumberland's outposts. On the evening 

1 Beyond Preston all the bridges were found broken, " but that was a 
needless precaution " against Highlanders. Lockhart Papers^ II. 458. 

CH. vn] Charles s Retreat 307 

of December 4, both Charles and Murray were at Derby with 
their respective forces ; and the final decision had to be taken 
to advance or to retreat. Charles himself appeared to be as 
full of buoyant hope as ever. England would yet rise in his 
favour ; there would yet be a French invasion ; London would 
open its gates to receive him ; and he playfully discussed 
whether he would make his entry on foot or on horseback, 
in English or Highland dress. Charles, however, was alone in 
entertaining these dreams. The facts were that neither English 
rising nor French invasion had taken place, and that Cumber- 
land and Wade were closing in the one over 8000, the other 
over 10,000 strong. The morning after the arrival at Derby, 
therefore, Lord George Murray and the other officers waited on 
Charles and informed him that they would proceed no further, 
and that the only safety lay in a rapid retreat. A Council 
of War unanimously confirmed this resolution ; and, with the 
bitter remark that in future he would hold no more councils, 
Charles reluctantly gave his consent. 

The retreat began a few hours before daybreak of Decem- 
ber 6 "Black Friday 1 ," as it was significantly styled. In the 
opinion of officers and men alike, the retreat meant indeed the 
doom of the enterprise: "it is now all over," said the Irish 
officer Sheridan, "we shall never come back again." Yet it is 
a striking tribute to the high spirit of Charles's troops that, 
to reconcile them to the retreat, it had to be given out that they 
were marching to meet the enemy. But when the march was 
actually begun, it soon appeared that a change had come over 
the spirit both of the leader and of his host. Charles no longer 
walked gaily at the head of the clans, but, the last to stir 
on each day's march, rode gloomily in the rear 2 . The High- 

1 It was a ' ' black day " for both sides in the contest. It was the day 
of Charles's retreat and the day when the panic at his approach was at 
its height in London. 

2 Hay of Restalrig, who afterwards took Murray's place as Secretary, 
says that Charles "could not walk and hardly stand (as was always the 
case with him when he was cruelly used)." Home, op. at. III. 323. 

20 2 

308 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

landers, discipline now being relaxed, gave free play to their 
natural instincts, and laid hands on all convenient booty, "like 
caterans returning from a creagh 1 ." It was now seen, also, 
with what hostile feeling the country regarded Charles's follow- 
ing and his attempt to conquer the kingdom. Stragglers who 
fell behind were taken prisoners and even slain. At Man- 
chester, where on the march south many of the inhabitants had 
shown themselves friendly, a mob opposed the entrance of the 
van a temerity which was punished by a penalty of ^5000 
exacted from the town. The retreat was likewise a flight, since 
Cumberland and Wade were exerting themselves to overtake 
the retiring enemy before he crossed the Border. At Clifton, on 
the evening of the lyth, Cumberland's advance guard came up 
with Charles's rear, commanded by Lord George Murray, but 
had so much the worst in the encounter which ensued that the 
pursuit was abandoned. On the iQth Charles reached Carlisle, 
which he had left a month before in the confident hope of 
a crown. A Council of War decided that England must be 
abandoned, but with irresponsible fatuity Charles insisted on 
leaving a garrison of 400 men in the Castle doomed to 
certain destruction, as the victims themselves and every man 
in the army fully understood 2 . 

At three o'clock on the morning of December 20 (Charles's 
birthday) the army left Carlisle, reaching the Esk at two in the 
afternoon. The manner in which it crossed the river, swollen 
with the winter rains, gave a striking illustration of its adapta- 

1 Scott, Tales of a Grandfather, Chap. LXXX. No man walked who 
could find a horse to steal a straw rope serving him for a bridle. The 
letters published by Mr W. B. Blaikie in the Scot. Hist. Review (April, 
1909) fully bear out the charge of indiscriminate thieving practised by the 
Highlanders in their retreat. 

2 The Castle surrendered to Cumberland on the 3oth of December. 
The Manchester Regiment composed the chief part of the garrison left 
by Charles. It is only in Charles's still unabated confidence in ultimate 
victory that we can find a reason for his leaving the unfortunate garrison 

CH. vn] March to Glasgow 309 

bility to every emergency. The cavalry were stationed in the 
water immediately above and below the ford, and between 
the two bodies the foot, ten and twelve abreast and with 
arms locked, passed with such security that a few women 
only, who had attended the march, were drowned in the 
crossing 1 . In their joy at finding themselves safely across 
the Border, the Highlanders struck up the bagpipes and 
danced to their music. The country they had now entered, 
however, was as hostile as the country they had left; and 
stratagem was as necessary as ever to complete the march in 
safety. Following the same ruse that had already succeeded 
more than once, Lord George Murray, at the head of the 
Lowland troops, made a feint of marching on Edinburgh, 
and by way of Lockerbie, Moffat, Douglas and Hamilton 
reached Glasgow on Christmas day. Dispatching Elcho forward 
with a detachment of cavalry, Charles with the clans over- 
took him at Dumfries on the 2oth. Both in the 'Fifteen and in 
the present rising Dumfries had shown itself zealously hostile to 
the Jacobite cause; and its burghers had seized a quantity 
of Charles's baggage at the time of his entering England. The 
town had now to pay the penalty; a contribution of ^2000 
was exacted, of which ^noo was paid in ready money two 
magistrates being retained as hostages for the delivery of the 
remainder. Continuing his march, Charles by way of Hamilton 
arrived in Glasgow the day after Murray the Highlanders 
deserting him in numbers as they approached their native 
mountains. Here, for over a week, the toil-worn and dilapidated 
host was refreshed by a much needed halt ; but the troops 
were not welcome visitors in the chief city of the west. No 
Scottish town had shown itself more loyal to the Government 
than Glasgow. It had not sent a man to join Charles's ranks 2 ; 

1 Throughout the whole English expedition only some forty men had 
been lost. 

2 Charles gained 60 recruits from Glasgow during his stay there. 
Chambers, op. cit. I. 295. 

310 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and had raised a battalion to resist him. During his stay in the 
town even the women, who elsewhere smiled on him when the 
men frowned, regarded him coldly 1 . To supply his own wants, 
and the wants of his men, therefore, some constraint was 
necessary; and he was now in a position to apply it. He 
exacted from the town a quantity of such sorely needed 
articles of dress, as shirts, coats, bonnets and shoes, to the 
value of ^4500, which with the .5500 he had extorted in 
September, raised the total of Glasgow's contribution to 
-L 0,000 2 . According to an observer who saw him at this 
time, Charles had an appearance of dejection as if he had " a 
melancholy foreboding " of coming disaster 3 ; yet, as was soon 
to appear, neither he nor his followers had lost all hope, and 
they were to achieve further actions as striking in boldness and 
success as any they had hitherto accomplished. 

It was two months since Charles had left Edinburgh on his 
English expedition ; and in the interval things had not stood 
still in Scotland. Since the beginning of the Rising the 
Government had been represented in the north by one to 
whom more than to any other man belongs the credit of 
ensuring its ultimate failure Lord President Forbes. It was 
Forbes who on August 9 had informed Cope of Charles's 
landing. Knowing the Highlands as he did, Forbes fully 
realised the extent of the danger that threatened the country 
should there be a general rally of the clans to Charles's standard. 
On the very day when he communicated his intelligence to 
Cope, therefore, he started for Inverness, where he arrived 
on August 13. The task before him was twofold : to prevent 
as many chiefs as possible from joining Charles, and to raise such 

1 Yet Charles seems to have made a special effort to interest the 
Glasgow ladies. "The Prince," we are told, "dressed more elegantly 
when in Glasgow than he did in any other place whatsomever." Lyon in 
Mourning^ II. 125. 

2 In 1749 tne Government, in recognition of the loyalty of the town, 
recouped the whole sum. 

8 Chambers, op. cit. I. 296. 

CH. vn] Events in the Highlands 311 

a number of troops as would prevent a rising in the north. 
Among those whom he found disposed to stand by the Govern- 
ment were Lords Sutherland and Reay and the chiefs of the 
Munros and the Grants, and most important of all, Sir Alex- 
ander Macdonald of Sleat and Macleod of Macleod, whose 
accession to Charles, it was generally believed, would have gone 
far to ensure his success. The personage who gave him most 
trouble was that Simon, Lord Lovat, who had played such a 
dubious part in the two previous reigns. Lovat had shown him- 
self loyal in the 'Fifteen, but, having been deprived of a sheriff- 
dom and the command of his independent company, he was 
prepared to play the traitor if he found it to be in his interest. 

We have seen that, when Charles was at Invergarry, he 
received a communication from Lovat urging him to march on 
Inverness and promising the support of his own and other clans. 
By the dexterous use of flatteries and threats, seconded by 
Lovat's own shifty habit of waiting on events, Forbes succeeded 
in preventing his openly taking part in the Rising ; but, old in 
craft though he was, Lovat miscalculated the chances of the 
game he continued to play. Misjudging the possible results of 
the victory at Prestonpans, he raised his clan for Charles, but, 
still playing his double part, cast the responsibility on his 
"undutiful son," who, less calculating than his father, eventually 
joined Charles with his following. Forbes had thus failed 
to hold back the Frasers, but in the case of other clans he had 
been more successful; and it is his own statement that he 
retained more of the northern clans in their loyalty than joined 
the rebels 1 . In his other task, that of raising men for the Govern- 
ment, he had to contend with equal difficulties. He received 
twenty blank commissions for the raising of companies of a 
hundred men each ; but his permanent embarrassment was to 
find money for their maintenance and arms for their equipment. 
So far, however, was he successful that by the end of August he 
had raised 2000 men, who under the command of Lord Loudoun 

1 Culloden Papers, p. 448. 

312 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

effectually prevented such a rising in the north as would have 
placed the whole Highland country at Charles's will. 

While the north was thus held in check by the efforts of 
Forbes, there were other parts of the country where Charles's 
adherents were freer to act. In Angus and the Mearns bodies 
of men were raised by the gentlemen of these counties ; and 
in Aberdeenshire Lord Lewis Gordon, son of the Marquis of 
Huntly, brought together a regiment of two battalions, though 
his father had shown himself staunch for the Government. 
On September 25 a band of Jacobites entered Aberdeen, while 
the burghers were engaged in the annual election of magistrates, 
and made themselves masters of the town, which remained in 
their possession for the next five months. A substantial addi- 
tion to the numbers of the Jacobites, also, was the arrival of 
Lord John Drummond, brother of the titular Duke of Perth, 
with a force of 800 men from France (November 22). An 
advantage gained by Lord Lewis Gordon gave a further 
impetus to the Jacobite cause in the north-eastern Lowlands. 
To recover Aberdeen, Lord Loudoun dispatched a force under 
Macleod of Macleod, whom Gordon surprised at Inverurie, 
and drove across the Spey, thus making himself master of the 
whole of the country between that river and the eastern coast. 
As the result of this energetic action, Charles, when he re- 
turned from his unhappy attempt on England, found some 
4000 men awaiting the opportunity of displaying their zeal for 
his cause. 

It was with the encouraging prospect of these reinforce- 
ments that on January 3 Charles began his march 
from Glasgow to Stirling. There were several 
reasons that decided him to make for that town. Edinburgh 
was now well supplied with troops, and an immediate attempt 
on it would have been hazardous ; while Stirling, on the other 
hand, had the double advantage of being a convenient place 
for a junction with the levies of the north and an admirable 
basis for future operations in the Lowlands. Following his 

CH. vn] Capture of Stirling 313 

old tactics with a view to misleading the enemy, Charles led 
one column of his army by Kilsyth, while Lord George Murray 
led the other by Cumbernauld both reaching the neighbour- 
hood of Stirling on the 4th. On the following day he was 
joined by the reinforcements from the north, and on the 6th 
he summoned the town. Stirling was a place of only some 
6000 inhabitants, with no regular garrison 1 , and with feeble 
defences; and on the first indications of a siege it promptly 
opened its gates. As at Edinburgh, however, there was the 
Castle to be reckoned with; and its commander, Major-General 
Blakeney, well provisioned and with a strong garrison, was 
prepared for a stout defence. When summoned to surrender, 
his answer was that, as he had lived, so he would die a man of 
honour. With his new reinforcements Charles had acquired 
some pieces of artillery; and some French engineers, whom 
Lord John Drummond had brought from France, were sup- 
posed to have had some experience in besieging cities. One 
of them, M. Mirabelle de Gordon (Mr Admirable, the troops 
called him), undertook the conduct of the operations against 
the Castle, and proceeded to erect batteries at what he con- 
sidered were advantageous points. Hardly had the operations 
begun, however, when Charles and his army were summoned 
to a more momentous issue. 

With the express purpose of relieving Stirling Castle, a royal 
army was now encamped at Falkirk some ten miles distant. 
Its commander was not the unhappy Cope but General Henry 
Hawley, who had served in Marlborough's campaigns and 
commanded a dragoon regiment at SherirTmuir. Hawley was 
at once the jest and the terror of his men their jest on account 
of his ignorance of war and their terror on account of his brutal 
discipline 2 . To ignorance of his profession he added con- 

1 A garrison had been stationed in the town while Charles was in 
England, but on the news of his return it had been recalled to Edinburgh. 

2 His nickname in the army was the " Lord Chief Justice " or the 
" Hangman." 

314 2^0 Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

tempt of the enemy he was about to meet, his loud boast being 
that the Highlander would not face a cavalry charge 1 . Leaving 
1200 men under the Duke of Perth to continue the siege of 
Stirling Castle, Charles took up his position at Bannockburn, 
where during the i5th and i6th he waited Hawley's attack in 
battle array. As Hawley made no show of advancing, Lord 
George Murray advised that the offensive should be taken as 
best suited to Highland tactics. On the i yth, Charles marched 
to Falkirk, and by a dexterous artifice secured a favourable 
position for the coming action. Hawley's camp was imme- 
diately to the west of Falkirk ; and, to give the impression that 
a direct attack was intended, Lord John Drummond at the 
head of a body of cavalry was dispatched along the Stirling 
road which passed through the ancient Tor Wood 2 . Mean- 
while Charles with the main army by a circuitous route to the 
south gained the Moor of Falkirk, and took up his ground 
westward of Hawley's position. 

Hawley had been breakfasting that morning at Callendar 
House with Lady Kilmarnock ; and, on being informed of these 
movements, he made such haste to the field that he left his 
bonnet behind him. His first command was that his dragoons 
should endeavour to gain a high ridge on the Moor and antici- 
pate the enemy ; but at this moment there came a violent storm 
of wind and rain which, blowing full in the face of the dragoons 
and the infantry that followed them, impeded the rapidity of 
their movement. The Highlanders (the three regiments of the 
Macdonalds) were first in the race; and, this dispute settled, 
both armies fell into order of battle. On each side the same 
arrangement was made two main lines with reserves in the 
rear. The front line of the rebels consisted of the clans and 
the second of the Lowland regiments, in the rear of which 
Charles was stationed with the Irish pickets. As the numbers 

1 His experience at Sheriffmuir had given him this opinion. 

2 In the 1 7th century only a few of the oak trees of this famous wood 
were standing. 

CH. vn] Battle of Falkirk 3 1 5 

on each side, between 8000 and 9000 men, were nearly equal, 
and as the majority of Hawley's men were veterans, the issue 
might well have seemed doubtful. But by an initial blunder, 
severely blamed at the time, and against which the experience 
of Cope might have warned him, Hawley gave away his chance 
at the outset. As he had no artillery to open the action 1 , he 
ordered his cavalry, between 700 and 800 strong, to attack the 
right wing of the enemy commanded by Lord George Murray. 
The Highlanders steadily awaited the charge, and reserved 
their fire till the enemy was within some ten or twelve paces. 
The effect of the discharge was instantaneous ; the dragoons, 
who had formerly distinguished themselves at Fontenoy, were 
thrown into hopeless confusion, some making off rearwards, 
others wheeling to the right and receiving a deadly fire from 
a section of the enemy's left. Now, however, the rebels in 
their turn committed a blunder which robbed them of a decisive 
victory. In spite of the calls of Murray, they gave chase to 
the flying enemy when their services were urgently needed in 
another part of the field. On their left wing the Highlanders 
had not been so fortunate as on their right. Between them 
and the enemy there was a deep ravine, which effectually 
prevented their charging and exposed them to the fire of the 
King's troops. As they wavered and fell back, the second line 
in their rear were seized with panic; and thus at the same moment 
the left of each army was in headlong flight. The action, 
which had been fought in torrents of rain, had begun at four 
o'clock in the afternoon and was over in about twenty minutes. 
Charles remained master of the field with a loss of only 
40 men 2 , while Hawley with a loss of over 400 made the best 
of his way to Linlithgow, whence the following day he returned 
to Edinburgh. The night was spent by the Highlanders in 

1 Hawley's artillery had been mired when being brought into the field. 
Charles's artillery had also been left behind. 

2 This was the number given by the rebels themselves, but it was 
probably much greater. 

316 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

robbing and stripping the slain a process which they per- 
formed so effectually that at sunrise next morning the naked 
bodies appeared like " a large flock of white sheep at rest on 
the face of the hill 1 ." 

At no time during the Rising, we are told, was the dejection 
of the King's friends so great as after the battle of Falkirk; 
a royal army, composed of the best troops the Government 
had at its command, had been beaten in fair fight by equal 
numbers of the enemy. As events were to prove, however, 
the victory brought little advantage to the victor. A disastrous 
blunder, for which Charles was responsible, was the continuance 
of the siege of Stirling Castle an undertaking for which he did 
not possess adequate means and which was distasteful to the 
Highlanders as alien to their methods of fighting. An address 
from the chiefs and Lord George Murray (January 29) put 
plainly before Charles the actual facts of the situation : a "vast 
number " of men had deserted since the battle of Falkirk, and 
the desertions were "increasing hourly 2 "; many were sick, and 
all were longing to be relieved from their present position; 
and, should the enemy now come up, there would be "utter 
destruction " for the few that remained. If they retired to the 
Highlands, on the other hand, they might spend the rest of the 
winter in taking the Government forts ; and in spring an army 
of 10,000 would be ready to march wherever it was deemed 
advisable. The advice was what common sense dictated, but 
Charles regarded it as a deathblow to all his hopes. "Good 
God!" he exclaimed, "have I lived to see this?" and he "struck 
his head against the wall till he staggered." The retreat began 
on February i ; and, owing to the divided opinions of Charles 
and the chiefs, it partook of the nature of a flight. When the 
troops were reviewed in the morning "there was hardly the 

1 Chambers, op. cit. II. 15. 

2 Among those who deserted were almost the whole clan of the Mac- 
donalds of Glengarry the occasion being that a younger son of their chief 
was accidentally shot. 

CH. vn] Charles retreats to the Highlands 317 

appearance of an army"; artillery and ammunition were left 
behind an unfortunate accident being the blowing up of the 
Church of St Ninian's where fifty barrels of gunpowder had 
been stored ; and it was a disordered crowd that crossed the 
Fords of Frew which in the previous September Charles had 
passed in the confident hope of a crown. The retreat had not 
been effected too soon ; on the following day Stirling was 
occupied by the Duke of Cumberland, the destined instrument 
of Charles's doom. 

The Forth safely crossed, part of the army proceeded to 
Perth, while Charles with the clans and most of the infantry 
directed his march to Crieff, where the pleasant discovery was 
made that the desertions had not been so numerous as had 
been imagined. It was now open to him to pursue the guerilla 
warfare in the Highlands which the chiefs had proposed to him 
at Stirling; and, with this object, it was resolved that the 
capture of Inverness should be the first attempt. To secure 
better provision for the troops, the army was divided into three 
detachments, one under Lord George Murray and Lord John 
Drummond proceeding by way of Montrose and Aberdeen, 
the second under Lord Ogilvie by Cupar-Angus, and the third 
under Charles himself by the Highland road. From February 
6th to the gth Charles was at Blair Castle ; on the loth were 
taken and burnt the Barracks of Ruthven which at the beginning 
of the campaign had successfully resisted capture ; and on the 
1 6th he was at Moy Hall in Lochaber, less than ten miles from 
Inverness. Here, but for a lucky chance, Charles's adventures 
would have been ended and Culloden averted. Lord Loudoun, 
now in command of Inverness, having heard that Charles was 
at Moy Hall, stealthily left the town on the evening of the i6th 
at the head of some 1500 men his object being to surprise 
Charles and end the rebellion by one stroke. Through some 
channel, however, Charles's hostess, Lady Mackintosh, had 
been informed of Loudoun's intention, and by a clever device 
succeeded in defeating it. By her orders a blacksmith of the 

LIBRARY;3i8 Z$ -^f/ 0/" Secular Interests [BK vn 

dan and a few comrades met Loudoun's men on their night 
march while they were still some miles from Moy Hall. Rais- 
ing the slogans of different clans and firing their pieces, they 
gave the impression that they were a numerous force prepared 
to dispute .the enemy's further progress. Taken completely 
by surprise, Loudoun's men were panic-stricken, and fled with 
headlong haste back to Inverness 1 . Two days later came a 
pleasant turn of fortune again at the expense of Loudoun. 
Reinforced by a considerable contingent at Moy, Charles 
captured Inverness without a blow, Loudoun and Lord Presi- 
dent Forbes having evacuated the town earlier in the day. 
The surrender of the garrison which Loudoun had left in the 
Castle immediately followed ; and, as Lord George Murray 
now joined him with the rest of the army, Charles might con- 
gratulate himself that fortune had not wholly deserted him. 

The achievements of Charles's troops between the capture 
of Inverness on February 18 and the fatal April 16 show that 
they had lost neither spirit nor hope. It was part of the plan 
of operations suggested by the chiefs at Stirling that the chain 
of forts, erected to overawe the disaffected clans, should be 
taken in the course of the winter; and the enterprise was 
all but successfully accomplished. Two days after Charles 
entered Inverness, the Castle, then known as Fort George, 
had surrendered; on March 5, Fort Augustus capitulated 
after two days' siege ; and only Fort William was success- 
fully held for the Government. During the same month of 
March, Loudoun and President Forbes were driven from Ross 
and Sutherland and compelled to take refuge as far off as 
the Island of Skye. In the north of Perthshire Lord George 
Murray captured thirty small forts in one night, and laid siege 
to Blair Castle, whence, however, he was driven back by the 
approach of the Government troops a failure which deepened 
Charles's suspicions of his loyalty. Another sphere of opera- 

1 This affair is known as the " Rout of Moy." As usual, the details of 
the incident are variously told. 

CH. vn] Charleys Successes in the Highlands 319 

tions was Speyside through which Cumberland was expected to 
advance from Aberdeen, where he had arrived on February 27. 
In that district Lord John Drummond was in command, and 
success also attended his arms a Government garrison at 
Keith being surprised and taken to a man 1 . 

These achievements gave fresh spirit to Charles's troops 
and kept alive his cause ; but the hour was now at hand when 
his fortunes were to be put to the final touch. Cumberland, 
who had been so close behind him when he crossed the Forth, 
had made no haste to come up with him, and had moved by 
slow and deliberate stages from Stirling to Perth, Montrose, 
and Aberdeen. On April 8 he left Aberdeen, crossed the Spey 
on the 1 2th, driving the Duke of Perth and Lord John Drum- 
mond before him, and reached Nairn on the i4th 2 . It was 
now open to Charles either to retreat before the enemy or to 
meet him ; it was the latter alternative that was chosen, though 
prudence might have dictated the other. Large numbers of his 
men had not returned from their separate enterprises, and could 
not appear in time for the impending battle ; while others had 
left him to sow their fields. The troops that were with him, 
moreover, were neither in spirit nor condition to do justice to 
themselves against unequal odds. By an unfortunate chance 
Murray of Broughton, who had hitherto superintended the 
commissariat, was seriously ill ; and his duties had fallen into 
incompetent hands 3 . For a month the troops had received no 
pay; and provisions had become so scarce that on the i5th, 
the day before the coming battle, only one biscuit had been 
served to each man. The result was wide-spread discontent, 
which was not concealed even in Charles's presence. Among 
his leaders, also, there were bitterness, jealousy, and divided 
counsels the result of Charles's undisguised preference for 
his Irish officers. An unlucky incident materially contributed 

1 Known as the " Skirmish of Keith." 

2 Charles had not expected Cumberland's approach before summer. 

3 His duties were taken over by John Hay of Restalrig. 

320 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

to the impending disaster. On March 25 the Hazard, a sloop 
returning from France with many stores, was captured by Lord 
Reay. In an attempt to recover the treasure on the day 
before the battle, Lord Cromartie was taken prisoner ; and the 
men who had accompanied him, amounting to 1200, were 
absent in the hour of need 1 . To crown all this untoward 
fortune, a French fleet, which had at length been sent with 
men and equipments, was unable to effect a disembarkation 
through the vigilance of the British cruisers 2 . 

It was in these discouraging circumstances that Charles on 
the early morning of the i5th of April drew up his army on 
Drummossie or Culloden Muir, about a mile from the house 
of President Forbes and some five miles from Inverness. In 
the course of the day a resolution was taken, which, if it had 
been successfully executed, might have changed the destinies 
of Britain. It had been by the night surprise of Cope at 
Prestonpans that the most decisive victory of the campaign 
had been won. At a Council of War now held it was proposed 
by Charles and seconded by Lord George Murray that a similar 
attempt should be made on the camp of Cumberland. The 
proposal met with considerable opposition on the part of the 
chiefs the main objection being that the troops were not in a 
condition to accomplish a march of twelve miles within the 
time necessary for the successful execution of the enterprise. 
The impetuosity of Charles, supported by the weighty counsel 
of Murray, overbore the opposition ; and it was decided that 
the march should begin at 8 o'clock, when the darkness would 
be sufficient to cover their movements. The i5th of April was 

1 The Hazard, which brought the substantial sum of 12,000 guineas for 
the use of Charles, had originally been captured from the Government. 
Its capture and the defeat of Cromartie were determining events in con- 
nection with the impending battle of Culloden. Cf. The Book of Mack ay, 
by the Rev. Angus Mackay (Edin. 1906), pp. 190 i. 

2 Throughout the Rising the French sent between 1000 and 1200 men, 
and not more than ,15,000 in pecuniary assistance. Blaikie, Itinerary \ 
p. 84. 

CH. vn] Night March on Nairn 321 

Cumberland's birthday; and it was anticipated that the festivity 
on the occasion might have rendered his watch less vigilant 1 . 
Charles's men had lain on Culloden Muir since the early morn- 
ing, weary, hungry, and dispirited ; and it was with difficulty 
that their officers could rouse them when the hour for starting 
came. Firing the heath to mislead the enemy, the army fell 
into a single column, with an interval in the centre the first 
detachment being led as usual by Lord George Murray. The 
watchword was "James VIII"; and strict orders were given 
that all work should be done with bare steel, as the discharge 
of shot would alarm the enemy. The night proved dark, and, 
as the route followed was along the moorside, the difficulties 
of the march at once began. The first division outmarched 
the second ; and fifty times in the course of the night Murray 
was urged to slacken his pace. Exhausted with fatigue and 
hunger, many fell out of the ranks, while those who held 
doggedly on could not maintain the speed necessary to ac- 
complish the march in time. When day was about to break, 
they were still three miles from Cumberland's camp; and it 
became evident that the game was up. The order for retreat 
was given, and between five and six o'clock in the morning the 
wearied host resumed its quarters on the fatal moor. Retiring 
to Culloden House, Charles was fain to content himself with 
some whisky and bread, the only refreshment his stores could 
supply; while many of the troops, both officers and men, sought 
in Inverness the sustenance not to be found in the camp 2 . 

Famished,, exhausted, and robbed of their night's sleep, 
Charles's troops had hardly disposed themselves to rest when 
the alarm came that the enemy was at hand. At eight o'clock 

1 In point of fact, Cumberland took care that his men were not over- 
liberally supplied with brandy. H. S. Skrine, Fontenoy, p. 297. 

2 The details connected with the night-march are conflictingly told by 
the different authorities. Subsequently there was a bitter controversy 
among the Jacobites as to whether Lord George Murray gave orders for 
the retreat without the cognisance of Charles. 

B. S. III. 21 

322 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Charles was informed that Cumberland was only two miles 
distant. On the previous day Lord George Murray and such 
of the chiefs as were present had advised a retreat to the left 
bank of the Nairn, where in a stronger position they could face 
the enemy ; but Charles, who " was for fighting on every occa- 
sion," rejected the advice, declaring that he would fight there 
and then had he but a thousand men 1 . When the enemy was 
now upon him, therefore, he had no thought but to abide the 
issue of battle. Under the direction of O'Sullivan, Adjutant 
and Quarter-Master General, the army was disposed on the 
Muir about half a mile west from the position it had occupied 
on the previous day. The battlefield, part of a broad platform 
on the west side of the river Nairn, was at that time mostly 
bare moorland, marshy in some places, but cultivated here 
and there in small patches. The Highland army was drawn 
up in two lines, the clans composing the first line ; the Low- 
landers, French, and Irish the second. A handful of horse 
was stationed on each flank of the second line. To the left 
the ground was open; to the right there was an enclosure 
surrounded by four walls, which were to have their place in 
the coming action. Charles himself took up a position on a 
spot between the lines whence he could command a view of 
the whole field. Cumberland, in his final dispositions, also 
drew up his forces in two lines of foot, with a considerable 
interval between them, a strong reserve in the rear, the cavalry 
on each wing, and two guns planted between each pair of bat- 
talions in the first line. 

With the exception of Charles himself, still confident in his 
star, there was probably not another man in his army who had 
more than a forlorn hope of victory. As the two armies now 
faced each other, every material advantage seemed to be on the 

1 Lord George Murray to William Hamilton, Esq. of Bangour. Home, 
op. cit. in. 345. The reason given for the rejection of Murray's advice 
was that Inverness would be left open to the enemy. On this point, as on 
so many others, the authorities are in conflict. 

CH. vi i] Battle of Culloden 323 

side of Cumberland. He had 9000 trained men in excellent 
condition; Charles had but 5000, and these in the plight we 
have seen. The ground, an open moor, on which the battle 
was to be fought, gave free play to Cumberland's cavalry and 
artillery, while it was unsuited to the tactics of Highland 
fighting. In field-pieces and trained men to serve them, 
Cumberland had an overwhelming superiority, and in cavalry 
he had equally the advantage. It was in the onset with target 
and claymore that the Highland attack was formidable, but 
many of the clansmen had lost their targets; and Cumberland, 
taught by past experience, had instructed his men to thrust 
their bayonets at the right breasts of their foes, and thus elude 
their defence. It was a further misfortune for Charles that, in 
the disposition of his ranks, deadly offence was given to the 
powerful clan of the Macdonalds who were stationed on the 
left wing instead of on the right, which they claimed as their 
rightful privilege. Regarding this arrangement not only as an 
insult but as an evil omen for the result of the day, the Mac- 
donalds forgot their loyalty in their pride and were to be 
largely responsible for the coming disaster 1 . Finally, as if the 
stars in their courses were fighting against Charles, a blinding 
storm of wind and sleet blew straight in the face of his men at 
the moment when the issue was in the balance. 

The action began at one o'clock with the play of artillery 
on both sides a disastrous beginning for the clans on the 
right wing, whose ranks were ploughed by the enemy, himself 
hardly touched. For an hour they kept their ground with 
admirable steadiness, and then, to be restrained no longer, in 
the teeth of shot and smoke, and blinding sleet, they broke ranks 
and charged. So furious was their onset that they cut through 
the left of the enemy's first line, capturing two pieces of his 
cannon. But Cumberland had anticipated the emergency: the 

1 It should be said that some authorities give a more favourable colour 
to the conduct of the Macdonalds who had specially distinguished them- 
selves in previous battles, and notably at Falkirk. 

2J 2 

324 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vu 

broken first line deployed to right and left, and gave freer play 
for the second to receive the advancing foe. Three deep 
the first rank kneeling, the second stooping, and the third upright 
the second line discharged its triple fire. The result was 
instantaneous and overwhelming; the Highlanders fell "in 
layers of three and four deep," and not one reached the ranks 
of the enemy. Far different had been the conduct of Charles's 
left. There the three regiments of the Macdonalds showed no 
eagerness for fight ; and, after an ineffectual charge, they retired 
on the second line, leaving Macdonald of Keppoch dead on 
the field. The victory was no longer doubtful. Charles's first 
line was broken ; and the second was neither in spirit nor con- 
dition to continue the battle. Moreover, the Campbells had 
broken down the walls of the enclosure on Charles's right, 
thus leaving a free course for a squadron of Cumberland's 
horse. Combining his foot into one body, Cumberland ordered 
his dragoons on his right and left wings to attack the enemy in 
flank, and the flight began. The fleeing army left the field in 
two main bodies, but with different fates. The one making for 
the neighbouring hills, with bagpipes playing and their ranks 
unbroken, was left unmolested; the other, pursuing the road to 
Inverness, was at the mercy of the dragoons, who continued the 
slaughter to the gates of the town. Cumberland's loss was 
little over 300 men ; that of the enemy was over 1000. 

Before engaging in his enterprise, Charles had vowed many 
times that he would conquer or die at the head of the brave 
men who ventured their lives and fortunes in his cause; but he 
did not choose to die at Culloden, and such another oppor- 
tunity he was not to have again. His faith in himself and his 
destiny was indeed for ever shattered. After the disaster of 
Culloden he passes from political history, and becomes a figure 
interesting and pathetic, but of account only for the biographer 
or the dealer in romance 1 . 

1 Sir Walter Scott's final judgment on Charles, as he committed it to 
his private journal, is that he " had not a head or heart for great things, 

CH. vn] Suppression of the Rebellion 325 

The rebellion of 1745 was the fourth attempt since the 
Revolution which had been made on Highland ground to 
restore the House of Stewart. In the case of each attempt 
blood had been shed; and in the case of three of them 
those of Dundee, Mar, and Charles the existing Govern- 
ment had been made to tremble for its security. To us, 
instructed after the event, Culloden appears a blow which 
rendered a future rising impossible; but such it did not appear 
in the eyes of contemporaries. It was only thirty years since 
Mar's rebellion had been suppressed, and during the interval 
Wade's roads and forts had been constructed, and the disloyal 
clans were supposed to have been effectually disarmed; yet 
another rebellion had taken place more formidable than Mar's. 
What security could there be that still another Highland 
rising was not a possible contingency at no distant future ? It 
was in dread of the future, therefore, as well as in revenge for 
the past that Cumberland after Culloden applied those means 
for the suppression of rebellion which have given him his evil 
name in Scottish tradition 1 . In Scotland his severities were 
deplored even by those who had least sympathy with the 
Stewarts; but he had the approval of public opinion in 
England and even of the most enlightened English statesmen. 
As Scotland, wrote Lord Chesterfield, had hitherto been con- 
stantly the nursery of rebellion, he hoped it would now be 
made the grave of it. "But were I to direct," he wrote again, 
" I would have a short Act of Parliament for the transporting 
to the West Indies every man concerned in the rebellion, and 
give a reward for every one that should be apprehended and 
brought to transportation. This, I think, would be a better 

notwithstanding his daring adventure." The Journal of Sir Walter Scott 
from the original Manuscript at Abbotsford (Edin. 1890), I. p. 115. This 
judgment is quite in harmony with Scott's account of the 'Forty-five in the 
Tales of a Grandfather, where he was writing history and not romance. 

1 It should be said that many of the stories told of Cumberland's 
conduct can be proved to be without foundation. See Skrine, op. cit. 
pp. 30 1 3- 

326 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

way than hanging some of the rascals and letting the others go 
home for another rebellion 1 ." It is a lamentable circumstance 
connected with Cumberland's action that many of those who 
were its victims were unwilling instruments in a cause in 
which they had no personal interest and whose triumph would 
have brought them no personal gain. 

