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Scotland Since Culloden (Continued) 1 

A Sheaf of Scottish Songs and Ballads .... 69 

Badges of the Clans Ill 

Native Dyes 113 

War-cries 114 



Military character — Embodying of the independent com- 
panies, known by the name of the Black Watch — Formed 
into a regular regiment (the 43d) in 1740 — List of officers 

— March for England — Review — Desertion — Flanders 

— Battle of Fontenoy, 1745 — Conduct of the regiment on 
that occasion — Returns to England — Embarks for the 
French coast — Failure of that expedition — The regiment 
lands in Ireland — Reembarks for Flanders — Battle of 
Lafeldt, 1747 — Return of the regiment to Ireland — Num- 
ber changed from the 43d to the 42d — Exemplary conduct 
of the regiment in Ireland — Embarks for New York, 1756 

— Louisbourg, 1757 — Ticonderoga, 1758 — Seven new 
companies raised, 1758 — Embark for the West Indies, 1759 

— Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 1759 — Surrender of 
Montreal, 1760 — Martinique, 1760 — Havannah, 1762 — 
Bushy Run, 1763 — Fort Pitt, 1763 — Ireland, 1767 — 
Return of the 42d to Scotland, 1775 119 



Departure of the 42d for America — Disembarks in Staten 
island — Battle of Brooklyn, 1776 — Broadswords and 
pistols laid aside — Skirmish near New York — White 
Plains — Capture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee — 
Defeat of the Hessians at Trenton — Skirmish at Trenton 

— Defeat of Mawhood's detachment — Pisquatua — Chesa- 
peak — Battle of Brandy Wine — German Town — Skir- 
mish at Monmouth — Small expeditions — New Plymouth 



— Portsmouth — Verplanks and Stony Point, 1779 — 
Mutiny of a detachment at Leith — Charleston — Paulus 
Hook — Desertion, 1783 — Hahfax — Cape Breton — Re- 
turn of the regiment to England — Marches to Scotland — 
Returns to England, and embarks for Flanders — Ostend — 

— Menin — Nieuport — England — Coast of France — Os- 
tend — Nimeguen — Gilderwalsen — Retreat to Deventer 

— Return of the regiment to England 181 



Expedition to the West Indies, 1795 — Barbadoes, St. Lucia, 
St. Vincent, 1796 — Trinidad, Porto Rico, 1797 — England, 
Gibraltar, Minorca, 1798 — Expedition to Egypt, 1800 

— Battle of the 13th March, 1801 — Battle of the 21st — 
Death of Sir Ralph Abercromby — Capture of Rosetta — 
Surrender of Grand Cairo and of Alexandria — England — 
Misunderstanding between the 42d and the Highland 
Society of London — The regiment reviewed by George III 

— Return of the 42d to Scotland — Embarks at Leith for 
Weeley in Essex — Second battalion — Gibraltar — Portu- 
gal — Spain — Retreat to Corunna — Battle of Corunna — 

— Death of Sir John Moore — England, 1809 — Wal- 
cheren — Scotland, 1810 — England, 1811 . . . . 207 



Return of the 42d to England — Embarks a second time for 
Portugal in 1812 — Consolidation of the first and second 
battalions — Spain — Battle of Salamanca — Madrid — 
Siege of Burgos — Retreat into Portugal — Campaign of 
1813 — Battle of Vittoria — Siege of St. Sebastian — Its 
suspension — Pyrenees — Succession of battles — Fall of 
St. Sebastian — Allied army enters France — Crosses the 
Nivelle — Passage of the Nive — Series of actions — Bay- 
onne — Battles of Orthes and Ayre — Bordeaux — Tarbes 

— Battle of Toulouse — Conclusion of the Peninsular war — 
Peace of 1814 — War of 1815 — Quatre Bras — Waterloo — 
Return of the 42d to Scotland — Reception in Edinburgh . 247 


Loudon's Highlanders 281 

Montgomery's Highlanders 286 

Eraser's Highlanders, or 78th Regiment 293 

Eraser's Highlanders, or 71st Regiment 312 

Keith's and Campbell's Highlanders. 334 

Eighty-Ninth Highland Regiment 341 

Johnstone's Highlanders 344 




Edinburgh Castle Frontispiece 

Taktan of the Macrae 40 

Tartan of the Robertson 90 

Scene on the Tummel 140 

Tartan of the Mackenzie 190 

Armorial Bearings 240 

Tartan of the Macdougal 290 

Tartan of the Mackay 330 


Volume VII 


More or less closely associated with Scott in the minds 
of many readers were three of his contemporaries, 
James Hogg, even better known as " the Ettrick Shep- 
herd; " John Wilson, still remembered as " Christopher 
North; " and Scott's son-in-law and biographer, John 
Gibson Lockhart. The shepherd was the son of a peas- 
ant farmer living near Tushielaw Castle and was bom in 
1770 or 1772, for the date is variously given. Put out 
to service while still very young he could barely read 
and write at the age of seventeen, but while employed 
as a shepherd in Yarrow for ten years he gained access 
to books. Through the son of his employer he became 
known to Scott, whom he and his peasant mother, 
locally famous for her acquaintance with old Scottish 
songs, supplied with considerable material for Scott's 
" Border Minstrelsy." It was not till he was past 
thirty that Hogg published anything of his own, though 
somewhat known about the countryside as a poet for 
several years previously. His " Mountain Bard " 
appearing in 1807, brought him fame and a little money, 
though he soon lost his capital in a sheep farming 



venture. Such celebrated writers as Byron, Southey, 
Wordsworth, De Quincey and Wilson were presently 
numbered among his friends and correspondents, while 
Scott's friendship and regard for him continued through- 
out his life. Hogg was materially assisted by the Duke 
of Buccleugh who gave him a farm at Altrieve at a 
nominal rent, but the poet attempting sheep raising 
once more again fell deeply in debt. Altrieve continued 
to be his home, and from it he went up to London in 
1832 for a three months' visit. A picturesque figure at 
all times, he was especially such in London drawing- 
rooms, and if his head were somewhat turned by the 
lionizing he encountered it is not greatly to be wondered 
at. He died at Altrieve in November, 1835, and was 
buried in Ettrick kirkyard. 

A quarter century later, beside Samt Mary's Loch, a 
monument was raised to his memory. Seated on the 
root of an oak, wrapped in his plaid, and with his dog 
Hector at his feet, the shepherd grasps his staff in one 
hand while the other holds a scroll bearing a quotation 
from the " Queen's Wake," — " He taught the wander- 
ing winds to sing." As a verse writer Hogg was ex- 
ceedingly fluent, and while his longer poems are more or 
less echoes of Scott, he reveals himself in his shorter 
ones as among the best song writers of his era. His 
prose compositions are not inconsiderable in number, 
but his fame will live rather in his poetry, the " Queen's 
Wake," his masterpiece, containing the delicately 
conceived fairy poem of Kilmeny. In the famous, 
but now partly unreadable, " Noctes Ambrosianse," 
so long a feature of Blackwood's Magazine, Hogg 
figures as the " Ettrick Shepherd," a personage with 
Hogg's " exterior features and a good many of his 
foibles, but endowed with considerably more than 
his genius." The Shepherd bulks largely in the liter- 



ary annals of his time, but save for the poem be- 

" Bonny Kilmeny gaed up the glen," 

he is virtually unread in ours. 

John Wilson, born in 1785 at Paisley, where his 
father was a wealthy manufacturer, was educated at 
Glasgow and Oxford, and coming into a fortune at 
twenty-six settled down at Elleray on Lake Windermere, 
as a country gentleman. Ill luck presently caused the 
loss of his fortune, and going up to Edinburgh he became 
associated with the coterie of Blackwood contributors. 
Shortly afterward he obtained the very remimerative 
chair of moral philosophy at Edinburgh University 
and at the same time revealed himself to be an exceed- 
ingly militant journalist. The " Noctes Ambrosianse," 
a series of highly convivial conversations, already 
alluded to, was largely his invention, and as " Chris- 
topher North " he contributed to Blackwood innumerable 
articles on things in general. His was the dominant 
influence in Blackwood for many years, but he wrote 
little in his last days and resigning his professorship 
in 1852 he died two years later. His stories, once popular, 
are now forgotten for the most part, and his poems, 
" The Isle of Palms " (1812) and " The City of the 
Plague," reveal no very salient qualities. As a critic 
he was vigorous rather than sound and was largely 
at the mercy of his opinions, but he infused into mis- 
cellaneous journalism an exuberance in language that 
was in sharp contrast to much of the writing of the 
period. His collected works contain a confused amount 
of work both good and bad, and are not likely to attract 
any but professed students of literature at the present, 
but if somewhat over-estimated in the heyday of his 
influence he does not quite deserve all the neglect into 



which he has since fallen. What the young Tennyson 
thought of the burly critic of Edinburgh may be seea 
in the lines: 

" To Christopher North. 

" You did once review my lays, 

Crusty Christopher; 
You did mingle blame and praise, 

Rusty Christopher. 
When I learned from whom it came, 
I forgave you all the blame, 

Musty Christopher; 
I could not forgive the praise, 

Fusty Christopher." 

Closely associated with Wilson in the early years of 
Blackwood's Magazine, and always his friend, was John 
Gibson Lockhart, bom at Cambusnethan in 1794. 
Like Wilson he studied both at Glasgow and Oxford, 
afterwards going to Germany for further study. He 
was called to the bar on his return and soon became 
one of the chief members of the Blackwood staff. As 
has been previously said he was married to Sophia 
Scott in 1820, and while he and his wife were living at 
Chiefs wood, Lockhart, beside contributing almost con- 
stantly to Blackwood, wrote four novels: "Valerius," 
"Reginald Dalton," "Matthew Weld," and "Adam 
Blair," the last named being the best of the four. None 
of them, it must be admitted, are familiar to the present 
generation of fiction readers.- A more important work of 
the Chiefswood part of his career is his " Ancient 
Spanish Ballads." In 1826 he was appointed editor of 
the Quarterly, and removing to London became a 
prominent figure in its literary circles. In after years 
the death of his wife and other domestic troubles sad- 
dened him, his own health failed, and after resigning 
from the Quarterly in 1853 he died the same year. 



Lockhart's writings have never been collected, nor is 
it possible to recover the actual authorship of articles 
sometimes attributed to him. He was a sharp, even 
savage critic, and is strongly suspected of writing the 
famous attack upon Keats in the Quarterly. This cannot 
be proved, but that he wrote the bitter onslaught on 
Tennyson's early poems seems reasonably certain. His 
best work is the " Life of Scott " (1837) which for skilful 
arrangement of niatter, discriminating judgments and 
literary quality must rank among the foremost books 
of its class. His " Life of Burns," published in 1825, 
is a much inferior work. His fame may be said to rest 
on the biography of his father-in-law and the " Spanish 
Ballads," which are excellent of their kind and reveal a 
thorough understanding of what good verse should be. 

Contemporary with these two lights of Scottish litera- 
ture may be named Sir James Mackintosh (1765-1832) 
and James Mill (1773-1836) the father of the more 
widely known John Stuart Mill. On the strength of his 
" Dissertation on Ethics " in the EncyclopcBdia Britari- 
nica, Mackintosh is classed as a philosopher, but he 
was by no means an original thinker and appears to 
best advantage in the many contributions he made to 
the Edinburgh Review, his criticisms being almost 
invariably sound and seldom swayed by personal 
feeling. MiU, a farmer's son, was bom near Montrose, 
and after giving up his first inclinations towards the 
ministry became a journalist. He wrote a " History of 
British India," for a long time esteemed as an authority 
but much less valued at present. He was a violent 
Radical in politics and it is not improbable that the 
pronounced opinions he held may have affected his 
estimates of men and movements. Other works by 
him are " Analysis of the Human Mind," and " Political 
Economy." His style was hard but clear like that of 



the philosopher Bentham, whose disciple he was. A 
more widely famed Scottish philosopher than James Mill 
was Sir William Hamilton (1788-1856). Educated at 
Glasgow and Oxford, he was called to the Scottish bar, 
but never practised and soon began to contribute 
articles on philosophy to the Edinburgh Review. In 
1836 he was appointed professor of logic and meta- 
physics at Glasgow University, where his lectures 
attracted great attention. " Dissertations " was the 
only work of his prmted in his lifetime. His lectures, 
edited by Professor Veitch, appeared in 1860. Hamilton 
familiarized English students with German speculation 
and did much to put British metaphysical discussion 
upon a higher plane than it had previously occupied, 
but his style has been pronounced one of the very 
worst possible. A noted disciple of his was James Ferrier, 
nephew of Miss Susan Ferrier the novelist, bom in 1808 
and dying in 1864 at Samt Andrews, where he had been 
for twenty years a professor of moral philosophy. He 
was the son-in-law of John Wilson, whose works he 
edited, and the author of " Institutes of Metaphysics " 
(1854). Another Hamiltonian of distinction was Pro- 
fessor Thomas Spencer Baynes (1823-1887) editor of 
the Encyclopcedia Britannica, and an able Shakesperean 
scholar, who carefully elaborated certain portions of 
Hamilton's philosophy. 

Nine years the senior of Scott, whom she survived 
some nineteen years, Joanna Baillie may fairly be 
included in the group of Scottish authors of the earlier 
decades of the nineteenth century whose works we have 
just been considering. Her name was once mentioned, 
not without awe, as that of a great dramatist, which 
she certainly was not. Talent she possessed, but 
nothing at aU approaching genius. She was bom at 
Both well in 1762 and came of good family; one of her 



uncles was the really great surgeon, Hunter, and her 
elder brother was a celebrated anatomist. To be near 
the latter she and her sister Agnes removed to Hamp- 
stead, where she lived until her death in 1851. In 
1798 she published the earliest of a series of " Plays of 
the Passions," the primary intention being to produce 
two dramas, a tragedy and a comedy, each, as illus- 
trative of the greater passions. Fear, Hatred, and the 
like. " Basil," or " Count Basil," was the opening 
play in the first book, and it was well received, even to 
the extent of a third edition. " De Montfort," in the 
same volume, was acted, with Kemble in the title role, 
and with fair success. Two more volumes of the series 
were issued in 1802 and 1812 and a collection of " Mis- 
cellaneous Plays " in 1804. Miss Baillie's tragedies did 
not possess good acting qualities and the blank verse 
in which they are written is correct but heavy. Only 
a somewhat stern sense of duty would carry the reader 
through their perusal in these more exacting times. 
Her comedies are not without genuine humour in places, 
but her observation of manners is obviously at second 
hand. During her long career she mingled with two 
generations of literary folk and enjoyed the friendship 
of many authors young and old, but long before her 
death her literary star had set. 

Contemporary with Joanna Baillie and like her, with 
a career prolonged into the nineties, was Mrs. Mary 
Fairfax Somerville, born in Jedburgh, Dec. 26, 1780. 
At twenty-four she was married to her cousin. Captain 
Grieg, a Scottish officer in the Russian navy, who died 
two years later, and after an interval of six years she 
married Dr. William Somerville, a cousin, also. During 
her widowhood she had devoted much time to mathe- 
matics and after her second marriage she continued her 
studies, in 1825 adapting the " Mecanique Celeste " of 



Laplace and following it with such original investiga- 
tions as " The Connection of the Physical Sciences " in 
1831, "Physical Geography" in 1848, "Molecular 
Science," and still other works. Her death occurred in 
1872 and her " Personal Recollections and Correspond- 
ence " appeared the year following. The most widely 
famous woman in the United Kingdom who has ever 
devoted herself to science, she possessed sound scientific 
knowledge and literary ability of a high order. 

The friend and contemporary of Scott, whom she 
survived more than twenty years, was Miss Susan 
Edmonstone Ferrier (1782-1854), whose three brilliant 
fictions, " Marriage " (1818), " The Inheritance " (1824), 
and " Destiny " (1831), are still popular with cultivated 
readers. She excelled in the drawing of character and 
her stories abound in human and clever satirical touches, 
but the general effect is somewhat hard, and, unlike 
Jane Austen, the talented Scotswoman never laughs 
mth her characters, but always at them. 

One important poet of the Scott period still awaits 
mention, Thomas Campbell, born in Glasgow in July, 
1777. His father had once been a wealthy Glasgow 
merchant but had become impoverished by the war with 
America and young Campbell was forced to make his 
way in the world almost unassisted. His " Pleasures 
of Hope," a long poem published in 1799, proved popular, 
and after its issue he was always in comfortable cir- 
cumstances a^ a literary man. His writings brought 
him both fame and money, and after being at one time 
Lord Rector of Glasgow University he died at Boulogne 
in 1844. In later days he would probably not have 
achieved equal notice, but though his longer poetic 
efforts remain unread he wrote three war songs that 
rose far above the average level of such compositions: 
" Hohenlinden," " Ye Mariners of England," and the 



" Battle of the Baltic." As it happened he was in Ger- 
many at the end of the eighteenth century and either 
witnessed or was in the close vicinity of the battle of 
Hohenlinden, a circumstance which lends added interest 
to the really powerful poem of that name. Among other 
short poems by Campbell may be named the familiar 
"Lord Ullin's Daughter," " Lochiel," "The Last 
Man," and the beautiful " Soldier's Dream," beginning: 

" Our bugles sang truce, for the night cloud had lowered 
And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky." 

His longer poems find few readers in the twentieth 
century and survive only in name. The best of them, 
next to " The* Pleasures of Hope," is " Gertrude of 
Wyoming," which is not without some grace of move- 
ment and genuine touches of sentiment, but " Theo- 
dric " (1824) and " The Pilgrim of Glencoe " need not 
detain the reader longer than to catch their names. The 
best estimate that has been made of his merits as a 
writer is that of the critic Saintsbury who remarks of 
Campbell that he is " an instance of a kind of poet, not 
by any means rare in literature, but also not very com- 
mon, who appears to have a faculty distinct in class 
but not great in volume, who can do certain things 
better than almost anybody else, but cannot do them 
often, and is not quite to be trusted to do them with 
complete sureness of touch. . . . Even in Campbell's 
greatest things are distinct blemishes . . . yet for all 
this Campbell holds, as has been said, the place of best 
singer of war in a race and language which are those of 
the best singers and not the worst fighters in the history 
of the world." 

Pulpit oratory has been nowhere more highly prized 
than in Scotland, and nowhere, too, has the preacher 



had to face severer critics in the pews, for the average 
Scottish mind finds keen delight in argumentative 
theology, and up to very recent years, indeed, it enjoyed 
heresy hunting extremely and kept a sharp look out for 
lapses, however small, from the orthodoxy of the 
period. The body of Scottish divinity is of formidable 
extent, but on the whole, except in the later decades of 
the last century, it cannot be said to have contributed 
very largely to literature itself. Sermons furnish pro- 
verbially dry reading a few years after their delivery 
and Scottish sermons are no exception to the rule. 

Two great Scottish preachers of the first four decades 
of the last century stand forth prominently among their 
fellows, by reason of their strong personalities and their 
undeniably striking gifts as leaders of men, Thomas 
Chalmers, already mentioned on a previous page, and 
Edward Irving. The former was born at Anstruther 
in Fifeshire, March 17, 1780, and being early set apart 
by his parents for the ministry was sent at eleven to 
the university of Saint Andrews. Ordained as a preacher 
in the Kirk of Scotland in January, 1799, he attended 
lectures at Edinburgh for two years more, becoming 
minister of Kilmany in Fifeshire in May, 1803. While 
attending to his ministerial duties he gave lectures on 
mathematics and chemistry which proved very popular, 
but later appears to have undergone a spiritual revolu- 
tion which had a marked effect on his preaching, ren- 
dering it both earnest and eloquent. In 1815 he was 
admitted minister of the Tron Church in Glasgow and 
rapidly became the most popular preacher north 
of the Tweed. He preached a series of discourses on 
the connection between astronomical discoveries and 
Christian revelation which when printed in January, 
1817, produced a greater sensation than any previous 
collection of sermons in the English language had done, , 



nine editions and a sale of twenty thousand copies in 
the year of its appearance testifying to the fact. When 
he went to London for a short time crowds flocked to 
hear him and the eight years of his Glasgow ministry 
saw no abatement of his remarkable popularity. In 
September, 1819, he left the Tron Church for Saint 
John's in order to test the existing system of providing 
for the poor, presently becoming convinced that it 
increased rather than relieved the evils it was intended 
to lessen, and he then, with the consent of the civic 
authorities, took into his own hands the management 
of the poor of Saint John's parish. The parish poor had 
previously cost the city £1,400 a year, but under Chal- 
mers's intelligent oversight it was reduced in four years 
to £280. 

In addition to his already heavy burdens he began, 
on going to Saint John's, a series of quarterly publica- 
tions on " The Christian and Civic Economy of Large 
Towns," which illustrated his theories of Christian use- 
fulness, but his strength beginning to fail he removed to 
Saint Andrews, where for four years from 1823 he held 
the chair of moral philosophy in the university. His 
lectures during this period exerted a profound influence 
over his hearers, and when he went to Edinburgh in 
1828, to fill the chair of theology there, the same was 
true in that position also. He came into close and 
cordial relations with his pupils and as one writer 
observes, " to that spirit with which he so largely 
impregnated the young ministerial mind of Scotland, 
may, to a large extent, be traced the disruption of the 
Scottish Established Church." He devoted much time at 
this period to literary tasks, publishing a third volume of 
the " Civic Economy of Large Towns " in 1826, " The Use 
and Abuse of Literary and Ecclesiastical Endowments " 
the next year, " Political Economy " in 1832, and his 



celebrated Bridge water treatise on " The Adaptation 
of External Nature to the Moral and Intellectual Con- 
stitution of Man " in 1833. Literary honours rewarded 
his labours. He was made fellow of the Edinburgh 
Royal Society, corresponding member of the Royal 
Institute of France, and received a degree from Oxford, 
distinctions hitherto unawarded to Scottish clergymen. 

During the " thirties " of the last century much dis- 
satisfaction with existing conditions troubled the Kirk of 
Scotland and this increased in intensity as time went on. 
The major principle at issue was the right of any parish 
to reject the ministerial candidate nominated by the 
lay patron. The belief was firmly held by many that 
the parish should extend the call, and this theory was as 
strongly opposed by the Court of Session. In November, 
1842, many ministers signed a declaration that they would 
resign their livings if relief measures were not granted, 
but in the following January the Government negatived 
the church claim of spiritual independence and the 
immediate consequence was the withdrawal from the 
Establishment on May 18, 1843, of the 470 clergymen 
who shortly constituted themselves into the Free Church 
of Scotland as has been described on a previous page. 
Chalmers was the first Moderator of the new body, but 
he presently withdrew from active service in the church, 
and confined his attention to his principalship of the 
Free Church College, his death occurring in May, 1847. 

As a writer Chalmers was exceedingly prolific, but very 
little of his work appeals strongly to the men of the 
present. He was emphatically the man of his time, a 
leader of men. The testimony to his pulpit popularity 
is extensive, but whatever it was that held his vast 
audiences entranced is hardly, if at all, discoverable now. 
His intellectual range was wide and his sympathies 
were many and keen, but his reputation, so far as its 



literary quality is concerned, is wholly an affair of the 

A very different personage from Chalmers was his 
assistant at Saint John's from 1819 to 1822, Edward 
Irving, born at Annan, Dumfriesshire, Aug, 4, 1792. 
Graduated at seventeen from Edinburgh University in 
1809, he was for a time, while master of an academy at 
Haddington, the tutor of Miss Jane Welsh, who after- 
ward married Thomas Carlyle. Determined to marry 
only a genius, she appears to have hesitated between 
the young Scotsmen, but her choice of Carlyle was 
probably best on the whole, although the makings of 
an entirely satisfactory husband were not to be found 
in either man. Irving exchanged the mastership at 
Haddington for a similar post at Kirkcaldy in 1812, 
and in 1815 was licensed to preach. He remained at 
Kirkcaldy till 1818, and in the latter part of his stay 
in the last-named place he formed a friendship with 
Carlyle which continued through life. Going from 
Kirkcaldy to Edinburgh he did not immediately secure 
a ministerial charge, but in 1819 was appointed assistant 
to Doctor Chalmers at Glasgow. His florid style of 
preaching was not greatly admired by the congregation 
of Saint John's, Chalmers himself comparing it to 
" Italian music appreciated only by connoisseurs," but 
as a parish missionary he maintained an extraordinary 
influence over the poorer classes. Called to the Caledo- 
nian Church, Hatton Garden, London, he was ordained 
its minister in 1822. 

This was the turning point in his brilliant but erratic 
career and in a very short time the Caledonian Church, 
in an unfashionable quarter of London, was thronged 
by crowds of enthusiastic hearers, many of whom were 
unable to gain an entrance on account of the great 
numbers that besieged the doors. "As far as the mere 



manner of Irving's eloquence was concerned, it was 
improbable that any eulogy could err on the side of 
warmth and enthusiasm, for perhaps there never was 
anyone more highly gifted with what may be called the 
personal qualifications of an orator." Naturally his 
popularity somewhat declined as the curiosity of his 
audiences was satisfied, and his new church in Regent 
Square, opened in 1827, was not crowded, though still 
well filled. He presently developed doctrinal eccen- 
tricities and in May, 1833, was deposed from the ministry 
of the Scottish Kirk for heresy, by the Annan presby- 
tery. He died exhausted by his labours and the intensity 
of his zeal in December, 1834. The Catholic Apostolic 
Church, sometimes styled the Irvingite Church, stands 
for the religious tenets associated with Irving in the last 
years of his career. The principal church of this de- 
nomination is in Gordon Square, London, and in the 
United States the sect numbers ten churches and some 
thirty ministers. The description of him by one writer 
as " a man of letters who had lost his way and strayed 
into theology," though striking is scarcely accurate, 
and a more correct impression of him may be obtained 
from Mrs. Oliphant's sympathetic biography of the 
noted preacher, published in 1862. Among books 
written by Irving are: "For the Oracles of God," 
" For Judgment to Come," " Babylon and Infidelity," 
and his characteristic " Exposition of the Book of Rev- 
elation." Except among members of the sect virtually 
founded by him they find few or no readers at present. 
Decidedly the foremost figure among Scottish men of 
letters in the middle quarters of the last century was 
that of Thomas Carlyle, born at Ecclefechan, Dum- 
friesshire, Dec. 4, 1795, the son of a stone-mason. He 
came of worthy peasant stock and to the end of his 
career retained in his speech the brusqueness of the 



Scottish peasant, which in its ignoring of many of the 
courtesies of human intercourse, is not far from down- 
right rudeness, though a rudeness not necessarily in- 
tended. The parish schools of Ecclefechan and Annan 
gave him the rudiments of an education and at fifteen 
he was sent to the University of Edinburgh. Destined 
for the Church he soon manifested his aversion to the 
ministry, and undertaking teaching he served as a 
schoolmaster for a series of years in Annan, Haddington 
and Kirkcaldy, and also as a private tutor, doing much 
miscellaneous literary work meanwhile, his most im- 
portant work of this period being a " Life of Schiller," 
published in 1825. He was at this time living in London, 
and mingling in a more or less gloomy fashion in literary 
circles there. 

He married Miss Welsh of Haddington the next year, 
and from 1828 to 1834 they lived at his wife's farm of 
Craigenputtock in Nithsdale, a sojourn which bears 
witness to Mrs. Carlyle's willingness to be sacrificed 
at this epoch of her life at any rate. They kept no 
servant at the farm, Mrs. Carlyle performing all a serv- 
ant's duties, and Carlyle, apparently quite willing that 
she should do so, contentedly living on her means, since 
his sole revenue otherwise was derived from the sale of 
an essay now and then. Still it should be admitted that 
Carlyle accomplished much during his Craigenputtock 
residence. The best of his essays were written there, 
so was his strange but forcible philosophical romance, 
" Sartor Resartus " (the Tailor Patched), which Fraser's 
Magazine printed in 1833-34, and so also was the larger 
portion of his " History of the French Revolution," 
published in 1837. The formative period in Carlyle's 
career was ended when he left Craigenputtock at almost 
the age of forty. His was a genius that developed 
slowly but it had now attained its full growth. 



Carlyle's place among his fellows was definitely fixed 
by his " French Revolution," and Mrs. Carlyle could have 
had no doubts as to her husband's possession of genius 
henceforward. " There were furious decriers of style, 
temper, and so forth. But nine out of every ten men at 
least whose opinion was worth taking knew that a new 
star of the first magnitude had been added to English 
literature, however much they might think its rays in 
some respects baleful." A collection of " Miscellaneous 
Essays " was issued about the same time, and these 
represent his style at the best and before his man- 
nerisms had become so glaring as they subsequently 
showed themselves. " Chartism " followed in 1839, 
" Heroes and Hero Worship," originally delivered some 
years earlier, in the form of lectures in 1840, and 
" Past and Present " in 1843. Next to the " French 
Revolution " in importance was '' Oliver Cromwell's 
Letters and Speeches, with Elucidations and a Con- 
necting Narrative " (1845), and after a lapse of five 
years came " Latter Day Pamphlets " (1850), the most 
strongly satirical of any of his books. The next year 
saw the publication of a notable " Life of John Sterling," 
an admirable biography of a fellow Scotsman, and 
Carlyle then set at work on his greatest undertaking, 
the " History of Frederic the Great," in the preparation 
of which he spent fourteen years, the successive volumes 
appearing from 1858 to 1865. 

This was his latest work of great importance, the 
celebrated letter entitled ** Shooting Niagara — and 
After," issued in Macmillan's Magazine, being the 
chief thing to be noted. In 1865 he went to Edinburgh 
to become Lord Rector of the University and the 
next year his wife died. He outlived her fifteen years, 
dying in 1881 in the modest house in Chelsea which 
had been the Carlyles' home for so many years, his 



occupation for this period being mainly the preparation 
of his reminiscences and memorials of Mrs. Carlyle. 
They were issued after his death by the historian Froude, 
arousing a storm of criticism directed at Froude's editor- 
ship, the propriety of publishing them at all being much 
questioned, and violent discussion of the character of 
the Sage of Chelsea himself. Unsocial, moody and 
"gey ill to live wi'," Carlyle unquestionably was, and 
his affection for his wife found much more fulness of 
expression after her death than before, but her intellect 
was not so greatly inferior to his while her tongue was 
quite as sharp as his own, and there is no doubt of her 
willingness under provocation to give it exercise. That 
they wore on each other can well be believed, but that 
they were continuously unhappy in their long associa- 
tion as husband and wife need not be taken entirely for 

Carlyle is more accurately classed as a historian than 
anything else; his greatest books are histories and his 
biographies are strongest on the historical side. So 
too are the essays, and " out of the historic relation of 
nation or individual Carlyle would very rarely attempt 
to place, and hardly ever succeeded in placing, any thing 
or person. He could not in the least judge literature — 
of which he was so great a practitioner always, and some- 
times so great a judge — from the point of view of form: 
he would have scorned to do so, and did scorn those who 
did so." Carlyle's style is a stumbling block to readers 
oftentimes and its source has been much disputed. It 
contains much that is German in effect but much more 
that is not, and its fantastic quality may, suggests Mr. 
Saintsbury, be traced to eccentric writers of the seven- 
teenth century with whose works he was famiMar, 
" much to a Scottish fervour and quaintness blending 
itself with and utilizing a wider range of reading than 



had been usual with Scotsmen; most to the idiosjoicras'y 
of the individual." 

He had a weakness for the retention of capital letters; 
he liked to coin words, to omit pronouns and introduce 
singular and highly unusual forms. These things re- 
pelled many readers but they did not materially interfere 
with the author's meaning. They might be and very 
often were, decidedly in the way, but other things in 
connection with Carlyle were of greater significance. 
" There is in Carlyle's fiercer and more serious passages," 
to quote once again from Saintsbury, " a fiery glow of 
enthusiasm or indignation, in his lighter ones a quaint 
felicity of unexpected humour, in his expositions a 
vividness of presentment, in his arguments a sledge- 
hammer force, all of which are not to be found anywhere 
else, and none of which is to be found anywhere in quite 
the same form . . . the weapon of Carlyle is like none 
other — it is the very sword of Goliath." 

Two Scottish historians born in that wonderful birth 
year of genius, 1809, deserve brief mention here: John 
Hill Burton, who died in 1881, and William Forbes 
Skene, who survived till 1892. Burton was a scholar of 
eminence who beside publishing " A History of Scot- 
land " (1853-70), " The Reign of Queen Anne " (1877), 
and a life of Hume, was the author of works on Scottish 
law as well as several lesser books. His style has no 
especial merits but his judgment was impartial and his 
industry very great. Skene succeeded Burton as His- 
toriographer Royal of Scotland and became the chief 
authority on Celtic Scotland. His works include " The 
Highlanders of Scotland, their Origin and History " 
(1837), " Chronicles of the Picts and Scots," " The Four 
Ancient Books of Wales " (1869), " Celtic Scotland " 
(1876), his greatest book, and others of minor importance. 

A Scottish classic of '^he last century, widely known 



wherever English is read, is the tenderly pathetic short 
story entitled " Rab and his Friends." Its author, Dr. 
John Brown (1810-1882), was an Edinburgh physician 
of literary tastes whose two volumes of essays called 
" Horae Subsecivse," issued 1858-60, furnish very pleas- 
ant reading, but it is the story of " Rab " that will 
preserve his name. 

On the fourth of February, 1832, appeared in Edin- 
burgh the first number of Chambers's Journal, a weekly 
miscellany which has since undergone various changes 
in outward appearance but still runs its prosperous 
course. It was edited by the brothers William and 
Robert Chambers, who founded the publishing house 
which yet bears their name. William Chambers, born 
at Peebles in 1800, and alluded to on an earlier page in 
connection with the restoration of Saint Giles Cathedral, 
was the author among other works of '' Things as They 
Are in America," " American Slavery and Colour," 
"France: Its History and Revolutions," and joint 
author with his brother of Chambers's " Book of Days " 
and " Cyclopaedia of English Literature." He died 
in Edinburgh in 1883. Robert Chambers, born at 
Peebles in 1802, was an even more prolific author than 
his brother, but his chief work was the " Vestiges of 
Creation," published anonymously in 1844. To some 
extent it was an anticipation of the Darwinian theory 
of evolution and it aroused much violent opposition. It 
proved very stimulating to readers two generations ago 
and may still be read with pleasure. The secret of its 
authorship was not formally avowed until 1884. The 
greatest service which the Chambers brothers rendered 
to the world consisted in their wide dissemination of 
wholesome as well as inexpensive literature, and the 
house which they established well carries out the prin- 
ciples of its founders. 



A popular opponent of Robert Chambers's "Vestiges" 
was the once famous geologist, Hugh Miller, born at 
Cromarty in 1802. He was fairly well educated but 
worked as a stone mason until the age of thirty. He had 
already written more or less and presently became 
editor of the Witness, a recently established newspaper 
with Free Kirk principles. He was for twenty years an 
active journalist, dying by his own hand in 1856 in a fit 
of insanity caused by overwork. His earliest important 
work was " The Old Red Sandstone " (1841), and among 
its successors were " Footprints of the Creator " (1850), 
" My Schools and Schoolmasters " (1854), " The History 
of the Rocks " (1857) and '' The Cruise of the Betsey'' 
(1858). His style had literary quality and he did much 
in an unpretentious way to popularize the science of his 

A once prominent figure in Edinburgh literary society, 
but scarcely as well known to the present generation 
as his merits might entitle him to be, was William 
Edmonstoune Aytoun, who was born in Edinburgh in 
June, 1813, and died near Elgin in August, 1865. He 
joined the staff of Blackwood in 1844 and contributed 
to its pages constantly for the rest of his life. A son-in- 
law of John Wilson, he filled after Wilson's death the role 
of the most important literary man in Scotland, in the 
popular estimate, and from 1845 to 1864 was professor 
of literature in the University of Edinburgh. His 
earliest poems were printed when he was but seventeen, 
and in 1844 he wrote with Sir Theodore Martin the noted 
" Bon Gaultier Ballads," which reached a thirteenth 
edition in 1877. The book is a collection of witty paro- 
dies and other light verse, but his best work is un- 
questionably his serious " Lays of the Scottish Cava- 
liers," published in 1848 and passing into a twentieth 
edition in 1883. Aytoun closely followed Scott in his 



style and while he sometimes rises to genuinely poetic 
heights the book on the whole is interesting rather than 
inspired. The " Lays " are deeply infused with romantic 
and patriotic sentiment and on their first appearance 
were received with enthusiasm. Other books by Aytoun 
are " Firmilian " (1854), a satire aimed at what was 
then styled the Spasmodic School of verse, of which Alex- 
ander Smith, a Scotsman, and Dobell and Bailey, 
Englishmen, were supposed to be the chief exponents, 
" Bothwell," a long and rather heavy poem, and " Nor- 
man Sinclair," a novel (1861). 

Alexander Smith, though much younger than Aytoun, 
may be mentioned here fitly enough. A more genuine 
poet than his satirist he had in him the makings of a 
greater writer than he became, but it is quite possible 
that the injudicious praise his early poems received 
interfered somewhat with the working out of his literary 
destiny. Born in Kilmarnock in 1829 or 1830, he pub- 
lished " A Life Drama " before he was twenty-one. The 
book sold enormously and the reaction which soon set 
in was as unintelligent as the earlier praise. Gaining a 
post in the Edinburgh University he continued to write 
poetry undismayed by hostile criticism, " City Poems " 
appearing in 1857 and " Edwin of Deira " in 1861. He 
then turned his attention to prose, publishing the story 
" Dreamthorpe " in 1863 and " A Summer in Skye " 
in 1865. His career was soon over and he died of con- 
sumption in 1867. His work had considerable popularity 
in the United States as well as in his own country and 
may still awaken a mild degree of interest. As a poet 
his " Life Drama " represents him at his best. He 
cannot be described as original, but his verse is invariably 
melodious and at times even striking. 

Contemporary with Smith, but surviving him some 
six years, was James Hannay, born at Dumfries in 1827. 



He served as midshipman for several years and presently 
engaged in journalism in which he was brilliantly 
successful. He was for some years editor of the Edin- 
hurgh Courant and his contributions to Edinburgh 
periodicals attracted much favourable attention. He 
wrote several novels that were not without excellence 
in some important respects, among them being " King 
Dobbs" (1848), "Singleton Fontenoy" (1850), and 
" Eustace Conyers " (1855). As an essa5rist, however, 
he rendered his best service to literature by his " Essays 
from the * Quarterly ' " (1861), exhibiting no ordinary 
merit, while his " Course of English Literature " (1866) 
and " Studies on Thackeray " (1869) are stimulating 
and suggestive. 

The essay has always enjoyed a high measure of 
public favour in Scotland, and contemporary with 
Hannay, but surviving him by a considerable number 
of years, were two men much unlike each other in their 
style, who cultivated the essay to even greater extent 
than Hannay, and still more successfully in certain 
respects, John Campbell Shairp and Andrew Kennedy 
Hutchinson Boyd. Shairp was born at Houstoun in 
West Lothian in 1819, and died at Ormsary, Argyllshire, 
in 1885. Educated at Glasgow and Oxford, he was 
professor of Latin at Saint Andrews, 1861-68, principal 
of the United College, Saint Andrews, 1868-77, and was 
appointed professor of poetry at Oxford in 1879 and 
again in 1882. He was an acute, broad-minded critic 
whose writings were full of intellectual stimulus. He 
published " Kilmahoe and Other Poems " in 1864, 
but his title to remembrance consists in his many and 
varied criticisms of poets and poetry. " Studies in 
Poetry and Philosophy," appearing in 1868, contained 
able and discriminating discussions of Coleridge, Words- 
worth and Keble, and was followed by " Culture and 



Religion " (1870), which was exceedingly popular for a 
work of its character, ** The Poetic Interpretation of 
Nature " (1877), a " Life of Bums " (1879), in which 
a clear distinction is drawn between the character and 
work of the poet, " Aspects of Poetry " (1881), contain- 
ing discussions of several poets from Burns to Newman, 
and " Sketches in History and Poetry " (1887). 

It was the fortune of the " Country Parson," as Boyd 
styled himself, to acquire a wide popularity in the middle 
portion of his career and lose the most of it long before 
his death. He was bom at Auchinleck, Ayrshire, in 
1825, and studied at the Middle Temple, London, but 
giving up thoughts of the law, took a bachelor's degree 
at Glasgow and was licensed to preach by the Ayr 
presbytery in 1850. While minister at Kirkpatrick 
Irongray, near Dumfries, from 1854 to 1859, he became 
famous as the author of " Recreations of a Country 
Parson," which he contributed to Fraser^s Magazine 
under the signature, A. K. H, B. His essays were very 
readable in their day, though the author was more or 
less given to the utterance of amiable platitudes, and 
some of them, like the one entitled " Concerning the 
Advantage of Being a Cantankerous Fool," possessed 
distinctive excellence. Their titles frequently began 
with the word " Concerning," a circumstance which 
took the fancy of their author's thousands of readers 
both in Great Britain and in America. Boyd's principal 
books include three series of the " Recreations " (1859- 
61-78), "Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson" 
(1862), " The Commonplace Philosopher in Town and 
Country" (1862), "Leisure Hours in To\\ti " (1862), 
" Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson " (1864), 
" Critical Essays of a Country Parson " (1865), '' Present 
Day Thoughts " (1871), " Our Little Life " (1882-84), 
" Twenty-five Years of Saint .\ndrews " (1892), " Saint 



Andrews and Elsewhere " (1894). Boyd was one of the 
best known Scottish clergymen of his day and after 
holding city pastorates in Edinburgh and Saint Andrews 
was Moderator of the General Assembly in 1890. He 
died at Bournemouth in 1899. 

A much more forcible critic and man of letters than 
the garrulous Country Parson, and not without literary 
kinship with Principal Shairp, was William Minto, born 
at Alford in 1845. He was educated at Aberdeen, and 
after editing the London Examiner, 1874-78, became 
in 1880 professor of logic and English literature at 
Aberdeen. Minto was the author of several novels of 
merit, " The Crack of Doom " (1886), " The Meditation 
of Ralph Hardelot" (1888), and "Was She Good or 
Bad? " (1889), " A Manual of English Prose Literature " 
(1872), " Characteristics of English Poets from Chaucer 
to Shirley " (1874), " Daniel Defoe " (1879), " Logic " 
(1893), " Plain Principles of Prose Composition " (1893), 
and " Prose Literature under the (Georges " (1893). 
Professor Minto, whose method was strongly original, 
died in 1893, his latest volumes being issued posthu- 

Classical scholarship has always had its eminent 
Scottish exponents, and among Scottish classical 
scholars should be named Professors Blackie, Munro, 
and Sellar, to mention no others who shed lustre in 
this distinctive kind upon their century. John Stuart 
Blackie, the eldest of the three, was bom in Glasgow 
in 1809, was professor of Greek at Edinburgh Uni- 
versity 1852-1882, but continued to lecture and write 
until his death. He was active in educational reform, 
was a stout defender of Scottish nationality and founded 
a Celtic chair at his own university. He published 
important translations from the Greek and German, a 
Life of Burns, several volumes of verse of no very 



especial distinction, and " Essays on Subjects of Moral 
and Social Interest " (1890). Hugh Munro, born at 
Elgin in 1819, became professor of Latin at Trinity 
College, Cambridge, in 1869. He died in 1882, leaving 
behind him a celebrated translation of Lucretius, as 
well as many important scattered papers on classical 
themes. William Young Sellar, the third of the group, 
was born at Golspie in 1825. He was educated at 
Glasgow, and from 1863 to his death in 1890 was pro- 
fessor of humanity at Edinburgh University. The 
most distinctly literary of the three (for Blackie's 
eccentricities somewhat impaired the literary quality 
of his miscellaneous work). Professor Sellar, published 
in 1863 his " Roman Poets of the Republic," the most 
valuable book of its kind in English, and this was 
succeeded by his work on Virgil (1877) and " Horace 
and the Elegiac Poets " (1892), which while excellent 
did not quite reach the high plane of the earlier work. 

Occupying the chair of Saint Augustine during four 
stormy years of the Middle Victorian era, 1868-1872, 
was a distinguished Scotsman, one of many natives 
of North Britain whom Scotland has given to the 
service of England, Archibald Campbell Tait, bom in 
Edinburgh in December, 1811; died in London, Decem- 
ber, 1882. Educated at Glasgow and Oxford, he was 
intended for the Presbyterian ministry, but took orders 
in the Anglican Church in 1836. A Churchman by 
conviction he remained a Scotsman in essentials all his 
life, but it was his misfortune to succeed to the Primacy 
at a period when acrimonious controversy was the 
order of the day, and ecclesiastical and religious problems 
called for the exercise of a firm hand in their settlement. 
Though personally beloved, his rulings entirely satisfied 
no party in the Church, and although in his earlier career 
he had openly protested against the doctrines of the 



Tractarians he showed them a greater measure of 
tolerance when archbishop than many Churchmen 
thought fit. He succeeded Thomas Arnold as head 
master of Rugby School and became dean of Carlisle 
in 1859. He was appointed Bishop of London in 1856 
and followed Longley as Archbishop of Canterbury 
in 1868. Besides the usual episcopal charges and sermons 
he published " The Dangers and Safeguards of Modern 
Theology " (1864), " The Word of God and the Ground 
of Faith " (1864), " The Present Condition of the Church 
of England " (1872), and contributed more or less 
frequently to the reviews. 

Of greatly superior service to his day and generation 
than Archbishop Tait, though filling a far less important 
office, was his fellow Scotsman, John Tulloch, Principal 
of Saint Mary's College, Saint Andrews, who was born 
in Perthshire in 1823 and died at Torquay, Devonshire, 
in 1886. He was educated at Saint Andrews, and in 
1845 was ordained at Dundee a minister in the Kirk 
of Scotland. Ten years later he was made Principal 
of Saint Mary's College, in 1859 was appointed one of 
Her Majesty's chaplains for Scotland, and became 
dean of the Chapel Royal in London in 1882, as well as 
dean of the Thistle. He was widely known as a broad- 
minded theologian, but although the founder of the 
Scottish Liberal Church party, he defended orthodoxy 
and was strongly opposed to disestablishment. He 
visited the United States on a lecturing tour in 1872, 
was appointed Moderator of the General Assembly 
in 1878, and edited Eraser's Magazine in 1879. His 
principal works, which cover a wide range of thought, 
include "Theism" (1855), "Leaders of the Reforma- 
tion " (1859), " English Puritanism and Its Leaders " 
(1861), "Beginning Life" (1862), "The Christ of the 
Gospels and the Christ of Modern Criticism," " Rational 



Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the 
Seventeenth Century " (1872), " The Christian Doctrine 
of Sin " (1876), " Modern Theories in Philosophy and 
Religion " (1884), " Movements of Religious Thought in 
Britain During the Nineteenth Century" (1885). A 
well written and appreciative biography of Principal 
Tulloch, by Mrs. Oliphant, was published in 1888 and 
speedily reached a third edition. 

Two Scotsmen who achieved distinction of a purely 
literary character and who take rank as eminent critics 
were David Masson and John Nichol. The first of these 
was born at Aberdeen in 1822, and while intending to 
enter the Scottish ministry studied theology under 
Chalmers at Edinburgh University. Giving up his first 
intention he returned to Aberdeen to undertake the 
editorship of The Banner , a Free Church weekly, but in 
two years was back in Edinburgh, where he prepared 
several works for the " Educational Course," published 
by the Chambers Brothers, and wrote much for Fraser's 
Magazine and the Dublin University Magazine. The 
year 1847 found him in London where he was for a time 
secretary of the " Friends of Italy," a society which 
materially aided the cause of Italian freedom, and in 
1852 he succeeded the poet Arthur Hugh Clough as pro- 
fessor of English Literature in University College, 
London. From 1858 to 1865 he was editor of Mac- 
millan^s Magazine, and from the year last named till 
1895 he held the chair of English literature at Edinburgh. 
In 1879 he was made editor of the Register of the 
Scottish Privy Council and in 1893 Historiographer 
Royal for Scotland. He is the highest authority in 
whatever relates to the poet Milton, his great " Life of 
Milton " in six volumes appearing from 1858 to 1880. 
Masson also edited several editions of Milton's poems and 
an edition of De Quincey's works in fourteen volumes 



(1889-91). His other literary labours comprise " Essays, 
Biographical and Critical " (1856, enlarged 1874), 
" Drummond of Hawthornden " (1873), " Recent British 
Philosophy" (1865), "British Novelists and Their 
Styles " (1859), " Edinburgh Sketches and Memories " 
(1892). In careful, scholarly editing Masson has, few 
superiors. He died in Edinburgh, October, 1907. 

Professor John Nichol was the son of the famous 
astronomer, John Pringle Nichol, and was born in 
Montrose in 1833. He was educated at Glasgow and 
Balliol College, Oxford, and held the chair of English 
Literature at Glasgow from 1862 to 1889. He often 
visited the United States, the first time in 1865, when he 
became acquainted with Longfellow and Emerson, 
and during the American Civil War was a prominent 
British champion of the cause of the North. He removed 
to London in 1889 and died there in 1894. He was 
popular and widely influential as a lecturer, was a dis- 
criminating critic and was master of a spirited, original 
style. The best example of his manner may be seen 
in his article on American literature written in 1882 
for the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. 
In addition to numerous contributions to reviews Pro- 
fessor Nichol was the author, among other volumes, of 
" Fragments of Criticisms " (1860), " Hannibal," a 
drama (1873) " Byron " in the " English Men of Letters 
Series" (1880), "American Literature: an Historical 
Review" (1882), "Robert Burns" (1882), "Lord 
Bacon's Life and Philosophy " (1887-89) and " Carlyle " 

Several Scotsmen of the last century have shed lustre 
upon the name of Laing, but the various doings of the 
majority of them can be but barely touched upon here. 
They were: Alexander Gordon Laing (1793-1820), a 
native of Edinburgh who won renown as an African ex- 



plorer, was the first European to enter Timbuctoo and 
was murdered a month later by hostile Arabs. David 
Laing (1793-1878) a noted antiquary, born in Edin- 
burgh, was the friend of Scott and the editor of the 
works of John Knox, the poet Dunbar, and many other 
works of the same general character. His researches in 
the field of ancient Scottish verse were valuable and 
extended. Malcolm Laing (1762-1818) was a native of 
Kirkwall in the Orkney Islands who gave himself up to 
historical investigation. His " History of Scotland from 
the Union of the Crowns to the Union of the Kingdoms " 
furnishes pretty dry reading for the student of to-day, 
but it has the highly important merit of accuracy, a 
virtue sometimes lacking in works of greater brilliance. 
Malcolm Laing's nephew, Samuel Laing, deserves 
rather more extended mention, and is probably the 
most distinguished member of the Laing family. His 
father, also named Samuel, wrote attractive volumes 
of travels in Scandinavia in the middle of the last century, 
and the son was bom in Edinburgh in 1810. He studied 
at Saint John's College, Cambridge, was called to the 
bar in 1837 and entered upon a political career by 
becoming private secretary to Labouchere, president of 
the Board of Trade. From 1842 to 1847 he was secretary 
of the railway department and was soon looked upon 
as an authority on railway management. Through his 
suggestion the " parliamentary " rate of a penny a mile 
was established. He was managing director of the 
London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway 1848-55, 
sat in Parliament as a Liberal member for Wick 1852-57, 
and regained his seat in 1859. In the year just named he 
was made financial secretary to the Treasury and in 1860 
became Finance Minister in India. Returning from the 
East in 1865 he again sat for Wick, and though defeated 
in 1868 was returned in 1873 for Orkney and Shetland, 



and held his seat until 1885. Again made chairman of 
the Brighton line in 1867, he continued in this position 
till 1895, his talents as a railway administrator being 
widely recognized. Taking up authorship in later life 
he published " Modern Science and Modern Thought " 
in 1885, "Problems of the Future" in 1889, and 
" Human Origins " in 1892; books which have been 
much read by reason of their clarity of style as well as 
for their able treatment of modern scientific questions. 
Laing's many years of experience in public life and his 
responsible official positions were also factors of moment 
in gaining him a hearing. His long and useful life came 
to an end at Sydenham in August, 1897. 

A pathetic interest attaches to the life story of David 
Gray, who died of consumption at the very opening of 
what seemed a promising poetic career. Born in Merk- 
land, Dumbartonshire, in 1838, the year after the 
accession of Queen Victoria to the throne, he died in 
1861 ere the early Victorian era was hardly closed. His 
education pointed to the ministry, but becoming a 
contributor to the Glasgow Citizen he decided on pursuing 
a literary^life. He accordingly went to London in 1860, 
where he was materially aided by Monckton Milnes, 
subsequently Lord Houghton, but was unsuccessful in 
finding a publisher for his poems and suffered extreme 
poverty. His health soon broke down and he returned 
to Scotland to die. His principal poem, " The Luggie," 
was printed, with a preface by Milnes, in 1862. Shortly 
before his death he wrote a series of sonnets entitled 
*' In the Gray Shadows." An enlarged edition of Gray's 
poems was published in 1874. In 1868 his friend, Robert 
Buchanan, published a biographical sketch in a volume 
called " David Gray and Other Poems." 

During the first forty years of the last century, while 
the number of English women who were writing fiction 



by no means amounted to the great host that are now 
thus engaged, it was still large, in which respect England 
differed materially from Scotland. Very few Scots- 
women, comparatively speaking, attempted fiction. 
Mrs. Mary Brunton of the Orkney Islands (1778-1818), 
a close contemporary of Jane Austen, published in 1811 
the once popular " Self-Control," which was followed in 
1814 by " Discipline " (didactic tales which hit the 
prevailing taste), and Susan Ferrier, already mentioned, 
cultivated this field in North Britain, but they had few 
rivals among their countrywomen. 

One novel-writing Scotswoman there was, however, 
who followed Miss Ferrier, speaking chronologically, for 
the works of the two women were not at all alike : I\Iiss 
Catherine Sinclair, born in Edinburgh in 1800, and who 
died there sixty-four years later. In her lifetime her 
stories enjoyed a wide popularity in Great Britain and 
had a large circulation in the United States, and even 
continued to be read for some years afterwards. Among 
her many works, not all of which are fiction, are " Modern 
Accomplishments " (1836), a study of the education of 
Girls, "Modern Society" (1837), "Holiday House" 
(1839), "Shetland and the Shetlanders " (1840), 
" Jane Bouverie " (1846), " Modern Flirtations " (1855), 
" Beatrice," one of her best, " Torchester Abbey " 
(1857), "Anecdotes of the Caesars" (1858), "Sketches 
and Short Stories of Scotland " (1859). 

When the great amount and variety of her work are 
taken into consideration with her high level of attain- 
ment, Mrs. Margaret Wilson Oliphant must be pro- 
nounced one of the most remarkable writers of her 
time. Born at Wallyford, near Musselburgh, Mid- 
lothian, April 4, 1828, she spent her first years with 
her parents near Glasgow, removing with them while 
Btill a child to Liverpool. She began to write early and 



in 1849 published her first novel, " Passages in the Life 
of Mrs. Margaret Maitland," a story of Scottish life and 
character, which met with some favour then and is 
still esteemed among her best by some critics. It was 
succeeded in 1851 by " Caleb Field," and in the same 
year she was invited to become a contributor to Black- 
wood's Magazine, an offer which she accepted, and 
which led to a life-long association with that periodical, 
for not only did it contain many of her novels, but over 
one hundred articles in the way of reviews, etc. Her 
latest work, " Annals of a Publishing House " (1897) 
was a history of the house of Blackwood with which her 
name had been inseparably connected for nearly half a 

In 1852 Miss Wilson was married to her cousin, 
Francis Wilson Oliphant, an artist in stained glass, who 
died of consumption in Rome in 1859, leaving his wife 
with scarcely any resources for the support of herself 
and her three children. Early in 1864 she lost her only 
daughter, and soon after this her brother failed in busi- 
ness and Mrs. Oliphant at once offered a home to him 
and his children. After some years of dependence 
upon her the brother died. In 1890 her oldest son, 
Cyril, died after a long illness, and in 1894 she lost her 
youngest son, Frank. Grief and care at last broke down 
her health, and on June 25, 1897, she died at Wimbledon, 
after a life which " had been one long sacrifice to others 
and in which she had enjoyed a very small share of 
happiness or peace." 

During her literary career she published the astonish- 
ing number of 120 works, comprising, beside a long list 
of novels, volumes of history, biography, travels, 
description, and literary criticism. Her family was 
wholly supported by the labours of her pen and for nearly 
thirty years she lived in more or less retirement at 



Windsor absorbed in her literary tasks. That she might 
have produced work of greater excellence than anything 
she has left behind her had she written less is quite 
possible, but possibly, also, she may have needed the 
stimulus of immediate necessity to write to best advan- 
tage. Her novels display plenty of invention as well as 
humour and pathos, but they are wanting in fullest 
insight and make appeal to the imagination and the 
emotions rather than to the strictly intellectual faculties. 
In her latest stories the constructive skill is not so 
apparent as earlier and she was inclined to hurry 
conclusions, but her studies of character are usually 
careful and sympathetic and give her a prominent place 
among novelists of the second rank. 

Her earliest fictions were, like " Margaret Maitland," 
Scottish in locality and character and extraordinarily 
faithful in detail. Such were " Adam Graeme " (1852), 
"Magdalen Hepburn" (1854), " LiUieslief " (1855) 
and " The Laird of Norlaw " (1858). At intervals she 
subsequently returned to her native Scotland for her 
scenes and character, in whole or in part, as for example 
in " A Son of the Soil " (1866), one of her best works 
in some particulars though less read than some others, 
and " The Ladies Lindores " (1883). Much of her best 
and most artistic work is included in the series of 
" Chronicles of Carlingford " (1863-76), made up of " The 
Rector and the Doctor's Family" (1863), "Salem Chapel" 
(1864), " Miss Majoribanks " (1866), " The Perpetual 
Curate " (1864), and " Phoebe Junior " (1876). Others 
of great merit are " Within the Precincts " (1879), a 
well told story with Windsor for its locale; " Harry 
Joscelyn " (1881), " He That Will not When he May " 
(1880), and " The Primrose Path " (1878). 

Several short tales of the supernatural by her, " The 
Little Pilgrim" (1880), "The Little Pilgrim m the 



Unseen " (1882), " A Beleaguered City " and " Old 
Lady Mary," attracted much attention for their delicate 
handling of a theme it would have been extremely easy 
to have spoiled in the treatment. The first of them 
appeared anonymously for the reason, as Mrs. Oliphant 
once explained in private, that she " wished to say her 
say on a very important topic without the impertinence 
of a name." 

Her biographies of Edward Irving, Saint Francis of 
Assisi, the Comte de Montalembert, Sheridan, and her 
husband's erratic kinsman, Lawrence Oliphant, cover a 
wide range of personality and although they are not 
works of the first rank in their kind they are neverthe- 
less sympathetic and animated. In fields of work allied 
to these she was especially industrious, as her " His- 
torical Sketches of the Reign of George II " (1869), 
" The Makers of Florence " (1876), " Literary History 
of England from 1790 to 1825 " (1882), " Makers of 
Venice" (1887), "Royal Edinburgh" (1890), "The 
Reign of Queen Anne " (1894), and " Makers of Modern 
Rome " (1895). These are all pleasant and vivacious 
books, valuable rather as effectively arranged compila- 
tions than as contributions of moment to the literature 
of their subject and suffering somewhat in point of literary 
finish from the unavoidable haste of their composition. 
Mrs. Oliphant's " Autobiography and Letters," edited 
by H. Coghill, was published in 1899. It contains a very 
frank revelation of her personality which with one excep- 
tion she never had touched upon even remotely in her 
books. This exception is to be found in the introduction to 
the stories included in " The Ways of Life " (1897). It is 
entitled " Ebb Tide " and reflects the utter weariness of 
the author's latest years. Much of Mrs. Oliphant's 
work must perish, much indeed has already been for- 
gotten, but some few of her novels may hope for recog- 




ilition by another generation and in " The Chronicles 
of Carlingford " there surely abides some of the quality 
of endurance. 

A Scottish novelist whose period of activity was 
shorter by some years than Mrs. Oliphant's, but who 
outlived her only by a single year, was William Black, 
who for nearly a generation enjoyed immense popularity 
in Great Britain and rather more, indeed, in the United 
States. Born in Glasgow, in 1841, he first took up 
painting, and this proving unremunerative he entered 
the field of journalism in his native city. Thence he 
went to London and obtaining a place on the Morning 
Star soon made his presence there felt. While repre- 
sentmg his paper at the front in the war between Prussia 
and Austria he was taken prisoner. On the failure of 
the Star he became one of the staff of the Daily News 
and was for a time editor of the Examiner. His first 
novel, " James Merle " (1864), was an utter failure and 
a second fiction, " Love and Marriage," published four 
years later, virtually shared the same fate. The tide 
now turned and the publication of " A Daughter of 
Heth " was a literary event of the year 1871. 

This book made Black immediately popular, as 
perhaps it deserved to do, for it was written with spirit 
and freshness and its characterizations were strongly 
original. Its author now relinquished journalism and 
gave his time solely to fiction. He wrote rapidly and in 
his later novels was given to repeating himself, but his 
popularity continued without any serious interruption 
until his death in December, 1898. Since that time his 
stories have not maintained quite their former vogue. 
" The Strange Adventures of a Phaeton " (1872) fol- 
lowed hard upon the " Daughter of Heth," but had not 
precisely the peculiar charm of " A Princess of Thule " 
(1873). " Madcap Violet " was inferior to these, but 



" Macleod of Dare " (1878) was a far stronger piece of 
work. Its characterization is exaggerated and the 
effect that of melodrama, but it has vigour and power 
and holds the reader's interest with a firm grip. 

Although a Londoner by residence Black was faithful 
to his Scottish instincts and continually transferred his 
canvas from England to Scotland. His novels abound 
in enthusiastic descriptions of Scottish scenery and his 
sportsman proclivities are revealed in the accounts of 
hunting, fishing and yachting which are frequently 
introduced into his novels. In spite of its manifest 
shortcomings Black never surpassed " Macleod of 
Dare " as a whole, in his subsequent fictions, though he 
may have done so in details. Among these latter are 
comprised " Three Feathers " (1881), " White Wings " 
(1880), "Sunrise" (1880), " Shandon Bells" (1883), 
"Judith Shakespeare" (1884), "White Heather" 
(1885), " In Far Lochaber " (1888), and " Wild Eelin " 
(1898). Black did not possess the makings of a great 
novelist. He could describe with all an artist's cleverness, 
but he had very little insight into the depths of human 
nature, and neither his women nor his men reflect 
humanity unerringly. He loved to contrast the life of 
London drawing-rooms with the free existence of north- 
ern Scotland, but only as an artist might do it, not as 
in any way laying bare the subtleties of character. 
" A Daughter of Heth " reveals him at his talented 
best, but the genius that some of his admirers acclaimed 
him he most certainly was not. 

Although born in England, the Rev. John Watson, 
best known to the world at large as " Ian Maclaren," 
is fairly entitled to be enrolled among Scottish authors. 
His native place, to be sure, was Manningtree in Essex, 
where he first saw the light in 1850, but he came of 
Scottish parents and his ministerial and literary career 



were closely associated with North Britain. He was 
educated at Edinburgh and Tiibingen, and after being 
licensed by the Free Church of Scotland in 1874 became 
an assistant at the Barclay Church in Edinburgh. In 
the year following he was called to the Free Church 
in Logicalmond in Perthshire and in 1877 to Free Saint 
Matthew's Church in Glasgow, but relinquished the latter 
charge in 1880 to assume that of Sefton Park Presby- 
terian Church in Liverpool. Popular as a clergyman 
he came suddenly into notice as a literary figure by the 
publication in 1894 of a volume of short stories con- 
cerned with the delineation of Scottish life and character, 
entitled " Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush." It attracted 
general attention, both, in Great Britain and the United 
States, his pseudonym of '' Ian Maclaren " becoming as 
familiar in the latter country as in his own. The 
book abounded in humour as well as pathos and evinced 
entire understanding of the Scottish character. Its 
chief defect, one, too, that became more evident in 
succeeding volumes by him, was an atmosphere of self- 
consciousness. This did not materially interfere with 
his popularity among general readers, but seriously 
lessened the value of his work from an artistic point of 
view. Watson visited the United States on several 
occasions and in 1896 delivered the Lyman Beecher 
lectures at the Yale Divinity School, which were pub- 
lished the same year as " The Cure of Souls." While 
on a lecture tour in the United States in 1907 he was 
taken ill at Mount Pleasant, Iowa, where he died on 
May sixth. 

Watson's first book was quickly followed by such 
fiction as "The Days of Auld Lang Syne" (1895), 
" Kate Carnegie " (1896), " A Doctor of the Old School " 
(1897), "Afterwards" (1898), and "Rabbi Saunder- 
son " (189B), none of which quite equalled " The Bonnie 



Brier Bush " in excellence. He did not confine his 
writing to fiction, however, as such works of religious 
character as " The Upper Room " (1895), " The Mind 
of the Master," " The Potter's Wheel " (1897), " Com- 
panions of the Sorrowful Way " (1898), " Doctrines 
of Grace " (1900) and " The Life of the Master " (1901) 
abundantly testify. 

A much stronger and more original individuality than 
Watson's among Scottish writers was that of William 
Sharp (1856-1905), who wrote much in the way of verse, 
fiction, essays, and other works under his own name, 
and was discovered after his death to have been identical 
with " Fiona Macleod," hitherto presumed to have been 
a woman, and a native of the Hebrides. Among works 
published with his own name are lives of Shelley, Heine, 
and Browning; such fictions as " Wives in Exile," 
and "A London Romance;" "Exce Puella and Other 
Imaginings," and " Studies in Art; " and several collec- 
tions of his own verse including " Lyrical Poems," 
" Transcripts from Nature and Other Poems," " Ro- 
mantic Ballads and Poems of Phantasy," His acknowl- 
edged work covers a wide range and shows him to have 
been not only a versatile WTiter but a talented one as 
well, but his most original writing is that which in his 
lifetime was ascribed to Fiona Macleod. The contrast 
between the two personalities is very strong, and it is 
probable that the feminine one will endure the longer 
where literary fame is concerned. The supposed Fiona 
had apparently spent her life in the Hebrides and the 
islands of lona and Arran, and her stories and poems 
illustrate Celtic legend and myth. They are most 
delicately conceived, and- their originality and entire 
freshness of atmosphere attracted great attention, as 
could not fail to be the case. Among them are 
"Pharais," a romance (1895), "The Mountain Ro- 



mance" (1895), "The Sin Eater and Other Tales" 
(1895), '* The Washer of the Ford " (1896), '' Green 
Fire " (1896), " The Laughter of Peterkin " (1902). 
The union of these talented personalities is a unique 
feature of modern literary annals. 

