Iprr. ■ ntzm
I SEP 18 1942 '
DA 763
n\ rrnoA
•G67 1841 v.3
Gordon, James, 16157-1686
History of Scots affairs
from M DC XXXVII to M DC
7
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2014
https://archive.org/details/historyofscotsaf03gord
HISTORY
OF
SCOTS AFFAIRS.
THE THIRD VOLUME.
ABERDEEN: PRINTED AT THE CONSTITUTIONAL OFFICE,
BY WILLIAM BENNETT.
HISTORY
OF
SCOTS AFFAIRS,
From M DC XXXVII to M DC XLL
7
JAMES GORDON,
PARSON OF ROTHIEMAY.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
PRINTED
ABERDEEN :
FOR THE SPALDING
M DCCC XLI.
CLUB.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface, vii
Fac-simile, xv
Various Readings, xxi
Errata, xxvi
History of Scots Affairs :
The Argument, xxvii
The Fourth Booke [continued], 1
The Fyfth Booke, 171
Appendix :
No. I. Proceedings in the General Assembly at
Aberdeen in 1G40, with regard to the
Familists, 267
No. II. Proceedings in the Aberdeen Assembly with
REGARD TO Dr. JaMES SlBBALD, 274
No. III. Proceedings in the Aberdeen Assembly with
regard to the writings of blshop wll-
liam Forbes, 283
Index, 301
PREFACE.
While the Second Volume of this work was passing through the
press, the Editors had the good fortune to obtain, through the
courtesy of the now deceased General Gordon of Cairness and
Buthlaw, the manuscript of the Memoirs to which they referred
in a prefatory notice, as at one time in the possession of the
learned Thomas Ruddiman. (1)
This is a well-preserved folio volume of four hundred and sixty-
seven closely-written pages, and is undoubtedly autograph of the
Parson of Rothiemay. Before it was bound up in its present form,
it had consisted of ten fasciculi, each containing about twelve
sheets. On that margin of the first page of every part, and in one
or two places besides, the writer has marked the date when, appar-
ently, he began or resumed his task, which would thus seem to
have occupied him, at intervals, from the end of the year 1659
till about the spring of 1661. The first fasciculus is inscribed,
" (A) Cum bono Deo Dec"* 23 d ? H \ 3 P.M. 1659 ;" the last,
" (K) February 27 ? 1661." <2>
(0 Preface to the First Volume, p. 26.
(2) The intermediate dates are these: Page 15, " Jany 2 C 1660"; page 47, "(B)
Jan? 5 1660" ; page 91, " (C) Cum bono Deo Jany 24 d $ 1660 H 6 P.M." ; page
141, "(D) Febry 8 V H 10 A.M."; page 235, "Cum bono Deo Maij 1st 1660
d page 285, " (G) July 2 d <L 1660 lib 4"; page 335, "Jany 1 $ 1661 ";
page 375, " (I) Jany 25 $ 1661 lib. 4."
B
viii
PREFACE.
On the fly-leaf of the first quire the Author has written,
" O Deus Optume Maxurne a TE principium Tibi desinat "
and beneath this devout aspiration, anticipating Lord Clarendon,
he has transcribed, by way of motto, the well-known sentence
of Cicero,
" Historici est ne quid falsi audeat aut ne quid veri non audeat dicere "
A facsimile of one of the pages(1> of this Manuscript will be
found at the end of this notice ; and, in order that the reader may
have an opportunity of comparing it with what is certainly known
to be the hand-writing of Gordon, a facsimile is also given of a
portion of the Discharge of his Marriage Contract/25 a deed which
bears to be written by himself.
The Manuscript now recovered removes any doubts that might
have existed (3) as to the authorship of the notes which are found
in The King's College Transcript. These, it now appears, were
in all instances written by the annalist himself, although obviously
at different times, as the information which they record happened
to reach him, or chanced to be recalled to his memory. One class
of them there is every reason to think was added at a time when
he had before him a Manuscript of Spalding's History of the
Troubles and Memorable Transactions in Scotland and England/4'
()) Page 292, corresponding with pp. 278 — 281 of the Second Volume.
(2) Printed at length in the First Volume, Appendix to the Preface, No. II., pp.
xlv — xlvii.
(3) See Preface to the First Volume, p. 45.
(•>) See vol. i., p. 19, note*; p. 34, note*; p. 61, note*; p. 82, note*; p. 84,
PREFACE.
IX
Of the " Arguments," that of the Second Book alone is found
in the autograph Manuscript ; the others, as the Editors had ven-
tured to conjecture, (I) have been composed by another hand, pro-
bably that of the transcriber of The King's College Manuscript, or
of the gentleman who superintended that work.
From the sixty-fifth page of the Second Volume, downwards, the
text has been printed from that of Ruddiman's Manuscript ; and
there are subjoined to this notice all the Various Readings of any
moment which were discovered in collating the preceding portion
of the work with that authentic copy. From these it will be seen
that Paterson, on the whole, executed his task not unskilfully,
although, in a few instances, chiefly in the notes, the Author's
somewhat peculiar handwriting had perplexed or misled him. From
some cause, which does not appear, at the end of the four hundred
and twenty-ninth page of the original Manuscript (corresponding
with the conclusion of the first paragraph of the hundred and eighty-
sixth page of this volume), he suddenly drops the ancient ortho-
graphy, which he had hitherto followed rather scrupulously, and
not only modernises the spelling, but becomes less careful generally
of the correctness of his copy. It may perhaps be conjectured
that, weary of the labour or pressed by time, he had availed
himself of the assistance of some one to dictate to him.