Cumberland remained in the Highland country from the 
day of Culloden till the i8th of July, repressing by fire and 
sword the last indications of rebellion. But the prime mover 
of the rebellion eluded all his attempts to entrap him. After a 
succession of perilous adventures, which belong to romance 
rather than to history, Charles on the i8th of September left the 
shores of Scotland for ever ; but it would have been better for 
himself and better for his memory had he kept his vow, and 
"slept with the brave, "who with such magnificent courage and 
devotion faced the files of Cumberland on the field of Culloden. 
Less or more happy in their fates were some of the leaders, 
most of whom had so loyally stood by him in a cause which 
from the beginning they had regarded as desperate. Six in all 
were taken by the Government the Marquis of Tullibardine, 
Lords Kilmarnock, Cromartie, Balmerino, Lovat, and Murray 
of Broughton 2 . All of them did not grace by their ends the 
cause for which they had risked their lives and fortunes in the 
field. Kilmarnock and Cromartie both pleaded for mercy a 
boon which was not granted to Kilmarnock, who died praying 
for King George. More heroic was the end of Balmerino, who 
with his last breath declared that he would die a thousand 
deaths for the same cause. Lovat, who had played the traitor 
to both sides and was taken in his own snares, died as he had 

1 Torrens, History of Cabinets, II. 70, 71. 

2 Others were taken later. Tullibardine died in the Tower. His 
dying advice was that no other attempt should be made to restore the 
Stewarts. Over forty persons were attainted for their concern in the 
rebellion. The list is given in Charles's History of Scotland from the 
Union, II. 468 9, note. 

CH. vn] The Episcopal Clergy 327 

lived, a tragi-comic figure, soiling with his lips the line which 
expresses one of the noblest of human sentiments Dulce ft 
decorum cst pro patria mori. Most pitiable of all was the fate 
of Murray, who, while the cause yet lived, had been not the 
least efficient instrument of its partial success. But he was not 
of the mould of which heroes or martyrs are made; and, 
brought face to face with the doom that certainly awaited him, 
in weakness rather than from deliberate treachery, he bartered 
his honour for his life. Of the humbler sufferers for the lost 
cause, numbering about eighty in all, it is recorded that not 
one faltered in the hour of trial 1 . 

But, if rebellion was to be averted in the future, other 
action was demanded besides public executions and the fire 
and sword of Cumberland. The Government recognised three 
main causes of the late Rising the disaffection of the Episcopal 
clergy, the warlike spirit and habits of the clans, and the 
hereditary privileges of the lords and gentry, Highland and 
Lowland, which enabled them to bring an armed force into 
the field against their lawful sovereign. To prevent the opera- 
tion of these causes in the future, the Parliament which was 
now sitting addressed itself with a lively sense of the danger 
from which the country had emerged. The Episcopal clergy 
had taken no such overt part in the late Rising as they had 
in the 'Fifteen, but they had made little disguise of their 
disloyalty; and so mischievous did Cumberland regard their 
influence, that in his northern march he had closed their 
chapels and burnt many of them to the ground. The existing 
laws against Episcopalianism, occasioned by the conduct of its 
clergy in the 'Fiiteen, were already sufficiently stringent ; but the 
Government was convinced that still more stringent laws were 

1 An Act of Indemnity (from which some So persons were excluded) 
was passed in June, 1747. 

In connection with the severities of the Government after the 'Forty- 
five, it may be remembered that, after Monmouth's rebellion in 1685, 320 
persons were executed and over 800 were transported to the Plantations. 

328 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

necessary if the peace of the country was to be safeguarded in 
the future. In the summer of 1746 it was enacted that before 
the following September all Episcopal pastors should take the 
oaths prescribed by the law, and should pray expressly by name 
for the King and the royal family the penalty for the first 
offence being six months' imprisonment; for the second, trans- 
portation for life to the American plantations 1 . Two years 
later a more deadly blow followed: in May, 1748, it was 
declared that after the 2Qth of September next no orders 
would be regarded as legally qualifying except such as were 
granted by a Bishop of the Church of England or of Ireland. 
In the eyes of English statesmen the Episcopal Church in 
Scotland was merely an agency of Jacobitism, and as such 
they treated it; but time was to show that these coercive 
measures were unnecessary, and that they added but another 
dismal page to Scottish ecclesiastical history. 

In the case of the Highland clans equally drastic measures 
were adopted to prevent the recurrence of another Jacobite 
outbreak. In 1725 a Disarming Act had been passed; but its 
result had been that, in the 'Forty-five, the loyal clans were 
without weapons while the disloyal were comparatively well 
armed. Now another Disarming Act was passed, more stringent 
in its terms, and to be more effectually enforced. The penalties 
attached to the possession of arms were to be a heavy fine, 
exile in the colonies, or six months' imprisonment for the first 
offence, and for the second, seven years' transportation; and, 
that the law might take full effect, houses were to be searched 
by authorised persons 2 . Another provision of the same Act 
was resented far more keenly by the proud and sensitive race 
against whom it was directed. For the majority of the nation 
outside the Highlands the tartan, plaid, and kilt, were at once 

1 Considerable difficulty was found in enforcing the laws against illegal 
meeting-houses. Dunbar, Social Life in Former Days (Edin. 1865), pp. 

3 A Court of Law found that the bagpipe was " an instrument of war." 

CH. vn] Abolition of Feudal Jurisdictions 329 

the symbols of disloyalty, and, with good reason, the objects of 
terror and aversion. It was by his peculiar garb that the 
Highlander was marked off from every other subject; it dis- 
tinguished him as belonging to another race with traditions 
hostile to the type of civilisation that now prevailed in the 
country at large; and in war it was a ready-made uniform 
which created a community of feeling and a community of 
action that gave the embattled clans the character of a regular 
army. It was on these considerations that the native Highland 
dress was now prohibited under penalties similar to those which 
attached to the possession of arms, and enforced with equal 
rigour 1 . 

The grand cause of the late rebellion had been the action 
of Jacobite lords, chiefs and gentlemen, in bringing their vassals 
into the field. But for the authority these persons had exerted, 
no armed force could have been brought together sufficient to 
create a public danger. To deprive all subjects of such dan- 
gerous powers, therefore, was the further concern of the 
Government in its policy of safeguarding the public peace. In 
the heritable jurisdictions which had arisen out of the con- 
ditions of feudalism it saw privileges in the possession of 
subjects which were incompatible with the central authority 
of the State. A superior with the power of administering 
justice within his domain was in a position which placed his 
retainers at his will. In point of fact, these hereditary privileges 
had long ceased to be exercised in their full extent : the power 
of pit and gallows, which they had originally comprised, had 
long fallen into desuetude ; and the late rebellion had shown 
that the Lowland baron was no longer able to constrain his 
retainers to follow him into the field. But even the shadow 
of such powers was a derogation to the State; and in the 
interest of even and general justice as well as of the public 
security it was expedient that they should be abolished. It 

1 The prohibition of the Highland dress was abolished in 1782. 

330 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

was through his heritable jurisdictions that the Lowland lord 
could bring pressure to bear on his dependants; the Highland 
chief owed his authority to another cause the tie of clanship 
which bound the clan to military service at the call of its chief. 
In abolishing the heritable jurisdictions, therefore, as President 
Forbes pointed out, the Government was beside the mark as 
far as the Highland chiefs were concerned; it was through the 
efficacy of the Disarming Act, and the gradual influence of 
modern ideas, that their powers would be mainly affected and 
the clansman be placed in the position of an ordinary subject 1 . 
What the abolition of the jurisdictions involved was that the 
administration of justice in Scotland, both Highlands and 
Lowlands, would henceforth be solely the prerogative of the 
Crown ; and that, in place of the baillies of the feudal lords, 
self-interested and ignorant of the law, Crown officials (Sheriffs 
and Sheriffs-depute) would render justice equally to all 2 . 
Another Act, passed at the same time, was equally aimed at 
the privileges of the great landlords. The ancient system of 
tenure known as wardholding was traditionally associated with 
the vassal's duty of personal and even of military service to the 
superior. That system was now abolished ; for lands hitherto held 
ward from a subject a fixed sum of money or its equivalent was to 
be annually paid to their superior, while lands held ward from the 
Crown were to pay only blench, that is, merely nominal duties. 
Thus the final attempt to restore the Stewarts had resulted 
in the extinction of the last relics of feudalism in Scotland. 
The failure of that attempt, indeed, was due not so much to 
the arms of Cumberland as to the general progressive forces of 
the time. The ideas which Charles represented were incom- 
patible with the interests of a people which had broken for 

1 .602,000, in round numbers, was the sum claimed in compensation 
by those possessed of heritable jurisdictions ; but they actually received 
,152,000, little more than a fourth of the sum demanded. There were 
1 60 holders of jurisdictions. 

2 Fines which had hitherto gone to the superior now went to the Crown. 

CH. viij Lord President Forbes 331 

ever with the traditions of feudalism. Among his Highland 
chiefs Charles was in a world where he was perfectly at home; 
but in Glasgow or Edinburgh he and his followers were like 
apparitions from another age, whom the good burghers re- 
garded as in a dream. When we consider Charles's adventure 
from its beginning to its end, we see that he was foiled not so 
much by the exertions of the Government as by the inert 
opposition of the masses of the people in both countries. His 
romantic appeal, moreover, met with no response from the 
classes with whom the future of the nation's material greatness 
lay. As Fielding said then, and Scott said after him, Charles 
had common sense arrayed against him common sense which 
looked to the past as well as to the future, and which saw no 
good reason to suppose that James III and VIII would make 
a better King than George II. 

If we look for a figure in Scotland who may represent the 
nation's ideals and aspirations during the 'Forty-five, it is to 
the Lord President Forbes that we must turn. In his counsels 
as in his action he showed a comprehension of the national life 
as a whole which is found in no other Scotsman of his time. 
From the first he accepted the conditions in which Scotland 
was placed by the Union ; and it was his lifelong endeavour to 
draw from these conditions such national advantages as they 
offered. A patriotic Scot if ever there was one, it was his 
conviction that, in spite of the union with a greater people, 
Scotland might still retain her individuality as a nation, if by 
strenuous and intelligent effort she would but develop the 
natural resources at her disposal. But it is his chief claim to 
honour that he understood, as none of his contemporaries did, 
the precise nature of the problem presented by the Highlands 
and their people in the national economy. It was owing to 
him more than to any other person that the rebellion had been 
successfully suppressed ; and it would have been well for the 
future of the Highlands had his counsels been taken in the 
policy that followed. As it was, his counsels of lenity and of 

332 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

healing were set aside 1 ; and an opportunity was lost which was 
only to be redeemed in the slow process of time. When he 
died at Edinburgh on December 10, 1747, it was in neglect 
and even in contumely on the part of a Government of which 
he had been the most disinterested and enlightened public 
servant, and for which, unrequited, he had spent his life, credit 
and means. 

1 Cumberland thus writes of Forbes: "Lord President has joined me, 
and as yet we are vastly fond of one another, but I fear it will not last, 
as he is as arrant Highland mad as Lord Stair or Crawford." Torrens, 
History of Cabinets, II. 90. The fondness did not last. At a later date 
Cumberland describes Forbes as " that old woman who talked to me of 


GEORGE II, 1727 1760. 
GEORGE III, 1760 1820. 


THE half-century in the history of Scotland that followed 
the 'Forty-five has been described as " the period of her most 
energetic, peculiar, and most various life 1 "; and foreign observers, 
at least, would endorse the statement. During that period 
Scotland made her largest contribution to the world alike in 
the sphere of speculative and practical ideas; in literature, in 
philosophy, in economical science, she may then fairly claim to 
have been a pioneer in opening up new possibilities for the 
future of the nations. This new flowering of the national spirit 
implied a complete breach with the past; and we have seen 
the successive steps by which the breach had been effected. 
Commerce and the modern spirit had vanquished the Stewarts 
and the political principles which they represented ; and they 
had concurrently over-ridden the theocratic ideals which had 
been the bequest of the Reformation of 1560. It was in the 
purely secular sphere that Scotland now achieved what is set 
to her account by the world at large ; religion, as it manifests 
itself in soul or mind, bore the stamp of mediocrity throughout 
the whole period. 

Nor was this secular expansion associated with a strenuous 
political life in the nation as a whole. As in the other western 
nations England, France, and Germany the mass of the 

1 David Masson, Edinburgh Sketches and Memories (1892), p. 143, 

334 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

population, including the middle classes 1 , had neither political 
ideals nor any living concern in the government of the country. 
The electoral arrangements, in the case of burgh and county 
representatives alike, afford a simple explanation of the general 
indifference. The forty-five members who represented Scotland 
in the British Parliament were returned by a few thousand out 
of a population that may be reckoned between one and one 
and a half millions. Nor did the means exist for popular 
information regarding public affairs which might be agitating 
parties at Westminster. "We had no newspapers in those 
days 2 ," writes the Rev. Mr Balwhidder of his Ayrshire parish 
under the year 1769 ; and of the country at large the statement 
is equally true. To Edinburgh there came weekly a meagre 
letter on political events, which appeared in the Edinburgh 
Evening Courant or the Caledonian Mercury, but even this 
news was mainly restricted to the capital. Till 1758, when 
the pace was quickened as the result of a memorial, letters 
between Edinburgh and London took between ten and twelve 
1 days on the journey. 

Under such conditions there could be no continuous 

I national interest in public affairs which would materially 

1 influence the current policy of statesmen. Under any system 

of representation, indeed, there are crises which evoke a 

national feeling vehement enough to determine the course of 

events and to overthrow governments ; and such explosions of 

feeling actually occurred in Scotland, as they did in England 

during the same period. But these crises came only when 

some measure of the Government or some public event awoke 

1 According to David Hume there was no middle class in Scotland. 
There were only "gentlemen who have some rank and education and the 
meanest starving poor." Hill Burton, Life of Hume, I. 198. 

2 Gait, Annals of the Parish, Chap. x. The newspapers in circulation 
at this time were the Edinburgh Evening Courant (founded 1718), 
Caledonian Mercury (i 720), Scots Magazine (1739), Glasgow Journal (1741), 
Aberdeen Journal (1746). The circulation of the Caledonian Mercury in 
1739 was I 4 0< ?' W. J. Couper, Edin, Periodical Press (1908), n. 45. 

CH. vm] State of Scotland after the Rebellion 335 

dormant prejudices and passions and gave a voice to the 
multitude. From 1745 till the outbreak of the French Revolu- 
tion in 1789 a national political life was virtually non-existent; 
and its record is confined to a lew measures passed in the 
special interest of the Scottish people and to a few events 
which occasioned a temporary paroxysm of the public mind. 
During the first half of the reign of George II the rivalries of 
the Argathelians and the Squadrone gave a certain continuity 
to political life in Scotland ; but, during the period now before 
us, there were no sharply divided parties, headed by prominent 
leaders, whose action excited any lively interest among the 
people at large. There were certain Scotsmen, such as Lord 
Bute, Lord Loughborough, and Henry Dundas, who played an 
important part in imperial politics; but their careers belong 
to British and not to Scottish history. As for the rank and 
file of the Scottish representatives who sat at Westminster, 
they were in the main but the appendages of the English 
parties and factions which in rapid succession displaced each 
other in the struggle for power. Even among the limited 
number of Scotsmen who took any interest in politics there 
ceased to be any keen opposition of principles; and such 
differences of opinion as existed between them were the result 
of temperament and family tradition rather than of reasoned 
conviction consistently applied to public events 1 . The second 
President Dundas professed himself a strenuous Whig 2 ; but, 
had he lived to see the French Revolution, his Whiggism would 
easily have passed into the Toryism of his brother Henry, in 
whom Whiggism and Toryism combined to make the satrap of 

Between the retreat of Prince Charles from England and 
the battle of Culloden a revolution had occurred in the 
Ministry which involved a change in the administration of 

1 Ramsay, Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century, I. 33 r, 


a Omond, Arniston Memoirs, pp. 146 7, 

336 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Scotland. At the close of 1745, Henry Pelham, the chief of 
the Broad-bottomed Ministry, had insisted on the admission of 
Pitt. The King demurred, and called on Lord Grenville to 
form a ministry. Grenville failed in the attempt ; and Pelham, 
with Pitt as a colleague, was restored to power. The result 
was the removal of Tweeddale from the office of Secretary for 
Scotland, and, at the same time, the abolition of the office 
itself. As we have seen, the office had never been regarded 
with favour since the time when James VI had transported the 
Secretary to London. It was one day to appear, however, that 
the exorbitant powers of the Secretary were possible under 
another r'egime. 

Now, as under Walpole, the most influential man in 
Scotland was the Duke of Argyle, who formerly, 
as Lord Islay, had been known as the " King " 
of the country and " conge d'elire." In the existing condition 
of parties, his power could not be so absolute as it had 
been during the ascendency of the Argathelians ; but it was 
still sufficient to enable him to exercise a wide influence on 
the constituencies and to be the grand distributor of public 
office. He retained his supreme position till his death in 
1761, when the long ascendency of his house passed to 
another family which was to attain still greater predominance 
in the direction of Scottish affairs. But such public measures 
as belong to the period are not associated with the name of 
Argyle. The official who filled the place of the defunct 
Secretary was the Lord Advocate to whom it fell to super- 
intend such legislation as related to Scotland. In February, 
1746, the post of Lord Advocate was given to William Grant 
of Prestongrange, who throughout his term of office approved 
himself to be of the best type of the public-spirited lawyer. 
In the case of the Act for disarming the Highlands and the 
Act abolishing heritable jurisdictions both in- 
troduced during his first year of office Grant 
had not the chief responsibility; but for other important 

CH. vm] Legislation 337 

measures relating to Scotland he deserves the main credit. In 
the teeth of a vehement opposition, he carried a resolution for 
the grant of ;i 0,000 to the city of Glasgow in compensation 
for its losses during the late rebellion (I749) 1 . The enlightened 
amendment of an Act for regulating the linen manufacture 
shows the growth of more intelligent views regarding the 
development of national industries. By the existing law a 
tradition of mediaeval economy no one could practise any 
branch of a trade without the consent of the corporation and 
without paying a fee for that consent. By the amended 
Act, however, all workers in linen were authorised to exercise 
their trade in any " city, town, corporation, burgh or place in 
Scotland, without any lett or hindrance from any person or 
persons whatever"; and this, moreover, without the payment of 
any entry-money or duty 2 (1750). As a blow at the exclusive 
privileges which still trammelled trade and manufactures in 
Scotland, this Act is of special interest in the economical 
history of the country. 

But the most important measure for which Lord Advocate 
Grant was mainly responsible has still to be men- 
tioned. This was the measure entitled "An Act 
for annexing certain Forfeited Estates in Scotland inalienably 
to the Crown," the object of which was the improvement of 
the condition of the Highlands. Though all danger of another 
rebellion had been effectually averted, in many parts of the 
Highlands the King's writ was openly set at defiance. It was 
still necessary to keep garrisons at Fort William and Fort 
Augustus; and the passes to certain districts had still to be 
guarded 3 . Only by some great healing measure, therefore, 

1 Parliamentary History, XIV. 497 538. 

2 13 Geo. I. c. 26. 

5 Omond, Lord Advocates of Scot land > II. 47. The unsettled condition 
of parts of the Highlands after the suppression of the Rising of 1745 is 
vividly illustrated in Vol. I. of the Albemarle Papers (New Spalding Club, 
1 902), passim. 

B. S. III. 22 

333 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

could the Highland country as a whole be placed in a condi- 
tion which would reconcile its people to a life of peace and 
industry; and such was the aim of the Bill introduced by Grant 
in February, 1752. Both in the Lords and the Commons the 
Bill met with opposition, but in both Houses it was carried by 
large majorities. The scope of the Act was at once religious, 
educational, and economical. Schools were to be established 
for the instruction of the children in the Protestant religion, in 
the reading of English, and in the " several branches of agri- 
culture and manufactures." Leases for twenty-one years were 
to be granted; and the tenants (prohibited from sub-letting 
their holdings) were to receive compensation for improve- 
ments 1 . The gross rental of the forfeited estates amounted to 
about ;8ooo; but, after the various deductions had been made, 
the sum available for the objects of the Act was little more 
than .5000. Entrusted to the charge of the Court of 
Exchequer, this sum was annually distributed by commis- 
sioners specially appointed for the purpose. Twenty years 
after the passing of the Act the intelligent traveller Pennant 
noted its beneficent results. Extensive tracts of barren and 
uncultivated land were enclosed and planted with timber. Sums 
of money, free of interest for five years, were lent to tenants to 
enable them to enclose their farms. All works of public utility 
were encouraged by the commissioners, who further took pains 
to secure the services of persons skilled in various branches of 
industry 2 . Much still remained to be done for the improve- 
ment of the Highlands ; but, as the author of the Forfeited 
Estates Act, Grant deserves to be remembered as one of their 
principal benefactors. 

Only seven weeks after the passing of the Act a crime was 
committed which has its place in tradition and 
romance, and illustrates the difficulties of sub- 
jecting certain parts of the Highlands to the law. In accord- 

1 20 Geo. II. 2, c. 41 ; Parl. Hist. xiv. 1235. 
8 Pennant, Tours in Scotland, u. 92 3. 

CH. vm] The Appin Murder 339 

ance with the Feudal Jurisdictions Act, factors, carefully selected, 
had been appointed to collect the rents of the forfeited estates. 
To the Highlander rents were a novelty ; and he regarded them 
as a tyrannous exaction by detested aliens. Among the factors 
was Colin Campbell of Glenure, who was charged with receiving 
the rents from the forfeited estates of Lochiel and Ardshiel. 
On both of these estates the tenants were paying sums of 
money to their exiled chiefs 1 , so that the burden on them was 
heavy. On the i4th of May, 1752, Campbell was proceeding 
to evict the non-paying tenants on the lands of Ardshiel, when, 
as he was passing through the wood of Lettermore, near 
Ballachulish, he was shot dead by an unseen hand. One 
Allan Breck Stewart (known to readers of R. L. Stevenson's 
Kidnapped} was suspected of the murder; and a kinsman of 
the Ardshiel family, James Stewart, was suspected of being 
his accomplice. Allan escaped, but James was brought to 
trial at Inverary, where he was found guilty and condemned 
to death by a jury, the majority of whom were Campbells, the 
hereditary enemies of his clan. To impress the neighbourhood 
with the terrors of the law, Stewart was executed on the spot 
where the murder had been committed; and long afterwards, it 
is said, the passers-by would arrest their steps where the gibbet 
had stood, and re-tell the tale of the "Appin murder 2 ." 

In 1754 Grant became a judge under the title of Lord 
Prestongrange, and was succeeded in the office 
of Lord Advocate by Robert Dundas of Arniston. I7 

Dundas's grandfather and great-grandfather had been ordinary 
judges, and his father had been President of the Court of 
Session ; but the highest fortunes of the family were still in the 
future. Dundas held office from 1754 to 1760 a notable 
period in the history of the British Empire, as it saw the 

1 Stewart, Sketches of the Highlanders, II. App. p. xxxix. 

2 Jb. pp. xl xli. An admirable account of all the circumstances con- 
nected with the Appin murder is given by Mr D. A. Mackay in his Trial 
of James Stewart^ Glasgow, 1907. 

22 2 

34-O The Age of Seciilar Interests [BK vn 

victories of Quebec and Plassy which established British 
ascendency in Canada and India. In Scotland the period is 
distinguished by no outstanding event ; and Dundas's name is 
associated with no important legislative measure. In parts of 
the Western Highlands there was still disaffection. Glengarry, 
out of "arrogance, insolence, and pride," refused to supply the 
garrison at Fort Augustus with peat ; and in Badenoch Cluny 
Macpherson still remained in safe hiding, and was a centre of 
unrest in that territory. Even into the Western Highlands, 
however, the Forfeited Estates Bill had brought some measure 
of improvement. General Watson, the commander at Fort 
Augustus, wrote (1755) to Dundas that in a journey round the 
west coast of Argyleshire he "had the pleasure of seeing a 
great change in all respects to the better, a foundation of both 
wealth and industry in many places; and the people sensible of 
their present happy condition." Even in Ardshiel, the scene 
of the Appin murder, the " King's tenants " were happier than 
their neighbours and were clamouring for a kirk and a school 1 . 
Two Acts relating to Scotland, passed during Dundas's 
term of office, were necessitated by the increasing trade of the 
country. By the one an Act for encouraging the fisheries of 
Scotland all the inhabitants of Great Britain were permitted 
to buy fish from Scottish fishermen ; all duties except the 
ordinary customs were to be taken off salt imported for the 
curing of fish; and it was made lawful to carry fish from 
Scotland to any port in England for re-exportation 2 . The 
other Act, entitled an Act for the better preservation of turn- 
pike roads, placed Scotland in a favourable condition compared 
with other countries. Great sums, the preamble of the Act ran, 
had hitherto been expended in repairing the turnpikes ; but, 
owing to the weight of vehicles drawn by as many as eight or 
more horses, it had been found impossible to maintain the 
roads in tolerable condition. The object of the Act, therefore, 

1 Omond, Arniston Memoirs, pp. 153 5. 

2 29 Geo. II. cap. 23. 

CH. vui] Question of the Militia 341 

was to regulate traffic by a scale of dues proportioned to the 
weight of the vehicles and the number of horses by which they 
were drawn the money thus raised to be spent in maintaining 
the public roads 1 . Both John Wesley and Dr Johnson were 
struck by the excellence of the highways in their travels through 

"At no period perhaps since the Union of the Crowns," 
writes Ramsay of Ochtertyre, " was the political 
horizon of Scotland more calm and unclouded 
than from 1754 to 1760" the period of Dundas's term of 
office 2 . The close of this period, however, saw one of those 
periodical outbursts of national feeling engendered by distrust 
and jealousy of England. In 1757 Parliament had passed a 
statute establishing a militia in England; and why, the clamour 
arose, should not Scotland have a militia as well ? She had to 
contribute her quota to the maintenance of the English militia, 
and she was as open to the attack of foreign enemies as 
England. As it happened, in the beginning of 1760, Captain 
Thurot, at the head of a small French squadron, had plundered 
Carrickfergus, and made an attempt on the Isle of Man, where 
his ships were taken and himself slain. As Scotland was 
thought to have been Thurot's ultimate object, his expedition 
was made the occasion of bringing in a bill for providing 
Scotland with a militia. Its author, Sir Gilbert Elliot, received 
the support of the majority of the Scottish members; but, as a 
measure of the Tories, it was rejected by the Whig Government 
of Newcastle. The effect produced in Scotland by the rejec- 
tion of the bill recalled the times that followed the Porteous 
mob. Dundas, who opposed it on the ground that it would 
ruin the growing manufactures of the country, had to bear the 
brunt of the national odium; and he was taunted with being 
bribed with the Presidency of the Court of Session an office 
to which he was immediately afterwards appointed. The 

1 32 Geo. II. c. 15. 

2 Ramsay, op. cit. I. 332. 

34 2 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

excitement in the nation found vent in pamphlets, public 
meetings, and petitions to members of Parliament; and no- 
where was the excitement greater than in Edinburgh. In 
1762 was founded the Poker Club, which counted among its 
members the chief " literati " of Edinburgh and its neighbour- 
hood, and had for its express object "to stir up the fire and 
spirit of the country 1 ." There was an important minority in 
the country, however, who were disposed to think that the 
Ministry had acted prudently in refusing to establish a militia 
in Scotland. Jacobitism, this minority reasoned, was not dead, 
and conditions might arise in which a militia might be a weapon 
against the existing Government; moreover, the expense of 
maintaining it would be a burden which the nation was ill- 
fitted to bear. But the invidious treatment of Scotland as 
compared with England left a soreness against the sister 
country which rankled for many years to come. 

Dundas was made President of the Court of Session in 
June, 1760, and was succeeded in the office of 
70 Advocate by Thomas Miller, subsequently the 
"aged judge... Dispensing good" of Burns's Vision. The 
accession of George III in the same year was a turning-point 
in the history of British politics the persistent object of the 
new King being the suppression of the Whig party who had 
dominated the Government of his father. Miller held office 
for five years and saw the fall of three Ministries those of 
Newcastle, Bute, and Grenville. In Bute, as a Scot at the 
head of the Government, Scotland had a special interest ; but 
the history of his Ministry belongs to the history of the United 
Kingdom. So far as Bute's relation to Scotland is concerned, 
it is sufficient to note that, on the death of Argyle in 1761, he 
and his brother Stuart Mackenzie succeeded him in the 
management of Scottish affairs ; and that the fanatical hate of 
Scotland evoked in England by Bute's Ministry still further 

1 Henry Mackenzie, Life of Mr John Home, pp. 26 7. 

CH. vm] The Banking Bill 343 

estranged the two peoples, and prejudiced the majority of 
Scotsmen against the Whig party 1 . 

To the period of Miller's term of office belongs a measure 
which is another indication that the development of commerce 
was now Scotland's main concern. About the year 1764, the 
question of the paper currency began seriously to exercise the 
minds of commercial men. At this time there were no fewer 
than six Banks and Banking companies issuing notes with 
what was called an "optional clause," by which was meant 
that payment would be made six months after demand. This 
was a practice which was attended by many mischiefs ; and it 
was aggravated by the fact that notes were issued for sums as 
low as one shilling. It was to put an end to both of these 
practices that Miller brought in a Banking Bill (1765), which 
passed both Houses. By this Act bank-notes with an optional 
clause were prohibited after the i5th of May, 1766, and the 
issue of notes for sums less than twenty shillings sterling after 
the ist of June, I765 2 . 

In 1765, Lord Advocate Miller was promoted to the 
Bench, and was succeeded by James Montgomery, who held 
office for nine years under three Administrations those of 
Rockingham, of Pitt and Grafton, and of Lord North. They 
were years of momentous import in the destinies of the United 
Kingdom, for in these years began those strained relations with 
the North American Colonies which ended in their casting off 
the mother-country. Scotland, also, had its own excitements 
during the period, though not in the sphere of high politics. 
An affair with just the due admixture of mystery, romance, and 

1 A curious illustration of the English fury against all Scots at this 
time is found in the life of David Hume. Lord Hertford, Lord-lieutenant 
of Ireland, proposed to take Hume with him to Dublin as his secretary ; 
but the outcry in London was so loud against the proposal that Hertford 
had to abandon his intention. The Princess Amelia suggested as a com- 
promise that Hume should be made an Irish bishop ! Correspondence of 
Baron Hume, n. 45. 

8 5 Geo. III. c. 49. 

344 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

fact to excite popular feeling, divided public opinion and 
evoked men's passions to such a degree that, according to a 
high authority 1 , it all but plunged the country in civil war. 

In the year 1753, there died in an obscure lodging in Paris, 
Lady Jane Douglas, sister of Archibald, Duke of Douglas. At 
the age of forty-eight, Lady Jane had married Colonel John 
Stewart, afterwards Sir John Stewart of Grandtully; and two 
years later (1749) she gave birth in Paris to twin sons, one of 
whom died. In 1761 the Duke of Douglas died; and the 
guardians of Lady Jane's surviving son had him confirmed 
in the Douglas estates in the terms of the last entail made 
by the Duke. And now followed the proceedings which 
made the "Douglas Cause" the most memorable lawsuit of 
the century 2 . Lady Jane had been privately married; and 
her age and the circumstances of her alleged son's birth 
naturally raised suspicions of her maternity. No fewer than 
three claimants the Duke of Hamilton, Lord Douglas 
Hamilton, Sir Hew Dalrymple impugned the title of Stewart 
Douglas on the ground that he was not Lady Jane's son ; and 
in due course the case came before the Court of Session. 
" No person," writes one who was in Edinburgh while the case 
was being tried, " who did not live at the time this cause was 
depending, can form any conception of the agitation, the 
anxiety, the polemical spirit which it excited among the in- 
habitants of the metropolis, and, indeed, far and wide through- 
out the country. It was a constant subject of conversation in 
companies of every description. Families of all ranks ranged 
themselves on different sides of the contest. Members of the 
same family were often at variance with one another 3 ." Even 
the judges who tried the case, it is said, were carried away by 
the passions of the hour ; and it was known beforehand which 

1 Lord Chancellor Campbell. 

2 See The Douglas Cause, edited by A. Francis Stewart, Advocate, 
Glasgow and Edin. 1909. 

3 T, Somerville, My Own Life and limes, 1741 1814, p. ii? 

CH. vm] The Douglas Cause 345 

side they would favour 1 . On the i5th July, 1767, judgment 
was given against Douglas by the casting vote of Lord President 
Dundas. An appeal followed to the House of Lords, which 
without a division reversed the judgment of the Court of Session. 
The news was brought to Edinburgh by Islay Campbell of 
Succoth, who outstripping the post, with the shout " Douglas 
for ever!" proclaimed the decision from the town-cross. 
The House of Hamilton had long been unpopular, and the 
jubilation throughout the country was " even outrageous 2 ." 
In Edinburgh the exultation of the populace knew no bounds. 
The city was illuminated; a bonfire blazed on Arthur's Seat; and 
the ships at Leith flew their colours. President Dundas, who 
had given the casting vote adverse to Douglas, had to be pro- 
tected by troops specially brought into the town, though not till 
his house had been attacked, as were those of the judges who 
voted with him. 

With the name of Lord Advocate Montgomery is associated 
an important measure necessitated by the agri- 
cultural development of the country. In 1685 
an Act of Entail had been passed under the auspices of Sir 
George Mackenzie, which bound the heir of entail to condi- 
tions disastrous to the improvement of his estates. By that 
Act the heir could not grant leases beyond the term of his own 
life, and in some cases for more than two or three years ; he 
could neither sell nor feu, nor even borrow for the object of im- 
provements. Short leases had for centuries been the bane of 
agricultural industry in Scotland; and Mackenzie's Act, solely 
in the interest of the landed class, was a grievous anachronism 
even at the time when it was passed. It was to the remedy of 
the mischief resulting from the existing law that Montgomery's 
Entail Act (1770) was expressly directed. By this Act the 
proprietors were empowered to grant leases " for any number 
of years not exceeding fourteen years... and for the life of one 
person to be named in such tacks or leases, and in being at the 

1 Ramsay, of. cit, I. 339. 2 Carlyle, Autobiography, p. 513. 

346 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

time thereof; or for the lives of two persons to be named 
therein... and the life of the survivor of them; or for any 
number of years not exceeding thirty-one years." In the case of 
leases extending beyond nineteen years, the tenant was bound 
to keep all fences in repair, and to abstain from enclosing more 
than forty acres in one field except in the case of non-arable 
ground; and every proprietor was empowered, under certain 
conditions, to grant leases for the purpose of building for any 
number of years not exceeding ninety-nine years 1 . What is 
specially noteworthy in connection with the passing of the 
Montgomery Act is that it was the result of a pressure of 
public opinion which the authorities could not ignore. 

The development of agriculture raised many economical 

questions besides that of the law of entail; and 

I 77 2 - Z 773 - n j-jjg vear j^ 2 these questions became acute. 

In that year England and Scotland were visited by a dearth 
which reduced thousands of the poor to starvation in both 
countries. John Wesley, in a letter addressed to the editor of 
the Scots Magazine, drew a harrowing picture of what he 
had seen on his travels through England, and suggested 
remedies for lessening the calamity 2 . Another correspondent 
of the same Magazine informs us that there were no fewer than 
nine causes alleged for the existing dearth among the nine 
being the engrossing of farms, the enclosing of commons, and 
the increase of horses. Nine remedies, he says, have been 
suggested; but all of them he rejects in favour of one which he 
considers "the most powerful of all the rest," -"opening the 
ports for the free importation of all sorts of provisions from 
every quarter of the world 3 ." The same correspondent, writing 
in April, 1772, alleges that "the poor are everywhere ripe for 
riot and mischief 4 ." Before the close of the year the words 
were literally verified. In several parts of the country broke 
out meal riots, with which the authorities proved unequal to 

1 10 Geo. III. c. 51. 2 Scots Magazine, Vol. 34 (1772), p. 665. 

8 Ib. pp. 115 8. 4 Ib. p. 184. 

CH. vm] The Meal Riots 347 

cope. It was in Perth that the riots took the most violent 
form. On the 3oth of December, "a number of people of 
both sexes " assembled in the town, boarded two vessels lying 
in the river Tay, and made off with such victual as they found 
to their hands. A few days later the mob made the attempt 
to deliver two of their comrades from the town gaol. The 
military were called out, but were overpowered by the rioters, 
the Provost being forced to release the two prisoners. "The 
apparent cause of all this," is the comment of the editor of the 
Scots Magazine, "was the total want of meal in the market 
of Perth for eight or ten days and the neglect of the police to 
provide against this 1 ." In other parts of the country the police 
proved equally incapable of dealing with the rioters, who were 
only held in check by measures of self-defence on the part of 
the landlords and others who were their victims. 