By far the most prominent figure among literary 
Scotsmen in the closing decades of the nineteenth cen- 
tury was Robert Louis Balfour Stevenson, and after 
the lapse of sixteen years it maintains not only its 
original degree of prominence but even exceeds it. Wide- 
spread differences exist among critics concerning the 
character of his work, but that he made a deep and 
increasing impression upon the literature of his time is 
nowhere denied. 

The only son of a civil engineer named Thomas Steven- 
son, he was bom at Number Eight Howard Place, Edin- 
burgh, Nov. 13, 1850. In his early childhood his health 
was very frail, and although he outgrew this condition 
to some extent he was never physically very strong. 
He at first intended to become a civil engineer like his 
father, but the profession proved too great a strain 
upon his health and after some years of study he was 
called to the Edinburgh bar in 1875. He never practised 
his profession and devoted several years to wanderings 
on the Continent and in Scotland, the fruits of which were 
given to the world in the volumes " An Inland Voyage " 
(1878) and "Travels with a Donkey" (1879). While 
at Fontainebleau in 1876 he first met Mrs. Osbourne, an 
American lady who subsequently became his wife, and 
two years afterward, on hearing of her ill health, he went 
to San Francisco. From want of means he crossed the 
Atlantic in the steerage and went as an emigrant across 
the United States, hardships which very greatly impaired 
his health. In May, 1880, he married Mrs. Osbourne 
and removed to the mining camp in Colorado, which he 



described in " The Silverado Squatters," published in 
1883. In the autumn of 1880 he took his wife and 
stepson to Edinburgh, where for a short time they lived 
with his parents, but his health becoming much worse 
they went to Davos, Switzerland, where they remained 
until May, 1881, the year in which his earliest volume 
of his essays, " Virginibus Puerisque," appeared. At 
the close of a summer in Scotland he returned to Davos, 
and after successive changes of residence necessitated 
by the precarious state of his health he made his 
home at Bournemouth, from January, 1884, to August, 

By this time he had published in addition to the 
works already named, " Treasure Island," originally 
styled " The Sea Cook," " Familiar Studies of Men and 
Books," "New Arabian Nights," "Prince Otto," 
" A Child's Garden of Verses," " More New Arabian 
Nights," ''The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. 
Hyde," "Kidnapped," "The Merry Men and Other 
Tales," and " Underwoods," a book of verse; a large 
amount of writing for one so nearly an entire invalid as 
Stevenson. His father having died in May of 1887, 
Stevenson in company with his mother, his wife and his 
stepson, Lloyd Osboume, left his Bournemouth home 
which he had named Skerryvore, and sailed for the 
United States. He spent the winter at Saranac Lake in 
the Adirondacks, where he wrote the major part of 
" The Master of Ballantrae," and the next June the 
family set sail from San Francisco in his schooner, the 
Casco. Six months were spent at Honolulu, where 
" The Master of Ballantrae " and " The Wrong Box " 
were completed, the latter a farcical romance written 
jointly with his stepson. Within this period he visited 
the leper settlement at Molokai, the immediate result 
of which was his celebrated scathing " Letter to Dr. 



Hyde," in vindication of Father Damien and his work in 

Stevenson continued his cruisings in the Pacific till 
the autumn of 1890, when he established himself and his 
family at Vailima in Samoa. Here he remained for the 
rest of his career, save for a brief visit to Hawaii, in 
the enjoyment of what for him was health and vigour, 
and here, while dictating his novel, " Weir of Her- 
miston," he died on December 3, 1894. He had 
become a general favourite with the gentle island 
people and the day following his death sixty Samoans 
carried his body to the top of the steep mountain Vaca, 
where he had expressed a wish to be buried. His friend, 
Sidney Colvin, edited (1894-98) the Edinburgh edition 
of Stevenson's works in twenty-eight volumes, and in 
1899 two volumes of Stevenson's " Letters," similarly 
edited. " The Vailima Letters " written from Samoa 
had already been printed in 1895. The latest of his 
books which the brilliant author lived to see through the 
press was " The Ebb Tide," in September, 1894. The 
incomplete novel, " Saint Ives," was carried forward to 
a close by Mr. Quiller Couch, in 1897, but " Weir of 

" Like the unfinished window in Aladdin's tower 
Unfinished must remain! " 

Incomplete as it is there are not wanting those who 
pronounce it his masterpiece. 

Stevenson's hold upon his readers is quite as firm in 
America as in Great Britain and his many admirers on 
both sides of the Atlantic have not invariably expressed 
their regard for his work in terms precisely discrimi- 
nating. Even yet it is too soon to hope to arrive at a 
fairly just estimate of his work as a whole. " The 



charm," says Mr. Gosse, " of the personal character of 
Stevenson and the romantic vicissitudes of his life are so 
predominant in the minds of all who knew him or lived 
within earshot of his legend, that they make the ultimate 
position which he will take in the history of English 
literature somewhat difficult to decide. That he was 
the most attractive figure of a man of letters in his 
generation is admitted; and the acknowledged fascina- 
tion of his character was deepened, and was extended 
over an extremely wide circle of readers by the publica- 
tion of his ' Letters ' which have subdued even those 
who were rebellious to the entertainment of his books. 
It is therefore from the point of view of its ' charm ' 
that the genius of Stevenson must be approached." 

The distinguishing feature of Stevenson's art seems to 
consist in the fusing of a very decided and original 
vision with an unusually conscientious treatment of 
English. " He mastered his manner, and, as one may 
say, learned his trade, in the exercise of criticism and 
the reflective parts of literature before surrendering 
himself to powerful creative impulse." The majority 
of readers are attracted to him by his romances, but 
there are still many who prefer his letters and essays 
as examples of better literature, and on these it appears 
most probable that his fame will one day rest. His 
verse is greatly inferior to his prose, though the '' Child's 
Garden of Verses " has a quality of its own that sets it 
quite apart from the rest of his poetry. The life of 
Stevenson has been written many times, not only in 
the half-dozen biographies by his cousin, Graham 
Balfour, and others, but in various sketches in periodi- 
cals, while able critics like Chapman and Henry James, 
to mention no others, have written thoughtful and 
discriminating estimates of his literary work. " What- 
ever may be the ultimate order of reputation among his 



various books," observes Mr. Gosse, " or whatever 
posterity may ultimately see fit to ordain as regards 
the popularity of any of them, it is difficult to believe 
that the time will ever come in which Stevenson will not 
be remembered as the most beloved of the writers of 
that age which he did so much to cheer and stimulate 
by his example." 

" His was the uastinted language of the Scot, 
Clear, nimble, with the scriptural tang of Knox 
Thrust through it like the far strict scent of box. 
To keep it unforgot. 

* No frugal Realist, but quick to laugh, 
To see appealing things in all he knew, 
He plucked the sun-sweet corn his fathers grew, 
And would have naught of chaff." 

With Robert Louis Stevenson this survey of the 
progress of Scottish letters during the better part of two 
centuries draws to its close, since the principle adopted 
of excluding living authors precludes mention of such 
well-known men of letters as Andrew Lang, James 
Barrie, William Archer and Samuel Crockett. It is 
sufficiently obx-ious that a survey of this character can 
lay no claim to being exhaustive, and the selection of 
certain authors and the omission of others whose claims 
may seem as great, or even greater, will no doubt 
appear more or less arbitrary to some readers. It only 
remains to be said that want of space was at least one 
governing factor in the problem. Had this not been the 
case there might well have been room for mention of the 
dramatist John Home (1722-1808) whose " Douglas " 
delighted theatre-goers in the middle of the eighteenth 
centurv; of the poets Allan Cunningham (1784-1842) 
and WiUiam Motherwell (1797-1835); of the novelists 



John Gait (1779-1839) and Michael Scott (1789-1835); 
of the historians Patrick Fraser Tytler (1791-1849) 
and Sir Archibald Alison (1792-1867) whose " History 
of Europe " only the most resolute readers would dream 
of attacking now, though it was translated into many 
tongues, Arabic being one; of Basil Hall (1788-1844), 
the British naval officer whose " Travels in North 
America " once kindled the ire of over-sensitive Ameri- 
cans; William Bell Scott (1811-1890), a poet who won 
fame as an artist also; John Pringle Nichol (1804- 
1859), the astronomer, whose " Architecture of the 
Heavens " was so widely known; and George Macdonald, 
novelist, poet, and mystic. 

But it is not alone in literary annals that Scotland 
can point to a seemingly endless roll of famous names; 
in the field of art her triumphs have been quite as 
marked, as we shall discover in the brief glance at the 
Scottish school of painting, which must close this 
chapter. That the progress of painting north of the 
Tweed attracted comparatively little attention in 
England till the latter half of the last century must not 
be taken to imply that painting in the northern part 
of the kingdom was necessarily in a backward condition 
up to that time. Quite the contrary. Scottish art 
flourished, though English prejudice did not always 
readily admit it. 

Three Scottish painters, Jamesone, Scougal and Aik- 
man, appear to have been representative artists of the 
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the first 
of these having been termed in quite recent times " the 
Scottish Vandyck." They were all portrait painters, 
as might be expected from a knowledge of their era, 
and best among the works of Jamesone is a portrait of 
Lady Mary Erskine, which must have been executed 
prior to 1640. Scougal's portraits are fewer in number 



than Jamesone's, and in the Scottish National Gallery- 
is a portrait of Scougal himself. His works reveal 
careful modelling but have no lightness of touch. Aik- 
man was the latest of the three, a pleasing but not an 
original artist, and many portraits by him are extant, 
those of the poets Allan Ramsay, Gay and Thomson 
being of the number. Aikman, who was born in 1662 
and died in 1731, first practised his art in Edinburgh, 
but like many Scottish artists he presently went to 
London and set up a studio there. 

The Academy of Saint Luke, which several artists 
and lay persons established in Edinburgh in 1729, held 
together for a short time only, but it served to stimulate 
the Scottish art of the period, and the Academy which 
the Glasgow painters, the Foulis brothers, founded in 
Glasgow in 1753, did still more. About 1775 the Aca- 
demy was closed and its collection of pictures dispersed, 
but it had not existed for twenty years in vain. Allan 
Ramsay, the son of the poet and a pupil of the Saint Luke 
Academy, was the first Scottish painter who rose to 
prominence in London. His works abound in his native 
country, almost every ancient family mansion being 
not without one or more examples of his art. He 
was a skilful rather than a strong artist and his custom 
of placing the figure in profile and showing the face at 
a three-quarter angle was greatly admired. Ramsay 
was a social favourite and lived in much style in London, 
counting many notable personages of the time among 
his friends, and having Voltaire and Rousseau among his 
correspondents. It is quite possible that greater atten- 
tion to his profession and less to social life might have 
given Ramsay a better title to remembrance than is 
now his. 

The first of the Foulis Acadeniy pupils to win a name 
for himself was Alexander Runciman (1736-1785), who 



became a friend of Fuseli's while visiting Rome, and 
Fuseli's influence it may well have been that decided 
him to devote his attention to historical painting. In 
a small chapel attached to Saint Patrick's Church in 
the Cowgate, Edinburgh, Runciman is represented by 
four panels, in one of which appears the " Prodigal 
Son," a figure in profile, the original of which was the 
unfortunate Scottish poet Robert Fergusson, whose 
verses are quoted on another page. Runciman's brother 
John, who died at twenty-four, was the more original 
artist, his " Flight into Egypt," " Christ and His 
Disciples on the Road to Emmaus," " The Temp- 
tation " and " King Lear " displaying much individu- 
ality. These are all contained in the Scottish National 
Gallery, as is also the portrait group painted by them- 
selves, " Alexander Runciman and John Brown." 

David Allan (1744-1796) studied at the Glasgow 
Academy, and early turning away from the fashionable 
classicism of the period devoted himself to delineation 
of pastoral scenes. In this respect he may be styled 
the forerunner of Wilkie. Finding no market for his 
pastoral paintings he then gave attention to producing 
etchings, among which are a well-known series of 
designs illustrating Ramsay's " Gentle Shepherd." 
Jacob More (1740-1793) was a noted landscapist, 
practising that department in Rome for a score of 
years and with signal success. Goethe visited More's 
studio with Angelica Kauffmann in 1787 and was greatly 
taken with More's showy canvases. Gavin Hamilton 
(1730-1797), unlike More, inclined strongly to classic 
subjects, " Agrippina Weeping over Germanicus," " The 
Death of Lucretia " and others. In occasional visits 
to Scotland he painted various portraits, and a group 
of these may be seen in the Scottish Portrait Gallery, 
but their artistic value is not great. Sir George Chal- 



mers (d. 1791), David Martin (1736-1798), George 
Willison (1741-1797), John Donaldson (1737-1801) 
were Scottish artists especially associated with por- 
traiture in the second half of the eighteenth century, 
and so also was Archibald Skirving (1749-1819), the 
only one of the five who practised his art entirely in 
Scotland. At first known as a miniaturist he visited 
Italy somewhat late in life, and afterward confined 
himself almost entirely to pastel. 

During the period we have been considering, the 
eighteenth century in its earlier half and the closing 
years of the preceding one, painting was more or less 
of an exotic art in Scotland. The majority of the 
population knew little about it and cared still less, and 
even the better informed regarded it somewhat askance. 
It reflected nothing of the life of Scotland historic or 
domestic, its artists as a whole preferring to confine 
their energies " to ideals from which the study of 
nature was almost excluded." The beginnings of the 
break with established conventions may not be easy 
to trace, but the existence of a distinctive Scottish 
School of Painting is due without question to the 
example and vigorous personality of one man. Sir Henry 
Raeburn. The times may have been ripe for the change, 
but this would have mattered little had there been no 
original mind to assume leadership. 

Bom in Edinburgh in 1756, of an old Border family, 
Raeburn was educated at Heriott's Hospital till his 
apprenticeship to an Edinburgh goldsmith in 1771. His 
talents in drawing led to his being given opportunity 
for study and he was introduced to Martin, already 
mentioned, and who was then the fashionable portrait 
painter of the Scottish capital, for instruction. Later 
he went to Rome, where he served Ramsay as assistant, 
but not much is known of his experiences there, and in 



1787 he was back in Edinburgh, having married a woman 
of wealth when scarcely of age, a circumstance which 
fortunately did not lead to any abatement of industry 
on his part. For thirty-six years after his return to 
his native city he ranked first among Scottish portrait 
painters " making his own and all succeeding generations 
of Scotsmen his debtors for the work so quickly accom- 
plished during these eventful years." Raeburn had 
just resumed his brush after a short tour in Fife with 
Sir Walter Scott and other friends when he was taken 
ill, and died in his beloved Edinburgh, July 8, 1823. 
On the fagade of the National Portrait Gallery his 
statue is to be seen and a tablet to his memory is in 
the churchyard of Saint John's Episcopal Church. 

Raeburn's earliest known portrait is a full length of 
" George Chalmers of Pittencrieff," which is assigned 
to the year 1778, but a series of eight portraits at Raith 
(1780-1795), gives the story of his development through 
a period of fifteen years. Two of his most successful 
canvases painted when he was not far from forty are 
those of " Dr. Nathaniel Spens " and " Sir John Sin- 
clair; " the first a commission from the Royal Company 
of Archers. " Clad in the picturesque costume then 
worn by the Royal Body Guard, Spens — seen full face 
— is set against the painter's conventional landscape 
with, for this special occasion, the national symbol, 
erect and prickly, in the foreground." By several critics 
the " Sinclair," painted a little later, is given a higher 
place, while others deem it wanting in the reticence 
perceptible in the " Spens." 

In the first decade of the last century Raeburn 
reached perhaps his highest development, while his 
popuiarity was unbounded in his native land. All 
through Scotland his pictures are to be seen in homes 
and picture galleries and a careful catalogue of his 



portraits shows 701 to his credit, though only about 
150 bear any date. From this time onwards "it is in 
the gradual acquisition of those transition tones which 
give bloom and subtlety to the countenance, and in the 
enrichment of his scheme of chiaroscuro that Raeburn's 
future development consists. In much that pertains 
to the incidence of light, he sometimes anticipates 
qualities that are considered quite modern, as did 
Velasquez in a more consistent way two hundred years 

Two masterly portraits that should be named as of 
this period are those of " Colonel Alastir Macdormell of 
Glengarry " and " Major William Clunes," which hang 
side by side in the Scottish National Gallery. The 
" Glengarry," the presumed prototype of Fergus 
Mclvor of " Waverley," possesses all the accessories of a 
Highland chief; the Clunes is an equally distinctive 
picture of a British officer. Soon after the exhibition 
of the " Glengarry " Raeburn was elected Associate 
and in 1815 full member of the Royal Academy. But 
Raeburn did not confine himself to robust portraits 
of men, and in his latest years he painted numbers of 
portraits of women, amongst the most noted being that 
of " Mrs. James Campbell," " one of those old ladies, 
survivals of an earlier generation, of whom one reads 
in countless memoirs, and who seem almost as historic 
as their male compeers." He oftener painted youth 
and early middle age and one of his triumphs in por- 
traiture of the latter period of life is that of " Mrs. 
George Kinnear." 

" It should be borne in mind," says the critic McKay, 
that " in considering the Scottish painter's place in 
art one or two things must be kept in mind. First he 
was one of the few very capable men who have devoted 
themselves entirely to portraiture. . . . Again, he differs 



from the great portraitists of the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries in that he is not the outcome of a long line of 
able predecessors. Such forerunners as he had in his 
own country had, one may say, no influence on him. 
He was the founder, as well as the greatest exponent 
of his school, and this must count in weighing his genius 
with that of others." 

In the fuller meaning of the term Raeburn was not 
a colourist, but on the whole his best pictures compare 
weU with those of pronounced colourists, for in the 
place of the subtle qualities of complex processes of 
colouring his pigment retains the freshness of direct 
application. The distinctive feature of his work is its 
modernity, and it is this which lends his portraits of 
the men and women of a century and more ago their 
peculiar charm in our eyes. It was fortunate for Scot- 
land that he elected to remain at home instead of going 
to London, for the example thus set is responsible for 
the retention north of the Border of a vigorous school 
of art on lines of its own that would otherwise have 
been impossible. WTien he died in 1823, there was 
already in the Scottish capital, says McKay, " a school 
of portraiture, founded on his practice, for its exponents 
had the something implied in the term, and that some- 
thing they owed to the stimulating art of Raeburn." 

Naturally so forceful an artist as Raeburn had fol- 
lowers, but they were successors, not direct imitators, 
with one exception, George Watson. Influenced by 
him they were far from being mere copyists of his man- 
ner. Watson was eleven years younger than Raeburn, 
and after studying under Reynolds opened a studio in 
Edinburgh. His earliest work reflects the influence of 
Sir Joshua, his subsequent achievement reveals that of 
Raeburn, whose vigorous characterization he could not 
quite secure. His method shows a continual alternation 



between an insipid manner and a heavy handed imita- 
tion of Raeburn. Watson's nephew, Sir John Watson 
Gordon, was the ablest of Raeburn's followers. He 
aspired to become an historical painter, but after a dozen 
years spent on historical themes he turned to por- 
traiture, though for ten years more he occasionally 
dallied with history. Born in 1788 he lived till 1864, 
becoming President of the Royal Scottish Academy 
in 1841. His best work is to be noted in such strongly 
conceived portraits as those of " Lord Cockburn " 
(1853), the " Provost of Peterhead " (1854) and " David 
Cox " (1855). His inferiority is shown in his painting 
of flesh tints, which are wanting in the inner glow that 
gives life to the features, and in the heaviness of his 
half tones. His technique, however, nearly equals 
that of some men much superior to him in other details. 
Next to Watson Gordon, the strongest of Raeburn's 
successors was John Graham Gilbert, in whom the 
Raeburn influence is least perceptible. One of his 
best pictures is '' The Love Letter " (1829). He was 
given to fancy subjects, but he did not eschew portraiture, 
and the bust portrait of John Gibson, the sculptor, is 
one of his most admirable w^orks. His full length 
portrait of Sir John Watson Gordon is excellent and so 
are his portraits of women. John Syme (1795-1861), 
Colvin Smith (1795-1875), Smellie Watson (1796- 
1864) and William Yellowlees (1796-1856) continued 
the Raeburn succession, but the fact of the succession 
is much less marked in Francis Grant (1803-1878), 
who alternated between fashionable portrait painting 
and fox hunting. He possessed talent and industry, and 
though his average accomplishment is slight in substance 
he now and then executed work considerably above the 
average. In the study at Abbotsford is a small full length 
of Scott painted by Grant in 1832. Sir Daniel Macnee 



(1806-1882) was a greater artist than Grant and like him 
carried on the Raeburn tradition of portraiture. His 
masterpiece is " Charles Mackay as Nicol Jarvie," which 
" will always hold a foremost place amongst Scottish 
portraits." His " Lady in Grey " is of no ordinary 
merit, and his "Robert Dalgleish " (1874), though one 
of his latest works, shows no diminution of earlier 

Although David Wilkie (1785-1841) was nearly 
thirty years the junior of Raeburn, he shared with him 
the distinction of founding a Scottish School, and his 
influence was not only greater but more lasting. Rae- 
burn's technique was his own and the quality of his 
vision was more nearly that of the artists of to-day. 
" It was different with Wilkie," says McKay. " From 
the day he could handle a brush, he seems to have 
accepted the Dutch and Flemish genre painters as his 
models both in respect of technique and arrangement." 
Wilkie had his aim very clearly before him and was 
under no delusions regarding it or his own place in 
regard to it and the world at large. As MacColl has 
weU put it: "He took his own measure modestly, and 
his programme frankly, that of entertainer to a middle- 
class public." To quote from Wilkie's own " Remarks 
on Painting: " 

" To know the taste of the public — to learn what 
will best please the employer — is to an artist the most 
valuable of all knowledge, and the most useful to him 
whose skill and knowledge it calls into exercise." In 
its essence, then, Wilkie's programme was to render 
himself intelligible not only to a public, but to the 
public, and to impress it sympathetically. Though 
Wilkie's ideals were Flemish he did not follow them 
blindly, and in "The Village Recruit," " Pitlessie 
Fair " and " Village Politicians," all executed when he 



■was about twenty, his observations of Nature withheld 
him from the exaggerations of his Flemish models. He 
removed to London in 1805, taking these pictures with 
him, and they secured him immediate attention, "The 
Blind Fiddler " being painted for his patron, Sir George 
Beaumont, when the artist was yet in his twenty- 
first year. The pictures named were deeply impressed 
•with the Scottish character, and so was " The Rent 
Day," studied from his birthplace of Cults (1808). 
" The Village Festival " (1812) is as strongly English. 
The contrast is worth noting as it proves that the 
artist had taken colour to a considerable extent from 
his English environment. 

Subsequent successes were " Blind Man's Buff " 
(1813), possibly his most popular canvas, " The Letter 
of Introduction," which dispassionate critics are dis- 
posed to account his masterpiece, " Duncan Gray," 
" Distraining for Rent," the pathos of which makes 
strong appeal to the beholder, "The Pedlar," "The 
Rabbit on the Wall," and " The Penny Wedding," for 
which the artist once more turned to Scotland for his 
inspiration. " Reading the Will " (1821), " Chelsea 
Pensioners " (1822) painted for the Duke of Wellington, 
and " The Parish Beadle " were especially popular 
and with them his name is perhaps most inseparably 
associated. His style after this underwent certain 
changes, a larger scale being chosen, but the change 
w^as not altogether for the best. The altered manner 
was due to impressions derived from extended travels 
on the Continent, especially in Ita,ly, where the larger, 
bolder treatment of a theme by Italian artists led him 
to attempt to assimilate in his owti work somewhat of 
the foreign method. 

One result of his modified theories was an increase 
in the quantity of work done by him after 1828, but 



his first works at this time, the " Earl of Kellie " (1829) 
and " Viscount Melville " (1831), do not exhibit any 
material falling off in excellence. '* The Preaching of 
Knox " (1832) reveals a forcing of the scheme of light 
and shade which is far from pleasing, and " The First 
Earring " (1835) evinces want of character in the 
brush work although the colour remains luminous. 
Two canvases of importance may be assigned to the 
year 1838, " Discovering the Body of Tippoo Sahib," 
and " Queen Victoria Presiding at the Council," the 
former sharing with the " Napoleon and Pope Pius VII " 
the distinction of being the only examples of his subject 
pictures with figures of life scale. Wilkie was master of 
the art of etching, in addition to his other attainments, 
and his etching of " The Lost Receipt " can hardly be too 
highly praised. The painter's popularity, great in his 
own day, still continues, and his brother artists have 
never stinted their admiration for his talents. On the 
occasion of the Wilkie Centenary Sir John Millais said : 
" In the history of Art there has been no superior to 
him for knowledge of composition, beautiful and subtle 
drawing, portrayal of character and originality." 

While Raeburn in certain respects stood alone as a 
portrait painter, Wilkie had contemporaries not a few, 
some of whom came more or less under his influence 
while others remained unaffected by it. Two of the 
more distinguished were William Allan (1782-1850) 
and Andrew Geddes (1783-1844). Both possessed a 
vigorous personality, but the former in his day was the 
more highly esteemed. Allan travelled extensively 
in the East and his chosen themes were commonly 
Oriental, " The Slave Market, Constantinople," being 
especially characteristic of his manner. 

Geddes is an artist difficult to classify. Except for 
his " Draught Players " (1809), a purely genre work 



showing the influence of Wilkie throughout, he was 
almost entirely a portrait artist, yet he was not in 
spirit a successor of Raeburn. Among his most success- 
ful portraits are those of Wilkie, George Sanders, 
the miniaturist, Brydone the traveller, and the artist's 
mother. He also executed several Scriptural composi- 
tions, and several figures symbolizing some fancy, the 
best of these last being his " Summer,'' for which a 
daughter of Alexander Nasmyth, the artist, furnished 
the inspiration. Like Wilkie, Geddes was skilled as an 
etcher, his excursions in this field being much admired. 
His ideals were high, but in his lifetime he never secured 
his full share of recognition, though Time has since 
done something to adjust values more nearly. 

Other contemporaries of Wilkie deserving mention 
were Alexander Fraser (1786-1865), his assistant for 
twenty years, whose " Tam o' Shanter " is one of his 
best pictures; William Lizars (1788-1859), whose 
" Reading the Will " and " A Scotch Weddmg " are 
in the Scottish Gallery; and William Kidd (1796-1863). 
Kidd's " Cobbler's Shop " was painted at thirteen and 
he frequently exhibited at the Royal Academy after 
his removal to London about 1821. His talent was 
considerable and his subjects mainly illustrative of sport. 
Lizars's work exhibits dramatic fire and observation 
of character, and the two pictures of his above named 
were not, as might be supposed, suggested by Wilkie's 
paintings similarly entitled, but executed several years 

In the art history of any country landscape painting 
is a late development, and in regard to Scotland this is 
especially true. " In portrait and figure painting the 
northern may be said to be fairly abreast of the southern 
division of the island in point of time, but nearly half a 
century divides the painters who first seriously practised 



landscape in England and Scotland respectively — 
Richard Wilson and Alexander Nasmyth." The latter 
(1758-1840) did not rank especially high as a painter 
though as engineer, architect and landscape gardener he 
rose to distinction, but his work in landscape marks 
the opening of a new era in Scottish art. His pictures by 
no means show entire escape from the prevailing classic 
conventions but they do reveal a hitherto unfelt per- 
ception of naturalism. His son Patrick (1787-1831) 
who settled in London in 1808 and became known as 
" the English Hobbema," seems to have been for the 
most part unimpressed by the new influence, though 
in one or two of his compositions a feeling for English 
landscape is perceptible. A far stronger personality 
than either of the Nasmyths was the Rev. John Thomson 
of Duddmgston (1778-1840). He seldom left Scotland 
and found his subjects mainly in his own country. He 
was a tireless worker, 226 pictures being catalogued in 
well-known collections, and the total is much greater. 
" Thomson," says McKay, " was a bom painter, and had 
the delight in and command over his material which 
distinguish painting from mere coloured design. His 
defects lie in a different direction and were inevitable 
under the circumstances. He was an amateur, and as 
such precluded from the thoroughness of technique 
which separates the trained artist from the ablest of 
those who devote to it only a portion of their energies 
... it could not be otherwise. The long Divinity 
course and the pastoral duties of the country charge 
which came to him so early absorbed the greater part 
of his time and attention during the period when the 
foundation of the painter's craft must be laid." 

Thomson's merit is that he aroused among Scottish 
painters an appreciation of the pictorial aspects of their 
country. His three contemporaries, John and Andrew 



Wilson (1774-1855 and 1780-1848) and Hugh Williams 
the Welshman (1773-1829), went far afield for their 
subjects, " but the minister of Duddingston," declares 
McKay, " gave the lead, and gave it grandly to those 
later painters who have better interpreted the native 
accent of Scottish landscape. . . . For vigour of con- 
ception and imaginative power none of his Scottish 
followers have excelled him." John Wilson, who spent 
much of his long life in London was the much admired 
painter of sea and coast scenes; Andrew Wilson resided 
in Italy much of the time and was a capable though not 
a brilliant artist. Williams set up a studio in Edinburgh 
early in his career and was never long absent from it 
except on professional tours in Italy and Greece. His 
pictures were mainly of Grecian subjects and he was 
commonly spoken of as " Grecian Williams." 

As the nineteenth century moved onward landscape 
became increasingly characteristic of Scottish art and 
the more versatile artists practised in this department 
as in others. William Simson (1800-1847) was one of 
these and can not be classed under any one head, since 
he painted with the same graceful facility landscapes 
with and without figures, portraits, animals, marines, 
interiors, still life and historical scenes. Removing to 
London in 1838 he produced only figure subjects sub- 
sequently, but among Scottish landscapists he main- 
tained an honourable rank as the painter of " Sol way 
Moss," " Auchendennan Bridge," and other scenes, the 
first of these being his most impressive canvas. 

Three figure painters of sterling excellence deserve 
mention here, Thomas Duncan (1807-1845), Sir George 
Harvey (180&-1876) and Robert Lauder (1803-1869). 
The first of these is closely associated with the memory 
of Scott, since eleven of his subjects are taken from 
the novelist's pages. They rank among his best works, 



as does also his Shakespearean figure piece, " Anne Page 
Inviting Slender to Dinner " (1837). As an illustrator 
of Scottish life from many sides Harvey is one of the 
most strictly national artists, although he took up his 
abode in London early. He was deeply impressed by 
the history of the Covenanters and by the great Dis- 
ruption movement in 1843 as well, and his Covenanting 
pictures, " Communion,'' " Preaching," and " Bap- 
tism," are very striking in general effect. So also are 
the Disruption paintings, " Quitting the Manse " and 
" Sabbath in the Glen," and in such pictures as these 
the austerely religious nature of the Scotsman is well 
apprehended by the artist. Representative of other 
aspects of Scottish life are " The Village School," the 
"School Examination" (1832), "The Skule SkaUin," 
" The Curlers " (1835), " VHlage Bowlers " (1852) and 
" Sheep Shearing," the last named mdicating the 
transition to figure painting. Harvey's work in its 
entirety makes its strongest appeal to the emotions 
and through its interpretation of such varied aspects of 
national life and sentiment. The ablest of these three 
artists was Robert Lauder, who, like Duncan, displayed 
a strong inclination to selection of scenes from the 
" Waverley Novels," the impetus being undoubtedly 
afforded by his having been concerned while still a 
student in illustrating an edition of Scott. Hencefor- 
ward he alternated for nearly a generation between 
Waverley themes, portraiture and Scriptural subjects. 

Lauder married a daughter of Thomson of Dudding- 
ston in 1833 and the two lived in Rome for a series of 
years. His finest work, all things considered, is probably 
his " Trial of Effie Deans " (1842), and besides this theme 
from " The Heart of Midlothian " he chose others from 
"Guy Mannering," " Ivanhoe," "Old Mortality," 
" Quentin Durward " and " The Fair Maid of Perth/' 



not less than four being derived from the last-named 
work. Among his Scriptural works are " Ruth " (1843), 
" Christ Walking on the Sea " (1850) and two versions 
of " Christ Teacheth Humility," the superior of the two 
being exhibited in 1848. Lauder returned to Edinburgh 
in 1852 on being made Master of the Trustees' Academy, 
superintending the Life and Antique departments for 
nme years. In this capacity his enthusiasm and charm 
of personality influenced Scottish art more directly than 
any individual painter has since done. 

Born in the same year with Harvey, David Scott 
(1806-1849) and William Dyce (1806-1864) were alike 
in their aversion to the aims and methods of Scottish 
figure paintmg, but they differed widely in other respects. 
Scott's art was strongly individual but it was developed 
only through a series of discouragements. Scriptural, 
historical and allegorical themes were all handled by 
him, but his was a many-sided art and his studies in 
black and white were exceedingly meritorious. " Wal- 
lace, Defender of Scotland," a triptych, '' Vasco de 
Gama," " The Traitor's Gate," and " Puck Fleeing 
from the Dawn," are among his most representative 
works, the second of these being ranked by McKay as 
Scott's supreme effort. 

Dyce, who was a native of Aberdeen, mastered his 
craft early and settled down in the Scottish capital 
as a portrait painter. He had already painted two 
masterly portraits of "Harriet Maconochie " and his 
own son, when he became connected with the Govern- 
ment Schools of Design. This association lasted ten 
years and after this time his technique exhibits a blend- 
ing of the manners of the Primitives and the Pre- 
Raphaelites. He painted few easel pictures henceforth 
and devoted the bulk of his attention to frescoes in the 
House of Lords, Buckingham Palace and Osborne. His 



historical frescoes possess much interest, but had he 
continued in the line first marked out for himself he 
would in all likelihood have been classed among the 
foremost portraitists of his century. 

James Eckford Lauder (1812-1869) a younger brother 
of Robert, worked in a similar vein, his subjects being 
mainly suggested by Scott or Shakespeare, themes 
from the latter being the most numerous. Scenes from 
" Tempest " were favourites with him and from Scott's 
" Pirate " he thrice repeated " Minna and Brenda." 
His famous " Ten Virgins " is familiar throughout 
Scotland, but " The Parable of Forgiveness " (1847) now 
in the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool, is of more import- 
ance. Lauder's " Bailie Duncan Maewheeble at Break- 
fast " has been termed " one of the happiest trans- 
lations ever made from the library to the painters' art." 

David Roberts (1796-1864), a native of Edinburgh, 
began his career as a scene painter, but about 1821 
interested himself in subjects obtainable in the pic- 
turesque Scottish capital, and soon afterward in the 
ruined abbeys of the Lowlands. Extending his researches 
to the Continent he presently developed to the full 
his chief talent, the pictorial representation of archi- 
tecture. He is perceived at his best in his church 
interiors which harmonize with the monochromatic 
method he preferred. His technique was simple and did 
not alter with the years, the " Exterior of Antwerp 
Cathedral," executed in 1827, and the "Chancel of 
Saint Paul's, Antwerp " (1847), both exhibiting it. He 
painted many Eastern scenes, but his solemn stately 
interiors are his finest work by far. Roberts was one 
of the most successful artists of his time, so far as the 
winning of fame and fortune is concerned, but his art 
was limited, never reaching the deeper emotions and 
lacking versatile perception and the charm of the best 



technique. Considered strictly within his limitations he 
displays very decided talent and his work delighted his 

Horatio Macculloch (1806-1867) was the most popular 
of Scottish landscapists in the years between 1838 
(when he established himself in Edinburgh) and his 
death, but if over-rated then he is needlessly under- 
valued at present. In his time tourists were haunting 
the Highlands in rapidly increasing numbers each year, 
sent thither by the genius of Scott, and Macculloch's 
pictures of *' Loch Achwray," " Glencoe," " My Heart's 
in the Highlands," " Dunstaffnage Castle," and many 
other Highland views, came in season to harmonize 
with the prevailing taste for beholding natural scenery. 
The painter's defects were a too facile brush and a want 
of true atmosphere. 

Two notable Scottish artists of the Early and Middle 
Victorian epochs were John Phillip (1817-1867) and 
James Drummond (1816-1877). Phillip's earliest works 
are entirely national in character as shown by such titles 
as "Highland Courtship," "The New Scholar," "A 
Scotch Baptism," " A Highland Lassie," " Presbyterian 
Catechizing," and " The Spae-wife of the Clachan " 
(1851). Not far from the time when the last-named 
picture appeared the artist went to Spain for his health 
and the entire change in surroundings wrought an 
equal change in the nature of his work. Not only was 
his treatment broader but continuous development was 
perceptible. The first picture produced after his return, 
" A Letter Writer, Seville," declared the change and 
after a second visit came " The Prison "Window, Seville " 
(1857). Other and stronger Spanish compositions fol- 
lowed: "Gossips at a Well," "The Huff," " Agua 
Benedita," "The Water Drinkers," "La Gloria — A 
Spanish Wake," " A Chat Round the Brasero," and 



"The Early Career of Murillo." It has been said of 
Phillip that he restored to the Scottish School of painting 
on a wider range and a more striking key the strong 
qualities of virility and permanence which Raeburn had 
infused into it two generations before. 

Drummond, whose forte was historical painting, was 
the unwearied delineator of Scotland's past in general 
and of its capital in particular. During forty-three years 
he sent but one portrait to the Scottish Academy and 
in 1843, when he exhibited a landscape, he signed it 
James Drummond, amateur. He was industrious and 
his compositions were elaborate in conception, but they 
interest the beholder from the antiquarian standpoint 
rather than from the aesthetic one. His best work is 
seen in " The Porteous Mob " (1855) in which with sure 
dramatic feeling the artist has only hinted at the end 
of the tragedy in a few figures seen against or barely 
lighted by the smoky glare of the torches. 

Of several north of England men closely associated 
with the progress of Art in Scotland, Samuel Bough 
(1822-1878) was the ablest. Born in Carlisle, his art 
life was mainly spent in Glasgow and Edinburgh and his 
fame is essentially Scottish. His popularity never knew 
any abatement and his work never lacked purchasers. 
The most characteristic of his works are the two pictures 
of the Glasgow Broomielaw. He worked both in oil and 
water colour, especially excelling in the latter. Less 
popular than Bough, but still a landscapist of much 
merit, was Alexander Fraser (1822-1899). Contempo- 
rary with these artists were the landscapists John Win- 
tour (1825-1882), Milne Donald (1819-1866), whose fame 
came late in his career, James Cassie (1819-1879), a 
painter of marines, and Waller Pa ton (1828-1895) who 
delighted in painting Highland scenery. 

A Scottish artist less known in Scotland than in Eng- 



land, and intimately associated with the English Pre- 
Raphaelites, was William Bell Scott (1811-1890), a 
minor poet and the friend of Rossetti. Noel Paton 
(1821-1901) was a prolific artist in the realm of fancy, 
his composition being his strongest point. His " Ancient 
Mariner " designs are widely known, and in many of his 
pictures the literary influence of Shelley, Keats and 
Tennyson may be detected. In the third quarter of the 
last century the brothers John and Thomas Faed 
(1820-1902 and 1826-1900) were extremely popular 
genre artists, " Faults on Both Sides " being one of the 
best of the canvases by Thomas Faed and " Annie's 
Trj'st " among those by the elder brother. 

Two other artists of more than ordinary attainments 
were Sir William Fettes Douglass (1822-1891) and James 
Archer (1823-1904). The first of these might have 
been more widely famous had he not remained in 
Scotland instead of migrating to London as so many of 
his artistic fellow countrymen have done. Beginning 
with portraits he soon passed to the delineation of themes 
from poetry and fancy, from history and romance, and 
especially from the threshold of the supernatural. Some 
of his titles will serve to show the versatility of his 
talent — " The Friend's Return from beyond the Grave," 
" The Spell," " Don Quixote Reading the Romances," 
"The Bibliomaniac," '' Oldbuck and Lovel," from 
Scott's "Antiquary," " Hudibras and Ralph," "The 
Conspirators," " Hudibras and the Lawyer," " Her 
Grandmother's Gown " and " When the Sea Gives up Its 
Dead," of which last one critic has said: " No wail of 
Border ballad has a deeper pathos than this painted 
story of the sea." 

Archer's first canvas exhibited at the Scottish Aca- 
demy was " The Child Saint John in the Wilderness " 
(1843), and it was followed for fifteen years by Scriptural 



subjects and fanciful scenes, while at a later period scenes 
from the Arthurian legend occupied him more or less — 
" Morte d'Arthur " (1861), " King Arthur in Quest of 
Excalibur," and the ** Parting of Arthur and Guine- 
vere." It is in the first of the Arthurian pictures that 
Archer reaches high water mark both in sentiment and 
execution. In the latter part of his career he gave him- 
self chiefly to portraits and single figure subjects; among 
the former we may note those of "Sir Daniel Macnee " 
and " Professor Blackie," and as illustrating the latter 
the attractive picture entitled " The King Over the 
Water " (1877). In the last named canvas a Jacobite 
maiden is represented as responding to the Stuart 
toast after the custom known only to Jacobite en- 

The last two decades of the nineteenth century 
witnessed the advent of new phases of art in Scotland, 
the artists mostly concerned with the movement being 
connected with Glasgow. At first their manner was 
scouted as foreign, but the distinctly national character 
of their art was presently recognized. Of this newer 
development of Scottish art a very recent writer, von 
Mach, has declared that " while there is much that is 
pleasing in British academic circles, the germ of progress 
doubtless rests with the Scotchman. Strangely enough 
theirs is a democratic art, so that the time may soon 
come when Great Britain will lose her proud position 
as the only aristocrat among the artistic nations of the 

To enter upon discussion of the merits of the Glasgow 
School must not be undertaken at the very end of this 
all too fragmentary and imperfect summary of the 
progress of Scottish art through more than two cen- 
turies. Moreover, if it were not only to do its leaders a 
distinct injury by so hurriedly touching upon their art 



and its principles, the ruling which has been adopted 
in regard to Scottish authors must apply to Scottish 
artists also, — that of excluding living persons from our 
survey. The most that can be done here is to name a 
very few of the foremost exponents of the school with 
the title of one or more pictures by each appended. 
Such are John La very, " The Croquet Party; " James 
Guthrie, "Afternoon Tea" (pastel), "Evening — 
Helensburgh " (pastel); Joseph Crawhall, " The Cocka- 
too," "The Black Rabbit;" and Edward Walton, 
" The Sun Dial," " Dora." 

It may seem to some readers of this chapter, devoted 
to the progress of Scotland since the Battle of Culloden, 
as if too much has been made of the literary and artistic 
aspects as well as certain minor phases of that pro- 
gression, and too little of the historical features of the 
subject. A thoughtful consideration of the case will 
show, nevertheless, that the disproportion arises from 
the nature of the circumstances attaching to it — 
indeed the disproportion is rather fanciful than actual. 
And for the following reason. 

The fact should not be lost sight of that Scottish his- 
tory, as distinct from English annals, virtually closed 
when the second Jacobite rebellion had proved a dis- 
astrous failure. In that sense there was no Scottish 
history. Henceforward the annals of the two nations 
were, so far as political matters were concerned, not to 
be separated the one from the other. Local events 
there were to be recorded, ecclesiastical happenings of 
importance, like the separation of the Free Church 
from the Kirk of Scotland in 1843, but no political 
transactions of moment with which Scotland was con- 
cerned to the entire exclusion of England. The two 
nations had become one, or at least were every day 
becommg more nearly one, and that one was Great 



Britain. The glory of England was to be the glory of 
the country north of the Border, too, of the Scottish 
Highlands as well as of the Lowlands. Jealousies there 
were, jealousies that in minor matters make themselves 
felt at times even in the twentieth century. Misunder- 
standings and misreadings of Scottish and English 
character on both sides there were likewise, and some 
such there are still, but in vital matters the solidarity of 
the nation is apparent north of the Tweed as well as 
south of it. Such being the condition of affairs Scottish 
history in the larger sense and as an individual thing is 
virtually non-existent. 

What Scotland is to-day is what her people at home 
have made her in the last 150 years. She has given 
to the world great soldiers, none greater; brave sailors, 
none braver; yet her soldiers and her sailors have not 
contributed to the making of Scotland by itself but to 
that of the Great Britain of which she has long been a 
vital part. Her history has been made by her merchants, 
her manufacturers, her engineers, her architects, her 
theologians, her writers of songs, her weavers of fiction, 
her painters, her metaphysicians and her philosophers. 
These have made her history; it is a history to be proud 
of, but it is not the record of national politics. 

The literary annals of Scotland since Culloden con- 
stitute the major part of Scotia's history; indeed her 
literature is her history, and for this reason it is that the 
greater part of this chapter has been given to the recital 
of her literary development through more than thrice 
fifty years. If the progress of the years has made her 
sharer in many ways of the great achievements of 
Englishmen at home and abroad, and especially sharers 
in the literature produced on the southern side of the 
Tweed, England now accords full measure of appreciation 
of that which is native to the northern division of the 



isle. Scott and Bums are not the property of Scotland 
alone, Stevenson and Barrie have not readers by the 
thousands in Scotland only. Scotland's literary bead 
roll is a long and shining one, and we have by no means 
exhausted its treasures in the hasty scanning given 
it in these pages. The songs her poets have sung, the 
tales her story-tellers have told are known wherever 
English is spoken, are treasured wherever the English 
language has gone. 

Abundant reason may be found, therefore, for the 
space that has been accorded to the account here given 
of Scotland's literature during the long period under 
consideration. Her literary annals are, in the deeper 
sense of the term, her history. Her architects, engineers, 
manufacturers, merchants, have ably borne their part 
in the creation of her history, but her singers and story- 
tellers have done infinitely more. Imagine Scottish lit- 
erature without its Bums and the throng of minor singers 
indissolubly associated with the poesy of Caledonia. 
Picture what it would be without such story-tellers as 
Scott and Stevenson, and the author of " Rab and His 
Friends." It is not alone what these men accomplished 
for literature in their proper person that is to be con- 
sidered, but the impulse given to letters by their influence 
and example in addition. Thomson in his " Seasons " 
led the way to the appreciation of nature now so general, 
Fergusson, to some extent, is responsible for the later 
Burns, whUe Burns and Scott made possible in a certain 
degree the innumerable singers and weavers of tales that 
have flourished since their day in the country over the 
Border. One need not pause to prophesy that country's 
future, and her past is secure. It only remains therefore 
to entreat the Ruler of Nations to 

** Give her the glory of going on, and still to be.** 






Bonnie George Campbell 73 

Waly, Waly, Gin Love Be Bonny 74 

The Boatie Rows 75 

Glenlogie 7q 

Anderson, Alexander 

Cuddle Doon 104 

Langsyne, When Life Was Bonnie 105 

Toshie Nome iqq 

Aytoun, William Edmonstoune 

The Burial March of Dundee 94 

Blamire, Susanna 

What Ails This Heart o' Mine? 78 

Burns, Robert 

Of a' the Airts the Wind Can Blaw .... 78 

Mary Morison yg 

Highland Mary 80 

Campbell, Thomas 

Glenara 88 

Davidson, John 

Transformation Song jjq 

Elliott, Jane 

Lament for Flodden qq 

Grant, Sir Robert 

O Saviour: Whose Mercy Iqq 

Hogg, James 

When Maggy Gangs Away o ...... 86 

Knox, Mrs. Isa Craig 

Song 104 

Laidlaw, William 

Lucy's Flittin' 89 

Macdonald, George 

Hymn for the Mother . 101 

S°*« ......... , . ] 102 




One Home 103 

Motherwell, William 

Jeanie Morrison 92 

Nairne, Lady Carolina Oliphant 

Charlie Is My Darling 81 

CaUer Herrin' 82 

Jamie the Laird 82 

The Land o' the Leal . . , 83 

Nicoll, Robert 

We are Brethren A' . 99 

Ramsay, Allan 

Farewell to Lochaber . 77 

Robertson, James Logie 

A Winter Song 107 

Scott, Sir Walter 

Coronach .84 

Proud Maisie 85 

Boat Song 85 

Scott, William Bell 

Parting and Meeting Again 94 

Sharp, William 

The Song of Flowers 109 

Song 109 

Soidhesk, Earl of 

The Mountain Fir 103 

Stevenson, Robert Louis 

Requiem 108 

A Mile an' a Bittock ........ 108 

Tannahill, Robert 

The Braes of Balquhither . 87 

Thorn, William 

Whisper Low 91 





Hie upon Hielands, 

And low upon Tay, 
Bonnie George Campbell 

Rade out on a day. 
Saddled and bridled 

And gallant rade he; 
Hame came his gude horse, 

But never came he. 

Out came his auld mither 

Greeting fu' sair, 
And out came his bonny bride 

Rivin' her hair. 
Saddled and bridled 

And booted rade he; 
Toom hame came the saddle, 

But never came he. 

"My meadow lies green, 

And my corn is unshorn; 
My barn is to build, 

And my baby's unborn." 
Saddled and bridled 

And booted rade he, 
Toom hame came the saddle 

But never came he. 




O, waly, waly up the bank, 

And waly, waly down the brae, 
And waly, waly yon burnside, 

Where I and my love wont to gae. 
I leaned my back unto an aik, 

And thought it was a trusty tree. 
But first it bowed, and syne it brak', 

Sae my true love did lightly me. 

O, waly, waly, but love be bonny, 

A little time while it is new; 
But when 'tis auld, it waxeth cauld, 

And fades away like morning dew. 
0, wherefore should I busk my head? 

Or wherefore should I kame my hair? 
For my true love has me forsook. 

And says he'll never love me mair. 

Now Arthur-Seat shall be my bed. 

The sheets shall ne'er be filled by me; 
Saint Anton's well shall be my drink, 

Since my true love's forsaken me, 
Martiimias wind, when wilt thou blaw, 

And shake the green leaves off the tree? 
O gentle death! when wilt thou come? 

For of my life I am weary. 

'Tis not the frost that freezes fell, 

Nor blawing snaw's inclemency; 
'Tis not sic cauld that makes me cry, 

But my love's heart grown cauld to me. 
When we came in by Glasgow town, 

We were a comely sight to see; 
My love was clad in the black velvet, 

And I mysel' in cramassie. 

But had I wist before I kissed 
That love had been sae ill to win, 

I'd locked my heart in a case of gold, 
And pinned it with a silver pin. 


And 0, if my young babe were born, 

And set upon the nurse's knee, 
And I mysel' were dead and gane, 

Wi' the green grass growing over me! 


JFirst printed in Allan Ramsay's " Tea Table Miscellany," 
and sometimes entitled " Lady Anne Bothwell's Lament." 
It has many variants.] 


O, weel may the boatie row 

And better may she speed; 
And liesome may the boatie row 

That wins the bairnies' bread. 
The boatie rows, the boatie rows, 

The boatie rows indeed; 
And weel may the boatie row 

That wins the bairnies' bread. 

I coost my line in Largo Bay, 

And fishies I catched nine; 
"Twas three to boil and three to fry, 

And three to bait the line. 
The boatie rows, the boatie rows, 

The boatie rows indeed, 
And happy be the lot o' a' 

Wha wishes her to speed. 

O, weel may the boatie row. 

That fills a heavy creel, 
And deeds us a' frae tap to tae, 

And buys our parritch meal. 
The boatie rows, the boatie rows, 

The boatie rows, indeed. 
And happy be the lot o' a' 

That wish the boatie speed. 

When Jamie vowed he wad be mine, 
And wan frae me my heart, 



O, muckle lighter grew my creel — 
He swore we'd never part. 

The boatie rows, the boatie rows, 
The boatie rows fu' weel; 

And muckle lighter is the load 
When love bears up the creel. 

My kurtch I put upo' my head, 

And dressed mysel' fu' braw; 
I trow my heart was dough and wae, 

When Jamie gaed awa'. 
But weel may the boatie row, 

And lucky be her part, 
And lightsome be the lassie's care 

That yields an honest heart. 



Threescore o* nobles rade up the king's ha'. 
But bonnie Glenlogie's the flower o' them a', 
Wi' his milk-white steed and his bonnie black e'e, 
" Glenlogie, dear mither, Glenlogie for me ! " 

" O, haud your tongue, daughter, yell get better than he." 
"O, say not sae, mither, for that canna be; 
Though Doumlie is richer and greater than he 
Yet if I maun tak him, I'll certainly dee. 

" Where will I get a bonnie boy, to win hose and shoon, 
Will gae to Glenlogie, and come again soon? " 
" 0, here am I a bonnie boy, to win hose and shoon, 
Will gae to Glenlogie and come again soon." 

When he gaed to Glenlogie, 'twas "wash and go dine;" 
'Twas "wash ye, my pretty boy, wash and go dine." 
" O, 'twas ne'er my father's fashion, and it ne'er shall be mine 
To gar a lady's errand wait till I dine. 

" But there is, Glenlogie, a letter for thee." 
The first line that he read, a low laugh gave he; 
The next line that he read, the tear blindit his e'e. 
But the last line that he read, he gart the table flee. 



" Gar saddle the black horse, gar saddle the broun ; 
Gar saddle the swiftest steed e'er rade frae a toun: " 
But lang ere the horse was drawn and brought to the green 
O, bonnie GlenJogie was twa mile his lane. 

When he came to Glenfeldy's door, little mirth was there; 
Bonnie Jean's mither was tearing her hair, 
" Ye're welcome, Glenlogie, ye 're welcome," said she, — 
"Ye're welcome, Glenlogie, your Jeannie to see." 

Pale and wan was she, when Glenlogie gaed ben, 
But red and rosy grew she, whene'er he sat doun; 
She turned awa' her head, but the smile was in her e'e, 
" binna feared, mither, I'll maybe no dee." 



Farewell to Lochaber, farewell to my Jean, 
Where heartsome with thee I have mony a day been: 
To Lochaber no more, to Lochaber no more, 
We'll maybe return to Lochaber no more. 
These tears that I shed they are a' for my dear 
And not for the dangers attending on weir; 
Though borne on rough seas to a far bloody shore, 
Maybe to return to Lochaber no more! 

Though hurricanes rise, and rise every wind, 
No tempest can equal the storm in my mind; 
Though loudest of thunders on louder waves roar, 
That's naething like leaving my love on the shore. 
To leave thee behind me my heart is sair pained. 
But by ease that's inglorious no fame can be gained; 
And beauty and love's the reward of the brave; 
And I maun deserve it before I can crave. 

Then glory, my Jenny, maun plead my excuse; 
Since honour commands me, how can I refuse? 
Without it I ne'er can have merit for thee, 
And losing thy favour I'd better not be. 



I gae then, my lass, to win honour and fame. 
And if I should chance to come glorious hame, 
I'll bring a heart to thee with love running o'er, 
And then I'll leave thee and Lochaber no more. 

Allan Ramsay, 1686-1758. 


What ails this heart o' mine? 

What ails this watery e'e? 
What gars me a' turn pale as death 

When I take leave o' thee? 
When thou art far awa'. 

Thou 'It dearer grow to me; 
But change o' place, and change o' folk, 

May gar thy fancy jee. 

When I gae out at e'en. 

Or walk at morning air. 
Ilk rustling bush will seem to say, 

I used to meet thee there. 
Then I'll sit down and cry. 

And live aneath the tree. 
And when a leaf fa's i' my lap, 

I'll ca' 't a word frae thee. 

I'll hie me to the bower 

That thou wi' roses tied, 
And where wi' mony a blushing bud 

I strove myself to hide. 
I'll doat on ilka spot 

Where I hae been wi' thee; 
And ca' to mind some kindly word, 

By ilka burn and tree. 

Susanna Blamire, 1747-1794. 


Of a' the airts the wind can blaw, 

I dearly like the west; 
For there the bonnie lassie lives. 

The lassie I lo'e best. 


There wildwoods grow, and rivers row, 

And monie a hill's between; 
But day and night my fancy's flight 

Is ever wi' my Jean. 

I see her in the dewy flowers, 

I see her sweet and fair; 
I hear her in the tunefu' birds, 

I hear her charm the air; 
There's not a bonnie flower that springs 

By fountain, shaw or green, — 
There's not a bonnie bird that sings, 

But minds me o' my Jean. 

Robert Burns, 1759-1796. 


Mary, at thy window be! 

It is the wished, the trysted hour! 
Those smiles and glances let me see 

That make the miser's treasure poor; 
How blithely wad I bide the stoure, 

A weary slave frae sun to sun, 
Could I the rich reward secure, 

The lovely Mary Morison. 

Yestreen when to the trembling string 

The dance ga'ed through the lighted ha*, 
To thee my fancy took its wing, 

I sat, but neither heard nor saw. 
Though this was fair, and that was braw. 

And yon the toast of a' the town, 
I sighed, and said among them a', 

" Ye are na Mary Morison." 

O Mary, canst thou wreck his peace 
Wha for thy sake wad gladly dee? 

Or canst thou break that heart of his, 
Whase only faut is loving thee? 

If love for love thou wilt na gie. 
At least be pity to me shown; 


A thought ungentle canna be 
The thought o' Mary Morison. 


Robert Bums. 

Ye banks and braes and streams around 

The castle o' Montgomery, 
Green be your woods, and fair your flowers, 

Your waters never drumlie! 
There, simmer first unfauld her robes 

And there the langest tarry! 
For there I took the last farewell 

O' my sweet Highland Mary. 

How sweetly bloomed the gay green birk, 

How rich the hawthorn's blossom, 
As underneath their fragrant shade 

I clasped her to my bosom! 
The golden hours on angel wings 

Flew o'er me and my dearie; 
For dear to me as light and life 

Was my sweet Highland Mary. 

Wi' mony a vow and locked embrace 

Our parting was fu' tender; 
And pledging aft to meet again. 

We tore ourselves asunder; t 

But, 0, fell Death's untimely frost, 

That nipt my flower sae early! 
Now green's the sod, and cauld's the clay, 

That wraps my Highland Mary. 

O pale, pale now, those rosy lips 

I aft hae kissed sae fondly! 
And closed for aye the sparkling glance 

That dwelt on me sae kindly! 
And mouldering now in silent dust 

The heart that lo'ed me dearly! 
But still within my bosom's core 

Shall live my Highland Mary. 

Robert Bums, 




Twas on a Monday morning, 

Right early in the year, 
When Charlie cam' to our town, 
The young Chevalier. 

Oh, Charlie is my darling, 
My darling, my darling, 
Oh, Charlie is my darling, 
The young Chevalier. 

As he cam' marching up the street 

The pipes played loud an' clear, 
An' a' the folks cam' running out 

To meet the Chevalier. 

Wi' Hieland bonnets on their heads, 

An' claymores bright and clear. 
They cam' to fight for Scotland's right 

And the young Chevalier. 

They've left their bonnie Hieland hills 

Their wives and bairnies dear. 
To draw the sword for Scotland's lord, 

The young Chevalier. 

Oh, there were mony beating hearts 

An' mony a hope an' fear. 
An' mony were the prayers sent up 
For the young Chevalier. 
Oh, Charlie is my darling, 
My darling, my darling, 
Oh, Charlie is my darling, 
The young Chevalier. 

Lady Nairne, 1766-1845. 

[Burns and Hogg also wrote songs to the air of " Charlie 
is my Darling," including in each case the first stanza of the 
unknown singer who originated the song.] 




Whall buy my caller herrin'? 
They're bonnie fish and halesome fairin*, 
Wha'll buy my caller herrin' 
New drawn frae the Forth? 

When ye were sleepin* on your pillows, 
Dream'd ye aught o' our fine fellows, 
Darkling as they faced the billows 
A' to fill the woven willows? 

Buy my caller herrin', 

New drawn frae the Forth. 

Whall buy my caller herrin', 

The 're no bought without brave darin'; 

Buy my caller herrin', 

Haled thro' wind and rain. 

Whall buy my caller herrin'? 
Oh, ye may call them vulgar fairin*; 
Wives and mithers maist despairin' 
Ca' them lives o' men. 

Wha'll buy my caller herrin'? 

They're bonnie fish and halesome fairin', 

Wha'll buy my caller herrin' 

New drawn frae the Forth? 

Lady Nairne. 


Send a horse to the water, yell no mak' him drink; 
Send a fule to the college, ye '11 no mak' him think; 
Send a craw to the surgin, and still he will craw; 
An' the wee laird had nae rummelgumpshon ava; 
Yet he is the pride o' his fond mither's e'e; 
In body or mind nae faut can she see; 
" He's a fell clever lad and a bonnie wee man," 
Is aye the beginnin' an' end o' her sang. 

His legs they are bow'd, his e'es they do glee, 
His wig, whiles it's off, and when on, it's ajee. 



He's as braird as he's lang — an* ill-faur'd is he, 
A dafter like body I never did see. 
An* yet for this cretur she says I am deein*; 
When that I deny — She's fear'd at my leein*. 
Obhged to pit up wi' the sair defamation, 
I'm hken to dee wi' shame an' vexation. 

An* her clish-ma-clavers gang a' thro' the town, 
An* the wee lairdie trows I'll hang or /'ll drown, 
Wi* his gawkie like face yestreen he did say, 
"111 maybe tak' you, for Bess I'll no hae. 
Nor MoUie, nor Effie, nor long-legged Jennie, 
Nor Nellie, nor Katie, nor skirlin* wee Beenie." 
I stoppet my ears, ran off in a fury — 
I'm thinkin* to bring them before Judge and Jury. 

Frien's gie yere advice — I'll follow yere counsel. 
Maun I speak to the Provost or honest Town Council? 
Or the writers, or lawyers, or doctors? now say. 
For the law o' the Lucky I shall and will hae. 
The hail town at me are jibbin' and jeerin'. 
For a leddy like me it's really past hearin'; 
The Lucky now maun hae done wi' her claverin", 
For I'll no pit up wi' her an' her haverin." 

Lady Nairne. 


I'm wearin' awa,* John, 

Like snaw-wreaths in thaw, John, 

I'm wearin awa* 

To the land o' the leal. 

There's nae sorrow there, John, 
There's neither cauld nor care, John, 
The day is aye fair 

In the land o' the leal. 

Our bonnie bairn's there, John, 
She was baith gude and fair, John, 
And, oh, we grudged her sair 
To the land o' the leal. 


But sorrow's sel' wears past, John, 
And joy's a-comin' fast, John, 
The joy that's aye to last 
In the land o' the leal. 

Oh, dry your glist'ning e'e, John, 
My saul langs to be free, John, 
And angels beckon me 

To the land o' the leal. 

O, hand ye leal and true, John, 
Your day it's wearin' through, John, 
And I'll welcome you 

To the land o' the leal. 

Now fare-ye-weel, my ain John, 
The world's cares are vain, John, 
We'll meet and will be fain 
In the land o' the leal. 

Lady Naime* 


He is gone on the mountain, 

He is lost to the forest, 
Like a summer-dried fountain. 

When our need was the sorest. 
The font, reappearing. 

From the rain-drops shall borrow, 
But to us comes no cheering. 

To Duncan no morrow! 

The hand of the reaper 

Takes the ears that are hoary, 
But the voice of the weeper 

Wails manhood in glory. 
The autumn winds rushing 

Waft the leaves that are searest, 
But our flower was in fiushiag, 

When blighting was nearest. 

Fleet foot on the correi, 
Sage counsel in cumber, 


Red hand in the foray, 

How sound is thy slumber! 
Like the dew on the mountain, 

Like the foam on the river. 
Like the bubble on the fountain, 

Thou art gone and forever. 

Sir Walter Scott, 1771-1832. 


Proud Maisie is in the wood 

Walking so early; 
Sweet Robin sits on the bush 

Singing so rarely. 

"Tell me, thou bonny bird. 

When shall I marry me? " 
" When six braw gentlemen 

Kirkward shall carry ye." 

" Who makes the bridal bed? 

Birdie, say truly? " 
" The grey-headed sexton 

That delves the grave dtily. 

The glow-worm o'er grave and stone 

Shall light thee steady; 
The owl from the steeple sing 

Welcome, proud lady." 

Sir Walter Scott. 


Hail to the Chief who in triumph advances! 

Honoured and blessed be the ever-green Pine! 
Long may the tree, in his banner that glances, 
Flourish, the shelter and grace of our hne! 
Heaven send it happy dew. 
Earth lend it sap anew, 
Gayly to bourgeon and broadly to grow, 
While every Highland glen 
Sends our shout back again, 
" Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, ho! ieroe! " 



Ours is no sapling, chance-sown by the fountain, 

Blooming at Beltane, in winter to fade, 
When the whirlwind has stripped every leaf on the mountain, 
The more shall Clan-Alpine exult in her shade. 
Moored in the rifted rock. 
Proof to the tempest's shock, 
Firmer he roots him the ruder it blow; 
Menteith and Breadalbane, then. 
Echo his praise again, 
" Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, ho! ieroe!" 

Proudly our pibroch has thrilled in Glen Fruin, 

And Bannochar's groans to our slogan replied; 
Glen Luss and Ross-dhu, they are smoking in ruin. 
And the best of Loch Lomond he dead on her side. 
Widow and Saxon maid 
Long shall lament our raid. 
Think of Clan- Alpine with fear and with woe; 
Lenox and Leven-glen 
Shake when they hear again, 
" Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, ho! ieroe!" 

Row, vassals row, for the pride of the Highlands! 

Stretch to your oars for the ever-green Pine! 
that the rosebud that graces yon islands 

Were wreathed in a garland around him to twine! 
O that some seedling gem, 
Worthy such noble stem, 
Honoured and blessed in their shadow might grow! 
Loud should Clan-Alpine then 
Ring from her deepmost glen, 
" Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, ho ! ieroe ! " 

Sir Walter ScoU, 


O, what will a' the lads do 

When Maggy gangs away? 
O, what will a' the lads do 

When Maggy gangs away? 
There's no a heart in a' the glen 

That disna dread the day; — 


0, what will a' the lads do 
When Maggy gangs away? 

Young Jock has ta'en the hill for't, 

A waefu' wight is he; 
Poor Harry's ta'en the bed for't, 

An' laid him down to dee; 
An' Sandy's gane unto the kirk, 

An' learnin' fast to pray; — 
0, what will a' the lads do 

When Maggy gangs away? 

The young laird o' the Lang Shaw 

Has drunk her health in wine; 
The priest has said — in confidence — 

The lassie was divine; 
An' that is mair in maiden's praise 

Than ony priest should say; — 
But 0, what will the lads do 

When Maggy gangs away? 

The wailing in our green glen 

That day will quaver high, 
'Twill draw the redbreast frae the wood, 

The laverock frae the sky; 
The fairies frae their beds o' dew 

Will rise an' join the lay, — 
An' hey! what a day 'twill be 

When Maggy gangs away? 

James Hogg, 1772-1835. 


Let us go, lassie, go, 

To the braes o' Balquhither, 
Where the blae-berries grow 

'Mang the bonnie Highland heather; 
Where the deer and the roe, 

Lightly bounding together, 
Sport the lang simmer day 

On the braes o' Balquhither. 


I will twine thee a bower 

By the clear siller fountain, 
And I'll cover it o'er 

Wi' the flowers of the mountain; 
I will range through the wilds, 

And the deep glens sae drearie, 
And return wi' the spoils 

To the bower o' my dearie. 