No trace has been found of the manner in which the autograph
note * ; p. 122, note * ; vol, ii„ p. 210, note * ; p. 216, note • ; p. 225, note * ; p. 226,
note • ; p. 228, notes * and % ; p. 233, note • ; p. 234, notes * and § ; p. 235, note * ; p.
238, note*; p. 246, note * ; p. 249, note p. 254, note *; p. 260, note *; p. 261,
note ' ; p. 262, note * ; p. 264, note * ; p. 265, note * ; p. 267, note * ; p. 280, note * ;
vol. iii. p. 128, note \.
(0 Preface to the First Volume, p. 45.
V
PREFACE.
Manuscript came into Ruddiman's hands. It was in his keeping
in the year 1753 and within a few years after his death in
January 1757, it had passed into the possession of the family of
Buthlaw,(2) where it has since remained. The volume bears the
grammarian's ingenious book-plate, (3) and on the first page is in-
scribed, in his well-known handwriting :
" History of Scots Affairs from the Year 1637 to 1641 in 5 Books, but the
1st wanting, probably never written, being design'd only as an In-
troduction to the rest
This was written by either (as is supposed) by the famous Robert Gordon of
Straloch, or by Gordon Parson of Rothemay."
Although this Manuscript be an original one, another copy must
have existed, in the Author's handwriting, if it be held that the
" ninety Sheets of Paper, in close and small Write,"W which the
(0 In that year Mr James Man writes, " as 'Mr. James Gordon parson of Rothemay
informs us in his MS. history t under the year 1637, which MS. is in Ruddiman's posses-
sion." A Censure and Examination of Mr. Thomas Ruddiman's philological notes on the
works of the great Buchanan, more particularly on the History of Scotland, p. 71. Aber-
deen, 1753.
(2) On the first leaf is written " Liber Joannis Gordon de Buthlay advocati. Edinburgi
16 Maij 1761." Mr. Gordon, a skilful antiquary and an accomplished scholar, is known
as the author of a learned tract, published at Edinburgh in 1749 : " De Nuptiis Ro-
berti Senescalli Scotiae atque Elizabethae Morae Dissertatio." Goodall, who has inserted
this treatise in his edition of Fordun, writes of it : " Auctoris nomen non indicabat editio ;
virum eruditissimum fuisse res ipsa clamabat : et quidem non alium quam Joannem Gor-
donium Advocatum esse, compertum est ; quod etiam rarum ingenii acumen, juris utriusque
peritia penitissima, et pressa argumenti tractatio, quae usquequaque occurrunt, vel nobis
tacentibus, satis fere declarassent." (Joannis de Fordun Scotichronicon, vol. i., praef.,p. v^
Edinb. 1759.) An English translation of Mr. Gordon's Dissertation is included in a volume
entitled " Scotia Rediviva : A Collection of Tracts illustrative of the History and Anti-
quities of Scotland, vol. i. Edinb. 1826." 8vo.
(3) See Chalmers' Life of Ruddiman, advert, and p. 467. Lond. 1794. 8vo.
(4) History of the Illustrious Family of Gordon, vol. i., Introduction, p. xxvii.
PREFACE.
xi
Historian of the Gordons saw in 1726, and which in 1780 seem to
have been in the possession of the Laird of Techmuiry/') were
autograph of Gordon. The Parson of Rothiemay may have in-
herited a habit, which we know to have been his father's, of mul-
tiplying copies of his own writings.
Since the publication of the First Volume, access has been
obtained to the Register of the Provincial Assembly or Synod of
Murray, from which the passages which follow, containing every
notice of the Author, of any interest, have been transcribed.
27 October, 1640. " Anent the reference frome the Presbiterie of Strathbogie,
concerning the plantatioune off the kirk of Rothimay : Their having come to them
a presentatioune frome the factors of the Laird of Rothimay, in his absence,
being out of the cuntrie, in favors off Mr. James Gordoune, sonne to Mr. Robert
Gordoune of Petlurge ; And the said Presbiterie hawing nominat Mr. William
Milne, minister at Glasse, to be admitted to the said kirk, be reasone off a former
richt of patronage belonging to the lait Bischop of Murray, now dewolved in thair
power ; As lykways the Assemblie hawing receawed ane earnest supplieatione
frome the parochiners of Rothimay, subscryved with a considerable number off
the said parochine, in favors off Mr. Alexander Innes, thair lait minister, ear-
nestlie desyring that he might be reponed againe to his owne place, to serve in
Gods vyneyeard among them : The Assemblie, after mature deliberatione, finding
some weightie difficulties in the said plantatione, haive referred and continewed
the same to the nixt Subsynod, to be holden at Elgine the twenty-first of January
nixt to come ; And in the mean tyme ordaines the Presbiterie to surceasse frome
any proceiding in the tryall of any, till the said Subsynod."