In the year 1775 succeeded to the office of Lord Advocate 
one who for nearly thirty years was to be the first 
man in Scotland and to wield more than kingly 
power over his fellow-countrymen. Henry Dundas owed his 
extraordinary position at once to the prestige of his family, to 
his own personal qualities, and to the political condition of 
Scotland as he found it. Since the Restoration there had been 
four judges in the family two of them Lords President, his 
father and his brother. It was with this inherited prestige 
that he entered on his professional career; and he speedily 
showed that he possessed precisely the qualities requisite for 
success in the public life of the time. Robust, jovial, strong- 
headed, he was a typical public man of the century. In an 
age of ferocious political rancour, he was distinguished by a 
geniality of temper which is attested alike by his friends and 
his foes. " He was devoid of all affectation, all pride, all 
pretension ; in his demeanour hearty and good-humoured to 

1 Scots Magazine, Vol. 34, p. 692 ; cf. S. Cowan's Ancient Capital of 
Scotland (Perth), Vol. II. pp. 327 330, for a further account of the Meal 
Riots at Perth. 

348 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

all," is the testimony of Lord Brougham; and another Whig, 
though a kinsman, Lord Cockburn, avers that "he was the 
very man for Scotland at that time, and is a Scotchman of 
whom his country may be proud." With this personal attrac- 
tiveness he conjoined mental qualities which gave him a power 
in debate and a mastery of business that placed him in the 
front rank of the statesmen of his time. Like the leading 
public men of the day, almost without exception, he had no 
reasoned, consistent political creed, nor had he the enlightened, 
single-eyed patriotism which we find in Lord President Forbes. 
In the Belles Lettres Society, while a student in the University 
of Edinburgh, he "professed an enthusiastic attachment to 
Whig principles 1 "; yet he held office first as Solicitor-General 
and afterwards as Lord Advocate under the Tory Government 
of Lord North, and successively served in the Whig Govern- 
ments of Rockingham and Shelburne. The Toryism which 
eventually became his political creed was indeed the result of 
new political conditions, which created new divisional lines 
between parties and their chiefs. From the date when he 
became Lord Advocate he was a power in Scotland; but it was 
at a later day that he acquired the unbounded influence which 
is known as the "Dundas Despotism." 

To the first year of Dundas's term of office belongs a 

beneficent statute mainly due to the industrial 

development of the country. While in Scotland 

general villenage had been abolished earlier than in other 
countries, there still remained a strange survival of that con- 
dition : the whole race of colliers and salters were in a state of 
serfdom as absolute as that of the early Middle Age 3 . They 
were bound from birth to the works with which they and their 
families were connected, and were transferable when their 
masters had no further use for them ; while a freeman, by be- 

1 Somerville, op. cit. p. 41. 

2 The newspapers of the time contain numerous advertisements for 
colliers who had deserted their owners. 

CH. vm] Colliers and S alters 349 

coming a collier or a salter for the space of a year, forfeited his / 
freedom. If we may judge from the preamble of the statute 
in question, it was for economic rather than for benevolent 
reasons that it received Parliamentary sanction. The quantity 
of coal and salt necessary to meet the want of the country had 
greatly increased; and, owing to the existing conditions of 
colliers and salters, a sufficient number of them were not 
procurable, "to the great loss of the owners and disadvantage 
to the public." The provisions of the statute are an interesting 
commentary on a time when ideas of social reform had not yet 
entered the minds of statesmen. It was enacted that no one 
voluntarily becoming a collier or a salter should forfeit his 
freedom ; and that those born in servitude should be liberated 
after a term of years proportioned to the age they had reached 
at the passing of the Act 1 . Not till 1799, when enlarged ideas 
of the duty of the State had begun to prevail, was the stigma 
on the country removed by the complete emancipation of both 
classes 2 . 

The year 1778 saw a signal illustration of the fact that a 
nation aroused can make its will felt under any 
form of representation. In that year Parliament 
passed a measure for relieving Roman Catholics from dis- 
abilities imposed by an Act of William III "for the further 
preventing the growth of Popery." By the Act of William, 
Catholics were prohibited from teaching their own youth, from 
purchasing or inheriting a single acre of land, and even from 
becoming domestic servants. The Act removing these dis- 
abilities, applicable only to England, received the support of 
Whigs and Tories alike, though the English populace showed 
their dissatisfaction with the measure by frequent riots in 
different parts of the country. In the course of the same year 

1 15 Geo. III. c. 28. 

2 In certain parts of Germany the Leibeigenen were not enfranchised 
till the middle of the iQth century. At the close of the i8th century there 
were 170,000 serfs in France. 

350 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

it was rumoured that a bill to a similar purport, applicable to 
Scotland, was to be introduced by Dundas. The rumour 
evoked an outburst of national feeling which showed that the 
ancient spirit was not dead. From the Reformation onwards 
the dread and hatred of Rome had been far more intense in 
Scotland than in England a fact sufficiently explained by the 
different conditions under which Protestantism had come to 
birth in the two countries. It was the spectre of Rome that 
had been the main cause of the Covenants and of the final 
rejection of the House of Stewart. Since the Revolution other 
interests and other fears had preoccupied the mind of the 
country ; but the panic of alarm aroused by the rumoured bill 
proved that the horror of the old enemy was still an obsession. 
It was not in Scotland, as in England, mainly the populace 
that raised the outcry against the proposed bill. The majority 
among the educated classes of all shades of religious and 
political creed denounced it as a making of terms with a 
dangerous superstition. It was an Episcopalian clergyman, 
Dr Abernethy Drummond, afterwards Bishop of Edinburgh, 
who was the first to sound the alarm; and Dr John Erskine, 
the leader of the Evangelical party in the Church of Scotland, 
wrote a pamphlet to prove that the bill would be disastrous to 
religion and disastrous to liberty 1 . Under the designation of 
the Friends of the Protestant Religion, a society was formed for 
the express purpose of averting the threatened calamity. A 
public meeting was held; agents were dispersed through the 
country to obtain subscriptions to a general petition against 
the bill ; and everywhere they received an eager response. In 
the beginning of 1779 tne popular fury took a more violent 
form: a riot broke out in Glasgow, and another shortly after- 
wards in Edinburgh. In the latter town a Catholic chapel 
was destroyed; the houses of Catholic citizens were attacked; 

1 Erskine carried on an interesting correspondence with Burke on the 
subject of Catholic Emancipation, Burke strongly defending it. See the 
Life of Erskine by Henry Moncreiff Wellwood. 

CH. vnij Catholic Emancipation 351 

and it was only by the presence of the military, called in for 
the occasion, that the residences of Principal Robertson 
and others who had shown sympathy with the bill were 
rescued from similar treatment. The effect of these popular 
demonstrations was conspicuously shown in the proceedings 
of the General Assembly. In May, 1778, it rejected a 
motion against the relief of Catholics by a majority of a 
hundred and eighteen against twenty-four; but in May, 1779, 
it put on record that the repeal of the existing laws against 
Catholics would be "highly inexpedient, dangerous, and pre- 
judicial to the best interests of religion and civil society in this 
part of the United Kingdom." In view of an insurgent nation, 
Dundas saw the impolicy of pressing his bill ; and, under the 
taunts of Wilkes for his meanness and cowardice, he informed 
the House that he had resolved to abandon it. A year later 
the Gordon Riots in London were to prove that fanaticism was 
not confined to the country north of the Border 1 . 

In the case of another national panic of a different nature 
(1780) Dundas had the full sympathy of the country 
in the action he took. In 1 779, Spain and France 
contracted an alliance against Great Britain in her war with the 
American Colonies. Their combined fleets swept the English 
Channel; and it seemed for a time that Britain had lost her 
established supremacy at sea. As usual, rumour outran the 
facts ; and in Scotland there was general alarm lest the enemy 
should seek her shores. A report got abroad that ships had 
been seen off Dunbar; and from all the towns and villages on 
the Firth of Forth came eager offers of service against the 
enemy. It was an opportunity for Dundas to add the needed 
strength to the navy. The measures he took with this object 
were those which had been adopted in 1664 by Charles II on 
the approaching war with Holland. The government officials 

1 In this connection it may be recalled that the Parlement of Paris 
protested against an Edict of 1788, which granted civil rights to Pro- 

352 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

and magistrates, not only of the seaports, but in all parts of the 
country, were charged to impress every able-bodied seaman 
who was to be found within their bounds. Panic and patriotism 
combined to evoke an effectual response; and Dundas had the 
satisfaction of materially adding to the strength of the navy, 
though, as was to be seen at a later day, the precedent was not 
an unalloyed good. 

Two other measures, passed under the superintendence of 
Dundas, found equal favour in the country. All 
17 I7 danger from Jacobitism, it was now perceived, was 
a thing of the past; the Highlands, its peculiar home, were now 
distracted by other preoccupations than concern for the fortunes 
of the House of Stewart; and the nation generally was convinced 
that the Act of repression passed against them after the 'Forty- 
five might be safely cancelled. In 1782, therefore, the clause 
of that Act prohibiting the use of the Highland dress was re- 
pealed 1 ; and in 1784 there followed another Act in the same 
spirit of oblivion of a past quarrel. We have seen that in 1752 
the estates forfeited by the rebellion of 1745 had been in- 
alienably annexed to the Crown. With the all but unanimous 
support of both Houses, Dundas carried an Act for restoring 
these estates to their legal heirs. The King, he assured the 
Commons, had not "a set of more loyal subjects in his 
dominions" than the Highlanders; and, in support of his 
affirmation, he quoted the eloquent words of Chatham, "I 
sought only for merit and I found it in the mountains of the 
North; I there found a hardy race of men, able to do the 
country service, but labouring under a proscription: I called 
them forth to her aid and sent them forth to fight her battles. 
They did not disappoint my expectations, for their fidelity was 
equal to their valour." The restoration of the estates, however, 
was qualified by a condition : the bygone rents, so far as un- 
expended, were to go to the public good, and specially towards 

1 22 Geo. III. c. 63. 

CH. vm] Henry Dundas 353 

the expenses of completing the Forth and Clyde Canal and of 
making and repairing roads in the Highland country 1 . 

While these various measures were passing, there had been 
vicissitudes in political parties which eventually placed Dundas 
in a position that made him the veritable " King " of Scotland. 
On the death of Rockingham in 1782 his Ministry was followed 
by that of Shelburne, under whom Dundas retained the office 
of Lord Advocate, and, conjoined with it, those of Treasurer of 
the Navy and Keeper of the Scottish signet, " with the patron- 
age of all places in Scotland." Then followed the cynical 
Coalition Ministry of Fox and Lord North, in which for a time 
Dundas retained a place, but from which he was eventually 
dismissed owing to suspicion of his loyalty to their Government. 
The suspicion arose from his connection with one with whom 
his name is henceforth indissolubly associated, and to whom he 
was mainly to owe the future greatness of his fortunes. Pitt 
and Dundas had both begun their political life as Whigs, 
though they had not always supported the same measures. 
When in 1782 Pitt brought forward a motion for Parliamentary 
reform, Dundas opposed him ; and when, in the same year, 
Dundas moved the recall of Warren Hastings from India, Pitt 
had not stood by his side. In 1783 Pitt again brought forward 
a motion for Parliamentary reform; and on this occasion 
Dundas was his ally a conjunction of persons and circum- 
stances on which future years were to afford a sufficiently 
ironical commentary. The alliance was now struck, and, 
cemented by common ambitions, common antipathies, and 
common interests it remained unbroken till the death of Pitt 
twenty-three years later a notable example of political com- 
radeship in the annals of British statesmen. But for his 
alliance with Pitt, Dundas could not have played the part he 
did; on the other hand, Dundas did for Pitt what no other 
man could have done. He was Pitt's most faithful henchman; 
his power in debate and his skill in business made him an 

1 24 Geo. III. c. 57; ParL Hist. xxiv. 1316 1322. 
B. S. III. 33 

354 2^0 Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

invaluable colleague; and, not least of his services, he could 
bring to the support of Pitt's Government the unswerving vote 
of almost the entire body of Scottish representatives. 

With the accession of Pitt to power in 1783 began the 
most brilliant period of Dundas's career as a British statesman, 
and the period, also, of his supreme domination in Scotland 
which is specifically known as the period of the "Dundas 
Despotism." Associated with Pitt, he held successively the 
offices of Treasurer of the Navy, Secretary for War, and First 
Lord of the Admiralty. His career as a minister belongs to 
British history, but as President of the Board of Control of 
India he wielded an authority which directly influenced 
Scotland. As absolute master of all public offices in India, 
he lavishly bestowed them on Scotsmen ; and thus began the 
connection of Scotland with that country which produced the 
long succession of distinguished Scots who have played such 
an important part in its subsequent history. 

It has already been said that Dundas owed his pre- 
dominance in Scotland at once to family prestige, to his own 
personal qualities, and to the existing condition of the country. 
But for this last advantage, however, the Dundas despotism 
would have been impossible. It was in the state of the 
electorate that Dundas found the basis on which his absolute 
control of the country rested. The population of Scotland at 
this period was about \\ millions, represented by forty-five 
members, thirty for the counties and fifteen for the burghs. 
In the year 1788 the total number of electors in the counties 
was 4662; while the number for each county ranged from 205, 
the electorate of Ayrshire, to 12, the electorate of Buteshire 1 . 
In the case of every county the voters were almost to a man 
at the disposal of the county magnate or magnates; thus in 
Argyleshire the Duke of Argyle had the electorate in his hand, 

1 C. E. Elphinstone Adam, View of the Political Stzte of Scotland. A 
Confidential Report, &c., p. 

CH. vii i] State of the Electorate 355 

while in Ayrshire it was divided mainly among 16 freeholders 1 . 
Of the sixty-six burghs Edinburgh alone had a representative 
to itself; in the case of the other burghs one member repre- 
sented groups of four or five, known as a district. The method 
of election was for each Town Council of the group to choose a 
delegate, and for the four or five delegates to meet at the head 
burgh and choose the member. With his universal control of 
patronage, it was a simple matter for Dundas to direct this 
electoral machinery. The persons in whose hands votes lay 
were precisely those who received the chief benefit from the 
patronage which Dundas was able to bestow. For themselves 
or their friends or kinsmen there were desirable offices in the 
law, the army, the navy, the church, and in the public services 
in the United Kingdom and the Colonies. Moreover, it was 
no compulsory service that Dundas exacted from the free- 
holders, who by the manufacture of fictitious votes and other 
means in their power, returned members bound to support the 
policy of the Government. With few exceptions they were at 
one with him regarding that policy; and they saw no iniquity in 
the fact that in a nominally free country the voice of the people 
was unheard. Such was the Dundas despotism, throughout 
which, as it was emphatically said, Scotland " was not unlike a 
village at a great man's gate 2 ." Yet it would be erroneous to 
suppose that Dundas in his management of Scotland was guilty 
of any monstrous political innovation. He only dealt with the 
electorate as he found it ; and it was only the new political 
conditions arising at the close of the i8th century that con- 
centrated in his hands an influence and an authority such as 
neither Lauderdale in the iyth nor Lord Islay in the first half 
of the 1 8th had ever wielded. The degradation and farce of 
the electorate, it need hardly be said, was not peculiar to 

1 C. E. Elphinslone Adam, op. cit. p. xxxii. 

2 Lord Cockburn, Life of Jeffrey, I. 76. In a speech at Ayr Quarter 
Sessions (1782) Mr Boswell of Auchinleck used the expression " a repre- 
sentation of shadows. " Caledonian Mercury , Nov. 16, 1782. 


356 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Scotland; in England the same practices prevailed, though 
from the greater extent and population of the country they 
could not so completely suppress the free voice of the people. 
The English Whig nobility held views similar to those of 
Dundas regarding the methods of "gerrymandering" consti- 
tuencies. About the year 1775, the period of which we are 
speaking, twenty-five great land-owners in England returned 
one hundred and sixteen members ; and, at a later date, even 
the scrupulous Sir Samuel Romilly thought it no political sin 
to buy a constituency. 

At the very time when Dundas came to the full measure of 
his influence, new forces were beginning to work which for a 
period were to consolidate it, but in the end were to be its 
destruction. In 1782, 1783, and 1785, Pitt raised the question 
of Parliamentary reform. In each case his proposals were 
rejected ; but the mere fact that the question had been raised 
was a proof that the public mind was being awakened to the 
contradiction between a nominally free constitution and ex- 
isting facts. In Scotland this awakening spirit now began to 
assert itself in a more limited but not less useful cause than 
Parliamentary reform. The reform of the electorate being for 
the time felt to be hopeless, attention began to be directed 
to another much-needed reform the reform of the muni- 
cipal government of the burghs. The existing evils in the 
burghs were traced to that Act of James III (1469), copied 
from France, which gave power to the retiring Town Council 
to elect its successor, thus robbing the burgesses of their 
former right of free election. The consequences of this Act 
were the same in Scotland as in France. In a report of 
grievances given in by certain of the burghs in 1788, the 
following charges were made against the Town Councils in 
general: alienation of the public property contrary to the 
interests of the burgh, illegal contraction of debt, neglect of 
the police, arbitrary exercise of authority, illegal exactions, 
misapplication of the town revenues, and unequal quartering 

CH. vm] State of the Burghs 357 

of soldiers on the burgesses 1 . It was in 1782 that burgh 
reform first came under public discussion. In 1784 a Con- 
vention, consisting of delegates from one half of the burghs, 
met in Edinburgh with the express object of furthering the 
cause; and in following years similar Conventions were held in 
the same town. In 1787, letters were addressed to Pitt and 
Dundas urging the necessity of reform. Pitt made no response; 
but Dundas, "with the manly openness of his character," replied 
that "he would not support but oppose the object of burgh 
reform." Rebuffed by the Tories, the reformers turned to the 
Whigs, and found a sympathiser in Fox, who recommended 
them to put their case before Sheridan. " He will bring it 
forward in all its force," Fox assured them, and " I shall with 
infinite satisfaction support him 2 ." Sheridan took up the 
cause "with warmth, alacrity, and ardour," and in successive 
sessions brought the question before the House of Commons, 
but was uniformly checkmated by Dundas, who gave it as his 
conviction "that it would conduce more to the real happiness 
and prosperity of the burghs to remain in their present state 
than to make any alteration whatever 3 ." 

The struggle had now begun which was to mark the next 
half-century as a distinct period in the national history. Like 
the religious struggle of the i6th century, the political struggle 
that was now to engage the Scottish people was associated with 
issues in which all Europe was concerned. In 1789 came the 
French Revolution, and with it a new epoch in the practical 
and speculative life of men. In Scotland as elsewhere "the 
minds of men were excited to new enterprises ; a new genius, 
as it were, had descended upon the earth ; and there was an 
erect and out-looking spirit abroad that was not to be satisfied 
with the taciturn regularity of ancient affairs 4 ." 

1 A. Fletcher, Memoir on Burgh Reform (1819), pp. 85 9. 

2 Ib. p. 59- 

3 Ib. p. 93. 

4 Gait, Annals of the Parish, Ch. XXIX. 

358 The Age of Secular Interests [me vu 


From the foregoing sketch of public events between 1746 
and 1789 it will have appeared that the national mind was not 
generally or deeply concerned with ideas of political reform. 
It was in other spheres of activity that the country displayed 
the energy and initiative which gave a specific character to 
this period of the national history. It was by the development 
of her natural resources and by her contribution to the general 
stock of ideas that Scotland then achieved her greatest results 
at once for herself and for the community of nations. We 
have seen that a new start in the material development of the 
country may be dated from about the year 1730, and that in 
the beginning of the century there was already a quickening of 
thought in literature, philosophy, and science. It was in the 
period of repose that followed the 'Forty-five, however, that for 
the first time in her history Scotland found the opportunity for 
the free expansion of all her resources. No convulsive struggle 
now distracted her; intercourse with England, in spite of 
lingering prejudices, became more frequent and cordial; the 
example and stimulus of other nations reached her more 
directly; and it was her good fortune to produce at this very 
time a succession of master-minds in the most important 
departments of human thought. 

Turning first to her growth in material prosperity, we find the 
period marked by an increase in her various industries, by an 
extension of her trade, and by the construction of public works 
unexampled at any previous time. The manufacture of linen 
had been one of her most promising industries before the 'Forty- 
five, but in the period under review that industry grew with 
rapid strides. For the year 1727 1728 the total value of the 
linen produced in the country was ^103,312; for the year 1770 
1771 it was .632, 389^ In the case of other manufactures 

1 Pennant, Tours in Scotland, II. 473. 

CH. vi n] Progress of Manufactures 359 

what is noteworthy is at once the increase of their number 
and the extent to which they were spread over the country. 
Edinburgh, Haddington, and Musselburgh were seats of the 
woollen manufacture; tartans, serges, and blankets were made 
at Stirling, carpets at Kilmarnock, stockings from Aberdeen to 
Stonehaven, while weaving was the chief industry of the in- 
habitants from Stonehaven to Dundee. Hawick was already a 
centre of the woollen manufacture; and other Border towns 
were following its lead in what has since become their staple 
trade. As a result of the war with the American Colonies 
arose the cotton manufacture, the raw stuff being imported 
from the West Indies. Thus, in the industrial revolution 
effected by the inventions of Arkwright and Crompton after 
the middle of the century, Scotland was prepared to play her 
part. Most important in her industrial development, however, 
was the utilisation of her stores of coal and iron. In 1760 
were started the Carron Iron-works, which Pennant, who 
visited them in 1769, describes as "the greatest of the kind in 
Europe 1 ." 

From the 'Forty-five, also, dates an era in the husbandry of 
Scotland 2 . Leases became longer ; farms were combined ; and 
enclosures rapidly increased hedges gradually displacing the 
stone fences. The general abolition of the " run-rig " system, 
by which different proprietors owned the alternate ridges of a 
field, was accompanied by improvements in tillage the rotation 
of crops and the application of lime to the soil becoming more 
and more general. A similar improvement was seen in farm 
implements: the first threshing-machine was set up in 1787; 
and for the mediaeval plough drawn by ten or twelve oxen was 
substituted one that could be drawn by two horses. We have 
seen how at an earlier period the introduction of the potato 
brought a boon to the people ; a similar boon was the cultiva- 

1 Pennant, Tours in Scotland, III. 263. Pennant says that he found 
twelve hundred men employed in these Works. 

2 Ramsay, op. cit. II. 212 et seq. 


360 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

\ tion of the turnip, which now became general and by supplying 

\ winter food for cattle gradually abolished the ancient custom 

\ of " killing the mart." To no class did husbandry owe more 

than to the great lawyers of the time, who led the way in 

improvement by experiments on their own estates. Chief 

among them was Lord Kames, who worked like Cincinnatus 

on his own farm, and by precept as well as example pointed 

the way to more enlightened tillage of the soil 1 . 

The construction of works of public utility was another 
proof of the advancing prosperity of the country. Chief 
among these works was the Forth and Clyde Canal, originally 
suggested by Charles II from his observation of the canals in 
Holland. The undertaking, however, was far beyond the 
national resources in the iyth century; and it was not till past 
the middle of the i8th that the Board of Trustees for the 
Encouragement of Arts and Manufactures, seconded by the 
Convention of Royal Burghs, embarked on the scheme. A 
survey by the engineer Smeaton proved that the work was 
feasible; the sanction of Parliament was obtained; and between 
1768 and 1790 the canal was completed at a cost of ,300,000, 
contributed by subscribers who were reimbursed from the 
tonnage-dues. The deepening of the Clyde at Glasgow, con- 
sidered a stupendous work at the time, the construction of 
the Tay Bridge at Perth at a cost of ^26,000, and of the 
North and South Bridges in Edinburgh, are other proofs of 
the enterprise of the period. Of the improvement of roads 
following on the Turnpike Act of 1751 something has already 
been said; and that the improvement was general we have 
the testimony of such visitors as Wesley, Pennant, Dr Johnson, 
and Pococke the last averring that the road from Edinburgh 
to Perth was " the finest turnpike road in Britain 2 ." 

To Lord Kames' Gentleman Farmer his biographer Tytler ascribes 
considerable influence on the development of agriculture. Memoirs of the 
Life and Writings of Lord Kames, n. 189. 

* Pococke, Tours in Scotland (Scot. Hist. Soc.), p. 250. 

CH. vm] State of the Highlands 36 1 

While this rapid industrial expansion was proceeding in the 
Lowlands, the Highlands saw at once a transformation in the 
character of their inhabitants and an economic revolution. 
"There was perhaps," wrote Dr Johnson, "never any change 
of national manners so quick, so great, and so general, as that 
which has operated in the Highlands by the last conquest and 
the subsequent laws 1 ." It was by the laws in far greater degree 
than by the conquest that the change in the "national manners" 
was effected. By these laws the former relations between chief 
and clan were made nugatory; and by a natural process the 
chiefs adapted themselves to the new conditions. From being 
chiefs they became landlords ; and as landlords they became 
desirous of making the most of such lands as they owned. 
From almost unanimous testimony it appears that in the policy 
they followed they over-reached themselves and did serious 
wrong to the mass of the people. In Pennant's words, " they 
attempted to empty the bag before it was filled." By their 
absenteeism and the haste with which they raised their rents 
they produced a state of things which was to remain an un- 
happy inheritance. But it was from the introduction of sheep 
farms, generally managed by Lowlanders, that the most wide- 
spread mischief resulted to the people. Where one shepherd 
was sufficient to manage a farm, there was neither employment 
nor sustenance for the native population. Whole glens were 
dispeopled 2 ; and then followed what Dr Johnson calls the 
"epidemic fury of emigration." Between 1763 and 1775, we 
are told, above 30,000 Highlanders left their homes for America, 
while large numbers swarmed into the Lowlands to pick up 
such a living as they could 8 . 

Such being the economical conditions produced by the 
action of the landlords, legislation could effect little towards 
the general amelioration of the Highland country. We have 

1 Journey to the Western Islands in 1773. 

2 Stewart, op. cit. I. 161. 

8 Knox, A view of the British Empire, p. 130. 

362 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

seen that the trustees appointed under the Act annexing the 
forfeited estates to the Crown made praiseworthy attempts to 
encourage various industries; but the Highlander did not take 
readily to sedentary occupations. "A Highlander," says their 
countrywoman, Mrs Grant of Laggan, " never sits at ease at a 
loom; 'tis like putting a deer in the plough 1 ." The restoration 
of the forfeited estates in 1782 was a step universally approved 
by Highlander and Lowlander ; but it affected only a few of the 
estates, and accomplished little for the inhabitants at large. It 
could even be made a reproach that the Highlands were re- 
garded "merely as a nursery for soldiers and seamen 2 "; and, 
when we learn that between 1740 and 1815 fifty battalions 
besides other troops were raised from the Highlands, we may 
infer that there was some ground for the reproach 3 . Towards 
the close of our period, however, a better day dawned for the 
unhappy country; in 1784 was founded the Highland Society, 
which eventually had for its objects at once the development 
of Highland industries and the preservation of the native 
language, poetry, and music. Started by the most enlightened 
Scotsmen of the time, the Society has performed services in 
Highlands and Lowlands alike which give it an honourable 
place in the national history*. 


The fresh start made in the material development of the 
country after the 'Forty-five coincided with a new departure in 
the sphere of religion. " President Forbes," says Ramsay of 
Ochtertyre, "died (1746) at a most critical juncture, when a 
new tide of opinions and manners was setting in strong 5 ." 
The " new tide " manifested itself at once in speculative philo- 

1 Letters from the Mountains, I. 103. 

2 Knox, op. cit. pp. 132 3. 3 Stewart, op, cit. II. 293. 

4 Stewart, op. cit. I. 226 et seq. 6 Ramsay, op. cit. I. 64 5. 

CH. vinj The New Moderates 363 

sophy, in theology and religion. In all times the Church has 
had to make terms with the world ; and, to secure its own 
existence, it has had to assimilate and adapt to the best of its 
ability the dominant preoccupations of the age. At the period 
of which we are speaking there were influences at work in 
Scotland, partly peculiar to herself and partly due to a general 
European movement, which the Church of Scotland had for 
the first time to face. There was the industrial expansion, 
which was diverting the minds of the most energetic section of 
the community from the theological interests of their fathers, 
and disposing them to plant their feet more firmly in this 
world and to think less of the next. Above all there was 
widely prevalent among the educated classes that spirit of 
scepticism and enquiry which was the dominant characteristic 
of the leading thinkers of the age. "At that time," notes 
Ramsay, " Deism, apparelled sometimes in one fashion and 
sometimes in another, was making rapid progress in Scotland 1 "; 
and the statement is amply borne out by other testimony. 

Out of the attempt to adjust the Church to these tendencies 
arose the religious party known as the Moderates, which during 
the latter half of the i8th century was to give its character to 
ecclesiastical policy. The name is peculiar to Scotland, but 
the spirit of Moderatism was that with which the world is 
familiar in the Bangorians or Latitudinarians in England and 
the "Enlightened" in Germany. If the party was to succeed 
in effecting an understanding with the world as it seemed to be 
going, it was necessary that it should have at once a creed, a 
standard of Christian conduct, and a policy; and it came to 
possess all three, inspired by the same intention and directed 
to the same end. The creed was not formally stated, and it 
left a wide latitude of opinion; but its specific characteristic was 
that, in contradistinction to the traditional theology, it laid 
emphasis on good works rather than on faith, and on the 
ethical teaching to be found in the Bible rather than on its 

1 Ramsay, op. cit. I. p. 60. 

364 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

mysteries. This was its ideal; but, as in the case of other 
creeds, its individual professors adjusted it to the idiosyn- 
crasies of their own minds and tempers. In some it amounted 
to mere "heathen morality 1 "; in others it was faintly "touched 
with emotion" emotion, however, which had not its source 
in spiritual rapture, but in their own more or less sympathetic 
temperament. The standard of conduct expected of the pro- 
fessing Christian was equally removed from the tradition of the 
Covenants: The pleasures of life were not banned, and the 
member of the Church was to realise that he was also a 
member of society which had its own legitimate sphere and 
function. As for the policy of the Moderates, it was determined 
by their type of religion. That policy was simply to fill the 
Church with ministers who by their teaching and social qualities 
would commend religion to the classes whose adhesion it was 
the interest of a national church to secure. By what means 
the Moderate leaders sought to effect this end we shall presently 

The salient characteristics of Moderatism are variously 
illustrated in three men, two of whom have a place in the 
ranks of eminent Scotsmen, while the third was one of 
the notable personalities of his day. The last, Dr Alexander 
Carlyle of Inveresk, has left an Autobiography in which 
Moderatism is presented in the extreme lengths it was pre- 
pared to go in its compromise with the world. It was he who 
preached what Hume called " heathen morality," and who, as 
he himself tells us, was considered by his parishioners to be 
"too full of levity and too much addicted to the company of 
his superiors 2 ." A born man of society, it was the irony of 
circumstances that made him a Christian divine, with the 
charge of a rural congregation whose spiritual needs lay beyond 
his comprehension. Of a higher type was Dr Hugh Blair, one 

The expression which David Hume applied to a sermon of Carlyle 
of Inveresk, to which he had listened. Cariyle, Autobiography , p. 477. 
a Ib. p. 407. 

CH. vm] Three typical Moderates 365 

of the ministers of the High Church, Edinburgh, and the most 
distinguished Scottish preacher of his day. As expressed in 
Blair's published Sermons, Moderatism appears in its best 
guise ; and it is a tribute at once to his teaching and his elo- 
quence that he found acceptance with such different persons 
as Dr Johnson, Jane Austen, George III and Madame Necker 
an interesting proof that Moderatism in its highest expres- 
sion appealed to some of the most serious minds of the time. 
It is, however, in Dr William Robertson, the historian, that we 
find the best representative of the religious party of which for 
twenty years he was the undisputed leader. No sermons of 
Robertson have been preserved 1 ; and it is only as a church 
leader and a writer of secular history that he is known to us. 
As the head of his party, he displayed a power in debate com- 
bined with a tact and sagacity which would have given him a 
foremost place in any deliberative body. Yet, if we may judge 
from the motto "vita sine literis mors est" which he chose in 
early youth, and from the imposing list of his historical writings, 
literature and not religion was the main passion of his life. 
He entered the Church not from any special call to be a 
religious teacher, but because it was the profession that offered 
him the leisure and repose for the studies to which his pre- 
dilections had destined him. That he should have done so is 
the judgment on Moderatism in its attitude to religion. Here 
we are far indeed from the unum necessarium which Christianity 
has exacted as an absolute condition from all who would call 
themselves by its name. 

The last outstanding event mentioned in connection with 
the National Church was the casting out of the Erskines in 
1740, and the consequent formation of the body known as the 
First Seceders. The first years in the life of this body were not 

1 He published only one sermon (addressed to the Society for Propa- 
gating Christian Knowledge). Dugald Stewart, Biographical Memoirs of 
Adam Smithy William Robertson and Thomas Reid (Hamilton's ed.), pp. 
108 9. 

366 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

happy. In the years 1741 and 1742 the visits of Whitefield 
gave occasion to his denunciation by the Seceders as an irre- 
sponsible emissary of a gospel that knew not the Covenants. 
The scrupulous consciences of the Seceders even led to 
disaster within their own body. In 1746 a section of them 
demurred to the Burgher's Oath, which exacted an admission 
that the "true religion" was "presently professed within the 
realm"; and the result was a breach which gave rise to the 
Burghers and Anti-burghers a breach that was not healed till 

From the first Secession in 1 740 to the close of the period 
now before us the history of the National Church 
74 is divisible into three epochs each marked by 

a modification in ecclesiastical policy. Warned by the first 
schism in the Church, the party that supported the claims of 
patrons against those of the congregations pressed their policy 
"with comparatively a gentle hand till 1750 or i75iV Yet, 
between 1739 and 1752, we are told, there were no fewer than 
fifty-three disputed settlements 2 . In many cases when ministers 
were forced on recalcitrant congregations, the military, with 
drum-beating and fife-playing, accompanied them to the 
church, the doors of which might be guarded by the indignant 
parishioners 3 . Of Thomas Reid, the philosopher, it is told 
that when he was "intruded" on the parish of New Machar 
(1737), he was ducked in a horsepond, and had to be protected 
by a drawn sword when he preached his first sermon. 

In the year 1751, Carlyle of Inveresk tells us, "the founds 
tion was laid for the restoration of the discipline 
of the Church 4 ." For Carlyle and those asso- 
ciated with him the restoration of the Church's discipline 

1 Ramsay, op. cit. I. 256. 

2 Morren, Annals of the Assembly, I. 344. 

3 A lively account of the proceedings of these " riding committees," as 
they were called, is given by Gait in his Annals of the Parish. 

4 Autobiography, p. 244. 

CH. vm] " The New Moderatism ' 367 

meant a due subordination of its different Courts, involving 
the supreme jurisdiction of the General Assembly in all 
matters under dispute. If lower Courts were permitted to defy 
the higher, there must be an end to all order and discipline. 
In the past many Presbyteries had refused to intrude ministers 
on unwilling congregations, and deliberately set at naught the 
orders of the Assembly. If the Church were to be saved from 
anarchy and disintegration, such disobedience must cease. As 
an essential part of this policy of the new party, the rights of 
patrons to presentation were to be rigidly enforced. As for the 
religious teaching of the Church, it must be such as would 
commend itself to those upper classes of society who had been 
alienated in large measure by the tenets of the traditional 
theology. Such was the programme of the " New Moderates," 
who for a time were to be the predominant party in the 
National Church, and who, like other religious parties, only 
reflected the prevailing tone and temper of the society in 
which they moved. 

The new party was mainly composed of young ministers 
and lawyers, among whom Carlyle, Dr Robertson, and John 
Home, the author of Douglas ; were conspicuous for their 
zeal ; and it was characteristic of the time that it met in a 
tavern to concert its future measures 1 . Their first attempt to 
influence the Assembly was not encouraging : in the case of a 
disputed settlement brought before the Assembly in 1751 they 
were defeated by a majority of 200 against 1 1 2 . In the following 
year, however, they achieved a victory which assured the ascen- 
dency of their party, though it involved another disaster for the 
Church. It had happened that a Mr Richardson had been 
presented to the parish of Inverkeithing ; but, as he was un- 
acceptable to the great majority of the people, six members of 
the Presbytery of Dunfermline, in spite of the Assembly's 
order, refused to take part in his induction. By a majority of 

1 Autobiography^ p. 246. 
8 Morren, <?/. cit. I. 

368 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

93 to 65 the Assembly resolved to depose one of the six ; and, 
when the votes were taken as to which of them should be made 
an example, fifty-two were given against Thomas Gillespie, 
minister of Carnock the remaining one hundred and two 
members of the House declining to record their votes. It was 
the new Moderates who had effected this result, but it was a 
result attended by another breach in the integrity of the 
Church: nine years later (1761) Gillespie and two other 
ministers founded what is known as the Relief Church, which 
remained a distinct body till in 1 847 it joined with the earlier 
Secession to form the United Presbyterian Church. 