When the rude wintry win' 

Idly raves round our dwelling, 
And the roar of the linn 

On the night breeze is swelling, 
Sae merrily we'll sing, 

As the storm rattles o'er us, 
Till the dear shieling ring 

Wi' the light lilting chorus. 

Now the simmer's in prime 

Wi' the flowers richly blooming, 
And the wild mountain thyme 

A' the moorlands perfuming; 
To our dear native scenes 

Let us journey together. 
Where glad innocence reigns 

'Mang the braes o' Balquhither. 

Robert Tannahill, 1774-1810. 


O, heard ye yon pibroch sound sad in the gale, 
Where a band cometh slowly with weeping and wail? 
Tis the chief of Glenara laments for his dear; 
And her sire, and the people, are called to her bier. 

Glenara came first with the mourners and shroud; 
Her kinsmen they followed, but mourned not aloud; 
Their plaids all their bosoms were folded around; 
They marched all in silence, — they looked on the ground. 

In silence they marched over mountain and moor, 
To a heath where the oak-tree grew lonely and hoar: 



" Now here let us place the grey stone of her cairn: 
Why speak ye no word? " said Glenara the stern. 

" And tell me, I charge you! ye clan of my spouse, 
Why fold ye your mantles, why cloud ye your brows? " 
So spake the rude chieftain; no answer is made, 
But each mantle unfolding, a dagger displayed. 

" I dreamt of my lady, I dreamt of her shroud," 
Cried a voice from the kinsmen, all wrathful and loud; 
" And empty that shroud and that coffin did seem; 
Glenaral Glenaral now read me my dream!" 

pale grew the cheek of that chieftain, I ween, 
When the shroud was unclosed, and no lady was seen; 
When a voice from the kinsmen spoke louder in scorn, 
'Twas the youth who had loved the fair Ellen of Lorn: 

" I dreamt of my lady, I dreamt of her grief, 

1 dreamt that her lord was a barbarous chief; 
On a rock of the ocean fair Ellen did seem: 
Glenara! Glenara! now read me my dream? " 

In dust, low the traitor has knelt to the ground. 
And the desert revealed where his lady was found; 
From a rock of the ocean that beauty is borne, — 
Now joy to the house of fair Ellen of Lorn! 

Thomas Campbell, 1777-1844. 


Twas when the wan leaf frae the birk-tree was fa'in. 

An' Martinmas dowie had wound up the year, 
That Lucy rowed up her wee kist wi' her a' in 't, 

An' left her auld maister an' neibours sae dear; 
For Lucy had served i' the glen a' the simmer; 

She cam' there afore the bloom cam' on the pea; 
An orphan was she, and they had been gude till her, 

Sure that was the thing brocht the tear to her e'e. 

She gaed by the stable where Jamie was stannin'; 
Richt sair was his kind heart her flittin' to see. 



" Fare ye weel, Lucy! " quo' Jamie, and ran in; 

The gatherin' tears trickled fast frae her e'e. 
As down the burnside she gaed slow wi' her flittin', 

" Fare ye weel, Lucy! " was ilka bird's sang; 
She heard the craw sayin't, high on the trees sittin', 

An' the robin was chirpin't the brown leaves amang. 

" 0, what is't that pits my puir heart in a flutter? 

An' what gars the tears come sae fast to my e'e? 
If I wasna ettled to be ony better, 

Then what gars me wish ony better to be? 
I'm juist like a lammie that loses its mither; 

Nae mither or friend the puir lammie can see; 
I fear I hae tint my puir heart a'thegither, 

Nae wonder the tear fa' sae fast frae my e'e. 

"^Wi* the rest o' my claes I have rowed up the ribbon. 

The bonnie blue ribbon that Jamie gae me; 
Yestreen, when he gae me't, and saw I was sabbin', 

I'll never forget the wee blink o' his e'e. 
Though now he said naething but ' Fare ye weel, Lucy! ' 

It made me I neither could speak, hear, nor see; 
He couldna say mair but juist, ' Fare ye weel, Lucy!' 

Yet that I will mind till the day that I dee." 

The lamb likes the gowan wi' dew when its droukit; 

The hare likes the brake and the braird on the lea; 
But Lucy likes Jamie; she turned and she lookit, 

She thocht the dear place she wad never mair see. 
Ah, weel may young Jamie gang dowie and cheerless! 

An' weel may he greet on the bank o' the burn! 
For bonnie sweet Lucy, sae gentle and peerless. 

Lies cauld in her grave, and will never return. 

William Laidlaw, 1780-1845. 


I've heard them lilting at our ewe-milking. 

Lassies a lilting before dawn o' day; 
But now they are moaning on ilka green loaning — 

The Flowers of the Forest are a' wede away. 



At bughts, in the morning, nae blythe lads are scorning, 

Lassies are lonely and dowie and wae; 
Nae daffin', nae gabbin', but sighing and sabbing, 

Ilk ane lifts her leglin and hies her away. 

In har'st, at the shearing, nae youths now are jeering, 
Bandsters are lyart, and runkled, and grey; 

At fair or at preaching, nae wooing, nae fieeching — 
The Flowers of the Forest are a' wede away. 

At e'en, in the gloaming, nae younkers are roaming 
'Bout stacks wi' the lasses at bogle to play; 

But ilk ane sits drearie, lamenting her dearie — 
The Flowers of the Forest are weded away. 

Dool and wae for the order, sent our lads to the Border! 

The English, for ance, by guile wan the day; 
The Flowers of the Forest, that fought aye the foremost, 

The prime of our land, are cauld in the clay. 

We'll hear nae mair lilting at the ewe-milking; 

Women and bairns are heartless and wae; 
Sighing and moaning on ilka green loaning — 

The Flowers of the Forest are a' wede away. 

Jane Elliott, 1781-1849. 


Slowly, slowly the cauld moon creeps 

Wi' a licht unloesome to see; 
It dwalls on the window whaur my love sleeps. 
An' she winna wauken to me. 

Wearie, wearie the hours, and slow, 
Wauken, my lovie, and whisper low. 

There's nae ae sang in heaven's licht. 

Nor on the green earth doun, 
Like soun's which kind love kens at nicht, 
When whispers hap the soun'; 
Hearin,' fearin', sichin so — 
Whisper, my bonnie love, whisper low I 


They lack nae lieht wha weel can speak 

In love's ain wordless wile; 
Her ee'bree creepin' on my cheek 
Betrays her pawkie smile. 

Happy, happy, silent so — 
Breathin' bonnie love, whisper low! 

Was yon a waft o' her wee white han' 

Wi' a warnin' " wheest " to me? 
Or was it a gleam o' that fause moon fa'in* 
On my poor misguided e'e? 

Wearie, wearie, wearie — 
Wauken, my lovie, and whisper low. 

William Thorn, 1798-1845. 


I've wandered east, I've wandered west, 

Through mony a weary way; 
But never, never can forget 

The luve o' life's young day! 
The fire that's blawn on Beltane e'en 

May weel be black gin Yule; 
But blacker fa' awaits the heart 

Where first fond luve grows cool. 

O dear, dear Jeanie Morrison. 

The thochts o' bygane years 
Still fling their shadows ower my path, 

And blind my e'en wi' tears; 
They blind my e'en wi' saut, saut tears, 

And sair and sick I pine. 
As memory idly summons up 

The blythe blinks o' lang syne. 

Twas then we luvit ilk ither weel, 

'Twas then we twa' did part: 
Sweet time, — sad time ! twa bairns at scule, 

Twa bairns, and but ae heart! 
Twas then we sat on ae laigh bink, 

To leir ilk ither lear; 


And tones and looks and smiles were shed, 
Remembered evermair. 

I wonder, Jeanie, aften yet, 

When sitting on that bink. 
Cheek touchin' cheek, loof locked in loof, 

What our wee heads could think? 
When baith bent doun ower ae braid page, 

Wi' ae bulk on our knee, 
Thy lips were on thy lesson, but 

My lesson was in thee. 

0, mind ye, luve, how aft we left 

The deavin dinsome toun. 
To wander by the green burnside, 

And hear its waters croon? 
The simmer leaves hung ower our heads, 

The flowers burst round our feet, 
And in the gloamin' o' the wood. 

The throssil whussilt sweet. 

The throssil whussilt in the wood, 

The wren sang to the trees. 
And we, with Nature's heart in tuae^ 

Concerted harmonies. 
And on the knowe abune the burn 

For hours thegither sat 
In the silentness o' joy, till baith 

Wi' very gladness grat. 

O dear, dear Jeanie Morrison, 

Since we were sindered young, 
I've never seen your face, nor heard 

The music o' your tongue; 
But I could hug all wretchedness. 

And happy could I dee, 
Did I but ken your heart still dreamed 

0' bygane days and me. 

William AfotherweU, 1797-1835. 




Last time I parted from my Dear 
The linnet sang from the briar-bush, 

The throstle from the dell; 
The stream, too, carolled full and clear. 
It was the springtime of the year, 
And both the linnet and the thrush 

I love them well 
Since last I parted with my Dear. 

But when he came again to me 
The barley rustled high and loW; 

Linnet and thrush were still; 
Yellowed the apple on the tree, 
Twas Autumn merry as it could be, 
What time the white ships come and go 

Under the hill, 
They brought him back again to me, 
Brought him safely o'er the sea. 

William Bell Scott, 1812-1890. 


Sound the fife, and cry the slogan — 

Let the pibroch shake the air 
With its wild triumphal music. 

Worthy of the freight we bear. 
Let the ancient hills of Scotland 

Hear once more the battle-song 
Swell within their glens and valleys 

As the clansmen march along! 
Never from the field of combat. 

Never from the deadly fray, 
Was a nobler trophy carried 

Than we bring with us to-day; 
Never since the valiant Douglas 

On his dauntless bosom bore 
Good King Robert's heart — the priceless' 

To our dear Redeemer's shore! 


Lo ! we bring with us the hero — 

Lo! we bring the conquering Graeme, 
Crowned as best beseems a victor 

From the altar of his fame; 
Fresh and bleeding from the battle 

Whence his spirit took its flight, 
TMidst the crashing charge of squadrons, 

And the thunder of the fight! 
Strike, I say, the notes of triumph, 

As we march o'er moor and leal 
Is there any here will venture 

To bewail our dead Dundee? 
Let the widows of the traitors 

Weep until their eyes are dim! 
Wail ye may full well for Scotland — 

Let none dare to mourn for him! 
See! above his glorious body 

Lies the royal banner's fold — 
See! his vahant blood is mingled 

With its crimson and its gold. 
See how calm he looks and stately, 

Like a warrior on his shield, 
Waiting till the flush of morning 

Breaks along the battle-field! 
See — Oh never more, my comrades, 

Shall we see that falcon eye 
Redden with its inward lightning. 

As the hour of fight drew nigh! 
Never shall we hear the voice that, 

Clearer than the trumpet's call, 
Bade us strike for King and Country, 

Bade us win the field, or fall! 

On the heights of Killiecrankie 

Yester morn our army lay; 
Slowly rose the mist in columns 

From the river's broken way; 
Hoarsely roared the swollen torrent, 

And the Pass was wrapped in gloom, 


When the clansmen rose together 

From their lair amidst the broom. 
Then we belted on our tartans, 

And our bonnets down we drew, 
And we felt our broadswords' edges, 

And we proved them to be true; 
And we prayed the prayer of soldiers, 

And we cried the gathering-cry, 
And we clasped the hands of kinsmen. 

And we swore to do or die! 
Then our leader rode before us 

On his war-horse black as night — 
Well the Cameronian rebels 

Knew that charger in the fight J 
And a cry of exultation 

From the bearded warriors rose; 
For we loved the house of Claver'se, 

And we thought of good Montrose. 
But he raised his hand for silence — 
"Soldiers! I have sworn a vow: 
Ere the evening star shall glisten 

On Schehallion's lofty brow, 
Either we shall rest in triumph, 

Or another of the Graemes 
Shall have died in battle-harness 

For his Country and King James! 
Think upon the Royal Martyr — 

Think of what his race endure — 
Think on him whom butchers murder 'd 

On the field of Magus Muir: 
By his sacred blood I charge ye, 

By the ruined hearth and shrine, 
By the blighted hopes of Scotland, 

By your injuries and mine — 
Strike this day as if the anvil 

Lay beneath your blows the while, 
Be they Covenanting traitors, 

Or the brood of false Argyle! 
Strike! and drive the trembling rebels 

Backwards o'er the stormy Forth; 
Let them tell their pale Convention 

How they fared within the North. 



Let them tell that Highland honour 

Is not to be bought nor sold, 
That we scorn their prince's anger 

As we loath his foreign gold. 
Strike! and when the fight is over, 

If you look in vain for me, 
Where the dead are lying thickest 

Search for him that was Dundee I " 


Loudly then the hills re-echoed 

With our answer to his call, 
But a deeper echo sounded 

In the bosoms of us all. 
For the lands of wide Breadalbane, 

Not a man who heard him speak 
Would that day have left the battle. 

Burning eye and flushing cheek 
Told the clansmen's fierce emotion. 

And they harder drew their breath; 
For their souls were strong within them, 

Stronger than the grasp of death. 
Soon we heard a challenge-trumpet 

Sounding in the Pass below, 
And the distant tramp of horses. 

And the voices of the foe; 
Down we crouched amid the bracken. 

Till the Lowland ranks drew near. 
Panting like the hounds in summer. 

When they scent the stately deer. 
From the dark defile emerging, 

Next we saw the squadrons come, 
Leslie's foot and Leven's troopers 

Marching to the tuck of drum; 
Through the scattered wood of birches, 

O'er the broken ground and heath. 
Wound the long battalion slowly, 

Till they gained the field beneath; 
Then we bounded from our covert — 

Judge how looked the Saxons then, 


When they saw the rugged mountain 

Start to Hfe with armed men! 
Like a tempest down the ridges 

Swept the hurricane of steel, 
Rose the slogan of Macdonald — 

Flashed the broadsword of Locheilll 
Vainly sped the withering volley 

'Mongst the foremost of our band — 
On we poured until we met them, 

Foot to foot and hand to hand. 
Horse and man went down like driftwood 

When the floods are black at Yule, 
And their carcasses are whirling 

In the Garry's deepest pool. 
Horse and man went down before us — 

Living foe there tarried none 
On the field of Killiecrankie, 

When that stubborn fight was done. 


And the evening star was shining 

On Schehallion's distant head 
When we wiped our bloody broadswords. 

And returned to count the dead. 
There we found him gashed and gory, 

Stretched upon the 'cumbered plain, 
As he told us where to seek him, 

In the thickest of the slain. 
And a smile was on his visage. 

For within his dying ear 
Pealed the joyful note of triumph, 

And the clansmen's clamorous cheer; 
So, amidst the battle's thunder, 

Shot, and steel, and scorching flame, 
In the glory of his manhood 

Passed the spirit of the Graeme! 

Open wide the vaults of Athol, 
Where the bones of heroes rest' 


Open wide the hallowed portals 

To receive another guest! 
Last of Scots, and last of freemen — 

Last of all that dauntless race 
Who would rather die unsullied 

Than outHve the land's disgrace I 
O thou lion-hearted warrior! 

Reck not of the after time: 
Honour may be termed dishonour, 

Loyalty be called a crime. 
Sleep in peace with kindred ashes 

Of the noble and the true. 
Hands that never failed their country, 

Hearts that never baseness knew. 
Sleep! and till the latest trumpet 

Wakes the dead from earth and sea, 
Scotland shall not boast a braver 

Chieftain than our own Dundee! 

William Edmonstoune Aytoun, 1813-1865. 
From *' Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers." 


A happy bit hame this auld world would be, 
If men, when they're here, could make shift to agree, 
An' ilk said to his neighbour, in cottage an' ha', 
"Come, gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'." 

I ken na why ane wi' anither should fight, 
When to 'gree would make ae body cosie an' right; 
When man meets wi' man, 'tis the best way ava. 
To say, " Gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'." 

My coat is a coarse ane, an' yours may be fine, 
An' I maun drink water, while you may drink wine; 
But we baith ha'e a leal heart, unspotted to shaw: 
Sae gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 

The knave ye would scorn, the unfaithfu' deride; 
Ye would stand like a rock, wi' the truth on your side; 
Sae would I, an' naught else would I value a straw; 
Then gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 


Ye would scorn to do fausely by woman or man; 
I haud by the right aye, as weel as I can; 
We are ane in our joys, our affections, an a'; 
Come, gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 

Your mither has lo'ed you as mithers can lo'e; 
An' mine has done for me what mithers can do; 
We are ane high an' laigh, an' we shouldna be twa': 
Sae gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 

We love the same simmer day, sunny and fair; 
Hame! 0, how wo love it, an' a' that are there! 
Frae the pure air of heaven the same life we draw: 
Come, gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 

Frail shakin' auld age will soon come o'er us baith, 
An' creepin' alang at his back will be death; 
Syne into the same mither-yird we'll fa': 
Come, gi'e me your hand, — we are brethren a'. 

Robert Nicoll, 1814-1837. 


Saviour! whose mercy, severe in its kindness, 

Hath chastened my wanderings and guided ray way, 

Adored be the power that illumined my blindness, 
And weaned me from phantoms that smiled to betray. 

Enchanted with all that was dazzling and fair, 
I followed the rainbow, I caught at the toy; 

And still in displeasure thy goodness was there. 
Disappointing the hope and defeating the joy. 

The blossom flushed bright, but a worm was below; 

The moonlight shone fair, there was blight in the beam; 
Sweet whispered the breeze, but it whispered of woe; 

And bitterness flowed in the soft flowing stream. 

So cured of my folly, yet cured but in part, 
I turned to the refuge thy pity displayed; 

And still did this eager and credulous heart 

Weave visions of promise that bloomed but to fade. 


I thought that the course of the pilgrim to heaven 

Would be bright as the summer and glad as the mom: 

Thou showedst me the path; it was dark and uneven, 
All rugged with rock and all tangled with thorn, 

I dreamed of celestial rewards and renown, 

I grasped at the triumph that blesses the brave; 

I asked for the palm-branch, the robe, and the crown, 
I asked, and thou showedst me a cross and a grave. 

Subdued and instructed, at length to thy will 

My hopes and my wishes I freely resign; 
O give me a heart that can wait and be still. 

Nor know of a wish or a pleasure but thine. 

There are mansions exempted from sin and from woe. 
But they stand in a region by mortals untrod; 

There are rivers of joy, but they roll not below; 
There is rest, but 'tis found in the bosom of God. 

Sir Robert Grant, 1814-1838. 


My child is lying on my knees; 

The signs of heaven she reads; 
My face is all the heaven she sees. 

Is all the heaven she needs. 

And she is well, yea, bathed in bliss, 

If heaven is in my face, — 
Behind it is all tenderness 

And truthfulness and grace. 

I mean her well so earnestly, 

Unchanged in changing mood; 
My life would go without a sigh 

To bring her something good. 

I also am a child, and I 

Am ignorant and weak; 
I gaze upon the starry sky, 

And then I must not speak; 



For all behind the starry sky, 

Behind the world so broad, 
Behind men's hearts and souls doth lie 

The Infinite of God. 

Ay, true to her, though troubled sore, 

I cannot choose but be: 
Thou who art peace forevermore 

Art very true to me. 

If I am low and sinful, bring 

More love where need is rife; 
Thou knowest what an awful thing 

It is to be a hfe. 

Hast thou not wisdom to enwrap 

My waywardness about, 
In doubting safety on the lap 

Of Love that knows no doubt? 

Lo! Lord, I sit in thy wide space, 

My child upon my knee; 
She looketh up into my face. 

And I look up to thee. 

George Macdonald, 1824-1905. 


Alas, how easily things go wrong! 

A sigh too much, or a kiss too long. 

And there follows a mist and a weeping rain, 

And hfe is never the same again. 

Alas, how hardly things go right! 

Tis hard to watch in a summer night. 

For the sigh will come, and the kiss will stay, 

And the summer night is a winter day. 

George Macdonald. 



I go my way, thou goest thine, 

Many ways we wend, 
Many ways, many days, 

Ending with one end; 
Many a wrong with its curing song; 
Many a road, many an inn — 

Room to roam. 
But only one home 
For the whole world to win. 

George Macdonald. 


They sat beneath the mountain fir, 

Beneath the evening sun; 
With all his soul he looked at her — 

And so was love begun. 

The titmice blue in fluttering flocks 

Caressed the fir-tree spray; 
And far below, through rifted rocks, 

The river went its way. 

As stars in heavenly waters swim 

Her eyes of azure shone; 
With all her soul she looked at him — 

And so was love led on. 

The squirrel sported on the bough 

And chuckled in his play; 
Above the distant mountain's brow 

A golden glory lay. 

The fir-tree breathed its balsam balm, 

With heather scents united, 
The happy skies were hushed in calm — 

And so the troth was plighted. 
The Earl of Southesk; Sir James Carnegie, 1827-1905. 



Dost thou think I captive lie 
To a gracious, glancing eye? 
Dost thou think I am not free? 
Nay, I am; thou freest me. 

All the world could not undo 

Chains which bound me fast to you; 
Only at your touch they fly, — 
Freer than before am I. 

I care not for eyes of blue; 
I loved truth and thought it you; 
If you charm but to deceive. 
All your charms I well can leave. 

Ah, my once well-loved one; 
Do no more as thou hast done; 

She that makes true hearts to ache, 
Last of all her own will break. 

Mrs. Isa Craig Knox, 1831 


The bairnies cuddle doon at nicht 

Wi' muckle f aught an' din; 
"Oh try and sleep, ye waukrife rogues. 

Your faither's comin' in." 
They never heed a word I speak; 

I try to gie a froon. 
But aye I hap them up and cry, 
" Oh, bairnies, cuddle doon." 

Wee Jamie wi' the curly heid — 

He aye sleeps next the wa'. 
Bangs up and cries, " I want a piece " — 

The rascal starts them a'. 
I rin an' fetch them pieces, drinks. 

They stop awee the soun', 
Then draw the blankets up an' cry, 
" Noo, weanies, cuddle doon." 


But ere five minutes gang, wee Rab 
Cries out, frae 'neath the claes, 
"Mither, mak' Tarn gie ower at ance, 
He's kittlin' wi' his taes." 
The mischeef's in that Tarn for tricks, 

He'd bother half the toon; 
But aye I hap them up and cry, 
"Oh, bairnies, cuddle doon." 

At length they hear their faither's fit, 

An' as he steeks the door, 
They turn their faces to the wa', 
While Tam pretends to snore. 
"Hae a' the weans been gude? " he asks, 

As he pits aff his shoon; 
"The bairnies, John, are in their beds, 
An' lang since cuddled doon." 

An' just afore we bed oursel's. 

We look at our wee lambs, 
Tam has his airm roun' wee Rab's neck. 

And Rab his airm roun' Tam's. 
I lift wee Jamie up the bed, 

An' as I straik each croon, 
I whisper, till my heart fills up, 

Oh, bairnies, cuddle doon! 

The bairnies cuddle doon at nicht 

Wi' mirth that's dear to me; 
But soon the big warl's cark and care 

Will quaten doon their glee. 
Yet, come what will to ilka ane, 

May He who rules aboon 
Aye whisper, though their pows be bald, 
" Oh, bairnies, cuddle doon," 

Alexander Anderson, 1845 


Langsjoie, when life was bonnie. 
An' a' the skies were blue, 


When ilka thocht took blossom, 

An' hung its heid wi' dew, 
When winter wasna winter, 

Though snaws cam' happin' doon, 
Langsyne, when life was bonnie, 

Spring gaed a twalmonth roun'. 

Langsyne, when life was bonnie. 

An' a' the days were lang; 
When through them ran the music 

That comes to us in sang, 
We never wearied, liltin' 

The auld love-laden tune; 
Langsyne, when life was bonnie, 

Love gaed a twalmonth roun'. 

Langsyne, when life was bonnie, 

An' a' the warld was fair, 
The leaves were green wi' simmer, 

For autumn wasna there. 
But listen hoo they rustle, 

Wi' an eerie, weary soun'. 
For noo, alas, 'tis winter 

That gangs a twalmonth roun'. 

Alexander Anderson. 


O, bonnie Toshie Norrie 

To Inveraid is gane, 
An' wi' her a' the sunshine 

That made us unco fain. 
The win' is cauld an' gurly, 

An' winter's in the air. 
But where dwells Toshie Norrie, 

O, it's aye simmer there. 

O, bonnie Toshie Norrie, 

What made you leave us a'? 
Your hame is no the Heelands, 

Though there the hills are braw. 
Come back wi' a' your daffin', 

An' walth o' gowden hair, 


For where dwells Toshie Norrie, 
O, it's aye simmer there. 

O, bonnie Toshie Norrie, 
The winter nichts are lang. 

An' aft we sit an' weary- 
To hear an auld Scotch sang; 

Come back, an' let your music, 
Like sunshine, fill the air, 

For where dwells Toshie Norrie, 
0, it's aye simmer there. 

Alexander Anderson. 


The rime lies cauld on ferm an' fauld. 

The lift's a drumlie grey; 
The hill-taps a' are white wi' snaw, 

An' dull an' dour's the day. 
The canny sheep thegither creep. 

The govin cattle glower; 
The plowman staunds to chap his haunds 

An' wuss the storm were ower. 

But ance the snaw's begond to fa' 

The cauld's no' near sae sair, 
'Neth stingin' drift oor herts we Uft 

The winter's warst to dare. 
Wi' frost an' cauld we battle bauld, 

Nor fear a passin' fa', 
But warstle up wi' warmer grup 

0' life, an' hope, an' a'. 

An' sae, my frien', when to oor een 

Oor warldly ills appear 
In prospect mair than we can bear, 

An outlook cauld an' drear. 
Let's bear in mind — an' this, yell find, 

Has heartened not a few — 
When ance we're in the battle's din 

We'll find we're half gate thro. 

James Logic Robertson, 1817 — 



Under the wide and starry sky, 
Dig the grave and let me lie. 
Gladly did I live and gladly die, 

And I laid me down with a will. 

This be the verse you grave for me: 
Here he lies where he longed to be; 
Home is the sailor, home from sea, 

And the hunter home from the hill. 

Robert Louis Stevenson, 1850-1894. 


A mile an* a bittock, a mile or twa, 
Abiine the burn, ayont the law, 
Davie an' Donal' an' Cherlie an' a' 
An' the mune was shinin' clearly I 

Ane went hame wi' the ither, an* then 
The ither went hame wi* the ither twa men, 
And baith wad return him the service again. 
An' the miine was shinin' clearly! 

The clocks were chappin' in house an' ha', 
Eleven, twal an* ane an' twa; 
An' the gudeman's face was turnt to the wa', 
An' the miine was shinin' clearly I 

A wind got up frae affa the sea, 
It blew the stars as dear's could be, 
It blew in the een o' a' the three, 
An' the miine was shinin' clearly! 

Noo, Davie was first to get sleep in his head, 
"The best o' frien's maun twine," he said; 
"I'm weariet, an' here I'm awa' to my bed." 
An' the miine was shinin' clearly! 

Twa' o' them walkin' an' crackin' their lane, 
The mornin' licht cam grey and plain, 


An' the birds they yammert on stick an' stane, 
An' the miine was shinin' clearly! 

O years ayont, O years awa', 
My lads, ye '11 mind whate'er befa' — 
My lads, ye '11 mind on the bield o' the law, 
When the miine was shinin' clearly. 

Robert Louis Stevenson, 


What is a bird but a living flower? 

A flower but the soul of some dead bird? 
And what is a weed but the dying breath 
Of a perjured word? 

A flower is the soul of a singing-bird. 

Its scent is the breath of an old-time song; 
But a weed and a thorn spring forth each day 
For a new-done wrong. 

Dead souls of song-birds, thro' the green grass, 

Or deep in the midst of the golden grain. 
In woodland valley, where hill-streams pass, 
We flourish again. 

We flowers are the joy of the whole wide earth. 

Sweet Nature's laughter and secret tears — 
Whoso hearkens a bird in its spring-time mirth 
The song of a flow'r soul hears! 

William Sharp, 1856-1905. 


Love in my heart: oh, heart of me, heart of me! 

Love is my tyrant. Love is supreme. 
What if he passeth, oh, heart of me, heart of me! 

Love is a phantom, and Life is a dream! 

What if he changeth, oh, heart of me, heart of me! 

Oh, can the waters be void of the wind? 
What if he wendeth afar and apart from me, 

What if he leave me to perish behind? 


What if he passeth, oh, heart of me, heart of me! 

A flame i' the dusk, a breath of Desire? 
Nay, my sweet Love is the heart and the soul of me, 

And I am the innermost heart of his fire! 

Love in my heart: oh, heart of me, heart of mef 

Love is my tyrant, Love is supreme^ 
What if he passeth, oh, heart of me, heart of me! 

Love is a phantom, and Life is a dream! 

William Sharp. 


Through the air, through the air, 

We are borne; from our hair 

A spicy odour is shaken: 

We sing as we sail; 

The strong trees quail. 

And the dreaming doves awaken 

The pale screech owl 

That, cheek by jowl, 

Goes ravening with night, 

Thinks day has come, 

And hurries home 

Half-starved, to shun the light. 

An eagle above us screams; 

But a star blows a silver horn, 

And a faint far echo floats 

From the depths of the lakes, and the streams 

Warble the shadowy notes. 

A young lark thinks it morn. 

And sings through our flying crowd, 

That seems to his eager soul 

Like a low-hung dawning-cloud. 

The bells of midnight toll; 

The night-Sowers tell the hour; 

And the stately planets roll, 

As we fly to our lady's bower. 

John Davidson, 1857-1909. 
From " Scaramouch in Naxos." 




or, the badges of the clans in gaelic and english * 

Clans. Gaelic. English. 

Buchanan { ^^g^.g bhraoUeag; | B^berry; Oak. 

Cameron j ^feh"' ^^"'^^"-^*'^- | Oak; Crowberry. 

(Roid; Garbhag an I WUd Myrtle; Fir Club 

CampbeU \ t-sl6ibhe ) Moss. 

Chisholm Raineach Fern. 

r, 1 u i Broaileag nan con; ? r)o„berrv Hazel. 

Colquhoun ....■( Calltuinn ^ uogoerry, nazei. 

Cumin . • • Lus Mhic Cuimin . Cumin Plant. 

Davidson .... ■ j '"SoTaolfea^""''' ! I'^" Whortleberry. 
( Lus an Righ; Cuil- [ WUd Thyme (the 
Drummond . . . .^ g^nn ) oldest); Holly. 

Ferguson, MacFar-l j^^g.^^j^g. L^g. ) Little Sunflower; Fox- 
quhar, and Farqu- > nam-ban-sith ) glove, 

harson ^ ^ , . ,, t> 

Forbes Bealaidh Broom. 

Fraser lubhar Yew. 

Grant, MacAlpine, 1 , r. x i. t- -d- 

MacGregor, Mac-Uj^tha^ ^cotc^ ' °' 

Kinnon, and Mac- j ( -iree. 

Quarrie J , , ^. , t 

Gordon ladh-shlat, Eitheann Ivy. 

Graham and Mac- \ Buaidh chraobh, na 1 i^^^q[ 

Laren I laibhreas ) 

Gumi I^t^^h' ^"^ °^° I Juniper; Roseroot. 

Johnston Sgitheach Dearg . . Red Hawthorn. 

fCraobh ubhal fiar^(.j.^^, Apple Tree; 

Lament ] dham; MachaU > Drvas. 

( monaidh ) 

(Roid; Garbhag an \ Wild Myrtle; Fir Oub 
MacArthur . . . .| t-sl^ibhe J Moss. 

MacAulay A'Mhuileag; Giuthas Cranberry; Scotch Fir 

MacDonald, Mac- f ^ n *u 

Donell. MacAlis-^ Fraoch Common Heath. 

ter, and Maclntyre t ti n tt ^u n^^^.^ 

MacDougall .... Fraoch Dearg . . Bell Heath; Cypress. 

j-A'Muileag; Oireag, | (.^.^^^^g Cloud- 

Macfarlane . . . • ^ foighreag, or fei- Y ^^ 
[ reag ) 

MacFie or MacPhee . { ^"fiThich"' ^'"'" 1 ^^k or Crowberry. 



Mackay Seasgan or Cuilc . . < 


Mackenzie, MacMil 
Ian, and Maclnnes 

MacLachlan .... 

MacLeana of Duart, 
Brolaa, Penny- 
cross, and Druim- 

MacLeans of Ard- 
gour, Coll, Doch- 
garroch, and Mac- 
Leans of the North 

MacLaine of Loch- 

MacLennan, Logan . 

MacLeod and Ross . 

MacNab Dearca-fithich 

Red Grass (Arundo 

[Ciiileann Holly. 

Caoninn Mountain Ash 

1 Rowan. 


MacNeill . . 

MacPherson, M'ln- 
tosh, MacDuff, 
MacBean, Shaw, 
MacGiilivray, Da- 
vidson, M'Queen, 
and many others, 
as belonging to 
Clan Chattan 









^Cuileann Holly. 

> Dearcan-monaidh . Blaeberry. 

Conasg Furze. 

Aiteann Juniper. 

( Roebuckberry, 
■ I Crowberry. 
Lus Albannach . . Trailing Azalea. 


Bocsa; Lus 
■ cr^imsheag, 


Boxwood. This is 
said to be the oldest 

■ badge; Red Whort- 

Stewart Darag; Cluaran 


Urquhart . 

Garbhag an t-sl^ibhe Club Moss. 

Uinnsean Mountain Ash. 

Garbhag nan Gleann Common Club Mos. 
f Calg-bhealaidh; Ai- 1 Butcher's Broom; 
\ teann J Juniper. 

Sgitheach Geal . . . Whitehom,Hawthorn. 
( Dluth Fhraoch; Rai- ) Fine - leaved Heath; 
( neach J Bracken. 

Rds-M^iri Fiadhaich Wild Rosemary. 

Conusg Whin, or Gorse. 

fOak; also the Thistle, 
the present national 
badge. That of the 
Pictish Kings was 
Rudh (rue), which 
is joined with the 
Thistle in the Col- 
lar of the Order. 
( Calg-bhealaidh; Can- ) Butcher's Broom; 
( ach or canaichean ) Cotton Sedge. 
( Lus Leth-an-t-Samh- ] Gillyflower; Wall- 
( raidh ) flower. 



The items in the following list have been gleaned from various 
sources. Many of the dyes are still employed in the Highlands. 

Colour. Gaelic. Dyes. 

Black .... Riisg-Feirna Alder-tree bark. 

Do Bun na Copaig Dock root. 

Do Bim an t-Seilisdeir . . . Water-flag root. 

Blue Dearcan-Fraoich, le Aim . Blueberry, with Alum 

Do Droman, le Aim .... Elder, with Alum. 

Brown(yeUow-|c,o^^I Lichen. 

Do Duileasg Dulse. 

Do Preas-dearc, le Aim . . . Currant, with Alum. 

Do Cdarki ■[ Dearcan-Fraoich, le Cnoth- ( Blueberry, with Gall 

^ ■' \ an-domblais | Nuts. 

Crimson , . . Crotal Geal White Lichen. 

Do. (dark) . Crotal Dubh Dark Lichen. 

Flesh Colour . Cairt-Sheilich WUlow-bark. 

Gray .... Freumhaichean Sheilisdeir Root of Yellow Water- 
Green .... Bealaidh Broom. 

Do Rilsg-Conuisg Whin-bark. 

Do Lus-an-fhUcaxlair .... Teasel, or Fuller's 


Do. (dark) Fraoch, le Aim Heather, with Alum. 

Magenta . . . Beaman-Bride Dandelion. 

Orange (dark) . Preas-Smeur Bramble. 

Purple .... Lus-na-f^arnaich .... Sundew, 

Do Crotal, Cdinneach .... Lichen, Cupmoss. 

Red Crotal-nan-creag .... Rock Lichen. 

Do Crotal Geal White Lichen. 

Do Bun an Ruidh Rue root. 

Do Leanartach Tormentil. 

Scarlet .... Crotal Cloich-aoil .... Limestone Lichen. 

Violet .... Biolaire Wild Cress. 

Yellow .... Roid Bog-Myrtle. 

■n« \ Freumh na Craoibh-Uinn- ) » u ^ i. 

^0 i Sinn [ Ash-tree root. 

Do Bun na Rainich .... Bracken root. 

Do Lus Chaluim-Chille ... St. John's Wort. 

Do Lus-an-fhvlcadair .... Teasel. 

Do Crotal . . Lichen. 

Do Fraoch, le Aim . . . . j Common Heather, 

I with Alum. 
Do (brieht) \ Lus-na-f^amaich, le sugh 1 Sundew, with Am- 
' ^ t Chabar-f6idh . / monia. 


or, rallying words of some op the clans 

Clan. Gaelic, English. 

Buchanan " Clar Innis "... An island in Loch Lo- 
( " Chlanna nan con 1 " Sons of the hounds 

Cameron < thigibh a so 's > come here and get 

( gheibh sibh feoil " ) flesh." 
n u u S" Siol Diarmaid an ) " The Clan of Diar- 

C^^V^^^ I Tuirc" ( mad of the Boar." 

Do "Cruachan" . . . | A mountain near Loch 

Colquhoun .... " Cnoc Ealachain " . { " The^^^ock of Eala. 
Farquharson. . . . " C^m na Cuimhne " | " ^^im^^ of Remem- 
Forbes " L6nach " . . . . j A mountain in Strath 

Fraser " A Mhor-fhaiche." " The Great Field." 

Do. (later) ..." Caisteal Dhiinie." " Castle Downie." 

^ , ("AGordonI AGor- 

Go^'don j doj,,» 

!" Stand Fast Craig 
Elaichaidh," "The 
Rock of Alarm." 
Logan or MacLennan " Druim nan deur " " The Ridge of Tears" 
■.r .,„. „ ( " Cuimhnich b^s ) "Remember the death 

MacAlpme j AUpein " . . . .} of Alpin." 

MacDonald .... " Fraoch EUean " . " The Heathery Isle" 
Do. (Clanranald) { " ?heireadh ^'^ *^° | " Gainsay who dare." 

^ ga?ryT" • . ^^^^^'- \ "^'eh ?,^"'^°"^^'*^" \ " The Raven's Rock." 
Macdougall .... " Buaidh no bas " . " Victory or Death." 
Macfarlane .... " Loch Sloigh " • {'"^ost " ''''^ °^ *^^ 
MacGillivray .... " Dunmaglass " . . " Dimmaglass." 
MacGregor .... " Ard CoiUe " . . . "The Woody Height." 

( " The Loch of the 
Macintosh ..... " Loch Moigh " . . < Plain," a lake near 

( seat of the Chief. 
Maclntyre "Cruachan" . . . j A mountain near Loch 

w „, „ ("Bratach Bh^n ) "The White Banner of 

^^^^^y \ Chlann Aoidh " . J the Mackays." 

Mackenzie " Tulach Ard " . . A mountain in Kintail 

Mackinnon . . . .|"AlJ^eS"^. '^^^ } "^^™P^,J'^'- *^^ '^^^^^ 





MacLennan or Logan 

MacNaughton . 

MacNeill . 


Macrae . 



Munro . 

Scott . . 

Stewart (Appin) 

Sutherland . . 

" Creag an Tuirc " . 
" Beatha no Bks " . 
" Fear eil air son 

Eachainn " 
"Druim nan deur" . 

"The Boar's Rock." 
" Life or Death." 
"Another for Hector." 
(Used alternately.) 
"The RidgeofTears." 
" Heather Island," 
Loch Awe, Argyll- 
. " Victory or Death." 
)"The Black Craig of 
" ) Clan Chattan." 


" Fraoch-EUean " 

" Buaidh no B^s " 
" Creag Dhubh 

Chloinn Chatain 
"An t-Arm Breac ( " ^he army of the 

n^a,-n. " { checkered red"rtar- 

^^^^^ ( tan]. 

" Sgur Urain "... A mountain in Kintail 
" Achadh d^ th^ar- ) " Field of two Dechv- 

naidh " ) ities." 

" Geal is Dearg a ^ " Up with the White 

suas "... ) and Red." 

f " Castle Fowlia 

" Caisteal Folais 'n aj ablaze" ; referring 

theine " j probably to beacon 

I. or signal lights. 
— — " A BeUendaine." 

!" The Cormorant's 
Rock," on which is 
built Castle Stalker. 

I " dde bigS ■' '™'- I A bridg. at Dmrobin 









Hitherto the account of the military exploits of the 
Highlanders has been limited to the exertions which, 
for a century, they made in behalf of the unfortunate 
Stuarts. We are now to notice their operations on a 
more extended field of action, by giving a condensed 
sketch of their services in the cause of the country and 
of the government; services which, by more fully de- 
veloping their military character, have acquired for them 
a reputation as deserving as it has been unexampled. 
From moral as well as from physical causes, the High- 
landers were well fitted to attain this pre-eminence. 

""In forming his military character, the Highlander 
was not more favoured by nature than by the social 
system under which he lived. Nursed in poverty, he 
acquired a hardihood which enabled him to sustain 
severe privations. As the simplicity of his life gave 
vigour to his body, so it fortified his mind. Possessing a 
frame and constitution thus hardened, he was taught to 
consider courage as the most honourable virtue, coward- 
ice the most disgraceful failing; to venerate and obey 
his chief, and to devote himself for his native country 
and clan; and thus prepared to be a soldier, he was 



ready to follow wherever honour and duty called him. 
With such principles, and regarding any disgrace he 
might bring on his clan and district as the most cruel 
misfortune, the Highland private soldier had a peculiar 
motive to exertion. The common soldier of many other 
countries has scarcely any other stimulus to the per- 
formance of his duty than the fear of chastisement, 
or the habit of mechanical obedience to command, pro- 
duced by the discipline in which he has been trained. 
With a Highland soldier it is otherwise. When in a 
national or district corps, he is surrounded by the com- 
panions of his youth and the rivals of his early achieve- 
ments; he feels the impulse of emulation strengthened 
by the consciousness that every proof which he displays, 
either of bravery or cowardice, will find its way to his 
native home. He thus learns to appreciate the value 
of a good name; and it is thus, that in a Highland 
regiment, consisting of men from the same country, 
whose kindred and connections are mutually known, 
every individual feels that his conduct is the subject of 
observation, and that, independently of his duty as a 
member of a systematic whole, he has to sustain a 
separate and individual reputation, which will be re- 
flected on his family, and district or glen. Hence he 
requires no artificial excitements. He acts from motives 
within himself; his point is fixed, and his aim must 
terminate either in victory or death. The German 
soldier considers himself as a part of the military 
machine, and duly marked out in the orders of the day. 
He moves onward to his destination with a well-trained 
pace, and with as phlegmatic indifference to the result 
as a labourer who works for his daily hire. The courage 
of the French soldier is supported in the hour of trial 
by his high notions of the point of honour; but this 
display of spirit is not always steady. Neither French nor 



German is confident in himself if an enemy gain his flank 
or rear. A Highland soldier faces his enemy, whether 
in front, rear, or flank; and if he has confidence in his 
commander, it may be predicted with certainty that 
he will be victorious, or die on the ground which he 
maintains. He goes into the field resolved not to dis- 
grace his name. A striking characteristic of the High- 
lander is, that all his actions seem to flow from senti- 
ment. His endurance of privation and fatigue, — his 
resistance of hostile opposition, — his solicitude for the 
good opinion of his superiors, — all originate in this 
source, whence also proceeds his obedience, which is 
always most conspicuous when exhibited under kind 
treatment. Hence arises the difference observable 
between the conduct of one regiment of Highlanders and 
that of another, and frequently even of the same regi- 
ment at different times, and under different manage- 
ment. A Highland regiment, to be orderly and well 
disciplined, ought to be commanded by men who are 
capable of appreciating their character, directing their 
passions and prejudices, and acquiring their entire 
confidence and affection. The oflBcer to whom the 
comimand of Highlanders is entrusted must endeavour 
to acquire their confidence and good opinion. With 
this view, he must watch over the propriety of his 
own conduct. He must observe the strictest justice 
and fidelity in his promises to his men, conciliate them 
by an attention to their dispositions and prejudices, 
and, at the same time, by preserving a firm and steady 
authority, without which he will not be respected. 

" Officers who are accustomed to command Highland 
soldiers find it easy to guide and control them when 
their full confidence has been obtained; but when 
distrust prevails severity ensues, with a consequent 
neglect of duty, and by a continuance of this unhappy 



misunderstanding, the men become stubborn, dis- 
obedient, and in the end mutinous. The spirit of a 
Highland soldier revolts at any unnecessary severity; 
though he may be led to the mouth of a cannon if 
properly directed, will rather die than be unfaithful to 
his trust. But if, instead of leading, his officers attempt 
to drive him, he may fail in the discharge of the most 
common duties. A learned and ingenious author, who, 
though himself a Lowlander, had ample opportunity, 
while serving in many campaigns with Highland regi- 
ments, of becoming intimately acquainted with their 
character, thus develops their conduct in the field; 
' The character of ardour belongs to the Highlander; 
he acts from an internal sentiment, and possesses a pride 
of honour which does not permit him to retire from 
danger with a confession of inferiority. This is a property 
of his nature, and as it is so, it becomes the business 
of officers, who command Highland troops, to estimate 
the national character correctly, that they may not 
through ignorance misapply their means, and thereby 
concert their own ruin. 

" ' If ardour be the characteristic of the Highlanders, 
it is evident that they are not calculated for mechanical 
manoeuvres, nor for demonstrations and encounters 
with a view to diversion; for unless the purpose be 
previously explained and understood in its full extent, 
the Highlander darts on the enemy with impetuosity, 
rushing into close action, where it was only intended 
to amuse. He does not brook disappointment, sustain 
a galling distant fire with coolness, or retire from an 
enterprise with temper. He may be trusted to cover the 
most dangerous retreat assigned to him as a duty; a 
retreat in consequence of his own failure is likely to 
degenerate into a rout. In action the Highlander 
requires to see his object fully. He then feels the im- 



pression of his duty, and acts animately and consistently, 
more from impression and sentiment than from external 
impulse of command; for when an enemy is before the 
Highlander, the authority of the officer may be said 
to cease. Different nations have different excellencies or 
defects in war. Some excel in the use of missile weapons ; 
the power of the Highlander lies in close combat. Close 
charge was his ancient mode of attack; and it is prob- 
ably from impression engrafted in his nature in conse- 
quence of the national mode of war, that he still sustains 
the approaching point of a naked weapon with a steadier 
eye than any other man in Europe. Some nations turn 
with fear from the countenance of an enraged enemy. 
The Highlander rushes towards it with ardour; and if 
he can grasp his foe as man with man, his courage is 
secure.' " 

The author here quoted by General Stewart, after 
describing the social meetings of the Highlanders, at 
which their warlike exj^loits were the theme of con- 
versation, thus proceeds: — "The Highlanders, in this 
manner, looking daily on war, and the enterprise of war, 
with interest and animation, acquire radical ideas of the 
military art. Without design or formal intention, this 
germ of military education, planted in the first years 
of life, assumes a fair growth among these northern 
Scots; for as objects of war and warlike enterprise 
command more than other objects the exertions of the 
thinkmg faculty, the Higlilanders, formed with sound 
minds, and susceptible of good impressions, discover 
more natural sagacity than any other class of people 
in the kmgdom, perhaps than any other people in Europe. 
The Highlanders, in relation with their southern neigh- 
bours, were considered as freebooters, barbarians, given 
to spoil and plunder. In former times the charge had 
some appearance of tnith, for the Lowlanders were 



considered as a hostile or strange people. But though 
they drove the cattle of a hostile tribe, or ravaged a 
lowland district, with which they had no connection or 
bond of amity, their conduct in the year 1745 proves 
that they are neither a ferocious nor a cruel people; 
for no troops ever traversed a country which might be 
esteemed hostile with fewer traces of outrage. They 
are now better known; their character is conspicuous 
for honesty and fidelity. They possess the most exalted 
notions of honour, the warmest friendships, and the 
highest portion of mental pride of any people perhaps 
in Europe. Their ideas are few, but their sentiments 
are strong; their virtues, principles in their nature." 

The design of rendering such a valuable class of sub- 
jects available to the state by forming regular military 
corps out of it, seems not to have entered into the views 
of the government till about the year 1729 or 1730, when 
six companies of Highlanders were raised, which, from 
forming distinct corps unconnected with each other, 
received the appellation of independent companies. 
Three of these companies consisted of one hundred men 
each, and were therefore called large companies. Lord 
Lovat, Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, and Colonel 
Grant of Ballindalloch were appointed captains over 
them. The three smaller companies, which consisted of 
seventy each, were conmaanded by Colonel Alexander 
Campbell of Finab, John Campbell of Carrick, and 
George Munro of Culcairn, under the commission of 
captain-lieutenants. To each of the six companies 
were attached two lieutenants and one ensign. To 
distinguish them from the regular troops, who, from 
the colour of their clothes, were called Saighdearan 
Dearg, or Red Soldiers, the independent companies, 
who were attired in their native tartan, were designated 
Am Freiceadan Duhh, or Black Watch, — an appellation 



which they received from the sombre appearance of 
their dress. 

As the services of these companies were not required 
beyond their own territory, and as the intrants were 
not subjected to the humiliating provisions of the 
disarming act, no diflficulty was found in forming them; 
and when completed, they presented the singular 
spectacle of a number of young men of respectable 
families serving as privates in the ranks. " Many of 
the men who composed these companies were of a 
higher station in society than that from which soldiers 
in general are raised; cadets of gentlemen's families, 
sons of gentlemen farmers, and tacksmen, either im- 
mediately or distantly descended from gentlemen's 
families, — men who felt themselves responsible for 
their conduct to high-minded and honourable families, as 
well as to a country for which they cherished a devoted 
affection. In addition to the advantages derived from 
their superior rank in life, they possessed, in an eminent 
degree, that of a commanding external deportment, 
special care being taken in selecting men of full height, 
well proportioned, and of handsome appearance." 

The duties assigned to these companies were to enforce 
the disarming act, to overawe the disaffected, and watch 
their motions, and to check depredations. For this pur- 
pose they were stationed in small detachments in 
different parts of the country, and generally throughout 
the district in which they were raised. Thus Fort 
Augustus and the neighbouring parts of Inverness-shire 
were occupied by the Frasers under Lord Lovat; Bal- 
lindalloch and the Grants were stationed in Strathspey 
and Badenoch; the Munros, under Culcaim, in Ross and 
Sutherland; Lochnell's and Carrick's companies were 
stationed in Athole and Breadalbane, and Finab's in 
Lochaber, and the northern parts of Argyleshire among 



the disaffected Camerons, and Stewarts of Appin. All 
Highlanders of whatever clan were admitted indis- 
criminately into these companies as soldiers; but the 
officers were taken, almost exclusively, from the Whig 

The independent companies continued to exist as 
such until the year 1739, when government resolved to 
raise four additional companies, and to form the whole 
into a regiment of the line. For this purpose, letters of 
service, dated the twenty-fifth of October, 1739, were 
addressed to the Earl of Craufurd and Lindsay, who 
was appointed to the command of the regiment about 
to be formed, which was to consist of one thousand 
men. The regiment was accordingly embodied in the 
month of May, 1740, on a field between Taybridge and 
Aberfeldy, in the county of Perth, under the number 
of the 43d regiment. " The uniform was a scarlet jacket 
and waistcoat, with buff facings and white lace, — 
tartan plaid of twelve yards plaited round the middle 
of the body, the upper part being fixed on the left 
shoulder ready to be thrown loose, and wrapped over 
both shoulders and firelock in rainy weather. At night 
the plaid served the purpose of a blanket, and was a 
sufficient covering for the Highlander. These were 
called belted plaids from being kept tight to the body 
by a belt, and were worn on guards, reviews, and on 
all occasions when the men were in full dress. On this 
belt hung the pistols and dirk when worn. In the 
barracks, and when not on duty, the little kilt or philibeg 
was worn, a blue bonnet with a border of white, red and 
green, arranged in small squares to resemble, as is said, 
the fess cheque in the arms of the different branches of 
the Stewart family, and a tuft of feathers, or sometimes, 
from economy or necessity, a small piece of black bear- 
skin. The arms were a musket, a bayonet, and a large 



basket-hilted broadsword. These were furnished by 
government. Such of the men as chose to supply them- 
selves with pistols and dirks were allowed to carry them, 
and some had targets after the fashion of their country. 
The sword-belt was of black leather, and the cartouch- 
box was carried in front, supported by a narrow belt 
round the middle." 
The officers appomted to this regiment were, — 

Colonel — John, Earl of Craufurd and Lindsay, died in 1748. 

Lieutenant-Colonel — Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis, Baronet, 
killed at Falkirk, 1746. 

Major — George Grant, brother of the laird of Grant, removed 
from the service by sentence of a court-martial, for allow- 
ing the rebels to get possession of the castle of Inverness 
in 1746. 


George Munro of Culcaim, killed in 1746. 

Dugal Campbell of Craignish, retired in 1745. 

John Campbell of Carrick, killed at Fontenoy. 

CoUn Campbell, junior, of Monzie, retired in 1743. 

Sir James Colquhoun of Luss, Bart., retired in 1748. 

CoUn Campbell of BaUimore, retired. 

John Munro, promoted to be lieutenant-colonel in 1745, retired 

in 1749. 
Captain-Lieutenant Duncan Macfarlane, retired in 1744. 


Paul Macpherson. 

Lewis Grant of Auchterblair. 

John Maclean of Ivingarloch. ) Both removed from the regi- 

John Mackenzie 

ment in consequence of 
having fought a duel in 1744. 

Alexander Macdonald. 

Malcolm Fraser, son of Culduthel, killed at Bergen-op-Zoom, in 

George Ramsay. 
Patrick Grant, son of the laird of Grant, died heutenant-general 

in 1782. 
John MacneU. 


Dugal Campbell. Archd. Macnab, son of the laird of 

Dugal Stewart. Macnab, died lieut .-general, 

John Menzies of Comrie. 1790. 

Edward Carrick. CoUn Campbell. 



Gilbert Stewart of Kincrai- Dugal Stewart. 

gie. James Campbell of Glenfalloch, 

Gordon Graham of Draines. died of wounds at Fontenoy. 

Chaplain — Hon. Gideon Murray. 

Surgeon — James Munro, son of Sir Henry Muoro of Fowlis, 

killed at Falkirk in 1746. 
Adjutant — Gilbert Stewart. 
Qtuirtermaster — John Forbes. 

After remaining nearly eighteen months in quarters 
near Tay bridge, the regiment was marched northward, 
in the winter of 1741 and 1742, and the men remained 
in the stations assigned them till the spring of 1743, 
when they were ordered to repair to Perth. Having 
assembled there in March of that year, they were sur- 
prised on being informed that orders had been received 
to march the regiment for England, a step which they 
considered contrary to an alleged understanding when 
regimented, that the sphere of their services was not to 
extend beyond their native country. When the inten- 
tion of employing them in foreign service came to be 
known, many of the warmest supporters of the govern- 
ment highly disapproved of the design, among whom was 
Lord President Forbes. In a letter to General Cla5iion, 
the successor of Marshal Wade, the chief commander in 
Scotland, his lordship thus expresses himself: " When 
I first heard of the orders given to the Highland regiment 
to march southwards, it gave me no sort of concern, 
because I supposed the intention was only to see them; 
but as I have lately been assured that they are destined 
for foreign service, I cannot dissemble my uneasiness at 
a resolution that may, in my apprehension, be attended 
with very bad consequences; nor can I prevail with 
myself not to communicate to you my thoughts on the 
subject, however late they may come; because if what 
I am to suggest has not been already under considera- 
tion, it's possible the resolution may be departed from." 



After noticing the consequences which might result from 
leaving the Highlands unprotected from the designs 
of the disaffected in the event of a war with France, 
he thus proceeds: " Having thus stated to you the 
danger I dread, I must, in the next place, put you in 
mind, that the present system for securing the peace 
of the Highlands, which is the best I ever heard of, is 
by regular troops stationed from Inverness to Fort 
William, alongst the chain of lakes which in a manner 
divides the Highlands, to command the obedience of 
the inhabitants of both sides, and by a body of dis- 
ciplined Highlanders, wearing the dress and speaking 
the language of the countrj'-, to execute such orders as 
require expedition, and for which neither the dress nor 
the manner of the other troops are proper. These 
Highlanders, now regimented, were at first independent 
companies; and though their dress, language, and 
manners, qualified them for securing the low country 
against depredations, yet that was not the sole use of 
them. The same qualities fitted them for every expedi- 
tion that required secrecy and despatch; they served for 
all purposes of hussars or light horse, in a country where 
mountains and bogs render cavalry useless, and if 
properly disposed over the Highlands, nothing that was 
commonly reported and believed by the Highlanders 
could be a secret to their commanders, because of 
their intimacy with the people and the sameness of the 

Notwithstanding this remonstrance, the government 
persisted in its determination to send the regiment 
abroad; and to deceive the men, from whom their 
real destination was concealed, they were told that 
the object of their march to England was merely to 
Ratify the curiosity of the king, who was desirous of 
seeing a Highland regiment. Satisfied with this ex- 



planation, they proceeded on their march. The English 
people, who had been led to consider the Highlanders 
as savages, were struck with the warlike appearance of 
the regiment and the orderly deportment of the men, 
who received in the country and towns through which 
they passed the most friendly attentions. 

Having reached the vicinity of London on the twenty- 
ninth and thirtieth of April, in two divisions, the regi- 
ment was reviewed on the fourteenth of May, on Finchley 
Common, by Marshal Wade. The arrival of the corps 
in the neighbourhood of the metropolis had attracted 
vast crowds of people to their quarters, anxious to 
behold men of whom they had heard the most ex- 
traordinary relations; but, mingled with these, were 
persons who frequented the quarters of the Highlanders 
from a very different motive. Their object was to sow 
the seeds of distrust and disaffection among the men, 
by circulating misrepresentations and falsehoods re- 
specting the intentions of the government. These in- 
cendiaries gave out that a gross deception had been 
practised upon the regiment, in regard to the object 
of their journey, in proof of which they adduced the 
fact of his Majesty's departure for Hanover, on the 
very day of the arrival of the last division, and that the 
real design of the government was to get rid of them 
altogether, as disaffected persons, and, with that view, 
that the regiment was to be transported for life to the 
American plantations. These insidious falsehoods had 
their intended effect upon the minds of the Highlanders, 
who took care, however, to conceal the indignation 
they felt at their supposed betrayers. All their thoughts 
were bent upon a return to their own country, and they 
concerted their measures for its accomplishment with a 
secrecy which escaped the observation of their officers, 
of whose integrity in the affair they do not, however, 



appear to have entertained any suspicion. The mutiny 
which followed created a great sensation, and the cir- 
cumstances which led to it formed, both in public and 
in private, the ordinary topic of discussion. The writer 
of a pamphlet, which was published immediately after 
the mutiny, and which contains the best view of the 
subject, and an intimate knowledge of the facts, thus 
describes the whole affair: " From their (the inde- 
pendent companies) first formation, they had always 
considered themselves as destined to serve exclusively 
in Scotland, or rather in the Highlands; and a special 
compact was made, allowing the men to retain their 
ancient national garb. From their origin and their 
local attachments, they seemed destined for this special 
service. Besides, in the discipline to which they were 
at first subjected under their natural chiefs and superiors, 
there was much aflfinity with their ancient usages, so 
that their service seemed merely that of a clan sanc- 
tioned by legal authority. These, and other con- 
siderations, strengthened them in the belief that their 
duty was of a defined and specific nature, and that they 
were never to be amalgamated with the regular dis- 
posable force of the country. As they were deeply 
impressed with this belief, it was quite natural that they 
should regard with great jealousy and distrust any in- 
dication of a wish to change the system. Accordingly, 
when the design of marching them into England was 
first intimated to their oflScers, the men were not shy 
in protesting against this unexpected measure. By 
conciliating language, however, they were prevailed 
upon to commence and continue their march without 
reluctance. It was even rumoured, in some foreign 
gazettes, that they had mutinied on the borders, killed 
many of their officers, carried off their colours, and 
returned to their native mountains. This account, 



though glaringly false, was repeated from time to time 
in those journals, and was neither noticed nor con- 
tradicted in those of England, though such an occasion 
ought not to have been neglected, for giving a candid 
and full explanation to the Highlanders, which might 
have prevented much subsequent disquietude. 

" On their march through the northern counties of 
England, they were everywhere received with such 
hospitality, that they appeared in the highest spirits; 
and it was imagined that their attachment to home 
was so much abated that they would feel no reluctance 
to the change. As they approached the metropolis, 
however, and were exposed to the taunts of the true-bred 
English clowns, they became more gloomy and sullen. 
Animated, even to the lowest private, with the feelings 
of gentlemen, they could ill brook the rudeness of 
boors — nor could they patiently submit to affronts 
in a country to which they had been called by invitation 
of their sovereign. A still deeper cause of discontent 
preyed upon their minds. A rumour had reached them 
on their march that they were to be embarked for 
the plantations. The fate of the marines, the invalids, 
and other regiments which had been sent to these 
colonies, seemed to mark out this service as at once 
the most perilous and the most degrading to which 
British soldiers could be exposed. With no enemy to 
encounter worthy of their courage, there was another 
consideration, which made it peculiarly odious to the 
Highlanders. By the act of Parliament of the eleventh 
of George I, transportation to the colonies was denounced 
against the Highland rebels, etc., as the greatest punish- 
ment that could be inflicted on them except death, and, 
when they heard that they were to be sent there, the 
galling suspicion naturally arose in their minds, that 
* after being used as rods to scourge their own country- 



men, they were to be thrown into the fire! ' These 
apprehensions they kept secret even from their own 
officers; and the care with which they dissembled them 
is the best evidence of the deep impression which they 
had made. Amidst all their jealousies and fears, how- 
ever, they looked forward with considerable expectation 
to the review, when they were to come under the im- 
mediate observation of his Majesty, or some of the royal 
family. On the fourteenth of May they were reviewed 
by Marshal Wade, and many persons of distinction, who 
were highly delighted with the promptitude and alacrity 
with which they went through their military exercises, 
and gave a very favourable report of them, where it was 
likely to operate most to their advantage. From that 
moment, however, all their thoughts were bent on the 
means of returning to their own country; and on this 
wild and romantic march they accordingly set out a 
few days after. Under pretence of preparing for the 
review, they had been enabled to provide themselves, 
unsuspectedly, with some necessary articles, and, con- 
fiding in their capability of enduring privations and 
fatigue, they imagined that they should have great 
advantages over any troops that might be sent in 
pursuit of them. It was on the night between Tuesday 
and Wednesday after the review that they assembled 
on a common near Highgate, and commenced their 
march to the north. They kept as nearly as possible 
between the two great roads, passing from wood to wood 
in such a manner that it was not well known which way 
they moved. Orders were issued by the lords-justices 
to the commanding officers of the forces stationed in the 
counties between them and Scotland, and an advertise- 
ment was published by the secretary at war, exhorting 
the civil officers to be vigilant in their endeavours to 
discover their route. It was not, however, till about 



eight o'clock on the evening of Thursday, nineteenth 
May, that any certain intelligence of them was obtained, 
and they had then proceeded as far as Northampton, 
and were supposed to be shaping their course toward 
Nottinghamshire. General Blakeney, who conmianded 
at Northampton, immediately despatched Captain 
BaU, of General Wade's regiment of horse, an officer 
well acquainted with that part of the country, to search 
after them. They had now entered Lady Wood, between 
Brig Stock and Dean Thorp, about four miles from 
Oundle, when they were discovered. Captain Ball was 
joined in the evening by the general himself, and about 
nine all the troops were drawn up in order, near the 
wood where the Highlanders lay. Seeing themselves 
in this situation, and unwilling to aggravate their 
offence by the crime of shedding the blood of his 
Majesty's troops, they sent one of their guides to inform 
the general that he might, without fear, send an officer 
to treat of the terms on which they should be expected 
to surrender. Captain Ball was accordingly delegated, 
and, on coming to a conference, the captain demanded 
that they should instantly lay down their arms and 
surrender as prisoners at discretion. This they posi- 
tively refused, declaring that they would rather be cut 
to pieces than submit, unless the general should send 
them a written promise, signed by his own hand, that 
their arms should not be taken from them, and that 
they should have a free pardon. Upon this the captain 
delivered the conditions proposed by General Blakeney, 
viz., that if they would peaceably lay down their arms, 
and surrender themselves prisoners, the most favourable 
report should be made of them to the lords-justices; 
when they again protested that they would be cut in 
pieces rather than surrender, except on the conditions 
of retaining their arms, and receiving a free pardon. 



' Hitherto/ exclaimed the captain, * I have been your 
friend, and am still anxious to do all I can to save you; 
but, if you continue obstinate an hour longer, surrounded 
as you are by the king's forces, not a man of you shall be 
left alive; and, for my own part, I assure you that I shall 
give quarter to none.' He then demanded that two of 
their number should be ordered to conduct him out of 
the wood. Two brothers were accordingly ordered to 
accompany him. Finding that they were inclined to 
submit, he promised them both a free pardon, and, taking 
one of them along with him, he sent back the other 
to endeavour, by every means, to overcome the ob- 
stinacy of the rest. He soon returned with thirteen 
more. Having marched them to a short distance from 
the wood, the captain again sent one of them back to 
his comrades to inform them how many had submitted; 
and in a short time seventeen more followed the example. 
These were all marched away with their arms (the 
powder being blown out of their pans), and when they 
came before the general they laid down their arms. On 
returning to the wood they found the whole body 
disposed to submit to the general's troops. 

" While this was doing in the country," continues our 
author, '' there was nothing but the flight of the High- 
landers talked of in town. The wiser sort blamed it, 
but some of their hot-headed countrymen were for 
comparing it to the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks 
through Persia; by which, for the honour of the king- 
dom of Scotland, Corporal M'Pherson was erected into a 
Xenophon. But amongst these idle dreams, the most 
injurious were those that reflected on their officers, and 
by a strange kind of innuendo, would have fixed the 
crime of these people's desertion upon those who did their 
duty and stayed here. 

" As to the rest of the regiment, they were ordered 


immediately to Kent, whither they marched very cheer- 
fully, and were from thence transported to Flanders, 
and are by this time with the army, where I dare say 
it will quickly appear they were not afraid of fighting 
the French. In King William's war there was a Highland 
regiment that to avoid going to Flanders, had formed a 
design of flying into the mountains. This was discovered 
before they could put it into execution; and General 
M'Kay, who then commanded in Scotland, caused them 
to be immediately surrounded and disarmed, and 
afterward shipped them for Holland. When they came 
to the confederate army, they behaved very briskly 
upon all occasions; but as pick-thanks are never wanting 
in courts, some wise people were pleased to tell King 
William that the Highlanders drank King James's 
health, — a report which was probably very true. The 
king, whose good sense taught him to despise such dirty 
informations, asked General Talmash, who was near him, 
how they behaved in the field? ' As well as any troops 
in the army,' answered the general, like a soldier and a 
man of honour. * Why then,' replied the king, ' if they 
fight for me, let them drink my father's health as often 
as they please.' On the road, and even after they entered 
to London, they kept up their spirits, and marched 
very cheerfully; nor did they show any marks of terror 
when they were brought into the Tower." 