21 January, 1641. " Refer anent the plantatioune of Rothimay. Mr. James
Gordoune, sonne to Mr. Robert Gordoune of Petlurge, expectant, hawing peti-
tioned the Subsynod for libertie to be hard in his tryalls befoir the Presbiterie of
Strathbogie, and that the said Presbiterie wold, after tryall, goe on to his admis-
sione, he is referred back to the said Presbiterie, and they ordained to put him
presentlie to his tryalls ; he tacking his presentatione to the kirk off Rothimay
onlie frome the said Presbiterie, and disclameing all uther presentationes frome any
pretendit patrone whatsumever, and they to doe heirin as they will be comptable
to the nixt Assemblie."
(i) Preface to the First Volume, p. 28.
xii
PREFACE.
2 May, 1641. " The visitors off the book of Strathbogie reports, That then-
ar some additiones maid, without exercise ; that they hawe had but one commone
head since the last Synod : Quhairin the brethren excused themselves, be reasone
off the winter seasone, and the long tyme tacken up in the tryall off Mr. James
Gordoune, present minister at Rothimay : They exhorted to amend, and to be
moir carefull in keiping thair meitings, and hawing thair exercise and additions."
The Register of the Synod from April 1644 to April 1646 has
not been preserved.
6 April, 1647. " Presbyterie of Strathbogie. Mr. Alexander Fraser, moderator,
by oathe declared he knew nothing of Mr. Robert Jamiesones compliance, nor
meiting with the Marqueis of Huntlye, excommunicat, neither subscryving bandis,
receiving protectione, nor communing with any excommunicat persones, nor of
the Marqueis nor his sonne thair being in his hous : And, in like maner, testified
als much of Mr. Robert Watsone, Mr. George Meldrum, and Mr. George Ch aimer ;
except he could not say bot when the Laird of Innermarkie was in the bounds, the
said Mr. George Meldrum was in his hous, and the said Mr. George Chalmer lived
in the hous of Lesmoir when Lewes Gordon possessed it. Declared also, that
Mr. James Gordoune, minister at Kinnoir, frequented the Marqueis of Huntlyes
companie since the last Assemblie, and, in particular, at Fastins Even last, he went
in commissione with Mr. William Forbes, minister at Mortulache, from Lewes
Gordoune to the said Marqueis his father, to treat for agriement betwixt them.
He declared he knew nothing of Mr. James Gordoune, minister at Rothimay, in
the saids particulars The rest of the brethren of that Presbyterie (except
Mr. Robert Jamieson and Mr. Robert Watson) apud acta cited to compeir before
the Commissione of the Kirk, at Aberdeine, the second Wednesday of Maij nixt,
and Mr. Alexander Fraser, moderator, to take charges, under the dark of the As-
semblies hands, for summonding the two Mr. James Gordounes, now absent, to
compeir befor that venerable judicatorie, tyme and place forsaid. The compliers
and malignants, in present rebellione, within the Presbytrie of Strathbogie, ar re-
ferred to the Venerable Commissione of the Kirk of Scotland, that they may tak
course with them."
At a meeting of the Synod on the second of April, 1650, a
" Provincial Visitation" was ordained, and a committee of four and
twenty ministers and seventeen elders was appointed for that pur-
pose, " with full Synodical powers." The Parson of Rothiemay was
PREFACE.
xiii
one of the ministers, and the Laird of Rothiemay one of the elders
in this commission. It met at Keith on the twenty-first of May.
21 May, 1650. " Visitation of the Kirk of Rothemay, quhairat Mr. James Gor-
doun is minister.
" The visitors of the sessione book reported they found severall informalities
and improper expressiones in the book. The Commissione ordaines these infor-
malities to be insert in the said book, under the clerks hand of this Commissione,
that they may be amended heirafter. Names of the elders quho wer present,
George Abernethie of Claymyres ; John Largue in Lusset ; Hendrie Sharpe in
Torterie ; Robert Sharpe in Corsekellie.
" Mr. James Gordoun being removed, and the elders being sworne to declaire
faithfullie quhat they knew of him, and being asked particularlie anent him of his
diligence in his ministrie, honestie of his private conversatione, his affectione to
the cause and work of reformatione, cair in punishing vices of all sortes, his car-
riage in his familie, etc., reported weill of him in all these.
" The brethren of the Presbyterie of Strabogie being sworne ut supra, and the
rest being removed, Mr. Robert Jamiesone being asked ut supra, declaired ut supra;
also William Gordoun of Newmill, also Mr. Johne Ridfoord, and the rest of the
brethren of that Presbyterie being severallie asked ut supra, all gave him a good
testimonie.
" They being all removed, the Commissione haveing weighed all these things,
Ordaines Mr. James Gordoune to be gravelie admonished for the informalities and
improper expressiones in the sessione book, and for his not sufficientlie grave car-
riage in heareing these things remarked be the Commissione ; and to be exhorted
to be zealouslie forward in the cause and work of reformatione, and to attend his
charge diligentlie : Quhilk, he being called in, was done be the moderator."