The years following the deposition of Gillespie were the 
heyday of Moderatism. The causes of its ascendency are not 
far to seek the chief cause, as we have seen, being that it 
reflected the tone of the educated opinion of the day. There 
were special circumstances, also, which effectually tended to 
increase its ranks. Of the existing livings in the Church 
over a third were in the gift of the Crown a circumstance 
which must have disposed young divines to look with favour 
on the Moderate view of the rights of patrons. And there was 
still another cause which strengthened the hands of the new 
party : the majority of the candidates for the ministry became 
tutors in the families of country gentlemen, whose views on 
patronage and other matters they would be predisposed to 
accept in their own future interests. 

Yet, though Moderatism was thus in the ascendant, the 
popular party the Highflyers or Wild Party their opponents 
styled them were far from being extinguished. They had 
their support among the masses of the people who were 
interested in religion, and who craved a more devotional type 
of preaching than that supplied by the Moderates. The 
popular party, therefore, still made their voices heard in the 
Assembly, and not ineffectually. It was mainly at their instance 
that the sceptical writings of Lord Kames and David Hume 
were brought under discussion; and, though both sinners 

CH. vm] The General Assembly & the Stage 369 

escaped judgment, the Assembly put it on record that it was 
' filled with the deepest concern on account of the prevalence 
of infidelity and immorality 1 ." Mainly, also, as the result of 
their urgency, the arch-Moderate Carlyle himself had to under- 
go the Assembly's rebuke. In the year 1756 the literati of 
Edinburgh, lay and clerical, were moved to patriotic enthu- 
siasm by an unprecedented event. On the i4th of December 
of that year there was performed a play in the theatre in the 
Canongate a play written by a Scotsman and a minister 
of the Church of Scotland. The play was the tragedy of 
Douglas] and its author was the Rev. John Home, minister of 
Athelstaneford in East Lothian. On the third night of the 
performance, CarLyle with a group of ladies took up a position 
in the theatre where all eyes could see him; and, as the result 
of his bravado, he was "libelled" by his own Presbytery. The 
Assembly sustained the libel, and, moreover, enjoined all 
Presbyteries to take heed that " none of the ministers of this 
church do, upon any occasion, attend the theatre 2 ." It is an 
interesting commentary on this injunction that on the occasion 
of the visit of Mrs Siddons to Edinburgh in 1784 the Assembly 
had to adjust its business to the convenience of members 
desirous of seeing the great actress. 

In the main questions at issue between the two Church 
parties the Moderates had vanquished their op- 6g _ 
ponents: patrons had been secured in their 
rights, and Presbyteries had been taught obedience. But 
the victory had not been all to the advantage of the Church. 
Many of the people to whom religion was a prime concern 
resented their deprivation of the right of choosing their own 
ministers, and solved their scruples by joining the ranks of 

1 Morren, op. cit. n. 58. 

2 Carlyle, op. cit. pp. 310 et seq. ; Morren, II. 129 130. It is 
interesting to recall, in this connection, that in 1758 Rousseau published 
his famous Lettre sur les Spectacles, in which he denounced the stage as 
a corrupter of manners. 

B. S. ill. 24 

370 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the Seceders. By the year 1765 there were 120 meeting- 
houses, attended by more than 100,000 worshippers to these 
dimensions dissent had grown since the Church had cast 
forth the " eight brethren" in 1740. It was an ominous 
outlook for the future of the Establishment ; and the popular 
party seized the opportunity of pressing home what they 
alleged was the main cause of defection. In the Assembly 
which met in 1766 the question was raised whether an enquiry 
should be made regarding the causes of schism and the alleged 
evils of patronage. By a vote of 99 against 85 the enquiry was 
disallowed; but the narrowness of the majority proved that the 
reign of the Moderates would not continue undisputed. In the 
years that followed the great debate there were developments 
that brought increased strength to the popular party. The 
patrons of livings, now secure against popular revolt, began to 
exercise their privilege with a wantonness which excited the 
indignation even of Carlyle, who accuses them of presenting 
"the least capable, and commonly the least worthy of all the 
probationers in their neighbourhood 1 ." In 1781 Dr Robertson 
resigned the leadership of the Moderates, partly owing to his 
advanced years, but partly, also, owing to the troubles which 
he saw ahead of the Church. For twenty years he had been 
the sagacious head of his party, and no one ever arose to fill his 
place. Four years after his resignation the popular party won 
a decisive triumph; in 1785 their leader, the Rev. Sir Henry 
Moncreiff Wellwood was chosen Moderator, and thereafter by 
his family connections, by his high character and ability, held 
the first position in the Church. 

But, in truth, the hour of Moderatism was passing away. It 
had come to birth as the result of a general movement of 
European thought, and through a similar movement it was to 
come to an end. In 1781 appeared Kant's Critique of Pure 
Reason, which gave the deathblow to the rational philosophy of 
Wolff of which Moderatism was only a modified manifestation. 

1 Carlyle, op. cit. p. 528. 

CH. vm] Intellectual Development 371 

And another event was near at hand which was to effect a 
transformation in the ideals of humanity in all its interests : in 
religion, as in politics and speculative thought, the French 
Revolution was to awake chords in the human spirit beyond 
the compass of Scottish Moderatism. 

It was neither her religion nor her industrial development that 
drew the attention of the world to Scotland during the latter 
half of the i8th century. In a sarcastic sentence Voltaire has 
indicated in what lay her significance for the other nations. 
"It is an admirable result of the progress of the human spirit," 
he wrote, "that at the present time it is from Scotland we 
receive rules of taste in all the arts from the epic poem to 
gardening." The words were ironically meant, but they point 
to what was an indisputable fact the remarkable intellectual 
activity of Scotland in every important sphere of thought, and 
her original contribution in each of them. Hume's Treatise 
of Human Nature, Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind, 
Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, the Histories of Robertson 
and Hume, Macpherson's Ossian, the scientific discoveries of 
Black, Leslie, Hutton, Cullen, and John Hunter all mark new 
points of departure in their respective spheres. 

As we have seen, the first part of the century had prepared 
the way for the work of the second. Between 1720 and 1740 
there was a play of mind in every department of thought which, 
if the necessary intelligence were forthcoming, naturally opened 
the way for original discovery. What is specially noteworthy of 
that earlier period is that the best that was then thought and 
known in Europe was familiar to the predecessors of the men 
who were to follow and to accomplish such great results. By 
1740 there had already arisen the definite conception of a 
cultivated society, whose aims should be at once to advance 
thought and to make culture a national concern ; and the 
second half of the century saw this ideal in great measure 
realised. In Aberdeen, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, with their 
universities as centres, there were groups of strenuous workers 

24 2 

372 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

to which there was hardly a parallel in any other country and 
certainly not in England. Nor was mental cultivation restricted 
to these centres. It had been the custom a custom which 
ceased in the latter part of the century for "every Scots 
gentleman of ^300 a year " to travel abroad for two or three 
years before settling down to the duties of his position 1 . Thus 
all over the country there were educated persons who welcomed 
every novelty in literature or speculation. Even in the Hebrides, 
Dr Johnson tells us, he never entered a house in which he did 
not find books in more languages than one. " Literature," he 
sententiously adds, "is not neglected by the higher ranks of the 

It is only as bearing on the national development that we 
are here concerned with literature and speculative thought ; 
and in the case of both, as it happens, there are certain broad 
characteristics which throw a vivid light on the deeper life and 
thought of the period. In 1739 appeared Hume's Treatise of 
Human Nature, which, though it " fell deadborn from the 
press," was to become " the chief factor in shaping European 
thought 2 ." The logical outcome of the Treatise has been 
described as "intellectual suicide" -a strange conclusion, as 
might appear, to have been reached in Scotland, which for 
nearly two centuries had been the peculiar home of dogmatic 
assertion on ultimate questions. Yet there is concurrent testi- 
mony that Hume only systematised and gave precision to modes 
of thinking which widely prevailed in Scotland during the 
greater part of the i8th century. From about 1720 onward, 
metaphysical speculation had taken the place of political and 
theological controversies; and we have seen that, to the horror 
of men like Wodrow, speculation had virtually assumed the 
form of universal doubt. But it is in the period of the century 
that followed the publication of the Treatise that we find the 

Henry Mackenzie, An Account of the Life and Writings of John 
Home, Esq., p. 29. 

2 Campbell Fraser, Thomas Reid (Famous Scots Series), p. 36. 

CH. vm] Prevalence of Freethought 373 

spirit of all-questioning scepticism in the fullest working 
doubtless partly due to Hume's conclusions 1 . The testimony 
is convincing that during that period the prevailing type of 
thought, most strongly marked in Edinburgh, was a pagan 
naturalism for which Christianity was a temporary aberration 
of the human mind. The fashionable mental attitude received 
curious illustration on the publication (1770) of Beattie's Essay 
on Truth, expressly written to combat the positions of Hume. 
No Edinburgh publisher would venture, in view of the prevailing 
philosophic opinions, to give it to the world ; and it was only 
by a "pious fraud" that it issued from an Edinburgh press 8 . 
"Absolute dogmatic atheism is the present tone," Dr John 
Gregory, Professor of the Practice of Physic, wrote to Beattie 
from Edinburgh in ij66 3 . In England there was a general 
impression that Scotland was given up to infidelity; and in that 
country Beattie's Essay was received with greater enthusiasm 
than in his own. In the House of Commons, Thomas Townshend, 
afterwards Viscount Sydney, made encomiastic reference to the 
book, and took the opportunity to say that "the Scots were not 
all freethinkers 4 ." 

Beattie's Essay made far greater noise in the world, as a 
successful refutation of Hume, than another rejoinder addressed 
to the same end and of more permanent value. In 1764 
Thomas Reid had published his Enquiry into the Human 
Mind on the Principles of Common Sense, in answer to Hume, 
and had founded what is specifically known as the " Scottish 
Philosophy/' which till near the middle of the igth century 
continued to influence the speculative thought of Europe. 

1 Writing about 1819, J. Gibson Lockhart says : " Whatever may be his 
(Hume's) future fate, this much is certain that the general principles of 
his philosophy still continue to exert a mighty influence over by far the 
greatest part of the literary men of his country." Peter's Letters to his 
Kinsfolk, I. 86. 

2 M. Forbes, Beattie and his friends (1904), p. 45. 
8 Ib. p. 30. 4 Ib. p. 77. 

374 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Reid, and not Hume, is to be considered the typical repre- 
sentative of Scottish thought on all ultimate questions; it is, 
therefore, interesting to note what were its tendencies that 
appealed to the thinkers of other countries. 

In a characteristic passage Goethe has told us in what for 
him and the rest of the world lay the value of the Scottish 
philosophy. "The reason," he says, "why foreigners Britons, 
Americans, Frenchmen, and Italians can gain no profit from 
our new (German) philosophy is simply that it does not directly 
lay hold on life. They can see no practical advantages to be 
derived from it, and so it is that men turn more or less to the 
teaching of the Scottish school as it is expounded by Reid and 
Stewart. This teaching is intelligible to the ordinary under- 
standing, and this it is that wins it favour. It seeks to reconcile 
sensationalism and spiritualism, to effect the union of the real 
and the ideal, and thus to create a more satisfactory foundation 
for human thought and action. The fact that it undertakes 
this work and promises to accomplish it, obtains for it disciples 
and votaries 1 ." 

In France, as is well known, the Scottish philosophy found 
wider acceptance than in Germany, prolific in systems of its 
own, and through the expositions of Royer-Collard, Jouffroy 
and Victor Cousin became a potent influence in forming 
French speculative opinion in the first half of the igth cen- 
tury. What is specially interesting, however, as illustrating 
the essential import of the Scottish teaching is the fact 
that Reid's Enquiry was confidently used as a text-book of 
philosophy in Catholic schools. In the Seminaire dTssy, 
Renan tells us, he was reared on "le bon Thomas Reid," 
who was "a philosopher and a minister of the Gospel." 
" Reid," his teacher in philosophy assured him, "soothes and 
consoles, and leads to Christianity 2 ." 

In literature, as well as in speculative thought, Scotland 

1 Goethe, Werke (ed. Heinemann), xxvi. 445. 

2 Renan, Souvenirs (PEnfance. 

CH. vm] Literature and Science 375 

may claim to have been an initiator in more branches than 
one. In the earlier half of the century, Thomson's Seasons 
had freshened the sources of poetry in England, France, and 
Germany; but of far more resounding fame and more quickening 
effect was Macpherson's Ossian (1762 3), which struck a note 
that vibrated throughout Europe for half a century and did 
more than any other intellectual product to draw the general 
gaze to the country that gave it birth. In the department of 
history, Hume and Robertson each produced composite wholes 
such as had not previously appeared in any modern literature 
Hume's being perhaps the acutest intellect ever applied to the 
events of history, while Robertson's practical sagacity and width 
of survey have rarely been surpassed. In the new science of 
political economy, Adam Smith produced what remains the 
central work in its own field, and one which by the skill of its 
exposition has the further distinction of being a work of litera- 
ture. The productions just named are epoch-making in their 
respective subjects ; but, as Voltaire's ironical words imply, 
many books were written, which, though they did not attain 
to this distinction, yet exercised a wide influence in their day. 
What specially strikes us is the number of Scottish books of the 
period that were translated into the continental languages. The 
works of Lord Kames, the Sermons of Hugh Blair, Beattie's 
Essay on Truth* all made the tour of Europe significant evi- 
dence of the amount of truth that lay behind Voltaire's sarcasm. 
If Scotsmen were initiators in literature and philosophy, 
they were equally pioneers in the field of physical science. 
The names of Cullen and John Hunter in pathology, of Black 
(a Scoto- Irishman) and Leslie in chemistry, of Hutton in 
geology, and of Watt in engineering, are landmarks in the 
history of these respective departments. In view of her 
various achievements in so many fields, therefore, it can 
hardly be gainsaid that the latter half of the i8th century 
was for Scotland "the period of her most energetic, peculiar, 
and most various life." 


GEORGE III, 17601820. 


1789 1806. 

WITH the year 1789 Scotland, like other European 
countries, entered a new phase of her national life. During 
the period that succeeded the Rising of 1745 the most 
strenuous part of her people had been mainly occupied in 
developing the natural resources of the country. Political 
life was hardly existent; there was no general interest in 
principles of government and as little interest in great social 
problems. During the i7th century ecclesiastical and theo- 
logical struggles had kept the nation alive to public questions; 
and, during the first half of the i8th, the possibility of a 
Stewart restoration exercised a certain quickening influence. 
When that danger passed, the disposition became general to 
accept existing political conditions which were nominally those 
of a free constitution. True, the representatives of the country 
were elected by a few thousands out of a population of a 
million and a half; but at no time had it been otherwise, for 
during the i7th century the members of the Scottish Parliament 
had for the most part been the nominees of whatever power 
was in ascendency. At a meeting of Ayr Quarter Sessions 
Boswell of Auchinleck expressed what was probably the general 
opinion among all classes. u As that man," he said, "was 
esteemed the best sportsman that brought down the most 

CH. ix] The French Revolution 377 

birds, so was he the best representative that brought the best \ 
pensions and places to his countrymen 1 ." In the years im- 
mediately preceding 1789, indeed, there were indications of 
an awakening to public questions and the responsibilities of 
public men. The question of burgh reform had been raised, 
and the state of the electorate was beginning to attract critical 
attention ; but it was the shock of a European event that was 
to be the main cause of a general awakening to political life. 

In his "Elegy on the year 1788" Burns utters a prayer 
that 1789 would repeat or better the example of 
its predecessor. Neither Burns nor anyone else 
dreamt that the new year was to make an epoch in human 
history. On the 5th of May the States-General of France met, 
and in the course of a few months overthrew the existing con- 
stitution and made its momentous Declaration of the Rights of 
Man. At first these events gave rise to suspense rather than 
alarm in the majority of all classes both in England and 
Scotland. For a time at least a rival power, which not many 
years before had been an open enemy, would be rendered 
innocuous by the cataclysm which had befallen it. A few 
enthusiastic spirits hailed the downfall of feudal France as the 
breaking of a new dawn for humanity ; and this opinion was 
shared by some whose temperament did not incline them to 
look with favour on revolution. Reid, the most cautious of 
thinkers, was so well pleased with the action of the French 
National Assembly that he remitted a sum of money in support 
of its cause ; the equally cautious Dr Robertson, the leader of 
the Moderates, took a similar view and spoke of Burke's 
Reflections, which appeared in the following year, as mere 
" ravings " ; and Dr Adam, the revered principal of the High 

: See the Caledonian Mercury of Nov. 16, 1784. On another occasion 
a Member of Parliament was requested by his constituents to vote against 
a certain bill ; his reply was : " No, I bought you, and am determined to sell 
you"; Caledonian Mercury \ June 4, 1759. Cf. Benger, Memoirs of 
Mrs E. Hamilton, I. 89. 

378 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

School, Edinburgh, lost for a time the respect of his pupils (as 
Scott, who was one of them, informs us) by his open commenda- 
tion of the new political principles which had been announced 
to the world by the doings in France. 

In the following year began that cleavage in European 
opinion regarding the French Revolution which 
exists to the present day, and of which Burke's 
Reflections was the dividing sword. Henceforward, in every 
country, two parties were arrayed face to face; and the division 
between them touched the foundations of society. In Scotland, 
as elsewhere, the struggle between the two parties was inter- 
necine. "Everything," says Lord Cockburn, "rung and was 
connected with the Revolution in France; which for above 
twenty years was, or was made, the all in all. Everything, not 
this or that thing, but literally everything, was soaked in this one 
event 1 ." This obsession of the Revolution was not due to the 
fact that any large and important body of the Scottish people 
embraced its principles, but to a vague terror of the governing 
classes in general lest the portentous drama enacted in France 
should be repeated at home. As with culminating fury act 
followed act in the frenzied nation, this terror became a 
nightmare and created a policy which in the end could only 
defeat itself. 

The practical question, apart from the dreams of revolu- 
tionaries, which the Government had to face in Scotland was 
whether the existing state of the burghs and the electorate 
was to continue or not. The two men on whom devolved the 
responsibility of settling it were Henry Dundas, who was 
appointed Home Secretary under Pitt in June, 1791, and his 
nephew, Robert Dundas, who had been made Lord Advocate 
in 1789 an office which he held till 1801. Their position 
was one fitted to try their public virtue ; reform in the burghs 

1 Memorials of his own Time, p. 70. Interesting references to the 
divisive effect of Burke's Reflections will be found in the Caledonian 
Mercury of Sept. 30, 1792, and in the Monileur of Oct. 22, 1792. 

CH. ix] The " Dundas Despotism' 379 

and reform in Parliamentary representation would involve the 
end of that family influence which since 1783 had made 
Henry Dundas the " King of Scotland 1 ." But in the fortunes 
of Dundas were involved the interests of the overwhelming 
majority of persons in the Church, in the Law, in public 
offices, and among the landed proprietary. Strong in this 
support, Dundas never hesitated in his policy: the existing 
state of things must be maintained, and reform averted by all 
the means at his disposal. Yet he keenly felt the difficulties 
of his position. In 1789 Grenville offered him the Presidency 
of the Court of Session a post which two of his family had 
previously held. He replied that the office had been " the 
ultimate object" of his ambition, but that in the existing 
circumstances of the country he could not with honour accept 
it. "It is unnecessary to enter into the reasons," he wrote; 
"but it is a truth that a variety of circumstances happen to 
concur in my person to render me a cement of political 
strength to the present Administration, which, if once dis- 
solved, would produce very ruinous effects. I feel and state 
this to you with infinite regret, for I do not see a speedy 
remedy for it ; and the situation to me grows every day, as I 
advance in years, more irksome and disagreeable, and, in 
truth, takes from me every comfort and enjoyment I have 
while in Scotland 2 ." 

It was in 1792 that the issue was joined between the 
Government and the whole party of reform with 


its divergent aims. At the end of March of that 
year was founded the "Society of the Friends of the People," 
consisting of about fifty members, with strictly constitutional 
aims. Sir James Mackintosh, whose Vindiciae Gallicae, a counter- 
blast to Burke's Reflections, had appeared in the previous year, 
was its Secretary; among its members were Lord John Russell, 

1 He was jocularly known as " Harry the ninth." 

2 The Manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, Esq., Hist. MSS. Com., 
Thirteenth Report, Appendix, Part in., 1892, p. 534. 

380 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Sheridan, Thomas (afterwards Lord Chancellor) Erskine, and 
Lord Lauderdale, the only Scottish peer who was on the 
side of the people. Branches of the Society were speedily 
formed all over England and Scotland; and in many of 
them its constitutional aims were forgotten and wild doctrines 
preached 1 . As it happened, the year 1792 in Scotland was a 
disastrous one; in many parts of the kingdom fuel and pro- 
visions were so scarce and dear that the poor were driven 
to despair. The new doctrines of liberty, therefore, found a 
ready soil; and it was difficult to decide whether active sedition 
or the pressure of want prompted the wide-spread discontent 
and the frequent disturbances both in town and country. On 
the night of the 4th of June, the King's birthday, a riot broke 
out in Edinburgh which was repeated on two consecutive days. 
In this case the violence of the populace was attributed to 
local causes and especially to dislike of the military, who had 
been held in odium since the Porteous Mob. Elsewhere, 
however, there were tumults which had their origin in revolu- 
tionary excitement. Dundee was especially turbulent; a tree 
of liberty was set up in the town ; and the boys in the streets 
were taught to shout "liberty and equality." Perth was 
reported to be "a very dangerous place"; in Fife the emis- 
saries of the societies were "very active"; and in Glasgow and 
the West generally the numbers of the "Reformers" were 
estimated at 40,000 or 50,000. On December n a General 
Convention of the Friends of the People in Scotland met at 
Edinburgh, with the object of settling their future programme ; 
but the proceedings showed how little unanimity prevailed 
among the members. One member proposed that they should 

1 In Scotland the shires of Renfrew, Fife, Perth, and Forfar were 
especially prolific of revolutionary societies. The general state of opinion 
with regard to the French Revolution is indicated by the ministers who 
contributed the accounts of their parishes to the Statistical Account of 
Scotland (begun in 1791). As other evidence proves, however, their 
accounts minimise the unrest of the time. 

CH. ix] State Trials 381 

take "the French oath to be free or die"; but by the more 
moderate this was regarded as an "indiscretion." On one 
object, however, there seems to have been general agreement 
that every man who had reached the age of twenty-one 
should have a Parliamentary vote 1 . 

The two years that followed the Edinburgh Convention 
count among the black years of the national 
history. On January 21, 1793, Louis XVI was 
executed 2 ; and France soon afterwards declared war against 
England and Holland. In the course of the same year the 
Reign of Terror began, the Catholic religion was abolished, and 
the Feast of Reason celebrated. To the horror excited by these 
events, we must attribute in large measure the state of opinion in 
Scotland which made possible the prostitution of justice which 
now disgraced the administration of the law. As the private 
letters of the time abundantly show, the proceedings of the 
revolutionary societies throughout the United Kingdom created 
a genuine dread of a revolt of the people such as was con- 
vulsing France. It was with the full approval of the upper 
classes, therefore, that the Government took steps to arraign 
certain of the most prominent among the leaders of the 
Friends of the People. The first person selected in Scotland 
was Thomas Muir, a young advocate, who had been a delegate 
in the Edinburgh Convention, and who by word and deed 
was an indefatigable champion of reform. The details of 
his trial and of those that followed belong to legal history; 
and we are concerned with them only so far as they illustrate 
the state of feeling in the country. Muir was brought to trial 
in August, 1793 ; and the entire proceedings connected with it 

1 These details are mainly taken from a Memorandum in the Public 
Record Office drawn up in 1792 for the information of Henry Dundas. 
I have to thank Mr W. L. Mathieson for the sight of this document, which 
he had transcribed for his own use. See also Reports of the Committee of 
Secrecy of the House of Commons, Edin. 1 794. 

2 A play entitled " The Last Days and Execution of Louis XVI " was 
acted at Musselburgh. 

382 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

may be described as a travesty of justice. His case was 
prejudiced by the very atmosphere of the Court, for almost to 
a man the members of the Bar shared the panic of the classes. 
The jury that tried him was deliberately packed; and the 
presiding judge, the notorious Lord Justice Clerk Braxfield, 
sank his office into that of the prosecutor of the accused. 
"Come awa, Maister Horner, come awa," he said to one of 
the jurors as he entered the box, "and help us to hang ane 
o' thae daamned scoondrels 1 ." Found guilty of sedition, Muir 
was sentenced to transportation for fourteen years a monstrous 
sentence for which the Court was responsible 2 . The following 
month (September) another "Reformer" the Rev. Thomas 
Fyshe Palmer, was brought to trial at Perth before the Circuit 
Court of Justiciary. Palmer was an Englishman, who had 
settled in Dundee as a Unitarian preacher. Like Muir, he 
had been present at the Edinburgh Convention, and taken a 
prominent part in the proceedings of the Friends of the 
People. Proved to have been responsible for what was held 
to be a seditious address to the people, he was sentenced to 
seven years' transportation, and sent to join Muir in Newgate. 
The sentences of Muir and Palmer did not deter others 

from following their example. On Oct. 28 
^793 ^794 

a third General Convention of the Scottish 

Friends of the People met in Edinburgh, mainly to protest 
against the rumoured intention of the Government to suspend 
the Habeas Corpus Act in England and the analogous Act of 
1701 in Scotland. Joined by delegates from England, this 
Convention reassembled on November 29, and assumed the 
significant title of "The British Convention of Delegates 

1 Cockburn, Memorials, p. 102. " Hang," Cockburn notes, was 
Braxfield's phrase for all kinds of punishment. 

2 Jeffrey and Samuel Romilly were present at Muir's trial and were 
equally horrified at the manner in which it was conducted. Cockburn 
notes that it was never the practice in England to punish sedition with 
transportation. Memorials, p. 88. 

CH. ix] State Trials 383 

associated to obtain Universal Suffrage and Annual Parlia- 
ments." Having passed the protest, it was dissolved by force 
on December 5 ; when three delegates Joseph Gerrald and 
Maurice Margaret, both Englishmen, and William Skirving, 
secretary of the society were arrested and committed for 
trial. The trials came on in January and March, 1794, amid 
excitement intensified by events at home and abroad. The 
latest news from France told of the British repulse at Dunkirk, 
the expulsion of the Austrians and Prussians from French 
territory, and the capture of Toulon by Bonaparte. Through- 
out the United Kingdom, moreover, the wilder spirits among 
the Reformers were as active as ever, in spite of the efforts 
of the Government to suppress the various societies. The 
sentence pronounced on all three prisoners was transportation 
for fourteen years another proof of the harsh injustice of the 
Scottish Bench, since some months later English juries refused 
to convict Home Tooke, Thomas Hardy, and John Thelwall, 
who were tried on similar charges 1 . 

Later in the year 1794, the public excitement was raised to 
the highest pitch through a discovery made by 
the Government. By means of its spies, who 
were everywhere, it received information of a desperate plot, 
the object of which was to organise a general rising in 
Edinburgh, to seize the Castle and the Banks, and to secure 
the persons of the judges. Two of the ringleaders, David 
Downie and Robert Watt, formerly a spy in the service of the 
Government, were arrested and brought to trial on a charge of 
high treason. As in 1709 the English Treason Law had been 

1 In Beattie's Life of Campbell the poet there is a striking account of 
the impression made on the Court by the eloquence of Gerrald. The trial, 
at which Campbell was present, was an epoch in his life. Vol. I. pp. 85 
109. 100,000 copies of Margaret's indictment were published. On the 
day of his trial he was conducted in triumph his coach being drawn by 
the people. A canopy bore the inscription, " Reason, Liberty, and 
Equality." Scottish Register, I. 146. 

384 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

substituted for that of Scotland, cases of treason had to be 
tried before a commission of Oyer and Terminer. Both of 
the accused were sentenced to death, but Downie received a 
reprieve "a matter of general regret," wrote Walter Scott, 
who had come from Kelso to be present at the trial 1 . 

The public tremors did not cease with the examples made 
of Watt and Downie; but from the year 1795 we 
may date the beginning of a calmer temper both 
in England and Scotland, The madness of the French Revo- 
lution was now past ; and the war which France had declared 
against its various enemies concentrated the public mind on a 
definite issue. But it was the overstrained action of the home 
Government that most directly tended to favour reaction. On 
October 29 the King, on his way to open Parliament, was 
surrounded by a wild mob clamouring " Peace, Peace ! No 
War ! Give us bread and no Pitt ! " The Government 
regarded this explosion as the direct work of revolutionaries, 
and passed two Acts at once violent and futile. By the one, 
the Treason Act, the mere writing or speaking against the 
King's authority was declared to be treason ; and by the other, 
the Sedition Act, all political meetings were prohibited unless 
advertised beforehand, powers being given to any two Justices 
to disperse a meeting if they deemed it to be dangerous. In 
England the public hostility to both Acts was so great that it 
was found impossible to enforce them ; in Scotland, under the 
regime of Dundas, public opinion did not exist, but there, also, 
action was taken which was to lead to important results. 

On November 28, 1795, while the two bills were still under 

6 the consideration of Parliament, a public meeting 

was held in an Edinburgh tavern to protest against 

their being made law. Resolutions were passed to that effect; 

and a committee was appointed to further the objects of the 

meeting. Among those who consented to act on the committee 

1 Scott was of opinion that the plot ' ' might from its very desperate 
and improbable nature have had no small chance of succeeding." 

CH ix] Erskine deposed from the Deanship 385 

was Henry Erskine, son of the Earl of Buchan, and the most 
brilliant advocate at the Scottish Bar. Born in 1746, Henry, 
like his brother Thomas, afterwards Lord Chancellor of England, 
had identified himself from the first with the party of moderate 
reform. He had been Lord Advocate under the short-lived 
Coalition Government; and in 1785, though his political 
opinions were detested by most of his colleagues, his social gifts 
and his attractive personal character had secured him the 
coveted position of Dean of the Faculty of Advocates. In 
taking part in a meeting adverse to the Government, how- 
ever, Erskine had, in the eyes of the great majority of his 
professional brethren, cast a slur on their loyalty and com- 
promised the office of Dean. By a vote of one hundred 
and thirty-three against thirty-eight, therefore, the advocates 
deposed their erring brother (January, 1796) a proceeding 
which has never since been repeated, and which was possible 
only at a time when politics destroyed the mutual consideration 
which is the bond of human society. 

The deposition of Erskine from the Deanship marks a 
turning-point in the history of political parties in Scotland. 
We have seen that before the outbreak of the French Revolution 
the question of burgh reform had been decisively raised and, 
at the instance of delegates from the Scottish burghs, been 
vigorously taken in hand by Sheridan and others. Even before 
the explosion in France, however, Dundas had resolutely set 
his face against reform; but, after that event, reform alike in 
the burghs and in parliamentary representation was regarded 
by Dundas and three-fourths 1 of the people of Scotland as a 
letting-in of the waters which would inevitably result in a 
deluge. Constitutional reformers and the wildest revolution- 
aries were classed under a common designation, and their aims 
confounded as an equal menace against the Constitution. Yet 
there were a few men of mark who were convinced that for the 
security of the Constitution itself some measure of reform was 

1 This is the estimate of Lord Cockburn. Memorials, p. 71. 
B. S. III. 25 

386 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

imperative, and that the time had passed when a kingdom 
could be treated like "a village at a great man's gate." Such 
were Henry Erskine, Archibald Fletcher, the ardent champion 
of burgh reform, Sir Henry Moncreiff Wellwood, the leader 
of the popular party in the Church, Professors Dugald Stewart 
and Playfair, the Rev. James Grahame, author of The Sabbath, 
and Malcolm Laing, the historian. But the actual work of 
reform devolved on a few of the younger advocates, of whom 
Francis Jeffrey was afterwards to be the most distinguished. 

Throughout the i8th century it was the men at the Scottish 
Bar who had taken the most prominent part in public affairs ; 
but, as the great majority of them were connected with the 
landed families, their politics were those of Dundas, in whose 
hands their professional interests lay. When men like Jeffrey took 
up the cause of reform, it was therefore at the risk of blasting 
their career and of social ostracism. "The prospects of no 
young man," writes Lord Cockburn, "could be more apparently 
hopeless than of him who, with the known and fatal taint of a 
taste for popular politics, entered our Bar." " There being no 
juries in civil cases," says Mrs Fletcher, the wife of Archibald 
Fletcher, " it was supposed that the judges would not decide 
in favour of any litigant who employed Whig lawyers 1 ." And 
she adds : " We were often at that time reduced to our last 
guinea." It was amid these conditions of the time that Erskine 
had been deposed from the Deanship, but his removal had a 
result very different from what was intended. It concentrated 
the action of the knot of young advocates who shared his 
opinions ; and thereafter there was a recognised party, small in 
numbers, but composed of the rising talent of the Bar, with 
a definite programme of parliamentary and burgh reform. 
Several years were to elapse before their opportunity came; 
in the meantime their task was to point the way to the masses 
of their countrymen and educate them to higher conceptions 
of corporate responsibility. 

1 Autobiography, p. 66. 

CH. ix] Revolutionary Excitement 387 

There are few events to record of the last years of the 
Dundas Administration. The revolutionary 
terror was gradually abating, but it was still 
the determining motive in the minds of the upper classes. 
When Mrs Fletcher settled in Edinburgh, as the wife of a 
prominent Whig, she was suspected of carrying a dagger under 
her cloak, and of practising the use of the guillotine 1 . When 
she attempted to found a Female Benefit Society, the first 
attempt of the kind in Scotland, the Sheriff- Depute and the 
magistrates vehemently refused the necessary warrant on the 
ground that it was a dangerous innovation. When about 
the year 1799 an effort was made to establish Sabbath Schools, 
the General Assembly opposed them as possible hot-beds of 
sedition 2 . To the year 1798 belongs another State Trial 
that of George Mealmaker, originally a Dundee weaver. Like 
the majority of his trade, he was an active member of the 
secret Society of United Scotsmen ; and, as he was a man of 
ability, he had played a leading part. Accused of taking and 
giving the oath of a secret society, and of issuing inflammatory 
pamphlets 3 , he was brought before the High Court of Jus- 
ticiary ; and, the jury unanimously finding him guilty, he was 
sentenced to fourteen years' transportation a sentence which 
would have been impossible had the case been tried by an 
English jury. 

In the years immediately preceding the fall of Dundas, 
however, a new terror possessed the public mind. " Instead of 
Jacobinism, invasion became the word." The uneasiness had 
begun in 1793 when France declared war against Britain; and 
the advent of Napoleon had intensified the disquiet. As 
Scotland had been refused a militia, it was mainly on volunteers 

1 Autobiography, pp. 70, 86. 

' In Kay's Portraits (n. 356) there is a humorous representation of 
the Rev. Dr Moodie dispersing a Sabbath School. 

3 Mealmaker was the author of the pamphlet for the publication of 
which Palmer had been transported. Ib. I. 309. 


388 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

that she would have to depend for her defence; and the response 
that was made afforded sufficient evidence that the country was 
not given over to Jacobinism. Even Burns, whose sympathies 
were republican, in his verses, entitled " Does haughty Gaul 
invasion threat?" (1795), showed that he remembered Wallace 
and Bruce, though in the same breath he proclaims that the 
" people " are to be thought of not less than the " King." On 
the other hand, it was with undivided sympathies that Scott 
showed himself the most enthusiastic of his countrymen in 
organising the means of national defence. According to his 
biographer, it was he who had the credit of originating the 
volunteer light cavalry in imitation of the London Light Horse ; 
and as an officer in his own corps he both fed his fancy and 
indefatigably discharged his duties. It was in 1803, when war 
was again declared against France, that the military enthusiasm 
reached its height. Then " Edinburgh, like every other place, 
became a camp, and continued so till the peace in iSi/j. 1 ." 
Lawyers, professors, doctors, all assumed arms and donned 
warlike habiliments the man who did not present himself for 
service being regarded as of doubtful loyalty. 

To the same closing years of the Dundas ascendency belong 
three measures two of which, at least, were 

1799 l8O2 

urgently called for. One effected the complete 
emancipation of the colliers (1799) a result which had been 
imperfectly accomplished by the Act of 1 7 75 2 - and another 
gave Scotland a Militia (1802), which had been steadily 
refused till this time, but which the menace of invasion 
now made imperative 3 . The third measure was one which 
had also been long demanded and as persistently refused. 
So far back as 1748 9, ministers and schoolmasters had 
craved an increase of their stipends ; but, mainly owing to the 
opposition of the leading proprietors, their supplication had 
been rejected. The ministers had still some years to wait for 

1 Cockburn, Memorials, p. 164. 

9 39 Geo, III. c. 39. 8 42 Geo. III. c. 91. 