Though it was evident that the Highlanders were led to 
commit this rash act under a false impression, and that 
they were the unconscious dupes of designing men, yet 
the government could not overlook such a gross breach 
of military discipline, and the deserters were accordingly 
tried before a general court-martial on the eighth of 
June. They were all found guilty, and condemned to 
be shot. Three only, however, suffered capitally. 
These were Corporals Malcolm, and Samuel M'Pherson, 



and Farquhar Shaw, a private. They were shot upon 
the parade within the Tower, in presence of the other 
prisoners, who joined in their prayers with great earnest- 
ness. The unfortunate men met their death with 
composure, and acted with great propriety. Their 
bodies were put into three coffins by three of the pris- 
oners, their clansmen and connections, and were buried 
together in one grave over the place of execution. 
From an ill-judged severity, one hundred of the desert- 
ers were equally divided between the garrisons of 
Gibraltar and Minorca, and a similar number was dis- 
tributed among the different corps in the Leeward 
islands, Jamaica and Georgia, — a circumstance which, 
it is believed, impressed the Highlanders with an idea 
that the government had intended to deceive them. 

Near the end of May the remainder of the regiment 
was sent to Flanders, where it joined the army under 
the command of Field-Marshal the Earl of Stair. During 
the years 1743 and 1744, they were quartered in different 
parts of that country; and by their quiet, orderly, and 
kind deportment, acquired the entire confidence of 
the people among whom they mixed. The regiment 
" was judged the most trustworthy guard of property, 
insomuch that the people in Flanders choose to have 
them always for their protection. Seldom were any of 
them drunk, and they as rarely swore. And the elector 
palatine wrote to his envoy in London, desiring him to 
thank the King of Great Britain for the excellent 
behaviour of the regiment while in his territories in 
1743 and 1744, and for whose sake he adds, ' I will 
always pay a respect and regard to a Scotchman in 
future.' " 

Lord Sempill, who had succeeded the Earl of Craufurd 
in the colonelcy of the regiment in 1740, being appointed 
in April, 1745, to the 25th regiment, Lord John Murray, 



son of the Duke of Athole, succeeded him as colonel of 
the Highlanders. During the command of these offi- 
cers, the regiment was designated by the titles of its 
successive commanders, as Lord Craufurd's, Lord 
Sempill's, and Lord John Murray's Highlanders. 

Baffled in his efforts to prevent the elevation of the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany to the imperial throne, the 
King of France resolved to humble the house of Austria 
by making a conquest of the Netherlands. With this 
view he assembled an immense army in Flanders under 
the command o2 the celebrated Marshal Saxe, and having 
with the dauphin joined the army in April, 1745, he, on 
the thirtieth of ihat month, invested Toumay, then 
garrisoned by eight thousand men, commanded by 
General Baron Dorth, who defended the place with 
vigour. The Duke of Cumberland, who arrived from 
England early in May, assumed the command of the 
allied army assembled at Soignies. It consisted of twenty 
battalions and twenty-six squadrons of British, five 
battalions and sixteen squadrons of Hanoverians, all 
under the immediate command of his Royal Highness; 
twenty-six battalions and forty squadrons of Dutch 
commanded by the Prince of Waldeck; and eight 
squadrons of Austrians under the command of Count 

Though the allied army was greatly inferior in number 
to the enemy, yet as the French army was detached, 
the duke resolved to march to the relief of Toumay. 
Marshal Saxe, who soon became aware of the design 
of the allies, drew up his army in line of battle, on the 
right bank of the Scheldt, extending from the wood of 
Barri to Fontenoy, and thence to the village of St. 
Antoine in sight of the British army. Entrenchments 
were thrown up at both villages, besides three redoubts 
in the intermediate space, and two at the corner of the 



wood whence a deep ravine extended to Fontenoy, 
and another thence to St. Antoine. Along the whole 
space from the wood to St. Antoine was posted a double 
line of infantry in front, and cavalry in the rear, 
and an additional force of infantry and cavalry was 
formed behind the redoubts and batteries. Opposite 
to St. Antoine on the other side of the river, a battery 
was also erected. The marshal distributed his numerous 
artillery along the line, and in the village and redoubts. 

The allied army advanced to Leuse, and on the ninth 
of May took up a position between the villages of 
Bougries and Maulbre, in sight of the French army. In 
the evening the duke, attended by Field-Marshal 
Konigseg and the Prince of Waldeck, reconnoitred the 
position of Marshal Saxe. They were covered by the 
Highlanders, who kept up a sharp fire with the French 
sharpshooters who were concealed in the woods. After 
a general survey, the Earl of Craufurd, who was left 
in command of the advance of the army, proceeded 
with the Highlanders and a party of hussars to examine 
the enemy's outposts more narrowly. In the course of 
the day a Highlander in advance observing that one 
of the sharpshooters repeatedly fired at his post, placed 
his bonnet upon the top of a stick near the verge of a 
hollow road. This stratagem decoyed the Frenchman, 
and whilst he was intent on his object, the Highlander 
approaching cautiously to a point which afforded a 
sure aim, succeeded in bringing him to the ground. 

Having ascertained that a plain which lay between the 
positions of two armies was covered with some flying 
squadrons of the enemy, and that their outposts com- 
manded some narrow defiles through which the alUed 
forces had necessarily to march to the attack, the Duke 
of Cumberland resolved to scour the plain, and to dis- 
lodge the outposts, preparatory to advancing upon the 



besieging army. Accordingly at an early hour next 
morning, six battalions and twelve squadrons were 
ordered to disperse the forces on the plain and clear the 
defiles, a service which they soon performed. Some 
Austrian hussars being hotly pressed on this occasion 
by the French light troops, a party of Highlanders was 
sent to support them, and the Frenchmen were quickly 
repulsed with loss. This was the first time the High- 
landers stood the fire of the enemy in a regular body, 
and so well did they acquit themselves that they were 
particularly noticed for their spirited conduct. 

Resolving to attack the enemy next morning, the 
commander-in-chief of the allied army made the neces- 
sary dispositions. Opposite the space between Fon- 
tenoy and the wood of Barri, he formed the British and 
Hanoverian infantry in two lines, and posted their 
cavalry in the rear. Near the left of the Hanoverians 
he drew up the Dutch, whose left was towards St. 
Antoine. The French in their turn completed their 
batteries, and made the most formidable preparations 
to receive the allies. At two o'clock in the morning of 
the eleventh of May, the Duke of Cumberland began 
his march, and drew up his army in front of the enemy 
in the above order. The engagement began about four 
by the guards and Highlanders attacking a redoubt, 
advanced on the right of the wood near Vizou, occupied 
by six hundred men, in the vicinity of which place the 
dauphin was posted . Though the enemy were entrenched 
breast-high, they were forced out by the guards with 
bayonets, and by the Highlanders wdth sword, pistol, 
and dirk, who killed a considerable number of them. 

After the redoubt had been carried, the British and 
Hanoverians advanced to the attack; and though the 
French contested every inch of ground withihe greatest 
pertinacity, they were driven back on their entrench- 


IsmmuT adt no anao^ 


Accordingly at an early hour next 

which they soon perfonned. Some 

■m, and the Frenchmen were quicxiy 
, , . . . i|^g High- 

iar body, 
and so well did they acquit themselves that they were 
r ■ " ' " .r their spiriteri conduct. 

,v the enemy next morning, the 
commanfi the allied anny made the neces- 

<;<; ' - -I .r-Q between Fon- 

i. , d the British and 

-v, and posted ■ 

, of the Hanovciic^xio 

;it was towards St. 

The !• -!rn completed their 

d mLiui nidable preparations 

allie?. • -k in the morning of 

•ith of " f Cumberland began 

' - a front of the enemy 

nt began about four 

(king a redoubt, 

r Vizou, occupied 

! which place the 

• were entrenched 

the guards with 

1: sword, pistol, 

■r of them. 

" British and 

t though the 

Scene on the Tummel 

Photogravure from the Painting by Houston 


ments. Meanwhile the Dutch on the left made an 
unsuccessful attack upon Fontenoy. The enemy, 
keeping up an incessant and destructive fire from their 
batteries, the Duke of Cumberland sent a detachment, 
of which the Highlanders formed a part, to take pos- 
session of the wood of Barri, and drive the enemy from 
that redoubt; but owing to accident or mistake, no 
attack was made. The Dutch having failed in several 
attempts to obtain possession of Fontenoy, his Royal 
Highness ordered Lord Sempill's regiment to assist 
them, but with as little success. Determined, not- 
withstanding these untoward circumstances, to cross 
the ravine between the redoubts and the village, the 
duke pushed forward; but after advancing beyond the 
ravine, he found that he had not a sufficiency of ground 
to form his whole army in line. He, therefore, made 
the flanks wheel back on their right and left, and then 
facing towards their proper front, they moved forward 
along with the centre, the whole forming the three sides 
of a hollow square. Supported by cavalry, the French 
infantry made three desperate attacks upon the allied 
army, while marching in this order; but though they 
were assisted by a heavy cannonade from the whole of 
the batteries, they were repulsed in every charge. 

The allies continuing steadfastly to advance. Marshal 
Saxe, who had, during three attacks, lost some of his 
bravest men, began to think of a retreat; but being 
extremely averse to abandoning his position, he resolved 
to make a last effort to retrieve the fortune of the day by 
attacking his assailants with all his forces. Being far 
advanced in a dropsy, the marshal had been carried 
about the whole day in a litter. This he now quitted, 
and mounting his horse, he rode over the field giving 
the necessary orders, whilst two men supported him on 
each side. He brought forward the household troops 



of the King of France. He posted his best cavalry on 
the flanks, and the king's body-guards, with the flower 
of the infantry in the centre. Having also brought up 
all his field-pieces, he, under cover of their fire and that 
of the batteries, made a combined charge of cavalry 
and infantry on the allied army, the greater part of 
which had, by this time, formed into line by advancing 
beyond the confined ground. The allies, unable to 
withstand the impetuosity of this attack, gave way, 
and were driven back across the ravine, carrying along 
with them the Highlanders, who had been ordered 
up from the attack of the village, and two other regi- 
ments ordered from the reserve to support the line. 
After rallying for a short time beyond the ravine, the 
whole army retreated by order of the duke, the High- 
landers and Howard's regiment (the 19th) under the 
command of Lord Craufurd, covering the rear. The 
retreat, which was commenced about three o'clock in 
the afternoon, was effected in excellent order. When 
it was over his lordship pulled off his hat, and returning 
thanks to the covering party, said " that they had 
acquired as much honour in covering so great a retreat, 
as if they had gained a battle." The carnage on both 
sides was great. The allies lost, in killed and wounded, 
about seven thousand men, including a number of ofl5- 
cers. The loss of the French is supposed to have equalled 
that of the allies. The Highlanders lost Captain John 
Campbell of Carrick,' whose head was carried off by a 
cannon-ball early in the action; Ensign Lachlane Camp- 
bell, son of Craignish, and thirty men; Captain Robert 
Campbell of Finab; Ensigns Ronald Campbell, nephew 
of Craignish, and James Campbell, son of Glenfalloch; 
two sergeants, and eighty-six rank and file wounded. 

Before the engagement, the part which the High- 
landers would act formed a subject of intense specula- 



tion. Those who knew them had no misgivings; but 
there were other persons, high in rank, who looked 
upon the support of such men with an unfavourable 
eye. So strong was this impression " in some high 
quarters, that, on the rapid charge made by the High- 
landers, when pushing forward sword in hand nearly at 
full speed, and advancing so far, it was suggested that 
they inclined to change sides and join the enemy, who 
had already three brigades of Scotch and Irish engaged, 
which performed very important services on tliat 
day." All anxiety, however, was soon put an end 
to by the decided way in which they sustained the 
national honour. 

Captain John Munro of the 43d regiment, in a letter 
to Lord President Forbes, thus describes the battle: 
" A little after four in the morning, the thirtieth of 
April, our cannon began to play, and the French bat- 
teries, with triple our weight of metal and numbers too, 
answered us; about five the mfantry was in march; we 
(the Highlanders) were in the centre of the right brigade; 
but by six were ordered to cross the field (I mean our 
regiment, for the rest of our brigades did not march to 
attack), a little village on the left of the whole, called 
Fontenoy. As we passed the field the French batteries 
played upon our front, and right and left flanks, but to 
no purpose, for their batteries being upon rising ground, 
their balls flew over us and hurt the second line. We 
were to support the Dutch, who, in their usual way, were 
very dilatory. We got within musket-shot of their 
batteries, when we received three full fires of their 
batteries and small arms, which killed us forty men and 
one ensign. Here we were obliged to skulk behind 
houses and hedges for about an hour and a half, waiting 
for the Dutch, who, when they came up, behaved but 
so and so. Our regiment being in some disorder, I 



wanted to draw them up in rear of the Dutch, which 
their general would scarce allow of; but at last I did 
it, and marched them again to the front. In half an 
hour after the Dutch gave way, and Sir Robert Munro 
thought proper we should retire; for we had then the 
whole batteries from the enemy's ground playing upon 
us, and three thousand foot ready to fall upon us. We 
retired; but before we had marched thirty yards, we 
had orders to return to the attack, which we did; and 
in about ten minutes after had orders to march directly 
with aU expedition, to assist the Hanoverians, who had 
got by this time well advanced upon the batteries upon 
the left. They behaved most gallantly and bravely; 
and had the Dutch taken example from them, we had 
supped at Toumay. The British behaved well; we 
(the Highlanders) were told by his Royal Highness 
that we did our duty well. ... By two of the clock 
we all retreated; and we were ordered to cover the 
retreat, as the only regiment that could be kept to their 
duty, and in this affair we lost sixty more; but the 
duke made so friendly and favourable a speech to us, 
that if we had been ordered to attack their lines afresh, 
I dare say our poor feUows would have done it." 

The Highlanders on this occasion were commanded 
by Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis, their lieutenant-colonel, 
in whom, besides great military experience, were united 
all the best qualities of the soldier. Aware of the im- 
portance of allowing his men to follow their accustomed 
tactics, he obtained leave of the Duke of Cumberland to 
allow them to fight in their own way. He accordingly 
" ordered the whole regiment to clap to the ground on 
receivuig the French fire; and instantly after its dis- 
charge they sprang up, and coming close to the enemy, 
poured in their shot upon them to the certain destruc- 
tion of multitudes, and drove them precipitately through 



their lines; then retreating, drew up again, and attacked 
them a second time after the same manner. These 
attacks they repeated several times the same day, to 
the surprise of the whole army. Sir Robert was every- 
where with his regiment, notwithstanding his great 
corpulency, and when in the trenches he was hauled 
out by the legs and arms by his own men; and it is 
observed that when he commanded the whole regiment 
to clap to the ground, he himself alone, with the colours 
behind him, stood upright, receiving the whole fire of 
the enemy; and this because (as he said), though he 
could easily lie down, his great bulk would not suffer 
him to rise so quickly. His preservation that day was 
the surprise and astonishment not only of the whole 
army, but of all that heard the particulars of the action." 
The gallantry thus displayed by Sir Robert and his 
regiment was the theme of universal admiration in 
Britain, and the French themselves could not withhold 
their meed of praise. " It must be owned," says a 
French writer, " that our forces were thrice obliged to 
give way, and nothing but the good conduct and extreme 
calnmess of Marshal Saxe could have brought them to the 
charge the last time, which was about two o'clock, when 
the allies in their turn gave way. Our victor}^ may be 
said to be complete; but it cannot be denied, that, as 
the allies behaved extremely well, more especially the 
English, so they made a soldier-like retreat, which was 
much favoured by an adjacent wood. The British 
behaved well, and could be exceeded in ardour by none 
but our officers, who animated the troops by their 
example, when the Highland furies rushed in upon 
us with more violence than ever did a sea driven by a 
tempest. I cannot say much of the other auxiliaries, 
some of whom looked as if they had no great concern 
in the matter which way it went. In short, we gained 



the victory; but may I never see such another! " Some 
idea may be formed of the havoc made by the High- 
landers from the fact of one of them having killed nine 
Frenchmen with his broadsword, and he was only pre- 
vented from increasing the number by his arm being 
shot off. 

In consequence of the rebellion in Scotland, eleven of 
the British regiments were ordered home in October, 
1745, among whom was the 43d. The Highlanders 
arrived in the Thames on the fourth of November, and 
whilst the other regiments were sent to Scotland under 
General Hawley to assist in quelling the insurrection, 
the 43d was marched to the coast of Kent, and joined 
the division of the army assembled there to repel an 
expected invasion. When it is considered that more 
than three hundred of the soldiers in the 43d had fathers 
and brothers engaged in the rebellion, the prudence and 
humanity of keeping them aloof from a contest between 
duty and affection are evident. Three new companies, 
which had been added to the regiment in the early part 
of the year 1745, were, however, employed in Scotland 
against the rebels before joining the regiment. These 
companies were raised chiefly in the districts of Athole, 
Breadalbane, and Braemar, and the command of them 
was given to the laird of Mackintosh, Sir Patrick Murray 
of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inveraw, who had 
recruited them. The subalterns were James Farquhar- 
son, the younger of Invercauld; John Campbell, the 
younger of Glenlyon, and Dugald Campbell; and 
Ensign Allan Grant, son of Glenmoriston ; John Camp- 
bell, son of Glenfalloch; and Allan Campbell, son of 
Barcaldine. General Stewart observes that the privates 
of these companies, though of the best character, did 
not occupy that rank in society for which so many 
individuals of the independent companies had been 



distinguished. One of these companies, as has been 
elsewhere observed, was at the battle of Prestonpans. 
The services of the other two companies were confined 
to the Highlands during the rebellion, and after its 
suppression they were employed along with detachments 
of the Enghsh army in the barbarous task of burning 
the houses, and laying waste the lands of the rebels, — 
a service which must have been very revolting to their 

Having projected the conquest of Quebec, the govern- 
ment fitted out an expedition at Portsmouth, the land- 
forces of which consisted of six thousand men, including 
Lord John Murray's Highlanders, as the 43d regiment 
was now called. The armament having been delayed 
from various causes until the season was too far advanced 
for crossing the Atlantic, it was resolved to employ it 
in making a descent on the coast of France, for the pur- 
pose of surprising the Port I'Orient, then the repository 
of all the stores and ships belonging to the French East 
India Company. WhUe this new expedition was in 
preparation, the Highland regiment was increased to 
eleven hundred men, by draughts from the three com- 
panies in Scotland. 

As the force destined for North America was considered 
inadequate for the intended descent on France, a rein- 
forcement of two thousand of the foot-guards and a 
large detachment of artillery were added to it. The 
expedition sailed from Portsmouth on the fifteenth day of 
September, 1746, under the command of Rear-Admiral 
Lestock, and on the twentieth the troops were landed, 
without much opposition, in Quimperly bay, ten miles 
from Port I'Orient. General St. Clair, the commander, 
reached L'Orient on the twenty-fourth, and having, 
on the evening of next day, completed one mortar- 
battery and two twelve-gun batteries, he laid siege to 



the place. Having offered to surrender on terms which 
were rejected, the inhabitants prepared for a vigorous 
defence. Assuming a garb resembling that worn by 
the Highland soldiers, the garrison advanced towards 
the batteries, and under that disguise approached very- 
near before the deception was discovered. They were 
then driven back amidst a volley of grape-shot, and 
pursued by the Highlanders. As the besieged soon 
obtained a great accession of force, and as General St, 
Clair soon perceived that he could not carry the place, 
he abandoned the siege, and retiring to the sea-coast, 
re-embarked his troops. 

Some of these forces returned to England; the rest 
landed in Ireland. The Highlanders arrived at Cork 
on the fourth of November, whence they marched to 
Limerick, where they remained tUl February, 1747, when 
they returned to Cork, where they embarked to join 
a new expedition for Flanders. This force, which con- 
sisted chiefly of the troops that had been recalled in 
1745, sailed from Leith roads in the beginning of April, 
1747. Lord Loudon's Highlanders and a detachment 
from the three additional companies of Lord John 
Murray's Highlanders also joined this force; and such 
was the eagerness of the latter for this service, that when 
informed that only a part of them was to join the army, 
they all claimed permission to embark, in consequence 
of which demand it was found necessary to settle the 
question of preference by drawing lots. 

To relieve Hulst, which was closely besieged by Count 
Lowendahl, a detachment, consisting of Lord John 
Murray's Highlanders, the first battalion of the Royals 
and Bragg's regiment, was ordered to Flushing, under 
the command of Major-General Fuller. They landed at 
Stapledyke on the first of May. The Dutch governor 
of Hulst, General St. Roque, ordered the Royals to join 



the Dutch camp at St. Bergue, and directed the High- 
landers and Bragg's regiment to halt within four miles 
of Hulst. On the fifth of May the besiegers began an 
assault, and drove the outguards and piquets back 
into the garrison, and would have carried the place, had 
not the Royals maintained their post with the greatest 
bravery till relieved by the Highland regiment, when 
the French were compelled to retire. The Highlanders 
had only five privates killed and a few wounded on this 
occasion. The French continuing the siege, St. Roque 
surrendered the place, although he was aware that an 
additional reinforcement of nine battalions was on the 
march to his relief. The British troops then embarked 
for South Beveland. Three hundred of the Highland 
regiment, who were the last to embark, were attacked 
by a body of French troops. " They behaved with so 
much bravery, that they beat off three or four times their 
number, killing many, and making some prisoners, with 
only the loss of four or five of their own number." 

Having collected his whole army, the Duke of Cum- 
berland posted himself between the two Nethes to cover 
Bergen-op-Zoom and Maestricht; and Marshal Saxe, 
calling in his detachments, encamped between Mechlin 
and Lou vain, with the view of hazarding a general en- 
gagement. Arriving at Brussels on the fifteenth of June, 
the French king put his army in motion towards Tirle- 
mont. The allies formed themselves in order of battle, 
with their right at Bilsen, and their left extending to 
Wirle, within a mile of Maestricht, having in the front 
of their left wing the village of Lafeldt, in which were 
posted several battalions of British infantry. Prince 
Wolfenbuttle was posted at the abbey of Everbode with 
the reserve of the first line, and the second line took 
up a position at Westerloo to sustain the reserve. These 
arrangements were completed on the seventeenth of 



June; but no engagement took place till the morning 
of the second of July, although both armies cannonaded 
each other the preceding day. 

In the morning the enemy's infantry marched down 
from the heights of Herdeeren in a large column, and 
attacked the village of Lafeldt. In their approach they 
suffered dreadfully from the cannon of the allies, and 
from a well-directed fire from the British musketry. 
The French, unable to withstand, retired; but fresh 
brigades coming up the allies were obliged in their turn 
to abandon the village. For four hours the battle raged 
round this village, which was thrice carried, and as often 
lost. About noon, the Duke of Cumberland ordered the 
whole left wing to advance against the enemy, whose 
infantry gave way. Prince Waldeck led up the centre, 
and Marshal Bathiani making a motion with the right 
wing towards Herdeeren, victory seemed within reach 
of the confederates, when the fortune of the day was 
suddenly changed by the Irish and Scotch brigades * in 
the service of France, who being ordered up by Marshal 
Saxe, charged and drove back in great confusion the 
centre of the allied army. At this critical moment some 
squadrons of Dutch cavalry who were in the rear, instead 
of supporting the line, turned to the right-about, and fly- 
ing off at full gallop, overthrew five battalions of infantry 
that were marching up from the reserve. The con- 
fusion was still farther increased by the French cavalry, 
who charged the confederates with great impetuosity, 
and penetrated through their lines. The Duke of Cum- 
berland with difficulty reached the left wing; and the 
defeat would in all probability have been complete, 
had not Sir John Ligonier gallantly resolved, at the 
imminent risk of his life, to save the army. At the head 
of three British regiments of dragoons, and some squad- 
rons of Austrians, he charged the whole line of the 



French cavalry with such vigour and success, as to 
overthrow all who opposed him. By this diversion the 
Duke of Cumberland was enabled to effect an orderly 
retreat to Maestricht. Sir John Ligonier, after having 
his horse killed under him, was taken prisoner. The 
allies lost 5,620 men in killed and wounded; but the loss 
of the French was nearly double that number. 

A few days after the battle, Count Lowendahl laid 
siege to Bergensop-Zoom with a force of twenty-five thou- 
sand men. This place, from the strength of its fortifica- 
tions, the favourite work of the celebrated Coehom, 
having never been stormed, was deemed impregnable. 
The garrison consisted of three thousand men, including 
Lord Loudon's Highlanders. Though Lord John Mur- 
ray's Highlanders remained in South Beveland, his 
lordship, with Captain Fraser of Culduthel, Captain 
Campbell of Craignish, and several other officers of his 
regiment, joined the besieged. After about two months' 
siege, this important fortress was taken by storm from 
the too great confidence of Constrom, the governor, who 
never anticipated an assault. On obtaining possession 
of the ramparts, the French attempted to enter the 
town, but were attacked with such impetuosity by two 
battalions of the Scottish troops in the pay of the 
States-general, that they were driven from street to 
street, until fresh reinforcements arriving, the Scotch 
were compelled to retreat in their turn; yet they dis- 
puted every inch of ground, and fought till two-thirds of 
them were killed on the spot. The remainder thee 
abandoned the town, carrying the old governor along 
with them. 

The different bodies of the allied army assembled in 
the neighbourhood of Raremond in March, 1748, but, 
with the exception of the capture of Maestricht, no 
military event of any importance took place in the 



Netherlands; and preliminaries of peace having been 
signed, the Highlanders returned to England in Decem- 
ber, and were afterward sent to Ireland. The three 
additional companies had assembled at Prestonpans in 
March, 1748, for the purpose of embarking for Flanders; 
but the orders to ship were countermanded in conse- 
quence of the preliminaries of peace being signed, and 
in the course of that year these companies were reduced. 
The following year, in consequence of the reduction of 
the 42d regiment (Oglethorpe's), the number of the 
Highland regiment was changed from the 43d to the 
42d, the number it has ever since retained. 

During eight years that the Highlanders were stationed 
in Ireland, the utmost cordiality subsisted between them 
and the inhabitants of the different districts where they 
were quartered, — a circumstance the more remarkable 
when it is considered that the military were generally 
embroiled in quarrels with the natives. So lasting and 
favourable an impression did they make, that upon 
the return of the regiment from America, after an 
absence of eleven years, applications were made from 
the towns and districts where they had been formerly 
quartered, to get them again stationed among them. 
Although, as General Stewart observes, the similarity 
of language, and the general and prevailing belief of the 
same origin, might have had some influence with both 
parties, yet nothing but the most exemplary good 
conduct on the part of the Highlanders could have 
overcome the natural repugnance of a people who, at 
that time, justly regarded the British soldiery as ready 
instruments of oppression. 

In consequence of the mutual encroachments made by 
the French and English on their respective territories 
in North America, both parties prepared for war; and 
as the British ministry determined to make their chief 



efforts against the enemy in that quarter, they resolved 
to send two bodies of troops thither. The first division, 
of which the Highlanders formed a part, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-General Sir James Abercromby, set 
sail in March, 1756, and landed at New York in June 
following. In the month last mentioned seven hundred 
recruits, who had been raised by recruiting parties sent 
from the regiment previous to its departure from 
Ireland, embarked at Greenock for America. When 
the Highlanders landed, they attracted much notice, 
particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the 
march of the regiment to Albany, flocked from all 
quarters to see strangers, whom, from the similarity 
of their dress, they considered to be of the same ex- 
traction as themselves, and whom they therefore re- 
garded as brothers. 

Before the departure of the 42d regiment, several 
changes and promotions had taken place. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Campbell (the late Duke of Argyle), who had 
commanded the regiment during the six years they 
were quartered in Ireland, having been promoted to 
the command of the 54th, was succeeded by Major 
Grant, who was so popular with the men, that, on the 
vacancy occurring, they subscribed a sum of money 
among themselves to purchase the lieutenant-colonelcy 
for him; but the money was not required, the promotion 
at that time being without purchase. Captain Duncan 
Campbell of In vera w was appointed major; Thomas 
Graeme of Duchray, James Abercromby, son of General 
Abercromby of Glassa, the commander of the expedition, 
and John Campbell of Strachur, were made captains; 
Lieutenant John Campbell, captain-lieutenant; En- 
signs Kenneth Tolme, James Grant, John Graeme, 
brother of Duchray, Hugh M'Pherson, Alexander Turn- 
bull of Stracathro, and Alexander Campbell, son of 



Barcaldine, were raised to the rank of lieutenants. From 
the half-pay lists were taken Lieutenants Alexander 
MTntosh, James Gray, William Baillie, Hugh Arnot, 
William Sutherland, John Small, and Archibald Camp- 
bell; the ensigns were James Campbell, Archibald 
Lamont, Duncan Campbell, George M'Lagan, Patrick 
Balneaves, son of Edradour, Patrick Stewart, son 
of Bonskeid, Norman M'Leod, George Campbell, and 
Donald Campbell. 

The regiment had been now sixteen years embodied, 
and although its original members had by this time 
almost disappeared, " their habits and character were 
well sustained by their successors, to whom they were 
left, as it were, in charge. This expectation has been 
fulfilled through a long course of years and events. The 
first supply of recruits after the original formation, was, 
in many instances, inferior to their predecessors in per- 
sonal appearance, as well as in private station and 
family connections; but they lost nothing of that firm 
step, erect air, and freedom from awkward restraint, 
the consequence of a spirit of independence and self- 
respect, which distinguished their predecessors." 

The second division of the expedition, under the Earl 
of Loudon, who was appointed commander-in-chief of 
the army in North America, soon joined the forces under 
General Abercromby; but, owing to different causes, 
they did not take the field till the summer of the follow- 
ing year. Pursuant to an attack on Louisburg, Lord 
Loudon embarked in the month of June for Halifax 
with the forces under his command, amounting to 
5,300 men. At Halifax his forces were increased to 
10,500 men, by the addition of five regiments lately 
arrived from England, including Eraser's and Mont- 
gomery's Highlanders. 

When on the eve of his departure from Halifax, Lord 


Loudon received information by means of some small 
vessels he had sent out to examine and reconnoitre the 
condition of the enemy, that the Brest fleet had arrived 
in the harbour of Louisburg. In consequence of this 
intelligence, the preparations for the expedition were 
suspended, and several councils of war were held, at 
which various opinions were delivered; but the resolu- 
tion to abandon the enterprise was not taken till it 
clearly appeared from letters which were taken in a 
packet bound from Louisburg to France, that the force 
was too great to be encountered. It turned out that 
there were at that time at Louisburg six thousand 
regular troops, three thousand natives, and thirteen 
hundred Indians, with seventeen ships of the line and 
three frigates moored in the harbour, and that the place 
was well suppHed wdth ammunition, provisions, and 
every kind of military store. Leaving the remainder of 
the troops at Halifax, Lord Loudon returned to New 
York, taking along with him the Highlanders and four 
other regiments. 

The Marquis de Montcalm, the commander of the 
French army, in the meantime availed himself of the 
departure of Lord Loudon from New York, to improve 
the advantages he had already gained. Collecting all 
his disposable forces, amounting, with Indians, to eight 
thousand men, and a large train of artillery, he laid siege 
to Fort William-Henry, garrisoned by three thousand 
men under the command of Colonel Munro. After a siege 
of six days. Colonel Munro surrendered, on condition 
that the garrison should not serve for eighteen months. 
As the garrison marched out the Indians fell upon them, 
robbed them of their effects, and, dragging the Indians 
in the English service out of the ranks, assassinated them 
in presence of the French commander, who was either 
unwilling or unable to restrain them. 



The Earl of Loudon having been recalled, the command 
of the army devolved on General Abercromby. Deter- 
mined to wipe off the disgrace of former campaigns, 
the ministry, who had just come into power, fitted out 
a great naval armament and a military force of thirty- 
two thousand men, which were placed under conamanders 
who enjoyed the confidence of the country. The com- 
mand of the fleet was given to Admiral Boscawen; and 
Brigadier-Generals Wolfe, Townsend, and Murray were 
added to the military staff. Three expeditions were 
planned in 1758, one against Louisburg; another against 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and a third against Fort 
du Quesne. 

General Abercromby, the commander-in-chief, took 
charge of the expedition against Ticonderoga, with a 
force of 15,390 men, of whom 6,337 were regulars (in- 
cluding Lord John Murray's Highlanders), and 9,024 
provincials, besides a train of artillery. 

Fort Ticonderoga stands on a tongue of land between 
Lake Champlain and Lake George, and is surrounded on 
three sides by water; part of the fourth side is protected 
by a morass; the remaining part was strongly fortified 
with high entrenchments, supported and flanked by 
three batteries, and the whole front of that part which 
was accessible was intersected by deep traverses, and 
blocked up with felled trees, with their branches turned 
outwards, and their points first sharpened and then 
hardened by fire, forming altogether a most formidable 
defence. On the fourth of July the commander-in-chief 
embarked his troops on Lake George, on board nine 
hundred batteaux and 135 whale-boats, with provisions, 
artillery, and ammunition, several pieces of cannon being 
mounted on rafts to cover the landing, which was 
effected next day without opposition. The troops were 
then formed into two parallel columns, and in this order 



marched towards the enemy's advanced post, consisting 
of one battalion, encamped behind a breast-work of 
logs. The enemy abandoned this defence without a 
shot, after setting the breast-work on fire and burning 
their tents and implements. The troops continued their 
march in the same order, but the route lying through a 
wood, and the guides being imperfectly acquainted 
with the country, the columns were broken by coming 
in contact with each other. The right column, at the 
head of which was Lord Howe, fell in with a detachment 
of the enemy who had also lost their way in the retreat 
from the advanced post, and a smart skirmish ensuing, 
the enemy were routed with considerable loss. Lord 
Howe unfortunately fell in the beginning of this action. 
He was much regretted, being " a young nobleman of 
the most promising talents, who had distinguished him- 
self in a peculiar manner by his courage, activity, and 
rigid observance of military discipline, and had acquired 
the esteem and affection of the soldiery by his generosity, 
sweetness of manners, and engaging address." 

Perceiving that his men were greatly fatigued, 
General Abercromby ordered them to march back to 
their landing-place, which they reached about eight 
o'clock in the morning. Having taken possession of a 
sawmill in the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga, which the 
enemy had abandoned, General Abercromby advanced 
towards the place next morning. It was garrisoned by 
five thousand men, of whom twenty-eight hundred were 
French troops of the line, who were stationed behind the 
traverses and felled trees in front of the fort. Receiving 
information from some prisoners that General Levi, 
with a force of three thousand men, was marching to the 
defence of Ticonderoga, the English commander resolved 
to anticipate him by striking, if possible, a decisive blow 
before a junction could be effected. He therefore sent 



an engineer across the river on the opposite side of the 
fort to reconnoitre the enemy's entrenchments, who 
reported that the works being still unfinished, might 
be attempted with a prospect of success. Preparations 
for the attack were therefore instantly made. The 
whole army being put in motion, the piquets, followed 
by the grenadiers, the battalions and reserve, which last 
consisted of the Highlanders and the 55th regiment, 
advanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments, 
which they found to be much more formidable than they 
expected. The breast-work, which was regularly forti- 
fied, was eight feet high, and the ground before it was 
covered with an abhatis or chemux-de-frize, projecting 
in such a manner as to render the entrenchment almost 
inaccessible. Undismayed by these discouraging ob- 
stacles, the British troops marched up to the assault in 
the face of a destructive fire, and maintained their 
ground without flinching. Impatient in the rear, the 
Highlanders broke from the reserve, and, pushing for- 
ward to the front, endeavoured to cut their way through 
the trees with their broadswords. After a long and 
deadly struggle, the assailants penetrated the exterior 
defences and advanced to the breast- work; but being 
unprovided with scaling ladders, they attempted to gain 
the breast-work, partly by mounting on each other's 
shoulders, and partly by fixing their feet in the holes 
which they made with their swords and bayonets, in the 
face of the work. No sooner, however, did a man reach 
the top, than he was thrown down by the troops behind 
the entrenchments. Captain John Campbell,' and a 
few men, at length forced their way over the breast- 
work, but they were immediately despatched with the 
bayonet. After a desperate struggle, which lasted about 
four hours under such discouraging circumstances, 
General Abercromby seeing no possible chance of suc- 



cess, gave orders for a retreat. It was with diflSculty, 
however, that the troops could be prevailed upon to 
retire, and it was not till the third order that the High- 
landers were induced to retreat, after more than one-half 
of the men and twenty-five officers had been either 
killed or desperately wounded. No attempt was made 
to molest them in their retreat, and the whole retired 
in good order, carrying along with them the whole of 
the wounded, amounting to sixty-five officers and 1,178 
non-commissioned officers and soldiers. Twenty-three 
officers and 567 rank and file were killed. 

The loss sustained by the 42d regiment was as follows, 
viz.: Eight officers, nine sergeants, and 297 men killed; 
and seventeen officers, ten sergeants, and 306 soldiers 
wounded. The officers killed were Major Duncan Camp- 
bell of Inveraw, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants 
George Farquharson, Hugh MTherson, William Baillie 
and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart, brother 
of Bonskeid, and George Rattray. The wounded were 
Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, 
John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrard, 
James Murray (afterward general); Lieutenants James 
Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, William Grant, 
John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, 
Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David 
Miller, Patrick Balnea ves; and Ensigns John Smith and 
Peter Grant. 

The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders on this 
occasion was made the topic of universal panegyric in 
Great Britain, and the public prints teemed with honour- 
able testimonies to their bravery. If an}i;hing could add 
to the gratification they received from the approbation 
of their country, nothing was better calculated to enhance 
it than the handsome way in which their services were 
appreciated by their companions in arms. " With a 



mixture of esteem, grief, and envy," says an officer of 
the 55th, " I consider the great loss and immortal glory 
acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody 
affair. Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the 
entrenchments, which many of them actually mounted. 
They appeared like lions breaking from their chains. 
Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped 
by seeing their comrades fall on every side. I have only 
to say of them, that they seemed more anxious to revenge 
the cause of their deceased friends, than careful to 
avoid the same fate. By their assistance, we expect 
soon to give a good account of the enemy and of our- 
selves. There is much harmony and friendship between 
us." The folio wmg extract of a letter from Lieutenant 
WiUiam Grant, an officer of the regiment, seems to con- 
tain no exaggerated detail: — "The attack began a 
little past one in the afternoon, and about two the fire 
became general on both sides, which was exceedingly 
heavy, and without any intermission, insomuch that 
the oldest soldier present never saw so furious and inces- 
sant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to it, 
I saw both. We laboured under insurmountable diffi- 
culties. The enemy's breast-work was about nine or 
ten feet high, upon the top of which they had plenty 
of waU-pieces fixed, and which was well lined in the inside 
with small arms. But the difficult access to their lines 
was what gave them a fatal advantage over us. They 
took care to cut down monstrous large oak trees which 
covered all the ground from the foot of their breast- 
work about the distance of a cannon-shot every way in 
their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made it 
impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely 
out of our power to advance till we cut our way through. 
1 have seen men behave with courage and resolution 
before now, but so much determined bravery can hardly 



be equalled in any part of the history of ancient Rome. 
Even those that were mortally wounded cried aloud to 
their companions, not to mind or lose a thought upon 
them, but to follow their officers, and to mind the honour 
of their country. Nay, their ardour was such, that it 
was difficult to bring them off. They paid dearly for 
their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the 
honour to cover the retreat of the army, and brought off 
the wounded as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we 
have so fine a regiment again? I hope we shall be allowed 
to recruit." Lieutenant Grant's wish had been antici- 
pated, as letters of service had been issued, before the 
affair of Ticonderoga was known in England, for raising 
a second battalion, besides an order to make the regiment 
royal, " as a testimony of his Majesty's satisfaction and 
approbation of the extraordinary courage, loyalty, and 
exemplary conduct of the Highland regiment." 

So successful were the officers in recruiting, that within 
three months seven companies, each 120 men strong, 
which, with the three additional companies raised the 
preceding year, were to form the second battalion, were 
raised in three months, and embodied at Perth in 
October, 1758. The officers appointed to these seven 
additional companies were Francis M'Lean Alexander 
Sinclair, John Stewart of Stenton, William Murray, son 
of Lintrose, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Reid, and 
Robert Arbuthnot, to be captains; Alexander M'Lean, 
George Grant, George Sinclair, Gordon Clunes, Adam 
Stewart, John Robertson, son of Lude, John Grant, 
James Eraser, George Leslie, John Campbell, Alexander 
Stewart, Duncan Richardson, and Robert Robertson, 
to be lieutenants; and Patrick Sinclair, John M'Intosh, 
James M'Duff, Thomas Fletcher, Alexander Donaldson, 
William M'Lean, and William Brown, to be ensigns. 
Government having resolved to employ the seven new 


companies in an expedition against Martinique and 
Guadaloupe, two hundred of the men, on being em- 
bodied, were immediately embarked at Greenock for the 
West Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle, for 
the purpose of joining the armament lying in Carlisle 
bay, destined for that service. The whole land force em- 
ployed in this expedition amounted to 5,560 men, under 
the command of Major-Generals Hopson and Barring- 
ton, and of Brigadier-Generals Armiger, Haldane, 
Trapand, and Clavering. They sailed from Barbadoes 
on the thirteenth of January, 1759, for Martinique, 
which they descried next morning; and on the following 
day the British squadron entered the great bay of Port 
Royal. About this time the other division of the seven 
newly raised companies joined the expedition. On the 
sixteenth, three ships of the line attacked Fort Negro, 
the guns of which they soon silenced. A detachment 
of marines and sailors landing in flat-bottomed boats, 
clambered up the rock, and, entering through the em- 
brasures with fixed bayonets, took possession of the 
fort, which had been abandoned by the enemy. The 
whole French troops retired to Port Royal, leaving the 
beach open, so that the British forces landed next 
morning at Cas de Navire without opposition. No 
enemy being in sight, the grenadiers, the 4th or king's 
regiment, and the Highlanders, moved forward about 
ten o'clock to reconnoitre; but they had not proceeded 
far when they fell in with parties of the enemy, who 
retired on their approach. When within a short distance 
of Morne Tortueson, an eminence that overlooked the 
town and citadel of Port Royal, and the most important 
post in the island, the advanced party halted till the rest 
of the army came up. The advancing and retiring par- 
ties had kept up an irregular fire when in motion, and 
they still continued to skirmish. It was observed on 



this occasion, " that although debarred the use of arms 
in their own country, the Highlanders showed them- 
selves good marksmen, and had not forgot how to handle 
their arms." The inhabitants of Martinique were in the 
greatest alarm, and some of the principal among them 
were about sending deputies to the British commander to 
treat for a surrender, but General Hopson relieved them 
from their anxiety by reembarking his troops in the 
evening. The chief reason for abandoning the enter- 
prise was the alleged impracticability of getting up the 
heavy cannon. The British had one oflBcer killed and 
two wounded, one of whom was Lieutenant Leslie of the 
Royal Highlanders. Sixty privates were killed and 

In a political point of view, the possession of Mar- 
tinique was an object of greater importance than Guada- 
loupe, as it afforded, from its spacious harbour, a secure 
retreat to the enemy's fleets. By taking possession of 
St. Pierre, the whole island might have been speedily 
reduced; and the British commanders proceeded to that 
part of the island with that view; but alarmed lest they 
might sustain considerable loss by its capture, which 
might thus cripple their future operations, they absurdly 
relinquished their design, and proceeded to Guadaloupe. 
On the expedition reaching the western division of the 
island, it w^as resolved to make a general attack by sea 
upon the citadel, the town, and the batteries by which it 
was defended. Accordingly, on the twentieth of January, 
three line-of-battle ships formed in a line opposite the 
town of Basseterre, and at nine o'clock in the morning 
opened a tremendous fire on the town and batteries, 
which was returned and kept up on both sides with great 
vivacity for many hours. About five o'clock in the 
evening the fire of the citadel slackened. In the course 
of the afternoon the Rippon, of seventy-four guns, ran 



aground, and would probably have been destroyed, had 
not Captain Leslie of the Bristol, coming in from sea, 
run in between the Rippon and the batteries, and, by 
silencing their fire, enabled the Rippon to get off. At 
seven in the evening, all the other large ships having 
silenced the guns to which they had been respectively 
opposed, joined the rest of the fleet. Four bombs were 
then anchored near the shore, which threw shells into 
the town, in consequence of which several houses were 
soon set on fire, and about ten o'clock at night the place 
was in a general conflagration. 

The troops landed at five o'clock in the evening of the 
following day without opposition, and took possession 
of the town and citadel, which they found entirely 
abandoned. The Chevalier D'Etreil, the governor of the 
island, taking shelter among the mountains, yielded the 
honour of continuing the contest to a lady of masculine 
courage named Ducharmey. Arming her slaves, whom 
she headed in person, she made several bold attempts 
upon an advanced post on a hill near the town, occupied 
by Major (afterward general) Melville, opposite to which 
she thirew up some entrenchments. Annoyed by the 
incessant attacks of this Amazon, Major Melville attacked 
her entrenchments, which he carried, after an obstinate 
resistance. Madame Ducharmey escaped with difficulty, 
but some of her female companions in arms were taken 
prisoners. Ten of her people were killed and many 
wounded. Of the British detachment, twelve were slain 
and thirty wounded, including two subaltern officers, 
one of whom, Lieutenant M'Lean of the Highlanders, 
lost an arm. 

Finding it impracticable to carry on a campaign 
among the mountains of Basseterre, the general resolved 
to transfer the seat of war to the eastern division of the 
island, called Grandeterre, which was more accessible. 



Accordingly, on the tenth of February, a detachment of 
Highlanders and marines was landed in that part of the 
island in the neighbourhood of Fort Louis, after a severe 
cannonading which lasted six hours. The assailants, 
Bword in hand, drove the enemy from their entrench- 
ments, and, taking possession of the fort, hoisted the 
English colours. 

General Hopson died on the twenty-seventh. He was 
succeeded by General Barrington, who resolved to com- 
plete the reduction of the island with vigour. Leaving, 
therefore, one regiment and a detachment of artillery 
under Colonel Debrisay in Basseterre, the general re- 
embarked the rest of the army and proceeded to Grande- 
terre. On the departure of Barrington, the enemy 
descended from the hills, and endeavoured to take pos- 
session of the town; but they were repulsed in every 
attempt by the small garrison. In one of these attacks 
a powder magazine unfortunately exploded, in which 
explosion Colonel Debrisay, together with two other 
oflScers and some soldiers, perished. 

Meanwhile General Barrington was carrying on a series 
of successful operations in Grandeterre, by means of 
detachments. One of these, consisting of six hundred 
men, under Colonel Crump, carried the towns of St. 
Anne and St. Francis with little loss, notwithstanding 
the fire from the entrenchments. The only officer who 
fell was Ensign M'Lean of the Highlanders. Another 
detachment of three hundred men took the town of 
Gosier by storm, and drove the garrison into the woods. 
The next operation of the general was an attempt to 
surprise the three towns of Petit Bourg, St. Mary's, and 
Gouyave, on the Capesterre side, the execution of which 
was conmiitted to Colonels Crump and Clavering; but, 
owing to the extreme darkness of the night, and the 
incapacity of the negro guides, the attempt was rendered 



abortive. Resolved to carry these towns, the general 
directed the same commanders to land their forces in a 
bay near the town of Amonville. No opposition was 
made to their landing by the enemy, who retreated 
behind a strong entrenchment they had thrown up 
behind the River Licorn. With the exception of two 
narrow passes which they had fortified with a redoubt 
and entrenchments mounted with cannon, which were 
defended by a large body of mUitia, the access to the 
river was rendered inaccessible by a morass covered with 
mangroves; yet, in spite of these difficulties, the British 
commanders resolved to hazard an assault. Accordingly, 
under cover of a fire from the entrenchments from their 
field-pieces and howitzers, the regiment of Duroure and 
the Highlanders moved forward, firing by platoons with 
the utmost regularity as they advanced. Observing 
the enemy beginning to abandon the first entrenchment 
on the left, " the Highlanders drew their swords, and, 
supported by a part of the other regiment, rushed for- 
ward with their characteristic impetuosity, and followed 
the enemy into the redoubt, of which they took pos- 

Several other actions of minor importance afterward 
took place, in which the enemy were uniformly worsted; 
and seeing resistance hopeless, they capitulated on the 
first of May, after an arduous struggle of nearly three 
months. The only Highland officer killed in this expedi- 
tion was Ensign M'Lean. Lieutenants M'Lean, Leslie, 
Sinclair, and Robertson were wounded; and Major 
Anstruther and Captain Arbuthnot died of the fever. 
One hundred and six privates of the Royal Highlanders 
were killed, wounded, or died of disease. 

After the reduction of Guadaloupe, the services of the 
second battalion of Royal Highlanders were transferred 
to North America, where they arrived early in July, and 



after reaching the headquarters of the British army, 
were combined with the first battahon. About this time 
a series of combined operations had been projected 
against the French settlements in Canada. Whilst 
Major-General Wolfe, who had given proofs of great 
military talents at the siege of Louisburg, was to proceed 
up the St. Lawrence and besiege Quebec, General 
Amherst, who had succeeded General Abercromby as 
commander-in-chief, was to attempt the reduction of 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, after which he was to 
cross Lake Champlain and effect a junction with General 
Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier-General Prideaux was 
to proceed against the French fort near the falls of the 
Niagara, the most important post of all French America. 
The aimy under General Amherst, which was the first 
put in motion, assembled at Fort Edward on the nine- 
teenth of June. It included the 42d regiment and Mont- 
gomery's Highlanders, and when afterward joined by 
the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders, it 
amounted to 14,500 men. Preceded by the first battal- 
ion of the 42d, and the light infantry, the main body of 
the army moved forward on the twenty-first, and en- 
camped in the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga. The 
enemy seemed at first resolved to defend that important 
fortress; but perceiving the formidable preparations 
made by the English general for a siege, they abandoned 
the fort, after having in part dismantled the fortifica- 
tions, and retired to Crown Point. 

On taking possession of this important post, which 
effectually covered the frontiers of New York, General 
Amherst proceeded to repair the fortifications; and, 
while these were going on, he directed batteaux and 
other vessels to be prepared, to enable him to obtain the 
command of the lakes. Meanwhile the enemy, who 
seem to have had no intention of hazarding an action, 



evacuated Crown Point, and retired to Isle aux Noix, 
on the northern extremity of Lake Champlain. Detach- 
ing a body of rangers to take possession of the place, the 
general embarked the rest of the army and landed at the 
fort on the fourth of August, where he encamped. 
The general then ordered up the second battalion of the 
Royal Highlanders from Oswego, with the exception of 
150 men under Captain James Stewart, who were left 
to guard that post. Having by great exertions acquired 
a naval superiority on Lake Champlain, the general 
embarked his army in furtherance of his original plan 
of descending the St. Lawrence, and cooperating with 
General Wolfe in the reduction of Quebec; but 'm con- 
sequence of contrary winds, the tempestuous state of 
the weather, and the early setting in of winter, he was 
compelled to abandon further prosecution of active 
operations in the meantime. He then returned to 
Crown Point to winter. A detail of the important enter- 
prise against Quebec wUl be found in the history of 
Eraser's Highlanders. 

After the fall of the fort of Niagara, which was taken 
by Prideaux's division, and the conquest of Quebec, 
Montreal was the only place of strength which remained 
in possession of the French in Canada. General Murray 
was ordered to proceed up the St. Lawrence to attack 
Montreal, and General Amherst, as soon as the season 
permitted, made arrangements to join him. After his 
preparations were completed, he ordered Colonel Havi- 
land, with a detachment of troops, to take possession 
of the Isle aux Noix, and thence to proceed to the banks 
of the St. Lawrence by the nearest route. To facilitate 
the passage of the armed vessels to La Galette, Colonel 
Haldimand with the grenadiers, light infantry, and a 
battalion of the Royal Highlanders took post at the 
bottom of the lake. Embarking the whole of his army 



on the tenth of August, he proceeded towards the mouth 
of the St. Lawrence, and, after a dangerous navigation, 
in the course of which several boats were upset and 
about eighty men drowned, landed six miles above 
Montreal on the sixth of September. General Murray 
appeared before Montreal on the evening of the same 
day, and the detachments under Colonel Haviland came 
down the following day on the south side of the river. 
Thus beset by three armies, who, by a singular com- 
bination, had united almost at the same instant of 
time, after traversing a great extent of unknown 
country, Monsieur Vandreuil, the governor, seeing re- 
sistance hopeless, surrendered upon favourable terms. 
Thus ended a series of successful operations, which 
secured Canada to the crown of Great Britain. 

The Royal Highlanders remained in North America 
until the close of the year 1761, when they were em- 
barked along with ten other regiments, among whom 
was Montgomery's Highlanders, for Barbadoes, there to 
join an armament against Martinique and the Havan- 
nah. The land forces consisted altogether of eighteen 
regiments, under the command of Major-Gen eral 
Monckton. The naval part of the expedition, which was 
commanded by Rear-Admiral Rodney, consisted of 
eighteen sail of the line, besides frigates, bomb-vessels, 
and fire-ships. 

The fleet anchored in St. Ann's Bay, Martinique, on 
the eighth of January, 1762, when the bulk of the army 
inunediately landed. A detachment under Brigadiers 
Grant (Ballindalloch) and Haviland, made a descent 
without opposition in the Bay of Ance Darlet. Re- 
embarking his troops, General Monckton landed his 
w^hole army on the sixteenth near Cas de Navire, under 
Mome Tortueson and Mome Garnier. As these two 
eminences commanded the town and citadel of Fort 



Royal, and were their chief defence, great care had 
been taken to improve by art their natural strength, 
which, from the very deep ravines, which protected them, 
was great. The general having resolved to attack Mome 
Tortueson first, he ordered a body of troops and eight 
hundred marines to advance on the right along the sea- 
side towards the town, for the purpose of attacking two 
redoubts near the beach, and to support this movement, 
he at same time directed some flat bottomed boats, 
each carrying a gun, and manned with sailors, to follow 
close along the shore. A corps of light infantry was to 
get round the enemy's left, whilst, under the cover of the 
fire of some batteries which had been raised on the 
opposite ridges by the perseverance of some sailors from 
the fleet, who had dragged the cannon to the summit 
of these almost perpendicular heights, the attack on 
the centre was to be made by the grenadiers and High- 
landers supported by the main body of the army. After 
an arduous contest the enemy were driven from the 
Mome Tortueson; but a more diflBcult operation still 
remained to be performed. This was to gain possession 
of the other eminence, from which, owing to its greater 
height, the enemy annoyed the British troops. Prepara- 
tions were made for carrying this post; but before they 
were completed the enemy descended from the hill 
and attacked the advanced posts of the British. This 
attempt was fatal to the assailants, who were instantly 
repulsed. " When they began to retire, the High- 
landers, drawing their swords, rushed forward like furies, 
and being supported by the grenadiers under Colonel 
Grant (BaUindalloch), and a party of Lord Rollo's 
brigade, the hills were mounted, and the batteries seized, 
and numbers of the enemy, unable to escape from the 
rapidity of the attack, were taken." The militia dis- 
persed themselves over the country, but the regulars 



retired into the town, which surrendered on the seventh 
of February. The whole island immediately submitted, 
and in terms of the capitulation all the windward islands 
were delivered up to the British. 

In this enterprise the Royal Highlanders had two 
oflficers, viz.. Captain William Cockburn and Lieutenant 
David Barclay, one sergeant and twelve rank and file 
killed. Major John Reid, Captains James Murray and 
Thomas Stirling; Lieutenants Alexander Mackintosh, 
David Milne, Patrick Balnea ves, Alexander Turnbull, 
John Robertson, Wm. Brown, and George Leslie; three 
sergeants, one drummer, and seventy-two rank and file 
were wounded. 

The Royal and Montgomery's Highlanders were em- 
ployed the following year in the important conquest of 
the Havannah, under Lieutenant-General, the Earl of 
Albermarle, in which they sustained very little loss. 
That of the two battalions of the 42d consisted only of 
two drummers and six privates killed, and four privates 
wounded; but they lost by disease Major Macneil, 
Captain Robert Menzies, brother of the late Sir John 
Menzies, and A. Macdonald; Lieutenants Farquharson, 
Grant, Lapsley, Cunnison, Hill and Blair, and two drum- 
mers, and seventy-one rank and file. 

Shortly after the surrender of the Havannah, all the 
disposable forces in Cuba were removed from the island. 
The first battalion of the 42d and Montgomery's regi- 
ment embarked for New York, which they reached in 
the end of October. Before leaving Cuba all the men of 
the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders fit for 
service were drafted into the first. The remainder with 
the oflicers returned to Scotland, where they were re- 
duced the following year. The junior oflBcers were 
placed on half pay. 

The Royal Highlanders were stationed in Albany till 


the summer of 1763, when they were sent to the relief 
of Fort Pitt, then besieged by the Indians. The manage- 
ment of this enterprise was entrusted to Colonel Bouquet 
of the 60th regiment, who, in addition to the 42d, had 
under his conmaand a detachment of his own regiment 
and another of Montgomery's Highlanders, amounting 
in whole to 956 men. This body reached Bushy Run 
about the end of July. When about to enter a narrow 
pass beyond the Run, the advanced guards were suddenly 
attacked by the Indians, who had planned an ambuscade. 
The light infantry of the 42d regiment moved forward 
to the support of the advanced guard, and driving the 
Indians from the ambuscade, pursued them a con- 
siderable distance. The Indians returned and took 
possession of some neighbouring heights. They were 
again compelled to retire; but they soon reappeared 
on another position, and continuing to increase in num- 
bers, they succeeded in surrounding the detachment, 
which they attacked on every side. Night put an end 
to the combat; but it was renewed next morning with 
increased vigour by the Indians, who kept up an inces- 
sant fire. They, however, avoided coming to close action, 
and the troops could not venture to pursue them far, 
as they were encumbered with a convoy of provisions, 
and were afraid to leave their wounded lest they might 
fall into the hands of the enemy. Recourse was, there- 
fore, had to stratagem to bring the Indians to closer 
action. Feigning a retreat. Colonel Bouquet ordered 
two companies which were in advance to retire, and fall 
within a square which had been formed, which, as if 
preparing to cover a retreat, opened its files. The 
stratagem succeeded. Assuring themselves of victory, 
the Indians rushed forward with great impetuosity, and 
whilst they were vigorously charged in front, two com- 
panies, moving suddenly round a hill which concealed 



their approach, attacked them in flank. The assailants, 
in great consternation, turned their backs and fled, and 
Colonel Bouquet was allowed to proceed to Fort Pitt 
without further molestation. In this affair, the loss sus- 
tained by the Royal Highlanders was as follows: viz., 
Lieutenants John Graham and James Mackintosh, one 
sergeant, and twenty-six rank and file, killed; and 
Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan 
Campbell, two sergeants, two drummers, and thirty 
rank and file, wounded. 

After passing the winter in Fort Pitt, eight companies 
of the Royal Highlanders were sent on a new enterprise 
in the summer of 1764, under Colonel Bouquet, now 
promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. The object 
of this expedition was to repress the attacks of the 
Indians on the back-settlers. After a harassing warfare 
among the woods, the Indians sued for peace, which was 
accordingly gi-anted, and the detachment under Briga- 
dier-General Bouquet returned to Fort Pitt in the month 
of January, after an absence of six months. Notwith- 
standing the labours of a march of many hundred 
miles among dense forests, during which they ex- 
perienced the extremes of heat and cold, the High- 
landers did not lose a single man from fatigue or ex- 

The regiment passed the following year in Pennsyl- 
vania. Being ordered home, permission was given to 
such of the men as were desirous of remaining in America 
to volunteer into other regiments, and the result was, 
that a considerable number availed themselves of the 
offer. The regiment, reduced almost to a skeleton, 
embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland in the month of 
July, 1767. 

The following extract from the Virginia Gazette of the 
thirtieth of that month, shows the estimation in which 



the Highlanders were held by the Americans: — " Last 
Sunday evening the Royal Highland regiment em- 
barked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in 
America, has been distinguished for having undergone 
most amazing fatigues, made long and frequent marches 
through an inhospitable country, bearing excessive 
heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness, 
frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that 
inhabit the interior parts of this province do not see, 
and which only those who inhabit the northern parts 
of Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed 
in camp, and on their marches, to the alarms of a 
savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were 
forced to fly. ... In a particular manner, the free- 
men of this and the neighbouring provinces have most 
sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery 
with which they, under Colonel Bouquet, and a small 
number of Royal Americans, defeated the enemy, and 
ensured to us peace and security from a savage foe; 
and, along with our blessings for these benefits, they have 
our thanks for that decorum in behaviour which they 
maintamed during their stay in this city, giving an 
example that the most amiable behaviour in civil life 
is no way inconsistent with the character of the good 
soldier; and for their loyalty, fidelity, and orderly 
behaviour, they have every wish of the people for health, 
honour, and a pleasant voyage." 

The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven 
years it was employed in North America and the West 
Indies was as follows: — 


In Officers . , 13 

Sergeants 12 

Rank and File 382 

Total 407 




In Officers 33 

Sergeants 22 

Rank and File 508 

Total 563 

Grand Total 970 

With the exception of the unfortunate affair at Ticon- 
deroga, the loss sustained by the 42d in the field during 
this war was comparatively smaller than that of any 
other corps. The moderate loss the Highlanders suffered 
was accounted for, by several ofl&cers who served in the 
corps, from the celerity of their attack and the use of the 
broadsword, which the enemy could never withstand. 
" This likewise," says General Stewart, " was the opinion 
of an old gentleman, one of the original soldiers of the 
Black Watch, in the ranks of which, although a gentle- 
man by birth and education, he served till the peace of 
1748. He informed me, that although it was believed 
at home that the regiment had been nearly destroyed 
at Fontenoy, the thing was quite the reverse; and that 
it was the subject of general observation in the army, 
that their loss should have been so small, considering 
how actively they were engaged in different parts of the 
field. ' On one occasion,' said the respectable veteran, 
who was animated with the subject, * a brigade of Dutch 
were ordered to attack a rising ground, on which were 
posted the troops called the King of France's own guards. 
The Highlanders were to support them. The Dutch 
conducted their march and attack as if they did not 
know the road, halting and firing, and halting every 
twenty paces. The Highlanders, losing all patience with 
this kind of fighting, which gave the enemy such time 
and opportunity to fire at their leisure, dashed forward, 
passed the Dutch, and the first ranks giving their fire- 



locks to the rear rank, they drew their swords, and soon 
drove the French from their ground. When the attack 
was concluded, it was found that of the Highlanders not 
above a dozen men were killed and wounded, while the 
Dutch, who had not come up at all, lost more than five 
times that number.' " 

On the arrival of the regiment at Cork, recruiting 
parties were sent to the Highlands, and so desirous were 
the Highland youth to enter the corps, that in May 
following the regiment was completed to the then 
establishment.' At the time the battle of Fontenoy 
was fought there was not a soldier in the regiment born 
south of the Grampians, and at this period they were all, 
except two, bom north of the Tay. 

At the period of their arrival in Ireland, the uniform 
of the regiment had a very sombre appearance. " The 
jackets were of a dull rusty-coloured red, and no part of 
the accoutrements was of a light colour. Economy 
was strictly observed in the article of clothing. The old 
jacket, after being worn a year, was converted into a 
waistcoat, and the plaid, at the end of two years, was 
reduced to the philibeg. The hose supplied were of so 
bad a quality, that the men advanced an additional 
sum to the government price, in order to supply them- 
selves with a better sort. Instead of feathers for their 
bonnets, they were allowed only a piece of black bear- 
skin; but the men supplied themselves with ostrich 
feathers in the modem fashion, and spared no expense 
in fitting up their bonnets handsomely. The sword- 
belts were of black leather, two inches and a half in 
breadth; and a small cartouch-box, fitted only for thirty- 
two rounds of cartridges, was wom in front above the 
purse, and fixed round the loins with a thick belt, in 
which hung the bayonet. In these heavy colours and 
dark-blue facings, the regiment had a far less splendid 



appearance at a short distance than EngHsh regiments 
with white breeches and belts; but on a closer view the 
line was imposing and warlike. The men possessed what 
an ingenious author calls * the attractive beauties of a 
soldier; sunburnt complexions, a hardy weatherbeaten 
visage, with a penetrating eye, and firm expressive 
countenance, sinewy and elastic limbs, traces of muscles 
strongly impressed, indicating capacity of action, and 
marking experience of service.' The personal appearance 
of the men has, no doubt, varied according as attention 
was paid to a proper selection of recruits. The appoint- 
ments have also been different. The first alteration in 
this respect was made in the year 1769, when the 
regiment removed to Dublin. At this period the men 
received white cloth waistcoats, and the colonel supplied 
them with white goat-skin and buff leather purses, which 
were deemed an improvement on the vests of red cloth, 
and the purses made of badgers' skin. 

" The officers also improved their dress, by having their 
jackets embroidered. During the war, however, they 
wore only a narrow edging of gold-lace round the borders 
of the facings, and very often no lace at all, epaulettes 
and all glittering ornaments being laid aside, to render 
them less conspicuous to the Indians, who always" 
aimed particularly at the officers. During their stay in 
Ireland, the dress of the men underwent very little 
alteration. The officers had only one suit of embroidery; 
this fashion being found too expensive was given up, 
and gold-lace substituted in its stead. Upon ordinary 
occasions they wore light hangers, using the basket- 
hilted broadsword only in full dress. They also carried 
fusils. The sergeants were furnished with carbines 
instead of the Lochaber axe or halbert, which they 
formerly carried. The soldiers were provided with new 
arms when on Dublin duty in 1774. The sergeants had 



silver-lace on their coats, which they furnished, however, 
at their own expense." 

The regiment remained in Ireland after its return from 
North America about eight years, in the course of which 
it was occasionally occupied in different parts of that 
country in aid of the civil power, — a service in which, 
from their conciliatory disposition, they were found 
very useful. While in Ireland a new company was 
added, as was the case with all the other regiments on 
the Irish establishment. Captain James Macpherson, 
Lieutenant Campbell, and Ensign John Grant were 
in consequence appointed to the 42d. 

In 1775 the regiment embarked at Donaghadee, and 
landed at Port- Patrick, after an absence from Scotland 
of thirty-two years. Impelled by characteristic attach- 
ment to the country of their birth, many of the old 
soldiers leaped on shore with enthusiasm, and kissed the 
earth which they held up in handfuls. From Port 
Patrick the regiment marched to Glasgow. 