The Provincial Synod of Murray met at Elgin in the autumn,
when the Author's impatience of " the exercise of discipline" again
subjected him to remark :
1 October, 1650. " Mr. James Gordoun, now absent, and severall things
being spoken of him, declairing, in some particulares, the exercise of discipline to
have been slighted by him, the Assemblie ordaines him, for these and for his ab-
sence from this Assemblie, to be summoned to the meiting of the Commissione at
Elgin, the first Tuesday of November ; and gives power to the said Commissione,
after tryell had of these things, to proceed to censure, as they find him guiltie."
xiv
PREFACE.
5 November, 1650. " Concerning the refer anent Mr. James Gordoun, for his
absence from the last Synode, and for the things that wer reported of him, quhilk
did import a slighting of the due executione of discipline be him, in some parti-
culars : The said Mr. James compeireing, ansuered for his absence from the Sy-
node, that he was attending the Laird of Rothemay, his brother-in-law and
parochiner, upon his earnest desire, being then in extremitie of sicknes, and in all
appearance unto death ; quhilk also he did signifie be letter to the Synode. The
Commissione, considering that the other particulars reported of the said Mr. James
cannot be cleared but at a visitatione of his kirk, did thairfoire ordaine the Pres-
byterie to keip a visitatione of his kirk, and prepair things against the nixt dyet
of the Commissione ; and to bring thair Presbyterie book to the said dyet, to be
made use of in things that may be cleared from it."
1 January, 1651. " Anent Mr. James Gordoun. The Presbyterie of Strabogie
haveing made report of their diligence done anent him at the visitatione of his
kirk, The Commissione finds many of the things reported of him to have been
groundlesse, yit they find of him : first, That he hath bein somequhat slow in a
processe against Johne Fordice wiffe, for popperie, and not keiping the kirk :
second, That he hath slighted over Rothemayes satisfactione for two casuall
slaughters : third, That he too rashlie subscrived a testimoniall to George Gor-
doun of Colithie, as Moderator of the Presbyterie, before he had consulted the rest
of the brethren. The Commissione, taking these things to consideratione, did
ordaine him to be sharplie rebuked for them, and admonished to walk more ex-
actlie in a conscionable dischairge of his calling : Quhilk (he being called in) was
done be the Moderator in name of the Commissione ; the quhilk sentence Mr.
James accepted humblie, with expressiones of sense and feiling, to the satisfactione
of all the members of the Commissione."
It does not appear that the Parson of Rothiemay gave the Synod
any farther cause to censure him.
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u o v^4>^ <*zz> ^r^^t^G-^r^ jCjBLj-
(ret) £_j>
VARIOUS
READINGS.
VOL. I.
The Kings College Transcript. The Author's Manuscript.
Page 4
line
20
their several pulpits
thes severall pulpitts
5
25
permission
concessione
5
note
line 1 Mr. Andrew Lamb
one Mr. Andrew Lamb
6
line 35
the places
thes places
8
9
a loft
or loft
11
20
to profane
for to prophane
15
3
with all
withall
17
13
the ministers
ther ministers
18
14
the severall
ther severall
20
10
the councell
his councell
20
19
The proclamatione
That proclamatione
23
10
telling then anew
telling anew
23
11
exhibited to them. A little waye
was made at first ; but
exhibited to them, a little waye
was made at first. But
25
35
and Burgesses, spacke
and Burgesses, and subscryved
with many handes, spacke
27
24
the delegates
ther delegates
32
24
befor hande
befor the hande
33
16
to countenance
for to countenance
35
34
thir innovationes
thes innovationes
36
13
the materialls wer
the materialls of it wer
36
note
* line 1 the first protestatione
ther first protestatione
37
line
4
not a little by
not a little encouraged by
37
32
thir thinges
thes things
38
20
unhearde of governement
unhearde of forme of governement
39
33
a generall confessione
generall confessione
42
1
exacting and reqwyring
exacting or reqwyring
42
19
who, with his detestationes and
abrenunciationes, did so amaze
who, with his renounce and ab-
horre, his detestationes and ab-
renunciationes, he did so amaze
42
24
After this mandate, add
* Heer insert the Covenant itself.
Heer insert lyckewayes, befor
the Covenant, the judgement of
Joseph Hall, bishop of Exeter
and Norwitche.
c
xxii
VARIOUS READINGS.
The King's College Transcript.
Page 44 line 21 After Mr. Thomas Abernethye
add
44 32 et seq. He was in armes, as a soul-
diour at the Bridg of Dee, and
gloryd of a shot in his [
in Aberdeen [
at Rothemay of a perturbulent
gentleman. Thomas Abernethy
was bredd fifteen yeares in a
seminary abroad, sent to Catt-
nesse [ ] as chamberlan ;
but in ende, begetting a maid
ther with chyld, was deposed by
his superiours and deserted
them, who wolde [ ] him
no longer This I had from Sir
J. [ ]
45
4
and all that tyme
47
32
for the maine
47
36
men of the partye, who befor wer
practiched upon, or
49
8
for to pay off his debt
49
13
shortly by them
51
20
was denyd
52
3
the same gentlemen
52
8
against it.