CH. ix] "The Edinburgh Review" 389 

their favour; but in 1803 the schoolmasters received a modest 
addition to their incomes. By an Act of that year it was 
ordained that their existing maximum salary of 200 marks 
should be raised to 300 marks (about ;i6) as a minimum and 
400 marks as a maximum; that they should possess a house of 
"not more than two apartments including the kitchen"; and 
that attached to it there should be "at least one-fourth of 
a Scotch acre 1 ." The liberality was not excessive, yet it excited 
the general indignation of the lairds, who did not feel it their 
duty to " erect palaces for dominies." 

The ascendency of Dundas had begun in 1783, and it 
was never more despotic than in the opening 
years of the iQth century. At the general 
election of 1802, when Addington made his appeal to the 
country, forty-three out of the forty-five members returned 
for Scotland were Dundas's nominees. Yet it was in this 
very year that there went up a "pillar of fire 2 " which was a 
portent that the country was entering on a new era. On 
the loth of October appeared the first number of the Edin- 
burgh Review. "The effect," writes Lord Cockburn, "was 

electrical It is impossible for those who did not live at 

the time, and in the heart of the scene, to feel, or almost 
to understand, the impression made by the new luminary, 
or the anxieties with which its motions were observed 8 ." 
The Review could not, indeed, have been started under 
happier auspices. There was a numerous public, both in 
England and in Scotland, prepared to accept it as an inter- 
preter of their opinions on all the topics that were then 
exercising men's minds ; and its four chief founders and con- 
tributors Sydney Smith, Jeffrey, Brougham and Francis Horner 
made a galaxy of talent such as is rarely found with such 
community of aim and variety of accomplishment. The quality 
of the first number carried general conviction that a new and 

1 43 Geo. III. c. 54. a The expression is Cockburn s. 

* Cockburn, Life of Jeffrey, I. 131. 

390 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

potent force had arisen, which would have to be reckoned with 
in the future. Its subjects ranged over literature, philosophy, 
politics, and economics ; and all were handled with a lightness 
and audacity which were to be the characteristics of the 
contributors throughout and were specially adapted to the 
generation to which they appealed. Thus out of the very 
citadel of Toryism had issued the publication that beyond any 
other organ was to voice the opinions of the political party 
whose triumph lay not far ahead. 

The appearance of the Edinburgh Review was symptomatic 
of the breaking up of the old order, and three 
years later happened the event which involved a 
new departure in the national life. In February, 1805, came 
the news that Henry Dundas, now Lord Melville, had been im- 
peached for peculation in his capacity as Treasurer of the Navy. 
"People could scarcely believe their senses 1 ." That he whom 
they had deemed omnipotent should be arraigned like a common 
criminal appeared like an interruption in the course of nature. 
The impeachment implied the end of the system of govern- 
ment in Scotland of which he had been the most remarkable 
representative ; for, though after his acquittal he reappeared for 
a time in public life and his death did not occur till 1811, his 
broken health and his discredited reputation made his former 
ascendency impossible. " I have seen," wrote Scott in March, 
1806, "when the streets of Edinburgh were thought by the 
inhabitants almost too vulgar fpr Lord Melville to walk upon ; 
and now I fear that, with his power and influence gone, his 
presence would be accounted by many, from whom he had 
deserved other thoughts, an embarrassment if not something 
worse 2 ." 

1 Cock burn, Memorials, p. 217. 

2 Dugald Stewart, an ardent Whig, wrote as follows to Francis Homer 
on Dundas's impeachment : "I trust it [the impeachment] will terminate 
in a manner so decisive as to close for ever his political career an event 
which I consider as synonymous with the emancipation and salvation of 
Scotland." Memoir by Professor Veitch, p. cxxxviii. 

CH. ix j Impeachment of Dundas 391 

A towering monument in the capital of Scotland com- 
memorates Melville's name ; and its imposing dimensions are 
justified by the place he filled in the minds of his fellow- 
countrymen for more than a quarter of a century. It may be 
said in simple truth that no Scottish King, nor even Cromwell, 
had the Scottish nation so completely in his hand as he. Yet 
it is to be remembered that he did not invent the system which 
made his omnipotence possible. It dates from the reign of 
James VI, under whose rule members of Parliament, magistrates, 
and office-holders of every rank were made dependent on the 
Crown. Charles I, while his authority remained, followed the 
same policy ; so did the Covenanters during their brief ascend- 
ency; and so did Charles II and James VII. Subsequent to 
the Union of 1707 the same system continued; and we have 
seen how in the first half of the i8th century Lord Islay was 
" King of Scotland " by the same means as Dundas the un- 
controlled exercise of patronage. During I slay's sway, however, 
his influence was contested by an active party, which did 
not exist under the rule of Dundas. That there was no such 
party to oppose Dundas was mainly due to the fact that the 
dread aroused by the French Revolution drove the influential 
classes to cling with desperation to the existing system which 
preserved their exclusive privileges. But, if Dundas was the 
master of the system which placed him where he was, he was 
at the same time its servant. Had he seriously proposed any 
drastic reform either in the burghs or in parliamentary repre- 
sentation, his kingship would not have been of long endurance. 
A few landed proprietors and a few men of the law might 
have followed his leading, but the great majority of those who 
possessed influence in the country would have refused to 
accept a policy which would have taken that influence out of 
their hands. 

During the last decade of the i8th century the history of 
the National Church has not the intrinsic interest which it 
possessed in the preceding period. During that earlier period 


392 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

Moderatism had made its attempt to adjust the Church's 
teaching and government to the society in which it then found 
itself. With this object it had succeeded in establishing the 
claims of patrons over the claims of congregations, but with 
results which had displeased even the arch-Moderate Carlyle. 
Patrons, secure in their privilege, had begun to use it in a manner 
that was not in the interests of the Church. Moderatism had, 
in truth, failed to accomplish what was avowedly its principal 
aim to attract the educated classes to its fold, and to secure a 
body of ministers who by birth, breeding, and training should 
raise the social standard of their profession. It is Carlyle's 
sorrowful admission that his expectations had been wofully 
disappointed. The most respected landlords ceased to attend 
the General Assembly ; and their places were taken by inferior 
men. The most enlightened of the Moderate party, disgusted 
with the indifference of the laity and the indifference of the 
Government, no longer took an interest in the business of the 
Church. Young men of low birth and mean education had 
discovered that the readiest means of securing a living was to 
pay court to the patron ; and with such men the Church was 
being rilled. The natural result was that the "wild party' 3 
was gradually gaining ground. 

Such, according to Carlyle, were the tendencies in the 
Church in the years following Dr Robertson's resignation of 
the leadership in 1781. But, when the hour of the French 
Revolution struck, the day of Moderatism passed, for the new 
temper then awakened was of another nature from that which 
had animated even the highest type of Moderates such as 
Hugh Blair and Robertson. The religious developments in 
Scotland during the closing years of the i8th century signi- 
ficantly indicate their direct connection with the uprising in 
France a fact which was clearly apprehended by the Moderate 
leaders in the Church. One of the religious novelties of the 
period was itinerant lay preaching, of which the brothers Robert 
and James Haldane were the most ardent apostles ; and the 

CH. ix] Decay of Moderatism 393 

former left it on record " that he was raised from the sleep of 
spiritual death by the excitement of the French Revolution.' 
It was with a sure instinct, therefore, that the Moderate leaders 
persistently associated the work of the two brothers with the 
ferment in France, though both indignantly disclaimed the 
political principles which France had proclaimed. So we have 
seen the Church put its ban on Sabbath Schools as possible 
agencies of sedition 1 ; and similarly, in 1796, the General 
Assembly by a vote of fifty-eight to forty-four expressed its dis- 
approval of missions to the heathen, as being examples of 
unreasoning zeal 2 . Doubtless, also, it was partly owing to their 
dread of revolutionary principles that the ministers of the 
Moderate party took up the position they did in an affair which 
created much commotion in its day, and which marks a turning- 
point in the history of the National Church. In 1805, the year 
of Melville's impeachment, the Chair of Mathematics in the 
University of Edinburgh fell vacant, and two candidates pre- 
sented themselves for the post. The one was John Leslie, dis- 
tinguished for his discoveries in heat ; the other, an Edinburgh 
minister, the Rev. Dr Thomas Macknight. In the scientific 
world there was no doubt as to which candidate had the pre- 
eminent claim, as Leslie's discoveries had made his name 
famous. But Leslie was accused of free-thinking; and free- 
thinking was then associated with revolutionary principles and 
questionable enthusiasms. By a strange reversal of parts the 
Moderate party gave its strenuous support to the orthodox 
candidate, while the popular party as strenuously urged the 

1 This was also Bishop Horsley's opinion. On the other hand, the 
free-thinker, Adam Smith, wrote (1787) strongly in favour of Sunday 
Schools. Rae, Life of Adam Smith, p. 407. 

2 The debate on the subject of Foreign Missions was published under 
the title of An Account of the Proceedings and Debate in the Assembly of 
the Church of Scotland, i^th May, 1796. Edin. 1796. In the Caledonian 
Mercury for February, 1763, we read of a collection being made in the 
General Assembly for propagating the Gospel among the North American 
Indians. The tone of the Assembly had changed since that date. 

394 Tke Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

claims of the free-thinker. By a majority of ninety-six to 
eighty-four the General Assembly, to which the case was 
referred, gave decision in favour of Leslie. It was a triumphant 
victory for the popular party, and the Moderates never recovered 
their lost prestige. Their defeat was, in truth, a decisive proof 
that they were losing touch with the times. 

The most notable literary products (the dubious Ossian 
excepted) of the period following the 'Forty-five had been in the 
sphere of thought and not of imagination. Its representative 
names are those of Hume, Reid, Adam Smith, and Robertson. 
The work of all these writers found continuators, but none of 
the same original power. Yet the prelections of one famous 
teacher still maintained Scotland's fame as a source of in- 
spiration in the deeper problems of life. As Professor of Moral 
Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh from 1785 to 1810, 
Dugald Stewart gave a direction to the lives of a succession of 
youths who were to be among the chief forces of their own 
generation. Men like Jeffrey, Cockburn, Francis Horner, 
Sir James Mackintosh, Brougham, Lord Palmerston, and 
Earl Russell, were enthusiastic disciples such as few teachers 
can boast. It was in the sphere of imaginative creation, how- 
ever, that Scotland during the last quarter of the i8th century 
made its most memorable contribution to literature. During 
these years Burns began and finished his work, and Walter 
Scott entered on the career which was to excite the world's 
interest. The work of both exhibits manifest traces of the 
time in which it was produced ; yet neither was pre-eminently 
the interpreter of the conflicting aims and passions that were 
then absorbing and dividing the Scottish people. Burns's sym- 
pathies were with the French Revolution and with the Whigs at 
home; but he was not of the stuff of which political martyrs are 
made, nor did his genius fit him to produce political verse 
which by its sincerity and force gives momentum to national 
movements. He wrote election ballads and party songs, but 
he sounds no clear and consistent note; and his productions in 

CH. ix] Literature of the Period 395 

that kind are among the inferior efforts of his genius. Yet the 
work he accomplished has had a more abiding influence than 
it would have had if nature had made him the poet of a great 
political and social ideal. It was in the wide field of human 
experience apart from temporary social and political conditions 
that his genius found its natural scope and its supreme expres- 
sion. In Scotland, as in other countries, we have seen, there 
had always been a secular side to the life of its people which had 
asserted itself in the teeth of ecclesiastical supervision. It was 
of this side of life, with its purely human instincts and interests, 
that Burns was the poetic interpreter. The natural play of 
character as he observed it in the men and women around him 
in their loves, their amusements, their quarrels, their misfor- 
tunes, their backslidings, and misadventures this was his 
theme ; and it was his attitude towards it and the manner in 
which he treated it that made him the most potent literary 
force that has influenced the masses of his fellow-countrymen. 
His attitude was that of pure naturalism dissociated from all 
theological preconceptions; and his treatment of congenial 
themes was that of the artist whose sole concern is to present 
them in the broadest light of humanity. Menschlichkeit- 
human nature in its essence was the conception that presented 
itself to him ; and it is as Scotland's one great genius who has 
adequately expressed this conception that he has his unique 
place in the national development. 

The dominant fact of the period following the middle of 
the 1 8th century had been the rapid material progress of the 
country. That progress still continued, but what specially 
arrests our attention in the closing years of the century is 
the change wrought in the spirit and habitudes of the people. 
As industries had grown in town and country, wages had 
become higher and work more plentiful, with the result that 
the mass of the population were better clothed, better housed 
and better fed. The change that had come over the mind of 
the people was still more remarkable : " mankind," writes Gait 

396 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

in the Annals of the Parish^ "read more, and the spirit of 
reflection and reasoning was more awake, than at any time 
within my remembrance 1 ." The awakening was doubtless in 
the first place due to the industrial activity which was now 
animating the country. The new methods of agriculture which 
had been generally introduced quickened the pace of landlords, 
tenants, and labourers. Even more effectual was the spread of 
manufactures in producing a class of artisans with minds alert 
to the movements that were renewing the foundations of society. 
In villages in almost every shire these artisans were now found; 
and their sedentary occupation gave opportunities of mutual 
stimulus which had not existed in the past. When the watch- 
words of the French Revolution found their way into the 
country, there was hardly a community where the population 
was not divided into " government men," on the one hand, and 
"blacknebs," or revolutionaries, on the other. Hence the 
rapid growth of those secret societies which alarmed the 
Government, and directly and indirectly contributed to the 
overthrow of the system represented by Dundas. 

In the upper classes, also, and notably in Edinburgh, 
which set the model to the other larger towns, a change took 
place which was more superficial but has its own signifi- 
cance. " The change from ancient to modern manners, which 
is now [1840] completed," writes Lord Cockburn, "had begun 
some years before this [close of the i8th century], and was at 
this period in rapid and visible progress 2 ." The change con- 
sisted in the abandonment of national manners, customs, and 
modes of speech for those of England a process which had 
indeed been going on from before the middle of the i8th century. 
It had begun in the endeavour of Scottish men of letters to weed 
their writings of Scotticisms and to acquire an English style 

In the Annals of the Parish Gait gives what is a historical picture of 
the progress of a country parish during the period before us. Gait was 
born at Irvine in 1779, so that he describes what he had actually seen. 
2 Memorials^ p. 24. 

CH. ix] Social Changes 397 

that would pass muster with the critics in London. Then 
came the ambition on the part of the literary and fashionable 
classes to acquire the English accent in speech as well as the 
English idiom in expression. English teachers of elocution 
(Thomas Sheridan the actor among them) gave lessons in pro- 
nunciation to Scottish lawyers, professors, and clergy 1 . After 
the middle of the century it became a mark of provincialism 
among those classes to betray a Scotch accent; and it was one 
of the sources of Dundas's popularity that he retained his 
mother-tongue though his life was largely spent in England. 
With English modes of speech, came English standards of 
manners, dress 8 , and customs ; and the general result was that 
lack of spontaneity which strangers have ever since noted as a 
characteristic of the society of the Scottish capital. The 
change, it may be said, went deeper still; superimposed 
habitudes do not leave the springs of character as they were ; 
and it has been matter of frequent comment that with the 
beginning of the iQth century the strongly-marked individualities 
so conspicuous in the i8th began to disappear. 

1 As a result of Sheridan's visit, a Society for promoting the Reading 
and Speaking of the English Language in Scotland was formed by Members 
of the Select Society. Scots Magazine (1761), pp. 389 90, 440. 

2 Formerly Scottish ladies had copied the fashions of Paris and not 
those of London. Writing in 1812, Mrs Grant of Laggan says: "Glasgow 
is far more Caledonian, more national than Edinburgh; and our nationality 
decays so fast that I feel a kind of pain at its departure." Memoir and 
Correspondence^ II. 23. 



PREVIOUSLY to 1806 a Tory Government had been in power 
for more than twenty years. When in February 
of that year the Whig Ministry of All the Talents 
was formed, it was, therefore, as much to the surprise of the 
Whigs as it was to the disquiet of the Tories. It was a novel 
experience in Scotland to see a Whig (Henry Erskine) in the 
office of Lord Advocate, and a Whig Peer (the only Scottish 
one), the Earl of Lauderdale, dispensing patronage as Keeper 
of the Great Seal. The conduct of Walter Scott shows the 
alarm with which his party regarded a Government which it 
identified with revolution. Scott had accepted the office of 
Clerk of Session from the new Ministry, and, naturally feeling 
that his conduct might be misconstrued, he for the first time 
took a practical part in politics, canvassing electors and 
haranguing meetings in the interest of the family of his chief, 
the Duke of Buccleuch 1 . 

Scott and his party, however, were not to be long tried 

by the doings of the Whigs; in March, 1807, 

Grenville resigned after thirteen months' tenure 

of office ; and for the next quarter of a century the Tories were 

to be in power. Yet the years that were coming were not to 

be as those of the Dundas despotism. The first Lord Melville 

was succeeded (1811) by the second as "manager" of Scotland. 

He inherited something of his father's ability and popular 

1 Lockhart, Life of Scott, Chap. xv. 

CH. x] The Whig Party 399 

qualities, and eventually filled important offices of State; he 
became President of the Board of Control, then Secretary for 
Ireland, and from 1812 to 1827 he was First Lord of the 
Admiralty ; but under the new conditions he could not exercise 
the ascendency of his father in the affairs of Scotland. Though 
the Whigs were so summarily ejected from office in 1807, 
public opinion in Scotland was steadily growing in their 
favour, mainly owing to the championship of their cause by 
the younger advocates at the Scottish Bar. While Scott 
was the only eminent Tory in the legal profession, the other 
side could reckon several who were to rise high in that 
profession and to play a distinguished part in the coming 
struggle for reform. Such were Jeffrey, who as editor of 
the Edinburgh Review was the Coryphaeus of the group; 
Cockburn, nephew of the first Lord Melville, but the most 
uncompromising of Whigs ; John Clerk, afterwards Lord Eldin ; 
Sir James, afterwards Lord Moncreiff, accounted the first 
lawyer in the Parliament House ; and George Cranstoun, after- 
wards Lord Corehouse. The weight of learning was equally 
on the side of the Whigs ; they had the most learned antiquary 
in Thomas Thomson, who, as editor of the Acts of the Parlia- 
ment of Scotland, produced the most monumental work in 
Scottish history ; and they had the greatest institutional lawyer 
in George Joseph Bell. "Nothing can be more certain," 
wrote the Tory Lockhart, "than the superiority of the Whigs 
in Scottish Literature of the present day 1 ," and elsewhere he 
says : "The Whigs are still lords of public opinion in 
Edinburgh to an extent of which, before visiting Scotland, I 
could scarcely have formed any adequate notion," though he 
adds that the "Tories have all the political power, and have 
long had it 2 ." The aims of the Edinburgh Whigs were burgh 
and parliamentary reform by constitutional methods; but there 
was a spirit abroad throughout the country which demanded 
more drastic measures and more revolutionary changes. " You 
1 Peter's Letters to his Kinsfolk, I. 79. 2 Ib. n. 146. 

4OO The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

are quite right in apprehending a Jacquerie? wrote Scott to 
Southey in 1812; "the country is mined below our feet." 
And he proceeds to relate how he had recently prevented a 
public meeting of weavers in Galashiels, in connection with 
which he had made a startling discovery. The Manchester 
Weavers' Committee was in communication with every manu- 
facturing town in the south and west of Scotland and levied a 
subsidy of 2S. 6d. per man "for the ostensible purpose of 
petitioning Parliament for redress of grievances, but doubtless 
to sustain them in their revolutionary movements 1 ." 

According to Lord Cockburn, the year 1815 the year of 
Waterloo and the fall of Napoleon divided in twain the 
lives of his generation 2 . Previous to that year the double 
dread of revolution and invasion had been fatal to all reform 3 ; 
when that dread was removed, the nation could breathe more 
freely and with new-born confidence turn its thoughts to 
political and social amelioration. Yet the events of the years 
immediately following the overthrow of the great enemy were 
not such as to reassure the majority of the nation, who since 
the original outbreak of the French Revolution had steadily 
set their faces against all constitutional change. It had been 
a result of the Napoleonic wars that, while they increased the 
wealth of the manufacturers, they had injuriously affected the 
working-classes. Loss of employment owing to the intro- 
duction of machinery and the fall of wages had produced a 
wide-spread misery both in Scotland and England which the 
State seemed helpless to relieve. The outcome in both 

1 Life, Chap. XXIV. 

2 Memorials, p. 239. 

3 A story is told of James Mylne, Professor of Philosophy at Glasgow 
and an ardent Reformer, which illustrates the tension of public feeling. 
On Sunday, March 26, 1815, news came of Bonaparte's escape from Elba. 
Preaching that day, in the University Chapel, Mylne gave out the para- 
phrase, beginning, "Behold! he comes, your leader comes!" This was 
interpreted as a welcome to Bonaparte, and Mylne was prosecuted by 
the Lord Advocate. M'Cosh, Hist, of Scot. Philosophy, p. 365. 

CH. x] Conspiracy in Glasgow 401 

countries was the growth of a spirit of unrest, mainly among 
the artisans, more menacing and more wide-spread than at any 
period since 1789. Revolutionary societies sprang up on all 
sides; and there was open defiance of the constituted authorities. 
The problem of the Government that of Lord Liverpool 
was to distinguish how far these symptoms were due to 
revolutionary aspirations and how far to despair begotten of 
misery. An attack on the Prince Regent (January 28, 1817) 
decided Liverpool to follow the example of Pitt on the 
occasion of a similar attack on George III. In March the 
Habeas Corpus Act in England and the corresponding Act 
in Scotland were suspended; and in the following month an 
Act, applicable to both countries, was passed against seditious 
meetings 1 . 

In Scotland it was the state of things in Glasgow that most 

seriously alarmed the Government. The greatest 

r j /-i 18161817 

centre of industry in the country, Glasgow since 

the beginning of the revolutionary time had been a hot-bed of 
secret societies; in 1792 it had sent a subscription of ; 1200 
to the French National Assembly. In 1816 the Government 
received information that a conspiracy was on foot in the town 
the majority of those concerned in it being weavers. In 
accordance with the practice of Pitt, a spy named Alexander 
Richmond, himself a weaver who had previously been im- 
prisoned for being concerned in a strike, was employed to 
worm out the secrets of his fellows. Richmond's report of his 
investigations was sufficiently alarming. There was a con- 
spiracy, he alleged, the parties to which took a secret oath that 
they were prepared to use physical force to obtain free and 
equal representation, annual Parliaments, and the elective 
franchise for every citizen who had attained the age of twenty- 
one. What was specially disquieting was the further allegation 
that the troops in the city barracks were suspected of being 
tainted with the opinions of the weavers. 

1 57 Geo. III. c. 6; 57 Geo. III. c. 19. 
B. S. III. 26 

402 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

In consequence of Richmond's information, a number of 
persons were arrested and brought to Edinburgh 
to undergo trial. The Lord Advocate of the day, 
Alexander Maconochie, conducted the prosecution; and Jeffrey 
and John Clerk (afterwards Lord Eldin) were the counsel for 
the defence. Three of the prisoners Alexander McLaren, 
a weaver, Thomas Baird, a grocer, and Neil Douglas, a 
universalist preacher were tried on a charge of sedition. 
McLaren was proved to have made an inflammatory speech at 
a public meeting near Kilmarnock and Baird to have published 
it, while it was alleged against Douglas that in his sermons 
he had said among other things that George III might be 
paralleled with Nebuchadnezzar who had been smitten with 
the loss of reason, and that the Prince of Wales was an 
"infatuated devotee of Bacchus." Both the sentences and 
the manner in which the trials were conducted showed that a 
change had been wrought both in the public mind and in the 
atmosphere of the Courts of Justice since the days when Muir 
and Palmer were transported for similar offences. Baird and 
McLaren were sentenced to six months' imprisonment, while 
in the case of Douglas the jury brought in a verdict of not 

There still remained to be tried another batch of prisoners, 
also arrested on the information of Richmond. The charge 
against them was more serious ; according to Richmond they 
had all taken the treasonable oath which he professed to have 
discovered. To justify the measures of the Government, it was 
highly desirable that their guilt should be brought home to the 
accused; and the legal authorities of the Crown did their utmost 
to secure witnesses in support of the prosecution. Their 
diligence was rewarded by one of the prisoners, John Campbell, 
turning King's evidence; and in July the trials came on. The 
most notable of them, by reason of a sensational incident, 
was that of Andrew McKinlay, a Glasgow weaver. As his 
counsel he had nine of the most eminent Whig advocates 

CH. x] Trials of the Conspirators 403 

Jeffrey, Cockburn, and Clerk among them ; while the Crown 
was represented by the Lord Advocate, the Solicitor-General, 
and the Advocate-Depute. At the outset of the examination, 
the witness Campbell was asked a purely formal question 
then put in criminal cases if he had received or been 
promised a reward for giving his evidence. To the consterna- 
tion of the Court he replied in the affirmative and pointed 
to the Advocate-Depute. As Campbell stood to his averment, 
the Court ruled that his evidence could not be received. 
Although other witnesses were called, the Lord Advocate of 
his own accord abandoned the case against McKinlay, and 
the jury returned a verdict of not guilty the verdict applying 
to all the other prisoners. The failure of the prosecution was 
attributed to the incompetence of the Crown officials, yet it 
may be ascribed in large measure to the changed conditions of 
the time. In 1796, as the air was then charged, a judge like 
Lord Braxfield would have found little difficulty in procuring a 
different conclusion. The phalanx of Whig counsel represented 
a body of public opinion such as did not exist at the date of 
the earlier State Trials. 

To the same excited year belong two events of interest in 
the history of the political parties that now 
divided the country. In January, 1817, ap- 
peared the first number of The Scotsman newspaper an event, 
says Lord Cockburn, writing as a Whig, "of incalculable 
importance." Its appearance was another proof that the 
times were rapidly changing. In the days when the Dundas 
influence was at its height, a Whig newspaper would have been 
regarded with horror as a harbinger of revolution, and its editor 
"would have been better acquainted with the Court of 
Justiciary than he would have found comfortable." Appearing 
weekly and under able conduct, the new organ at once defined 
the aims and rallied and concentrated the forces of the Whig 
party. In the interests of that party it was the need of 
the hour that its objects and methods should be clearly 

26 2 

404 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

distinguished from those of the wilder revolutionaries; and 
this was the peculiar service the Scotsman was able to render. 

Even in the days while Dundas was still supreme, his 
party had to a certain extent made use of the press to in- 
fluence public opinion 1 . As things now went, however, with 
the Edinburgh Review and the Scotsman in possession of the 
field, it was needful that the existing order should have its own 
exponent and champion ; and this was the role undertaken 
by the promoters of Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine^ the 
first number of which appeared in October, 1817. Like the 
Edinburgh Review^ it bore a distinctive character from the 
first its guiding object being to carry fire into the enemy's 
country. Its personalities, its flippancy, and irresponsibility 
were condemned by the graver heads of the party it repre- 
sented. The "mother of mischief," Scott called it; and 
Mrs Grant of Laggan, a good Tory, expressed the hope that 
its contributors feared God as they certainly did not regard 
man 2 . "The faults of this Magazine," wrote Lockhart, who 
was himself to be not the least offender, "have been very 
great; the worst of them wanton and useless departure from 
the set of principles, and outrages upon the set of feelings, it 
has all along professed to hold sacred 3 ." But the Edinburgh 
Review had now an effective rival, and the public had the 
opportunity of hearing both sides of every question. 

For about a year and a half following the State Trials of 

_ 1818 there was comparative tranquillity among 

the discontented classes in Scotland. In England, 

however, the year 1819 saw a recrudescence of revolt more 

serious and alarming than in any previous year, culminating in 

the " Manchester Massacre " of August. At the close of the 

year were passed the Six Acts which prohibited seditious 

1 The Edinburgh Herald was largely supported from the Secret Service 

2 Memoirs of a Highland Lady, II. 236. 
* Peters Letters to his Kinsfolk, II. 224. 

CH. x] The "Radical War' 405 

writings and public meetings, the possession of arms and 
secret drilling. Through the secret societies a close con- 
nection was kept up between the artisans of both countries; 
and in the beginning of 1820 there were ominous signs that 
mischief was brewing in the west of Scotland. As in 1818, 
Glasgow was the centre of the threatening symptoms ; but the 
neighbouring towns, such as Paisley, Hamilton, and Airdrie, 
were suspected of being privy to the conspiracy. A portentous 
document at length announced the intentions of the con- 
spirators. It was written in the name of the " Committee of 
Organisation for forming a Provisional Government," and was 
addressed to all the inhabitants of Great Britain. Posted as a 
placard in the streets of Glasgow and other towns in the west, 
it summoned all labourers and artisans to desist from work on 
and after April i, till they were put in possession of the rights 
that " distinguish the freeman from the slave." Before the day 
appointed for the general strike, Glasgow was occupied by 
5000 troops, mainly consisting of the Yeomanry of Midlothian 
and other counties. The precaution was prudently taken. 
Some 60,000 men struck work; and Glasgow and the neigh- 
bouring towns and villages swarmed with idlers prepared for 
mischief. On the night of April 5 an actual encounter took 
place between the troops and the mob, but a charge of cavalry- 
put an end to the affair. More serious and the most notable 
incident of the disturbed time was a fray on the same 5th of 
April at Bonnymuir, near Carron in Stirlingshire. There a 
body of armed insurgents was met by the Stirlingshire 
Yeomanry and put to flight with a loss of three slain and 
nineteen prisoners. Mainly through the action of the Yeo- 
manry in the disturbed shires, a few weeks sufficed for the 
restoration of general quiet. 

It now remained to deal with the forty-seven prisoners who 
had been apprehended for trial, and regarding whose degree of 
guilt public opinion was greatly divided. In the view of Tories 
like Scott, the great majority of those concerned in the dis- 

406 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

turbances were "blackguards" whose object was the overthrow 
of the existing Constitution ; in the judgment of others, it was 
not the spirit of rebellion but the sting of actual want which 
had been the impelling cause of insubordination. The results 
of the trials, which were conducted by a Commission of Oyer 
and Terminer, sufficiently vindicated the law, and at the same 
time showed the change in general opinion since 1796. Of the 
forty-seven brought to the Bar, twenty-four received sentence 
of death, which, however, was carried out only in the case of 
three Wilson who was hanged at Glasgow, and Hardie and 
Baird who suffered at Stirling. Of the others, two were found 
innocent and the remaining twenty-one were not brought to 
trial. Such was the conclusion of the " Radical War 1 ," as it 
was called, the events of which forcibly remind us that we are 
now a long way from the Scotland of the i8th century, when a 
Lord Islay or a Dundas held the nation in his hand. 

The year 1820 saw a novelty in Scotland which was as 
emphatic a sign of the times as the Radical War : 
for the first time in the history of the country, a 
public meeting was held with a purely political object 2 . Its 
immediate occasion rose out of the proceedings against Queen 
Caroline, instituted by George IV in the first year of his reign. 
In both countries these proceedings were regarded with in- 
dignation by the great majority of the people; and, as they had 
received the sanction of the Premier, Lord Liverpool, they 
evoked a corresponding indignation against his Ministry. It 
was an opportunity not to be lost by the Edinburgh Whigs; 
and a hundred of their leading householders requested the 
Lord Provost to call a public meeting for the express purpose 
of petitioning for the removal of the King's Ministers. The 
Provost refused the request ; and at an earlier date his refusal 
would have been an insuperable bar to the meeting. But Whig 

1 It was at this period that the term "Radical" came into use both in 
Scotland and England. 

2 Cockburn, Memorials, p. 325. 

CH. x] Political Meeting in Edinburgh 407 

opinion was now so strong in the city that it was resolved to set 
municipal influence at defiance. The meeting could not be 
held in the open air, as this was prohibited by one of the Six 
Acts; but a suitable place was found in a building then known 
as the Pantheon, which has a history of its own. On Saturday, 
December 16, a crowd assembled in the hall such as never 
before had been seen in Edinburgh; and thousands were 
unable to gain admission. The principal speakers were James 
Moncreiff, John Clerk, and Jeffrey all three long known for 
their championship of Whig principles ; and, though the pro- 
ceedings were frequently disturbed, the result of the meeting 
was a triumphant success for its promoters : the petition for the 
removal of the Ministers was signed by about 17,000 persons, 
while a counter-petition was signed by about 1600 or lyoo 1 . 
But the special significance of the meeting lay in the fact that 
it was mainly composed of the middle classes in Edinburgh 
a proof that the dread of the people, which had hitherto been 
the main deterrent against reform, was yielding to the pressure 
of the changed conditions of the time. The Tory wits might 
mock, as they did, at the Pantheon Meeting ; but a few years 
were to show the justice of Lord Cockburn's remark that "old 
Edinburgh was no more." 

The conflict of political opinion displayed itself in other 
ways not unfamiliar in the past history of the country. The 
experience through which the nation was now passing, it 
should not be forgotten, was one which involved momentous 
issues; and discerning men in both political parties were 
fully aware of the fact. "I rather think," wrote Jeffrey 
in 1822, "we are tending to a revolution, steadily though 
slowly 2 "; and somewhat later Scott expressed the opinion that 
the time recalled the year 1638, when the nation asserted its 
will against Charles I. Not, indeed, since the Reformation 

1 Cockburn estimates the number of adults in Edinburgh at 20,000. 
Memorials, p. 325. 

8 Cockburn, Life of Jeffrey, II. 200. 

408 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

had there been such a fateful turning-point in the national 
destinies. At the Reformation the problem had to be decided 
whether it was a prudent step for a nation to cast itself loose 
from the Church which had hitherto held the peoples in the 
bond of a common faith ; and the decision taken had cleft 
Scotland in twain. The issue now before both countries was 
hardly less momentous. The eventual result of the proposals 
of the most moderate of the Reformers must be the transference 
of political power from a privileged few to the many; and 
under such conditions could society and government have any 
stable existence? Apart from merely personal interests, men 
with the temperament and sympathies of Scott had no hesitation 
regarding the answer to the question : democracy and anarchy 
were synonymous terms. It was the same national dilemma 
as had occurred at the Reformation, and it similarly divided 
the mind of the country. Men of conservative temper dreaded 
the letting-in of the waters, while others more sanguine believed 
that the continuance of the existing state of things must result 
in the very disaster that was feared. The opposition between 
these two classes was fundamental ; and, allowance made for 
the difference of the times, the passions it evoked were of the 
same nature in both periods. In all past crises, partly owing 
to national characteristics and partly owing to the narrow area 
in which the controversies were fought out, mutual recrimination 
had been fiercer in Scotland than in England. Such was the 
case in the controversy that now divided the country ; and not 
in the days of Knox or of the Covenants was less regard paid 
than now to the sanctities of private life and social intercourse. 
As the party that felt their ground slipping from beneath 
them, it was in human nature that the Tories 
should discharge their feelings with the greater 
emphasis ; and, by the admission of men like Scott and 
Lockhart (himself at times not the least sinner), they frequently 
passed the bounds of fair controversy. In the case of one 
personal slander the result was a tragedy which has its place 

CH. x] " The Sentinel" Newspaper 409 

in the annals of the time. In January, 1821, a newspaper 
called The Beacon was started in the interest of Tory 
principles, and distinguished itself by a coarseness of personal 
abuse which was disapproved by persons belonging to its own 
party. In August of the same year it contained an insulting 
reference to Mr James Stuart of Dunearn, a prominent Whig, 
who took his revenge by caning the printer in the street. 
An attack on another well-known Whig, Mr James Gibson 1 , 
led to a sensational revelation. Suspecting that the Lord 
Advocate, Sir William Rae, had some connection with the 
libellous paper, Gibson wrote to ask if that were the case. 
Rae's reply was to the effect that he and several other members 
of his party both controlled and subsidised The Beacon, 
and were thus responsible for what appeared in it. It was 
"a blasted business," wrote Scott; and The Beacon came 
to an end. But, as things now went, an organ in the Tory 
interest was imperatively required ; and, shortly after the death 
of The Beacon, a new Tory paper, The Sentinel, was 
established in Glasgow. The Sentinel followed the same 
courses as The Beacon; and again Stuart of Dunearn was 
the subject of abusive attacks. On the threat of an action 
for damages against its two editors, Borthwick and Alexander, 
Borthwick agreed to make known the authors of the attacks 
if Stuart would abandon the action 2 . On examining the 
manuscripts communicated to him, Stuart found that the most 
insulting references to himsel-f were written in a disguised hand 
by a kinsman of his own, Sir Alexander Boswell of Auchinleck, 
the eldest son of Johnson's biographer. On this discovery 
Stuart challenged Boswell ; and a duel took place at Balmuto 
in Fife Boswell falling mortally wounded. The duel happened 
on March 22, 1822; and on the loth of June following Stuart 

1 Afterwards Sir James Gibson-Craig of Riccavton. 

Borthwick was afterwards indicted for having illegally given up the 
documents, which were the common property of himself and his paruier, 
but was not brought to trial. 