The conduct of the regiment, and its mode of discipline 
while in Ireland, is thus depicted by an intelligent officer 
who served in it at that time, and for many years both 
before and after that period, in a communication to 
General Stewart. He describes the regiment as still 
possessing the character which it had acquired in Ger- 
many and America, although there were not more than 
eighty of the men remaining who had served in America, 
and only a few individuals of those who had served in 
Germany previously to the year 1748. Their attachment 
to their native dress, and their peculiarity of language, 
habits and manners, contributed to preserve them a race 
of men separate from others of the same profession, and 
to give to their system of regimental discipline a dis- 
tinctive and peculiar character. Their messes were 
managed by the non-commissioned officers, or old sol- 



diers, who had charge of the barrack-room; and these 
messes were always so arranged, that, in each room, the 
men were in friendship or intimacy with each other, or 
belonged to the same glen or district, or were connected 
by some similar tie. By these means every barrack- 
room was like a family establishment. After the weekly 
allowances for breakfast, dinner, and small necessaries 
had been provided, the surplus pay was deposited in a 
stock purse, each member of the mess drawing for it in 
his turn. The stock thus acquired was soon found worth 
preserving, and instead of hoarding, they lent it out to 
the inhabitants, who seemed greatly surprised at seeing a 
soldier save money. Their accounts with their oflScers 
were settled once in three months, and, with the ex- 
ception of a few careless spendthrifts, all the men pur- 
chased their own necessaries, with which they were 
always abundantly provided. At every settlement of 
accounts they enjoyed themselves very heartily, but 
with a strict observance of propriety and good humour; 
and as the members of each mess considered themselves 
in a manner answerable for one another's conduct, they 
animadverted on any impropriety with such severity, 
as to render the interference of farther authority unneces- 

Shortly after the arrival of the regiment in Glasgow, 
two companies were added, and the establishment of the 
whole regiment augmented to one hundred rank and file 
each company. The battalion, when complete, amounted 
to 1,075 men, including sergeants and drummers. Little 
inducement was required to fill the ranks, as men were 
always to be found ready to join a corps in such high 
estimation. At this time the bounty was a guinea and 
a crown. It was afterward increased to three guineas; 
but this advance had little effect in the north where the 
esprit de corps had greater influence than gold. 



Hitherto the oflficers had been entirely Highland and 
Scotch; but the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, contrary to 
the remonstrances of Lord John Murray, who saw the 
advantage of officering the regiment with natives of 
Scotland, prevailed with the government to admit two 
English officers into the regiment. His excellency even 
went so far as to get two lieutenants' commissions in 
favour of Scotchmen cancelled, although they had been 

In consequence of hostilities with America, the regi- 
ment was ordered to embark for that country. Before 
its departure the recruits were taught the use of the 
firelock, and from the shortness of the time allowed, were 
drilled even by candle-light. New arms and accoutre- 
ments were supplied to the men by the government, and 
the colonel furnished them with broadswords and pistols, 
iron-stocked, at his own expense. The regiment was 
reviewed on the tenth of April, 1776, by General Sir 
Adolphus Oughton, and being reported quite complete 
and unexceptionable, embarked on the fourteenth at 
Greenock along with Eraser's Highlanders. 




In conjunction with Eraser's Highlanders, the 42d 
embarked at Greenock on the fourteenth of April, 1776, 
to join an expedition under General Howe against the 
American revolutionists. The transports separated in 
a gale of wind ; but they all reached their destination in 
Staten Island, where the main body of the army had 
assembled. A grenadier battalion was immediately 
formed under the command of the Hon. Major (after- 
ward General) Sir Charles Stewart, the staff appoint- 
ments to which, out of respect to the 42d, were taken 
by the commander-in-chief from that regiment. A 
light infantry corps was also formed, to the command of 
which Lieutenant-Colonel Musgrave was appointed. The 
flank companies of the 42d were attached to these bat- 
talions. "The Highland grenadiers were remarkable 
for strength and height, and considered equal to any 
company in the army. The light infantry were quite 
the reverse in point of personal appearance, as the 
commanding officer would not allow a choice of men for 
them. The battalion companies were formed into two 
temporary battalions, the command of one being given 
to Major William Murray (Lintrose), and that of the 
other to Major William Grant (Rothiemurchus) wdth an 
adjutant quartermaster in each battalion; the whole 
being under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas 
Stirling. These grenadiers were placed in the reserve 
with the grenadiers of the army, under the command of 



Earl Cornwallis. To these was added the 33d, his lord- 
ship's own regiment." 

The whole of the British force under the command of 
Sir William Howe, including thirteen thousand Hessians 
and Waldeckers, amounted to thirty thousand men. 
The campaign opened by a landing on Long Island on 
the twenty-second of August, 1776. The whole army 
encamped in front of the villages of Gravesend and 
Utrecht. The American army, under General Putnam, 
was encamped at Brooklyn, a few miles distant. A range 
of woody hills, which intersected the country from east 
to west, divided the two armies. 

The British general having resolved to attack the 
enemy in three divisions, the right wing under General 
Clinton seized, on the twenty-sixth of August, at night- 
fall, a pass on the heights, about three miles from 
Bedford. The main body then passed through, and 
descended to the level country which lay between the 
hills and General Putnam's lines. Whilst this move- 
ment was going on, Major-General Grant (Ballindalloch) 
with his brigade (the 4th) supported by the Royal High- 
landers from the reserve, was directed to march from the 
left along the coast to the Narrows, and attack the enemy 
in that quarter. The right wing, having reached Bed- 
ford at nine o'clock next morning, attacked the left 
of the American army, which, after a short resistance, 
retired to their lines in great confusion pursued by the 
British troops, Colonel Stuart leading with his battalion 
of Highland grenadiers. The Hessians who had remained 
at Flat Bush, on hearing the fire at Bedford, advanced, 
and, attacking the centre of the American army, drove 
them, after a short engagement, through the woods, and 
captured three pieces of cannon. General Grant had 
previously attacked the right of the enemy, and a can- 
nonade had been kept up near the Narrows on both sides 



till the Americans heard the firing at Bedford, when they 
retreated in disorder. Notwithstanding these advan- 
tages, neither General Howe nor General Grant ventured 
to follow them up by pursuing the enemy, and attacking 
them in their lines, although they could have made no 
effectual resistance. The enemy lost two thousand men, 
killed, drowned, and taken prisoners. The British had 
five oflicers, and fifty-six non-commissioned officers 
and privates, killed; and twelve officers, and 245 
non-commissioned officers and privates wounded. 
Among the latter was Lieutenant Crammond and nine 
rank and file of the 42d. 

About this time the broadswords and pistols which the 
men received in Glasgow were ordered to be laid aside. 
The pistols being considered unnecessary, except in the 
field, were not intended like the swords to be worn by 
the men in quarters. The reason for discontinuing the 
broadswords was that they retarded the men by getting 
entangled in the brushwood. " Admitting that the 
objection was weU-founded, so far as regarded the 
swords, it certainly could not apply to the pistols. In 
a close woody country, where troops are liable to sudden 
attacks and surprises by a hidden enemy, such a weapon 
is peculiarly useful. It is, therefore, difficult to discover 
a good reason for laying them aside. Neither does there 
appear to have been any objection to the resumption 
of the broadsword when the service alluded to ter- 
minated. The marches through the woods of Long 
Island were only a few miles; whereas, we have seen 
that the two battalions of the 42d, and Eraser's, and 
Montgomery's Highlanders, in the seven years' war, 
carried the broadsword on all their marches, through 
woods and forests of many hundred miles in extent. 
In the same manner the swords were carried in Mar- 
tinique and Guadaloupe, islands intersected with deep 



ravines, and covered with woods no less impervious 
than the thickest and closest woods of America. But, 
on that service, the broadsword, far from being com- 
plained of as an encumbrance, was, on many occasions, 
of the greatest efficacy, when a decisive blow was to be 
struck, and the enemy were to be overpowered by an 
attack hand to hand. I have been told by several old 
officers and soldiers, who bore a part in these attacks, 
that an enemy who stood for many hours the fire of 
musketry invariably gave way when an advance was 
made sword in hand. It is to be regretted that a weapon, 
which the Highlanders could use so well, should, to- 
gether with the pistol, which is peculiarly serviceable 
in close woody countries, have been taken from the 
soldiers, and after the expense of purchase had been 
incurred, sent to rust and spoil in a store. They were 
never restored, and the regiment has had neither swords 
nor pistols since. It has been said that the broadsword 
is not a weapon to contend with the bayonet. Certainly, 
to all appearance, it is not, yet facts do not warrant the 
superiority of the latter weapon. From the battle of 
Culloden, where a body of undisciplined Highlanders, 
shepherds and herdsmen with their broadswords, cut 
their way through some of the best disciplined and most 
approved regiments in the British army (drawn up, too, 
on a field extremely favourable for regular troops), down 
till the time when the swords were taken from the 
Highlanders, the bayonet was in every instance over- 
come by the sword." 

The army encamped in front of the enemy's lines in 
the evening of the twenty-seventh of August, and next 
day broke ground opposite their left redoubt. General 
Washington had crossed over from New York during 
the action at Brooklyn, and seeing resistance hopeless, 
resolved to retreat. With surprising skill he trans- 



ported nine thousand men with guns, ammunition, and 
stores, in the course of one night, over to New York; 
and such was the secrecy with which this movement was 
effected, that the British army knew nothing of it till 
next morning, when the last of the rear-guard were seen 
in their boats crossing the broad ferry and out of danger. 

Active operations were not resumed till the fifteenth 
of September, when the reserve, including the Royal 
Highlanders^ crossed over to New York, and, after 
some opposition, took possession of the heights above 
the town. The Highlanders and Hessians fell in with and 
captured a body of New England men and Virginians. 
Next day the light infantry were sent out to dislodge a 
party of the enemy from a wood opposite the British 
left. A smart action ensued, and, the enemy pushing 
forward reinforcements, the Highlanders were sent to 
support the light infantry. The Americans were then 
driven back to their entrenchments; but they renewed 
the attack with an increased force, and were again 
repulsed with considerable loss. The British had four- 
teen men killed, and five officers and seventy men 
wounded. The 42d had one sergeant and five privates 
killed; and Captains Duncan Macpherson and John 
Mackintosh, and Ensign Alexander Mackenzie (who died 
of his wounds), and one piper, two drummers, and 
forty-seven privates wounded. 

General Howe, in expectation of an attack, threw 
up entrenchments; but General Washington, having no 
such intention, made a general movement, and took up 
a strong position on the heights in the rear of the White 
Plains. To induce the enemy to quit their ground, 
General Howe resolved to make a movement, and 
accordingly embarked his army on the twelfth of October 
in flat-bottomed boats, and, passing through the intricate 
narrow called Hell Gate, disembarked the same evening 



at Frogsneck, near West Chester. In consequence of the 
bridge which connected the latter place with the main- 
land having been broken down by the enemy, the general 
reembarked his troops next day, and landed at Pell's 
Point at the mouth of Hudson's River. On the four- 
teenth he reached the White Plains in front of the 
enemy's position. As a preliminary to a general engage- 
ment, General Howe attacked a post on a rising ground 
occupied by four thousand of the enemy, which he 
carried; but General Washington declining battle, the 
British general gave up the attempt, and proceeded 
against Fort Washington, the possession of which was 
necessary in order to open the communication between 
New York and the continent, to the eastward and north- 
ward of Hudson's River. The fort, the garrison of which 
consisted of three thousand men, was protected by 
strong grounds covered with lines and works. The 
Hessians, under General Knyphausen, supported by the 
whole of the reserve, under Major-General Earl Percy, 
with the exception of the 42d, who were to make a feint 
on the east side of the fort, were to make the principal 
attack. The Royal Highlanders embarked in boats 
on the sixteenth of November, before daybreak, and 
landed in a small creek at the foot of the rock, in the face 
of a smart fire. The Highlanders had now discharged 
the duty assigned them, but determined to have a fuU 
share in the honour of the day, they resolved upon an 
assault, and assisted by each other, and by the brush- 
wood and shrubs which grew out of the crevices of the 
rocks, scrambled up the precipice. On gaining the 
summit, they rushed forward, and attacked the enemy 
with such rapidity, that upwards of two hundred, 
unable to escape, threw down their arms; whilst the 
Highlanders, following up their advantage, penetrated 
across the table of the hill, and met Lord Percy's brigade 



as they were coming up on the opposite side. On seeing 
the Hessians approach in another direction, the enemy 
surrendered at discretion. In this affair the Royal High- 
landers had one sergeant and ten privates killed; and 
Lieutenants Patrick Grseme (Inchbrakie), Norman 
Macleod, and Alexander Grant, and four sergeants and 
sixty-six rank and file wounded. 

To secure the entire command of the North River, and 
to open an easy entrance into the Jerseys, Fort Lee 
was next reduced, in which service the Royal High- 
landers were employed. The enemy, pursued by the 
detachment which captured that post, retired success- 
ively to Newbridge, Elizabeth Town, Newark, and 
Bnmswick. On the seventeenth of November General 
Howe entered Prince Town with the main body of the 
army, an hour after it was evacuated by General Wash- 
ington. Winter having now set in. General Howe put 
his army into winter quarters. The advanced posts, 
which extended from Trenton to Mount-holly, were 
occupied by the Hessians and the Royal Highlanders, 
who were the only British regiments in front. 

If, instead of suspending active operations, General 
Howe had continued occasionally to beat up the quarters 
of the Americans whilst dispirited by their late reverses, 
it is thought that he would have reduced them to the last 
extremity. General Washington availed himself of the 
inactivity of the British commander, and by making 
partial attacks on the advanced posts, he not only 
improved the discipline of his army, but, in consequence 
of the success which sometimes attended these attacks, 
revived the drooping spirits of his men. On the twenty- 
second of January, 1777, he surprised and completely 
defeated the detachment of Hessians stationed at Tren- 
ton; in consequence of which reverse, the Royal High- 
landers, who formed the left of the line of defence at 



Mount-holly, fell back on the light infantry at Prince 

On hearing of the defeat of the Hessians, Lord Corn- 
wallis, who was at New York with the intention of em- 
barking for England, returned to the army. To dislodge 
the Americans from Trenton, his lordship moved for- 
ward with the grenadiers, two brigades of the line, and 
the two Highland regiments. Considerable skirmishing 
took place in the advance, and on approaching Trenton 
he observed General Washington posted on some high 
ground beyond it. Both parties commenced a heavy 
cannonade, which, with occasional skirmishing between 
the advanced guards, was kept up till night. As it 
formed no part of General Washington's plans to hazard 
a general engagement, he decamped during the night, 
leaving large fires burning to deceive the British. He 
retreated towards Prince Town, and defeated a detach- 
ment of British under Colonel Mawhood, who was on 
his way from that place to join Lord Cornwallis. 

During the remainder of the season the Royal High- 
landers were stationed in the village of Pisquatua, on 
the line of communication between New York and 
Brunswick by Amboy. The duty was severe from the 
rigour of the season and the want of accommodation. 
The houses in the village not being sufficient to contain 
one half of the men, the officers and soldiers were inter- 
mixed in barns and sheds, and they always slept in their 
body-clothes, as the enemy were constantly sending 
down nocturnal parties to fire at the sentinels and 
piquets. The Americans, however, always kept at a 
respectful distance, and did not make any regular 
attack on the post till the tenth of May, on which day, 
at four o'clock in the afternoon, a body of two thousand 
men, under the command of Maxwell and Stephens, 
American generals, attempted to surprise the High- 



landers. Advancing with great secrecy, and being com- 
pletely covered by the rugged nature of the country, 
their approach was not perceived till they had gained a 
small level piece of ground in front of the piquets, when 
they rushed forward, and attacked them with such 
promptitude, that the piquets had hardly time to seize 
their arms. At this time the soldiers were either all 
employed in different avocations, or taking the rest they 
could not obtain at night; but the piquets, by dis- 
puting every inch of ground, gave time to the soldiers 
to assemble, who drove the enemy back with great 
precipitation, leaving behind them upwards of two 
hundred men in killed and wounded. On this occasion 
the 42d had three sergeants and nine privates killed; 
and Captain Duncan Macpherson, Lieutenant William 
Stewart, three sergeants, and thirty-five privates 

The British troops again took the field about the mid- 
dle of June, when General Howe attempted to draw 
Washington from his station at Middle Brook; but the 
American commander knew too well the value of such a 
strong position to abandon it. Not judging it prudent 
to attack it, the British general resolved to change the 
seat of war. Pursuant to this resolution, he embarked 
thirty-six battalions of British and Hessians, including 
the flank battalions of the grenadiers and light infantry, 
and sailed for the Chesapeake. Before the embarkation 
the Royal Highlanders received an accession of 170 
recruits from Scotland. 

The army landed at Elk Ferry on the twenty-fourth 
of August, after a tedious voyage. It was not till the 
third of September that they began their march for 
Philadelphia. The delay enabled Washington to cross 
the country, and to take an advantageous position at 
Red Clay Creek, whence he pushed forward detachments 



to harass the British troops on their march. General 
Howe did not reach the Brandy Wine River till the middle 
of September, in consequence of the difficulties he met 
with in traversing a country covered with wood and full 
of defiles. On reaching that river, he found that the 
enemy had taken up a strong position beyond it, with the 
view of opposing the farther advance of the royal army. 
The Americans had secured all the fording places, and 
in expectation that the British would attempt to cross 
at Chad's Ford, they had erected batteries and thrown 
up entrenchments at that place to command the passage. 
Making a circuit of some miles. Lord Comwallis crossed 
Jeffrey's Ford, with one division of the army, without 
opposition, and turning down the river feU in with the 
American general, SuUivan, who had been detached by 
Washington to oppose him. An action took place, and 
the Americans were driven from aU their posts through 
the woods towards the main army. Meanwhile General 
Knyphausen, with his division, made demonstrations 
for crossing the river at Chad's Ford, and as soon as he 
knew from the firing of cannon that Lord CornwaUis's 
movement had succeeded, he passed the river, and car- 
ried the batteries and entrenchments of the enemy. 
A general rout ensued, and General Washington, with 
the corps he was able to keep together, fled with his 
baggage and cannon to Chester. The British had fifty 
officers killed and wounded in the battle of Brandy Wine, 
and 438 rank and file, including non-commissioned offi- 
cers. The flank companies of the 42d being the only 
ones engaged, had six privates killed, and one sergeant 
and fifteen privates wounded. 

Had General Howe followed up this advantage by 
unmediately pushing forward to Philadelphia next morn- 
ing, he would probably have dispersed the remains of the 
American army ; but, instead of pursuing the enemy, he 



remained contented with his success, and allowed the 
American commander to collect the scattered portions 
of his army, and to recruit it. Emboldened by the 
supineness of the British general, that cautious, yet 
bold and enterprising chief, ordered a select brigade of 
his light troops, under the command of General Wayne, 
to take post six miles in the rear of the British for the 
purpose of attacking them whilst passing the Schuylkill 
River, which they intended to ford at Valley Forge on 
the twenty-second of September. They were, however, 
surprised at midnight by a detachment under the Hon. 
Major Maitland, and the most of them were either 
bayonetted or taken prisoners. On the twenty-fifth, 
the army marched to German Town, and the following 
morning the grenadiers took peaceable possession of 

Having received considerable reinforcements, General 
Washington formed a design to surprise the British army 
at German Town. He arrived in the neighbourhood 
about three in the morning, and would probably have 
succeeded had not his progress been stopped by the 
intrepidity of Lieutenant-Colonel Musgrave, who, throw- 
ing himself into a large stone house with six companies 
of the 40th regiment, kept the Americans at bay tiU 
two brigades came up, who forced the Americans to 
retire. The loss sustained on both sides in this smart 
engagement was greater than in that of Brandy Wine. 
The Highlanders, being sent in a detachment under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling to drive the enemy from a 
post at Billingspoint, were not present in this action. 

No occurrence of any importance took place during the 
winter. Sir William Howe was recalled in May, 1778, 
and was succeeded in the chief command of the army by 
General Clinton. The new commander opened the sum- 
mer campaign by the evacuation of Philadelphia. He 



crossed the Delaware and reached Monmouth on the 
twenty-eighth of June, in the neighbourhood of which 
place the enemy were posted in considerable force. 
General Clinton's movements were much retarded by 
the extreme heat of the weather and a large convoy 
of provisions; and, to add to his difficulties, his rear was 
several times attacked by a detachment of Americans 
under the Marquis de la Fayette, who, with several other 
French officers, had lately joined the American cause. 
Annoyed by these attacks, General Clinton attacked 
the main body of the enemy, who were drawn up in 
line behind Monmouth court-house. He drove them 
successively fron two positions which they occupied, 
but as they returned and formed in a third position, he 
desisted from the attack, and led off his troops at ten at 
night, and resuming his march, passed over to Staten 
and Long Islands, and thence to New York. 

The next enterprise in which the Royal Highlanders 
were engaged was under Major-General Charles Grey, 
who embarked with the grenadiers, the light infantry 
brigade, and the 42d regiment, for the purpose of 
destroying a number of privateers, with their prizes, at 
New Plymouth, The troops landed on the banks of the 
Acushnet River on the fifth of September, and having 
destroyed seventy vessels, with all the stores, cargoes, 
wharfs, and buildings, along the whole extent of the 
river, the whole were reembarked the following day, and 
returned to New York. 

Matters remained quiescent till the twenty-fifth of 
February, when Colonel Stirling, with a detachment 
consisting of the light infantry of the Guards and the 
42d regiment, was ordered to attack a post at Elizabeth 
Town, which was taken without opposition. In April 
following, the Highland regiment was employed in an 
expedition to the Chesapeake to destroy the stores and 



merchandise at Portsmouth in Virginia. They were 
again employed with the Guards and a corps of Hessians 
in another expedition under General Mathews, which 
sailed on the thirtieth, under the convoy of Sir George 
Collier, in the Reasonable, and several ships of war. 
This expedition reached its destination on the tenth of 
May, when the troops landed on the glebe on the western 
bank of Elizabeth. They returned to New York after 
fulfilling the object of the expedition. 

The campaign of 1779 was begun by the capture, 
on the part of the British, of Verplanks and Stony 
Point. A garrison of six hundred men, among whom 
were two companies of Eraser's Highlanders, took 
possession of this last post; but owing to the too great 
confidence of the conamander, it was surprised and re- 
captured. Flushed with this success, the American 
general, Wayne, made an immediate attack upon Ver- 
planks, which was garrisoned by the 33d regiment; but 
receiving accounts of the advance of Colonel Stirling 
with the light infantry and the 42d, he retreated from 
Verplanks and abandoned Stony Point, of which Colonel 
Stirling took possession. This officer being shortly 
thereafter appointed aide-de-camp to the king, and a 
brigadier-general, the conmaand of the 42d regiment 
devolved on Major Charles Graham. 

About this time a circumstance occurred which tended 
greatly to deteriorate, for several years, the hitherto 
irreproachable character of the Royal Highland regiment. 
By order of the inspector-general at Chatham, a body of 
150 recruits, raised prmcipally from the refuse of the 
population of London and Dublin, was embarked for 
the regiment in the autumn of this year. Of such dissi- 
pated habits had these men been, that sixteen died on the 
voyage, and seventy-five were sent to the hospital as 
soon as they disembarked. The infusion of such immoral 



ingredients could not have failed to have tainted the 
whole mass, and General Stirling made a strong represen- 
tation to the commander-in-chief to avert such a calamity 
from the regiment, by removing the recruits to another 
corps. They were, in consequence, drafted into the 
26th, in exchange for the same number of Scotchmen; 
but the introduction of these men into the regiment 
dissolved the charm which, for nearly forty years, had 
preserved the Highlanders from contamination. During 
that long period there were few courts-martial, and for 
many years no instance of corporal punishment occurred. 
So nice were their notions of honour, that " if a soldier 
was brought to she halberts he became degraded, and 
little more good was to be expected of him. After being 
publicly disgraced, he could no longer associate with his 
comrades; and, in several instances, the privates of a 
company have, from their pay, subscribed to procure 
the discharge of an obnoxious individual." But " pun- 
ishments being found indispensable for the men newly 
introduced, and others becoming more habituated to the 
sight, much of the sense of honour was necessarily 

An illustration of the strong national feeling with 
which the corps was regarded by the Highlanders, and 
of the expediency of keeping it unmixed, occurred in 
April of the same year, when two strong detachments of 
recruits belonging to the 42d and 71st regiments arrived 
at Leith from Stirling castle, for the purpose of em- 
barking to join their respective regiments in North 
America. Being told that they were to be turned over 
to the 80th and 82d, the Edinburgh and Hamilton 
regiments, the men remonstrated, and declared openly 
and firmly that they were determined to serve only ui 
the corps for which they were enlisted. After some 
negotiation, troops were sent to Leith with orders 



to convey the refractory Highlanders as prisoners to 
Edinburgh castle, if they persisted in their determina- 
tion. As they still refused to forego their resolution, 
attempts were made to enforce the orders; but the 
Highlanders refused to submit, and flying to arms, a 
desperate conflict ensued, in which Captain Mansfield 
of the South Fencible regiment and nine men were 
killed, and thirty-one soldiers wounded. Being at last 
overpowered, the mutineers were carried to the castle. 

In the month of May following, three of these prisoners, 
Charles Williamson and Archibald Macivor, soldiers in 
the 42d regiment, and Robert Budge, soldier in the 71st, 
were brought before a court-martial, " charged with 
having been guilty of a mutiny at Leith upon Tuesday 
the twentieth of April last past, and of having instigated 
others to be guilty of the same, in which mutiny several 
of his Majesty's subjects were killed, and many 

Their reasons for resisting the orders to embark, are 
thus stated in their defence. " The prisoners, Archibald 
Macivor and Charles Williamson, enlisted as soldiers 
in the 42d, bemg an old Highland regiment, wearing the 
Highland dress. Their native language was Gaelic, — 
the one being a native of the northern parts of Argyle- 
shire, and the other of the western parts of Inverness- 
shire, where the language of the country is Gaelic only. 
They have never used any other language, and are 
so ignorant of the English tongue, that they cannot avail 
themselves of it for any purpose of life. They have 
always been accustomed to the Highland habit, so far 
as never to have worn breeches, a thing so inconvenient, 
and even so impossible for a native Highlander to do, 
that, when the Highland dress was prohibited by act of 
parliament, though the philibeg was one of the forbidden 
parts of the dress, yet it was necessary to connive at 



the use of it, provided only that it was made of a stuff 
of one colour and not of tartan, as is weU known to all 
acquainted with the Highlands, particularly with the 
more moimtainous parts of the country. These circum- 
stances made it more necessary for them to serve in a 
Highland regiment only^ as they neither could have 
understood the language, nor have used their arms, or 
marched in the dress of any other regiment." 

The other prisoner, Budge, stated that he was a native 
of the upper parts of Caithness, and being ignorant of 
the English language, and accustomed to wear the High- 
land garb, he enlisted to serve in Eraser's Highlanders, 
and in no other regiment. In continuation, the three 
prisoners stated, that, " when they arrived at Leith, 
they were informed by their officer, Captain Innes, who 
had conducted them, that they were now to consider 
the officers of the 82d, or Duke of Hamilton's regiment, 
a regiment wearing the Lowland dress and speaking the 
English tongue, as their officers; but how this happened 
they were not informed. No order from the commander- 
in-chief for their being drafted was read or explained to 
them, but they were told that they must immediately 
join the Hamilton and Edinburgh regiments. A great 
number of the detachment represented, without any 
disorder or mutinous behaviour, that they were alto- 
gether unfit for service in any other corps than High- 
land ones, particularly that they were incapable of 
wearing breeches as a part of their dress. At the same 
time, they declared their willingness to be regularly 
transferred to any other Highland regiment, or to con- 
tinue to serve in those regiments into which they had 
been regularly enlisted. But no regard was paid to these 
remonstrances, which, if they had had an opportunity, 
they would have laid before the commander-in-chief. 
But an order for an immediate embarkation prevented 

. 196 . 


this. The idea that naturally suggested itself to them 
was, that they should insist on serving in the same 
regiment in which they had been enlisted, and not to 
go abroad as part of the Duke of Hamilton's regiment 
till such time as these difficulties were removed. They 
accordingly drew up under arms on the shore of Leith, 
each respective corps by itself. The prisoners were 
informed that the orders issued were to take them 
prisoners to the castle. Had these orders been explained 
to them, they would have submitted, and, with proper 
humility, have laid their case before those that could 
have given them redress. But, unfortunately, the 
sergeant who undertook to explain to them in Gaelic, 
represented that they were immediately to go on board 
as part of the Hamilton regiment, but which they do with 
great deference say, that they did not at the time con- 
ceive they could lawfully have done." After the defence 
was read, " Captain Innes of the 71st regiment showed 
an attestation to the court, which he said was in the 
uniform style of the attestations for that regiment; and 
it expressly bore, that the persons thereby attested 
were to serve in the 71st regiment, commanded by 
General Simon Fraser of Lovat, and that they were to 
serve for three years only, or during the continuance 
of the present war." 

Having been found guilty, the prisoners were sentenced 
to be shot. The king gave them a free pardon, '' in full 
confidence that they would endeavour, by a prompt 
obedience and orderly behaviour, to atone for this atro- 
cious offence." These men, along with the rest of the de- 
tachment, joined the second battalion of the 42d. The 
prisoners justified the confidence of his Majesty by steadi- 
ness and good conduct in the regiment. 

With the intention of pushing the war with vigour, 
the new commander-in-chief resolved to attack Charles- 



ton, the capital of South Carolina. Leaving General 
Knyphausen in command, he embarked part of his army, 
and after a boisterous and protracted voyage of nearly 
seven weeks, during which some of his transports were 
lost or taken, he landed at John's Island, thirty miles 
from Charleston, on the eleventh of February, 1780. 
Owing to various impediments, he did not reach Charles- 
ton till the end of March. After a siege of six weeks 
the place surrendered. The loss of the British did not 
exceed three hundred men. Lieutenant Macleod of 
the 42d, and nine privates, were killed; and Lieutenant 
Alexander Grant of the same regiment, son of Colonel 
Grant of Moy, was wounded by a six-pound ball, which 
struck him on the back in a slanting direction, near the 
right shoulder, and carried away the entire scapula 
with several other bones. The surgeons considered 
his case as utterly hopeless, but to their surprise they 
found him alive next morning, and free from fever and 
all bad symptoms. He recovered completely, and 
served many years in perfect good health. Fourteen 
privates were wounded. 

The Royal Highlanders, with the Grenadiers and Hes- 
sians, reembarked on the fourth of June for New York, 
and, after several movements in the province, went into 
winter quarters. Here they received an accession of a 
hundred recruits from Scotland. The regiment was 
not again employed in any active service during the 
remainder of the war. 

Whilst the war lasted, the Americans held out every 
allurement to the British soldiers to induce them to 
desert their ranks and join the cause of American inde- 
pendence. Many were, in consequence, seduced from 
their allegiance; but during five campaigns, and until 
the unfortunate draft of men from the 26th regiment, 
not one man from the 42d deserted its ranks. About the 



close of the war the regiment was stationed at Paulus 
Hook, an advanced post from New York leading to the 
Jerseys, and here, for the first time, several of the men 
deserted to the enemy. One of these deserters, by name 
Anderson, was afterward taken, tried by a court-martial, 
and shot. 

After the peace the establishment of the regiment was 
reduced to eight companies of fifty men each. The 
ofl&cers of the ninth and tenth companies were not put 
on half-pay, but kept as supernumeraries to fill up 
vacancies as they occurred in the regiment. Many of the 
men having been discharged at their own request, their 
places were supplied by drafts from Eraser's and Mac- 
donald's Highlanders, and from the Edinburgh and 
Hamilton regiments, some of the men in these corps 
having preferred rather to remain in America than return 
home with their regiments. 

During the American revolutionary war the loss of 
the Royal Highlanders was as follows: 


In Officers 2 

Sergeants 9 

Rank and File, including Drummers .... 72 

Total 83 


In Officers , 13 

Sergeants 18 

Rank and File, including Drummers .... 256 

Total ....... 287 

Grand Total . . . . . .370 

In October, 1782, the regiment was sent to Halifax 
in Nova Scotia, where it remained till the year 1786, 
when six companies were removed to the island of Cape 
Breton, the remaining two companies being detached 



to the island of St. John. Next year two companies 
were added to the regiment, in consequence of prepara- 
tions for war with Holland. Captains William Johnstone 
and Robert Christie succeeded to these companies. 
Lieutenant Robert Macdonald, brother of Sanda, from 
the half-pay of Fraser's regiment, and Ensign James 
Rose, were appointed lieutenants; and Ensign David 
Stewart (afterward major-general, and author of the 
" Military Sketches "), and James Stewart, nephew of 
the Earl of Moray, ensigns. 

About this time the regiment had to regret the loss 
of its colonel, Lord John Murray, who died on the first 
of June this year, after commanding the corps forty-one 
years. He was the steady friend of the oflficers and men. 
Major-General Sir Hector Monro succeeded him in the 

The regiment embarked for England in August, 1789, 
and landed in Portsmouth in October, after an absence 
of fourteen years. They wintered in Tynemouth barracks, 
where they received a reinforcement of 245 young re- 
cruits. At this time a small alteration was made in the 
military appointments of the men. Instead of the black 
leather belts for the bayonet, white buff belts were 
substituted. The epaulettes of the officers, formerly 
very small, were then enlarged to the present size. 

The regiment was removed to Glasgow in the month 
of May, 1790, where they were received with great 
cordiality by the inhabitants. From an ill-judged 
hospitality on the part of the citizens, who compelled 
some of the soldiers to drink copiously of ardent spirits, 
the discipline of the regiment was relaxed; but its 
removal to Edinburgh castle in the month of November 
cured the evil. 

"Warlike preparations having been made in 1790, 
in expectation of a rupture with Spain, orders were re- 



ceived to augment the regiment; but, from recent 
occurrences in the Highlands, the regiment was not 
successful in recruiting. Several independent companies 
were raised, one of which, a fine body of young High- 
landers, recruited by the Marquis of Huntly (now Duke 
of Gordon), joined the regiment along with his lordship, 
who had exchanged with Captain Alexander Grant. 

The regiment was reviewed in June, 1791, by Lord 
Adam Gordon, the commander-in-chief in Scotland, and 
was marched to the north in October following. The 
headquarters were at Fort George; one company was 
stationed at Dundee, another at Montrose, two at 
Aberdeen, and one at Banff. The regiment assembled 
at Fort George m the spring of 1792, and after having 
been marched south to Stirling, and reviewed by the 
Hon. Lieutenant-General Leslie, returned to their former 
cantonments along the coast. The men had however 
scarcely returned to their quarters, when they were 
ordered to proceed by forced marches into Ross-shire, 
to quell some tumults among the tenantry who had been 
cruelly ejected from their farms. Fortunately, however, 
there was no occasion for the exercise of such an un- 
pleasant duty, as the poor people separated and con- 
cealed themselves on hearing of the approach of the 
military. After a series of marches and countermarches, 
the regiment returned to its former cantonments. 

In consequence of the war with France, the whole 
regiment was ordered south, and, preparatory to their 
march, assembled at Montrose in April, 1793. An 
attempt to increase the establishment by recruiting 
proved unsuccessful, the result, in some degree, of the 
depopulating system which had lately been commenced 
in Ross-shire, and which soured the kindly dispositions 
of the Highlanders. The corps at this time scarcely 
exceeded four hundred men, and to make up for de- 



ficiencies in recruiting, two independent companies, 
raised by Captains David Hunter of Bumside, and 
Alexander Campbell of Ardchattan, were ordered to 
join the regiment. 

On the eighth of May, the regiment embarked at 
Musselburgh for Hull, the inhabitants of which received 
the Highlanders most kindly, and were so well pleased 
with their good conduct, that, after they embarked for 
Flanders, the town sent each man a present of a pair of 
shoes, a flannel shirt, and worsted socks. The regiment 
joined the army under his royal highness, the Duke of 
York, then encamped in the neighbourhood of Menin, 
on the third of October. 

The first enterprise in which the Highlanders were 
engaged was in conjunction with the light companies 
of the 19th, 27th, and 57th regiments, in the month of 
October, when they marched to the relief of Nieuport, 
then garrisoned by the 53d regiment, and a small bat- 
talion of Hessians. On the appearance of this reinforce- 
ment, the besiegers retired. The Highlanders had one 
sergeant and one private killed, and two privates 
wounded. After this the regiment was reembarked 
for England along with the three others just mentioned, 
to join an expedition then preparing against the French 
colonies in the West Indies; but on arriving at Ports- 
mouth, the 42d was ordered to join another expedition 
then fitting out against the coast of France, under the 
command of the Earl of Moira. Colonel Graham, who 
had held the command of the regiment since the year 
1791, being at this time appointed to the command of a 
brigade, the command devolved on Major George 

The expedition sailed on the thirtieth of November, 
but although it reached the coast of France to the east- 
ward of Cape la Hogue, no landing took place. The 



expedition, after stopping some time at Guernsey, 
returned to Portsmouth in the beginning of January, 
1794. The troops remained in England till the eighteenth 
of June, when they were re embarked for Flanders, under 
the command of the Earl of Moira. They landed at 
Ostend on the twenty-sixth. At this time the allied 
armies, in consequence of the advance of a large French 
army and the partial defection of Prussia, were placed 
in a very critical situation, particularly the small 
division under the Duke of York, encamped at Malines. 
A junction with the duke became a primary object with 
Lord Moira, who accordingly resolved to abandon 
Ostend. He embarked all the stores and the garrison, 
and, whilst the embarkation was proceeding, the troops 
were ordered under arms on the sand hills in the neigh- 
bourhood in light marching order. The ofl&cers left all 
their luggage behind, except what they carried on their 
backs. In the evening of the twenty-eighth the troops 
moved forward, and halting ten miles beyond the town, 
proceeded at midnight towards Ostaker, and reached 
Alost on the third of July. Whilst these troops remained 
here, about four hundred of the enemy's cavalry entered 
the town, and being mistaken for Hessians, passed un- 
molested to the market-place. One of them made an 
attempt to cut down a Highlander named Macdonald, 
who was passing through the market-place with a basket 
on his head. The dragoon having wounded the man 
severely in the hand which held the basket, the enraged 
mountaineer drew his bayonet with the other hand and 
attacked the horseman, who fled. Macdonald there- 
upon continued his course, venting his regret as he went 
along that he had not a broadsword to cut down the 
intruder. On being recognized, the enemy were driven 
out by some dragoons and piquets. 
After a fatiguing march in presence of a superior force 



under General Vandamme, the reinforcement joined the 
Duke of York on the ninth of July. A succession of 
petty skirmishes occurred until the twentieth, when 
Lord Moira resigned the command. He was succeeded 
by Lieutenant-General Ralph Abercromby, to whom 
the command of the third brigade, or reserve, in which 
were the Highlanders, was assigned. The army crossed 
the Waal at Nimeguen on the eighth of October. 
Several smart affairs took place between the advanced 
posts of the two armies till the twentieth, when the enemy 
attacked the whole of the British advanced posts. They 
were repulsed, but the 77th regiment sustained a severe 
loss in officers and men. By incessant attacks, however, 
the enemy established themselves in front of Nimeguen, 
and began to erect batteries preparatory to a siege; 
but on the fourth of November they were driven from 
their works, after an obstinate resistance. The enemy 
still persevering with great energy to push their prepara- 
tions for a siege, it was fomid necessary to evacuate the 

This evacuation took place on the seventh of Novem- 
ber, and the army was cantoned along the banks of the 
river. They suffered greatly from the severity of the 
weather, and so intense was the frost, that the enemy 
crossed the Waal on the ice. They took post at Thuyl; 
but although the place was surrounded with entrench- 
ments, and the approach flanked by batteries placed 
on the isle of Bom m ell, they were forced from all their 
posts, and obliged to repass the Waal by a body of eight 
thousand British, among whom was the third brigade. 
The loss of the British was trifling. The enemy again 
crossed the Waal on the fourth of January, 1795, and 
retook Thuyl, from which it was now found impossible 
to dislodge them. In an attack which they made on 
the forces under General David Dundas at Gilder- 



maslen, they were repulsed with the loss of two hundred 
men, whilst that of the British was only about one- 
fourth of that number. The 42d regiment had one 
private killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lamond and 
seven privates wounded. 

Compelled by the severity of the weather and the 
increasing numbers of the French to retreat, the British 
troops retired behind the Leek, after the division under 
Lord Cathcart had repulsed an attack made by the enemy 
on the eighth. 

Disease, the result of a want of necessaries and proper 
clothing, had greatly ditninished the ranks of the 
British; and the men, whose robustness of constitution 
had hitherto enabled them to withstand the rigours of 
one of the severest winters ever remembered, at last 
sank under the accumulated hardships which beset 
them. Such was the state of the British army when 
General Pichegru, crossing the Waal in great force, made 
a general attack on the fourteenth of January along the 
whole line, from Amheim to Amerougen. After a con- 
tinued resistance till morning, the British began the 
disastrous retreat to Deventer, the miseries of which 
have only been exceeded by the sufferings of the French 
in their disastrous retreat from Moscow. The inhumanity 
of the Dutch boors, who uniformly shut their doors 
against the unfortunate sufferers, will ever remain a 
disgrace on the Dutch nation. The hospitable conduct 
of the inhabitants of Bremen, where the remains of this 
luckless army arrived in the beginning of April, formed a 
noble contrast to that of the selfish and unfeeling 

In no former campaign was the superiority of the 
Highlanders over their companions in arms, in enduring 
privations and fatigues, more conspicuous than in this; 
for whilst some of the newly raised regiments lost 



more than three hundred men by disease alone, the 
42d, which had three hundred young recruits in its ranks, 
lost only twenty-five, including those killed in battle, 
from the time of their disembarkation at Ostend till 
their embarkation at Bremen, on the fourteenth of 

The Royal Highlanders having landed at Harwich 
were marched to Chelmsford, and encamped in June, 
1795, in the neighbourhood of Danbury. In September 
the regiment was augmented to a thousand men, by 
drafts from the Strathspey and Perthshire Highlanders, 
and the regiments of Colonel Duncan Cameron and 
Colonel Simon Fraser, which had been raised the pre- 
ceding year, and were now broken up. " Although these 
drafts," says General Stewart, " furnished many good 
and serviceable men, they were, in many respects, very 
inferior to former recruits. This difference of character 
was more particularly marked in their habits and man- 
ners in quarters, than in their conduct in the field, 
which was always unexceptionable. Having been em- 
bodied for upwards of eighteen months, and having been 
subject to a greater mixture of character than was usual 
in Highland battalions, these corps had lost much of 
their original manners, and of that strict attention to 
religious and moral duties which distinguished the 
Highland youths on quitting their native glens, and 
which, when in corps unmixed with men of different 
characters, they always retained. This intermixture 
produced a sensible change in the moral conduct and 
character of the regiment." 




Government having determined to reduce the French 
and Dutch possessions in the West Indies, a large arma- 
ment was fitted out under the command of Sir Ralph 
Abercromby. The land forces consisted of 460 cavalry 
and 16,479 infantry. The Royal Highlanders formed 
part of this expedition. Another expedition, destined 
also for the West Indies, consisting of 2,600 cavalry, 
and 5,680 foot, assembled at Cork during the embarka- 
tion of the first. Great care was taken to furnish the 
troops with everything necessary for the voyage, and 
particular attention was paid to their clothing. To 
protect them from the damps and chills of midnight, 
they were supplied with flannel, and various changes 
were made in their clothing to guard them against the 
effects of the yellow fever. Among other changes, the plain 
kilt and bonnet of the Highlanders were laid aside, and 
their place supplied by Russian duck pantaloons and a 
round hat; but experience showed that the Highland 
dress was better suited to a campaign in the West Indies 
during the rainy season, than the articles which super- 
seded it. 

The embarkation was completed by the twenty- 
seventh of October, but in consequence of damage sus- 
tained by some of the ships in a hurricane, and the loss 
of others, the expedition did not sail till the eleventh 
of November. On that day the fleet, amounting to 328 



sail, got under weigh with a favourable breeze. Owing to 
accidents which befell two of the ships, the fleet did not 
clear the channel till the thirteenth of December; but 
it had scarcely got out when a violent storm arose, which 
continued almost without intermission for several 
weeks. The greater part of the fleet was scattered, and 
many of the ships took refuge in different ports in Eng- 
land. Admiral Crichton struggled with such of the ships 
as remained with him till the end of January, but was 
at last obliged, from the disabled state of some of the 
ships, to return to Portsmouth, where he arrived on the 
twenty-ninth of that month with about fifty sail. 
Seventy-eight of the ships which kept the sea proceeded 
on their voyage, and reached Barbadoes in a straggling 
manner. Had the troops been sent off in detachments as 
they embarked, these misfortunes would have been 

After the partial return of the expedition, the destina- 
tion of some of the returned regiments was changed. 
Five companies of the Highlanders were in a few weeks 
embarked for Gibraltar, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Dickson. The other five companies 
reached Barbadoes on the ninth of February in the 
Middlesex East Indiaman, one of the straggling ships 
which had proceeded on the voyage. The expedition 
again put to sea on the fourteenth of February, and 
arrived at Barbadoes on the fourteenth of March. By 
the great care of Sir Ralph Abercromby, in ordering the 
transports to be properly ventilated on their arrival, 
and by enforcing cleanliness and exercise among the 
troops, few deaths occurred; and of the five Highland 
companies, none died, and only four men with trifling 
complaints were left on board when the troops disem- 
barked at St. Lucia in April. The troops from Cork, 
though favoured with better weather, were less fortunate 



in their voyage, — several officers and a great many men 
having died. 

The first enterprise was against the Dutch colonies 
of Demerara and Berbice, which surrendered to a part 
of the Cork division under Major-General White, on the 
twenty-second of April. On the same day the expedition 
sailed from Barbadoes, and appeared off St. Lucia on 
the twenty-sixth, it being considered imprudent to 
attempt Guadaloupe with a force which had been so 
much diminished. 

The troops landed in four divisions at Longueville 
Bay, Pigeon Island, Chock Bay, and Ance la Raze. The 
Highlanders, under the command of Brigadier-General 
John Moore, landed in a small bay close under Pigeon 
Island. The army moved forward on the twenty-seventh 
to close in upon Mome Fortunee, the principal post in 
the island. To enable them to invest this place, it became 
necessary to obtain possession of Mome Chabot, a strong 
and commanding position overlooking the principal 
approach. Detachments under the command of Briga- 
dier-Generals Moore and the Hon. John Hope were 
accordingly ordered to attack this post on two different 
points. General Moore advanced at midnight, and 
General Hope followed an hour after by a less circuitous 
route; but falling in with the enemy sooner than he 
expected. General Moore carried the Mome, after a short 
but obstinate resistance, before General Hope came up. 
Next day General Moore took possession of Mome 
Duchassaux. By the advance of Major-General Morshead 
from Ance la Raze, Mome Fortunee was completely 
invested, but not until several officers and about fifty 
of the grenadiers, who formed the advanced post under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald, had been killed and 

To dispossess the enemy of the batteries they had 


erected on the cul-de-sac, Major-General Morshead's 
division was ordered to advance against two batteries 
on the left, whilst Major-General Hope, with the five 
companies of the Highlanders, the light infantry of the 
67th regiment, and a detachment of Malcolm's Rangers, 
supported by the 55th regiment, was to attack the 
battery of Secke, close to the works of Morne Fortunee, 
The light infantry and the rangers quickly drove the 
enemy from the battery; but they were obliged to retire 
from the battery in their turn under the cover of the 
Highlanders, in consequence of the other divisions under 
Brigadier-General Perryn and Colonel Riddle having 
been obstructed in their advance. In this affair Colonel 
Malcolm, a brave officer, was killed, and Lieutenant 
J. J. Fraser of the 42d, and a few men, wounded. The 
other divisions suffered severely. 

So great were the difficulties which presented them- 
selves from the steep and rugged nature of the ground, 
that the first battery was not ready to open till the 
fourteenth of May. In an attempt which the 31st 
regiment made upon a fortified ridge called the Vizie, 
on the evening of the seventeenth, they were repulsed 
with great loss; but the grenadiers, who had pushed 
forward to support them, compelled the enemy to retire. 
For six days a constant fire was kept up between the 
batteries and the fort. Having ineffectually attempted 
to drive back the 27th regiment from a lodgment they 
had formed within five hundred yards of the garrison, 
the enemy applied for and obtained a suspension of 
hostilities. This was soon followed by a capitulation 
and the surrender of the whole island. The garrison 
marched out on the twenty-ninth, and became prisoners 
of war. The loss of the British was two field-officers, 
three captains, five subalterns, and 184 non-commis- 
sioned officers and rank and file killed; and four field 



oflBcers, twelve captains, fifteen subalterns, and 523 
non-commissioned oflBcers and rank and file wounded and 

As an instance of the influence of the mind on bodily 
health, and of the effect of mental activity in preventing 
disease. General Stewart adduces this expedition as a 
striking illustration. " During the operations which, 
from the nature of the country, were extremely harassing, 
the troops contmued remarkably healthy; but immedi- 
ately after the cessation of hostilities, they began to 
droop. The five companies of Highlanders, who landed 
508 men, sent few to the hospital until the third day 
subsequent to the surrender; but after this event, so 
sudden was the change in their health, that upwards of 
sixty men were laid up within the space of seven days. 
This change may be, in part, ascribed to the sudden 
transition from incessant activity to repose, but its 
principal cause must have been the relaxation of the 
mental and physical energies, after the motives which 
stimidated them had subsided." 

The next enterprise was against St. Vincent's, where a 
detachment consisting of the Buffs, the 14th, 34th, 
42d, 53d, 54th, 59th, and 63d regiments, and the 2d 
West Indian regiment, landed on the eighth of June. 
The enemy had erected four redoubts on a high ridge 
called the Vizie, on which they had taken up a position. 
The arrangements for an attack having been completed 
on the tenth, the troops were drawTi up in two divisions 
imder Major-Generals Hunter and William Morshead, 
at a short distance from the ridge. Another division 
formed on the opposite side of the hill. The attack was 
commenced by a fire from some field-pieces on the re- 
doubts, which was kept up for some hours apparently 
with little effect. As a feint, the Highlanders and some 
of the Rangers in the meantime moved forward to the 



bottom of a woody steep which terminated the ridge, 
on the top of which stood one of the redoubts, the first 
in the range. Pushing their way up the steep, the 42d 
regiment turned the feint into a real assault, and with 
the assistance of the Buffs, by whom they were supported, 
drove the enemy successively from the first three re- 
doubts in less than half an hour. Some of the High- 
landers had pushed close under the last and principal 
redoubt, but the general, seeing that he had the enemy 
in his power, and wishing to spare the lives of his troops, 
recalled the Highlanders, and offered the enemy terms of 
capitulation, which were accepted. The conditions, 
inter alia, were, that the enemy should embark as pris- 
oners of war; but several hundreds of them broke the 
capitulation by escaping into the woods the following 
night. The total loss of the British on this occasion 
was 181 in killed and wounded. The Highlanders had 
one sergeant and twelve rank and file killed; and one 
officer, Lieutenant Simon Fraser, two sergeants, one 
drummer, and twenty-nine rank and file wounded. 

In order to subjugate the island, the troops were 
divided and sent to different stations, and military posts 
were established in the neighbourhood of the country 
possessed by the Caribbs and brigands. Favoured by 
the natural strength of the country, the enemy carried 
on a petty warfare with the troops among the woods till 
the month of September, when they surrendered. The 
French, including the brigands, were sent prisoners to 
England, and the Indians or Caribbs, amounting to 
upwards of five thousand, were transported to Ratan, 
an island in the Gulf of Mexico. 

In September, Sir Ralph Abercromby returned to 
England, when the temporary command of the army 
devolved upon Major-General Charles Graham, who was 
promoted this year from the lieutenant-colonelcy of 



the 42d to the colonelcy of the 5th West India regiment. 
He was succeeded in the lieutenant-colonelcy by Major 
James Stewart. The conamander-in-chief returned from 
England in February, 1797, and immediately collected 
a force for an attack on Trinidad, which surrendered 
without opposition. He, thereafter, assembled a body of 
troops, consisting of the 26th light dragoons dismounted, 
the 14th, 42d, 53d, and some other corps, at St. Chris- 
topher's, for an attack on Porto Rico, whither they 
proceeded on the fifteenth of April, and anchored off 
Congregus's Point on the seventeenth. The enemy 
made a slight opposition to the landing, but retired 
when the troops disembarked. As the inhabitants of 
Porto Rico, whose dispositions had been represented as 
favourable, did not show any disposition to surrender, 
and as the Moro or castle was too strong to be attacked 
with such an inconsiderable force, which was insufficient 
to blockade more than one of its sides, the commander- 
in-chief resolved to give up the attempt, and accordingly 
reembarked his troops on the thirtieth of April. This 
was the last enterprise against the enemy in that quarter 
during the rest of the war. The Highlanders were sent 
to IVIartinique, where they embarked for England, free 
from sickness, after having the casualties of the two 
preceding years more than supplied by volunteers from 
the 79th Highlanders, then stationed in Martinique. 
The Royal Highlanders landed at Portsmouth on the 
thirtieth of July in good health, and were marched to 
Hillsea barracks. After remaining a few weeks there, the 
five companies embarked for Gibraltar, where they 
joined the five other companies, whose destination had 
been changed by their return to port after the sailing 
of the expedition to the W^est Indies. The regiment was 
now eleven hundred men strong. 
The next service in which the Royal Highlanders was 


engaged was on an expedition against the Island of 
Minorca, under the command of Lieutenant-General the 
Hon. Sir Charles Stewart, in the month of November, 
1798. The British troops having invested Cittadella, 
the principal fortress in the island, on the fourteenth 
of November, the Spanish commander, who had con- 
centrated his forces in that garrison, surrendered on the 
following day. The Spanish general, whose force greatly- 
exceeded that of the invaders, was deceived as to their 
numbers, which, from the artful mode in which they were 
dispersed over the adjoining eminences, he believed to 
amount to at least ten thousand men. 

The possession of Minorca was of considerable impor- 
tance, as it was made the rendezvous of a large force about 
to be employed on the coast of the Mediterranean, in 
support of our allies, in the year 1800. The command of 
this army was given to Sir Ralph Abercromby, who 
arrived on the twenty-second of June, accompanied by 
Major-Generals Hutchinson and Moore. A part of the 
army was embarked for the relief of Genoa, then closely 
besieged by the French, and a detachment was also sent 
to Colonel Thomas Graham of Balgowan, who blockaded 
the garrison of La Vallette in the Island of Malta. 

Genoa having surrendered before the reinforcement 
arrived, the troops returned to Minorca, and were after- 
ward embarked for Gibraltar, where they arrived on the 
fourteenth of September, when accounts were received 
of the surrender of Malta, after a blockade of nearly 
two years. Early in October, the armament sailed for 
Cadiz, to take possession of the city, and the Spanish 
fleet in the harbour of Carraccas, and was joined by the 
army under Sir James Pulteney from Ferrol; but when 
the Highlanders and part of the reserve were about 
landing in the boats, a gun from Cadiz announced the 
approach of a flag of truce. The town was suffering 



dreadfully from the ravages of the pestilence, and the 
object of the communication was to implore the British 
commander to desist from the attack. Sir Ralph Aber- 
cromby, with his characteristic humanity, could not 
withstand the appeal, and accordingly suspended the 
attacli. The fleet got under weigh the following mommg 
for the Bay of Tetuan, on the coast of Barbary, and after 
being tossed about in a violent gale, during which it was 
obliged to take refuge under the lee of Cape Spartell, 
the fleet returned to Gibraltar. 

Government, having determined to make an attempt 
to drive the French out of Egypt, despatched orders to 
the commander-in-chief to proceed to Malta, where, on 
their arrival, the troops were mformed of their destina- 
tion. Tired of confinement on board the transports, 
they were all greatly elevated on receiving this intelli- 
gence, and looked forward to a contest on the plains of 
Egypt with the hitherto victorious legions of France, 
with the feelings of men anxious to support the honour 
of their country. The whole of the British land forces 
amounted to 13,234 men, and 630 artillery; but the 
efficient force was only 12,334. The French force 
amoimted to thirty-two thousand men, besides several 
thousand native auxiliaries. 

The fleet sailed in two divisions for Marmorice, a bay 
on the coast of Greece, on the twentieth and twenty- 
first of December, in the year 1800. The Turks were to 
have a remforcement of men and horses at that place. 
The first division arrived on the twenty-eighth of 
December, and the second on the first of January follow- 
ing. Having received the Turkish supplies, which were 
in every respect deficient, the fleet again got under weigh 
on the twenty-third of Febmary, and on the morning of 
Sunday, the first of March, the low and sandy coast of 
Egypt was descried. The fleet came to anchor m the 



evening in Aboukir bay, on the spot where the battle of 
the Nile had been fought nearly three years before. 
After the fleet had anchored, a violent gale sprung up, 
which continued without intermission till the evening 
of the seventh, when it moderated. 

As a disembarkation could not be attempted during 
the continuance of the gale, the French had ample time 
to prepare themselves, and to throw every obstacle which 
they could devise in the way of a landing. No situation 
could be more embarrassing than that of Sir Ralph 
Abercromby on the present occasion; but his strength 
of mind carried him through every difficulty. " He had 
to force a landing in an unknown country, in the face 
of an enemy more than double his numbers, and nearly 
three times as numerous as they were previously be- 
lieved to be, — an enemy, moreover, in full possession 
of the country, occupying all its fortified positions, 
having a numerous and well-appointed cavalry, inured 
to the climate, and a powerful artillery, — an enemy 
who knew every point where a landing could, with any 
prospect of success, be attempted, and who had taken 
advantage of the unavoidable delay, already mentioned, 
to erect batteries and bring guns and ammunition to 
the point where they expected the attempt would be 
made. In short, the general had to encounter embarrass- 
ments, and bear up under difficulties, which would have 
paralyzed the mind of a man less firm and less confident 
of the devotion and bravery of his troops. These dis- 
advantages, however, served only to strengthen his 
resolution. He knew that his army was determined to 
conquer or to perish with him; and, aware of the high 
hopes which the country had placed in both, he resolved 
to proceed in the face of obstacles which some would have 
deemed insurmountable." 

The first division destined to effect a landing, con- 


sisted of the flank companies of the 40th, and Welsh 
fusileers on the right, the 28th, 42d, and 58th, in the 
centre, the brigade of guards, Corsican rangers, and a 
part of the 1st brigade, consisting of the Royals and 
54th, on the left, — amounting altogether to 5,230 
men. As there were not a sufficiency of boats, all this 
force did not land at once; and one company of High- 
landers, and detachments of other regiments, did not 
get on shore till the return of the boats. The troops 
fixed upon to lead the way got into the boats at two 
o'clock on the morning of the eighth of March, and 
formed in rear of the Mondovi, Captain John Stewart, 
which was anchored out of reach of shot from the 
shore. By an admirable arrangement, each boat was 
placed in such a manner, that, when the landmg was 
effected, every brigade, every regiment, and even every 
company, found itself in the proper station assigned to 
them. As such an arrangement required time to com- 
plete it, it was eight o'clock before the boats were ready 
to move forward. Expectation was woimd up to the 
highest pitch, when, at nine o'clock, a signal was given, 
and the whole boats, with a simultaneous movement, 
sprung forward, under the command of the Hon. 
Captain Alexander Cochrane. Although the rowers 
strained every nerve, such was the regularity of their 
pace, that no boat got ahead of the rest. 

At first the enemy did not believe that the British 
would attempt a landing in the face of their lines and 
defences; but when the boats had come withm range of 
their batteries, they began to perceive their mistake, 
and then opened a hea\^' fire from their batteries in 
front, and from the castle of Aboukir in flank. To the 
showers of grape and shells, the enemy added a fire of 
musketry from twenty-five hundred men, on the near 
approach of the boats to the shore. In a short time the 



boats on the right, containing the 23d, 28th, 42d, and 
58th regiments, with the flank companies of the 40th, 
got under the elevated position of the enemy's batteries, 
so as to be sheltered from their fire, and meeting with 
no opposition from the enemy, who did not descend to 
the beach, these troops disembarked and formed in line 
on the seashore. Lest an irregular fire might have 
created confusion in the ranks, no orders, were given to 
load, but the men were directed to rush up the face 
of the hill and charge the enemy. 

When the word was given to advance, the soldiers 
sprung up the ascent, but their progress was retarded 
by the loose dry sand which so deeply covered the 
ascent, that the soldiers fell back half a pace every 
step they advanced. When about half way to the sum- 
mit, they came in sight of the enemy, who poured down 
upon them a destructive volley of musketry. Redoubling 
their exertions, they gained the height before the enemy 
could reload their pieces; and, though exhausted with 
fatigue, and almost breathless, they drove the enemy 
from their position at the point of the bayonet. A 
squadron of cavalry then advanced and attacked the 
Highlanders, but they were instantly repulsed, with the 
loss of their commander. A scattered fire was kept up 
for some time by a party of the enemy from behind a 
second line of small sand-hills, but they fled in con- 
fusion on the advance of the troops. The guards and 
first brigade, having landed on ground nearly on a level 
with the water, were immediately attacked, — the first 
by cavalry, and the 54th by a body of infantry, who 
advanced with fixed bayonets. The assailants were 

In this brilliant affair the British had four officers, 
four sergeants, and ninety-four rank and file killed, 
among whom were thirty-one Highlanders; twenty-six 



oflBcers, thirty-four sergeants, five dminmers, and 450 
rank and file wounded; among whom were, of the 
Highlanders, Lieutenant-Colonel James Stewart, Cap- 
tain Charles Macquarrie, Lieutenants Alexander Camp- 
bell, John Dick, Frederick Campbell, Stewart Campbell, 
Charles Campbell, Ensign Wilson, seven sergeants, four 
drummers, and 140 rank and file. 

The venerable commander-in-chief, anxious to be at 
the head of his troops, immediately left the admiral's 
ship, and on reaching the shore, leaped from the boat 
with the vigour of youth. Taking his station on a little 
sand-hill, he received the congratulations of the officers 
by whom he was surroimded, on the ability and firmness 
with which he had conducted the enterprise. The 
general, on his part, expressed his gratitude to them 
for " an intrepidity scarcely to be parallelled," and which 
had enabled them to overcome every difficulty. 

The remainder of the army landed in the course of the 
evening, but three days elapsed before the provisions 
and stores were disembarked. Menou, the French com- 
mander, availed himself of this interval to collect more 
troops and strengthen his position; so that on moving 
for\\'ard on the evening of the twelfth, the British found 
him strongly posted among sand-hills, and palm and 
date trees, about three miles east of Alexandria, with a 
force of upwards of five thousand infantry, six hundred 
cavalry, and thirty pieces of artillery. 

Early on the morning of the thirteenth, the troops 
moved forward to the attack in three columns of regi- 
ments. At the head of the first column was the 90th 
or Perthshire regiment ; the 92d or Gordon Highlanders 
formed the advance of the second; and the reserve 
marching in column covered the movements of the first 
line, to which it ran parallel. When the army had 
cleared the date trees, the enemy, leaving the heights, 



moved down with great boldness on the 92d, which had 
just formed in line. They opened a heavy fire of cannon 
and musketry, which the 92d quickly returned; and, 
although repeatedly attacked by the French line, sup- 
ported by a powerful artillery, they maintained their 
ground singly till the whole line came up. Whilst the 
92d was sustaining these attacks from the infantry, 
the French cavalry attempted to charge the 90th regi- 
ment down a declivity with great impetuosity. The 
regiment stood waiting their approach with cool intrepid- 
ity, and after allowing the cavalry to come within fifty 
yards of them, they poured in upon them a well-directed 
volley, which so completely broke the charge that only 
a few of the cavalry reached the regiment, and the 
greater part of these were instantly bayonetted; the 
rest fled to their left, and retreated in confusion. Sir 
Ralph Abercromby, who was always in front, had his 
horse shot under him, and was rescued by the 90th 
regiment when nearly surrounded by the enemy's 

After forming in line, the two divisions moved forward, 
— the reserve remaining in column to cover the right 
flank. The enemy retreated to their lines in front of 
Alexandria, followed by the British army. After 
reconnoitring their works, the British conmiander con- 
ceiving the difficulties of an attack insuperable, retired, 
and took up a position about a league from Alexandria. 
The British suffered severely on this occasion, having 
had six officers and 150 men killed, and sixty-six officers 
and 1,004 men wounded. The Royal Highlanders, 
who were only exposed to distant shot, had only three 
rank and file killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, 
Captain Archibald Argyle Campbell, Lieutenant Simon 
Fraser, three sergeants, one drummer, and twenty-three 
rank and file wounded. 



In the position now occupied by the British general, he 
had the sea on his right flank, and the Lake Maadie on 
his left. On the right the reserve was placed as an 
advanced post; the 58th possessed an extensive ruin, 
supposed to have been the palace of the Ptolemies. On 
the outside of the ruin, a few paces onward and close on 
the left, was a redoubt, occupied by the 28th regiment. 
The 23d, the flank companies of the 40th, the 42d, and 
the Corsican rangers, were posted five hundred yards 
towards the rear, ready to support the two corps in 
front. To the left of this redoubt a sandy plain extended 
about three hundred yards, and then sloped into a valley. 
Here, a little retired towards the rear, stood the cavalry 
of the reserve; and still farther to the left, on a rising 
ground beyond the valley, the guards were posted, with 
a redoubt thrown up on their right, a battery on their 
left, and a small ditch or embankment in front, which 
connected both. To the left of the guards, in form of an 
echelon, were posted the Royals, 54th (two battalions), 
and the 92d; then the 8th or King's, 18th or Royal Irish, 
90th and 13th. To the left of the line, and facing the 
lake at right angles, were drawn up the 27th or Ennis- 
killen, 79th or Cameron Highlanders, and 50th regiment. 
On the left of the second line were posted the 30th, 
89th, 44th, Dillon's, De Roll's, and Stuart's regiments; 
the dismounted cavalry of the 12th and 26th dragoons 
completed the second line to the right. The whole was 
flanked on the right by four cutters, stationed close to 
the shore. Such was the disposition of the army from 
the fourteenth till the evening of the twentieth, during 
which time the whole was kept in constant employment, 
either in performing military duties, strengthening the 
position — which had few natural advantages — by 
the erection of batteries, or in bringing forward cannon, 
stores, and provisions. Along the whole extent of the 



line were arranged two 24-pounders, thirty-two field- 
pieces, and one 24-pounder in the redoubt occupied by 
the 28th. 