53 14 or delegate
53 16 a president
54 37 courses. Yet such a band
55 19 could ansuer
56 14 with threatnings, tearing of
clothes,
59 32 he placed
61 7 beganne, I saye,
62 10 for Marquesse Hamiltons in Clidds-
dale
62 26 one way or other
63 1 to give a cheke
63 36 whersoever
The Authors Manuscript.
^gp3 Abernethy his conversion and
declaration and revelation of
popish plotts is in print.
He was in armes, as a souldiour, at
the bridg of Dee, and gloryd
of a shott on his jackke in Aber-
deen after it
so he borne at Rothemay of
a perturbulent gentleman J.
Abernethy was bredd fifteen
yeares in a seminary e abroade,
sent to Cattnesse, served Lord
Berridale as chamberlan, in ende
begetting a maid ther with chyld,
was deposed by his superiours
and deserted them, quho wolde
oune him no longer. This I
had from Mr. J. Smart his cosen
etcel.
as that tyme
for the mater
men partye, who befor were prac-
ticked, or
for to pay off his creditors
shortly after by them
is deneyd
ther, some gentlemen
against them. Mr. John Diodati
his wrytting was as followethe
viz.
or his delegate
the president
courses : That such a band
wold ansuer
with threatnings, beatings, tearing
of clothes,
that he placed
, I saye, beganne
for Marques Hamiltons followers
in Cliddsdale
one way nor other
for to give a cheke
whensoever
VARIOUS READINGS.
xxiii
The King's College Transcript.
Page 64 line 18 wherof the substance
66
22
conveyd thither
67
16
to be keeped
67
22
ther comissioner
67
27
the citezens
68
21
at this tyme
71
21
relligione, the lawes
73
5
the courtes
73
21
reserved
79
13
authoritye ; that
82
23
ther doubtes
82 note * line 4 joyned in Covenant
84 note * line 1 Dr. William Jonston, professor
86 line 36
Parliament
88
19
they went south
89
8
the three ministers
93
4
for them as yet
93
13
the conscience
94
28
consequences
95
19
this booke
101
33
bring in all
102
3
by a pluralitye of votes
102
9
no intention
104
5
nobleman
104
14
ther offices
104
31
the comissioner
105
5
libertye
106
2
in this waye
107
11
such at least
109
10
wer professed Covenanters
109
15
the Kings advocate
112
2
a long
112
19
depth of thinges
113
5
the supplications
113
21
the Covenant
113
37
ther posteritye
114
3
marche stones
114
25
ther byble
115
14
his spiritt
116
23
It was popery
117
6
it is shame
The Author's Manuscript.
wherof the substance was
conveyd in thither
be keeped
ther comissioners
ther citizens
at that tyme
relligione, lawes
thes courtes
restored
authoritye ; but on the contrarye
that
thes doubtes
joyned in an Covenant
Dr. William Jonston, medicener,
professor
Parliaments
went south
thes three ministers
as yet for them
that conscience
consequences, etcet.
that booke
bring all
by pluralitye of votes
no resolution
noblemen
ther office
ther comissioners
lybertyes
thus way
such of them at least
professed Covenanters
Kings advocate
of a long
the depth of thinges
ther supplications
ther Covenant
the posteritye
marche stone
the byble
the spirite
It is popery
it is ther shame
xxiv
VARIOUS READINGS.
The King's College Transcript.
Page 117 line 21 they being praelimiters, not free
120 1 by any meanes
120 35 so contest
122 8 subscrybe at the sessione house.
122 17 gottne tyme
122 note * line 2 After proclamation, add
123 line 18 for now
124 21 the ministers
125 21 depositiones
127 7 Young; Durye ;
129 note % line 3 William Forbes
134 line 6 all to be at November seven-
teenth
134
14 day ;
136
5 the declared pairtye
141
note * line 15
receaved no ansuer
141
20
whatsomever
143
note * line 2
and Mr. William
143
6
the letters
143
6
they said
143
9
the Assembly
143
11
the practise
143
13
may be
143
14
went into
143
18
After moderate, add
144
note * line 6
weall of
146 line 34 transcriptes
149
19 one
hundereth and twelve
149
22 thes elections
150
note * line 2
forced to second
152
line 25 the
commissioner
156 note % line 2
four comissiones
157
line 20 the proceedings
164
26 the Tables
165
4 have interest
169
1 1 who dely vered it
174
8 voice. The Commissioner
174
12 the King authorise
The Author's Manuscript.
they being praelimiters, not he
by any man
so earnest
at the sessione house subscrybe.
gottne a tyme
Vide supra misplaced
for next
ther ministers
depositione
young Durye;
William Sanders
all to be at Glasgow, November
seventeenth
day ; and such as are on ther jour-
ney upon ther way wher they
best can keep it.
ther declared pairtye
they receaved no ansuer
of whatsomever
Mr. William
thes letters
only they said
that Assembly
practice
might be
went on with
However by this colour he was
laid by with his oune consaile.
the weall of
transumptes
ane hundereth and twentye two
ther elections
forced for to second
our commissioner
four comissioners
ther proceedings
ther Tables
are interest
who had delyvered it
voice. But fynding that the As-
sembly would put it to a voice,
the Commissioner
the King should authorise
VARIOUS READINGS.