410 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

was tried for murder. "No Scotch trial in my time," says 
Cockburn, "excited such general interest." As there was no 
law against duelling (that of James VI being obsolete), and 
no incriminating circumstances could be proved against the 
accused, the jury returned a verdict of acquittal. 

The events just related raised questions of wider public 
interest. On June 25, 1822, Mr James Aber- 
cromby, afterwards Speaker and first Baron 
Dunfermline, moved in the Commons for a committee of 
enquiry into the conduct of Lord Advocate Rae. In a long 
speech he accused the Advocate of a breach of his office in 
prosecuting Borthwick and in tampering with the public press. 
When the vote was taken, the motion was lost by a majority 
of twenty-five. In the course of the debate, Abercromby 
received letters from two Advocates- Depute Mr John Hope 
and Mr Menzies of such a nature that he challenged both to 
a duel, and went to Edinburgh to meet them. Hope and 
Menzies were both arrested, Abercromby escaping the search ; 
and both Deputes were forced to apologise at the bar of the 
House of Commons for breach of privilege against one of its 
members. The following year (1823) Abercromby again raised 
the question of the Lord Advocate's prosecution of Borthwick, 
and lost his motion only by a majority of six. But the conduct 
of Rae raised a wider public question which was vigorously 
discussed in the Scottish press, and notably by Henry Cockburn 
in the Edinburgh Review. Were the powers of the Lord 
Advocate, as they had been exercised by Rae, compatible with 
the just administration of the affairs of the country ? Since the 
abolition of the office of Secretary in 1746, the Lord Advocate 
had gradually assumed his powers ; and these powers were 
virtually those of the ancient Privy Council of Scotland. The 
Advocate was practically the only person who had the privilege 
of prosecution ; he had large sums of money at his disposal ; 
and it was reckoned that he had some eighty offices to bestow 
among the members of the Bar. Nor were his powers confined 

CH. x] Burgh Reform 411 

to his strictly legal functions : he was virtually Secretary of 
State for Scotland, and worked in concert with the English 
Home Secretary. The Whigs maintained that these powers 
were excessive and inevitably led to injustice; while the Tories 
contended that they were the best safeguard against mal- 
administration. Appealed to by Sir Robert Peel, then Home 
Secretary, the Scottish judges gave it as their opinion that any 
change affecting the Lord Advocate's powers was undesirable; 
and the Government took no action. 

In spite of the growing power of the Whigs, they had as 
yet effected little more than keeping reform 
before the public mind. We have seen how 
the reform of the burghs had been pressed in the years 
immediately preceding the French Revolution, and how that 
event had effectually retarded it 1 . Not till 1818 was the 
question again raised the occasion being certain difficulties 
in connection with Montrose and Inverness. In 1819, Lord 
Archibald Hamilton, member for Lanarkshire, succeeded in 
obtaining a committee of enquiry into the condition of the 
Scottish burghs; and its report in 1822 proved the existence 
of many abuses. Hamilton then moved for a committee of 
the whole House to consider the question, his main proposal 
being the abolition of the self-election of magistrates, which 
in the opinion of the burgh reformers was the root of all the 
existing evils. To this proposal the Tories were as resolutely 
opposed as ever ; and by way of compromise Lord Advocate 
Rae introduced a bill which became law, assigning to the 
Court of Exchequer a certain measure of control over the 
revenues of the burghs. Eleven years had to pass before the 
irrational system of self-election was swept away in the general 
tide of reform. 

1 Ramsay of Ochtertyre reports that, in connection with the proposed 
reform of the burghs, Sir John Shaw Stewart remarked to Graham of 
Gartmore : "You deserve great credit for the attempt; but, believe me, 
you may as soon think of reforming hell." Op. cit. I. 378, note. 

412 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

More successful were the efforts to reform one of Scotland's 
most ancient institutions the Court of Session founded by 
James V in 1532. In this case, also, there was vehement 
opposition from the rooted conviction that all change was 
dangerous while revolution was in the air. During the brief 
Whig Ministry, however, the question of reforming the Court 
was seriously raised. It was urged that the arrangement by 
which fifteen judges ("the auld fifteen") sat in one chamber 
and administered justice was the occasion of needless expense 
and delay to litigants. In 1807, Lord Grenville introduced 
a bill into the House of Lords for the reform of the Court; 
but the fall of his Ministry prevented its being carried into 
law. But the necessity for reform was felt to be so urgent that 
in the same year Lord Eldon brought in a bill with an object 
similar to that of Grenville. Passed into law in 1808, it 
effected a complete re-organisation of the Court. Instead 
of the fifteen sitting in one chamber, the Court was separated 
into two Divisions one consisting of eight and the other of 
seven judges, presided over respectively by the Lord President 
and the Lord Justice-Clerk. In 1815 there followed another 
change in the administration of justice, also keenly resisted 
by the conservative element in the country. The original 
custom of trial by jury in civil cases had fallen into desuetude, 
with the frequent result of the mal-administration of justice. 
In 1815, therefore, an Act was passed which erected a Jury 
Court consisting of three " Commissioners " who, with the aid 
of a jury, were to try all civil cases 1 . A still more radical reform 
was effected in 1825, likewise in the teeth of strenuous resistance 
on the part of the landed interest and the Town Councils. The 
existing forms of process in the Court of Session had long 
been the subject of bitter complaint Cases were needlessly 
protracted; and so little confidence was felt in the decisions 

This Court was abolished in 1830, and was merged in the Court of 
Session , which now tries civil cases with a jury. 

CH. x] The "Malagrowther" Letters 413 

of the judges that there were constant appeals to the House 
of Lords. To remedy this state of things, Sir Robert Peel, 
Home Secretary in the Liverpool Ministry, introduced a bill 
(1824) "for the better regulating of the forms of process in 
the Courts of Law in Scotland," which in the following year 
became law. 

The central figure in Scotland during the year 1826 was 
her great romancer, now at the height of his 
European reputation. In January was brought 
home to him the full extent of the disaster involved in the 
ruin of Ballantyne and Constable; and the sympathy of 
Scotsmen of every shade of opinion went forth to him " who 
was the pride of us all." The catastrophe had hardly happened 
when he drew the attention of his countrymen in another field 
than that in which he had gained his laurels. The years 1825 
and 1826 were the years of that Joint-Stock mania which led 
to the wildest speculation and the consequent ruin of thousands 
of families in both countries 1 . When the crash came in 
December, 1825, the Government took high-handed but 
necessary measures to relieve the general distress. As one 
means of relief, the issue of small notes by English country 
banks was stopped ; and the intention was to apply the same 
measure to Scotland. As one man, the Scottish people of 
every rank rose against the proposed abolition of their time- 
honoured i notes. " I never saw Scotland unanimous 
before," writes Lord Cockburn. As a Scot of the Scots, 
Sir Walter was the keenest to feel what was considered a 
gratuitous interference on the part of English statesmen with 
a matter which only concerned Scotland. Under the pseudonym 
of Malachi Malagrowther he contributed three letters to the 
Edinburgh Weekly Journal in which he assailed the proposed 
measure with all the vehemence of which he was capable when 

1 One of the wild schemes was to send Scottish dairy-women to Buenos 
Ayres to milk wild cows and to churn butter in a country where the people 
preferred oil. 

4 14 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

his feelings were roused. The letters were but feebly supported 
by fact and logic, for, as he himself admitted, he was no 
economist ; but, expressing the passions of the hour, they gave 
a momentum to the national sentiment which deterred the 
Government from pressing the measure. 

To the years 1827 8 belongs a tale of horror which sent 
a shudder through the country at the time, and 
which is still familiar in tradition to every Scottish 
child. In November, 1828, were arrested four persons who 
were charged with a series of crimes unparalleled in the history 
of the country. They were William Burke, a native of Tyrone, 
a woman named McDougal with whom he cohabited, and 
William Hare and Mrs Hare, with whom Burke and McDougal 
lodged in the West Port of Edinburgh. Within the space of 
a year these persons had committed at least sixteen murders 
the object of the crimes being the sale of the bodies to a 
Dr Robert Knox for purposes of dissection. The method 
of their proceeding had been to decoy their victims into Hare's 
lodging, and to dispatch them by suffocation while they were 
under the influence of drink. The accidental discovery of the 
murder of a woman named Docherty was the occasion of the 
criminals being brought to justice. Hare and his wife having 
turned King's evidence, only Burke and McDougal were 
brought to trial (December 24, 1828). Owing at once to the 
monstrous nature of the crimes in question and the eminence 
of the counsel engaged, the incidents of the trial were followed 
with harrowing interest by the entire nation. As its result, 
Burke was found guilty and condemned to death; but the 
charge against McDougal was found not proven and she was 
consequently released. The public were especially indignant 
that Hare, considered the most villainous of the crew, should 
escape his deserts, and an attempt was made to raise a 
prosecution against him on a distinct charge; but the Court 
decided that the prosecution could not take place, and Hare 
made his way to America. 

CH. x] End of the "Manager" 415 

The long Ministry of Lord Liverpool (it had lasted twenty- 
five years) came to an end in April, 1827, and 
was succeeded by the "Piebald Administration" 
of Canning, which marks an epoch in the political history of 
Scotland. The second Lord Melville, since the death of his 
father in 1811, had filled, though with diminished sway, that 
office of "manager" of Scottish affairs which the Whigs had 
always considered an intolerable incubus on the nation, and 
the most formidable obstacle in the way of reform. To their 
unbounded satisfaction the office now came to an end. Lord 
Melville, unable to accept a place in the Canning Ministry, 
lost and never regained the position which had made his 
managerial powers possible. The cessation of the office, 
writes Cockburn as a Whig, was "absolutely necessary for 
the elevation of this part of the Kingdom." It was " a great 
deliverance," declared Dr Chalmers, as an Evangelical who 
had resented Melville's support of the Moderate party in the 
Church. The manager abolished, Scottish business had still 
to be carried on, and an arrangement was made which satisfied 
the Whigs : the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Whig Home 
Secretary under Canning, undertook to administer Scotland, re- 
ceiving his advice from three stalwart reformers, Lord Minto, 
Abercromby, and Thomas Kennedy of Dunure. But the 
arrangement was of short duration. Canning died on August 
8, 1827 ; and his Ministry was succeeded by that of Goderich, 
which, equally short-lived, was followed by that of the Duke of 
Wellington in January of the following year. 

The accession of the Wellington Government raised the 
hopes of the Scottish Tories, but they were doomed to bitter 
disappointment First, they found reason for dissatisfaction 
in the conduct of their chief, Lord Melville. They had been 
indignant with him for refusing to take office under Canning, 
and thus forfeiting his position as manager of Scottish affairs ; 
and his subsequent action gave them further ground for 
dissatisfaction. To their chagrin he consented to accept the 

4i 6 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

office of President of the Board of Control of India an 
office which did not give him a place in the Cabinet and 
thus deprived him of political influence 1 . But their dissatis- 
faction with Melville reached its height from his conduct 
at a later date. In February, 1830, the office of Chief 
Baron of the Exchequer fell vacant. In the opinion of 
the Tories it should have gone to Sir William Rae, who had 
faithfully served their party as Lord Advocate since 1819. 
But Wellington and Peel were desirous of conciliating the 
Whigs ; and to his own great amazement the place was given 
to Mr James Abercromby, long distinguished as a parlia- 
mentary reformer. The Tories had good reason for complaint 
at Rae's being passed over; and it was made a general reproach 
against Melville that he had either ceased to possess any 
political influence or that he wished to drive Rae from his 
position as Lord Advocate. In point of fact, Rae retained 
his office till the fall of the Wellington Ministry (November, 
1830), signalising its close by the passing of the Scottish 
Judicature Bill, which reduced the number of judges from 
fifteen to thirteen, and by this and other changes in the Court 
of Session saved the nation the sum of about .^23,000 

The conduct of Melville was only a minor misfortune in 
the interests of the Tory party; it was the 
swelling tide of popular opinion that menaced 
their long domination. The two absorbing questions now 
before the country were- Catholic Emancipation and Parlia- 
mentary Reform. The attitude of Scotland towards Catholics 
had undergone a notable change since the years 1778 and 1789, 
when the great majority of the people of all classes made their 
violent protest against the removal of Catholic disabilities. 
When in March, 1829, the Wellington Ministry introduced 
the bill for Catholic Relief, a great public meeting was held 

He afterwards entered Wellington's Cabinet as First Lord of the 
Admiralty the office which he had held under Lord Liverpool. 

CH. xj Parliamentary Reform 417 

in Edinburgh to give support to the measure. For once the 
more enlightened followers of both political parties united in 
common action. Presided over by the Lord Provost, Sir 
William Arbuthnot, a stout Tory, the meeting was addressed 
by the Tory Solicitor-General, Charles Hope, and by Jeffrey, 
Cockburn, and Dr Chalmers. Of the two petitions sent up 
from Scotland to the Commons, the one in favour of relief 
and the other against it, the former had about 8000, the latter 
about 14,000 signatures attached 1 . 

On the other great question the question of Parliamentary 
Reform there could only be antagonism at every point between 
the two political parties. If the Reformers should have their 
way, it would be the end of the system under which for half 
a century the Tories had had the country at their bidding. 
As usual, the strife of parties in Scotland was more rancorous 
than in England. In the present controversy, however, there 
were special reasons why passions should rage more fiercely 
than in the sister country. The electoral arrangements in 
Scotland were still more anomalous than in England; and 
the struggle for reform had been fought under conditions 
which brought the protagonists* of both parties into personal 
and professional rivalry. The population of the country at 
this time was about 2,360,000, and there were only about 
3000 electors. Votes in the counties were exclusively in the 
hands of the freeholders, of whom fully a half were " Parch- 
ment Barons 2 ," possessing no property, who had been set 
up for the most part by the great county families with the 
object of returning members in their own interest. The 

1 In 1778 9, when the relief of Catholics was proposed, such a meet- 
ing as that of 1828 would have been impossible, and the idea of a petition 
in favour of Catholic relief could not have been entertained. That 8000 
persons in Edinburgh should have signed the petition showed a striking 
change in the general attitude towards Catholics. 

2 " Parchment Barons " were nominal freeholders to whom land was 
given in order that they might possess the right of voting. 

B. S. III. 2? 

41 8 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

electoral condition of the burghs was equally unsatisfactory, 
their representatives being returned by the self-elected Town 
Councils. Edinburgh, which had a population of over 160,000, 
had only one member, chosen by the thirty-six Town Coun- 
cillors. The distribution of representatives among the burghs 
had become as irrational as was the case in England. Renfrew, 
Rutherglen, and Dunbarton were mere villages ; yet Glasgow, 
the second town in the kingdom, divided with them the 
privilege of returning the solitary member who represented 
all four. As in England, many towns which had grown 
comparatively populous owing to the development of special 
industries had no representation, while many burghs that 
were mere villages enjoyed the privilege by prescription. 
The time had been when this state of things was regarded 
with indifference by the mass of the people of 
Scotland. That time had now gone, and the 
great majority of the middle classes and of the artisans showed 
the same perfervid zeal for Parliamentary reform as their 
ancestors had shown for the Covenants. It was with a 
passionate interest, which at times threatened open revolt, 
that the country followed the development of the great struggle 
between the opposing political parties in the two Houses of 
Parliament. When on March 22, 1831, the first English 
Reform Bill passed the second reading, the news was received 
with general exultation. In Edinburgh the demand was made 
for an illumination to signalise the event; and, though the 
magistracy at first set their faces against it, they were 
constrained to yield to the force of public opinion. When 
in the following month the Bill was defeated and a general 
election was the consequence, the leaders of the Scottish 
Whigs were in dread lest the violence of their supporters 
should compromise the cause. For the representation of 
Edinburgh there were three candidates the Lord Provost 
and Mr Robert Adam Dundas, both Tories, and Francis 
Jeffrey; but it was known that the fight would lie between 

CH. x] Parliamentary Reform 419 

Jeffrey and Dundas. For forty years there had been no 
contest the Town Council, the electing body, having been 
virtually the nominees of the Dundas connection. The re- 
sult of the election was significant of what followed on the 
change of political conditions: Dundas received seventeen 
votes, Jeffrey fourteen, and the Lord Provost two. When the 
vote was declared, a tumult ensued in which the Provost was 
mobbed ; and it was only quelled by the military and a number 
of blue-jackets from Leith harbour. Throughout the country 
generally there was the same excitement; and it was during this 
general election that the cry of the Jedburgh crowd "Burke 1 
Sir Walter ! " pierced the heart of Scott, then stricken by his 
last illness. When after the meeting of the new Parliament, 
the second Reform Bill was rejected by the Lords, the popular 
fury in Scotland reached its height. " For God's sake," wrote 
Jeffrey to the Solicitor-General Cockburn, "keep the people 
quiet in Scotland"; and for the more effectual securing of the 
peace he had additional troops sent down and quartered where 
the peace was most likely to be broken. 

Indignation was turned to triumph when on June 27, 1832, 
the Scottish Reform Bill, three weeks later than 
that for England, was read a third time, and on 
July 17 received the royal assent. On the loth of August 
the event was signalised in Edinburgh by a celebration unique 
in its object and motive. This was the "Reform Jubilee," 
organised by the Council of the Trades' Union, which had 
been founded in the preceding May. Fifteen thousand men, 
marshalled according to their respective trades, bearing banners 
and the symbols of their various crafts, met on the Bruntsfield 
Links, and thence marched into the city under an arch bearing 
the motto "A United People makes Tyrants tremble." 
Addresses to the King (William IV), to the House of Commons 
and the Ministry vouched the present loyalty and gratitude of 

1 The verb was coined trom the name of the miscreant Burke. 

27 2 

420 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the crowd, while a single black placard significantly recalled 
the memory of the political martyrs, Muir, Gerald, and Palmer. 

The Reform Bill, however, fell far short of the demands of 
Muir and his fellow-agitators. They had demanded manhood 
suffrage, but in point of fact the Bill did not enfranchise the 
artisans as a class. Nevertheless, it was almost literal truth 
that, as Jeffrey said, the Bill "left not a shred of the former 
system." Only eight Scottish members were added, the 
representation being thus raised from forty-five to fifty-three 
thirty for the counties and twenty-three for the burghs. It was 
the distribution of seats and the change in the electorate that 
effected the revolution. Two seats were given to Edinburgh 
and Glasgow respectively, and one each to Paisley, Aberdeen, 
Perth, Dundee, and Greenock. In the counties the " Parch- 
ment Barons" qualification was abolished; and the franchise 
was given to a mixed body of freeholders and leaseholders 
with varying qualifications. The change made in the electorate 
of the burghs was equally radical, the Town Councils being 
deprived of their electoral privilege, and the franchise conferred 
on householders with a qualification of ^10. 

The effect of the electoral revolution had now to be put 
to the test; and when, in December, 1832, the Reform 
Parliament was dissolved, both parties prepared for the coming 
contest with equally passionate hopes and fears. The Tories 
would have to fight for their very existence as a party, and, 
as it also seemed to them, for the maintenance of the con- 
stitution itself: hence the significance of the designation 
Conservatives > which they now began to assume. On their 
part, the Whigs had to show by the result of the election that 
the recent reforms were approved by the country and at the 
same time were no peril to the State. On both sides there 
were doings in connection with the elections which showed 
the long vitiation of the public conscience : Whigs and Tories 
alike threatened constituents with penalties if they refused to 
vote as they were desired. But the crisis was one in which 

CH. x] First Reform Parliament 421 

passion over-rides interest; and, in spite of bribes and threats, 
the great majority voted in consistency with their political 
convictions. Whatever it might portend for the future, the 
result of the first election on the new basis was a signal 
triumph for the party of reform. In the counties twenty-two 
Whigs were returned as against eight Tories; while in the 
burghs the rout of the Tories was complete a single Tory 
being returned out of the twenty-three constituencies. Special 
interest attached to the elections in Edinburgh, which had so 
long been a pocket burgh of the Dundases. The Whig 
candidates were Jeffrey and Abercromby, the Tory candidate 
Mr Forbes Blair. The result of the last election under the 
old system had shown the strength of the Whigs among the 
citizens in general, and the vote now recorded was not 
unexpected : for Jeffrey the numbers were 4028, for Aber- 
cromby 3855 and for Blair 1529. To men who identified 
Reform with Jacobinism and who saw in the new electorate 
an irresponsible mob, it might well seem that the deluge they 
had so long dreaded was at last upon them. Nor was it 
without misgiving that the reforming leaders themselves 
regarded the portent which they had given their strength to 
bring forth. "The real battle," wrote Jeffrey in 1831, while 
the issue was still impending, "the real battle that is soon 
to be fought, and the only one worth providing for, is not 

between Whigs and Tories, Liberals and Illiberals, 

but between property and no property swing and the law." 
The "battle" which Jeffrey foresaw was the inevitable result 
of the measure for which he was largely responsible; and its 
final issue still hangs in the balance. 

Parliamentary reform having been accomplished, it now 
remained to do a similar service for the burghs. 
The demand for burgh reform, we have seen, had 
preceded the demand for the reform of the electorate, as being 
likely to find more general support. The question had been 
first decisively brought before the public in 1784 when delegates 

422 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

from the burghs had met in Edinburgh to consider what 
measures should be taken for attaining the desired end. The 
French Revolution came and blasted the hopes of the Burgh 
Reformers, though they proclaimed that burgh reform did not 
imply Parliamentary reform, which was the bugbear of the 
existing Government. Not till 1818 was the question again 
raised; and not till 1822 was a partial measure of reform 
effected 1 . The grand aim of the reformers from the beginning 
had been to put an end to the arrangement which virtually 
made the Town Councils self -elective. With the Parliament 
returned by the new electorate there could be little difficulty in 
carrying this reform. The conduct of the necessary measure 
fell to Jeffrey, the Lord Advocate, whose ambition it had been 
to have his name associated with the two great reforms 
which were to emancipate Scotland. With the approval of 
Lord Grey he introduced his measure (March, 1833), consisting 
of two bills, one applicable to the ancient royal burghs, the 
other to the burghs which had recently received the privilege 
of representation. The measure was a highly complicated one, 
as the different burghs with their respective "sets" or con- 
stitutions demanded minute and special consideration, but it 
accomplished the main object to which it had been directed : 
thenceforward the burgesses were to have the right of electing 
their own Town Councils. 

1 See above, p. 411. 


"THE DISRUPTION," 18331843. 

THE struggle for burgh and Parliamentary reform had 
sprung out of comparatively recent conditions, and was mainly 
due to an awakened interest in public affairs, hitherto limited 
to a narrow class but now to be found among all ranks of the 
people. It was otherwise with the great controversy which arose 
about the very date when political reform gained its decisive 
victory. The new controversy, of which the disruption of the 
National Church was to be the inevitable end, had its roots in 
the time when Scotland, by its adoption of Protestantism as its 
national religion, placed the Church in a new relation to society 
and the State. The events of the momentous- struggle, the 
opinions of the conflicting parties, and the different ideals they 
represented are compact with the national history from the 
date when it may be said that Scotland first became a nation 
in any real sense of the word. 

When last we heard of the National Church, the decline 
of Moderatism had already well begun. The conduct of the 
Moderate leaders in the Leslie case had stultified their past 
and seriously compromised them in the public estimation. 
But it was the growing disharmony of Moderatism with the 
spirit of the time that was slowly but surely to deprive it of its 
ascendency in the councils of the Church. When Moderatism 
first arose, it corresponded to the dominant note of the age ; 
now another note was dominant and not moderation but zeal 
was the watchword to which men were rallying in every sphere 
of action. On the other hand, it was precisely in this changed 

424 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

spirit of the time that the popular party, or, as it now begins 
to be called, the Evangelical party, in the Church found its 
opportunity. Its essential characteristic as a party had been 
its assertion of the rights of the people in opposition to the 
privileged classes ; and on this broad ground it was at one with 
the political party which was struggling for reform in the secular 
sphere. Moreover, if the doctrinal teaching of the Evangelicals 
was rigid and narrow, they preached it with a fervour of con- 
viction which, though it exposed them to the compassion of the 
Moderates, appealed to growing numbers in the community. It 
is significant, also, that the majority of the' leading men in the 
Church were no longer Moderates, but Evangelicals. Sir Henry 
Moncreiff Well wood, who led the party at the beginning of the 
1 9th century, was followed by Dr Andrew Thomson, and later 
by Dr Chalmers, all men of apostolic fervour with souls wider 
than their creed. During the first quarter of the century the 
Moderates still retained a numerical majority in the General 
Assembly, yet the spirit of Evangelicalism prevailed more and 
more in the Church at large. It was in the interests of the 
Evangelicals .that in 1810 Dr Andrew Thomson started the 
Christian Instructor a publication which, according to Lord 
Cockburn, did for its party what the Edinburgh Review did 
for the Whigs. It was in the spirit of the same party that 
in 1817 the Assembly passed an Act against the non-residence 
of ministers. In 1796 the Assembly had expressed its dis- 
approval of foreign missions: in 1824 Dr Inglis, the leader 
of the Moderates, himself revived the subject, with the result 
that in 1829 the Church sent forth its first missionary, Dr Duff, 
whose labours in India have given him a pre-eminent place in 
the history of Christian missions in that country. It may be 
added that it was in the spirit of Evangelicalism rather than of 
Moderatism that the Church deposed Campbell of Row (1831) 
and Edward Irving (1834) for the teaching of heresies which 
were themselves a proof of the quickened religious feeling of 
the time. 

CH. xi] Moderates and Evangelicals 425 

These proceedings of the General Assembly show that 
Moderatism itself was being influenced by the temper of the 
age ; yet, as the near future was to prove, the two parties in 
the Church were in reality separated by an opposition of 
fundamental principles which made their ultimate fusion im- 
possible. Only the occasion was needed to reveal the gulf that 
divided them ; and in 1833 the occasion came. Almost exactly 
a century before, the question of the respective rights of patrons 
and congregations in the election of ministers had raised a 
controversy in the Church which had resulted in the First 
Secession. A similar ominous question was now raised, and 
was to be the occasion of more fateful consequences. That 
the question was brought forward again was a natural result 
of the conditions of the time. The Dissenters in Scotland, 
now a numerous body, saw both an injustice and a spiritual 
crime in the existence of a State Church, and by word and 
deed were proclaiming that a Church founded on the purely 
voluntary aid of its members had alone the right to be called 
a Scriptural Church. What had taken place in the sphere of 
politics, also, had a direct influence in the sphere of religion. 
The Reform Bill had extended the franchise to thousands who 
had not previously possessed it ; and, if it was in reason that 
they should have a voice in the election of a member of 
Parliament, was it not equally in reason that they should have 
a voice in the election of their spiritual guide ? The Evangelical 
party in the National Church had never ceased to contend 
that ministers should not be forced on unwilling congregations, 
and that the main cause of Dissent had been the over-riding 
of this principle. Moved at once, therefore, by considerations 
of principle and advantage, they now took the first portentous 
step towards a readjustment of the respective claims of patrons 
and congregations. 

In the Assembly which met in 1832 an overture was 
laid on the table, the object of which was to restore the 
call of the congregations to the place which it had held before 

426 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

the reign of the Moderates. The motion was opposed by the 
other party, which carried a counter-motion by a majority of 
forty-five. The issue was now fairly joined; and in the following 
year Dr Chalmers, as leader of the Evangelicals, again threw 
down the gauntlet. The motion he proposed was to be the 
beginning of that " Ten Years' Conflict " which now lay before 
the Church, and whose commencements were ominous of its 
end. By the terms of the motion the dissent of the majority 
of the male heads of families was, under certain specified 
conditions, to be of "conclusive effect against any presentee." 
The motion was rejected by a majority of twelve ; but it was 
the last great victory the Moderates were to gain in the Assembly. 
The next year the resuscitated motion was passed by a majority 
of forty-five, and, known henceforth as the Veto Act, was to be 
the occasion of all the strife that was to follow. By the same 
Assembly another Act was passed which was to be a further 
source of trouble. During recent years there had been erected 
a number of chapels all over the country, the incumbents of 
which had not been admitted to full ministerial privileges. 
In the eyes of the Evangelicals this was a manifest injustice 
to men who were essentially their spiritual brethren ; and the 
Act, known as the Chapel Act, which removed the disabilities, 
was passed by a majority of forty-nine another indication that 
the tide was running with the popular party 1 . 

Patrons had become more careful in their selection of 
incumbents since the close of the preceding century, when 
Dr Carlyle denounced them as a body ; and, as a rule, there 
was little friction in the operation of the Veto Act which 
had restored the powers of the congregations. But regarding 
the Act there had from the first been a suspicion, plainly 
expressed by its opponents, that in passing it the Assembly 
had gone beyond its powers. The Act, it was urged, virtually 
cancelled the Patronage Act of 1711 by destroying the civil 

The minority held that in passing the Chapel Act the Assembly went 
beyond its jurisdiction. 

CH. xi] Veto Act and Chapel Act 427 

rights of patrons : was it competent for the Assembly thus 
to over-ride a statute of the realm? The supporters of the 
Veto Act had been assured by their legal advisers that the 
Assembly was strictly within its powers in acting as it did, 
but they were soon to learn that other legal authorities were 
of a different opinion. 

In August following the May in which the Veto Act had 
been passed, the Earl of Kinnoul presented a Mr Robert 
Young to the Church of Auchterarder ; and the Presbytery 
duly sustained the presentation. Out of the male heads of 
families composing the congregation, however, 287 lodged 
their dissent against the presentee the objections against him 
being that he was a feeble preacher and had some personal 
deformities. In accordance with the Veto Act, the Presbytery 
was now bound to reject Mr Young ; but it did not actually 
take the step till it received the sanction of the Assembly in 
the following year (1835). And now followed the consequences 
predicted by the opponents of the Act. Patron and presentee 
appealed to the Court of Session; and in November, 1837, 
the case was tried before the whole bench of judges, the 
contending parties being represented by the most eminent 
counsel of the day. Out of the thirteen judges, eight were 
for the pursuers; and the judgment of the Court was that 
the Veto Act was contrary to the Patronage Act of 1711, and 
therefore beyond the competency of the Assembly to have 
passed. With one accord, the Assembly that met in May, 1838, 
agreed to appeal to the House of Lords; and in May, 1839, 
the case came before that tribunal. After pleadings that lasted 
five days, the appeal was summarily dismissed. 

The Auchterarder case would alone have been sufficient 
to show that the Veto Act had placed the Church in an 
unhappy predicament; but other cases arose which brought the 
fact home with convincing force. At Lethendy in Perthshire, 
a charge in the gift of the Crown, the Presbytery found itself 
embarrassed by two presentees, one of whom appealed to the 

428 The Age of Secular Interests [BK VTI 

Court of Session, with the result that the Church and the 
Court were brought into direct conflict. More remarkable, 
in view of its curious developments, was the case of Marnoch 
in the Presbytery of Strathbogie, Aberdeenshire. In 1837 
the trustees of the Earl of Fife, the patron of the parish, 
presented a Mr Edwards, who had been assistant to the 
previous incumbent; but, as out of 300 male communicants 
only one, a publican, signed the call, the Presbytery, in 
accordance with an injunction from the General Assembly, 
rejected the presentee. In view of the situation, the trustees 
then presented a Mr Henry, thus placing the Presbytery in 
what was to prove a trying dilemma. Was the Presbytery 
to take its orders from the Assembly or the Court of Session 
which had asserted its authority in the case of Auchterarder ? 
A majority of the Presbytery (seven to four) decided in favour 
of the latter alternative a decision which woke a storm of 
indignation in the party responsible for the Veto Act. There 
followed a hopeless imbroglio, little to the edification of a 
bewildered public. A Commission appointed by the Assembly 
of 1838 censured the majority in the Presbytery for putting 
Caesar before the Church ; and a fortnight later the Court of 
Session enjoined the same body to proceed to the induction 
of Mr Edwards should he be found a qualified person. Which 
of the two conflicting authorities was to receive obedience? 
The majority of the Presbytery, choosing to be on the safe side 
of the law, took the necessary steps in favour of Mr Edwards. 
By a vote of 121 to 14 the Assembly then suspended the 
recalcitrant seven; and thus there were now two presbyteries in 
Strathbogie one taking its orders from the Court of Session, 
the other from the Assembly. Which of the two was to 
minister to the spiritual wants of the people of Strathbogie? 
Here was another occasion of conflict between the Civil Court 
and the Church. The Assembly instructed the obedient four 
to make the necessary provision ; but on the petition of the 
suspended seven the Court of Session again intervened. The 

CH. xi] The Marnoch Case 429 

final act came in 1841 four years after the case had arisen. 
By the Assembly which met that year the seven members who 
had defied its mandate were deposed from the ministry ; and 
Mr Edwards, the presentee who had been the cause of all 
the trouble, was deprived of his license. The Assembly had 
thus set at naught the decisions of the Court of Session, and 
was promptly reminded of the fact. The day following the 
deprivation of Edwards an interdict was served at the door 
of the Assembly, and amid the violent protests of members 
was laid on the table of the House. 

Throughout all this turmoil the will of the popular party 
had prevailed in the Assembly ; and the effect of the conflict 
with the secular courts had been to swell their numbers both 
in and outside the House. But there was also another result 
which every day had become more manifest the growing 
antagonism between the two parties who divided the Church. 
Immediately after the judgment of the House of Lords in the 
Auchterarder case (May, 1839), Dr Cook, the leader of the 
Moderates, moved in the Assembly that, in view of that 
judgment and that of the Court of Session, the Veto Act 
should be set aside. He was followed by Dr Chalmers, who 
in a speech of three hours' length vehemently protested against 
the spiritual privileges of the Church being over-ridden by the 
State, and moved for a committee to consider the questions 
at issue. Chalmers' motion was carried by a majority of 
forty-nine ; but Dr Cook, who had opposed the Veto Act from 
the first, declined to act on the committee appointed. The 
Assembly being thus divided on a vital question, disaster 
appeared to be imminent Two deputations which were sent 
to Lord Melbourne (1839, 1840), with the object of making 
terms with the Government, led to no result the Whigs being 
then in no position to essay bold measures. In May, 1840, 
Lord Aberdeen introduced a bill in the House of Lords with 
the object of adjusting the rights of presbyteries and congrega- 
tions ; but a majority in the Assembly rejected his proposals as 

430 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vii 

involving a surrender of their principles. In the following year 
another attempt was made to heal the fatal breach. By the 
terms of a bill, drafted by the Duke of Argyle, the Veto 
Act would have virtually received the sanction of the State. 
A majority of 125 in the Assembly approved of the measure, 
but it failed to pass the House of Lords. 