The enemy occupied a parallel position on a ridge 
of hiUs extending from the sea beyond the left of the 
British line, having the town of Alexandria, Fort Caf- 
farelli, and Pharos, in the rear. General Lanusse was 
on the left of Menou's army with four demi-brigades of 
infantry, and a considerable body of cavalry com- 
manded by General Roise. General Regnier was on the 
right with two demi-brigades and two regiments of 
cavalry, and the centre was occupied by five demi- 
brigades. The advanced guard, which consisted of one 
demi-brigade, some light troops, and a detachment of 
cavalry, was commanded by General D'Estain. 

Meanwhile the fort of Aboukir was blockaded by the 
queen's regiment, and, after a slight resistance, sur- 
rendered to Lord Dalhousie on the eighteenth. To 
replace the Gordon Highlanders, who had been much 
reduced by previous sickness and by the action of the 
thirteenth, the queen's regiment was ordered up on the 
evening of the twentieth. The same evening the British 
general received accounts that General Menou had ar- 
rived at Alexandria with a large reinforcement from 
Cairo, and was preparing to attack him. 

Anticipating this attack, the British army was under 
arms at an early hour in the morning of the twenty- 
first of March, and at three o'clock every man was at 
his post. For half an hour no movement took place on 
either side, till the report of a musket, followed by that 
of some cannon, was heard on the left of the line. Upon 
this signal the enemy immediately advanced, and took 
possession of a small piquet, occupied by part of Stuart's 
regiment; but they were instantly driven back. For a 
time silence again prevailed, but it was a stillness which 



portended a deadly struggle. As soon as he heard the 
firing, General Moore, who happened to be the general 
officer on duty during the night, had galloped off to 
the left; but an idea having struck him as he proceeded, 
that this was a false attack, he turned back, and had 
hardly returned to his brigade when a loud huzza, suc- 
ceeded by a roar of musketry, showed that he was not 
mistaken. The morning was unusually dark, cloudy, 
and close. The enemy advanced in silence until they 
approached the piquets, when they gave a shout and 
pushed forward. At this moment Major Sinclair, as 
directed by Major-General Oakes, advanced with the left 
wing of the 42d, and took post on the open ground 
lately occupied by the 28th regiment, which was now 
ordered within the redoubt. Whilst the left wing of the 
Highlanders was thus drawn up, with its right supported 
by the redoubt, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Stewart 
was directed to remain with the right wing two hundred 
yards in the rear, but exactly parallel to the left wing. 
The Welsh fusileers and the flank companies of the 40th 
moved forward, at the same time, to support the 58th, 
stationed in the ruin. This regiment had drawn up in 
the chasms of the ruined walls, which were in some parts 
from ten to twenty feet high, imder cover of some loose 
stones which the soldiers had raised for their defence, 
and which, though sufficiently open for the fire of 
musketry, formed a perfect protection against the en- 
trance of cavalry or infantry. The attack on the ruin, 
the redoubt, and the left wing of the Highlanders, was 
made at the same moment, and with the greatest im- 
petuosity; but the fire of the regiments stationed there, 
and of the left of the 42d, under Major Stirling, quickly 
checked the ardour of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonels 
Paget of the 28th, and Houston of the 58th, after allow- 
ing the enemy to come quite close, directed their regi- 



ments to open a fire, which was so well-directed and 
effective, that the enemy were obliged to retire precip- 
itately to a hollow in their rear. 

During this contest in front, a column of the enemy, 
which bore the name of the Invincibles, preceded by a 
six-pounder, came silently along the hollow interval 
from which the cavalry piquet had retired and passed 
between the left of the 42d and the right of the guards. 
Though it was still so dark that an object could not be 
properly distinguished at the distance of two yards, yet 
with such precision did this column calculate its distance 
and line of march, that on coming in line with the left 
wing of the Highlanders, it wheeled to its left, and 
marched in between the right and left wings of the regi- 
ment, which were drawn up in parallel lines. As soon 
as the enemy were discovered passing between the two 
lines, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Stewart instantly 
charged them with the right wing to his proper front, 
whilst the rear-rank of Major Stirling's wing, facing to 
the right about, charged to the rear. Being thus placed 
between two fires, the enemy rushed forward with an 
intention of entering the ruin, which they supposed was 
unoccupied. As they passed the rear of the redoubt the 
28th faced about and fired upon them. Continuing their 
course, they reached the ruin, through the openings of 
which they rushed, followed by the Highlanders, when 
the 58th and 48th facing about as the 28th had done, also 
fired upon them. The survivors (about two hundred), 
unable to withstand this combined attack, threw down 
their arms and surrendered. The Generals Moore and 
Oakes were both wounded in the ruin, but were still 
able to continue in the exercise of their duty. The 
former, on the surrender of the Invincibles, left the ruin, 
and hurried to the left of the redoubt, where part of the 
left wing of the 42d was busily engaged with the enemy 



after the rear rank had followed the enemy into the 
rums. At this time the enemy was seen advancing in 
great force on the left of the redoubt, apparently with an 
intention of making another attempt to turn it. On 
perceiving their approach, General Moore immediately 
ordered the Highlanders out of the ruins, and directed 
them to form line in battalion on the flat on which Major 
Stirling had originally formed, with their right sup- 
ported by the redoubt. By thus extending their line 
they were enabled to present a larger front to the enemy; 
but in consequence of the rapid advance of the enemy, 
it was found necessary to check their progress even be- 
fore the battalion had completely formed in line. Orders 
were therefore given to drive the enemy back, which were 
instantly performed with complete success. 

Encouraged by the commander-in-chief, who called 
out from his station, " My brave Highlanders, remember 
your country, remember your forefathers!" they pur- 
sued the enemy along the plain; but they had not pro- 
ceeded far, when General Moore, whose eye was keen, 
perceived through the increasing clearness of the 
atmosphere fresh colunms of the enemy drawn up on 
the plain beyond with three squadrons of cavalry, as 
if ready to charge through the intervals of their retreat- 
ing infantry. As no time was to be lost, the general 
ordered the regiment to retire from their advanced 
position, and re-form on the left of the redoubt. This 
order, although repeated by Colonel Stewart, was only 
partially heard in consequence of the noise of the firing; 
and the result was, that whilst the companies who heard 
it retired on the redoubt, the rest hesitated to follow. 
The enemy, observing the intervals between these com- 
panies, resolved to avail themselves of the circumstance, 
and advanced in great force. Broken as the line was by 
the separation of the companies, it seemed almost im- 



possible to resist with effect an impetuous charge of 
cavalry; yet every man stood firm. Many of the enemy 
were killed in the advance. The companies who stood 
in compact bodies drove back all who charged them 
with great loss. Part of the cavalry passed through the 
intervals, and wheeling to their left, as the " Invin- 
cibles " had done early in the morning, were received 
by the 28th, who, facing to their rear, poured on them a 
destructive fire, which killed many of them. It is 
extraordinary that in this onset only thirteen High- 
landers were wounded by the sabre, — a circumstance 
to be ascribed to the firmness with which they stood, first 
endeavouring to bring down the horse, before the rider 
came within sword-length, and then despatching him with 
the bayonet, before he had time to recover his legs from 
the fall of the horse. 

Enraged at the disaster which had befallen the elite 
of his cavalry, General Menou ordered forward a column 
of infantry, supported by cavalry, to make a second 
attempt on the position; but this body was repulsed at 
all points by the Highlanders. Another body of cavalry 
now dashed forward as the former had done, and met 
with a similar reception, numbers falling, and others 
passing through to the rear, where they were again 
overpowered by the 28th. It was impossible for the 
Highlanders to withstand much longer such repeated 
attacks, particularly as they were reduced to the neces- 
sity of fighting every man on his own ground, and unless 
supported they must soon have been destroyed. The 
fortunate arrival of the brigade of Brigadier-General 
Stuart, which advanced from the second line, and formed 
on the left of the Highlanders, probably saved them 
from destruction. At this time the enemy were ad- 
vancing in great force, both of cavalry and infantry, 
apparently determined to overwhelm the handful of 



men who had hitherto baffled all their efforts. Though 
surprised to find a fresh and more numerous body of 
troops opposed to them, they nevertheless ventured to 
charge, but were again driven back with great pre- 

It was now eight o'clock in the morning, but nothing 
decisive had been effected on either side. About this 
time the British had spent the whole of their ammunition ; 
and not being able to procure an immediate supply, owing 
to the distance of the ordnance-stores, their fire ceased, 
— a circumstance which surprised the enemy, who, 
ignorant of the cause, ascribed the cessation to design. 
Meanwhile, the French kept up a heavy and constant 
cannonade from their great guns, and a straggling fire 
from their sharpshooters in the hollows, and behind 
some sand-hills in front of the redoubt and ruins. The 
army suffered greatly from the fire of the enemy, par- 
ticularly the Highlanders, and the right of General 
Stuart's brigade, who were exposed to its full effect, 
being posted on a level piece of ground over which the 
cannon-shot rolled after striking the ground, and car- 
ried off a file of men at every successive rebound. Yet 
notwithstanding this havoc no man moved from his 
position except to close up the gap made by the shot, 
when his right or left hand man was struck down. 

At this stage of the battle the proceedings of the 
centre may be shortly detailed. The enemy pushed for- 
ward a heavy column of infantry, before the dawn of 
day, towards the position occupied by the guards. After 
allowing them to approach very close to his front. 
General Ludlow ordered his fire to be opened, and his 
orders were executed with such effect, that the enemy 
retired with precipitation. Foiled in this attempt, they 
next endeavoured to turn the left of the position; but 
they were received and driven back with such spirit by 



the Royals and the right wing of the 54th, that they 
desisted from all further attempts to carry it. They, 
however, kept up an irregular fire from their cannon and 
sharpshooters, which did some execution. As General 
Regnier, who commanded the right of the French line, 
did not advance, the left of the British was never 
engaged. He made up for this forbearance by keeping 
up a heavy cannonade, which did considerable injury. 

Emboldened by the temporary cessation of the British 
fire on the right, the French sharpshooters came close to 
the redoubt; but they were thwarted in their designs 
by the opportune arrival of anmiunition. A fire was 
immediately opened from the redoubt, which made them 
retreat with expedition. The whole line followed, and by 
ten o'clock the enemy had resumed their original position 
in front of Alexandria. After this, the enemy despairing 
of success, gave up all idea of renewing the attack, and 
the loss of the commander-in-chief, among other con- 
siderations, made the British desist from any attempt to 
force the enemy to engage again. 

Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had taken his station in 
front early in the day between the right of the High- 
landers and the left of the redoubt, having detached the 
whole of his staff, was left alone. In this situation two 
of the enemy's dragoons dashed forward, and drawing 
up on each side, attempted to lead him away prisoner. 
In a struggle which ensued, he received a blow on the 
breast; but with the vigour and strength of arm for 
which he was distinguished, he seized the sabre of one of 
his assailants, and forced it out of his hand. A corporal 
of the 42d, coming up to his support at this instant, shot 
one of the dragoons, and the other retired. The general 
afterward dismounted from his horse, though with diffi- 
culty; but no person knew that he was wounded, till 
some of the staff who joined him observed the blood 



trickling down his thigh. A musket-ball had entered 
his groin, and lodged deep in the hip-joint. Notwith- 
standing the acute pain which a wound in such a place 
must have occasioned, he had, during the interval be- 
tween the time he had been wounded and the last charge 
of cavalry, walked with a firm and steady step along the 
line of the Highlanders and General Stuart's brigade, 
to the position of the guards in the centre of the line, 
where, from its elevated position, he had a full view of 
the whole field of battle, and from which place he gave 
his orders as if nothing had happened to him. In his 
anxiety about the result of the battle, he seemed to for- 
get that he had been hurt; but after victory had de- 
clared in favour of the British army, he became alive 
to the danger of his situation, and in a state of exhaustion, 
lay down on a little sand-hill near the battery. 

In this situation he was surrounded by the generals 
and a number of officers. The soldiers were to be seen 
crowding round this melancholy group at a respectful 
distance, pouring out blessings on his head, and prayers 
for his recovery. His wound was now examined, and a 
large incision was made to extract the ball ; but it could 
not be found. After this operation he was put upon a 
litter, and carried on board the Fondroyant, Lord 
Keith's ship, where he died on the morning of the 
twenty-eighth of March. " As his life was honourable, 
so his death was glorious. His memory will be recorded 
in the annals of his country, will be sacred to every 
British soldier, and embalmed in the memory of a 
grateful posterity," 

The loss of the British, of whom scarcely six thousand 
were actually engaged, was not so great as might have 
been expected. Besides the commander-in-chief, there 
were killed ten officers, nine sergeants, and 224 rank and 
file; and sixty oflBcers, forty-eight sergeants, three drum- 



mers, and 1,082 rank and file, were wounded. Of the 
Royal Highlanders, Brevet-Major Robert Bisset, Lieu- 
tenants Colin Campbell, Robert Anderson, Alexander 
Stewart, Alexander Donaldson, and Archibald M'Nicol, 
and forty-eight rank and file, were killed; and Major 
James Stirling, Captain David Stewart, Lieutenant 
Hamilton Rose, J. Milford Sutherland, A. M. Cuningham, 
Frederick Campbell, Maxwell Grant, Ensign William 
Mackenzie, six sergeants, and 247 rank and file wounded. 
As the 42d regiment was more exposed than any of the 
other regiments engaged, and sustained the brunt of the 
battle, their loss was nearly three times the aggregate 
amount of the loss of all the other regiments of the 
reserve. The total loss of the French was about four 
thousand men. 

General Hutchinson, on whom the command of the 
British army now devolved, remained in the position 
before Alexandria for some time, during which a detach- 
ment under Colonel Spencer took possession of Rosetta. 
Having strengthened his position between Alexandria 
and Aboukir, General Hutchinson transferred his head- 
quarters to Rosetta, with a view to proceed against 
Rhamanieh, an important post, commanding the passage 
of the Nile, and preserving the communication between 
Alexandria and Cairo. The general left his camp on the 
fifth of May to attack Rhamanieh; but although 
defended by four thousand infantry, eight hundred 
cavalry, and thirty-two pieces of cannon, the place was 
evacuated by the enemy on his approach. 

The commander-in-chief proceeded to Cairo, and took 
up a position four miles from that city, on the sixteenth 
of June. Belliard, the French general, who had a force 
of thirteen thousand men under him in the town, of 
whom 10,850 were French, might have made a formidable 
resistance; but he had made up his mind to capitulate 



whenever he could do so with honour; and accordingly, 
on the twenty-second of June, when the British had 
nearly completed their approaches, he offered to sur- 
render, on condition of his army being sent to France 
with their arms, baggage, and effects. 

Nothing now remained to render the conquest of 
Egypt complete, but the reduction of Alexandria. 
Returning from Cairo, General Hutchinson proceeded to 
invest that city. Whilst General Coote, with nearly 
half the army, approached to the westward of the town, 
the general himself advanced from the eastward. Gen- 
eral Menou, anxious for the honour of the French arms, 
at first disputed the advances made towards his lines; 
but finding himself surrounded on two sides by an 
army of 14,500 men, by the sea on the north, and cut 
off from the country on the south by a lake which had 
been formed by breaking down the dike between the 
Nile and Alexandria, he applied for, and obtained, on 
the evening of the twenty-sixth of August, an armis- 
tice of three days. On the second of September the 
capitulation was signed, the terms agreed upon being 
much the same with those granted to General Belliard. 

The number of the French troops re embarked for 
France, in terms of the capitulations of Cairo and Alex- 
andria, was 27,482, showing a deficit out of the original 
force, when the British landed, of about seven thousand 
men by war and sickness, after a campaign of about five 

After the French were embarked, immediate arrange- 
ments were made for settling in quarters the troops that 
were to remain in the country, and to embark those 
destined for other stations. Among these last were 
the three Highland regiments. The 42d regiment 
landed at Southampton, and marched to Winchester. 
With the exception of those who were affected with 



ophthalmia, all the men were healthy. At Winchester, 
however, the men caught a contagious fever, of which 
Captain Lamont and several privates died. 

" At this period," says General Stewart, " a circum- 
stance occurred which caused some conversation, and 
to which I have alluded in a note,* on the French stan- 
dard taken at Alexandria. The Highland Society of 
London, much gratified with the accounts given of the 
conduct of their countrymen in Egypt, resolved to 
bestow on them some mark of their esteem and approba- 
tion. The society being composed of men of the first 
rank and character in Scotland, and including several 
of the royal family as members, it was considered that 
such an act would be honourable to the corps and 
agreeable to aU. It was proposed to commence with the 
42d as the oldest of the Highland regiments, and with 
the others in succession, as their service offered an 
opportunity of distinguishing themselves. Fifteen hun- 
dred pounds were immediately subscribed for this pur- 
pose. Medals were struck with a head of Sir Ralph 
Abercromby, and some emblematical figures on the 
obverse. A superb piece of plate was likewise ordered. 
While these were in preparation, the society held a 
meeting, when Sir John Sinclair, with the warmth of 
a clansman, mentioned his namesake, Sergeant Sinclair, 
as having taken or having got possession of the French 
standard, which had been brought home. Sir John, 
being at that time ignorant of the circumstances, made 
no mention of the loss of the ensign which the sergeant 
had gotten in charge. This called forth the claim of 
Lutz, a soldier of Stuart's regiment, accompanied with 
some strong remarks by Cobbett, the editor of the work 
in which the claim appeared. The society then asked an 
explanation from the officers of the 42d regiment. To 
this very proper request a reply was given by the oflFi- 



cere who were then present with the reghnent. The 
majority of these happened to be young men, who 
expressed, in warm terms, their surprise that the society 
should imagine them capable of countenancing any 
statement implying that they had laid claim to a trophy 
to which they had no right. This misapprehension of 
the society's meaning brought on a correspondence, 
which ended in an interruption of farther communica- 
tion for many years. By this imfortunate misunder- 
standing, a check was given to the intention of the 
society to present marks of their esteem to those of 
their countrymen who, either in collective bodies as 
regiments, or individually, had distinguished themselves, 
and contributed, by their actions, to support the military 
character of Scotland. The approbation of such a body 
as the Highland Society of London, composed of men of 
the first rank and talent, and every way competent to 
appreciate the character and actions of our national 
corps, would unquestionably have acted as an incitement 
to the youth of the north to establish future claims to 
their notice. That a purpose so well intended should 
have suffered a temporary interruption was therefore a 
matter of regret. 

" However, as a prelude to a fresh correspondence 
and intimacy between the society and the Highland 
regiments, the communication with the 42d was again 
renewed in 1816. I was then one of the vice-presidents 
of the society; and being in the full knowledge of the 
circumstances, although absent from the regiment when 
the first correspondence took place, and knowing that 
the whole originated in mistake and misapprehension, 
I was requested by the society to open a communica- 
tion with the regiment. This ended in a complete under- 
standing; and on the anniversary of the battle of 
Alexandria, the twenty-first of March, 1817, his Royal 



Highness the Duke of York, then president of the High- 
land Society, in the chair, presented the Marquis of 
Huntly, on behalf of the 42d regiment, with a superb 
piece of plate, in token of the respect of the society for 
a corps which, for more than seventy years, had con- 
tributed to uphold the martial character of their country. 
This his Royal Highness accompanied with an impressive 
speech, in which he recapitulated the various services 
of the corps, from the battle of Fontenoy, down to those 
of Quatre Bras and Waterloo." 

In May, 1802, the regiment marched to Ashford, 
where they were reviewed by George III, who expressed 
himself satisfied with the appearance of the regiment; 
but although the men had a martial air, they had a 
diminutive look, and were by no means equal to their 
predecessors, either in bodily appearance or in com- 

Shortly after this review the regiment was ordered to 
Edinburgh. During their march to the north, the men 
were everywhere received with kindness; and, on 
approaching the northern metropolis, thousands of its 
inhabitants met them at a distance from the city, and, 
welcoming them with acclamations, accompanied them 
to the castle. They remained in their new quarters, 
giving way too freely to the temptations to which they 
were exposed, by the hospitality of the inhabitants, till 
the spring of 1803, when, in consequence of the interrup- 
tion of peace, they were embarked at Leith for the camp 
then forming at Weeley in Essex. The regiment at this 
time did not exceed four hundred men, in consequence, 
chiefly, of the discharge of 475 men the preceding 

As a means at once of providing for the internal de- 
fence of the kingdom, and recruiting the regular army, 
an act was passed to raise a body of men by ballot, to 



be called " The Army of Reserve." Their services were 
to be confined to Great Britain and Ireland, with 
liberty to volunteer into the regular army, on a certain 
boimty. In the first instance, the men thus raised in 
Scotland were formed into second battalions to regiments 
of the line. The quota raised in the counties of Perth, 
Elgin, Nairn, Cromarty, Ross, Sutherland, Caithness, 
Arg}de, and Bute, which was to form the second battalion 
of the 42d, amounted to 1,343 men. These embarked in 
November at Fort George, to join the first battalion in 
Weeley barracks, about which time upwards of five 
hundred had volunteered into the regular army. In 
April of this year Captain David Stewart, Garth, was 
appointed major, and Lieutenants Robert Henry Dick 
and Charles M'Lean, captains to the second battalion 
of the 78th regiment. In September following, Colonel 
Dickson was appointed brigadier-general; and Lieu- 
tenant-Colonels James Stewart and Alexander Stewart 
having retired, they were succeeded by Lieutenant- 
Colonels Stirling and Lord Blantyre. Captains M'Quarrie 
and James Grant became majors; Lieutenants Stewart 
Campbell, Donald Williamson, John M'Diarmid, John 
Dick, and James Walker, captains; and Captain Lord 
Saltoun was promoted to the foot-guards. 

In consequence of the removal of a part of the garrison 
of Gibraltar, the first battalion of the 42d, and the second 
battalion of the 78th, or Seaforth's Highlanders, were 
marched to Plymouth, where they embarked early in 
October for Gibraltar, which they reached in November. 
Nothing worthy of notice occurred during their stay in 
Gibraltar. Since their former visit, the moral habits of 
the 42d had improved, and they did not fall into those 
excesses in drinking in which they had indulged when 
formerly at Gibraltar. The mortality consequently 
was not so great as before, — thirty-one only out of 



850 men having died during the three years they re- 
mained at this station. 

In 1806, Sir Hector Munro, the colonel of the regiment, 
died, and was succeeded by Major-General, the Marquis 
of Huntly, now Duke of Gordon. Sir Hector was a brave 
man; but he felt little interest in the regiment, and kept 
aloof from his officers and men; and to such an extent 
did he carry this reserve, that although both battalions 
were quartered a considerable time at Fort George, in 
the neighbourhood of which his country-seat was, he 
never came near them except once, when he stopped 
to change horses in the garrison on his way to London. 

After the battle of Vimiera, which was fought on the 
twenty-first of August, 1808, the British army was 
jomed by the 42d regiment from Gibraltar, then 624 
men strong, and by the Gordon and Cameron Highlanders 
from England. Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley, 
who had gained the battle, was superseded the same day 
by two senior generals. Sir Harry Burrard and Sir John 
Moore, who were, strange to tell, again superseded by 
General Sir Hew Dalrj^mple the following morning. 
Generals Burrard and Dalrymple having been recalled 
in consequence of the convention of Cintra, the command 
of the army devolved on Sir John Moore, who, on the 
sixth of October, received an order to march into Spain. 
Having made no previous preparations for marching, 
the advance of the army from Lisbon was retarded; 
and as he could obtain little assistance from the Portu- 
guese government, and no correct information of the 
state of the country, or of the proper route he ought to 
take, he was obliged to act almost entirely upon con- 
jecture. Conceiving it impossible to convey artillery 
by the road through the mountains, he resolved to divide 
his army and to march into Spain by different routes. 

One of these, consisting of the brigade of artillery and 


four regiments of infantrj'-, of which the 42d was one, 
under the Hon. Lieutenant-General Hope, marched upon 
Madrid and Espinar; another, under General Paget, 
moved by Elvas and Alcantara; a third by Coimbra 
and Almeida, under General Beresford; and a fourth, 
under General Mackenzie Eraser, by Abrantes and Al- 
meida. These divisions, amounting together to eighteen 
thousand infantry and nine hundred cavalry, were to 
form a junction at Salamanca. General Moore reached 
Salamanca on the thirteenth of November, without 
seeing a single Spanish soldier. The armies which he 
had expected to find were either dispersed or removed 
to too great a distance for cooperation, and the people 
themselves seemed to take no interest in the war. 
Whilst on the march, Lieutenant-General Sir David 
Baird arrived off Corunna with a body of troops from 
England, for the purpose of forming a junction with 
General Moore; but his troops were kept on board 
from the thirteenth to the thirty-first of October, and, 
when allowed to disembark, no exertions were made 
by the Spaniards to forward his march. 

Whilst waiting the junction of General Baird and the 
division of General Hope, which, from its circuitous 
route, was the last of the four in reaching Salamanca, 
General Moore received intelligence of the defeat and 
total dispersion of General Blake's army on the tenth of 
November, at Espenora de los Monteros, as well as of a 
similar fate which subsequently befell the army of 
General Castanos at Tudela. No Spanish army now 
remained in the field except the corps under the Marquis 
of Romana, but acting independently, it tended rather 
to obstruct than forward the plans of the British com- 

It was now the first of December, General Baird had 
reached Astorga, and General Hope's division was still 



four days' march from Salamanca. Beset by accumu- 
lated diflSculties, and threatened with an army already 
amounting to a hundred thousand men, and about to be 
increased by additional reinforcements, General Moore 
resolved on a retreat, though such a measure was opposed 
to the opinion of many officers of rank. Whilst he him- 
self was to fall back upon Lisbon, he ordered Sir David 
Baird to retire to Corunna, and embark for the Tagus. 
He afterward countermanded the order for retreat, on 
receiving some favourable accounts from the interior, 
but . having soon ascertained that these were not to be 
relied on, he resumed his original intention of retiring. 
Instead of proceeding, however, towards Lisbon, he 
determined to retreat to the north of Spain, with the 
view of joining General Baird. This junction he effected 
at Toro on the twenty-first of December. Their united 
forces amounted to 26,311 infantry, and 2,450 cavalry, 
besides artillery. 

The general resolved to attack Marshal Soult at Sal- 
danha; but after making his dispositions, he gave up 
his determination, in consequence of information that 
Soult had received considerable reinforcements; that 
Buonaparte had marched from Madrid with forty 
thousand infantry and cavalry; and that Marshals 
Junot, Mortier, and Lefebre, with their different divi- 
sions, were also on their march towards the north of 
Spain. The retreat was begun on the twenty-fourth of 
December, on which day the advanced guard of Buona- 
parte's division passed through Tordesillas. 

When ordered again to retreat, the greatest disappoint- 
ment was manifested by the troops, who, enraged at 
the apathy shown by the people, gratified their feelings 
of revenge by acts of insubordination and plunder 
hitherto unheard of in a British army. To such an 
extent did they carry their ravages, that they obtained 



the name of " malditos ladrones," or cursed robbers, 
from the unfortunate .inhabitants. The following 
extract of general orders, issued at Benevente on the 
twenty-seventh of December, shows how acutely the 
gallant Moore felt the disgrace which the conduct of his 
troops brought on the British name. " The Com- 
mander of the Forces has observed, with concern, the 
extreme bad conduct of the troops, at a moment when 
they are about to come into contact with the enemy, 
and when the greatest regularity and the best conduct 
are most requisite. The misbehaviour of the troops in 
the column which marched from Valderas to this place 
exceeds what he could have believed of British soldiers. 
It is disgraceful to the officers, as it strongly marks their 
negligence and inattention. The Commander of the 
Forces refers to the general orders of the fifteenth of 
October and of the eleventh of November. He desires 
that they may be again read at the head of every com- 
pany in the army. He can add nothing but his deter- 
mination to execute them to the fullest extent. He can 
feel no mercy towards officers who neglect, in times like 
these, essential duties, or towards soldiers who injure 
the country they are sent to protect. It is impossible 
for the general to explain to his army his motive for the 
movements he directs. When it is proper to fight a 
battle he will do it, and he will choose the time and place 
he thinks most fit. In the meantime, he begs the officers 
and soldiers of the army to attend diligently to discharge 
their part, and leave to him and to the general officers 
the decision of measures which belong to them alone." 

It is quite unnecessary, in a work of this nature, to 
give the details of this memorable retreat. Suffice it 
to say, that after a series of brilliant and successful 
rencounters with the enemy, and after enduring the 
most extraordinary privations, the British army arrived 



in the neighbourhood of Corunna on the eleventh of 
January, 1809. Had the transports been at Corunna, 
the troops might have embarked without molestation, 
as the French general did not push forward with vigour 
from Lago; but, as they had to wait the arrival of trans- 
ports from Vigo, the enemy had full time to come up. 
The inhabitants showed the greatest kindness to the 
troops, and in conjunction with them exerted themselves 
with much assiduity to put the town in a proper state 
of defence. 

On the land side Corunna is surrounded by a double 
range of hills, a higher and a lower. As the outward 
or higher range was too extensive, the British were 
formed on the inner or lower range. The French on 
their arrival took post on the higher range. 

Several of the transports having arrived on the four- 
teenth, the sick, the cavalry, and part of the artillery, 
were embarked. Next day was spent in skirmishing, 
with little loss on either side; but on the sixteenth, 
affairs assumed a more serious aspect. After midday, 
the enemy were seen getting under arms. The British 
drew up immediately in line of battle. General Hope's 
division occupied the left. It consisted of Major-General 
Hill's brigade of the queen's, 14th, 32d, and Colonel 
Crawford's brigade of the 36th, 71st, and 92d or Gordon 
Highlanders. On the right of the line was the division 
of General Baird, consisting of Lord William Bentinck's 
brigade of the 4th, 42d or Royal Highlanders, and 50th 
regiment; and Major-General Manningham's brigade of 
the third battalion of the royals, 26th or Cameronians, 
and second battalion of the 81st; and Major-General 
Ward with the first and second battalions of the foot- 
guards. The other battalions of guards were in reserve, 
in rear of Lord William Bentinck's brigade. The rifle 
corps formed a chain across a valley on the right of Sir 



David Baird, communicating with Lieutenant-General 
Eraser's division, which was drawn up in the rear at a 
short distance from Corunna. The division was com- 
posed of the 6th, 9th, 23d or Welsh fusileers, and second 
battalion of the 43d, under Major-General Beresford; 
and the 36th, 79th or Cameron Highlanders, and 82d, 
under Brigadier-General Fane. General Paget's brigade 
of reserve formed in rear of the left. It consisted of the 
20th, 28th, 52d, 91st, and rifle corps. The whole force 
under arms amounted to nearly sixteen thousand 

The battle was begun by the enemy, who, after a dis- 
charge of artillery, advanced upon the British in four 
columns. Two of these moved towards General Baird's 
wing, a third advanced upon the centre, and a fourth 
against the left. The enemy kept a fifth column as a 
reserve in the rear. On the approach of the French the 
British advanced to meet them. The 50th regiment, 
under Majors Napier and Stanhope, two young 
officers who had been trained up under the general's 
own eye, passing over an enclosure in front, charged and 
drove the enemy out of the village of Elvina, with great 
loss. General Moore, who was at the post occupied by 
Lord William Bentinck's brigade, directing every move- 
ment, on observing the brave conduct of the regiment, 
exclaimed, " Well done the 50th — well done my 
majors!" Then proceeding to the 42d, he cried out, 
" Highlanders, remember Egypt." They thereupon 
rushed forward, accompanied by the general, and drove 
back the enemy in all directions. He now ordered up 
a battalion of the' guards to the left flank of the 
Highlanders. The light company conceiving, as their 
ammunition was spent, that the guards were to relieve 
them, began to fall back; but Sir John, discovering their 
mistake, said to them, " My brave 42d, join your com- 



rades, — ammunition is coming, — you have your 
bayonets." This was enough. 

Sir David Baird about this time was forced to leave 
the field, in consequence of his arm being shattered by 
a musket ball, and immediately thereafter a cannon 
ball struck Sir John Moore in the left shoulder and 
beat him to the ground. *' He raised himself and sat 
up with an unaltered countenance, looking intensely at 
the Highlanders, who were warmly engaged. Captain 
Harding threw himself from his horse and took him by 
the hand; then observing his anxiety, he told him 
the 42d were advancing, upon which his countenance 
inmiediately brightened up." 

After the general and Sir David Baird had been carried 
off the field, the command of the army devolved upon 
Lieutenant-General Hope, who, at the close of the 
battle, addressed a letter to the latter, from which the 
following is an extract: " The first effort of the enemy 
was met by the commander of the forces and by yourself, 
at the head of the 42d regiment, and the brigade under 
Lord William Bentinck. The village on your right 
became an object of obstinate contest. I lament to 
say that, after the severe wound which deprived the army 
of your services, Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, 
who had just directed the most able disposition, fell by a 
cannon-shot. The troops, though not unacquainted 
with the irreparable loss they had sustained, were not 
dismayed, but by the most determined bravery not only 
repelled every attempt of the enemy to gain ground, but 
actually forced him to retire, although he had brought 
up fresh troops in support of those originally engaged. 
The enemy, finding himself foiled in every attempt to 
force the right of the position, endeavoured by numbers 
to turn it. A judicious and well-timed movement which 
was made by Major-General Paget with the reserve, 



which corps had moved out of its cantonments to sup- 
port the right of the army, by a vigorous attack defeated 
this intention. The major-general having pushed for- 
ward the 95th (rifle corps) and the first battalion of the 
52d regiment, drove the enemy before him, and in his 
rapid and judicious advance threatened the left of the 
enemy's position. This circumstance, with the position 
of Lieutenant-General Eraser's division (calculated to 
give still farther security to the right of the line), 
induced the enemy to relax his efforts in that quarter. 
They were however more forcibly directed towards the 
centre, when they were again successfully resisted by 
the brigade under Major-General Manningham, forming 
the left of your division, and a part of that under Major- 
General Leith, forming the right of that under my 
orders. Upon the left the enemy at first contented 
himself with an attack upon our piquets, which how- 
ever in general maintained their ground. Finding, how- 
ever, his efforts imavailing on the right and centre, he 
seemed determined to render the attack upon the left 
more serious, and had succeeded in obtaining possession 
of the village through which the great road to Madrid 
passes, and which was situated in front of that part of 
the line. From this post, however, he was soon expelled, 
with a considerable loss, by a gallant attack of some 
companies of the second battalion of the 14th regiment, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls. Before five in the 
evening, we had not only successfull)'' repelled every 
attack made upon the position, but had gained groimd 
in almost all points, and occupied a more forward line 
than at the commencement of the action; whilst the 
enemy confined his operations to a cannonade, and the 
fire of his light troops, with a view to draw off his other 
corps. At six the firing ceased." 
The loss of the British was eight hundred men killed 


and wounded. The 42d regiment had one sergeant and 
thirty-six rank and file killed; and six officers, viz., 
Captains Duncan Campbell, John Fraser, and Maxwell 
Grant, and Lieutenants Alexander Anderson, William 
Middleton, and Thomas Macinnes; one sergeant, and 
104 rank and file wounded. The enemy lost upwards 
of three thousand men, — a remarkable disproportion, 
when it is considered that the British troops fought under 
many disadvantages. 

Though the victory was gained. General Hope did not 
consider it advisable, under existing circumstances, to 
risk another battle, and therefore issued orders for the 
immediate embarkation of the army. By the great 
exertions of the naval officers and seamen, the whole, 
with the exception of the rear-guard, were on board 
before the morning; and the rear-guard, with the 
sick and wounded, were all embarked the following 

General Moore did not long survive the action. When 
he fell he was removed, with the assistance of a soldier 
of the 42d, a few yards behind the shelter of a wall. 
He was afterward carried to the rear in a blanket by 
six soldiers of the 42d and guards. When borne off the 
field his aide-de-camp, Captain Harding, observing the 
resolution and composure of his features, expressed his 
hopes that the wound was not mortal, and that he would 
still be spared to the army. Turning his head round, and 
looking steadfastly at the wound for a few seconds, the 
dying commander said, " No, Harding; I feel that to be 
impossible." A sergeant of the 42d and two spare files, 
in case of accident, were ordered to conduct their brave 
general to Corunna. Whilst carried slowly along, he 
made the soldiers turn frequently round, that he might 
view the field of battle and listen to the firing. As the 
sound grew fainter, an indication that the enemy were 



retiring, his countenance evinced the satisfaction he felt. 
In a few hours he was numbered with the dead. 

Thus died, in the prime of life, one of the most accom- 
plished and bravest soldiers that ever adorned the 
British army. " From his youth he embraced the pro- 
fession with the sentiments and feelings of a soldier. 
He felt that a perfect knowledge and an exact perform- 
ance of the humble but important duties of a subaltern 
officer are the best foundation for subsequent military 
fame. In the school of regimental duty, he obtained 
that correct knowledge of his profession, so essential 
to the proper direction of the gallant spirit of the soldier; 
and was enabled to establish a characteristic order and 
regularity of conduct, because the troops found in their 
leader a striking example of the discipline which he 
enforced on others. In a military character, obtained 
amidst the dangers of climate, the privations incident 
to service, and the sufferings of repeated wounds, it is 
difficult to select any point as a preferable subject for 
praise. The life of Su* John Moore was spent among 
his troops. During the season of repose, his time was 
devoted to the care and instruction of the officer and 
soldier; in war, he courted service in every quarter of the 
globe. Regardless of personal considerations, he es- 
teemed that to which his country called him, the post 
of honour; and, by his undaunted spirit and uncon- 
querable perseverance, he pointed the way to victory." 

General Moore had been often heard to express a wish 
that he might die in battle like a soldier; and, like a 
soldier, he was interred in his full uniform, hi a bastion 
in the garrison of Corunna. 

WTien the embarkation of the army was completed 
it sailed for England. One division, in which the 42d 
was, landed at Portsmouth. Another disembarked at 



The regiment was now brigaded at Shorncliffe with the 
rifle corps, under the command of Major-General Sir 
Thomas Graham. As the second battalion, which had 
been in Ireland since 1805, was about to embark for 
Portugal, they could obtain no draughts from it to 
supply the casualties which they had suffered in the late 
retreat and the loss at Corunna, but these were speedily 
made up otherwise. 

The 42d was next employed in the disastrous expedi- 
tion to Walcheren, and returned to Dover in September, 
1809, having only 204 men fit for duty out of 758, who, 
about six weeks before, had left the shores of England. 
The regiment marched to Canterbury on the eleventh of 
September, where it remained till July, 1810, when it 
was removed to Scotland, and quartered in Mussel- 
burgh. The men had recovered very slowly from the 
Walcheren fever, and many of them still suffered under 
its influence. During their stay at Musselburgh, the 
men unfortunately indulged themselves to excess in the 
use of ardent spirits, a practice which would have 
destroyed the health of the men, had not a change of duty 
put an end to this baneful practice. 




In August, 1811, the regiment sailed for England, and 
after remaining some time in Lewis barracks, embarked 
in April of the following year for Portugal. The ardour 
for recruiting had now ceased, and the consequence was 
that the regiment obtained few recruits while in Scot- 
land. Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre, the commander 
of the second battalion, had experienced the growing 
indifference of the Highlanders for the army, having 
been obliged, before his departure for Portugal, to enlist 
150 men from the Irish militia. Tlie first battalion 
joined the army,' under Lord Wellington, after the cap- 
ture of Cuidad Rodrigo and Badajoz, and meeting with 
the second battalion, they were both consolidated. The 
second battalion, which had been two years in the 
Peninsula, was actively engaged at Fuentes d'Honoro, 
in May, 1811, and had maintained the good character 
of the regiment during its whole service. 

On the consolidation of the two battalions, the officers 
and staff of the second were ordered to England, leaving 
the first upwards of 1,160 rank and file fit for service. 
These were placed in the division under Lieutenant- 
General Sir Thomas Graham. The allied army now 
amounted to fifty-eight thousand men, being larger than 
any single division of the enemy, whose whole force 
exceeded 160,000 men. 

After a successful attack on Almarez by a division of 
the army under General Hill, Lord Wellington moved 



forward and occupied Salamanca, which the French 
evacuated on his approach, leaving eight hundred men 
behind to garrison the fort, and retain possession of two 
redoubts formed from the walls and ruins of some con- 
vents and colleges. After a gallant defence of some days, 
the fort and redoubts surrendered on the twenty- 
seventh of June. 

Whilst the siege was proceeding, Marshal Marmont 
manoeuvred in the neighbourhood; but not being yet 
prepared for a general action, he retired across the 
Douro, and took up a position on the twenty-second 
from La Seca to Polios, By the accession of a reinforce- 
ment from the Asturias, and another from the army of 
the centre, the marshal's force was increased to nearly 
sixty thousand men. Judging himself now able to cope 
with the allied army, he resolved either to bring Lord 
Wellington to action, or force him to retire towards 
Portugal, by threatening his communication with that 
country. By combining with Marshal Soult from the 
south, he expected to be able to intercept his retreat 
and cut him off. Marmont did not, however, venture 
to recross the Douro, but commenced a series of masterly 
manoeuvres, with the view of ensnaring his adversary. 
Alluding to this display of tactics, the Moniteur remarked 
that " there were seen those grand French military 
combinations which command victory, and decide the 
fate of empires; that noble audacity which no reverse 
can shake, and which conmiands events." These move- 
ments were met with corresponding skill on the part 
of the British general, who baffled all the designs of his 
skilful opponent. Several accidental rencounters took 
place in the various changes of positions, in which both 
sides suffered considerably. 

Tired of these evolutions, Lord Wellington crossed the 
Guarena on the night of the nineteenth of July, and on 



the morning of the twentieth drew up his army in order 
of battle on the plains of Valisa; but Marmont declined 
the challenge, and, crossing the river, encamped with his 
left at Babila Fuentes, and his right at Villameda. This 
manoeuvre was met by a corresponding movement on 
the part of the allies, who marched to their right in 
columns along the plain, in a direction parallel to the 
enemy, who were on the heights of Cabeca Vilhosa. In 
this and the other movements of the British, the sagacity 
of the commander-in-chief appeared so strange to a 
plain Highlander, who had paid particular attention to 
them, that he swore Lord Wellington must be gifted 
with the second sight, as he saw and was prepared to 
meet Marmont's intended changes of position before 
he commenced his movements. 

The allied army were now on the same ground they 
had occupied near Salamanca, when reducing the forts 
the preceding month; but in consequence of the enemy 
crossing the Tormes at Alba de Tormes, and appearing 
to threaten Cuidad Rodrigo, Lord Wellington made a 
corresponding movement, and on the twenty-first 
halted his army on the heights on the left bank. During 
the night the enemy possessed themselves of the village 
of Calvarasa de Ariba, and the heights of Nuestra 
Senora de la Pena. In the course of this night, Lord 
Wellington received intelligence that General Clausel 
had reached Polios with a large body of cavalry, and 
would certainly join Marmont on the twenty-third or 

The morning of the twenty-second, a day memorable 
in the annals of the Peninsular war, was ushered in with 
a violent tempest, and a dreadful storm of thunder and 
lightning. The operations of the day commenced soon 
after seven o'clock, when the outposts of both armies 
attempted to get possession of two hills, Los Arapiles, 



on the right of the allies. The enemy, by his numerical 
superiority, succeeded in possessing himself of the most 
distant of these hills, and thus greatly strengthened his 
position. With his accustomed skill, Marmont manoeu- 
vred until two o'clock, when imagining that he had 
succeeded in drawing the allies into a snare, he opened 
a general fire from his artillery along his whole line, 
and threw out numerous bodies of sharpshooters, both 
in front and flank, as a feint to cover an attempt he 
meditated to turn the position of the British. This 
ruse was thrown away on Lord Wellington, who, acting 
on the defensive only, to become, in his turn, the assail- 
ant with the more effect, and perceiving at once the 
grand error of his antagonist in extending his line to 
the left, without strengthening his centre, which had 
now no second line to support it, made immediate 
preparations for a general attack; and, with his char- 
acteristic determination of purpose, took advantage of 
that unfortunate moment, which, as the French com- 
mander observed, " destroyed the result of six weeks 
of wise combinations of methodical movements, the 
issue of which had hitherto appeared certain, and which 
everything appeared to presage to us that we should 
enjoy the fruit of." 

The arrangements were these. Major-General Paken- 
ham, with the third division, was ordered to turn the 
left of the enemy, whilst he was to be attacked in front 
by the divisions of Generals Leith, Cole, Bradford, and 
Cotton, — those of Generals Clinton, Hope, and Don 
Carlos de Espana acting as a reserve. The divisions 
under Generals Alexander Campbell and Alten were to 
form the left of the line. Whilst this formation was in 
progress, the enemy did not alter his previous position, 
but made an unsuccessful attempt to get possession of the 
village of Arapiles, held by a detachment of the guards, 



About four o'clock in the afternoon the attack com- 
menced. General Pakenham, supported by the Portu- 
guese cavalry, and some squadrons of the 14th dragoons 
under Colonel Harvey, carried all their respective 
points of attack. The divisions in the centre were 
equally successful, driving the enemy from one height 
to another. They however received a momentary check 
from a body of troops from the heights of Arapiles. 
A most obstinate struggle took place at this post. 
Having descended from the heights which they occupied, 
the British dashed across the intervening valley and 
ascended a hill, on which they found the enemy most 
advantageously posted, formed in solid squares, the 
front ranks kneeling, and supported by twenty pieces 
of cannon. On the approach of the British, the enemy 
opened a fire from their cannon and musketry, but this, 
instead of retarding, seemed to accelerate the progress of 
the assailants. Gaining the brow of the hill, they in- 
stantly charged, and drove the enemy before them; a 
body of them attempting to rally, were thrown into 
utter confusion by a second charge with the bayonet. 
A general rout now took place, and night alone saved the 
French army from utter annihilation. 

Seven thousand prisoners and eleven pieces of cannon 
fell into the hands of the victors; but the loss of the 
enemy in killed and wounded was not ascertained. 
General Marmont himself was wounded, and many of his 
officers were killed or disabled. The loss of the allies 
was 624 killed, and about four thousand wounded. 

Among other important results to which this victory 
led, not the least was the appointment of Lord Well- 
ington as generalissimo of the Spanish armies, by which 
he was enabled to direct and control the operations of 
the whole Spanish forces, which had hitherto acted as 
independent corps. 



The allied army pushed forward to Madrid, and, after 
various movements and skirmishes, entered that city 
on the twelfth of August, amid the acclamations of the 
inhabitants. Learning that General Clausel, who had 
succeeded Marshal Marmont in the command, had or- 
ganized an army, and threatened some of the British 
positions on the Douro, Lord Wellington left Madrid on 
the first of September, and marching northward, entered 
Valladolid on the seventh, the enemy retiring as he 
advanced. Being joined by Castanos, the Spanish 
general, with an army of twelve thousand foot, he took 
up a position close to Burgos, in which the enemy had 
left a garrison of twenty-five hundred men. The castle 
was in ruins, but the strong thick wall of the ancient 
keep was equal to the best casements, and it was 
strengthened by a horn-work which had been erected 
on Mount St. Michael. A church had also been con- 
verted into a fort, and the whole enclosed within three 
lines, so connected, that each could defend the other. 
Preliminary to an attack on the castle, the possession of 
the horn-work was necessary. Accordingly, on the 
evening of the nineteenth of September, the light 
infantry of General Stirling's brigade having driven 
in the outposts, took possession of the outworks close 
to the mount. When dark it was attacked by the same 
troops, supported by the 42d, and carried by assault. 

On the twenty-ninth an unsuccessful attempt was 
made to spring a mine under the enemy's works, but on 
the fourth of October another mine was exploded with 
better effect. The second battalion of the 24th regiment 
established themselves within the exterior line of the 
castle, but were soon obliged to retire. The enemy 
made two vigorous sorties on the eighth, drove back 
the covering parties, and damaged the works of the 
besiegers, who sustained considerable loss. A third 



mine was exploded on the thirteenth, when the troops 
attempted an assault, but without success. The last 
attack, a most desperate one, was made on the nine- 
teenth, but with as little success; two days after which, 
Lord Wellington, to the great disappointment of the 
besiegers, ordered the siege, which had lasted thirty days, 
to be raised, in consequence of the expected advance of 
a French army of eighty thousand men. The loss sus- 
tained by the 42d regiment in this siege was three offi- 
cers, two sergeants, and forty-four rank and file killed, 
and six officers, eleven sergeants, one drummer, and 230 
rank and file wounded. The officers killed were Lieu- 
tenants R. Ferguson and P. Mihie, and Ensign David 
Cullen; those wounded were Captains Donald Wil- 
liamson (who died of his wounds), Archibald Menzies, 
and George Davidson, Lieutenants Hugh Angus Fraser, 
James Stewart, and Robert Mackinnon. 

Whilst Lord Wellington was besieging Burgos, the 
enemy had been concentrating their forces, and on the 
twentieth of October, his lordship received intelligence 
of the advance of the French army. Joseph Buona- 
parte, newly raised by his brother to the throne of 
Spain, was, with one division, to cut off Lord Welling- 
ton's communication with General Hill's division be- 
tween Aranjuez and Toledo, and another, commanded 
by General Souham, was to raise the siege of Burgos. 
After the abandonment of the siege, on the twenty- 
first of October, the allied army retired after nightfall, 
unperceived by General Souham, who followed with 
a superior force, but did not overtake them till the eve- 
ning of the twenty-third. 

During this retrograde movement, the troops suffered 
greatly from the inclemency of the weather, from bad 
roads, but still more from the want of a regular supply 
of provisions; and the same irregularities and dia- 



organization prevailed among them as in the retreat 
to Corunna. In the general orders which the com- 
mander-in-chief issued on the occasion, he stated that 
both divisions of the army indulged in a laxity of disci- 
pline to a greater degree " than any army with which he 
had ever served, or of which he had ever read." In 
continuation, he observed that " it must be obvious to 
every officer that, from the time the troops commenced 
their retreat from Burgos, on the one hand, and from 
Madrid on the other, the officers lost all command over 
their men. Irregularities and outrages of every descrip- 
tion were committed with impunity." Much of this 
disorder has been ascribed to the impatience with which 
British soldiers bear a retreat, when influenced by the 
feeling that they are considered incapable of meeting an 
enemy, a feeling which makes them quickly lose their 
usual sense of duty and discipline. Pressed as they were 
in their rear by the enemy's cavalry, an arm in which 
the French were vastly superior, they nevertheless dis- 
played their usual gallantry, and whenever the enemy 
appeared in sight, they seemed to forget all their priva- 
tions, formed as they were ordered, and repulsed with 
vigour every attack. 

The allied army retired upon Salamanca, and after- 
ward to Frenada and Corea, on the frontiers of Portugal, 
where they took up their winter quarters. The enemy, 
apparently unable to advance, unwilling to retire, and 
renouncing the hope of victory, followed the example 
thus set. Subsequent events proved that this opinion, 
expressed at the time, was correct, "for every move- 
ment of the enemy after the campaign of 1812 was 
retrograde, every battle a defeat." 

Having obtained a reinforcement of troops and 
abundant military supplies from England, Lord Welling- 
ton opened the campaign of 1813 by moving on Sala- 



manca, of which, for the third time, the British troops 
took possession on the twenty-fourth of May. The 
division of Sir R. Hill was stationed between Tormes and 
the Douro, and the left wing, under Sir Thomas Graham, 
took post at Miranda de Douro. The enemy, who gave 
way as the allies advanced, evacuated Valladolid on the 
fourth of June, and General Hill havmg, on the twelfth, 
attacked and defeated a division of the French army 
under General Reille, the enemy hastened their retreat, 
and blew up the works of the castle of Burgos, on which 
they had expended much labour the preceding year. 

The enemy fell back on Vittoria, followed by Lord 
Wellington, who drew up his army on the River Bayas, 
separated by some high grounds from Vittoria. His men 
were in the highest spirits, and the cheerfulness and 
alacrity with which they performed this long march, 
more than 250 miles, formed a favourable contrast 
with their conduct when retreating the previous year. 
The French army, under the command of Joseph 
Buonaparte and Marshal Jourdan, made a stand near 
Vittoria, for the purpose of defending the passage of 
the River Zadorra, having that town on their right, the 
centre on a height, conmaanding the valley of that 
stream, and the left resting on the heights between 
Arunez and Puebla de Arlanzon. The hostile armies 
were about seventy thousand men each. 

On the morning of the twenty-first of June, the allied 
army moved forward in three columns to take possession 
of the heights in the front of Vittoria. The right wing 
was commanded by General Hill, the centre by General 
Cole, and the left wing by General Graham. The 
operations of the day commenced by General Hill 
attacking and carrying the heights of Puebla, on which 
the enemy's left rested. They made a violent attempt 
to regain possession, but they were driven back at all 



points, and pursued across the Zadorra. Sir Rowland 
Hill, passing over the bridge of La Puebla, attacked and 
carried the village of Sabijana de Alava, of which he kept 
possession, notwithstanding repeated attempts of the 
enemy to regain it. The fourth and light divisions now 
crossed the Zadorra at different points, while, almost 
at the same instant of time, the colunm under Lord 
Dalhousie reached Mendonza; and the third, under Sir 
T. Picton, followed by the seventh division, crossed a 
bridge higher up. These four divisions, forming the 
centre of the army, were destined to attack the right of 
the enemy's centre on the heights, whilst General Hill 
pushed forward from Alava to attack the left. The 
enemy dreading the consequences of an attack on his 
centre, which he had weakened to strengthen his posts 
on the heights, abandoned his position, and commenced a 
rapid retreat to Vittoria. 

Whilst these combined movements of the right and 
centre were in progress, the left wing, under Sir Thomas 
Graham, drove the enemy's right from the hills above 
Abechuco and Gamarra. To preserve their communica- 
tion with Bayonne, which was nearly cut off by this 
movement, the enemy had occupied the villages of 
Gamarra, Mayor, and Menor, near which the great road 
touches the banks of the Zadorra. They were, however, 
driven from these positions by a Spanish division under 
Colonel Longa, and another of Portuguese under General 
Pack, supported by General Anson's cavalry brigade 
and the fifth division of infantry under General Oswald. 
General Graham, at the same time, attacked and 
obtained possession of the village of Abechuco. 

Thus cut off from retreat by the great road to France, 
the enemy, as soon as the centre of the allies had pene- 
trated to Vittoria, retreated with great precipitation 
towards Pampluna, the only other road left open, and 



on which they had no fortified positions to cover their 
retrograde movement. The enemy left behind them all 
their stores and baggage, and out of 152 pieces of cannon, 
they carried off only one howitzer. General Hill, with 
his division, continued to pursue the panic-stricken 
French from one position to another till the seventh of 
July, when he took post on the summit of the pass of 
Maya, beyond the Pyrenees, " those lofty heights 
which," as Marshal Soult lamented, in a proclamation 
he issued, " enabled him proudly to survey our fertile 

With the exception of Pampluna and St. Sebastian, 
the whole of this part of the north of Spain was now 
cleared of the enemy. To reduce these places was the 
next object. It was resolved to blockade the former and 
lay siege to the latter, which last-mentioned service 
was entrusted to General Graham. This was a most 
arduous task, as St. Sebastian was, in point of strength, 
next to Gibraltar. 

The arrangements for the siege of St. Sebastian being 
completed, the batteries opened on the convent of St. 
Bartolomeo on the fourteenth of July, and on the 
seventeenth this stronghold, though fortified with a 
protecting work, and a steep hill on its left flank, was so 
completely destroyed, that General Graham ordered 
both to be stormed. The division of General Oswald 
carried these posts, though bravely defended by a strong 
body of men. Having made two breaches which were 
considered practicable, a party of two thousand men 
made an assault on the twenty-fifth; but after an 
obstinate contest they were recalled, after sustaining a 
very severe loss. The attention of the conmiander- 
in-chief being now directed to the movements of Marshal 
Soult, who was advancing with a large army, the siege 
of St. Sebastian was suspended for a time. 



At this time the allied army occupied a range of 
mountain passes between the valley of Roncesvalles, 
celebrated as the field of Charlemagne's defeat, and 
St. Sebastian, but as the distance between these stations 
was sixty miles, it was found impossible so to guard all 
these passes as to prevent the entrance of an army. 
The passes occupied by the allies were defended by the 
following troops: Major-General Byng's brigade and 
a division of Spanish infantry held the valley of 
Roncesvalles, to support which General Cole's division 
was posted at Piscarret, with General Picton's in reserve 
at Olaque; the valley of Bastan and the pass of Maya 
was occupied by Sir Rowland Hill, with Lieutenant- 
General William Stewart's and Silviera's Portuguese 
divisions, and the Spanish corps under the Conde de 
Amaran; the Portuguese brigade of Brigadier-General 
Archibald Campbell was detached to Los Alduidos; the 
heights of St. Barbara, the town of Pera, and the 
Puerto de Echelar, were protected by Lord Dalhousie 
and Baron Alten's light division, Brigadier-general 
Pack's being in reserve at Estevan. The communica- 
tion between Lord Dalhousie and General Graham was 
kept up by General Longa's Spanish division; and the 
Conde de Abisbal blockaded Pampluna. 

Such were the positions of the allied army when 
Marshal Soult, who had been lately appointed to the 
command of a numerous French army, recently collected, 
having formed a plan of operations for a general attack 
on the allied army, advanced on the twenty-fifth of 
July at the head of a division of thirty-six thousand men 
against Roncesvalles, whilst General Count d'Erlon, 
with another division of thirteen thousand men, moved 
towards the pass of Maya. Pressed by this overwhelming 
force, General Byng was obliged, though supported by 
part of Sir Lowry Cole's division, to descend from the 



heights that commanded the pass, in order to preserve 
his communication, in which situation he was attacked 
by Soult and driven back to the top of the mountain, 
whilst the troops on the ridge of Arola, part of Cole's 
division, were forced to retire with considerable loss, and 
to take up a position in the rear. General Cole was 
again obliged to reth-e, and fell back on Lizoain. Next 
day General Picton moved forward to support General 
Cole, but both were obliged to retire in consequence of 
Soult's advance. 

Meanwhile Count d'Erlon forced the battalions 
occupying the narrow ridges near the pass of Maya to 
give way; but these being quickly supported by Briga- 
dier-General Barnes's brigade, a series of spirited actions 
ensued, and the advance of the enemy was arrested. 
General Hill, hearing of the retrograde movement from 
Roncesvalles, retired behind the Irurita, and took up a 
strong position. On the twenty-seventh Sir Thomas 
Picton resumed his retreat. The troops were greatly 
dejected at this temporary reverse; but the arrival of 
Lord Wellington, who had been with the army before 
St. Sebastian, revived their drooping spirits. Im- 
mediately on his arrival he directed the troops in reserve 
to move forward to support the division opposed to the 
enemy. He formed General Picton's division on a ridge 
on the left bank of the Argua, and General Cole's on the 
high grounds between that river and the Lanz. To 
support the positions in front. General Hill was posted 
behind the Lizasso; but, on the arrival of General 
Pakenham on the twenty-eighth, he took post on the 
left of General Cole, facing the village of Sourarem; 
but before the British divisions had fully occupied the 
ground, they were vigorously attacked by the enemy 
from the village. The enemy were, however, driven 
back with great loss. 



Soult next brought forward a strong column, and 
advancing up the hill against the centre of the allies, on 
the left of General Cole's line, obtained possession of that 
post, but he was almost immediately driven back at the 
point of the bayonet by the Fusileers. The French 
renewed the attack, but were again quickly repulsed. 
About the same time, another attack was made on the 
right of the centre, where a Spanish brigade, supported 
by the 40th, was posted. The Spaniards gave way, but 
the 40th not only kept their ground, but drove the enemy 
down the hill with great loss. 

The enemy pushing forward in separate bodies with 
great vigour, the battle now became general along the 
whole front of the heights occupied by the fourth division, 
but they were repulsed at all points, except one occupied 
by a Portuguese battalion, which was overpowered and 
obliged to give way. The occupation of this post by 
the enemy exposed the flank of Major-General Ross's 
brigade, immediately on the right, to a destructive fire, 
which forced him to retire. The enemy were, however, 
soon dispossessed of this post by Colonel John Maclean, 
who, advancing with the 27th and 48th regiments, 
charged and drove them from it, and inmiediately 
afterward attacked and charged another body of the 
enemy who were advancing from the left. The enemy 
persevered in his attacks several times, but was as 
often repulsed, principally by the bayonet. Several 
regiments charged four different times. 

The division of Lord Dalhousie, from the left, havmg 
reinforced the centre the following day, Soult withdrew 
a part of his troops from his strong position in front of 
the allies, with the intention of turning the left of their 
position. Though the position occupied by Soult in 
front appeared almost impregnable, yet Lord Welling- 
ton resolved, after this reduction of Soult's force, to 



attempt it. Accordingly, on the morning of the thirtieth, 
Lord Dalhousie made a well-conducted attack on the 
heights on the right, which was performed with great 
bravery by Brigadier-General Inglis's brigade. Sir 
Thomas Picton, during this operation, turned their left, 
whilst General Pakenham, at the same time, drove them 
from the village of Ostiz. These successful attacks were 
followed up by one made in front by General Cole's 
division, upon which the enemy, to use the words of 
Lord Wellington, " abandoned a position which is one 
of the strongest and most difficult of access that I have 
yet seen occupied by troops." The enemy were now 
pursued beyond Olaque, in the vicinity of which General 
Hill, who had been engaged the whole day, had repulsed 
all the attacks of Count d'Erlon. 

The enemy endeavoured to rally in their retreat, but 
were driven from one position to another till the second 
of August, when the allies had regained all the posts they 
had occupied on the twenty-fifth of July, when Soult 
made his first attack. As the 92d or Gordon High- 
landers was the only Highland regiment which had 
the good fortune to be engaged in these brilliant attacks, 
in which they particularly distinguished themselves, 
the account of these operations might have been deferred 
till we come to give an account of the services of that 
excellent regiment; but as the omission of these details 
in this place would have broken the continuity of the 
narrative, it was deemed proper to insert them here. 

After this second expulsion of the French beyond the 
Pyrenees, the siege of St. Sebastian was resumed with 
redoubled energy. A continued fire was kept up from 
eighty pieces of cannon, which the enemy withstood 
with surprising courage and perseverance. At length a 
practicable breach was made, and on the morning of 
the thirty-first of August the troops advanced to the 



assault. The breach was extensive, but there was only 
one point where it was possible to enter, and this could 
only be done by single files. All the inside of the wall 
to the height of the curtain formed a perpendicular 
scarp of twenty feet. The troops made the most per- 
severing exertions to force the breach, and everything 
that bravery could attempt was repeatedly tried by the 
men who were brought forward in succession from the 
trenches; but each time, on attaining the summit, all 
who attempted to remain were destroyed by a heavy 
fire from the entrenched ruins within, so that "no 
man outlived the attempt to gain the ridge." The 
moment was critical; but General Graham, with great 
presence of mind, directed his artillery to play against 
the curtain, so as to pass a few feet over the heads of 
the troops in the breach. The fire was directed with 
admirable precision, and the troops advanced with 
perfect confidence. They struggled unremittingly for 
two hours to force the breach, and, taking advantage 
of some confusion occasioned by an explosion of anmiu- 
nition within the ramparts, they redoubled their efforts, 
and by assisting each other got over the walls and ruins. 
After struggling about an hour among their works, the 
French retreated with great loss to the castle, leaving 
the town, which was now reduced to a heap of ruins, in 
the possession of the assailants. This success was dearly 
purchased, — the loss of the allies, in killed and wounded, 
being upwards of two thousand men. Soult made an 
attempt to raise the siege, by crossing the Bidassoa 
on the very day the assault was made with a force of 
nearly forty thousand men; but he was obliged, after 
repeated attacks, to repass the river. 

Having determined to carry the war into France, Lord 
Wellington crossed the Bidassoa at low water, near its 
mouth, on the seventh of October. After a series of 



successful operations, the allied army was established 
in the French territories; but as Pampluna still held out, 
the commander-in-chief delayed his advance for a time. 
Pampluna surrendered on the thirty-first of October, 
after a blockade of four months. Lord Wellington 
having now the whole allied force, amounting to up- 
wards of eighty-five thousand men, at his disposal, 
resolved to commence operations. 

Since the battle of the Pyrenees, the French had occu- 
pied a position with their right towards the sea, at a 
short distance from St. Jean de Luz, their centre, on a 
village in Sare, and on the heights behind it, with their 
left resting on a stony height in the rear of Ainhoe. 
This position, strong by nature, had been rendered still 
stronger by art. The attack on the French lines was to 
be made in columns of divisions. In consequence of 
heavy falls of snow and rain. Lord Wellington was 
obliged to defer his attack till the tenth of November, 
on the morning of which day the allies moved forward 
against the enemy. General Hill, who conamanded the 
right, comprising the divisions of Sir William Stewart, 
Sir Henry Clinton, Sir John Hamilton's (Portuguese) 
and General Morilla's (Spanish), marched against the 
left of the enemy, whilst Marshal Beresford, at the head 
of the centre, consisting of the divisions of Sir Thomas 
Picton, Sir Lowry Cole, Lord Dalhousie, Baron Alten, 
and the Spanish reserve under Generals Giron and 
Freyre, was to attack the enemy's centre. The left, 
under General Hope (now second in command, in con- 
sequence of the resignation of General Graham), con- 
sisting of the brigades of Major-Generals Howard and 
Oswald, the Portuguese brigades of Brigadier-Generals 
Wilson and Bradford, and Lord Aylmer's independent 
British brigade, was directed to move against all the 
enemy's lines from the centre to the sea. 



The attack was begun by General Cole's division, which 
attacked and carried the principal redoubt in front of 
Sare with such rapidity, that several of the enemy 
were taken in it before it could be evacuated. Another 
redoubt on the left was carried in the same rapid manner 
by Lord Dalhousie's division, commanded in his absence 
by Colonel Le Cor. General Cole's division thereupon 
took possession of the village. General Alten having 
carried La Petite Rhune, the whole centre divisions 
united, and made a joint attack on the enemy's principal 
position behind the village. Sir Thomas Picton's divi- 
sion (now commanded in his absence by General 
Colville), and that of Le Cor, carried the redoubt on 
the left of the enemy's centre. The light divi- 
sion advancing from La Petite Rhune, attacked the 
works in their front, supported by the 52d regiment, 
who, crossing with great rapidity a narrow neck of land, 
where they were exposed to the fire of two flanking 
batteries, rushed up the hill with such impetuosity, that 
the enemy grew alarmed, and fled with precipitation. 

Meanwhile the right, under General Hill, attacked the 
heights of Ainhoe. The attack was led by General 
Clinton's division, which, marching on the left of five 
redoubts, forded the Nivelle, the banks of which were 
steep and difficult, and attacked the troops in front of 
the works. These were immediately driven back with 
loss, and General Hamilton joining in the attack on the 
other redoubt, the enemy hastily retired. The brigade 
of General Stewart's division, under General Pringle, 
drove in the enemy's piquets in front of Ainhoe, whilst 
General Byng's brigade attacked and drove the enemy 
from the entrenchments, and from a redoubt farther 
to the left. 