XXV
The King's College Transcript. The Author's Manuscript.
Page 180 line 6 albeit that albeit
180
30
the church governement
ther church governement
181
21
is openly impugned
is thus openly impugned
187
11
befor the daye
chosne befor the daye
188 note f line 3 their sons
ther first sons
188
9 all to morrow
til to morrow-
188
9 imputations against
imputations laid against
188
11 must obey
must doe
188
35 to encounter
for to encounter
189 line
3
to tacke advauntages
tacke advauntages
190
11
this challendge
his challendge
190
29
the qwarrells
thes qwarrells
192
6
that tyme
this tyme
VOL. II.
The King's College Transcript. The Author's Manuscript.
3
line 18
and is Earle
and Earle
4
9
to enter
for to enter
4
10
that honoer
that hower
7
note f line 1 the questione
this questione
9
line 13
if he be present
" if he be present "
9
19
not ratifie
not to ratifie
11
22
answerable for
censurable for
11
37
prescrybe churche canones
prescrybe to churche canones
16
14
for that
so that
16
16
is the questione
was the questione
16
31
being that
seing that
20
25
all the churches
all churches
23
5
the semi-papistes
thes semi papistes
24
23
ought to be
ought not to be
25
7
was first
was at first
28
22
subsiste
consiste
28
note f
line 1 is challendged
was challendged
28
note X line 5 James Fletcher.
James Gleghorn.
34
line 5
alleadged against them
alleadged, or to be alleadged,
against them
35
12
He challendged
He challendgeth
36
10
For ther
To ther
36
11
he has
that he has
37
27
ther electione
the electione
xxvi
VARIOUS READINGS.
T/ie King's College Transcript.
Page 37 line 37 thes ministers
38
25
the oathe of supremacye
40
31
the actes
45
•25
of thes
47
5
this redemption
47
23
ther was
47
29
did at first
50
note * line 6 of thes tenents
52
line 17
seven dayes
52
33
from presbytryes
57
10
in ther
57
15
it fell out so
61
21
and are not the presbyters
62
21
after Epiphanye
65
21
Yea
187
16
At the conclusion of the Third
Booh, the Author has written
on the margin, by way of
memorandum :
The Author's Manuscript.
the ministers
and the oathe of supremacye
thes actes
of ther
his redemption
ther wer
did first
for thes tenents
ten dayes
from some presbytryes
in thes
that it fell out so
for the presbyters are
after the Epiphanye
Yet
Heer adde :
1. The coming out of the Large
Declaration, and all its con-
clusion from pag. 402.
2. The sume of Covenanters Infor-
mation for Defensive Armes,
and Mr. Corbetts Answer to
it ; as also,
3. Bishop Lesslys Declamation
upon the Covenant.
ERRATA.
Vol. ii. p. 135, note 0), for November [1639], read November [1638],
Vol. ii. p. 229, note (2), for Lewes of Fyvie, on the highway from Aberdeen to Banff.] read
Lowesk in the parish of Rayne, on the old highway from Aberdeen to Strathbogie.]
HISTORY
OE
SCOTS AFFAIRS.
THE ARGUMENT.
THE ARGUMENT
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
CHAPTER PAGE
LVIII. Lesly about to march. Nobody will undertake to deliver the Scots
petitions to the King ; Dr. John Mosely undertakes them ; also letters
to Essex and other English noblemen. 3
LIX. Lesly begins his march. King's proclamation. 4
LX. The Scots answer. Sir John Hume sent with instructions to the Earl
of Holland 5
LXI. Holland marches to attack a party of Scots at Kelso ; but returns re
infecta. The English take this as an affront 6
LXI I. Scots project of asking assistance of the King of France; their letter;
instructions. . . 7
LXI 1 1. Overtures from the Scots sent by the Earl of Dunfermline ; their
letter to the Earl of Holland. Sir Edmond Verney sent to the
Scotish camp. Treaty between the King and the Scots. The desires
of the Scots ; King's answer ; his queries ; Scots answer. State of
the King's and the Scots armies , , 9
LXIV. King's distress. Third interview. Bishop of Ross 14
LXV. Covenanters put different constructions on the King's delays; press a
quick conclusion. King's declaration gives no satisfaction ; words
altered in it ; verbal promises which are afterwards denied by the
counsel of England. Articles agreed upon by the Covenanters re-
ferring to verbal promises , 15
LXV I. The King's Declaration published, and the articles of the treatie sub-
scribed by the Covenanters. The King's proclamation encountered
with a protestation in the Scottish camp.„. 19
LXVII. Covenanters return thanks for the King's concessions.. „ 24
D
THE ARGUMENT.
CHAPTER PAGE
L XVIII. Scottish army begins to disband. King changes his mind as to holding
the Assembly in person, on account of the attack upon Aboyne's
coach in the streets of Edinburgh : second reason. 24
LXIX. The King calls for fourteen noblemen of Scotland to come to Berwick :
refused ; and two sent to make their excuse, also renewing com-
plaints. Huntly, released, goes to the King. Covenanters jealous.