When the long controversy began, there were few even 
among the popular party who desired to see patronage abolished; 
but the course of events had convinced an increasing number 
that patronage was the root of all the evils that were affecting 
the Church. It was patronage, they urged, that had been the 
chief cause of the various secessions from the National Church ; 
it was patronage that kept these bodies out of its fold and 
must be a permanent source of trouble in the future. In the 
Assembly that met in 1841, the Rev. William Cunningham, 
one of the ablest and most advanced of the popular party, 
moved that patronage should be abolished, on the double 
ground that it was unscriptural and that it was a grievance 
to the Church. The motion was defeated by a majority of 
three; but the proceedings in the Assembly of the following 
year afforded a notable proof of the rapidity with which the 
popular sentiment was growing. Not only did that Assembly 
pass a petition to the Government against patronage, but by 
a large majority (241 against in) it gave its sanction to the 
memorable document which, as it proved, was to be the 
ultimatum of the Evangelical party. This document, entitled 
"Claim, Declaration, and Protest," but popularly known as 
the "Claim of Rights," summarised the opinions of the 
majority regarding the past relations of Church and State in 
Scotland and the recent proceedings of the Court of Session, 
its purport and conclusion being that the invasions of the 
State in the spiritual domain had been such that the Church 
of Scotland had ceased to be a Church of Christ. It was only 
a desperate hope that, in view of the implied menace, the 
Government (now that of Sir Robert Peel) would concede the 

CH. xi] The Disruption 431 

demands made in the " Claim " ; and it was even to the relief 
of many of the Non-Intrusionists that in January, 1843, the 
Government's answer closed the door against further negotia- 

In view of the attitude implied in the Claim, there was 
now but one alternative before the Non-Intrusionists, and they 
were already preparing to meet it. In November, 1842, at a 
Convocation held in Edinburgh, 427 ministers out of 465 who 
were present bound themselves to secede from the Church 
should its wrongs not be righted. In contemplation of the 
impending secession, associations were formed and circulars 
issued with the object of securing funds for building churches 
and providing for ministers. On the i8th of May, 1843, met 
the last Assembly in which the united Church was to be 
represented. The Marquis of Bute was the Lord High 
Commissioner; the Moderator, Dr Welsh, one of the leaders 
of the Non-Intrusionists. Even to the last there was a faint 
hope that the customary royal letter to the Assembly might 
save the situation ; but the hope proved delusive, and the end 
had come. After his usual prayer, the Moderator produced 
a document which he proceeded to read. It was a protest 
signed by two hundred and three members of Assembly, in 
which were stated their reasons for the secession. Having 
read the protest he laid it on the table of the House, bowed 
to the Commissioner, and left the Assembly, followed by above 
four hundred ministers, Dr Chalmers and the other leaders 
of the party heading the procession. In another part of the 
town a hall, named Tanfield, had been prepared to receive 
them ; and there the seceders, having chosen Dr Chalmers as 
their Moderator, formally constituted themselves the "Free 
Church of Scotland." The dismembered body that now 
represented the National Church gave emphatic expression 
to its principles by unanimous resolutions to repeal the Chapel 
Act and to ignore the Veto. 

The Disruption was a disaster to the National Church, but 


432 The Age of Secular Interests LBK vn 

it can hardly be regarded as a disaster to the national religion. 
For upwards of a century the spectacle had been seen of two 
sections in the Church in chronic antagonism, and engaged 
in never-ending strife for the direction of its councils. A com- 
mon policy in the religious interests of the people had hitherto 
proved impossible ; and, so long as the two parties existed 
within the Church, it could not be possible. Underlying the 
disputes regarding the Chapel Act and the Veto Act was an 
essential difference of spirit, which involved opposing con- 
ceptions of life, of doctrine, of spiritual agencies. Such being 
the relations of Moderates and Evangelicals, it was necessary 
and desirable that they should part company in the interests 
of the religion they both professed. Both parties, with their 
respective religious types, had their own following in the com- 
munity; and they would now be able to pursue their own 
methods, each in its own fashion. 

The history of religious effort in Scotland since the day 
of the great secession certainly bears a favourable comparison 
with that of any previous period. Since the Disruption the 
various religious bodies have moved in the direction of union 
rather than of schism which in the past had been the affliction 
of religion in Scotland. In 1847 came the union of the Relief 
Synod and the Associate Synod, and the consequent formation 
of "The United Presbyterian Church." In 1900 followed the 
union of that body with the Free Church of Scotland, though 
a recalcitrant minority of the latter protested against the step 
and now forms a separate denomination, declared by an 
astonishing judgment of the House of Lords to be the legal 
Free Church 1 . As each of the main religious bodies, more- 
over, has been informed by one spirit, the result has been a 
harmony of effort impossible in a Church divided against 
itself. Another characteristic of the period since the Disrup- 
tion has been the gradual assimilation of spirit and doctrine 

This judgment of the House of Lords 're versed a previous unanimous 
decision given by the Court of Session. 

CH. xi] Scotland and the Empire 433 

in the principal religious bodies. Between the representative 
men in each there no longer exist such differences of opinion 
as divided Evangelical and Moderate. Questions which were 
once regarded as fundamental and were the cause of irrecon- 
cilable differences cease more and more to interest the clergy 
and their congregations. New problems have arisen, on the 
solution of which depend the very existence of Churches as 
institutions adequate to cope with the social and intellectual 
needs of the time; and nowhere, it may be said, have the 
clergy more strenuously set themselves to solve these problems 
than in Scotland. 

Political reform and the ecclesiastical conflict were the 
two dominant public questions in Scotland during the first 
half of the iQth century; but, apart from politics and religion, 
the national development throughout the period more than 
fulfilled the brilliant promise of the latter half of the i8th. 
Proportionately to her population and her natural resources, 
Scotland has made her full contribution to the material and 
spiritual building up of the Empire of which she is a constituent 
part. In trade and commerce and in all modern industries her 
people have displayed the vigour and the aptitudes demanded 
in the international struggle for the markets of the world. Of 
individual men, whose destiny it is to lead their fellows, it is 
acknowledged that Scotland has been a prolific nurse. In 
every department of national activity Scotsmen have played 
even more than their proportionate part. At home more than 
their proportional share has fallen to them of public trust and 
responsibility; and still more noteworthy has been their 
participation in the fortunes of the Empire beyond the seas. 
Nor in the ideal domain of thought and imagination, where 
is found the ultimate test of national greatness, has Scotland 
been barren. In the same first half of the iQth century two 
of her sons spoke to the world as no other writers of the time 
spoke. Of Sir Walter Scott it has been said that his work has 
given more wholesome pleasure to a greater number of readers 
B. s. in. 28 

434 The Age of Secular Interests [BK vn 

than the work of any other writer; and within the same age 
the most inspiring word uttered to his generation was that of 
another Scot, Thomas Carlyle. As co-partner in the destinies 
of Britain's Empire, therefore, Scotland may fairly claim to 
have borne her own burden and to have made her own 
contribution to the general well-being of the nations. 



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Abbeys, founded by David I, i 
95 ; by William the Lyon, i 
1 08 ; growth of, and their influ- 
ence, i 131 ; Scottish, burned by 
the English, i 177, 182, 192 ; ii 

J 9 

Aberdeen, bishopric of, established, 

i 95 ; see of, ii 236 ; city of, i 70 ; 
its charter, i 108 ; described, ii 
123 ; General Assembly of 1616, 
ii 266 ; holds aloof from the 
National Covenant, ii 304, 306, 
309; Marquis of Montrose at, ii 
332 ; taken by Monck, ii 365 ; a 
stronghold of Jacobitism, iii 156, 
167, 168, 185 ; taken by the 
Jacobites, iii 312; university of, 
founded, i 345 ; referred to, ii 
123, 281, 282, 452 

Aberdeen, New, ii 448 

Aberdeenshire, a stronghold of 
Episcopalianism, iii 243 

Abernethy, i 47, 59 

Abjuration oath, iii 236, 237 

Aboyne, Lord, ii 312 

Aboyne, Viscount of, perishes in 
burning of Frendraught, ii 291 

Act of Classes, ii 350, 362, 363 

Act of Revocation. See Revocation 

Act of Security, iii 89-94 

Act of Settlement, iii 84, 89 

Acts of Indemnity. See Indemnity 

Adam, bishop of Caithness, roasted 
alive, i 113, 114 

Adamnan, his Life of St Columba, 
i i5 J 6> 25, 26 

Adamson, Patrick, archbishop of St 
Andrews, ii 197 ; excommunicated, 
ii 202 

Advocate, King's, ii 244, 245; in- 

creased influence of the office, 
iii 4 1 o, 4 1 1 . See Dalrymple, Dun- 
das, Forbes, Grant, Hope, Mac- 
kenzie, Miller, Montgomery 
Advocates, Faculty of, of Jacobite 
sympathies, iii 83, 152; depose 
their Dean, Henry Erskine, iii 

385. 386 

^Ethelfrith, king of Bernicia, defeats 
the king of the Scots, i 18; de- 
feated by Edwin of Deira, i 19, 

^Ethelfrith, king of Northumbria, 
defeats the Britons, i 12 

./Ethelstan, of England, invades 
Alba, i 37 ; defeats the combined 
Danes, Scots, and Britons, i 37; 
his death, i 37 

African Company, the, iii 27, 28, 39, 
94, 95, 107, 125 

Agricola, invades North Britain, 
12; his six campaigns, i 3, 4; his 
wall, i 3 

Agriculture, laws relating to, i 117, 
131; ii 445; introduction of im- 
provements, i 218; iii 257, 258, 
359 360; neglected before the 
Union, iii 45-48 ; the "Levellers" 
or "Dykebreakers," iii 204, 205 

Aid an, chosen king of Scots, i 18; 
his campaigns, i 18; defeated by 
^Ethelfrith, i r8; his death, i 18 

Aidan, bishop of Lindisfarne, evan- 
gelises Northumbria, i 20, 21 

Aikenhead, Thomas, executed for 
blasphemy, iii 40 

Ailred of Rievaulx, i 86 

Alan, lord of Galloway, death of, 
i 114 

Alaterva, See Cramond 



Alba, the united kingdom of the 
Picts and Scots, i 35 ; invaded by 
yEthelstan of England, i 37; its 
social and political condition, i 45 

Albany, Duke of, Robert (see Fife, 
Earl of), i 198; his further career, 
i 199-209; his rule, i 203, 204; 
at war with England, i 205 

Albany, Duke of, Alexander, escapes 
from prison and takes refuge in 
France, i 270, 271; his marriage 
there, i 276; makes alliance with 
the king of England against the 
Scottish king, i 276, 278, 280, 
281 ; appointed lieutenant of the 
realm, i 280 ; attainted, i 281, 282 ; 
his death in France, i 282 

Albany, Duke of, John, his return 
to Scotland, i 352-55; and re- 
gency, i 356-59; departs again to 
France, i 359-64; his second 
return, and continuation of re- 
gency, i 364, 365; sails again to 
France, i 365; fails in his projects, 
and retires, i 367, 368 

Albany, House of, crushed, i 212, 

Alberoni, Cardinal, and Scotland, 
iii 195, 196 

Alcluyd (Alclyde), a fortress of the 
Britons, i 12, 26 

Aldred, Earl of Northumbria, in- 
vades Strathclyde, i 52 

Ale, taxation of, iii 206, 207. See 
also Beer 

Alexander I, king of Scotland, i 69; 
his advisers, i 70; his gifts to the 
Church, i 70-72; his death, i 72 

Alexander II, king of Scotland, his 
peaceful reign, i no; relations 
with England, i in, 112; marries 
the sister of Henry III, i 113; 
his sister marries Hubert de 
Burgh, i 113; subjugates the dis- 
trict of Argyle, i 113; and suc- 
cessfully suppresses revolts in other 
parts, i 1 14 ; his marriage to Mary 
de Coucy arouses the English 
king's jealousy, i 116; war with 
Henry III averted, i 116; his 

death, i 117; character of his 
reign, i 117, 118; his natural 
daughter marries Alan Durward, 
i 119 

Alexander III, king of Scotland, 
"the peaceable king," i 1 18 ; em- 
barrassed by party rivalries, i 1 18- 
21 ; last king crowned at Scone 
on the Stone of Destiny, i 119; 
marries Margaret, daughter of 
Henry III, i 120; visits London, 
i 124; regains the Hebrides, i 
124-26 ; pays homage to Edward 
I, i 128; death of his children, 
i 128 -, marries Joleta, i 128 ; his 
fatal fall at Kinghorn, i 129 

Alexander of Menstrie, Sir William 
(Earl of Stirling), originates the 
Nova Scotia colony, ii 273, 274 

Alford, fight at, ii 333 

Alien Act, iii 101 

Almonds, trade in, i 94 

Alnwick, William the Lyon taken 
prisoner at, i 102, 104; the town 
burned, i 205, 228 

Alpin, king of Dalriada, i 26 

America, Scottish trade with the 
English Colonies, iii 255, 256; 
emigration from the Scottish 
Highlands to, iii 361 

Ancrum, English army defeated at, 
ii 16, 17 

Anderson of Whitburgh, iii 298 

Angles, extent of their territory, 
i 10, 13, 14; their conversion to 
Christianity, i 19, 20; defeat the 
king of Dalriada, 121 

Angles (English), their invasion of 
Britain, i 12-14 

Angles of Bernicia, repelled by the 
Scots and Britons, i 18; their 
king, ^ithelfrith, defeats the Scots 
and Britons, i 18 

Angus, mormaer (earl) of Moray, 
slain, i 76 

Angus MacFergus, founds a mon- 
astery, i 46, 47 

Angus, 4th Earl of, George, heads a 
faction, i 249, 251 ; his death, i 255 



Angus, 6th Earl of, Archibald, sur- 
named Bell-the-Cat, invades Eng- 
Iand,i273; found guilty of treason, 
i 304 ; husband of Margaret, 
James IV's widow, i 354, 358; 
their daughter, afterwards Lady 
Lennox, i 357; rivalry with the 
Earl of Arran, i 361, 370; his 
ascendancy, i 370-73, and fall, 
i 373, divorced by the Queen, 
i 372, 384; a rebel against James 
V, i 385, 386, 392; appointed 
lieutenant of the Borders, ii 15, 

Angus, 8th Earl of, Archibald, 
ii 179, 187, 194, 200, 201, 204, 
207, 215, 227 

Angus, mormaer of, his daughter 
Fenvella, i 42 

Annandale, 3rd Earl of, William, 
iii 1 6 

Annandale, 5th Earl and ist Marquis 
of, William, iii 172 

Annandale, Roman remains in, i 7 ; 
granted to the Bruce family, i 89 ; 
overrun by the English, i 149; 
English expelled from, i 189 

Anne of Denmark, becomes queen 
of James VI, ii 209, 210; her 
counter- policy at Court, ii 219, 

Anne, Queen, beginning of reign, 
iii 44 ; her accession welcomed, 
iii 75; takes the coronation oath, 
iii 77; approves of a Union, iii 
77 ; ratifies the Treaty of Union, 
iii 128 

Antoninus Pius, emperor, sends 
Lollius Urbicus to Britain, i 4; 
his rampart or wall, i 4, 9 

Appin Murder, the, iii 339 

Arbroath, abbacy of, ii 173, 175; 
abbey of, ii 145; William the 
Lyon buried in, i 108; town of, 
i 228 

Archery, its practice recommended, 

Architecture, Scottish domestic, ii 
446, 447 

Arderydd, battle of, i 12 

Ardkinglass, castle of, ii 431 and 

Ardoch, Roman camp at, i 7, 9 

Argathelians, the, iii 199-204, 210, 
215, 217 

Argyle, 4th Earl of, Archibald, sent 
against the Clanronald and others, 
ii 40; encourages Protestantism, 
ii 48 

Argyle, 5th Earl of, Archibald, en- 
courages Protestantism, ii 59, 60, 
66; an opponent of the Regent 
Moray, ii 127, 129, 133, 134; 
subdued, ii 135 ; assists the Marian 
faction, ii 148 

Argyle, 6th Earl of, Colin, ii 172; 
his death, and successor, ii 212 

Argyle, 7th Earl of, Archibald, de- 
feated at Glenlivet, ii 217, 218, 
238; appointed justiciary and 
lieutenant of the South Isles, 
ii 256; attacks the Clan Donald 
in Islay, ii 260, 261 

Argyle, 9th Earl of, Archibald, his 
trial and escape, ii 418, 419; his 
rebellion fails, ii 428-33; his 
death, ii 432 

Argyle, ist and only Marquis of, 
Archibald, ii 291, 309 and note, 

VS* 3 4 9> 3 2 4- 26 > 343-45, 349> 
352, 372; defeated by Montrose, 
ii 332; ruin of his government, 
" 360, 363; becomes a Royalist, 
ii 361-63; yields to the Common- 
wealth, ii 365 ; imprisoned, ii 382 ; 
executed, ii 385, 386 

Argyle, 2nd Duke of, John, royal 
commissioner in the Union Parlia- 
ment, iii 96, 103, 113, 119; his 
services in the Jacobite rising of 
1715, iii 172-88; his dismissal 
from office, iii 189, 190 and note \ 
iii 199, 200, 203, 209, 210, 215, 
226-28, 283 

Argyle, 3rd Duke of, Archibald, 
still influential in Scotland, iii 
336. See Islay, Lord 

Argyle, district of, subdued by 
Alexander II, i 113 

Argyle, King of. See Somerled 

44 8 


Argyleshire, early inhabitants of, 

i ii, 13 

Armada, Spanish. See Spanish Ar- 

Arminianism, iii 238, 239 

Armstrong of Kinmont, William 
(Kinmont Willie), his rescue, 
ii 222 

Armstrong, family of, a turbulent 
element on the Borders, i 373, 


Armstrong Clan, their lawlessness, 
ii 263 

Army, institution of a standing 
army, ii 41 

Arran, Earl of, Thomas (Boyd), 
marries the sister of James III, 
i 259; his overthrow, i 261 

Arran, ist Earl of, James Hamilton, 
his rivalry with the Duke of 
Albany, i 354-58, 369 ; his death, 

i 379 

Arran, 2nd Earl of, James, 3rd 
Lord Hamilton, his regency, ii 4- 
38; leans towards an English 
alliance, ii 5, 6; wavers, and 
yields to the French party, ii 7, 8 ; 
opposed by the Queen-mother, 
ii 14; fails to carry out the sen- 
tence on the murderers of Cardinal 
Beaton, ii 26, 27 ; opposed to the 
French alliance, ii 33, 36 ; obtains 
the Duchy of Chatelherault, at the 
expense of his Regency, ii 36, 37 

Arran, 3rd Earl of, James, becomes 
an ally of the Reformers, ii 64 ; 
proposal for his marriage to Queen 
Elizabeth, ii 73, 74 ; opposes 
Queen Mary's policy, ii 83 ; one 
of her Councillors, ii 85 ; his later 
career, ii 89; insane, ii 173 

Arran, Earl of, James (Stewart), 
ii 1 80; favours Protestantism, ii 
183; his marriage, ii 183; seized 
at Ruthven Castle, ii 188; be- 
comes the king's favourite, ii 193 ; 
his high-handed policy, ii 195- 
98; efforts to overthrow him, ii 
198-200; his flight, ii 200, 201; 
attempts to recover his power, 

ii 204 ; reappears, but is forced 
to retire, ii 214 

Arson, i 115 

Arthuret, near Carlisle, i 12 

Articles, Lords of the, i 289 ; elec- 
tion of, ii 316, 389; iii 6, 13. See 
also Parliament 

Articles of Union, iii 104-10; de- 
bate on, iii 116-24 

Artillery, at Flodden, i 337 

Assise, trials by, i 90 

Assurance, The, exacted from the 
clergy, iii 22-24 

Astrology, i 270, 288; ii 206 

Atholl, Earl of, Patrick (Galloway), 
his death occasions a feud against 
the Bisset family, i 115 

Atholl, Earl of, justiciary of Scot- 
land, hostile to King James I, 
i 217; his death, i 218 

Atholl, 4th Earl of, John, sides 
with Queen Mary, ii 106; assists 
the Catholic party, ii 138, 139; 
ii 172; his suspicious death, 


Atholl, 2nd Marquis of, and ist 
Duke of, John, ii 429, 430 ; iii 8; 
his alleged plot, iii 91 and note; 
in the Union Parliament, iii 92, 93, 
113, 120; his conduct subsequent 
to the Union, iii 134, 140, 157 

Atholl, titular Duke of, William 
John, in the '45, iii 274 note, 275 
note, 280 and note, 286, 303 

Atholl, men of, in the '45, iii 297 

Aubigny, Lord of, Bernard Stewart, 
i 326, 327. See Stewart, Esme 

Auchterarder Case, the, iii 427-29 

Augustinian canons, grants of terri- 
tory to, i 70 

Auldearn, fight at, ii 333 

Ayala, Pedro de, Spanish agent, in 
Scotland, i 347-49 

Ayr, burgh of, its charter, i 108; 
citadel of, ii 373 

Ayres. See Courts 

Ayres, in royal burghs, i 92, 93 

Bacon, Sir Francis, a Commis- 
sioner for Union, ii 247, 248 



Badenoch, Wolf of, {196 
Bagimont's (Baiamund) Roll, i 127 
Baillie, Lady Grizel, iii 265 
Baillie, Robert, Divine, his Letters 

and Journals \ ii 452 
Baillie of Jerviswood, Robert, ii 

Balcanquhal, Doctor, ii 311, 322 
Balfour of Kinloch, John, ii 408 
Balfour of Pittendreich, Sir James, 

ii 185 

Balincrief, lands of, i 243 
Ballads, ii 213 note, 219 note 
Balliol, Bernard de, a Yorkshire 

baron, i 79 
Balliol, Edward, invades Fife, i 

171 ; another invasion, i 172, 

Balliol, John de, i 123 

Balliol, John (King), his claim to 

the throne, i 136, 138, 139; 

crowned at Scone, i 139 ; his 

reign, i 140-43 
Balloch, Donald, rebels, i 214, 236, 

Balmerino, Lord, James Elphin- 

stone, Secretary of State, ii 255; 

tried for high treason, ii 296, 

297 ; ii 308, 343 
Balmerino, 6th Lord, Arthur 

Elphinstone, in the '45, hi 326 
Balnaves, Henry, ii 130 
Bamborough, fort of (castle), the 

capital of Bernicia, i 14, and of 

Lothian, i 37 ; i 77, 82 
"Banders," the, headed by Mont- 

rose, ii 322, 328 
Bane, Donald, in Ross, revolts, i 

104, and is slain, i 105 
Bane, or MacWilliam, Donald, son 

of the above, revolts, but is de- 

feated, i in 
Bank of Scotland, act establishing, 

iii 40, 41, 69 
Banking Bill, the, iii 343 
Bannockburn, battle of, i 157-61 
Barbados, transportation to, ii 413 

and note, 448 ; trade with, iii 25 
Barbour, John, his Bruce> i 183 
Barley, ii 445 

B. S. III. 

Barley and bear, iii 48 

Baron courts, ii 372 

Baronets, of Nova Scotia, ii 273, 

Barons, "' the Disinherited, " i 170, 
171, 173, i-finote; "Parchment," 
iii 417 and note ; smaller, their 
right to sit in Parliament, ii 7 1 ; 
smaller, their right to sit in Par- 
liament reaffirmed, ii 205 

Barony, courts of, i 130 

Barton, Andrew, i 322, 324, 325, 
3^8, 336 

Barton, Robert, i 322, 324, 325, 


Battle of the Standard, i 80, 81 

Beacon-fires, system of, organised, 
i 244, 245 

Beacons (balefires), ii 207 

"Beacon, The," Newspaper, iii 409 

Beaton, James, Archbishop of St 
Andrews, and Chancellor, his 
career, i 360, 364, 368, 373 

Beaton, David, Cardinal, his early 
career, i 386 ; succeeds to the 
see of St Andrews, i 387, 388 ; 
produces a forged will of James 
V, ii 4 ; procures the safe custody 
of Queen Mary, ii 7, 8 ; mur- 
dered, ii 20-25 

Beaufort, Lady Joan, her marriage 
to James I, i 210 

Beaugue, Jean de, ii 123 

Bede, his History, 18, 13, 18, 20, 
22, 24, 25, 36, 44-46; i 25, 26 

Beer, the drink of the peasantry, 
ii 447; taxation of, iii 206, 207 

Beggars, laws relating to, i 244; ii 
122 ; iii 70, 71 

*' Beggars' Summons," the, ii 52 

Belhaven, Lord, in the Union 
Parliament, iii 112, 114, 116 

Bell, George Joseph, iii 399 

Bellenden, John, i 399 

Bellenden, Sir William, ii 401 

Benedictines, i 219 

Benedictus Abbas, his Chronicle, i 

Benetices, sale of, i 263 , tithes of, 
for a war against the Turks, i 

2 9 


; taxation of, i 380 ; thirds 
of, ii 153, 154, 161, 162, 190 

Bernicia, kingdom of, founded, i 
14; paganism of, i 19; evan- 
gelisation of, i 19, 21 ; supremacy 
of, i 20, 11 ; its religious condi- 
tion, i 46; united to the rest of 
Scotland, i 27, 29, 36 ; northern, 
called Lothian, i 32 

Berwick, Duke of, iii 130 

Berwick-on-Tweed, one of the 
Four Burghs, i 91 ; struggle be- 
tween the English and Scots for 
its possession, i 106, 143, 163, 
164, 172, 173, 176, 187, 188, 
191, 216, 239, 248, 251, 274, 
276, 278 ; finally taken by 
England, 278 ; its prosperity, i 
131 ; meetings there to settle 
the succession to the Scottish 
throne, i 138, 139, 144; castle 
of, seized by the English, i 102, 
142, 278; in Scottish hands, i 
105, 278; treaty at, i 112; paci- 
fication of, ii 314 

Bible, permitted to be used in the 
vernacular, ii 5, n 

Binning, Lord, ii 282. See Had- 
dington, Earl of 

Birrens, in Annandale, a Roman 
station, i 7, 9 

Bishoprics, established in Scotland, 
i 71; number of increased, i 95 

Bishops, their early jurisdiction in 
Scotland, i 47; their right to 
vote in Parliament, ii 227, 228, 
236 ; fully re-established in Scot- 
land, ii 249 and note, 250-52 ; 
further powers granted to them, 
ii 249-51; admitted to the Privy 
Council, ii 285 ; demand for their 
removal from the Privy Council, 
ii 303 ; deposed by the General 
Assembly at Glasgow, 1638, ii 
308; re-establishment of, ii 386, 
387; Drag-net, ii 390; " Tul- 
chan," ii 155 ; War, First, ii 
310-14; War, Second, ii 314-21 

Bisset, Walter, baron, accused of 
causing the Earl of Atholl's death, 

i 115; banished, and foments 

strife in England against the 

Scots, i 115 
Black, David, minister of St 

Andrews, preaches against the 

king, ii 224 

"Black Acts," the, ii 196, 201 
"Black Agnes," the Countess of 

March, defends Dunbar Castle, 

i 174 
Black Death, ravages Scotland, i 

"Black Friday," in the '45, iii 


Blackness, Castle of, used as a 
prison, i 229 ; burned by the 
English, i 274; the "Pacifica- 
tion of," i 286 note 
" Black Saturday," ii 30, 149 
Black Watch, the, iii 230, 231 
Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 

iii 404 

Blair, Dr Hugh, iii 364, 365 
Blair Castle, iii 8 
Blakeney, Major-General, iii 313 
Blanks, the Spanish, ii 215-17 
Blasphemy, made a capital offence, 

iii 39, 40 

Blind Harry's Wallace, i 292 
Boar's Raik, the, i 72 
Boece, Hector, first Principal of 
King's College, Aberdeen, i 345 ; 
his History of Scotland, i 55; 

i 345, 347 
Bohun, Sir Henry de, slain by 

Bruce, i 158 
Bolgyne, lands of, i 54 
Book of Canons, ii 298, 308 
Book of Deer, i 44 
Book of Discipline, First, ii 74-76, 

95, 123; Second, ii 298 
Boot, torture of the, ii 399 
Bordeaux, trade with, ii 279 
Borders, wardens of the marches, i 
165, 186, 235, 326, 329; "the 
Warden's Raid," i 188 ; office of 
Warden of the Marches declared 
no longer hereditary, i 238; the 
111 Raid, i 334, 336; disturb- 
ances, i 341 ; suppression of the 


Armstrongs, i 373, 376; expedi- 
tions to quell rebellion, ii 134, 
138, 1 39 and note, 160, 161, 162, 
163; the last great clan fight, ii 
219; rescue of William Arm- 
strong of Kinmont, ii 222, 223 ; 
called the "Middle Shires," ii 
247; James VI's policy towards, 
ii 262-64; appointment of Scot- 
tish and English Commissioners, 
ii 263, 264; "Jeddart Justice," ii 
264; Commission for, ii 347 

Borthwick Castle, ii 112 

Boston, Rev. Thomas, iii 239, 240; 
his Fourfold State, iii 267 

Bothgouanan, battle of, i 54 

Bothwell, Lord (Sir John Ramsay), 
i 284 

Bothwell, 2nd Earl of, Patrick, his 
career and defection, i 376, 379, 
387; delivers up George Wishart, 
ii 21 

Bothwell, 3rd Earl of, James, seizes 
money sent by Queen Elizabeth, 
ii 65 ; his alleged plot against 
Queen Mary, ii 89 ; sides with 
Mary, ii 106; becomes her 
favourite, ii 108, 109 ; accused 
of murdering Darnley, ii in ; 
divorced from his wife, he marries 
the Queen, ii in, 112; his later 
career, ii 114 

Bothwell, Earl of, Francis Stewart, 
ii 203, 208, 209, 223, 225, 227 

Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney, 
ii 130 

Bothwell Bridge, battle of, ii 410- 


Boulogne, treaties of, i 194; ii 35 

Bower's History, i 196 

Bowes, Robert, English Ambas- 
sador, ii 172, 177, 188, 190 

Boyd of Kilmarnock, Lord, Robert, 
i 257, 261 ; his son Thomas, 
created Earl of Arran, -i 257, 

Boyd of Kilmarnock, Thomas, 
younger, i 212 

Boyd, Lord, ii 130 

Boyd, Sir Alexander, Governor of 

Edinburgh Castle, i 257 ; exe- 
cuted, i 261 

Boyd, family of, their rise and 
overthrow, i 257-61 

Brantome, ii 82, 94 

Braxfield, Lord Justice Clerk, ii 

Breadalbane, Earl of, iii 18, 21 

Brechin, bishopric of, established, i 
95; lordship of, appropriated to 
the Crown, i 243 ; town of, i 42 ; 
captured, ii 145 

Breda, Treaty of, ii 350 

Brewing, laws anent, i 93 

Bribery, at elections, iii 85 and 
note; at the Union, iii 126, 127 

Brigham, assembly held at, i 109; 
treaty of, i 135, 140 

Britain, early inhabitants of, i 12 

Britons, extent of their territory, i 
10, 12, 14; divided by the king 
of Northumbria, i 12; of Strath- 
clyde, aided by the Scots, i 18 ; 
defeated by the Angles of Ber- 
nicia, i 18; subjugated by Edwin 
of Deira, i 19; their territory 
subdued by the Picts, i 26; at 
war with the Picts and Scots, i 
32, 40; northern, their sub- 
divisions, i 6 

Brittany, John of, guardian of 
Scotland, i 151 

Brougham, Lord, iii 389 

Broughty Castle, ii 31, 32, 34 

Brown of Priesthill, John, ii 427 
and note 

Bruce (Brus), Robert de, a York- 
shire baron, i 79, 121 

Bruce, Robert, Lord of Annandale, 

i 134 

Bruce, Robert, Earl of Carrick, his 

claim to the throne, i 134, 138, 

Bruce, Robert, King. See Robert I 
Bruce of Broomhall, Sir Alexander, 

iii 82 

Bruce of Earlshall, ii 416 
Bruce, Robert, minister of Edin- 
burgh, ii 209, 210; at variance 
with the king, ii 233, 236 

29 2 



Bruce, family of, i 70 ; become 

possessors of Annandale, i 89 ; 

deprived of Annandale, i 142, 143 
Brude, king of the Picts, visited by 

Columba, i 16; wages war with 

the Scots, i 17 
Brude, last king of the Picts, grants 

the isle of Lochleven to the 

Culdees, i 48 
Bruges, once the staple port, i 


Brunanburh, battle of, i 37 

Brythonic Celts, i n, 12 
Buccleugh, Laird of, ii 144, 150 
Buccleugh and Monmouth, Duke 

of, commander at Bothwell 

Bridge, where he defeats the 

Covenanters, ii 410-13; his re- 

bellion, ii 428 
Buchan, General, a Jacobite leader, 

iii 17 
Buchan, Earl of, Alexander, called 

the Wolf of Badenoch, i 196 
Buchan, Earl of, John, i 206; 

sent to assist the French king, 

i 208, 209 
Buchan, Earl of, James, pardoned, 

i 297, 304 
Buchan, its shores attacked by the 

Northmen, i 39; earldom of, i 

Buchanan, George, i 367; ii 130; 
as a volunteer in Albany's ex- 
pedition; tutor of King James 
VI, ii 165 ; his History of Scot- 
land. i 249 note\ ii 281 

Burgh, de, Hubert, his marriage 
with Margaret, sister of Alex- 
ander II, i 113; his fall, i 114 

Burghead, on the Moray Firth, i 

Burghers and An ti- Burghers, iii 


Burghs, not represented in Council, 
i 117; first represented in Par- 
liament, i 166, 181, 289; become 
prosperous, i 185; Froissart's 
account of them, i 182; elective 
powers, i 200; their condition 
in James IV's time, i 349; 

election of members for Pro- 
tectorate Parliament, ii 368, 
374; election of magistrates, ii 
374; iii 48, 49; their retarded 
development, iii 45; freemen 
and unfreemen, iii 49; chief 
towns before the Union, iii 67, 
68; decaying state of some in 
the 1 7th and i8th centuries, iii 
248, 249; rivalry between the 
towns, iii 253, 254; their popu- 
lation, iii 254; beginning of a 
reign of prosperity, iii 255, 256; 
necessity of reform in municipal 
control, iii 356, 357; Four, meet- 
ings and laws of their Commis- 
sioners, i 92, 93 ; iii 54; of 
barony, iii 53 ; of regality, iii 
53 ; royal, charters to, i 92, 108 ; 
dominated by James VI, ii 241 ; 
to be erected in the Western 
Highlands, ii 230; iii 53, 54; 
taxation of, iii 67, 68; as affected 
by the Treaty of Union, iii 109 ; 
Convention of, origin of the, i 91, 
92 ; its jurisdiction, iii 54-58, 204 
and note; Reform, iii 385, 386, 
411, 421-23 
Burghley (Burley), Lord, ii 210, 


Burgundy, in alliance with Scot- 
land, i 265 

Burke and Hare murders, iii 414 
Burke's Reflections, iii 377-79 
Burnet, Archbishop, ii 402 
Burns, Robert, poet, iii 394, 395 
Bushell, Captain, iii 207, 208 
Butchers, craft of, i 93 
Bute, Lord, his administration, iii 

Byng, Admiral, iii 137 

Cadogan, General, iii 185, 187-89 
Csedwalla, king of the Britons of 

Wales, his campaigns, i 20 
Caithness, invaded by the North- 
men, i 35 ; claimed by the North- 
men, i 4 1-43; Montrose in, ii 351 ; 
bishopric of established, i 95; 
bishopric of, ii 236 ; chancellor of, 



ii 221; earl of, ii 262; earldom 

of in revolt, i 107; mormaer of, 

i 41, 46 

Calatria, district of, i 14 
Calderwood's History of Kirk of 

Scotland, ii 170 note 
Caledonia, the Darien colony, iii 32, 


Caledonian Canal, iii 213 

Caledonians, the, defeated by 
Agricola, i 3; tribe of, resist the 
Roman invaders, i 4, 5 

Cambuskenneth, abbey of, founded, 
i 95 ; assembling of the first 
Scottish Parliament at, i 166 

Camelon, Roman remains at, i 9 

Cameron of Lochiel, Donald, in the 
'45, iii 272, 278 and notes, 280, 
281, 295, 303 

Cameron, Richard, ii 415, 416 

Cameronians, or " Society People," 
ii 415-18, 420-22, 425-27, 436- 
38, 440; iii 3; some of them 
formed into a regiment, iii 10-12 
note', three of their ministers enter 
the Revolution Church, 15; their 
attitude to the Union, iii in, 120 
Campbell of Auchinbreck, Sir Dun- 
can, ii 429 

Campbell of Cawdor, Sir John, 
ii 212, 259, 260 

Campbell of Glenure, Colin, mur- 
dered, iii 339 

Campbell, clan, Jacobite feeling 
against, iii 277 ; at Culloden, iii 

Campbell, Sir Henry, Sheriff of Ayr, 

ii 55 
Campvere, chosen as the staple port, 

i 343 note; ii 279; iii 55-58 
Canal, Forth and Clyde, iii 353, 


Candida Casa, church called, i 8, 46 
Candlemas, "the Burnt," i 177 
Cannon, Colonel, iii ii, 17 
Cannon, their introduction into war- 
fare, i 241 

Canons, Book of, ii 298, 308 
Cantire (Cantyre), ii 230, 255, 256 
Cappuck, Roman remains at, i 9 

Carberry Hill, Queen Mary's defeat 

at, ii 112 
Carbisdale, Montrose defeated at, 

ii 351 
Cardross, death of Robert I at, 

i 167 ; lands of, i 243 
Carey, Sir Robert, announces the 

death of Queen Elizabeth, ii 239 
Cargill, Donald, ii 415, 417, 418 
Carham on Tweed, battle of, i 43, 