By these successful movements the allies were firmly 
established on the right bank of the Nivelle; but as the 



troops driven from the enemy's centre were concen- 
trating above the heights of Saint Pe, some farther 
efforts were necessary. Accordingly the divisions of 
Colville and Le Cor crossed the river below the village, 
and driving the enemy from these heights, established 
themselves in the position beyond them. The enemy, 
now seeing further resistance hopeless, abandoned all 
their positions and works in front of St. Jean de Luz 
and retired upon Bidart, after destroying all the bridges 
on the Lower Nivelle. In these successful and compli- 
cated movements, the allies had twenty-one officers 
and 244 soldiers killed, and 120 officers and 1,657 soldiers 
wounded. Of the 42d regiment, Captain Mungo Mac- 
pherson and Lieutenant Kenneth Macdougall were 
wounded, one private only killed, and two sergeants 
and twenty-three rank and file wounded. The French 
lost thirty-one pieces of cannon, fifteen hundred prison- 
ers, and had a proportional number killed and wounded. 
In consequence of the heavy rains and the destruction 
of the bridges, the allies were prevented from pursuing 
the enemy, who retired to an entrenched camp near 
Bayonne. The allied troops were cantoned between the 
Nivelle and the sea, and made preparations for dis- 
lodging the French from their new position; but the 
incessant rains, which continued till December, put a 
total stop to all active movements. Having thrown 
bridges over the Nive in the beginning of December, 
Lord Wellington commenced operations on the ninth 
for the passage of that river. As the position of the 
enemy was considered too strong to be attacked in 
front, the commander-in-chief determined to make a 
movement to the right, and by thus threatening Soult's 
rear, he hoped to induce him to abandon his position. 
Accordingly the allied army crossed the Nive at different 
points on the ninth of November. General Hope met 



with little opposition, and General Hill, who crossed by 
the ford of Cambo, was scarcely opposed. In danger of 
being intercepted by General Clinton's division, which 
had crossed at Ustariz, the enemy retired in great haste, 
and assembled in considerable numbers at Ville Tranche, 
but they were driven from this post by the light infantry 
and two Portuguese regiments, under Colonels Douglas 
and Browne. General Hill next day took up a position 
with his division, with his left on Ville Franche and his 
right on the Adour, in consequence of which he cut off 
the communication between Bayonne and St. Jean 
Pied de Port. In this situation the French troops 
stationed at the latter place were forced to retire on 
St. Palais. 

Leaving a force to keep General Hill in check. Marshal 
Soult left his entrenched camp on the morning of the 
tenth, and, making an impetuous attack on the light 
division of General Hope's wing, drove back his out- 
posts. Then establishing himself on a ridge between the 
corps of Baron Alten and Major-General Andrew Hay's 
fifth division, he turned upon the latter, and attacked 
it with a determined bravery which it was almost 
impossible to withstand; but after an arduous struggle 
the enemy were repulsed by Brigadier-General Robin- 
son's brigade of the fifth division, and Brigadier-General 
Archibald Campbell's Portuguese brigade. The enemy, 
no way discouraged by these repulses, renewed the 
attack about three o'clock, but with the same want of 

During the night, Soult made dispositions for attack- 
ing the light division at Arcangues; but Sir John Hope 
perceiving his intention, moved towards the threatened 
point. Anticipated in this movement, the experienced 
marshal again changed his dispositions to the left; but 
General Hope, equally on the alert, met him also in that 



direction. With the exception of some partial skirmish- 
ing between the out-posts, no occurrence of any im- 
portance took place on the following day; but on the 
twelfth the enemy renewed the attack on the left, but 
without success. 

Thus foiled in all his attempts, Soult resolved to change 
entirely his plan of operations, and accordingly, during 
the night of the twelfth, he drew his army through 
Bayonne, and on the morning of the thirteenth attempted 
to force his way between the centre and right of the 
British position, at the head of thirty thousand men. 
Advancing with great vigour and celerity, he might 
have succeeded, had not General Hill, with his usual 
promptitude of decision, ordered his troops on the flanks 
to support the centre. The enemy, after a violent 
struggle, were repulsed with great loss, and retired with 
such precipitation that they were out of reach before 
the arrival of the sixth division, which had been ordered 
up to support General Hill. 

Whilst this contest was going on. General Byng's 
brigade, supported by the Portuguese brigade under 
General Buchan, carried an important height, from which 
the enemy made several attempts to dislodge them; 
but being unsuccessful at aU points, they at length 
retired to their entrenchments, whither they were fol- 
lowed by General HiU, who took up a parallel position. 

The inclemency of the weather, and a succession of 
heavy rains which had swelled the rivers and destroyed 
the roads, rendering farther movements impracticable 
for a time, Marshal Soult availed himself of the interrup- 
tion thus given to the progress of the allied army to 
strengthen his position. The weather becoming favour- 
able about the middle of February, 1814, Lord Welling- 
ton began a series of movements with the view of induc- 
ing Soult to withdraw from his strong position, or, 



Bhould he decline, to cut off his communication with 
France, by marching the allied army into the heart of 
that country. By these movements the British general 
obtained the command of the Adour, which obliged 
Soult, who obtained his supplies down that river from 
the interior, to withdraw from Bayonne in the direction 
of Daxe. He left, however, a strong garrison in the 

Leaving General Hope to blockade Bayonne, Lord 
Wellington made a general movement with the right 
and centre of the army on the twenty-fourth of Febru- 
ary. Next day they marched forward to dislodge the 
enemy from a position they had taken up on the Gave 
de Pau at Orthes. Between the extreme points of this 
position ran a chain of heights receding in a line, bending 
inwards, the centre of which was so retired as to be pro- 
tected by the guns of both wings. On his left, Soult 
was supported in this strong position by the town and the 
river; his right rested on a coijimanding height in rear 
of the village of St. Bois; whilst the centre, accom- 
modating itself to the incurvation of the heights, 
described a horizontal reversed segment of a circle 
protected by the strong position of both wings. 

The arrangements for carrying this important post 
were as follow: — Marshal Beresford, with Generals 
Cole's and Walker's divisions, and Colonel Vivian's 
brigade of cavalry, was ordered to attack and endeavour 
to turn the right; the heights on the left and centre were 
to be attacked by Generals Picton and Clinton, with 
General Cotton's and Lord Edward Somerset's brigades 
of cavalry, supported by General Alten's light division 
in reserve in rear of the two columns; whilst General 
Hill was to cross the Gave two miles above Orthes, and 
attack the left flank and rear of the position. In pur- 
suance of these dispositions. Marshal Beresford attacked, 



and, after an obstinate resistance, carried the village of 
St. Bois. General Cole then advanced against the heights 
above the village, but the defile through which he 
attempted to pass was so narrow, that only two battal- 
ions could be brought forward in line to oppose the 
weight of the whole force on the heights, and he was 
therefore obliged to relinquish the advance in that 
direction. A new plan was instantly adopted by the 
reserve and the troops of the right, by making an 
attack upon the enemy's left, in the expectation of 
turning their flank. In a short time every point was 
carried, but the enemy retired in a very orderly manner, 
firing by echelons of divisions, each covering the other 
as they retreated. Observing General Hill, who had 
just crossed the river, advancing upon their left flank, 
on the road from Orthes to St. Sever, the enemy became 
at once apprehensive that they would be intercepted, 
and, instead of continuing their masterly retreat, they 
ran off at full speed, followed by their pursuers. The 
latter continued the chase for nearly three miles at a 
full trot, and the French at length breaking their lines, 
threw away their arms, and fled in all directions. The 
pursuit was continued, however, as far as Sault de 
Navailles, on reaching which the remains even of an 
army were no longer to be seen. The loss of the enemy 
was estimated at eight thousand men in killed, wounded, 
and prisoners. The loss of the allies in killed and 
wounded amounted to about sixteen hundred. Of the 
42d, Lieutenant John Innes was the only oflScer killed, 
besides one sergeant, and three rank and file. Major 
William Co well. Captain James Walker, Lieutenants 
Duncan Stewart and James Brander, five sergeants, and 
eighty-five rank and file were wounded. 

The French army, lately so formidable, was now 
broken and dispersed, and many of the soldiers, dis- 



pirited by their reverses, returned to their homes; 
others, for the first time, abandoned their standards, 
and went over to the allies. Soult, however, midis- 
mayed by these difficulties, collected the remains of that 
part of his army which still remained faithful, and 
exerted all his energies to arrest the progress of the vic- 
tors, but his efforts were unavailing; and after sustaining 
a defeat at Ayre, where he attempted to cover the re- 
moval of considerable magazines, he retreated to Tarbes. 
All the western part of Gascony being thus left exposed 
to the operations of the allied army. Lord Wellington 
detached Marshal Beresford and Lord Dalhousie, with 
three divisions, to Bordeaux, which they entered amidst 
the acclamations of the inhabitants. 

Having obtained reinforcements from Spain and Eng- 
land, Lord Wellington, after leaving four thousand men 
at Bordeaux under Lord Dalhousie, again put his army 
in motion. Soult attempted to make a stand at Vicq 
with two divisions, but he was driven from this position 
by General Picton with the third division, and forced 
to retire beyond Tarbes. With the apparent intention 
of disputing the farther advance of the allies, the marshal 
concentrated his whole force at this point; but he was 
dislodged from this position by a series of combined 
movements. It was now discovered that the enemy 
were drawn up on two hills running parallel to those 
from which their advance had been driven, and it was 
farther ascertained that this conomanding position 
could not be gained by an advance in front without a 
great sacrifice of men, reinforced as it had been by the 
troops driven from the heights in front. It was there- 
fore determined to attack it on flank; but before the 
necessary arrangements could be completed night came 
on, and Soult, taking advantage of the darkness, moved 
off towards Toulouse, whither he was followed next 



morning by the allies, who reached the banks of the 
Garonne on the twenty-seventh of March. 

This river was much swollen by recent rains and the 
melting of the snow on the Pyrenees. There being only 
one bridge at Toulouse, and that being in possession of 
the enemy, it became necessary to procure pontoons to 
enable the army to pass. Whilst the necessary prepara- 
tions were going on for this purpose, Marshal Soult 
made the most extraordinary exertions to put himself 
in a proper posture of defence. He was not even yet 
without hopes of success; and although it is generally 
believed that he was now aware of the abdication of 
Buonaparte, an event which, he must have known, 
would put an immediate end to the war, he was unwilling 
to let slip the only opportunity he now had of wiping 
off the disgrace of his recent defeats. 

The city of Toulouse is defended by an ancient wall, 
flanked with towers. On three sides it is surrounded 
by the great canal of Languedoc and by the Garonne, and 
on the fourth side it is flanked by a range of hills close 
to the canal, over which pass all the roads on that side 
the town. On the summit of the nearest of these hills 
the French had erected a chain of five redoubts, between 
which and the defences of the town they formed en- 
trenchments and lines of connection. These defences 
consisted of extensive field-works, and of some of the 
ancient buildings in the suburbs well fortified. At the 
foot of the height, and along one-half its length, ran 
the small river, Ers, the bridges of which had all been 
destroyed; on the top of the height was an elevated 
and elongated plain in a state of cultivation, and towards 
the end next the town there stood a farmhouse and 
offices. Some trenches had been cut around this house, 
and three redoubts raised on its front and left. Such 
was the field selected by Soult to redeem, if possible, 



by a last effort, his fallen reputation, and to vindicate the 
tarnished honour of the French arms. 

Pontoons having been procured, part of the allied 
army crossed the Garonne on the fourth of April; but 
the melting of the snow on the Pyrenees, owing to a few 
days of hot weather, swelled the river so much, that it 
became necessary to remove the pontoons, and it was 
not till the eighth that they could be replaced. On that 
day the whole army crossed the river, except General 
Hill's division, which remained opposite the town in 
front of the great bridge, to keep the enemy in check 
on that side. From the insidated nature of the town, no 
mode of attack was left to Lord Wellington but to at- 
tempt the works in front. 

Accordingly, on the tenth of April, he made the follow- 
ing dispositions: The Spaniards under Don Manuel 
Freyre were to attack the redoubts fronting the town; 
General Picton and the light division were to keep the 
enemy in check on the great road to Paris, but not to 
attack; and Marshal Beresford, with General Clinton 
and the sixth division, was to attack the centre of the 
entrenchments, whilst General Cole with the fourth 
marched against the right. When formed in this order, 
the divisions marched in a parallel direction to the 
heights on their right, from which they were exposed 
to a smart cannonade till they came opposite to their 
respective points of attack, when they immediately 
changed their front to the right and marched up the hill. 
The lines and a redoubt on the right were attacked and 
carried by General Pack's brigade of the 42d, 79th, and 
91st, supported by General Lambert's brigade of the 
36th, 37th, and 61st regiments. These brigades having 
gained the summit, the enemy retreated to the redoubt 
at the farmhouse. 

Observing this attack, Don Manuel Freyre with great 


spirit marched up with a Spanish division, but it was 
thrown into great confusion by a severe cannonade, 
which being observed by the enemy, they rushed out 
of their entrenchments and drove the Spaniards down 
the hill ; but the light division advancing to their support, 
they again rallied on the plain at the bottom in front of 
General Picton's division. With the intention of crossing 
the canal, General Picton pushed forward the 45th 
regiment and part of his division, but, from the width 
and depth of the canal, it was found impracticable to 
cross it, and being exposed to a heavy fire of cannon and 
musketry, they were compelled to retire. 

The repulse of the Spaniards had disarranged the plan 
of attack, and a general cessation ensued at all points 
till they were rallied and brought forward again, — a 
piece of service which was performed by Lord Welling- 
ton in person. Meanwhile Marshal Beresford's artillery, 
which he had left at Montblanc, was brought up to 
cannonade the heights. The attack now recommenced. 
The Spaniards made several attempts, but were unable 
to succeed. General Pack's brigade advanced to attack 
the works at the farmhouse and the two centre redoubts, 
and whilst marching forward several hundred yards 
over a ploughed field, which, from its breadth and smooth 
surface, gave a full range to the enemy's fire, he was 
exposed to the whole fire of the lines, redoubts, and 
entrenchments. The troops did not, however, return a 
shot, and advanced with a steadiness that surprised the 
enemy. Alluding to the 42d and 79th, a French officer 
exclaimed, " My God ! how firm these sans culottes 
are! " On reaching the redoubt, they leaped into the 
trenches, and carried them with the bayonet. Two- 
thirds of the lines which defended the heights, and three 
of the redoubts, were now in the possession of the 



Two of these redoubts on the left were occupied by 
the 42d, — that on the right by the 79th, and the 91st 
was stationed in rear of the farmhouse. The outward 
redoubt on the left was on the edge of the declivity 
towards the plain at the bottom of the hill. Traversing 
the summit of the heights were three roads sunk deep 
into the earth by long use, and having very high banks 
on each side. One of these roads ran close to the outward 
redoubt on the left, and by some oversight had not 
been properly occupied, the men being stationed in the 
inner entrenchment. To regain, if possible, these 
positions, the enemy, under shelter of this kind of 
covered-way, marched up a column of between five and 
six thousand men, and with such secrecy, that the head 
of the column had nearly passed the unoccupied redoubt 
before they were observed. Having gained the proper 
point, they immediately rushed furiously forward in 
such numbers as almost to overpower the 42d, who 
were compelled to retire to the farmhouse; but being 
promptly supported by the 91st, they attacked the 
enemy and drove them down the hill, with great loss. 
The Highlanders also suffered very severely. Deter- 
mined to carry the redoubts, a fresh body of the enemy 
advanced up the hill and made a most desperate attack, 
and persevered with a gallantry which it required the 
utmost firmness of the British troops to resist. In this 
struggle the 42d occupied the outward redoubt, the 
79th that in the centre, and the 91st the farmyard. 

After a furious contest, the enemy were forced to 
desist from the attempt. The whole of the French then 
retired, leaving the heights in full possession of the 

Finding the city, which was now within reach of the 
guns of the allies, quite untenable, Soult evacuated it 
the same evening, and was allowed to retire without 



molestation. Even had he been able to have withstood 
a siege, he must soon have surrendered for want of the 
provisions necessary for the support of a population 
of sixty thousand inhabitants; and of his own army, 
which was now reduced by the casualties of war and 
recent desertions to thirty thousand men. " Thus, as a 
wary and experienced fox (to use a familiar illustra- 
tion), who, after a long and intricate chase, and in spite 
of his numberless doublings and manoeuvres, is at length 
earthed under some bank, — so the Field Marshal of 
France was now cooped up within the small circle of a 
city, the capital of the second province of France, into 
which an army which had conquered two kingdoms had 
been driven for shelter, after a series of retrograde move- 
ments and manoeuvres from Seville to Toulouse. In the 
course of these operations, the army of Great Britain 
and her allies had liberated and given independence to 
two kingdoms, and had fought eight pitched battles 
against the bravest soldiers, and the ablest and most 
experienced generals of France, who had been foiled by 
the British general in their boasted tactics, and out- 
manoeuvred, out-marched, out-flanked, and overturned. 
That army had been also successful in many arduous 
sieges and assaults, and had at length established them- 
selves in Bordeaux and Toulouse, the two principal 
cities of the south of France. Such are a few of 
the glorious results of these campaigns. Quatre Bras 
and Waterloo completed a series of victories, the 
more honourable, as they were gained over an enemy 
remarkable for transcendent military talents and 

The loss of the 42d in the battle of Toulouse was four 
cflficers, three sergeants, and forty-seven rank and file 
killed; and twenty-one officers, fourteen sergeants, one 
drummer, and 231 rank and file wounded. The names of 



the officers killed were Captain John Swanson, Lieu- 
tenant William Gordon, Ensigns John Latta and Donald 
Maccmmmen ; the wounded were Lieutenant-Colonel 
Robert Maeara, Captains James Walker, John Hender- 
son (who died of his wounds), and Alexander Mackenzie, 
Lieutenants Donald Mackenzie, Thomas Munro, Hugh 
Angus Eraser, James Robertson, R. A. Mackinnon, 
Roger Stewart, Robert Gordon, Charles Maclaren, 
Alexander Strange, Donald Farquharson (who died of 
his wounds), James Watson, William Urquhart, Ensigns 
Thomas Macniven, Colin Walker, James Geddes, John 
Malcolm, and Mungo Macpherson. 

The allies entered Toulouse on the morning after the 
battle, and were received with enthusiasm by the 
mhabitants, who, doubtless, considered themselves 
extremely fortunate in being relieved from the presence 
of the French army, whose retention of the city a few 
hours longer would have exposed it to all the horrors of 
a bombardment. By a singular coincidence, official 
accounts reached Toulouse in the course of the day of 
the abdication of Buonaparte, and the restoration of 
Louis XVni; but it is said that these despatches had 
been kept back on the road. 

In consequence of the cessation of hostilities, the 
British troops removed without delay to their appointed 
destinations, and the three Highland regiments were 
embarked for Ireland, where they remained till May, 
1815, when they were shipped for Flanders, on the return 
of Buonaparte from Elba. 

The inteUigence of Buonaparte's advance reached 
Brussels on the evening of the fifteenth of June, when 
orders were immediately issued by the Duke of Welling- 
ton for the assembling of the troops. The 42d and 92d 
regiments were among the first to muster. The men had 
become great favourites in Brussels, and were on such 



terms of friendly intercourse with the inhabitants in 
whose houses they were quartered, that it was no un- 
common thing to see a Highland soldier taking care of 
the children, and even keeping the shop of his host, — 
an instance of confidence perhaps unexampled. 

The 42d, with other regiments, hastened to Quatre 
Bras early next morning, to take up a position, but 
before they were able to unite, the enemy advanced 
in great numbers from a variety of points, and attacked 
these regiments separately. The 42d was drawn up in 
a field of barley nearly breast-high. At some distance 
they observed a corps of cavalry, which they supposed, 
from their uniform, to be Prussians or Belgians. They 
were in fact a body of French lancers, but the mistake 
was not discovered in time to receive the squadrons of 
the enemy in proper formation. The Highlanders 
endeavoured to throw themselves into a kind of square, 
which movement being observed by the enemy, they 
galloped up and charged the Highlanders with great 
impetuosity before they had nearly completed their 
formation. The enemy were, however, repulsed, and 
forced back at every point. The regiment now formed 
itself into a compact square, and in that situation gal- 
lantly withstood the repeated attacks of the lancers, 
who were unable to make any impression. At the end 
of every charge, the enemy, turning their backs, scam- 
pered off to a short distance, amid the jeers and laughter 
of the Highlanders, who kept firing at them both on their 
approach and retreat. Fmding all their attempts 
against the Highland phalanx fruitless, the enemy 
desisted from the attack. 

The principal loss sustained by the Highlanders was 
at the first onset; yet it was by no means so severe 
as might have been expected. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir 
Robert Macara, Lieutenant Robert Gordon and Ensign 



William Gerrard, two sergeants, and forty rank and file 
were killed. Including officers, there were 243 wounded. 
The names of the officers were Lieutenant-Colonel Dick, 
Captains A. Menzies, George Davidson (who died of his 
wounds), Donald Macdonald, Donald Mackintosh, and 
Robert Boyle, Lieutenants Donald Chisholm, Duncan 
Stewart, Donald Mackenzie, Hugh Angus Fraser, John 
Malcolm, and A. Dunbar, Ensigns William Fraser and 
A. L. Fraser, and Adjutant James Young. 

In the battle of Waterloo, in which the regiment was 
partially engaged, the 42d had only five men killed and 
forty-five wounded. In these last are included the 
following officers, viz.: Captain Mungo Macpherson, 
Lieutenants John Orr, George Gunn Munro, Hugh 
Angus Fraser, and James Brander, and Quartermaster 
Donald Mackintosh. 

With the battle of Waterloo, the last of a long series of 
engagements, the present history of the 42d regiment, 
embracing a period of seventy-five years, ends. It has 
been observed, as a remarkable circumstance in the 
history of the Royal Highlanders, that on every occasion 
when they fired a shot at an enemy (except at Ticon- 
deroga, where success was almost impossible), they were 
successful to such an extent at least, that whatever the 
general issue of the battle might be, that part of the 
enemy opposed to them never stood their ground, 
unless the Highlanders were by insurmountable obstacles 
prevented from closing upon them. Fontenoy even does 
not form an exception, for although the allies were de- 
feated, the Highlanders carried the points assigned 
them, and then, as at Ticonderoga, they were the last 
to leave the field. 

After the surrender of Paris the regiment returned to 
England, whence they marched for Scotland in the 
spring of 1816. On their arrival in the vicinity of Edin- 



burgh on the eighteenth of March, an immense number 
of the inhabitants went out several miles to welcome 
the heroes to the capital of their native land; and on 
entering the suburb of the Canongate the crowd was so 
dense, and the pressure of the moving mass so great, 
that the pipers and band were obliged to put up their 
instruments for want of room to play, and of the soldiers 
little was seen except their bonnets and feathers. In 
the spacious High Street of the city the crowd was 
equally great, and the windows of that majestic and con- 
tinued double range of lofty houses, extending from the 
Watergate to the Castle hill, were filled with spectators, 
chiefly ladies. In marching into the castle, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Robert Dick, who had succeeded Lieutenant- 
Colonel Macara in the command, was accompanied at 
the head of the regiment by Major-General Hope, com- 
mander of the forces, and Colonel (afterward major- 
general) David Stewart of Garth. In consequence of 
the density of the crowd, the march towards the castle 
was so much impeded that the soldiers took an hour and 
a quarter to walk from the palace of Holyrood to the 
castle gate, where they experienced the utmost diffi- 
culty to disengage themselves from the crowd. All the 
city bells were rung on the occasion, and during their 
march through the city the spectators rent the air with 
their acclamations. Nor did this manifestation of pub- 
lic feeling towards this meritorious body of men stop 
here. A public dinner was given to them in the Assembly 
Booms, George Street, which was superintended by Sir 
Walter Scott and other eminent citizens; and each sol- 
dier was presented with a ticket of admission to the 
theatre for one night. 

Nothing now remains but to give a summary of the 
number of men that entered the regiment, from its 
formation down to the battle of Waterloo, and the 



number of those who were killed, wounded, died of 
Bickness, or were discharged during that period. 

The grand total of men embodied in the Black Watch 
and 42d or Royal Highland regiment, from its origin 
at Tay Bridge in April, 1740, to 24th June, 1815, exclu- 
sive of the second battalion of 1780,' and that of 1803,1" 
was 8792 

Of these there were killed, during that period, 
exclusive of thirty-five officers .... 816 

Wounded during the same period, exclusive of 
133 officers 2413 

Died by sickness, wounds, and various casualties, 
including those who were discharged and those who 
volunteered into other regiments, when the 42d 
left America in 1767, up to 25th June, 1793 . . 2275 

Died by sickness, wounds, and various casualties, 
from25thJune, 1793, to 24th June, 1815 . . .1135 

Discharged during same period .... 1485 

Unaccounted for during same period, having been 
left sick in an enemy's country, prisoners, etc. . . 1 38 


Number remaining in the first battalion on 24th 
June, 1815 530 

When it is considered that out of seventy-five years' 
service, forty-five were spent in active warfare, the 
trifling loss of the regiment by the enemy will appear 
extraordinary; and the smallness of that loss can only 
be accounted for by the determined bravery and firnmess 
of the men, it being now the opinion of military men 
that troops, who act vigorously, suffer less than those 
who are slow and cautious in their operations. 




Next in order of date, this regiment falls to be 

The bravery displayed by Lord John Murray's High- 
landers at Fontenoy opened the eyes of government to 
the importance of securing the military services of the 
clans. It was, therefore, determined to repair, in part, 
the loss sustained in that well-fought action, by raising 
a second regiment in the Highlands, and authority to 
that effect was granted to the Earl of Loudon. By the 
influence of the noblemen, chiefs, and gentlemen of the 
country, whose sons and connections were to be ap- 
pointed officers, a body of 1,250 men was raised, of 
whom 750 assembled at Inverness, and the remainder 
at Perth. The whole were formed into a battalion of 
twelve companies, under the following officers, their 
commissions being dated the eighth of June, 1745. 

Colonel. — John Campbell, Earl of Loudon, who died in 1782, a 
general in the army. 

Lieutenant^Colonel. — John Campbell (late Duke of Argyle), who 
died a field-marshal in 1806. 


John Murray (late Duke of Athole), son of Lord George Murray. 

Alexander Livingston Campbell, son of Ardkinglass. 

John Macleod, younger of Macleod. 

Henry Munro, son of Colonel Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis. 

Lord Charles Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon. 

John Stewart, son of the Earl of Moray. 

Alexander Mackay, son of Lord Reay. 



Ewen Macpherson of Clunie. 
John Sutherland of Forse. 

Colin Campbell of Ballimore, killed at Culloden. 
Archibald Macnab, who died a lieutenant-general in 1791, son of 
the laird of Macnab. 


Colin Campbell of Kilberrie. Duncan Robertson of Druma- 

Alexander Maclean. chuine, afterward of Strowan, 

John Campbell of Strachur, who Patrick Campbell, son of Achal- 

died in 1806, a general in the lader. 

army, and colonel of the 57th Donald Macdonald. 

regiment. James Macpherson of Killihuntly. 

John Robertson, or Reid of Stra- John Campbell of Ardshginish. 

loch, who died in 1806, at the Alexander Campbell, brother to 

age of eighty-five, a general in Barcaldine. 

the army, and colonel of the Donald Macdonell of Lochgany. 

88th or Connaught Rangers. Colin Campbell of Glenure. 
Patrick Grant, younger of 



James Steward of Urrard. Donald Macneil. 
John Martin of Inch. Alexander Maclagan, son of the 
George Munro of Novar. minister of Little Dunkeld. 
Malcolm Ross, younger of Pit- Robert Bisset of Glenelbert, after- 
calnie. ward commissary-general of 
Hugh Mackay. Great Britain. 
James Eraser. John Grant, younger of Dai- 
David Spalding of Ashintully. rachnie. 
Archibald Campbell. 

Before the regiment was disciplined, the rebelHon 
broke out, and so rapid were the movements of the rebels, 
that the communication between the two divisions, at 
Perth and Inverness, was cut off. They were therefore 
obliged to act separately. The formation of the regiment 
at the time was considered a fortunate circumstance, 
as many of the men would certainly have joined in the 
insurrection; and indeed several of the officers and men 
went over to the rebels. Four companies were employed 
in the central and southern Highlands, whilst the rest 
were occupied in the northern Highlands, under Lord 
Loudon. Three companies under the Hon. Captains 



Stewart and Mackay, and Captain Munro of Fowlis, 
were, with all their officers, taken prisoners at the battle 
of Gladsmuir. Three other companies were also at the 
battle of Culloden, where Captain Campbell and six men 
were killed, and two soldiers wounded. 

On the thirtieth of May, 1747, the regiment embarked 
at Burntisland for Flanders, but it did not join the Duke 
of Cumberland's army till after the battle of Lafeldt, 
on the second of July. Though disappointed of the 
opportunity which this battle would have given them 
of distinguishing themselves, another soon offered for 
the display of their gallantry. Marshal Saxe having 
determined to attack the strong fortress of Bergen-op- 
Zoom, with an army of twenty-five thousand men under 
General Count Lowendahl, all the disposable forces in 
Brabant, including Loudon's Highlanders, were sent to 
defend the lines, which were strongly fortified. To 
relieve the garrison, consisting of six battalions, and to 
preserve a communication with the country, eighteen 
battalions occupied the lines. The fortress, which was 
considered impregnable, was defended by 250 pieces 
of cannon. The siege was carried on unremittingly 
from the fifteenth of July till the seventeenth of Sep- 
tember, during which interval many sorties were made. 
In the Hague Gazette, an account is given of one of these, 
which took place on the twenty-fifth of July, in which 
it is stated '* that the Highlanders, who were posted 
in Fort Rouro, which covers the lines of Bergen-op- 
Zoom, made a sally, sword in hand, in which they were 
so successful as to destroy the enemy's grand battery, 
and to kill so many of their men, that Count Lowen- 
dahl beat a parle}^, in order to bury the dead. To this 
it was answered, that had he attacked the place agree- 
ably to the rules of war, his demand would certainly 
have been granted; but as he had begun the siege, like 



an incendiary, by setting fire to the city with red-hot 
balls, a resolution had been taken neither to ask or grant 
any suspension of arms." 

Having made breaches in a ravelin and two bastions, 
the besiegers made an unexpected assault on the night 
of the sixteenth of September, and throwing themselves 
into the fosse, mounted the breaches, forced open a 
sally port, and, entering the place, ranged themselves 
along the ramparts, almost before the garrison had 
assembled. Cronstrun, the old governor, and many of his 
officers were asleep, and so sudden and unexpected was 
the attack, that several of them flew to ranks in their 
shirts. Though the possession of the ramparts sealed 
the fate of the town, the Scottish troops were not dis- 
posed to surrender it without a struggle. The French 
were opposed by two regiments of the Scotch brigade, 
in the pay of the States-General, who, by their firmness, 
checked the progress of the enemy, and enabled the 
governor and garrison to recover from their surprise. 
The Scotch assembled in the market-place, and attacked 
the French with such vigour that they drove them from 
street to street, till, fresh reinforcements pouring in, 
they were compelled to retreat in their turn, — dis- 
puting every inch as they retired, and fighting till two- 
thirds of their number fell on the spot, killed or severely 
wounded, — when the remains brought off the old gov- 
ernor, and joined the troops in the lines. 

The troops in the lines, most unaccountably, retreated 
immediately, and the enemy thus became masters of 
the whole navigation of the Scheldt. " Two battalions," 
says an account of the assault published in the Hague 
Gazette, " of the Scotch brigade have, as usual, done 
honour to their country, — which is all we have to 
comfort us for the loss of such brave men, who, from 
1,450, are now reduced to 330 men, — and those have 



valiantly brought their colours with them, which the 
grenadiers twice recovered from the midst of the French 
at the point of the bayonet. The Swiss have also suffered, 
while others took a more speedy way to escape danger." 
In a history of this memorable siege the brave conduct 
of the Scotch is also thus noticed: "It appears that 
more than three hundred of the Scotch brigade fought 
their way through the enemy, and that they have had 
nineteen officers killed and eighteen wounded. Lieuten- 
ants Francis and Allan Maclean of the brigade were 
taken prisoners, and carried before General Lowendahl, 
who thus addressed them: ' Gentlemen, consider your- 
selves on parole. If all had conducted themselves as 
you and your brave corps have done, I should not now 
be master of Bergen-op-Zoom,' " " 

The loss of a fortress hitherto deemed impregnable 
was deeply felt by the allies. The eyes of all Europe 
had been fixed upon this important siege, and when the 
place fell strong suspicions were entertained of treach- 
ery in the garrison. Everything had been done by the 
people of the United Provinces to enable the soldiers 
to hold out. They were allowed additional provisions 
of the best quality, and cordials were furnished for the 
sick and dying. Large sums of money were collected 
to be presented to the soldiers, if they made a brave 
defence; and £17,000 were collected in one day in Am- 
sterdam, to be applied in the same way, if the soldiers 
compelled the enemy to raise the siege. Every soldier 
who carried away a gabion from the enemy was paid 
a crown, and such was the activity of the Scotch, that 
some of them gained ten crowns a day in this kind of 
service. Those who ventured to take the burning fuse 
out of the bombs of the enemy (and there were several 
who did so) received ten or twelve ducats. In this 
remarkable siege the French sustained an enormous 



loss, exceeding twenty-two thousand men; that of the 
garrison did not exceed four thousand. 

After the loss of Bergen-op-Zoom, Loudon's High- 
landers jomed the Duke of Cumberland's army, and at 
the peace of 1748 returned to Scotland, and was re- 
duced at Perth m June of the same year. 



Alluding to the formation of several Highland 
regiments during this and the following years, Lord 
Chatham thus expresses himself, in his celebrated speech 
on the differences with America in 1766: " I sought for 
merit wherever it was to be found; it is my boast that 
I was the first minister who looked for it and found it 
in the mountains of the North. I called it forth, and 
drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of 
men, who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey 
to the artifice of your enemies, and had gone nigh to have 
overturned the state in the war before the last. These 
men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your 
side; they served with fideUty, and they fought with 
valour, and conquered for you in every part of the 
world." The only way by which the Highlanders could 
be gained over was by adopting a liberal course of policy, 
the leading features of which should embrace the em- 
ployment of the chiefs, or their connections, in the 
military service of the government. It was reserved to 
the sagacity of Chatham to trace the cause of the dis- 
affection of the Highlanders to its source, and, by sug- 
gesting a remedy, to give to their military virtue a safe 

Acting upon the liberal plan he had devised, Lord 


Chatham (then Mr. Pitt), in the year 1757, recommended 
to his Majesty George II to employ the Highlanders in 
his service, as the best means of attaching them to his 
person. The king approved of the plan of the minister, 
and letters of service were immediately issued for raising 
several Highland regiments. This call to arms was 
responded to by the clans, and " battalions on bat- 
talions," to borrow the words of an anonymous author, 
" were raised in the remotest part of the Highlands, 
among those who a few years before were devoted to 
and too long had followed the fate of the race of Stuart. 
Frasers, Macdonalds, Camerons, Macleans, Macpher- 
sons, and others of disaffected names and clans, were 
enrolled; their chiefs or connections obtained com- 
missions; the lower class, always ready to follow, with 
eagerness endeavoured who should be first listed." 

This regiment was called Montgomery's Highlanders, 
from the name of its colonel, the Hon. Archibald Mont- 
gomerie, son of the Earl of Eglintoun, to whom, when 
major, letters of service were issued for recruiting it. Be- 
ing popular among the Highlanders, Major Montgomerie 
soon raised the requisite body of men, who were formed 
into a regiment of thirteen companies of 105 rank and 
file each; making in all 1,460 effective men, including 
sixty-five sergeants, and thirty pipers and drummers. 

The colonel's conmiission was dated the fourth of 
January, 1757. The commissions of the other officers 
were dated each a day later than his senior in the same 

Lienienanl-Colonel commanding 

The Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, afterward Earl of Eglintoun, 
died a general in the army, and colonel of the Scots Greys, in 1796. 


James Grant of Ballindalloch, died a general in the army in 1806. 
Alexander Campbell. 




John Sinclair. 
Hugh Mackenzie. 
John Gordon. 

Alexander Mackenzie, killed at St. John's, 1761. 
WilUam Macdonald, killed at Fort du Quesne, 1759. 
George Munro, _ do. do. 

Robert Mackenzie. 

Allan Maclean, from the Dutch brigade, colonel of the 84th High- 
land Emigrants; died a major-general, 1784. 
James Robertson. 
Allan Cameron. 
Captain-Lieutenant, Alexander Mackintosh. 


Charles Farquharson. 

Alexander Mackenzie, killed at 
Fort du Quesne, 1759. 

Nichol Sutherland, died lieuten- 
ant-colonel of the 47th regi- 
ment, 1780. 

Archibald Robertson. 

Duncan Bayne. 

James Duff. 

CoUn Campbell, killed at Fort du 
Quesne, 1759. 

James Grant. 

Alexander Macdonald. 

Joseph Grant. 

Robert Grant. 

Cosmo Martin. 

John Macnab. 

Hugh Gordon, killed in Marti- 
nique, 1762. 

Donald Macdonald. 

WiUiam Mackenzie, killed at 

Fort du Quesne. 
Robert Mackenzie, killed at 

Fort du Quesne. 
Henry Mum-o. 
Alexander Macdonald, killed at 

Fort du Quesne. 
Donald Campbell. 
Hugh Montgomerie, late Earl of 

James Maclean, killed in the West 

Indies, 1761. 
Alexander Campbell. 
John Campbell of Melford. 
James Macpherson. 
Archibald Macvicar, killed at the 

Havannah, 1762. 


Alexander Grant. 
WiUiam Haggart. 
Lewis Houston. 
Ronald Mackinnon. 
George Munro. 
Alexander Mackenzie. 
John Maclachlane. 

Chaplain — Henry Munro. 
Adjutant — Donald Stewart. 
Surgeon — Allan Stewart. 

William Maclean. 
James Grant. 
John Macdonald. 
Archibald Crawford. 
James Bain. 
AHan Stewart. 

Quartermaster — Alex. Montgom- 

The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax, 
and on the commencement of hostilities in 1758 was 



attached to the corps under Brigadier-General Forbes, 
in the expedition against Fort du Quesne, one of the 
three great enterprises undertaken that year against 
the French possessions in North America. Although 
the point of attack was not so formidable, nor the num- 
ber of the enemy so great, as in the cases of Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point, yet the great extent of country which 
the troops had to traverse, covered with woods, mo- 
rasses, and mountains, made the expedition as difficult 
as the other two. The army of General Forbes was 
6,238 men strong. 

The brigadier reached Raystown, about ninety miles 
from the fort, in September. Having sent Colonel 
Bouquet forward to Loyal Henning, forty miles nearer, 
with two thousand men, this ofiBcer rashly despatched 
Major Grant of Montgomerj^'s with four hundred High- 
landers, and five hundred Provincials, to reconnoitre. 
When near the garrison Major Grant imprudently ad- 
vanced with pipes playing and drums beating, as if 
entering a friendly town. The enemy instantly marched 
out, and a warm contest took place. Major Grant 
ordered his men to throw off their coats and advance 
sword in hand. The enemy fled on the first charge, and 
spread themselves among the woods; but being after- 
ward joined by a body of Indians, they rallied and 
surrounded the detachment on aU sides. Protected by 
a thick foliage, they opened a destructive fire upon the 
British. Major Grant then endeavoured to force his 
way into the wood, but was taken in the attempt, 
on seeing which his troops dispersed. Only 150 of the 
Highlanders returned to Loyal Henning. 

In this unfortunate affair 231 soldiers of the regiment 
were killed and woimded. The names of the officers 
killed on this occasion have been already mentioned; 
the following were wounded: viz.. Captain Hugh Mac- 



kenzie, Lieutenants Alexander Maedonald, junior, Archi- 
bald Robertson, Henry Munro, and Ensigns John Mae- 
donald and Alexander Grant. The enemy did not 
venture to oppose the main body, but retired from Fort 
du Quesne on its approach, leaving their ammunition, 
stores, and provisions imtouched. General Forbes took 
possession of the fort on the twenty-fourth of November, 
who, in honour of Mr. Pitt, gave it the name of Pitts- 

The regiment passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburgh, 
and in May following they joined part of the army 
under General Amherst in his proceedings at Ticonder- 
oga. Crown Point, and the Lakes, — a detail of which has 
been given in the history of the service of the 42d regi- 

In consequence of the renewed cruelties committed by 
the Cherokees, in the spring of 1760, the commander-in- 
chief detached Colonel Montgomery with seven hundred 
Highlanders of his own regiment, four hundred of the 
Royals, and a body of Provincials, to chastise these 
savages. The colonel arrived in the neighbourhood of 
the Indian town. Little Keowee, in the middle of June, 
having, on his route, detached the light companies of 
the Royals and Highlanders to destroy the place. 
This service was performed with the loss of a few men 
killed, and two officers of the Royals wounded. Finding, 
on reaching Estatoe, that the enemy had fled, Colonel 
Montgomery retired to Fort Prince George. The Chero- 
kees still proving refractory, he paid a second visit 
to the middle settlement, where he met with some 
resistance. He had two officers and twenty men killed, 
and twenty-six officers and sixty-eight men wounded. 
Of these, the Highlanders had one sergeant and six pri- 
vates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Mac- 
master and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Monro, 



and one sergeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and 
file wounded. The detachment took Fort Loudon, — 
a small fort on the confines of Virginia, — which was 
defended by two hundred men. 

The next service in which Montgomery's Highlanders 
were employed was in an expedition against Dominique, 
consisting of a small land force, which included six com- 
panies of Montgomery's Highlanders, and four ships of 
war, under Colonel Lord RoUo and Commodore Sir 
James Douglas. The transports from New York were 
scattered in a gale of wind, when a small transport, with 
a company of the Highlanders on board, being attacked 
by a French privateer, was beaten off by the Highlanders, 
with the loss of Lieutenant Maclean and six men killed, 
and Captain Robertson and eleven men wounded. The 
expedition arrived off Dominique on the sixth of June, 
1761. The troops immediately landed, and marched 
with little opposition to the town of Roseau. Lord Rollo 
without delay attacked the entrenchments, and, though 
the enemy kept up a galling JBre, they were driven, in 
succession, from all their works, by the grenadiers, 
light infantry, and Highlanders. This service was exe- 
cuted with such vigour and rapidity that few of the 
British suffered. The governor and his staff being made 
prisoners surrendered the island without further oppo- 

In the following year Montgomery's Highlanders 
joined the expeditions against Martinique and the 
Havannah, of which some account will be found in 
the narrative of the service of the 42d regiment. In 
the enterprise against Martinique, Lieutenant Hugh 
Gordon and four rank and file were killed, and Captain 
Alexander Mackenzie, one sergeant, and twenty-six 
rank and file were wounded. Montgomery's Highlanders 
suffered still less in the conquest of the Havannah, 



Lieutenant Macvicar and two privates only having 
been killed, and six privates wounded. Lieutenants 
Grant and Macnab and six privates died of the fever. 
After this last enterprise Montgomery's Highlanders 
returned to New York, where they landed in the end of 

Before the return of the six companies to New York, 
the two companies that had been sent against the In- 
dians in the autumn of 1761 had embarked with a small 
force, under Colonel Amherst, destined to retake St. 
John's, Newfoundland, which was occupied by a French 
force. The British force, which consisted of the flank 
companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two 
companies of Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders, 
and a small party of Provincials, landed on the 
twelfth of September seven miles to the northward 
of St. John's. A mortar battery having been completed 
on the seventeenth and ready to open on the garrison, 
the French commander surrendered by capitulation to an 
inferior force. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain 
Mackenzie and four privates were killed, and two privates 

After this service the two companies joined the regi- 
ment at New York, where they passed the ensuing winter. 
In the summer of 1763 a detachment accompanied the 
expedition sent to the relief of Fort Pitt under Colonel 
Bouquet, the details of which have been already given 
in the account of the 42d regiment. In this enterprise 
one drummer and five privates of Montgomery's High- 
landers were killed, and Lieutenant Donald Campbell, 
and Volunteer John Peebles, three sergeants, and seven 
privates were wounded. 

After the termination of hostilities an offer was made 
to the oflScers and men either to settle in America or 
return to their own country. Those who remained 



obtained a grant of land in proportion to their rank. 
On the breaking out of the American war a number of 
these, as well as officers and men of the 78th regiment, 
joined the royal standard in 1775, and formed a corps 
along with the Highland Emigrants in the 84th regiment. 



I. 78th Regiment, raised in 1757 

Following up the liberal policy which Lord Chatham 
(then Mr. Pitt) had resolved to pursue in relation to 
the Highlanders, he prevailed upon his Majesty George 
II to appoint the Hon. Simon Fraser, son of the unfor- 
tunate Lord Lovat, and who had himself, when a youth, 
been forced into the rebellion by his father, lieutenant- 
colonel commandant of a regiment to be raised among 
his own kinsmen and clan. Though not possessed of 
an inch of land, yet, such was the influence of clanship, 
that young Lovat in a few weeks raised a corps of eight 
hundred men, to which were added upwards of six hun- 
dred more by the gentlemen of the country and those who 
had obtained commissions. The battalion was, in point 
of the number of companies and men, precisely the same 
as Montgomery's Highlanders. 

The following is a list of the officers whose commissions 
were dated the fifth of January, 1757: — 

Lieutenant-Colonel commandant 
The Hon. Simon Fraser, died a lieutenant-general in 1782. 

James Clephane. 

John Campbell of Dunoon, afterward lieutenant-colonel, command- 
ant of the Campbell Hignlanders in Germany. 




John Macpherson, brother of Clunie. 

John Campbell of Ballimore. 

Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759. 

Donald Macdonald, brother to Clanranald, killed at Quebec in 1760. 

John Macdonell of Lochgarry, afterward colonel of the 76th, or 

Macdonald's regiment, died in 1789 colonel. 
Alexander Cameron of Dungallon. 

Thomas Ross of Culrossie, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759. 
Thomas Fraser of Strui. 
Alexander Fraser of Culduthel. 
Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg. 
James Fraser of Belladrum. 
Captain-Lievienard — Simon Fraser, died lieutenant-general in 1812. 

Alexander Macleod. 
Hugh Cameron. 

Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch. 
Charles Macdonell from Glengary, killed at St. John's. 
Roderick Macneill of Barra, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759. 
William Macdonell. 
Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon. 
John Fraser of Balnain. 

Hector Macdonald, brother to Boisdale, killed 1759. 
AUan Stewart, son of Innemaheil. 
John Fraser. 
Alexander Macdonald, son of Barisdale, killed on the heights of 

Abraham, 1759. 
Alexander Fraser, killed at Louisbourg. 
Alexander Campbell of Aross. 
John Douglass. 
John Nairn. 

Arthur Rose, of the family of Kilravock. 
Alexander Fraser. 

John Macdonell of Leeks, died in Berwick, 1818. 
Cosmo Gordon, killed at Quebec, 1760. 
David Baillie, killed at Louisbourg. 
Charles Stewart, son of Colonel John Roy Stewart. 
Ewen Cameron, of the family of Glennevis. 
Allan Cameron, 

John Cuthbert, killed at Louisbourg. 
Simon Fraser. 

Archibald MacalHster, of the family of Loup. 
James Murray, killed at Louisbourg. 
Alexander Fraser. 
Donald Cameron, son of Fassafern, died lieutenant on half-pay, 1817. 


John Chisholm. James Mackenzie. 

Simon Fraser. Donald Macneil. 



Malcolm Fraser, afterward cap- Henry Munro. 

tain 84th regiment. Alexander Gregorson, Ardtor- 
Hugh Fraser, afterward captain nish. 

84th, or Highland Emigranta. James Henderson. 

Robert Menzies. John Campbell. 
John Fraser of Errogie. 

Chaplain — Robert Macpherson. Quartenruister — John Fraser. 
Adjviant — Hugh Fraser. Surgeon — John Maclean. 

The uniform of the regiment " was the full Highland 
dress with musket and broadsword, to which many of 
the soldiers added the dirk at their own expense, and a 
purse of badger's or otter's skin. The bonnet was raised 
or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inchning 
down to the right ear, over which were suspended two 
or more black feathers. Eagle's or hawk's feathers were 
usually worn by the gentlemen, in the Highlands, 
while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented 
vAih. a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or 
district. The ostrich feather in the bonnets of the 
soldiers was a modem addition of that period, as the 
present load of plumage on the bonnet is a still more 
recent introduction, forming, however, in hot cHmates, 
an excellent defence against a vertical sun." ^ 

The regiment embarked in company with Mont- 
gomery's Highlanders at Greenock, and landed at Hali- 
fax in June, 1757. They were intended to be employed 
in an expedition against Louisbourg, which, however, 
after the necessary preparations, was abandoned. 
About this time it was proposed to change the uniform 
of the regiment, as the Highland garb was judged unfit 
for the severe winters and the hot sunmiers of North 
America; but the oflScers and soldiers having set them- 
selves in opposition to the plan, and being warmly 
supported by Colonel Fraser, who represented to the 
commander-in-chief the bad consequences that might 
follow if it were persisted in, the plan was relinquished. 



** Thanks to our gracious chief," said a veteran of the 
regiment, " we were allowed to wear the garb of our 
fathers, and, in the course of six winters, showed the 
doctors that they did not understand our constitution; 
for, in the coldest winters, our men were more healthy 
than those regiments who wore breeches and warm 

Amongst other enterprises projected for the cam- 
paign of 1758, the design of attacking Louisbourg was 
renewed. Accordingly, on the twenty-eighth of May, 
a formidable armament sailed from Halifax, under the 
command of Admiral Boscawen and Major-General Am- 
herst, and Brigadier-Generals Wolfe, Laurence, Monck- 
ton, and Whitmore. This armament, consisting of 
twenty-five sail of the line, eighteen frigates, and a num- 
ber of bombs and fire-ships, with thirteen thousand 
troops, including the 78th Highlanders, anchored, on 
the second of June, in Gabarus Bay, seven miles from 
Louisbourg. In consequence of a heavy surf no boat 
could approach the shore, and it was not till the eighth 
of June that a landing could be effected. The garrison 
of Louisbourg consisted of twenty-five hundred regulars, 
six hundred militia, and four hundred Canadians and 
Indians. For more than seven miles along the beach 
a chain of posts had been established by the enemy, 
with entrenchments and batteries; and, to protect 
the harbour, there were six ships of the line and five 
frigates placed at its mouth, of which frigates three were 

The disposition being made for landing, a detachment 
of several sloops, under convoy, passed the mouth of 
the harbour towards Lorembec, in order to draw the 
enemy's attention that way, whilst the landing should 
really be on the other side of the town. On the eighth 
of June, the troops being assembled in the boats before 



daybreak in three divisions, several sloops and frigates, 
that were stationed along shore in the bay of Gabarus, 
began to scour the beach with their shot. The division 
on the left, which was destined for the real attack, 
consisted of the grenadiers and light infantry of the 
army, and Fraser's Highlanders, and was commanded by 
Brigadier-General Wolfe. After the fire from the sloops 
and frigates had continued about a quarter of an hour, 
the boats containing this division were rowed towards 
the shore; and, at the same time, the other two divisions 
on the right and in the centre, commanded by Briga- 
dier-Generals Whitmore and Laurence, made a show of 
landing, in order to divide and distract the enemy. 
The landing-place was occupied by two thousand men 
entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces of cannon 
and ten swivels. The enemy reserved their fire till the 
boats were near the beach, when they opened a discharge 
of cannon and musketry which did considerable execu- 
tion. A considerable surf aided the enemy's fire, and 
numbers of the men were drowned by the upsetting of 
the boats. Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert 
of the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherst's, 
and thirty-eight men were killed; but, notwithstanding 
these disadvantages. General Wolfe pursued his point 
with admirable courage and deliberation: " and nothing 
could stop our troops, when headed by such a general. 
Some of the light infantry and Highlanders got first 
ashore, and drove all before them. The rest followed; 
and, being encouraged by the example of their heroic 
commander, soon pursued the enemy to the distance 
of two miles, where they were checked by a cannonading 
from the town." 

The town of Louisbourg was immediately invested; 
but the difficulty of landing stores and implements 
in boisterous weather, and the nature of the ground, 

297 . 


which, being marshy, was unfit for the conveyance 
of heavy cannon, retarded the operations of the siege. 
The governor of Louisbourg, having destroyed the grand 
battery which was detached from the body of the place, 
recalled his outposts, and prepared for a vigorous de- 
fence. He opened a fire against the besiegers and their 
works from the town, the island battery, and the ships 
in the harbour, but without much effect. Meanwhile 
General Wolfe, with a strong detachment, marched 
round the northeast part of the harbour to secure a point 
caUed the Lighthouse Battery, from which the guns could 
play on the ships and on the batteries on the opposite 
side of the harbour. This service was performed on the 
twelfth by General Wolfe with great ability, who, 
" with his Highlanders and flankers," took possession of 
this and all the other posts in that quarter with very 
trifling loss. On the twenty-fifth the inland battery 
immediately opposite was silenced from this post. The 
enemy, however, kept up an incessant fire from their 
other batteries and the shipping in the harbour. On 
the ninth of July they made a sortie on Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Laurence's brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In 
this affair Captain, the Earl of Dundonald, was killed. 
On the sixteenth General Wolfe pushed forward some 
grenadiers and Highlanders, and took possession of the 
hills in front of the Light Horse battery, where a lodg- 
ment was made under a fire from the town and the ships. 
On the twenty-first one of the enemy's line-of-battle 
ships was set on fire by a bombshell and blew up, and 
the fire being communicated to two others, they were 
burned to the water's edge. The fate of the town was 
now nearly decided, the enemy's fire being almost 
totally silenced and their fortifications shattered to 
the ground. To reduce the place nothing now remained 
but to get possession of the harbour, by taking or burning 



the two ships of the line which remained. For this 
purpose, in the night between the twenty-fifth and 
twenty-sixth, the admiral sent a detachment of six 
hundred men in the boats of the squadron, in two 
divisions, into the harbour, under the command of Cap- 
tains Laforey and Balfour. This enterprise was gal- 
lantly executed, in the face of a terrible fire of cannon 
and musketry, the seamen boarding the enemy sword 
in hand. One of the ships was set on fire and destroyed , 
and the other towed off. The town surrendered on the 
twenty-sixth, and was taken possession of by Colonel 
Lord Rollo the following day. The garrison and seamen, 
amounting together to 5,637 men, were made prisoners 
of war. Besides Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuth- 
bert, the Highlanders lost Lieutenants Fraser and 
Murray, killed; Captain Donald M'Donald, Lieutenants 
Alexander Campbell (Barcaldine) and John M'Donald, 
wounded; and sixty-seven rank and file killed and 

In consequence of the treaty of peace between Great 
Britain and the several nations of Indians between the 
Appalachian Mountains and the Lakes, in October, 1759, 
the British government was enabled to carry into effect 
those operations which had been projected against the 
French settlements in Canada. The plan and partial 
progress of these combined operations have been al- 
ready detailed in the service of the 42d regiment. The 
enterprise against Quebec, the most important by far 
of the three expeditions planned in 1759, falls now to 
be noticed from the share which Eraser's Highlanders 
had in it. 

According to the plan fixed upon for the conquest 
of Canada, Major-General Wolfe, who had given promise 
of great military talents at Louisbourg, was to proceed 
up the river St. Lawrence and attack Quebec, whilst 



General Amherst, after reducing Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point, was to descend the St. Lawrence and co- 
operate with General Wolfe in the conquest of Quebec. 
Though the enterprise against this place was the main 
undertaking, the force under General Wolfe did not 
exceed seven thousand effective men, whilst that under 
General Amherst amounted to more than twice that 
number; but the commander-in-chief seems to have 
calculated upon a junction with General Wolfe in suffi- 
cient time for the siege of Quebec. 

The forces under General Wolfe comprehended the 
following regiments, — 15th, 28th, 35th, 43d, 47th, 
48th, 58th, Fraser's Highlanders, the Rangers, and the 
grenadiers of Louisbourg. The fleet, under the command 
of Admirals Saunders and Holmes, with the transports, 
proceeded up the St. Lawrence, and reached the Island 
of Orleans, a little below Quebec, in the end of June, 
where the troops were disembarked without opposition. 
The Marquis de Montcalm, who commanded the French 
troops, which were greatly superior in number to the 
invaders, resolved rather to depend upon the natural 
strength of his position than his numbers, and took his 
measures accordingly. The city of Quebec was tolerably 
well fortified, defended by a numerous garrison, and abun- 
dantly supplied with provisions and ammunition. This 
able, and hitherto fortunate, leader had reinforced the 
troops of the colony with five regular battalions, formed 
of the best of the inhabitants, and he had, besides, 
completely disciplined all the Canadians of the neighbour- 
hood capable of bearing arms, and several tribes of 
Indians. He had posted his army on a piece of ground 
along the shore of Beaufort, from the river St. Charles 
to the falls of Montmorency, — a position rendered 
strong by precipices, woods, and rivers, and defended by 
entrenchments where the ground appeared the weakest. 



To undertake the siege of Quebec under the disadvan- 
tages which presented themselves, seemed a rash enter- 
prise; but, although General Wolfe was completely 
aware of these difficulties, a thirst for glory, and the 
workings of a vigorous mind, which set every obstacle 
at defiance, impelled him to make the hazardous at- 
tempt. His maxim was, that " a brave and victorious 
army finds no difficulties; " and he was anxious to verify 
the truth of the adage in the present instance. 

Having ascertained that, to reduce the place, it was 
necessary to erect batteries on the north of the St. Law- 
rence, the British general endeavoured, by a series of 
manoeuvres, to draw Montcalm from his position; 
but the French commander was too prudent to risk a 
battle. With the view of attacking the enemy's entrench- 
ments, General Wolfe sent a small armament up the 
river above the city, and, having personally surveyed the 
banks on the side of the enemy from one of the ships, 
he resolved to cross the river Montmorency and make 
the attack. He therefore ordered six companies of 
grenadiers and part of the Royal Americans to cross the 
river and land near the mouth of the Montmorency, 
and at the same time directed the two brigades com- 
manded by Generals Murray and TowTishend to pass a 
ford higher up. Close to the water's edge there was a 
detached redoubt, which the grenadiers were ordered 
to attack, in the expectation that the enemy would 
descend from the hill in its defence, and thus bring 
on a general engagement. At all events the possession 
of this post was of importance, as from it the British 
commander could obtain a better view of the enemy's 
entrenchments than he had yet been able to accomplish. 
The grenadiers and Royal Americans were the first 
who landed. They had received orders to form in four 
distinct bodies, but not to begin the attack till the first 



brigade should have passed the ford, and be near enough 
to support them. No attention, however, was paid to 
these instructions. Before even the first brigade had 
crossed, the grenadiers, before they were regularly formed, 
rushed forward with impetuosity and considerable con- 
fusion to attack the enemy's entrenchments. They 
were received with a well-directed fire, which effectually 
checked them and threw them into disorder. They en- 
deavoured to form under the redoubt, but being unable 
to rally, they retreated and formed behind the first 
brigade, which had by this time landed, and was drawn 
up on the beach in good order. The plan of attack being 
thus totally disconcerted. General Wolfe repassed the 
river and returned to the Isle of Orleans. In this un- 
fortunate attempt the British lost 543 of all ranks killed, 
wounded, and missing. Of the Highlanders, up to the 
second of September, the loss was eighteen rank and file 
killed. Colonel Fraser, Captains Macpherson and Simon 
Fraser, and Lieutenants Cameron of Gleneves, Ewen 
Macdonald, and H. Macdonald, and eighty-five rank 
and file wounded. In the general orders which were is- 
sued the following morning. General Wolfe complained 
bitterly of the conduct of the grenadiers: "The check 
which the grenadiers met with yesterday will, it is 
hoped, be a lesson to them for the time to come. Such 
impetuous, irregular, and unsoldier-like proceedings, 
destroy all order, make it impossible for the commanders 
to form any disposition for attack, and put it out of the 
general's power to execute his plan. The grenadiers 
could not suppose that they alone could beat the French 
army; and therefore it was necessary that the corps 
under Brigadiers Monckton and Townshend should 
have time to join, that the attack might be general. The 
very first fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men 
who had lost all sense of order and military discipline. 



Amherst's (15th regiment) and the Highlanders alone, 
by the soldier-like and cool manner they were formed 
in, would undoubtedly have beaten back the whole 
Canadian army if they had ventured to attack them." 
General Wolfe now changed his plan of operations. 
Leaving his position at Montmorency, he re embarked 
his troops and artillery, and landed at Point Levi, 
whence he passed up the river in transports; but finding 
no opportunity of annoying the enemy above the 
town, he resolved to convey his troops farther down, 
in boats, and land them by night within a league of 
Cape Diamond, with the view of ascending the heights 
of Abraham, — which rise abruptly, with steep ascent, 
from the banks of the river, — and thus gain possession 
of the ground on the back of the city, where the fortifica- 
tions were less strong. A plan more replete with dangers 
and difficulties could scarcely have been devised; but, 
from the advanced period of the season, it was necessary 
either to abandon the enterprise altogether, or to make 
an attempt upon the city, whatever might be the result. 
The troops, notwithstanding the recent disaster, were 
in high spirits, and ready to follow their general wherever 
he might lead them. The commander, on the other 
hand, though afflicted with a severe dysentery and fever, 
which had debilitated his frame, resolved to avail himself 
of the readiness of his men, and to conduct the hazard- 
ous enterprise in which they were about to engage in 
person. In order to deceive the enemy. Admiral Holmes 
was directed to move farther up the river on the twelfth 
of September, but to sail down in the night time, so as 
to protect the landing of the forces. These orders w^ere 
punctually obeyed. About an hour after midnight of 
the same day four regiments, the light infantry, with the 
Highlanders and grenadiers, were embarked in flat- 
bottomed boats, under the command of Brigadiers 



Monckton and Murray. They were accompanied by 
General Wolfe, who was among the first that landed. 
The boats fell down with the tide, keeping close to the 
north shore in the best order; but, owing to the rapidity 
of the current, and the darkness of the night, most of 
the boats landed a little below the intended place of 
disembarkation. When the troops were landed the 
boats were sent back for the other division of the troops, 
which was under the command of Brigadier-General 
Townshend. The ascent to the heights was by a narrow 
path, that slanted up the precipice from the landing- 
place. This path the enemy had broken up, and rendered 
almost impassable, by cross ditches, and they had made 
an entrenchment at the top of the hill. Notwithstanding 
these difficulties. Colonel Howe, who was the first to 
land, ascended the woody precipices, with the light 
infantry and the Highlanders, and dislodged a captain's 
guard which defended the narrow path. They then 
mounted without further molestation, and General 
Wolfe, who was among the first to gain the summit 
of the hill, formed the troops on the heights as they 
arrived. In the ascent the precipice was found to be so 
steep and dangerous, that the troops were obliged to 
climb up the rugged projections of the rocks, and, by 
aid of the branches of the trees and shrubs growing 
on both sides of the path, to pull themselves up. Though 
much time was thus necessarily occupied in the ascent, 
yet such was the perseverance of the troops, that they 
all gained the sunmait in time to enable the general 
to form in order of battle before daybreak. M. de 
Montcalm had now no way left of saving Quebec but by 
risking a battle, and he therefore determined to leave his 
stronghold and meet the British in the open field. Leav- 
ing his camp at Montmorency, he crossed the river 
St. Charles, and, forming his line with great skill, ad- 



vanced forward to attack his opponents. His right 
was composed of half the Provincial troops, two bat- 
talions of regulars, and a body of Canadians and In- 
dians; his centre, of a column of two battalions of 
Europeans, with two field-pieces; and his left of one 
battalion of regulars, and the remainder of the colonial 
troops. In his front, among brushwood and corn- 
fields, fifteen hundred of his best marksmen were posted 
to gall the British as they approached. The British 
were drawn up in two lines, — the first, consisting of 
the grenadiers, 15th, 28th, 35th Highlanders, and 58th; 
the 47th regiment formed the second line, or reserve. 
The left of the front line was covered by the light in- 
fantry. It appearing to be the intention of the French 
commander to out-flank the left of the British, Brigadier- 
General Townshend, with Amherst's regiment (15th), 
which he formed en potence, — thus presenting a double 
front to the enemy. The Canadians and the Indians, 
who were posted among the brushwood, kept up an 
irregular galling fire, which proved fatal to many officers, 
who, from their dress, were singled out by these marks- 
men. The fire of this body was, in some measure, 
checked by the advanced posts of the British, who re- 
turned the fire; and a small gun, which was dragged 
up by the seamen from the landing-place, was brought 
forward, and did considerable execution. The French 
now advanced to the charge with great spirit, firing as 
they advanced; but, in consequence of orders they re- 
ceived, the British troops reserved their fire till the main 
body of the enemy had approached within forty yards of 
their fine. When the enemy had come within that dis- 
tance, the whole British line poured in a general and de- 
structive discharge of musketry. Another discharge fol- 
lowed, which had such an effect upon the enemy, that they 
stopped short, and after making an ineffectual attempt 



upon the left of the British line, they began to give way. 
At this time General Wolfe, who had received two wounds 
which he had concealed, was mortally wounded whilst 
advancing at the head of the grenadiers with fixed 
bayonets. At this instant every separate corps of the 
British army exerted itself, as if the contest were for 
its own peculiar honour. Whilst the right pressed on 
with their bayonets, Brigadier-General Murray briskly 
advanced with the troops under his command, and soon 
broke the centre of the enemy, " when the Highlanders, 
taking to their broadswords, fell in among them with 
irresistible impetuosity, and drove them back with 
great slaughter." The action on the left of the British 
was not so warm. A smart contest, however, took place 
between part of the enemy's right and some light in- 
fantry, who had thrown themselves into houses, which 
they defended with great courage. During this attack, 
Colonel Howe, who had taken post with two companies 
behind a copse, frequently sallied out on the flanks of the 
enemy, whilst General Townshend advanced in platoons 
against their front. Observing the left and centre of 
the French giving way, this oflBcer, on whom the com- 
mand had just devolved in consequence of General 
Monckton, the second in command, having been dan- 
gerously wounded, hastened to the centre, and finding 
that the troops had got into disorder in the pursuit, 
formed them again in line. At this moment, Monsieur 
de Bougainville, who had marched from Cape Rouge 
as soon as he heard that the British troops had gained 
the heights, appeared in their rear at the head of two 
thousand fresh men. General Townshend immediately 
ordered two regiments, with two pieces of artillery, 
to advance against this body; but Bougainville retired 
on their approach. The wreck of the French army 
retreated to Quebec and Point Levi. 