Traquaire appointed commissioner to Assembly and Parliament.
King challenges the Covenanters for not performing articles. Cove-
nanters' protestation at proclaiming the indiction of the General As-
sembly. Two answers to the King's challenge 25
LXX. Sense of the treaty controverted. King returns to London. Pembroke
delivers to the councel a note of the King's verbal promises which
the Scots had given him. Councel declares them false, and orders
them to be burnt by the hand of the hangman. 3 1
LXXI. Covenanters' second answers to the King's objections 32
LXXII. Acts of the General Assembly conveened at Edinburgh, twelfth August,
1639 ; Traquair, Commissioner ; Mr. David Dickson, moderator.
Grievances of the Church. Acts of Assembly read relating to Epis-
copacy, from which the Commissioner agreed that Episcopacy was
contrary to the Acts of the General Assembly. 36
LXXIII. Graham, bishop of Orkney, abjures Episcopacy. Mr. Patrick Adam-
son. Causes and remedies of the bygone evils of the kirk, drawn
up by a committee. Vote is put concerning them ; the Commis-
sioner's vote is asked ; he declines till all had voted ; vote concluded
in the affirmative. Commissioner agrees, in the King's name, to
the abolishing of Episcopacy, and declares the King should ratify and
enact it. 43
LXXIV. Lindsay, bishop of Dunkeld, abjures episcopacy. The King's Large
Declaration condemned. A supplication to the King to call it in
and disown it, and supposed authors (particularly Dr. Balcanquel,
dean of Durham) should be sent to Scotland to answer for it before
the Parliament. The supplication itself, verbatim 49
LXXV. Commissioner desired to subscribe the Covenant, and authorise an act
enjoining the subscribing it. The Commissioner's answer. A sup-
plication to the Commissioner and lords of council for subscription of
the Covenant. The council grant an order accordingly. Commis-
THE ARGUMENT.
xxxi
CHAPTER
PAGE
LXXVI.
LXXVII.
LXXVIII.
LXXIX.
LXXX.
LXXXI.
LXXXII.
LXXXIII.
LXXXIV.
sioner as a subject subscribes the Covenant ; as Commissioner adds a
declaration. The Assembly appoint the Covenant to be subscribed
by masters of Colleges, etc., with a declaration prefixed. Last ses-
sion : a supplication to the King : next Assembly appointed to be at
Aberdeen, 1640, last Tuesday of July. Act for visiting the Univer-
sities. .
Parliament meets the day after concluding the Assembly. Lords of the
articles. Debate concerning the Parliament being incomplete for
want of the ecclesiastical order. Act of oblivion. Act rescissory.
Act of relief for paying the charges of the war
Restraining the broken Highlanders : Marquis of Huntly, accused as
54
63
71
their supporter, summoned ; defended by Sir Ludovicke Stuart —
Several articles proposed concerning new regulations and laws. Com-
missioner writes to the King on the subject : King's answer ; threatens
dissolving them ; orders a prorogation to the second of June, 1640,
and will not allow them to protest, sit still and disobey. Commis-
sioner ordered to court ; he urges the sending commissioners to the
King: Dumfermling and Loudon sent; their instructions. Protesta-
tion against the prorogation. 73
The King's exceptions against their protestation. 81
Parliament ended ; commissioners take journey. Traquaire returns to
court ; inflames England against the Covenanters. Mary de Medicis,
the King's mother-in-law, comes to England ; also the Prince Elector
Palatine. The Palsgrave arrested at Lyons, as he was going to the
Swedish army. Lord-Deputy of Ireland was called over to Eng-
land. Spanish fleet come to the Downs ; attacked by Martin Har-
person Tromp, (Note, his father a Peterhead man) ; Spaniards de-
feated. Part of the low wall of the castle of Edinburgh falls 82
Fire that burnt the Marischal College. Dr. Robert Baron dies ; also
archbishop Spottiswood 88
Counter oath to the Covenant 92
Covenanters prepare for hostilities. Blind Band. The subscribing the
Covenant without limitation is urged. Reparation of the castle wall ;
ammunition for the castle. . 93
A new manifesto from the Covenanters ; burnt by the hands of the hang-
man. Commissioners get presence of the King ; give in a supplica-
xxxii
THE ARGUMENT.
CHAPTER
LXXXV.
LXXXVI.
LXXXVII.
LXXXVIII.
LXXXIX.
xc.
XCI.
XCII.
XCIII.
PAGE
tion in writing. The counsel vote to reduce the Covenanters to
duty by force. An English Parliament is called. Money subscribed
by Strafford and other English lords. 100
Lord Lowdon's speech to the King and counsel. Second hearing, at
whic,h the commissioners exhibit their instructions. Additional in-
structions inserted. The King, by advice of a committee of counsel,
resolves to hear the commissioners. Covenanters exceptions to the
King's declaration of the precedent passages. At the third hearing,
the King objects to their power and instructions. Earl of Traquaire
gives in writing the state of the question. At the fourth hearing,
the commissioners give their answers in writing 109
The commissioners debate Traquaire's carriage. Commissioners an-
swers ; desire to be dispatched. Lord Lowdon imprisoned in the
Tower ; three other commissioners put into the custody of the judges
King's Declaratione of his Proceedings since the Pacification. 125
Foot companies levied at Edinburgh ; a court of guard set up against the
castle ; lay siege to it ; commissioners sent in to the castle ; Ruthven
gives the citizens an hour to advise. They are about removing them-
selves and goods ; an uproar. Many anti- Covenanters seized by the
townsmen ; who wer soon released on subscribing the Covenant.