50, 206 

Carlingford, town of, burnt, i 193 
Carlisle, Earl of, Andrew (Hartcla), 

warden of the marches, i 165 
Carlisle, occupied by the Britons, 

i 12; i 76, 81, 98; ii 310; David 

I dies there, i 85 ; sieges of, i 102, 

251; Prince Charles at, iii 303, 304, 

308; castle of, i 56, 61, 77; ii 222 
Carlyle of Inveresk, Dr Alexander, 

iii 364, 366, 367, 369, 370, 392 
Carlyle, Thomas, iii 434 
Carmichael, Lord, Royal Com- 
missioner, iii 23 
Carmichael, Sir John, Warden of 

the Borders, ii 162, 263 
Carnwath, 6th Earl of, Robert, iii 

162, 175 

Carpenter, General, iii 178-80 
Carpets, iii 359 

Carrick, 2nd Earl of, Neil, i 121 
Carrick, Earl of, Robert, i 134 
Carrick, Earl of, John Stewart, 

nominated heir to Robert II, i 

1 86; crowned as Robert the 

Third, i 194, 195 
Carrickfergus, siege of, i 333 
Carron Iron- Works, iii 359 
Carse of Gowrie, ii 445 
Carstares, William, leader in the 

Revolution Church, iii 11, 13, 23; 

his views on the Union, iii 105 

note, in, 114, 138, his death, 

iii 237 
Carteret, John, Earl Granville, iii 

Carthusians, convent of, founded at 

Perth, i 219 
Casket Letters, ii 131 and note, 132 




Cassillis, 3rd Earl of, Gilbert, ii 22; 

his suspicious death, ii 44 note 
Cassillis, 6th Earl of, John, ii 308, 

343. 375 note 
Castilians, the, ii 27 
Catechism, Hamilton's, ii 125 
Catechisms, Larger and Shorter, 

" 341 

Cattle, ii 445 

Cattle-rearing, iii 48 ; in the High- 
lands, iii 254, 255, 260, 26 r 
Cellach, bishop of St Andrews, 

i 35, 47 
Celtic Christianity, its influence in 

Scotland, i 45-48 

Celtic dialects, superseded by Eng- 
lish, i 131 

Celts, Brythonic, 111,12; Goidelic, 

i ii. 13 

Ceolfrid, abbot of Jarrow, writes to 

King Nectan, i 24 
Chalmers, Dr, iii 424, 426, 429, 

Chamberlain of Scotland, office of, 

i 88, 92 ; ii 178 

Chancellor, office of, i 88; in the 
hands of a Frenchman, ii 40, 298 
Chapel Act, the, iii 426, 431, 432 
Charles the First, king, his reign, 
ii 284-348 ; his marriage, ii 284 ; 
ignorant of the Scottish character, 
ii 284; goes beyond his father 
in forcing Episcopacy upon the 
Scots, ii 285, 294, 295, 299; his 
Act of Revocation, ii 286-91, 294, 
225; visits Scotland in 1633, ii 
292-95 ; his coronation in Scot- 
land, and holding of Parliament, 
ii 292-95 ; sends the Marquis of 
Hamilton as his Commissioner to 
mediate with the Covenanters, 
ii 305-08; his King's Covenant, 
a rival to the National Covenant, 
ii 306, 309 ; plans the invasion of 
Scotland, ii 310, 311; agrees to 
the Pacification of Berwick, ii 
314; temporises with the Presby 
terian party, ii 315-18; agrees to 
a Treaty at Ripon, ii 320; visits 
Scotland in 1641, ii 321-26; 

raises the standard at Nottingham, 
ii 326; gives himself up to the 
Scots, ii 339; refuses to accept 
the Covenant, ii 340; agrees to 
the "Engagement," ii 342, 343; 
his execution at Whitehall, ii 
342, 345; his government, ii 346, 


Charles the Second, proclaimed 
king by the Scots, ii 349 ; obliged 
to swear the Covenants, ii 350, 
35i 353 362; sails for Scotland, 
ii 351; rejected by the Remon- 
strants, ii 361 ; his coronation at 
Scone, ii 362 ; his character, and 
rule, ii 362, 423, 424; defeated at 
Worcester, ii 363; Royalist at- 
tempts in his favour in the High- 
lands, ii 371-73; his Restoration, 
380, 381; restores Episcopacy, 
ii 380, 381, 386, 387 ; nominates 
his Privy Council, ii 381, 382; 
his war with Holland, ii 394; ex- 
communicated by the Camero- 
nians, ii 417; his death, ii 423; 
annual grant to him, ii 444 

Charles Edward Stewart, Prince, 
attempts to invade England, iii 
270, 271; sets sail for Scotland, 
iii 273-75; his arrival, and mixed 
reception, iii 275-78, 280, 281; 
raising of the standard, iii 278-80; 
the price set on his head, iii 284; 
he reaches Perth, iii 288, 289 ; in- 
cidents of his march on Edin- 
burgh, iii 291-95; his entry, and 
residence at Holyrood, iii 296- 
302; his victory at Prestonpans, 
iii 295-99; begins his march to 
England, iii 302, 303; captures 
Carlisle, iii 303, 304; reaches 
Derby, but is forced to retreat, 
iii 307 ; hostile reception in Eng- 
land and Scotland, iii 308, 309; 
successes of his party in the North, 
iii 311, 312, 317-19; his victory 
at Falkirk, iii 313-16; defeated at 
Culloden, iii 320-24; his later 
career, iii 324 and note, 325, 326, 



Charles VIII of France, renews the 
alliance with Scotland, i 306 

Charles XII of Sweden, iii 195, 196 

Charteris, John, ii 21 

Charters, first, to burghs, i 92, 108 

Chartier, Alain, i 215 

Chatelar, Queen Mary's admirer, 
ii 82, 93, 94 

Chatelherault, Duke of, assists the 
Queen Regent, ii 60, 62; won 
over by the Reformers, ii 64 ; ii 83, 
90, 99 ; one of the Queen's Coun- 
cillors, ii 85 ; an opponent of 
Regent Moray on account of his 
own interest in the Crown, ii 127, 
128, 133, 134; imprisoned, iii 34; 
assists the Marian faction, ii 148. 
See Arran, 2nd Earl of, John 

Chatelherault, Duchy of, conferred 
on the 2nd Earl of Arran, ii 36 

Chattan, Clan, at war with the Clan 
Kay, i 197 

Chaucer, his influence on Scottish 
literature, i 292 

Chester, battle of, i 12; meeting of 
Henry II and Malcolm IV there, 
i 98 

Chesters, i 8 

Chevalier de St George. See Pre- 

Chevy Chase, ballad of, i 194 

Chiesley, James, merchant, iii 27 

Chippenham, treaty of, i 33 

Christian I, king of Denmark, Nor- 
way and Sweden, negotiates for 
his daughter's marriage with 
James III of Scotland, i 259-61 

Christianity, spread of, in Scot- 
land, i 8, 9, 13, 15, 17, 19, 
21, 24, 25 ; distinction between 
Roman and Celtic, i 23 

Cistercians, order of, i 74 

Citadels, Cromwell's, at Leith, 
Perth, Inverness, Inverlochy, and 
Ayr, ii 373 

Clackmannan, origin of the name, 
i 14 

Claim of Right, the, ii 442 

"Claim of Rights," iii 430, 431 

Clan Act, the, iii 162, 163 

Clan Donald, their head, Angus 

Og, at Bannockburn, i 163 
Clan Gregor. See Macgregor 
Clan Ian, rebellion of, ii 291 
Clanronald, pursued with fire and 

sword, ii 40 
Clarendon, Earl of, Edward (Hyde), 

ii 382 

Classes, Act of, ii 350, 362, 363 
Cleland, William, leader of the 

Cameronians, iii 91 1 
Clinton, Lord, enters the Forth with 

his fleet, ii 30 
Clitheroe, battle of, i 79 
Cloth, regulations as to sale of, i 94 ; 

English cloth imported, i 291 ; 

manufacture of, ii 278, 279; iii 

52, 62, 63 

Clothing. See Dress 
"Club," the, and the Revolution 

Parliament, iii 5 . 

Cluny Macpherson, in the '45, iii 

288, 340 
Clyde, deepening of, at Glasgow, 

iii 360 
Cnut, king, confirms the cession of 

Lothian to the Scots, i 43; in- 
vades Alba, i 51 
Coal, export of, iii 63 
Cochrane of Ochiltree, Sir John, 

ii 428, 430, 431 note 
Cockburn of Ormiston, Adam, iii 

257, 258 

Coinage, regulated by Parliament, 
i 18 1 ; circulation of debased coin, 
i 75> 277, 291 ; Acts relating to, 
i 291, 300; Acts, ii 120; legis- 
lation, ii 448, 449; condition of, 
prior to the Union, iii 69, 70; as 
affected by the Treaty of Union, 
iii 109; after the Union, iii 246 

Coldingham, priory of, founded, i 
67 ; i 285 ; seized by the English, 
ii 15 ; burned by the English, 

ii 19 

Coldstream, truces concluded at, 

i 303, 305 
College, Scots, in Pans, i 208 

Colleges. See Universities 
Colliers, legislation affecting, iii 

45 6 


348, 349; emancipation of, iii 

Colman, a Columban bishop, retires 

from Northumbria, {23 
Coltbridge," the "Canter of, iii 295 

and note 
Columba, lands in lona, i 15; his 

influence on the country, i 15-19, 

22, 23 ; visits the Picts and their 

king, i 16; consolidates Dalriada, 

i 17, 18; his relics, i 32 
Commission of Oyei and Terminer, 

iii 144 note, 194, 384, 406 
Commissioners of Union. See 

Union of Parliaments 
Companies, promotion of, iii 61-63 
Compurgation, law of, i 91 
Comyn, John (the Red Comyn), his 

claim to the throne, i 152; he is 

slain at Dumfries, i 152 
Comyn, Walter, Earl of Menteith, 

schemes of his party, i 119-21; 

victorious, i 122, 123; his death, 
^i 123 
Comyn, family of, their enmity 

against Robert the Bruce, i 153 
Confession of Faith, of 1560, ii 

7i 75 Westminster, ii 341 ; iii 


Congregation, Lords of the. See 
Lords of the Congregation 

Conservator of the Privileges of the 
Scottish Church, i 118 

Conservator of Privileges of Scottish 
merchants in Holland, ii 120; 
iii 56. See also Trade 

Conspiracy, the Gowrie, ii 231-35 

Constable of Scotland, office of, 
i 88 

Constantin I, King of the Picts, 
succeeds, i 27; makes Dunkeld 
the ecclesiastical capital, i 28, 47 ; 
his death, i 28 

Constantin II, King of Picts and 
Scots, succeeds, i 33 ; his con- 
flicts, i 33, 34; his defeat and 

^ death, i 34 

Constantin III, King of Alba, drives 
out the Danes, i 35, 36; holds an 
ecclesiastical council at Scone, 

i 35> 36; his conflicts, i 36; mar- 
riage of his daughter, i 37 ; his 
kingdom invaded, i 37; he ab- 
dicates, i 37 

Constantin IV, King of Alba, his 
reign and death, i 42 

Constantin, Earl of Fife, Justiciary 
of Scotland, i 88 

Conventicles, ii 394, 395, 402-04, 

4^8, 437 

Convention of Burghs. See Burghs 
Convention of Estates, definition of, 

ii 118 note 

Cook, Dr, church leader, iii 429 
Cope, Sir John, Commander of the 
Forces, his pursuit of Charles 
Edward Stewart, iii 284-88, 295, 
296; at Prestonpans, iii 295-99 
Coronation oath, ii 425, 442, 443; 

. i 77 
Correction houses, iii 70 

Corryarrick Pass, iii 286, 287 

Cospatric, Earl of Northumbria, 
defeated by William the Con- 
queror, i 58 

Cotton manufacture, iii 359 

Coucy,Ingelram de, a French baron, 
i 116 

Coucy, Mary de, marries Alexander 
II, i 116, 122 

Country party, the, in the Revolu- 
tion Parliament, iii 5 

Court of High Commission, intro- 
duced in Scotland, ii 249, 250 

Court of PiespoudreeS) i 94 

"Courtiers," or Court Party, in the 
Union Parliament, hi 87, 97 

Courts of regality, barony, and 
justiciary, i 130. See also Law 

Covenant, National, ii 303-09 ; the 
King's, a rival to the National 
Covenant, ii 306, 309; Solemn 
League and, see Solemn League ; 
Engagers and Protesters, ii 344, 


Crabstane, the fight at, ii 152 
Crafts, iii 49 
Craftsmen, contendings with the 

merchants, iii 49, 51, 52, 248; 

their conservatism, iii 59, 60 



Craigmillar Castle, 1271; residence 
of Mary Stewart at, ii 109 

Cramond (Alaterva), its Roman 
origin, i 8, 9 

Cranstoun, Sir William, ii 263 

Craw, Paul, burned as a heretic, 
i -219 

Crawford, 3rd Earl of, David, his 
great power, i 227; his death, 

Crawford, 4th Earl of, Alexander 
(Earl Beardie), his career, i 228, 
233. 234, 237 

Crawford, Thomas, accuses Mail- 
land of Lethington, ii 138; cap- 
tures Dumbarton Castle, ii 146, 


Cressingham, Hugh de, treasurer of 

Scotland, i 144-46 

Crichton of Brunston, Alexander, 
ii 21, 22 

Crichton, laird of Frendraught, ii 

Crichton, Sir William, keeper of 
Edinburgh Castle, i 223 ; becomes 
Chancellor, i 223; his career, i 
223-27, 230, 233 note, 234, 


Crichton, family of, honours con- 
ferred on, i 234 " 
Crieff, cattle fairs of, iii 254, 255 
Crinan, abbot of Dunkeld, i 51; 
^ slain, i 54 

Cromartie, Lord, iii 320, 3-26 
Cromwell, Oliver, leader of the 
Independents, ii 338 ; defeats the 
"Engagement" army, ii 344; 
sups with Argyle in Edinburgh, 
ii 345 ; enters Scotland with his 
army, ii 352; baffled by Leslie's 
tactics, ii 352-57; wins victory 
at Dunbar, ii 357-60; master 
of all south of Forth, ii 363 ; 
defeats the Scots at Worcester, 
363 ; benefits of his rule in Scot- 
land, ii 377-79 

Cromwell, Richard, his rule, ii 37 v 
Crown lands, rents of, i 131 
Crowns, Union of the, ii 153, 240, 

Crusades, the, i 74, 105, 109; ex- 

actions in support of, i 120, 127 
" Cubiculars," ii 224 
Cuilean, king of Alba, his reign and 

death, i 39, 40 
Culdees. See Keledei 
Culloden Muir, defeat of the Ja- 

cobites at, iii 320-25 
Cumberland, Duke of, iii 306-08, 

317,319; at Culloden, iii 320-24 ; 

his treatment of the rebels, iii 

Cumberland, the Britons in, i 12; 

ceded to Malcolm I, i 38, 39; 

district of, invaded, i 59, 61, 77; 

Scottish claims to the territory, 
^i 101, 102, 105, 115, 142, 147 
Cumbria, Earl of. See David I 
Cumbria, or Strathclyde, its rulers, 

i 36, 69, 72 
Cunningham, district of, possessors 

of, i 89 

Currency. See Coinage 
Customs, revenue from, i 348 and 


Dacre, Lord, Warden of the 
English Marches, i 353; harasses 
the Scottish Borders, i 357, 359, 

365. 366 
Dalkeith, attempt to burn, ii 149; 

Castle, ii 311; burned by the 

English, ii 32 
Dalnaspidal, ii 373 
Dalriada, colonised by the Scots, 

i !3> I7 subject to Northum- 

bria, i 14; kingdom of consoli- 

dated, i 17, 18; subjugation of, 

i 20-2, 113; its recovery, i 24; 

torn by dissensions, i 26 ; divers 

claimants to the throne, i 26; 

invaded by Norwegians, i 41 
Dalrymple, Sir David, Lord Advo- 

cate, iii 190 
Dalrymple, Sir James, President of 

the Court of Session, ii 418 
Dalrymple, Sir John, Lord Advo- 

cate, iii 4-6, 19-21 
Dalziel, Sir Thomas, General, ii 

39 6 > 397> 4<x>> 421 


Danes, enemies of the Picts and 
Scots, i 32, 34, 41 ; invade 
Lothian, i 36 ; defeated at Lun- 
carty, i 41 ; settle in Scotland, i 88 

Darien Scheme, the, iii 26-39 

Darnley, Lord, Henry, Queen 
Mary's marriage to, and its sig- 
nificance, ii 100, 101 ; his jealousy 
leads to estrangement, ii 104, 
107 ; plans the murder of Riccio, 
105, 106, 108; his subsequent 
conduct, ii 106, 108, 109; and 
violent death, no, 131, 132 note, 
138, 144, 179-81 

D'Aubigny, Lord. See Stewart, 

David I, King of Scotland, his 
share of territory as an earl, i 
69* 75; succeeds his brother as 
king, i 72 ; his gifts to the 
Church, i 70, 72; his advisers, 
i 70; a memorable reign, i 74; 
marries Matilda, and obtains 
English estates, i 75; Earl of 
Northampton, claims Northum- 
berland, i 75, 77, 80; his re- 
lations with England, i 75-84; 
dies at Carlisle, i 85, 86; 
his character and policy, i 86 ; 
grants lands to foreign settlers, 
i 88-90; establishes feudalism, 
i 90; encourages the growth of 
towns and trade, i 91, 92, 94; 
founds abbeys and establishes 
bishoprics, i 94, 95 

David II, King of Scotland, his 
first wife, Joanna of England, i 
167, 179; crowned at Scone, i 
170; sent to France for safety, 
i 172; his return, i 175; captured 
at Neville's Cross, i 175; pay- 
ment of his ransom, i 177; his 
imprudence causes a revolt, i 
178; makes a secret alliance with 
Edward III,i 178, 179; a second 
marriage, i 179; his death, i 179; 
recent views of his last years, 
i 179 note 

David, Earl of Huntingdon, brother 
of William the Lyon, pays 

homage to Henry I II of England, 
i 10 1 ; made a hostage, i 103 

Dawstane (Degsastan), near Jed- 
burgh, battle of, i 18 

Deane, Major-General Richard, ii 

365. 3 6 6, 372 

Dearth, periods of, in Scotland, i 
274, 275; and see Famine 

Debt, national, of Scotland, iii 107 

"Declaration," Large, ii 311, 322 

Deer, Book of, i 44 

Defoe, Daniel, a champion of the 
Union, iii 113 

Deira, kingdom of, i 14; suprem- 
acy of, i 20, 22 ; invaded by the 
Scots, i 40 

Denmark, trade with, ii 448 

Dirleton, Castle of, i 147 

Discipline, Book of, first, ii 87, 
154; second, ii 182 

Disruption, the, iii 431, 432 

Dollar, battle of, i 34 

Dominicans, Order of, settles in 
Scotland, i 118; their convent 
in Edinburgh, i 251; their 
monasteries destroyed, ii 57, 60 

Donald, brother of Constantin III, 
becomes King of Strathclyde, i 


Donald, brother of Kenneth, be- 
comes King of Picts and Scots, 
i 33 ; Clan, rising of, i 378 

Donald Bane, besieges Edinburgh 
Castle, i 64; his reign, i 64, 65; 
gains the throne, i 66; his fate, 
i 66 

Donald Bane, or Mac William, revolts 
against William the Lyon, i 104; 
and is slain, 105 ; his son Guth- 
red rebels, i 107 

Donald Breac, King of Dalriada, 
defeated by the Angles, i 21, 26 

Donibristle, burning of, ii 212, 213 

Douglas, Archibald, brother of Sir 
James, repels an invasion, i 171 

Douglas, ist Earl of, William, re- 
volts, i 178; alleges a right to 
the throne, i 186 and note; ap- 
pointed Warden of the East 
Marches, i 186 



Douglas, 2nd Earl of, James, slain 
at Otterbourne, i 193 

Douglas, 3rd Earl of, Archibald, 
"the Grim," i 198; his death, i 
199; his exploits, i 200, 201, 

Douglas, 5th Earl of, Archibald, 
appointed King's lieutenant, i 
222, 223; his death, i 223 

Douglas, 6th Earl of, William, 
beheaded, i 224, 226 

Douglas, 7th Earl of, James (the 
Gross), i 225, 226 

Douglas, 8th Earl of, William, 
restores the fortunes of his house, 
i 226, 227, 229-31 ; the King 
turns against him, i 231, 231 
note, 232 ; and slays him, i 233 

Douglas, 9th Earl of, James, defies 
the King, and burns Stirling, i 
233, 234; feigns submission, i 
2 35 2 36; overthrown, i 238; 
returns from exile, and harasses 
the south of Scotland, i 252 ; his 
defeat, i 254, 255 ; defeated and 
confined, i 282. See also Angus, 
Earls of 

Douglas, Gavin, printing of his 
Poems, i 346; made Bishop of 
Dunkeld, i 355 

Douglas, Sir George, brother of 
the Earl of Angus, ii 4, 9, 12, 


Douglas, Sir James (the "Good"), 

supporter of Robert the Bruce, 
i !54> T 55 164, J 66; at Bannock- 
burn, i 159, 1 60; falls in battle 
in Spain while carrying the heart 
of Bruce, i 170 

Douglas, Lady Jane, iii 344, 345 
Douglas, John, preacher, ii 49 
Douglas, John, "Tulchan" Arch- 
bishop of St Andrews, ii 154, 


Douglas, Sir William, the Knight 

of Liddesdale, captured, i 172; 
his exploits, i 174 
Douglases, their downfall, i 373- 

Douglas Castle, ii 311 

"Douglas Cause," the, a memor- 

able lawsuit, iii 344, 345 
Douglas Wars, the, ii 155 
Doune, Castle of, captured, ii 146 
Dover, Duke of (James, 2nd Duke 

of Queensberry), iii 142 
Downie, David, trial of, iii 383, 

D'Oysel, French Ambassador in 

reign of Mary, dictates terms, 

ii 3 2 > 33J nis career, ii 39, 42, 

58; assists the Queen Regent, ii 

60, 62, 66; is defeated, ii 67 

Dress, laws regarding, i 244, 290, 

291; ii 121 ; in the i7th century, 

ii 447; prices of clothing, iii 50 

Drumceatt, in Londonderry, synod 

held at, i 18 

Drumclog, battle of, ii 409, 410 
Drummond, Lord James, iii 169 
Drummond, Lord John, iii 312-14, 

3i7 319 

Drummond of Hawthornden, his 

poems, ii 281, 297 
Drummond, Anabella, queen of 

Robert III, i 195 
Drummonds, at feud with the 

Murrays, i 300 
Drummossie. See Culloden 
Drury, Sir William, Governor of 

Berwick, attacks Hamilton, ii 

H5, i49> J 58, 159 

Dry burgh, Abbey of, founded, i 
95; burned by the English, ii 19 

Dryfe Sands, fight at, ii 219 

Dubh, King of Alba, events of 
his reign, i 39 

Duke, title of, first conferred, i 197, 

Dumbarton, "the fortress of the 
Britons," i 12; captured by Olaf 
the White, i 33; burned, i2i2; 
Castle of, appropriated to the 
Crown, i 243 ; sieges of, i 298 ; 
ii 15, 19, 140; its capture by 
Captain Crawford, ii 147; refer- 
ences to, ii 176-78, 189, 311 

Dumfries, the Comyn slain at, i 
152; burned by the English, i 
205, 228; visit of James VI to, 



ii 268 ; rising in, ii 395 ; in the 
iyth century, ii 448 ; the Articles 
of Union publicly burned there, 
iii no; attempt of the Jacobites 
on, iii 175; Prince Charles 
at, iii 309 ; shire of, eviction 
of tenants there, iii 204, 205, 

Dunadd, on Loch Crinan, the 
capital of Dalriada, i 13 

Dunbar, Earl of, ii 263, 280 

Dunbar, William, printing of his 
Poems, i 346 

Dunbar, battle of, i 143; burned, i 
32,228; ii 14, 32; described, ii 
123; Castle of, defended by 
" Black Agnes," i 174; sieges 
of, i 199, 271, 282, 354; Mary 
of Lorraine takes refuge in, ii 61 ; 
Queen Mary at, ii in, 112; 
Drove, ii 356-60 

Dunblane, burned by the Britons, 
i 32; bishopric of, established, i 


Duncan, Earl of Fife, i 85 
Duncan, grandson of Malcolm II, 
appointed ruler of Strathclyde, i 
50, 52; succeeds as King of Scot- 
land, i 51 ; slain by Macbeth, i 

53 54 
Duncan, mormaer of Caithness, his 

daughter's marriage, i 41 
Duncan, son of Malcolm Canmore, 
given as hostage, i 59 ; seizes the 
Scottish throne, i 65; enriches 
the Church, i 65; slain in the 
Mearns, i 66 

Duncansness, battle of, i 41 
Dundalk, Edward Bruce defeated 

there, i 162 

Dundas of Arniston, Robert, Lord 
Advocate, iii 339-41; made 
President of the Court of Ses- 
sions, 341, 342; mobbed for his 
decision in the Douglas Cause, 

"i 345 

Dundas, Henry, Lord Advocate, 
his administration, iii 347-57, 
378, 387. 388-91; created Lord 
Melville, iii 390 

Dundas, Robert, Lord Advocate, 

iii 378 
"Dundas Despotism," the, iii 348, 

354. 355. 376-91 
Dundee, Viscount, John (Graham), 

creation of, ii 409, 421-2, 441 ; 
conduct at the Revolution, ii 441, 
442; iii 3; raises the Jacobite 
standard in the Highlands, iii 7 ; 
falls at Killiecrankie, iii 8-u. 
See Graham of Claverhouse 
Dundee, Viscount (James Graham 

of Duntroon), iii 302 
Dundee, burned by the English, i 
192; execution of heretics there, 
ii 1 1 ; the Reformation in, ii 56, 
61 ; described, ii 123; captured 
by Monck, ii 364, 365 ; iii 68, 
249 ; in the 1 7th century, ii 448 ; 
of Jacobite sympathies, iii 167, 
168, 173, 185, 186; Castle of, 

Dundonald Castle, i 194, 202 
Dundrennan, Abbey of, founded,! 95 
Dunedin. See Edinburgh 
Dunfermline, Abbot of, ii 130 
Dunfermline, Earl of. See Seton, 

Dunfermline, 2nd Earl of, Charles, 

ii 317 

Dunfermline, burial of Malcolm 
Canmore at, i 62 ; erection of 
its Abbey, i 63 

Dungal, King of Dalriada, i 26 
Dunivaig, Castle of, ii 258-60 
Dunkeld, Abbot of (Crinan), i 51, 
54; bishopric of, i 71, 95, 355; 
burgh of, made an ecclesiastical 
capital, i 28, 32, 47 ; reached by 
the Danes, i 32; burnt, i 50; 
defence of, iii 10, ii, 17 
Dunnichen, battle of, i 24 
Dunnottar Castle, siege of, by the 
English, ii 365 ; imprisonment of 
Covenanters there, ii 432, 433 
Duns Law, the Covenanting army 

at, ii 312, 313 

Dunstaffnage, Castle of, i 155 
Durham, Bishop of, appointed 
lieutenant of Scotland, i 136; 



Castle of, i 56; Cathedral of, 
founded, i 61 ; grants to the 
Church of, i 65, 67 ; siege of, i 
42, 52 ; David I invades, i 77 ; 
treaty at, i 82; county of, in- 
vaded by Bruce, i 156; county of, 
i 98 

Durie, John, minister, ii 189, 194 
Durward, Alan, Justiciary of Scot- 
land, schemes of his party, i 1 19- 


Dutch fishing in Scottish waters, 

iii 252, 253 

Dutch War. See Holland 
Dyeing, iii 53 
Dyers, craft of, i 93 
"Dykebreakers," the, iii 205 
Dysart, Lady, Duchess of Lauder- 

dale, ii 403 

Eadberct, King, attacks Strath- 

clyde, i 26 
Eadgyth. See Maud 
Eadmer, bishop of St Andrews, 171 
Eadred, of England, cedes Cum- 
berland to Malcolm I, i 39 
Eanfrid, son of Aethelfrith, exiled, 

i 20 

Earl, title of, i 66, 70, 90 
Earldoms, forfeiture of, i 214, 215 
Earls, origin of, i 45 ; the Catholic, 

ii 208, 209, 214-19 
Easter, dispute about, i 23; burgh 

moot at, i 93, 94 
East India Company, iii 27, 29 
Ecberght of Wessex, his lordship, 

i 3 1 
Ecgfrith, King of Northumbria, 

defeated by the Picts, i 24, 46 
Edgar, King of England, grants 

Lothian to Kenneth II, i 40 
Edgar the Atheling, defeated by 

William the Conqueror, i 58 ; in 

Scotland, i 60, 66 
Edgar, son of Malcolm Canmore, i 

62 ; becomes King of Scotland, i 

66 ; his peaceable reign, i 66, 68 ; 

marriage of his sister, i 67 
Edinburgh (Dunedin), becomes a 

Scottish possession, i 39 

Edinburgh, town, its rising import- 
ance, i 70 ; one of the Four 
Burghs, i 91; regarded as the 
capital, i 182; demolished in 
1384, i 191 ; burned by the 
English, i 192; its citizens re- 
ceive their "Golden Charter," i 
il^note'j mustering of the army 
on the Borough Muir before 
Flodden, i 333; the recognised 
capital of Scotland, i 351; its 
first wall, i 351; captured by 
the English in 1544, ii 13; 
captured by the Reformers, ii 61- 
63; Treaty there between the 
English and French Commis- 
sioners and the Reformers, ii 69, 
70; siege of the Castle, ii 155, 
156; evacuated by the Marian 
lords, ii 156 ; fired by Kirk- 
caldy of Grange, ii 158; threat- 
ened with the loss of its privileges, 
ii 225, 226; visit and coronation 
of King Charles I in 1633, ii 
292-95; citizens favour Presby- 
terianism, ii 300; its reception 
accorded to Laud's Service-Book, 
ii 300, 301; signing of the 
National Covenant there, ii 304; 
imprisonment of Covenanters in 
Greyfriars Churchyard, ii 398, 
412, 413; French refugees in, ii 
435; its appearance in the J7th 
century, ii 447, 448 ; tumult over 
the Darien expedition, iii 38; 
tumults against the Union of Par- 
liaments, iii 115, 119; riot on the 
arrival of the Equivalent, iii 1 30 ; 
defence of, against the Jacobites 
in 1715, iii 177; opposition to the 
Malt Tax, iii 209; Porteous 
Mob, iii 218-27; its conse- 
quences to the city, iii 224-26; 
its population at the Union, iii 
254; occupied by Prince Charles, 
iii 291-302; riots about the 
Roman Catholic Emancipation 
Bill, iii 350; riots after the 
French Revolution, iii 380; 
changes in manners of its society, 



iii 396, 397 ; Parliamentary repre- 
sentation of, iii 418, 420, 421 

Edinburgh Castle, i 248, 288 ; ii 
40; sieges of, i 64, 102, 143, 
156, 175, 199; appropriated to 
the Crown, i 243 ; adopted as 
the meeting place of Parliament, 
i 248, 288; held for the Marian 
party, ii 148-52, 155-58; cap- 
tured by the Regent Morton, ii 
159, 160; taken by General 
Leslie, ii 311; iii 169, 170 

Edinburgh, diocese of, established, 
ii 296 

Edinburgh Christian Instructor, iii 

Edinburgh Magazine, iii 404 

Edinburgh Merchant Company, iii 

5i, 5* 

Edinburgh Review, iii 389, 390, 404 

Edinburgh, Treaty of, ii 86, 94 ; 
University of, its foundation, ii 
281 ; references to, iii 263, 264 

Edmund of England, successor of 
yEthelstan, opposes the Danes, i 
37 38 ; cedes Cumberland to 
Malcolm I, i 38 

Edmund, son of Malcolm Canmore, 
conspires against the throne, i 65, 
66 ; his fate, i 66 

Education, Scottish students in 
Paris, i 207 ; acts relating to, i 345 ; 
at the Reformation, ii 75, 122 ; of 
the children of chieftains, ii 258 ; 
parochial schools, ii 282, 294, 
453; iii 41, 261, 262, 388-9; 
University reforms, and the disuse 
of Latin lecturing, iii 263, 264 ; 
schools in the Highlands, iii 338, 
340. See also Universities 

Edward the Elder, king of Wessex, 
oppresses the Danes, i 36 

Edward the Confessor, i 55, 56, 

Edward I, his dealings with Scot- 
land, i 134-55; his death, i 155 

Edward II of England, invades 
Scotland, i 155; defeated at 
Bannock burn, i 157-61; de- 
posed, i 1 66 

Edward III of England, recognises 
the independence of Scotland, i 
167 ; commences the Hundred 
Years' War with France, i 174; 
invades Scotland, and burns even 
the abbeys, i 176 ; his death, i 

Edward IV of England, endeavours 
to subjugate Scotland, i 251-55, 
272-81 ; arrangements for mar- 
riage of his daughter to the 
infant son of the Scottish king, 
i 267, 272, 279 

Edward VI of England, his pro- 
posed marriage to Mary, Queen 
of Scots, ii 29; his Second 
Prayer- Book, ii 300 

Edward, son of Malcolm Canmore, 
slain in England, i 61, 64 

Edward, Constable of Scotland, 
defeats the men of Moray, i 76 

Edward, brother of Robert I, assists 
him in his fight for liberty, i 154, 
!55> r 57 *62; at Bannockburn, 
i 159; slain in Ireland, i 162 

Edwin of Deira, gains the throne 
of Northumbria, i 19; his name 
preserved in Edivinesburg, i 19 ; 
his conversion, i 19; slain in 
battle, i 19 

Edwinesburg, an outpost of North- 
umbria, i 19 

Edzell, Laird of, ii 252, 253 

Eglinton, Earl of, ii 253, 344 

Elcho, Lord, in the '45, iii 296, 

Eld red, ruler of Lothian, opposes 

the Danes, i 36 

Elgin, Edward I at, i 144 ; town 
and cathedral of, burned, i 196; 
its Jacobite sympathies, iii 167 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, her 
aid sought by the Reformers in 
Scotland, ii 63-66 ; sends a fleet, ii 
67 ; and an army, ii 67, 68; enables 
the Reformers to triumph, ii 
70; rejects a proposed marriage 
to the Earl of Arran, ii 73, 74; her 
relations with Mary, Queen of 
Scots, ii 79, 88, 94, 101, 113; 



assists the Regent Moray, and 
otherwise intervenes in Scottish 
affairs, ii 129, 130-32; sends 
proposals as to Mary Stewart's 
treatment, ii 135, 136; takes 
vengeance on the Marian faction 
and the Hamiltons, ii 144, 145 ; 
intervenes again during the re- 
gency of Lennox, ii 146 ; assists 
the Earl of Morton to defeat the 
Marian party, ii 158, 159; her 
fears of Esme, Earl of Lennox's, 
policy, ii 177-80, 187; her inter- 
vention in Scottish affairs, 193, 
194, 199, 200; grants an annuity 
to the Scottish King, ii 201 ; 
sends letters to Scotland incrimi- 
nating Catholic nobles, ii 208; 
urges the punishment of the 
Catholic Earls, ii 216 j her death, 
ii 239 

Elphinston, Sir James, first Lord 
Balmerino, ii 297 

Emigration, from the Highlands, iii 


'Engagement," the, ii 342-44; 
quelled by Cromwell, 344 

England, relations of, with Scot- 
land, i 100; a treaty with Scot- 
land for mutual defence against 
France, ii 67, 68, 70 ; opposition 
to an alliance with, and pre- 
ference of the French alliance, ii 
24-26, 29 ; flight of Queen Mary 
thither, ii 116; league with 
Scotland against the Catholic 
States, ii 199-201 ; popular hos- 
tility to the Scots and the 
proposals for union, ii 247 ; 
trade with, ii 279; invasion of, 
by Prince Charles, iii 301-08 ; 
adoption of English speech 
and style in Scotland, iii 396, 


England, Parliament of, rejects the 
proposals for union with Scotland, 
ii 248 ; accepts the Solemn League 
and Covenant, ii 329 ; disappoints 
the Scottish expectations, iii 338- 
41; its "D