The loss sustained by the enemy was considerable. 
About one thousand of them were made prisoners, 
including a number of officers, and about five hundred 
died on the field of battle. The death of their brave 
commander, Montcalm, who was mortally woimded 
almost at the same instant with General Wolfe, was a 
serious calamity to the French arms. When informed 
that his wound was mortal, — " So much the better," 
said he, " I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." 
Before his death he wrote a letter to General Townshend, 
recommending the prisoners to the generous humanity 
of the British. The death of the two commanders-in- 
chief, and the disasters which befell Generals Monckton 
and Severergues, the two seconds in command, who were 
respectively carried wounded from the field, are remark- 
able circumstances in the events of this day. This 
important victory was not gained without considerable 
loss on the part of the British, who, besides the com- 
mander-in-chief, had eight officers and forty-eight men 
killed; and forty-three officers and 435 men wounded. 
Of these, the Highlanders had Captain Thomas Ross 
of Culrossie, Lieutenant Roderick Macneil of Barra, 
Alexander Macdonell, son of Barrisdale, one sergeant 
and fourteen rank and file killed; and Captains John 
Macdonell of Lochgarry, Simon Eraser of Inverallochy; 
Lieutenants Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Archibald 
Campbell, Alexander Campbell, son of Barcaldine, 
John Douglas, Alexander Eraser, senior; and Ensigns 
James Mackenzie, Malcolm Eraser, and Alexander 
Gregorson; seven sergeants, and 131 rank and file 
wounded. The death of General Wolfe was a national 
loss. " He inherited from nature an animating fervour 
of sentiment, an intuitive perception, and extensive 
capacity, and a passion for glory, which stimulated him 
to acquire every species of military knowledge that 



study could comprehend, that actual service could ilhis- 
trate and confirm. Brave above all estimation of dan- 
ger, he was also generous, gentle, complacent, and hu- 
mane, — the pattern of the officer, the darling of the sol- 
dier. There was a sublimity in his genius which soared 
above the pitch of ordinary minds; and had his faculties 
been exercised to their full extent by opportunity and 
action, had his judgment been fully matured by age 
and experience, he would, without doubt, have rivalled 
in reputation the most celebrated captains of antiquity." 
When the fatal ball pierced the breast of the young hero, 
he found himself unable to stand, and leaned upon the 
shoulder of a lieutenant who sat down on the ground. 
This officer, observing the French give way, exclaimed, 
— " They run! they run! " " Who run? " inquired the 
gallant Wolfe with great earnestness. When told that 
it was the French who were flying, "What," said he, 
"do the cowards run already? Then I die happy!" 
and instantly expired. 

On the eighteenth of September the town surrendered, 
and a great part of the circumjacent country being re- 
duced, General Townshend embarked for England, 
leaving a garrison of five thousand effective men in 
Quebec, under the Hon. General James Murray. Ap- 
prehensive of a visit from a considerable French army 
stationed in Montreal and the neighbouring country. 
General Murray repaired the fortifications, and put the 
town in a proper posture of defence; but his troops suf- 
fered so much from the rigours of winter, and the want 
of vegetables and fresh provisions, that, before the end 
of April, the garrison was reduced, by death and disease, 
to about three thousand effective men. Such was the 
situation of affairs when the general received certain 
intelligence that General de Levi, who succeeded the 
Marquis de Montcalm, had reached Point au Tremble 



with a force of ten thousand French and Canadians, 
and five hundred Indians. It was the intention of the 
French commander to cut off the posts which the 
British had established; but General Murray defeated 
this scheme, by ordering the bridges over the river 
Rouge to be broken down, and the landing-places at 
Sylleri and Foulon to be secured. Next day, the twenty- 
seventh of April, he marched in person with a strong 
detachment and two field-pieces, and took possession 
of an advantageous position, which he retained till the 
afternoon, when the outposts were withdrawn, after 
which he returned to Quebec with very little loss, 
although the enemy pressed closely on his rear. 

General Murray was now reduced to the necessity of 
withstanding a siege, or risking a battle. He chose 
the latter alternative, a resolution which was deemed 
by some military men as savouring more of youthful 
impatience and overstrained courage, than of judg- 
ment; but the dangers with which he was beset, in the 
midst of a hostile population, and the difficulties incident 
to a protracted siege, seem to afford some justification 
for that step. In pursuance of his resolution, the general 
marched out on the twenty-eighth of April, at half-past 
six o'clock in the morning, and formed his little army 
on the heights of Abraham. The right wing, com- 
manded by Colonel Burton, consisted of the 15th, 48th, 
68th, and second battalion of the 60th, or Royal Ameri- 
cans; the left under Colonel Simon Eraser, was formed 
of the 43d, 47th Welsh fusileers, and the Highlanders. 
The 35th, and the third battalion of the 60th, consti- 
tuted the reserve. The right was covered by Major 
Balling's corps of light infantry; and the left by Captain 
Huzzen's company of rangers, and one hundred volun- 
teers, under the command of Captain Macdonald of 
Eraser's regiment. Observing the enemy in full march 



in one column, General Murray advanced quickly for- 
ward to meet them before they should form their line. 
His light infantry, coming in contact with Levi's ad- 
vance, drove them back on their main body; but pur- 
suing too far, they were furiously attacked and repulsed 
in their turn. They fell back in such disorder on the line, 
as to impede their fire, and in passing round by the 
right fiank to the rear, they suffered much from the fire 
of a party who were endeavouring to turn that flank. 
The enemy having made two desperate attempts to pene- 
trate the right wing, the 35th regiment was called up 
from the reserve, to its support. Meanwhile the British 
left was struggling with the enemy, who succeeded so 
far, from their superior numbers, in their attempt 
to turn that flank, that they obtained possession of two 
redoubts, but were driven out from both by the High- 
landers, sword in hand. By pushing forward fresh num- 
bers, however, the enemy at last succeeded in forcing 
the left wing to retire, the right giving way about the 
same time. The French did not attempt to pursue, 
but allowed the British to retire quietly within the walls 
of the city, and to carry away their wounded. The 
British had six officers, and 250 rank and file killed; 
and eighty-two officers, and 679 non-commissioned 
officers and privates wounded. Among the killed, the 
Highlanders had Captain Donald Macdonald, Lieuten- 
ant Cosmo Gordon, and fifty-five non-commissioned 
officers, pipers, and privates; their wounded were 
Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, 
Alexander Fraser, Alexander Macleod, Charles Mac- 
■donell, Lieutenants Archibald Campbell, son of Glen- 
lyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, John Mac- 
bean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, 
John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, 
Simon Fraser, senior, Archibald M'Alister, Alexander 



Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm 
Fraser, and Donald M'Neil; Ensigns Henry Monro, 
Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron (Fassafern), William 
Robertson, Alexander Gregorson, and Malcolm Fraser, 
and 129 non-commissioned officers and privates. The 
enemy lost twice the number of men. 

Shortly after the British had retired, General Levi 
moved forward on Quebec, and, having taken up a 
position close to it, opened a fire at five o'clock. He 
then proceeded to besiege the city in form, and General 
Murray made the necessary dispositions to defend 
the place. The siege was continued till the tenth of 
May, when it was suddenly raised, the enemy retreating 
with great precipitation, leaving all their artillery 
implements and stores behind. This unexpected event 
was occasioned by the destruction or capture of all 
the enemy's ships above Quebec, by an English squad- 
ron which had arrived in the river, and the advance of 
General Amherst on Montreal. General Murray left 
Quebec in pursuit of the enemy, but was unable to over- 
take them. The junction of General Murray with 
General Amherst, in the neighbourhood of Montreal, 
in the month of September, and the surrender of that last 
stronghold of the French in Canada, have been already 
mentioned in the history of the service of the 42d regi- 

Eraser's Highlanders were not called again into active 
service till the summer of 1762, when they were, on 
the expedition under Colonel William Amherst, sent to 
retake St. John's, Newfoundland, a detail of which 
has been given in the notice of Montgomery's High- 
landers. In this service Captain Macdonell of Eraser's 
regiment, was mortally wounded, three rank and file 
killed, and seven wounded. 

At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers 


and men having expressed a desire to settle in North 
America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance 
of land given them. The rest returned to Scotland, 
and were discharged. When the war of the American 
revolution broke out, upwards of three hundred of 
those men who had remained in the country enlisted 
in the 84th regiment, in 1775, and formed part of two 
fine battalions embodied under the name of the Royal 
Highland Emigrants. 

The loss of this regiment during four years' active 
service was, 


In Officers 14 

Non-commissioned Officers and Privates . .109 

Total 123 


In Officers 46 

Non-commissioned Officers and Privates . . 400 

Total 446 

Grand Total 669 

II. Seventy - FIRST Regiment — 1775 

The American revolutionary war requiring extraor- 
dinary exertions on the part of the government, it was 
resolved to revive Fraser's Highlanders, by raising two 
battalions, under the auspices of Colonel Fraser, who, 
in testimony of his services, had been rewarded by 
King George III with a grant of the family estates of 
Lovat, which had been forfeited in 1746. In his exer- 
tions to raise the battalions, Colonel Fraser was warmly 
assisted by his officers, of whom no less than six, besides 
himself, were chiefs of clans, and within a few months 
after the letters of service were issued, two battalions 



of 2,340 Highlanders were raised, and assembled first 
at Stirling, and afterward at Glasgow, in April, 1776. 
The following were the names of the officers: 


Colonel — The honourable Simon Fraser, of Lovat, died in 1782, 
a lieutenant-general. 

Lieutenant-Colonel — Sir William Erskine of Torry, died in 1795, 
a lieutenant-general. 


John Macdonell of Lochgarry, died in 1789, colonel. 
Duncan Macphereon of Cluny, retired from the foot-guarde in 1791, 
died in 1820. 


Simon Fraser, died lieutenant-general in 1812. 

Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm. 

CoUn Mackenzie, died general in 1818. 

Francis Skelly, died in India, lieutenant-colonel of the 94th regi- 

Hamilton Maxwell, brother of Monreith, died in India lieutenant- 
colonel of the 74th regiment, 1794. 

John Campbell, son of Lord Stonefield, died lieutenant-colonel 
of the 2d battalion of the 4 2d regiment at Madras, 1784. 

Norman Macleod of Macleod, died Ueutenant-general, 1796. 

Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall. 

Charles Cameron of Lochiel, died 1776. 


Charles Campbell, son of Ard- Hugh Fraser. 

chattan, killed at Catauba. Alexander Fraser. 

John Macdougall. Thomas Fraser, son of Leadclune. 

CoHn Mackenzie. Dougald Campbell, son of Craig- 

John Nairne, son of Lord Nairne. nish. 

William Nairne, now Lord Robert Macdonald, son of Sanda. 

Nairne. Alexander Fraser. 

Charles Gordon. Roderick Macleod. 

David Kinloch. John Ross. 

Thomas Tause, killed at Savan- Patrick Cumming. 

nah. Thomas Hamilton. 
William Sinclair. 


Archibald Campbell. Allan Malcolm. 

Henry Macpherson. John Murchison. 

John Grant. Angus Macdonell. 

Robert Campbell, son of Eder- Peter Fraser. 



Chaplain — Hugh Blair, D 
professor of Rhetoric in 
University of Edinburgh. 

Surgeon — William Fraser. 

D., Adjutant — Donald Cameron, 
the Quartermaster — David Camp- 


Colonel — Simon Fraser. 

Lieutenant-Colonel — Archibald Campbell, died lieutenant-general, 


Norman Lamont, son of the laird of Lamont. 
Robert Menzies, killed in Boston harbour, 1776. 


Angus Mackintosh of Kellachy, Andrew Lawrie. 

formerly captain in Keith's Charles Cameron, son of Fassa- 
Highlanders, died in South fern, killed at Savannah, 1779. 
Carolina, 1780. George Munro, son of Culcairn. 

Patrick Campbell, son of Glenure. Boyd Porterfield. 

iEneas Mackintosh, of Mackintosh. Law. Robert Campbell. 


Robert Hutchinson. 

Alexander Sutherland. 

Archibald Campbell. 

Hugh Lamont. 

Robert Duncanson. 

George Stewart. 

Charles Barrington Mackenzie. 

James Christie. 

James Fraser. 

Dougald Campbell, son of Ach- 

Lodovick Colquhoun, son of 


John Mackenzie. 

Hugh Campbell, son of Glenure. 

John Campbell. 

Arthur Forbes. 

Patrick Campbell. 

Archibald Maclean. 

David Ross. 

Thomas Fraser. 

Archibald Balnevia, son of Ed- 

Robert Grant. 
Thomas Fraser. 


WiUiam Gordon. 
Charles Main. 
Archibald Campbell. 
Donald Cameron. 
John Grant. 

Smollett Campbell, eon of Craig- 

Gilbert Waugh. 
William Bain. 

Chaplain — Malcolm Nicholson. 
Adjutant — Archibald Campbell. 
Quartermaster — J. Ogilvie. 

Surgeon — Colin Chisholm, after- 
ward physician in Bristol. 



At the time when the regiment was mustered in 
Glasgow, there were nearly six thousand Highlanders 
in that city, of whom three thousand belonging to the 
42d and 71st regiments were raised and brought from 
the North in ten weeks. A finer and a more healthy 
and robust body of men could not have been anywhere 
selected; and their conduct was so laudable and ex- 
emplary as to gain the affections of the inhabitants, 
between whom and the soldiers the greatest cordiality 
prevailed. So great was the desire of the Highlanders 
to enlist into this new regiment, that before leaving Glas- 
gow for embarkation, it was found that more men had 
arrived than were required, and it became necessary, 
therefore, to leave some of them behmd; but unwilling 
to remain, several of these stole on board the transports, 
and were not discovered till the fleet was at sea. There 
were others, however, who did not evince the same 
ardour to accompany their countrymen. A body of 
120 men had been raised on the forfeited estate of 
Captain Cameron of Lochiel, by the ancient tenants, with 
the view of securing him a company. Lochiel was at the 
time in London, and being indisposed, was unable to 
join the regiment. His men were exceedingly disap- 
pomted at not meeting their chief and captain at 
Glasgow, and when they received orders to embark, 
they hesitated, as they believed that some misfortune 
had befallen him; but General Fraser, with a persuasive 
eloquence, in which he was well skilled, removed their 
scruples; and as Captain Cameron of Fassafem, a friend 
and near relation of Lochiel, was appointed to the com- 
pany, they cheerfully consented to embark. WTien 
Lochiel heard of the conduct of his men he hastened 
to Glasgow, though he had not recovered from the se- 
vere illness which had detained him in London; but the 
fatigue of the journey brought on a return of his com- 



plaint, to which he fell a victim in a few weeks. His 
death was greatly lamented, as he was universally 

Sometime after the sailing of the fleet, they were scat- 
tered in a violent gale, and several of the ships were 
attacked singly by American privateers. One of these, 
with eight guns, attacked a transport with two six- 
pounders only, having Captain, afterward Sir ^Eneas 
Mackintosh and his company on board. Having spent 
all their ammunition, the transport bore down upon the 
privateer to board her; but the latter sheered off, and 
the transport proceeded on her voyage. 

Another transport, having Colonel Archibald Camp- 
bell and Major Menzies on board, was not so fortunate. 
Ignorant of the evacuation of Boston by General Howe, 
they sailed into Boston harbour, and were instantly 
attacked by three privateers full of men. The transport 
beat off her antagonists, but expended all her ammuni- 
tion, and getting her rudder disabled by a shot, she 
grounded under a battery, and was forced to surrender. 
Major Menzies and seven men were killed, and Colonel 
Campbell and the rest were made prisoners. The death 
of Major Menzies was a great loss, as from his great 
military experience he was particularly well qualified 
to discipline the corps which had not yet undergone the 
process of drilling. 

The regiment joined the army imder General Howe 
in Staten Island, and though totally undisciplined, the 
71st was immediately put in front, the general judging 
well from the experience he had had of Fraser's High- 
landers in the seven years' war, that their bravery, 
if engaged before being disciplined, would make up 
for their want of discipline. The regiment was divided, 
the grenadiers being placed in the battalion under 
the Hon. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Stewart, and the 



other companies, which were formed into three small 
battalions, formed a brigade under Sir William Erskine. 

The first affair in which they were engaged, was the 
battle of Brooklyn, detailed in the notice of the 42d. 
In this action they fully justified the expectations of 
the commander. They displayed, in common with the 
other troops, great eagerness to push the enemy to 
extremities, and compel them to abandon the strong 
position they had taken up; but from a desire to save the 
lives of his troops, General Howe restrained their ardour 
by recalling the right wing, in which the grenadiers 
were, from the attack. The loss sustained on this occa- 
sion, by the 71st, was three rank and file killed, and two 
sergeants and nine rank and file wounded. 

The regiment passed the winter at Amboy. The next 
campaign was spent in skirmishes, in some of which the 
regiment was engaged. They were also employed in 
the expeditions against Willsborough, and Westfield, 
at the commencement of the campaign of 1777. They 
afterward embarked for the Chesapeake, and part of 
them were engaged in the battle of Brandywine. They 
embarked for New York in November, where they re- 
ceived an accession of two hundred recruits from Scot- 
land. Along with a hundred more from the hospital, 
they were formed into a corps under Captain Colin (after- 
ward General) Mackenzie. This small corps acted as 
light infantry, and formed part of an expedition sent 
up the New River to make a diversion in favour of 
General Burgoyne's movements. This corps led a suc- 
cessful assault on Fort Montgomery on the sixth of 
October, in which they displayed great courage. In 
the year 1778, the 71st regiment was employed in the 
Jerseys, under Lord Comwallis, in which excursion no 
occasion occurred for distinguishing themselves. 

On the twenty-ninth of November, 1777, an expedi- 


tion, of which the 71st formed a part, destined against 
Savannah, the capital of Georgia, sailed from Sandy 
Hook, and reached the river of that name about the 
end of December, under Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald 
Campbell, who had been exchanged this year. The 
1st battalion and the light infantry, having landed a 
little below the town, Captain Cameron, an " officer of 
high spirit and great promise," instantly pushed forward 
to attack the advanced post of the enemy, when he 
and three men were killed by a volley. The remainder 
advancing, charged the enemy and drove them back 
on the main body, drawn up in line in an open plain 
behind the town. As soon as the disembarkation was 
finished, Colonel Campbell formed his army in line; 
and whilst he detached Sir James Baird with the light 
infantry, to get round the right flank of the enemy 
by a narrow path, he sent the corps, lately Captain 
Cameron's, to get round the left. The attention of the 
enemy being occupied by the army in front, they neg- 
lected to watch the motions of the flanking parties, 
who, on reaching their ground, made signals to the front 
to advance. These being instantly answered, the enemy 
now perceived they were nearly surrounded, and turning 
their backs fled in great disorder. They suffered severely 
from the light infantry, who closed in upon their flanks; 
they had one hundred men killed, and five hundred 
wounded or taken prisoners. The British had only 
four soldiers killed and five wounded. The town then 
surrendered, and the British took possession of all the 
shipping and stores and forty-five pieces of cannon. 

Colonel Campbell now advanced into the interior, 
and entered Augusta, a town 150 miles distant from 
Savannah, where he established himself. Meanwhile 
General Prevost, having arrived at Savannah from 
Florida, assumed the command. Judging the ground 



occupied too extensive, he evacuated Augusta. The 
Americans, taking courage frona this retrograde move- 
ment, assembled in considerable numbers, and harassed 
the rear of the British. The Loyalists in the interior were 
greatly dispirited, and, being left unprotected, suffered 
much from the disaffected. The winter was spent in 
making some inroads into the interior, to keep the 
Americans in check. About this time Lieutenant- 
Colonel Maitland succeeded to the command of the 
regiment, in consequence of the return of Colonel 
Campbell to England, on leave of absence. 

The regiment remained almost inactive till the month 
of February, 1779, when it was employed in an enter- 
prise against Boston Creek, a strong position defended by 
upwards of two thousand men, besides one thousand men 
occupied in detached stations. The front of this posi- 
tion was protected by a deep swamp, and the only ap- 
proach in that way was by a narrow causeway. On each 
flank were thick woods nearly impenetrable, except by 
the drier parts of the swamps which intersected them; 
but the position was more open in the rear. To dislodge 
the enemy from this stronghold, which caused consid- 
erable annoyance, Lieutenant^Colonel Duncan Mac- 
pherson, with the first battalion of the 71st, was di- 
rected to march upon the front of the position; whilst 
Colonel Prevost, and Lieutenant-Colonels Maitland 
and Macdonald, with the 2d battalion, the light infantry, 
and a party of provincials, were ordered to attempt 
the rear by a circuitous route of many miles. These com- 
bined movements were executed with such precision, 
that, in ten minutes after Colonel Macpherson appeared 
at the head of the causeway in front, the fire of the body 
in the rear was heard. Sir James Baird, with the light 
infantry, rushing through the openings in the swamps, 
on the left flank, the enemy were overpowered after a 



short resistance. In this affair the Highlanders had three 
soldiers killed, and one officer and twelve rank and file 

General Prevost next determined to dislodge a con- 
siderable force under General Lincoln, stationed on the 
South Carolina side of the river. With the troops 
lately so successful at Brien's Creek, he crossed the river 
ten miles below the enemy's position. Whilst the general 
advanced on their front, he ordered the 71st to attack 
their rear by a circuitous march of several miles. Guided 
by a party of Creek Indians, the Highlanders entered 
a woody swamp at eleven o'clock at night, in traversing 
which, they were frequently up to the shoulders in the 
swamp. They cleared the woods at eight o'clock 
in the morning, with their ammunition destroyed. They 
were now within half a mile of the enemy's rear, and al- 
though General Prevost had not yet moved from his 
position, the Highlanders instantly attacked and drove 
the enemy from their position without sustaining any 

Emboldened by this partial success, the general made 
an attempt upon Charleston; but after summoning the 
town to surrender, he was induced, by the approach of 
the American general, Lincoln, with a large force, to 
desist, and determined to return to his former quarters 
in Georgia. As the Americans were in arms, and had 
possessed themselves of the principal pass on the route, 
he was forced to return by the sea-coast, a course very 
injurious to the troops, as they had to march through 
unfrequented woods, and salt water marshes and 
swamps, where they could not obtain fresh water. In 
this retreat, the British force was separated in conse- 
quence of Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the quarter- 
master-general, who had gone with a party on a foraging 
excursion, having removed part of a bridge of boats 



leading to John's Island. The enemy, who had five 
thousand men in the neighbourhood, endeavoured to 
avail themselves of this circumstance, and pushed for- 
ward two thousand men with some artillery, to attack 
a battalion of the Highlanders and some Hessians under 
Colonel Maitland, who were placed in a redoubt at 
Stone Ferry, for the purpose of protecting the foraging 
party. Hearing of the advance of the enemy. Colonel 
Maitland sent out Captain Colin Campbell, with four 
officers and fifty-six men, to reconnoitre. Whilst this 
small party was standing on an open field, the enemy 
emerged from a thick wood. Regardless of the inequality 
of numbers. Captain Campbell attacked the enemy with 
great vivacity; and a desperate contest took place, in 
which all the Highlanders and officers, except seven of 
the soldiers, fell. When Captain Campbell was struck, 
he desired such of his men as were able to retire to 
the redoubt; but they refused to obey, as they considered 
that if they left their officers behind in the field, they 
would bring a lasting disgrace on themselves. The 
enemy, unexpectedly, ceased firing, and the seven men, 
availing themselves of the respite, retired, carrying their 
wounded officers along with them, followed by such of 
the soldiers as were able to walk. The enemy then ad- 
vanced on the redoubt, and the Hessians having got 
into confusion, they forced an entrance; but they were 
driven out by the Highlanders, at the point of the 
bayonet. The enemy were preparing for another attack, 
but the second battalion of the Highlanders having 
come up, the Americans retired with considerable loss. 
After this affair. General Prevost retired with the 
main body towards Savannah, leaving behind him 
seven hundred men under Colonel Maitland, who took 
up a position in the island of Port Royal. In the month 
of September, 1779, the Count D'Estaing arrived on the 



coast of Georgia with a large fleet, with troops on board, 
for the purpose of retaking Savannah, then garrisoned by- 
eleven hundred effective men, including one battalion 
of the 71st. The town, situated on a sandy plain, gently 
declining towards the south, had few natural or artificial 
means of defence, and as the force about to attack it 
was said to exceed twelve thousand men, the British 
general had nothing to rely upon but the energy and firm- 
ness of his troops. The count, on landing, made regular 
approaches, and summoned the town to surrender. In 
the absence of Colonel Maitland's detachment in Port 
Royal, time was of importance, and being demanded, 
was granted. Colonel Maitland on hearing of the arrival 
of the enemy, instantly set out for Savannah; but find- 
ing the principal passes and fords in possession of the 
enemy, he made a wide circuit; and after a most tedious 
march through marshes and woods hitherto considered 
impassable, he reached Savannah before General Pre- 
vost had returned a definite answer to D'Estaing's 

Having thus accomplished his object. General Prevost 
made immediate preparations to defend the place to 
the last extremity, and being seconded by the zeal and 
abilities of Captain Moncrieff, the chief engineer, and 
the exertions of the officers and soldiers, assisted by the 
negro population, the town was put in a good state of 
defence, before the enemy had completed their ap- 
proaches. During these operations, several sorties were 
made by the garrison. On the morning of the twenty- 
fourth of September, Major Colin Graham sallied out 
with the light company of the 16th, and the Highlanders, 
and drove the enemy from their outworks, with the loss 
of fourteen oflScers, and 145 men killed, wounded, and 
prisoners. In this affair. Lieutenant Henry Macpherson 
of the 71st and three privates were killed, and fifteen 



wounded. In another sortie, Major Macarthur with the 
piquets of the Highlanders advanced with such caution, 
that, after a few rounds, the Americans and French 
mistaking their object, fired on each other, and killed 
fifty men, during which rencounter he retired without 

Having completed his arrangements, D'Estaing made 
an assault, on the ninth of October, before daybreak, 
with all his forces. Owing to a thick fog, and the dark- 
ness of the morning, it was some time before the be- 
sieged could ascertain in what direction the principal at- 
tack was to be made. As soon as daylight appeared, the 
French and American forces were seen advancing in 
three columns, D'Estaing leading the right in person. 
By taking too large a circuit, the left column got en- 
tangled in a swamp, and being exposed to the guns of the 
garrison, fell into confusion, and was unable to advance. 
The heads of the right and centre columns suffered 
greatly, from a well-directed fire from the batteries; 
but they still persevered in advancing; the men in the 
rear supplying the place of those who fell in front. WTien 
the enemy reached the first redoubt, the contest became 
furious; many of them entered the ditch, and some 
of them even ascended and planted the colours on the 
parapet, where they were killed. The first man who 
mounted was stabbed by Captain Tawse of the 71st, 
who commanded the redoubt, and the captain himself 
was shot dead by the man who followed. The grenadiers 
of the 60th came up to the support of Captain Archibald 
Campbell, who had assumed the command of the re- 
doubt, and the enemy's column, being attacked on both 
sides, was broken and driven back with precipitation. 

In this enterprise the enemy are supposed to have lost 
fifteen hundred men killed, wounded, and prisoners. 
The British had only three officers and thirty-six sol- 



diers killed, and two officers and sixty men wounded. 
The Americans retired to South Carolina, and the French 
to their ships. The garrison before the siege was sickly, 
but during active operations the disease was in a 
manner suspended, an effect which has been often ob- 
served in the army. After the cause of excitement was 
over, by the raising of the siege, the men relapsed, and 
one-fourth of them were sent to the hospital. 

The grenadiers of the 71st were not employed in 
Georgia, but were posted at Stony Point and Verplanks, 
in the State of New York, which places had been recently 
taken from the enemy. Wishing to make amends for 
allowing his post to be surprised by Major-General Sir 
Charles Grey, the American general, Wayne, was sent to 
retake the posts of Stony Point and Verplanks. Ac- 
cordingly, with a body of troops, he proceeded at eight 
o'clock in the evening of the fifteenth of July, 1779, 
and taking post in a hollow, within two miles of the fort, 
advanced unperceived, about midnight, in two colunms. 
One of these gained the summit, on which the fort stood, 
without being observed, and the garrison being sur- 
prised, surrendered after a short resistance, with the loss 
of seventeen soldiers killed, and three officers and 
seventy-two privates wounded. The piquet, which 
was commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the 71st, 
resisted one of the colunms till almost all the men com- 
posing it were killed or wounded. Lieutenant Cumming 
was among the latter. 

After the surrender of Charleston on the twelfth of 
May, 1780, to the forces under Sir Henry Clinton, 
Lord Cornwallis was appointed to the command of the 
southern provinces. Having projected an excursion 
into the interior, he was joined by the 71st, which had 
remained at Savannah in quarters during the winter. 
In the beginning of June, the army, amounting to 



twenty-five hundred men, reached Canabden, and en- 
camped in the neighbourhood, the general making that 
place his headquarters. The American general. Gates, 
having, in July, assembled a force of seven thousand 
men, took up a position at Rugley's Mill, nearly twelve 
miles from Cambden. Determined to surprise and 
attack the enemy, the British general moved forward 
on the night of the fifteenth of August; whilst, by a 
singular coincidence, the American commander left his 
position at the very same hour, with the same intention. 
It was full moon, and the sky was unclouded. Before 
three o'clock in the morning, the advanced guards 
met half-way, and exchanged some shots; but both 
generals, ignorant of each other's strength, declined a 
general action, and lay on their arms till morning. The 
ground on which the armies lay was a sandy plain, 
with straggling trees, but a part on the left of the British 
was soft and boggy. Each army prepared for battle, 
by forming line. The British right consisted of the light 
infantry, and the Welsh fusileers; the 33d regiment 
and the volunteers of Ireland formed the centre; and 
the Provincials composed the left, having the marshy 
ground in their front. Whilst this formation was going 
on. Captain Charles Campbell, who commanded the 
Highland light companies on the right, mounted the 
stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and perceiving the 
enemy in motion, as if they intended to turn his flank, 
he leaped down, muttering to himself, " I'll see you 
damn^ first," and calling to his men, said, " Remember 
you are light infantr}''; remember you are Highlanders 
— charge! " The Highlanders instantly rushed forward, 
and such was the impetuosity of the attack, that the 
division of the enemy which was to have surrounded the 
right of the British was completely broken and driven 
from the field before the battle commenced in the othei 



parts of the line. In the contest which took place between 
these, the centre of the enemy gained ground; but neither 
party seeming disposed to advance, a pause of a few 
minutes took place, as if by mutual consent, during 
which both parties remained stationary without firing a 
shot. Whilst matters were in this state. Lord Cornwallis 
ordered the corps in the centre to open their right and 
left; and when a considerable space intervened, he di- 
rected the Highlanders, who were getting impatient 
at being left in the rear, whilst their friends were fighting 
in front, to advance and occupy the vacant space. 
When the Highlanders had taken their ground, his lord- 
ship cried out, " My brave Highlanders, now is your 
time! " The words were scarcely uttered, when they 
rushed forward, accompanied by the 33d, and the vol- 
unteers of Ireland. The charge was irresistible, and the 
centre of the enemy was completely overthrown. Mean- 
while the right of the enemy, which was enveloped 
in the smoke of the fire, advanced unperceived, and 
gained the ground on which the Highlanders had been 
formerly posted as a reserve. Unaware of the fate of 
their companions, they gave three cheers for victory; 
but their joy was of short duration, for, the smoke im- 
mediately clearing up, they saw their mistake; and a 
party of Highlanders turning on them, the greater part 
threw down their arms, whilst the remainder flew in all 
directions. The loss of the British in this decisive 
action was three ofiicers and sixty-six men killed, and 
seventeen officers and 226 rank and file wounded. 
Lieutenant Archibald Campbell and three soldiers of the 
71st were killed, and Captain Hugh Campbell, Lieutenant 
John Grant, two sergeants and thirty privates wounded. 
Though the battle of the sixteenth of August was 
decisive, yet, as General Sumpter with a strong corps 
occupied positions on the Catawba River, which com- 



manded the road to Charleston, it was necessary to dis- 
lodge him. For this purpose Colonel Tarleton was 
directed to proceed with the cavalry, and a corps of 
light infantry, under Captain Charles Campbell of the 
71st. On the morning of the eighteenth they came in 
sight of Fishing Creek, and observing some smoke at a 
short distance on their right, the sergeant of the ad- 
vanced guard halted his party, and went forward to 
reconnoitre. He observed an encampment with arms 
piled, and, with the exception of a few sentinels, and 
some persons employed in cooking, the soldiers were 
reposing in groups apparently asleep. The sergeant 
reporting what he had seen to Captam Campbell, the 
latter, who commanded in front, fearing a discovery, 
formed such of the cavalry as had come up, and with 
forty of the Highland light infantry rushed quickly 
forward, secured the piled arms, and surprised the 
camp. The success was complete; a few men were killed, 
nearly five hundred surrendered prisoners, and the rest 
fled in all directions. The loss was trifling, but the 
Highlanders had in an especial manner to regret the 
death of Captain Campbell, who was killed by a random 

The American general, Morgan, having entered South 
Carolina, in December, 1780, with about eleven hundred 
men. Colonel Tarleton was detached with some infantry, 
of which the first battalion of the 71st formed a part, 
and a small body of cavalry. On the morning of the 
seventeenth of January, 1781, intelligence was received 
that General Morgan was posted on a rising ground 
in front, which was thinly covered with pine-trees. 
The front line was drawn up on the top of the rising 
ground, and the second, four hundred paces in rear of the 
first. Colonel Tarleton instantly formed in order of 
battle. In front he placed the 7th, or fusileers, the in- 



fantry of the British legion, and the light infantry; the 
Highlanders and cavalry formed the reserve. The 
line, exhausted by running at a rapid pace, received the 
fire of the enemy, at the distance of thirty or forty yards, 
which did considerable execution. The fire was returned, 
but without spirit and with little effect; and it was kept 
up on both sides for ten or twelve minutes, neither party 
advancing. The light infantry then made two attempts 
to charge, but were repulsed with loss. In this state 
of matters the Highlanders were ordered up, and ad- 
vancing rapidly to the charge, the enemy's front line 
instantly gave way; and this retrograde motion being 
observed by the second line, which had not yet been 
engaged, it inmiediately faced to the right and inclined 
backwards, and by this skilful manoeuvre opened a 
space by which the front line retreated. Eager to pursue, 
the Highlanders followed the front line, when Colonel 
Howard, who commanded the enemy's reserve, threw in 
a destructive fire upon the 71st, when within forty yards 
of the hostile force. So disastrous was the effect of this 
fire, that nearly one-half of the Highlanders fell; and the 
rest were so scattered over the ground, on which they 
pursued, that they could not be united to form a charge 
with the bayonet. Though checked, the Highlanders 
did not fall back, probably expecting that the first line 
and the cavalry would come up to their support; but 
they were mistaken; and after some irregular firing 
between them and Colonel Howard's reserve, the front 
line of the Americans ralUed, returned to the field, and 
pushed forward to the right flank of the Highlanders. 
Alone, and unsupported, and almost overpowered 
by the increasing numbers of the enemy, the Highlanders 
began to retire, and at length to run, the first instance 
(may it be the only one!) of a Highland regiment run- 
ning from an enemy! A general rout ensued; few of 



the infantry escaped, but the cavalry saved themselves 
by the speed of their horses. The loss of the British, in 
this disastrous affair, exceeded four hundred men. The 
Highland oflficers were perfectly satisfied with the con- 
duct of their men, and imputing the disaster altogether 
to the bad dispositions of Colonel Tarleton, made a rep- 
resentation to Lord ComwalUs, not to be employed 
again under the same officer, a request with which his 
lordship complied. 

The main body of the American army under General 
Green retreated northward after this action, and Lord 
Cornwallis made every exertion to follow them. Pre- 
vious to the march the two battalions of the 71st, being 
greatly reduced, were consolidated into one, and formed 
in brigade with the Welsh fusileers and 33d regiment. 
General Green retreated to Guilford Court-house, where, 
on the sixteenth of March, he prepared for battle. He 
drew up his army in three lines: the first occupied the 
edge of a wood with a fence in front of Hogstie farm; 
the second a wood of stunted oaks at some distance 
in the rear; and the third line was drawn up in the more 
open parts of the woods and upon cleared ground. 
The front line of the British was formed of the German 
regiment of De Bos, the Highlanders and guards under 
the Honourable General Leslie on the right; and the 
Welsh fusileers, 33d regiment, and 2d battalion of 
guards under Brigadier-General Charles O'Hara, on the 
left. The cavalry were in the rear, supported by the 
light infantry of the guards and the German Yagers. 

The order of battle being completed, the attack began 
at one o'clock. The Americans, covered by the fence in 
their front, reserved their fire till the British were within 
thirty or forty paces, at which distance they opened a 
most destructive fire, which annihilated nearly one- 
third of Colonel Webster's brigade. The fire was returned 



by the brigade, who rushed forward on the enemy. 
These abandoned their fence, and retreated on the 
second line. The contest was maintained with greater 
pertinacity on the more open ground, where the regi- 
ment of De Bos and the 33d retreated and advanced 
repeatedly before they succeeded in driving the enemy 
from the field. A party of the guards, pressing forward 
without observing a body of cavalry placed in the right 
flank as a reserve, were charged in flank, had their line 
broken, and lost several men. The enemy, who had 
retreated, emboldened by the effect of this charge, halted, 
turned their face to the field, and recommenced firing. 
Whilst matters were in this state, and the Hessians 
warmly engaged, the Highlanders, who had rapidly 
pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in 
rear of the enemy's left, and rushing forward with 
shouts, made such an impression on the Americans that 
they inmiediately fled, leaving their guns and am- 
munition behind. In this well-contested action, every 
corps fought separately, each depending on its own 
firmness; and having to sustain the weight of so greatly 
superior numbers, the issue was for some time doubt- 
ful. The British had seven officers and 102 non-com- 
missioned officers and rank and file killed, among whom 
were Ensign Grant and eleven soldiers of the 71st; 
and twenty oflicers and 419 non-commissioned oflficers 
and rank and file wounded, including four sergeants and 
forty-six soldiers of the same regiment. 

No solid advantage was gained by this battle, as Lord 
Cornwallis found it necessary to retreat, and was even 
obliged to leave his wounded behind in a house in the 
neighbourhood. The British took the direction of Cross 
Creek, followed close in the rear by the Americans. 
The settlement of Cross Creek was possessed by emi- 
grant Highlanders, who had evinced great loyalty 



during the war; and they now offered to bring fifteen 
hundred men into the field, and to furnish every neces- 
sary except arms and ammunition; but stipulated that 
they should be commanded by officers from the line. 
This reasonable offer was declined; but it was proposed 
to form them into what was called a provincial corps 
of the line. This proposition was rejected by the emi- 
grant Highlanders, who retired to their settlements, 
after a negotiation of twelve days. The army then 
marched for Wilmington, where it arrived on the seven- 
teenth of April. Here Lord Cornwallis halted till the 
twenty-sixth, when he proceeded on the route to Peters- 
borough. After traversing several hundred miles of 
a country chiefly hostile, he arrived at Petersborough 
on the twentieth of May, where he formed a junction 
with Major-General Philips, who had recently arrived 
from New York with three thousand men. With the 
united forces, which amounted to six thousand men, 
Lord Cornwallis proceeded to Portsmouth, and whilst 
he was preparing to cross the river at St. James's Island, 
the Marquis de la Fayette, ignorant of the strength 
of the British army, gallantly attacked Colonel Thomas 
Dundas's brigade, with two thousand men. The marquis 
was repulsed, but not without a warm contest. 

Arriving at Portsmouth, Lord Cornwallis continued 
his march to Yorktown, and took up a position on the 
York River, on the twenty-second of August. The 
place selected was an elevated platform, on the banks of 
the river, nearly level. On the right of the position 
extending from the river, was a ravine about forty feet 
in depth, and upwards of one hundred yards in breadth; 
a line of entrenchments, with a horn-work, formed the 
centre. Beyond the ravine, on the right of the position, 
was an extensive redoubt, and two smaller ones on the 
left, also advanced beyond the entrenchments. These 



defences, which constituted the chief strength of the 
camp, were not completed when General Washington, 
who had been lately joined by the Count de Rocham- 
beau, took up a position at the distance of two miles 
from the British lines. His force consisted of seven 
thousand French and twelve thousand Americans, 
being thrice as numerous as that of the British, which did 
not exceed 5,950 men. 

General Washington immediately proceeded to erect 
batteries, and to make his approaches. He first di- 
rected his fire against the redoubt on the right, which 
after four days' bombardment was reduced to a heap 
of sand. He did not, however, attempt an assault on this 
point of the position, but turned his whole force against 
the redoubts on the left, which he carried by storm, and 
turned the guns of the redoubts on the other parts of 
the entrenchments. Some soldiers of the 71st, who 
had manned one of these redoubts, conceiving that the 
honour of the regiment was compromised by their 
expulsion from the redoubt, sent a petition through the 
conunanding officer to Lord Comwallis, for permission 
to retake it; but as his lordship did not think that the 
acquisition would be of much importance, under exist- 
ing circumstances, he declined the proposition. 

Finding his position quite untenable, and his situation 
becoming every hour more critical, the British com- 
mander determined to decamp at midnight with the 
elite of his army, to cross the river, and leave a small 
force in the works to capitulate for the sick and wounded, 
the former being very numerous. The plan would have 
succeeded had not the passage of the river been ren- 
dered dangerous, if not impracticable, by a squaU of 
wind. The first division was embarked, and some of the 
boats had reached Gloucester Point on the opposite 
shore, when the general countermanded the enterprise 



in consequence of a storm which arose. Judging farther 
resistance hopeless, Lord Corawallis made proposals 
of capitulation, and the terms being adjusted, the 
British troops marched out with their arms and baggage 
on the eighth of October, 1781, and were afterward sent 
to different parts of the country. The garrison had 
six officers, and 150 non-commissioned officers and rank 
and file killed, and six officers and 319 non-commissioned 
officers and rank and file wounded. Lieutenant Eraser 
and nine soldiers of the 71st were killed, and three 
drummers and nineteen soldiers wounded. 

The military services of this army, which were now 
closed, had been most arduous. In less than twelve 
months they had marched and countermarched nearly 
two thousand miles, had been subjected to many severe 
hardships, and besides numerous skirmishes, had fought 
two pitched battles, in all of which they had been vic- 
torious; yet all their exertions were unavailable in the 
general contest. 

With this misfortune also ended the military career 
of the Eraser Highlanders, who remained prisoners till 
the conclusion of the war. True to their allegiance, 
they resisted to a man the solicitations of the Americans 
to join their standard and settle among them, thus ex- 
hibiting a striking moral contrast with many soldiers 
of other corps, who, in violation of their oath, entered the 
American ranks. In other respects the conduct of the 
Highlanders was in perfect keeping with this high state 
of moral feeling and daring, not one instance of dis- 
graceful conduct ever having occurred in the 71st. The 
only case of military insubordination was that which 
happened at Leith in April, 1779, of which an account 
has been given in the history of the 42d regiment ; but 
it is clear that no fault was attributable to the men of 
the detachment in question, who merely insisted on the 



fulfilment of the engagement which had been entered 
into with them. 

The regiment returned to Scotland on the termination 
of hostilities, and was discharged at Perth in 1783. 




The first of these regiments consisted of three compa- 
nies of 105 men each. Major Robert Murray Keith, who 
had served in the Scotch Brigade in Holland, and a rela- 
tion of the celebrated Field Marshal Keith, was ap- 
pointed to the conmiand. About the end of the year 
1759 this regiment joined the allied army in Germany 
under Prince Frederick of Brunswick. 

The Highlanders were not long in the allied camp 
when they were brought into action. On the third of 
January, 1760, the Marquis de Vogue attacked and 
carried the town of Herbom, and made a small detach- 
ment of the allies who were posted there prisoners. 
At the same time the Marquis Dauvet made himself 
master of Dillemberg, the garrison of the allied troops 
retiring into the castle, where they were closely besieged. 
Prince Ferdinand no sooner understood their situation 
than he began his march with a strong detachment for 
their relief on the seventh of January, when he attacked 
and defeated the besiegers. On the same day "the 
Highlanders under Major Keith, supported by the hussars 
of Luckner, who commanded the whole detachment, 
attacked the village of Eybach, where Beau Fremonte's 
regiment of dragoons was posted, and routed them with 
great slaughter. The greater part of the regiment was 
killed, and many prisoners were taken, together with 



two hundred horses and all their baggage. The High- 
landers distinguished themselves on this occasion by 
their intrepidity, which was the more remarkable, as 
they were no other than raw recruits, just arrived from 
their own country, and altogether unacquainted with 
discipline." The Highlanders on this occasion had four 
men killed and seven wounded. 

Prince Ferdinand was so well satisfied with the con- 
duct of this body, that he recommended to the governor 
not only to increase it to eight hundred men, but to raise 
another regiment of equal strength, to be placed under 
his Serene Highness. This recommendation was in- 
stantly attended to, and, in a few weeks, the requisite 
number of men was raised in the counties of AJgyle, 
Perth, Inverness, Ross, and Sutherland. The command 
of the new regiment was conferred on John Campbell 
of Dunoon, but power was reserved to the Earls of Suth- 
erland and Breadalbane, the lairds of Macleod and Innes, 
and other gentlemen in the North, to appoint captains 
and subalterns to companies raised on their respective 
estates. Major Macnab, son of the laird of Macnab; Cap- 
tain Archibald Campbell, brother of Achallader; John 
Campbell of Auch and other officers, were recommended 
by Lord Breadalbane; and Macleod, who raised a com- 
pany in Skye, appointed his nephew, Captain Fothring- 
ham of Powrie, to it. Sir James Innes, chief of that name, 
who succeeded to the estates and dukedom of Roxburgh 
in the year 1810, was also appointed to a company. 

Keith's regiment was embodied at Perth and Camp- 
bell's at Stirling, and, being embodied at the same 
time and ordered on the same service, an interchange 
of officers took place. Embarking for Germany they 
joined the allied army, under Prince Ferdinand, in 
1760, and were distinguished by being placed in the 
grenadier brigade. 



The allied army moved from Kalle on the thirtieth 
of July, 1760, in consequence of the advance of the 
French, who took up a position on the River Dymel. 
The hereditary Prince of Brunswick, who had passed that 
river the preceding day, was directed by Prince Ferdi- 
nand to turn the left of the enemy, who were posted 
between Warburg and Ochsendorff, whilst he himself 
advanced in front with the main body of the army. The 
French were attacked almost at the same moment both in 
flank and rear, and defeated with considerable loss. In 
an account of the battle written by Prince Ferdinand 
to George II he says " that the loss of the allies, which 
was moderate, fell chiefly upon Maxwell's brave battal- 
ion of English grenadiers and the two regiments of Scots 
Highlanders, which did wonders. Colonel Beckwith, 
who commanded the whole brigade formed of English 
grenadiers and Scots Highlanders, distinguished himself 
greatly." None of the Highlanders were killed but 
Lieutenant Walter Ogilvie, and two privates were 

Another affair soon occurred in which the Highlanders 
also distinguished themselves. Prince Ferdinand, having 
determined to beat up the quarters of a large French 
detachment stationed at Zeirenberg, pitched upon five 
battalions, with a detachment of the Highlanders and 
eight regiments of dragoons, for this service. This body 
began their march on the night of the fifth of August, 
and when within two miles of the town the corps pro- 
ceeded by three different roads. Maxwell's brigade 
of grenadiers, the regiment of Kingsby, and the High- 
landers keeping together. They marched in profound 
silence, and though their tramp was at last heard by the 
French the surprise was too sudden for effectual resist- 
ance. "The Scots Highlanders mounted the breaches 
sword in hand, supported by the Chasseurs. The col- 



umn of English grenadiers advanced in good order and 
with the greatest silence. In short, the service was 
complete, and the troops displayed equal courage, 
soldier-like conduct, and activity." The loss of the 
Highlanders in this affair was three privates killed and 
six wounded. 

The hereditary prince being hard pressed by Marshal de 
Castries, was reinforced from the camp at Warburg. 
The Highlanders joined him on the fourteenth of Octo- 
ber, shortly after he had been attacked by the marshal, 
who had compelled him to retire. The prince now at- 
tacked the French commander in his turn, but was un- 
successful, being obliged again to retire after a warm 
contest, which lasted from five till nine in the morning. 
The Highlanders, who " were in the first column of 
attack, were the last to retreat, and kept their ground 
in the face of every disadvantage, even after the troops 
on their right and left had retired. The Highlanders were 
so exasperated with the loss they sustained, that it was 
with difficulty they could be withdrawn, when Colonel 
Campbell received orders from an aide-de-camp sent by 
the prince, desiring him to retreat, as to persist in main- 
taining his position longer would be a useless waste of 
human life." In this action Lieutenants William Ogilvie 
and Alexander Macleod of the Highlanders, four ser- 
geants, and thirty-seven rank and file were killed, and 
Captain Archibald Campbell of Achallader, Lieutenants 
Gordon Clunes, Archibald Stewart, Angus Mackintosh of 
Killachy, and Walter Barland, and ten rank and file 

On the preceding night an attempt was made by Major 
Pollock, with one hundred grenadiers and the same 
number of Keith's Highlanders, to surprise the convent 
of Closter Camp, where a detachment of the enemy was 
posted, and where, it was supposed, the French com- 



mander and some of his officers were to pass the night; 
but this attempt miscarried. On reaching the sentinel 
of the main-guard Major Pollock rushed upon him and 
ran him through the body with his sword. The wounded 
man, before falling, turned round upon his antagonist and 
shot him with a pistol, upon which they both fell dead. 
The next affair in which the Highlanders were en- 
gaged was the battle of Fellinghausen, in July, 1761. 
The commander-in-chief, in a general order, thus ex- 
pressed his approbation of the conduct of the corps in 
this action: " His Serene Highness, Duke Ferdinand of 
Brunswick, has been graciously pleased to order Colonel 
Beckwith to signify to the brigade he has the honour 
to command his entire approbation of their conduct on 
the 15th and 16th of July. The soldier-like persever- 
ance of the Highland regiments in resisting and repulsing 
the repeated attacks of the chosen troops of France, has 
deservedly gained them the highest honour. The ar- 
dour and activity with which the grenadiers pushed and 
pursued the enemy, and the trophies they have taken, 
justly entitle them to the highest encomiums. The in- 
trepidity of the little band of Highlanders merits the 
greatest praise." Colonel Beckwith, in making this 
communication, added that " the humanity and gen- 
erosity with which the soldiers treated the great flock 
of prisoners they took, did them as much honour as their 
subduing the enemy." In this action Major Archibald 
Campbell of Achallader, who had been promoted only 
a week before, and Lieutenants William Ross and John 
Grant, and thirty-one rank and file, were killed; and 
Major Archibald Macnab, Captain James Fraser, Lieu- 
tenants Archibald Macarthur, Patrick Campbell, and 
John Mackintosh, brother of Killachy and father of the 
late Sir James Mackintosh, M. P., two sergeants, and 
seventy privates, were wounded. 



No enterprise of any moment was attempted till the 
twenty-eighth of June, 1762, when Prince Ferdinand 
attacked the French army at Graibenstein, and defeated 
them. The French lost upwards of four thousand men 
in killed, wounded, and prisoners, including two hundred 
officers, whilst that sustained by the allies did not exceed 
seven hundred men. The British troops, who were under 
the command of the Marquis of Granby, " behaved with 
a bravery not to be parallelled, especially our grenadiers 
and Highlanders." 

The Highlanders, from the distinction they had earned 
in these different rencounters, now began to attract the 
especial notice of the Germans. When an entire igno- 
rance prevailed among the people of England respecting 
the Highlanders, it is not to be wondered at that the 
Germans should have formed the most extraordinary 
notions of these mountaineers. In common with the 
English they looked upon the Highlanders as savages; 
but their ignorance went farther, for the people of Ger- 
many actually believed that the Highlanders were still 
strangers to Christianity. " The Scotch Highlanders," 
says an article which appeared in the Vienna Gazette of 
1762, " are a people totally different in their dress, 
manners, and temper from the other inhabitants of 
Britain. They are caught in the mountains when young, 
and still run with a surprising degree of swiftness. As 
they are strangers to fear, they make very good soldiers 
when disciplined. The men are of low stature, and the 
most of them old or very young. They discover an 
extraordinary submission and love for their officers, 
who are all young and handsome. From the goodness 
of their dispositions in everything, for the boors are 
much better treated by these savages than by the 
polished French and English ; from the goodness of their 
disposition, which, by the bye, shows the rectitude of 



human nature before it is vitiated by example or preju- 
dice, it is to be hoped that their king's laudable, though 
late, endeavours to civilize and instruct them in the 
principles of Christianity will meet with success! " 
The article adds that the " French held them at first 
in great contempt, but they have met with them so often 
of late, and seen them in the front of so many battles, 
that they firmly believe that there are twelve battalions 
of them in the army instead of two. Broglio himself 
has lately said that he once wished that he was a man of 
six feet high, but that now he is reconciled to his size 
since he has seen the wonders performed by the little 
mountaineers." An acquaintance with the Highlanders 
soon dissipated the illusions under which the Germans 

The Highlanders were not engaged in the battle of 
Johannisberg, in which the allies were worsted; but, 
on the twenty-first of September, in the subsequent 
action at Brucher Miihl, they took a part. The French 
occupied a mill on one side of the road, and the allies a 
redoubt on the other, and the great object of both par- 
ties was to obtain possession of a small post which 
defended the bridge at Brucher Miihl. At first a slight 
cannonade was opened from a few guns, but these were 
speedily augmented to twenty-five heavy pieces on each 
side. In the post occupied by the allies there were only 
at first one hundred men, but during the action, which 
lasted without intermission for fifteen hours, no less than 
seventeen regiments were successively brought forward, 
replacing one another after they had spent their am- 
munition. Both sides remained in their respective posi- 
tions, and although the contest was long and severe 
the allies lost only six hundred men in killed and 
wounded. The Highland corps had Major Alexander 
Maclean and twenty-one rank and file killed, and Captain 



Patrick Campbell, and Lieutenant Walter Barland, three 
sergeants, and fifty-eight rank and file wounded. 

On the conclusion of hostilities in November, 1762, 
the Highlanders were ordered home. In the three cam- 
paigns in which they had served they had estabhshed 
a well-earned reputation for bravery, and so great was 
the estimation in which they were held by the Dutch, 
that, on their march through Holland, they were wel- 
comed with acclamations, particularly by the women 
who presented them with laurel leaves, — a feeling 
which, it is said, was in some measure owing to the 
friendly intercourse which had previously existed be- 
tween the inhabitants and the Scotch brigade. 

After landing at Tilbury Fort the regiments marched 
for Scotland, and were received everywhere on their 
route with the most marked attention, particularly at 
Derby, the inhabitants of which town presented the men 
with gratuities in money. Among various reasons as- 
signed for the remarkable predilection shown by the 
people of Derby the most probable is a feeling of grati- 
tude for the respect shown by the Highlanders to the 
persons and properties of the inhabitants when visited 
by them in the year 1745. 

Keith's regiment was marched to Perth and Camp- 
bell's to Linlithgow, and were reduced in July, 1763. 

The total loss of these corps was 115 men, besides 
seven officers; and 176 men, and thirteen officers, 



The war in which Great Britain was engaged requir- 
ing, at this time, increased exertions on the part of the 
government, government resolved to raise, in addi- 



tion to Keith's Highlanders, another regiment in those 
parts of the Highlands where the influence of the Gordon 
family prevailed. At the solicitation of the Dowager 
Duchess of Gordon Major Staates Long Morris, to whom 
she had been lately married, was appointed to raise 
the regiment; and, to strengthen his interest amongst 
the youth of the North, the late Duke of Gordon, then a 
youth at college, was appointed a captain; his brother, 
Lord William, a lieutenant; and his younger brother, 
Lord George, an ensign. The object of the duchess in 
obtaining these appointments was to counteract the 
political influence of the Duke of Argyle during the 
minority of her son. Major Morris was so successful 
that, in a few weeks, 760 men were collected at Gordon 
Castle, who, in December, 1759, were marched to Aber- 
deen. The following officers then received their com- 
missions: — 

Lieutenant-Colonel commandant — Staates Long Morria, died a 
general in the army. 

First Major — George Scott, a general in 1798, died in 1811. 
Second Major — Hector Munro, a general in 1798, died in 1806. 


Alexander, Duke of Gordon. Norman Lamont, son of the 

Alexander Duff of Cubben. laird of Lamont. 

George Morrison of Bognie. Duncan Macpherson, afterward 

WilUam Macgillivray of Duma- in the 42d and 71st regiments, 

glass. died 1807. 
Ludovic Grant of Knockando. 

Captain-Lieutenant — Archibald Dunbar, son of Sir Archibald 
Dunbar of Northfield. 


Lord William Gordon. Ral. Hanson. 

Charles Gordon of Shellagreen, George Campbell, 
afterward lieutenant-colonel John Gordon, 
of the 77th, or Athole High- John Macdonald, lieutenant- 
landers, colonel of the 81st Highland 

Lawrence Leith. regiment, 1783. 

Alexander Stewart of Lismurdie. Alexander Macpherson. 



William Baillie, killed in India, William Macphersoa. 

1779, then commanding a de- R. T. Rd, Maitland. 

tachment of Sir Hector Mun- James Fordyce. 

ro's army. Robert Munro. 

Alexander Godsman. Alexander Duff of Mayne. 
William Finlayson, died in 1817. 


Lord George Gordon. Patrick Ogilvie, brother to Ogil- 

James Gordon. vie of East Milne. 

Alexander Gordon. John Macpherson. 

John Edwards. Harry Gilchrist. 

Chaplain — Alexander Chambers. Quartermaster — James Bennett. 
Adjutant — Alexander Donald. Surgeon — James Arthur. 

The regiment embarked at Portsmouth for the East 
Indies in December, 1760, and arrived at Bombay in 
November following. The Duke of Gordon was de- 
sirous of accompanying the regiment, but his mother, 
at the especial request of George II, induced him to 
remain at home to finish his education. 

The 89th had no particular station assigned them, 
but kept moving from place to place till a strong de- 
tachment under Major Hector Munro joined the army 
under the command of Major Camac, in the neighbour- 
hood of Patna. Major Munro then assumed the com- 
mand, and being well supported by his men, quelled a 
formidable mutiny among the troops. After the ring- 
leaders had been executed and discipline restored, Major 
Munro attacked the enemy at Buxar, on the twenty- 
third day of October, 1764, and, though the force 
opposed to him was five times as numerous as his own, 
he overthrew and dispersed it. The enemy had six 
thousand men killed, and left 130 pieces of cannon on 
the field, whilst his Majesty's troops had only two officers 
and four rank and file killed. Major Munro received a 
letter of thanks on the occasion from the president and 
council of Calcutta. " The signal victory you gained," 

343 . 


they say, " so as at one blow utterly to defeat the designs 
of the enemy against these provinces, is an event which 
does so much honour to yourself, Sir, in particular, and 
to aU the officers and men under your command, and 
which, at the same time, is attended with such particu- 
lar advantages to the company, as call upon us to return 
you our sincere thanks." For this important service 
Major Munro was immediately promoted to the brevet 
rank of lieutenant-colonel. 

The services of the regiment being no longer required 
it was ordered home, and was reduced in the year 1765. 
It has been remarked, as a singular circumstance at- 
tending their service, that, although five years embodied, 
four of which were spent in India, or on the passage 
going and returning, none of the officers died, nor was 
there any promotion or other change among them, 
except the change of Lord William Gordon to the 67th 
regiment, and the promotion of his successor to his 
lieutenancy. The same good conduct which distin- 
guished the other Highland corps was not less con- 
spicuous in this, — not one man out of eight of the com- 
panies, numbering in all 780 men, having been brought 
to the halberts. Of the whole regiment only six men 
suffered corporal punishment. 



This regiment, which consisted of five companies, 
of five sergeants and 105 rank and file each, was raised 
in the year 1760 by the following gentlemen, viz., Colin 
Graham of Drainie, James Cuthbert of Milncraigs, Peter 
Gordon of Knockespic, Ludovick Grant of the family of 



Rothiemurchus, and Robert Campbell, son of Ballivolin. 
These all received captain's commissions. 

After the companies were completed they assembled 
at Perth, and thence were marched to Newcastle, where 
they remained till near the end of the year 1761, when 
they were sent to Germany, to reinforce Keith's and 
Campbell's Highlanders, Their officers did not accom- 
pany them, but were ordered back to the Highlands to 
raise six additional companies of the same strength 
as the other five. This service was soon performed, 
six hundred men having assembled at Perth in a few 
months. Major, afterward Sir, James Johnstone of 
Westerhall was appointed to the command of the corps, 
with the rank of major-cocomandant. The major, 
Adjutant Macveah, and Sergeant-Major Coxwell, were 
the only persons in the 101st regiment not Highlanders. 
Lieutenant-General Lord George Beauclerk reviewed 
the regiment at Perth in 1762, and declared that he had 
never seen a body of men in a more " efficient state, 
and better fitted to meet the enemy." They had, how- 
ever, no opportunity of realizing the expectations formed 
of them, not having been called into active service. The 
regiment was reduced at Perth in August, 1763. 




1. Aodach-sTiaicheantais, means the national costume or dress 
complete, with the badge, etc, 

2. The list of Badges and War-Cries has been extended and 
revised by Mr. Henry Whyte (" Fionn "), Glasgow. 

3. " Captain John Campbell of Carrick was one of the most 
accompUshed gentlemen of his day. Possessing very agreeable 
manners and bravery, tempered by gaiety, he was regarded by the 
people as one of those who retained the chivalrous spirit of their 
ancestors. A poet, a soldier, and a gentleman, no less gallant 
among the ladies than he was brave among men; he was the object 
of general admiration; and the last generation of Highlanders 
among whom he was best known took great pleasure in cherishing 
his memory and repeating anecdotes concerning him. He married 
a sister of General Campbell of Mamore, afterward Duke of Argyle, 
and grandfather to the present duke." — Stewart's Sketches. 

4. An officer in the army writing to his friend at York, says that 
these brigades " fought like devils; that they neither gave nor took 
quarter; that observing the Duke of Cumberland to be extremely 
active in defence of this post (Lafeldt) they were employed, on this 
attack, at their own request; that they in a manner cut down all 
before them, with a full resolution, if possible, to reach his Royal 
Highness, which they certainly would have done, had not Sir John 
Ligonier come up with a party of horse, and thereby saved the 
duke at the loss of his own liberty." — Gentleman's Magazine, 1747. 

5. This officer, who was son of Duncan Campbell, of the family 
of Duneaves, in Perthshire, along with Gregor M'Gregor, commonly 
called Gregor the Beautiful, grandfather of Sir Gregor M'Gregor, 
were presented to George II in the year 1743, when privates in the 
Black Watch. " They performed (says the Westminster Journal) 
the broadsword exercise, and that of the Lochaber axe, or lance, 
before his Majesty, the Duke of Cumberland, Marshal Wade, and a 
number of general officers assembled for the purpose in the great 
gallery at St. James's. They displayed so much dexterity and skill 
in the management of their weapons, as to give perfect satisfactioa 



to his Majesty. Each got a gratuity of one guinea, which they gave 
to the porter at the palace gate as they went out," Campbell 
was promoted to an ensigncy for his conduct at Fontenoy. 

6, To allure the yoimg Highlanders to enlist into other regi- 
ments, recruiting parties assumed the dress of the Royal High- 
landers, thus deceiving the recruits into the belief that they were 
entering the 4 2d. When the regiment lay in Dublin, a party of 
Highland recruits, destined for the 38th regiment, arrived there; 
but on representing the deception which had been practised upon 
them, they were, after a full inquiry, discharged by Lord Townshend, 
the lord heutenant. They, however, immediately re-enlisted into 
the 42d regiment. — Stewart. 

7, " On this occasion Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was 
immediately in the rear of the piquet, rushed forward to their 
support with a few men who happened to have their arms in their 
hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely 
wounded, he was left insensible on the ground. When the piquet 
was overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, 
who had that day put on a new jacket with silver-lace, having, 
besides, large sUver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, attracted 
the notice of an American soldier, who deemed him a good prize. 
The retreat of his friends not allowing him time to strip the sergeant 
on the spot, he thought the shortest way was to take him on his 
back to a more convenient distance. By this time Macgregor 
began to recover; and, perceiving whither the man was carrying 
him, drew his dirk, and grasping him by the throat, swore that he 
would run him through the breast if he did not turn back and carry 
him to the camp. The American, finding this argument irresistible, 
compUed with the request, and meeting Lord Cornwallis (who had 
come up to the support of the regiment when he heard the firing) 
and Colonel Stirling, was thanked for his care of the sergeant; 
but he honestly told them that he only conveyed him thither to 
save his own life. Lord Cornwallis gave him liberty to go whither- 
soever he chose. His lordship procured for the sergeant a situation 
under government at Leith, which he enjoyed many years." — 
Stewart's Sketches. 

8, The affair alluded to is shortly this: — When the " Invin- 
cibles " were followed into the ruin by the 42d, the French officer 
surrendered the standard of his regiment to Major Stirling, who 
gave it in charge to a sergeant of his regiment. The sergeant, when 
standing by a gun, was overthrown and stunned by the cavalry, 
who had charged in the rear. When he recovered, the standard was 



gone, and he could give no account of it. Some time after this, a 
soldier of Stewart's regiment brought a standard to Colonel Aber- 
cromby, the deputy adjutant-general, which he stated he had 
taken from a French cavalry officer in front of his regiment, and for 
which he got a receipt, and a reward of $24. This standard is 
preserved; but whether it is the identical one which was deUvered 
up to Major Stirhng in uncertain. At all events, the honour of 
obtaining possession of the standard belonging to the " Invincibles " 
belongs to the 42d. 

9. There was no exchange of men and officers between this and 
the first battalion. 

10. The number of men who died in this battalion from Decem- 
ber, 1803, to 24th October, 1814, was 322. The number discharged 
and transferred to the first battalion and to other regiments, from 
1803 till the reduction in 1814, was 965 men. 

11. Lieutenant Allan Maclean was son of Maclean of Torloisk. 
He left the Dutch and entered the British service. He was a captain 
in Montgomery's Highlanders in 1757; raised the 114th Highland 
regiment in 1759; and, in 1775, raised a battalion of the 84th, 
a Highland Emigrant regiment; and, by his unwearied zeal and 
abilities, was the principal cause of the defeat of the Americans 
at the attack on Quebec in 1775-6. Lieutenant Francis Maclean 
also entered the British service, and rose to the rank of major- 
general. In the year 1777 he was appointed colonel of the 82d 
regiment, and, in 1779, commanded an expedition against Penobscot 
in Nova Scotia, in which he was completely successful. — Stewart's 


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