Ruthven fires some shots on the town 125
Rampiers of earth raised as defences against cannon shot ; batteries of
cannon planted. 128
Subscription of the Covenant urged. Doctors of Aberdeen. Mr. David
Lindsay causes the ministers in and about Aberdeen to subscribe.
Names of those who stood out. New subscription by the citizens of
Covenanters seek contributions ; silver plate given in and coined ; [they]
call home officers from Holland and other places. 131
Proclamation discharging Argyle from his office of justiciar ; ordering all
to dissown the committee of Parliament sitting at Edinburgh ; sent
to the magistrates of Edinburgh and by them slighted. King writes
for eight noblemen from Scotland to come to London, but denied. 131
Irish subsidy and contributions. King's answer to the Covenanters' ob-
jections. . 133
THE ARGUMENT.
xxxiii
CHAPTER
XCIV.
xcv.
XCVI.
XCVII.
XCVIII.
XCIX.
c.
CI.
OIL
cm.
CIV.
cv.
CVI.
CVII.
CVIII.
CIX.
PAGE
English Parliament sits down. The King gives them a representation of
the Scots affairs ; upon a disagreement dissolves the Parliament 146
Covenanters resolve to call a Convention of Estates. Their Remon-
strance to the Parliament of England ; Mr. Robert Bailey's book ;
these two generally favoured in England. Supposed that, if the
English Parliament had not been dissolved, it would have mediated
between the King and the Scots. English Convocation continue
sitting; ordain an oath in favour of the bishops ; objected to, parti-
cularly the "etc."; assess themselves. The riot of the apprentices. 148
The King his own generalissimo ; Strafford his lieutenant general. The
King joins his army. . 157
Scots Covenanters levie war ; correspond with a party in England 158
Trade stopped ; castle fires on Edinburgh. . 159
Lesly made general ; Sir James Livingston, lieutenant general 159
Special eye to Huntly's followers, and to the town of Aberdeen. Mar-
shal, the Forbesses, Frasers, entrusted until Monro should come with
Marshal enters Aberdeen; extorts money , 160
Affair betwixt Tolquhon and Mr. George Lesly 160
Treeve, a house of Nithsdale's, besieged ; also Carlaverock 16'2
Argyle and Eglinton ordered to secure the west coast. Argyle falls upon
Lochaber, of which he had a cautionary pledge for some of Huntly's
Airly castle destroyed. 164
Argyle's resentment against Sir John Ogilvy of Craige 165
Monro comes to Aberdeen with his regiment ; his demands ; Covenanter
faction, ready to grant them, give a satisfying answer 166
Court de guard reared up , 168
Levies go on. Pulpits sound the alarm. Monroe keeps good discipline.
King not able to countenance or protect ; his councels betrayed and
revealed. , 169
xxxiv
THE ARGUMENT.
THE FYFTH BOOKE.
CHAPTER PAGE
L Things gone to extremity ; deliberations how to proceed on the second of
June, to which day the Parliament was prorogued, in case no Com-
missioner came, which was their wish ; prorogate themselves being
thin ; meet again ; chuse Burleigh president in absence of the Com-
missioner; conclude thirty nine acts ; six more , 173
II. Reasons of the band. Parliament declared current ; their acts 180
III. Committee of Parliament and its powers. Rupture in the committee ;
Argylle not in the nomination; and why? . 181
IV. Formality of this Parliament 184
V. Ruthven keeps Edinburgh in alarm. Invitations and assurances 186
VI. Scots publish their Declaration. 186
VII. Declaration of the Council of War of the Scots camp 188
VIII. Observations. Levies. Committees. 194
IX. Captain Arthur Forbes' character ... 1 9f?
X. Indignation of the Covenanters against the Aberdeen's men. 197
XI. Munroe besieges the house of Drum , 197
XII. Mr. John Gregory's sufferings.. 198
XIII. Sir Alexander Cumming of Culter 199
XIV. Udney of Ochterellon; Sir Alexander Irvine of Drum; Irvine of Fed-
deret; Sir John Gordon of Haddo; Mr. John Ross, minister at
Birse ; Constable of Dundee ; Sir George Gordon of Gight, called
Ardestye. 199
XV. A mine sprung in the castle of Edinburgh ; and the breach stormed ;
but the assailants repulsed 200
XVI. Munro returns to Aberdeen 200
XVII. George Lord Gordon lands on the coast of The Enzie 201
XVIII. Munro, on his way to Strathbogie, plundered the house of Urquhart of
Lethenty, son-in-law to Airley ; Newton of Culsamond : the For-
besses his directors. . 201
XIX. King's and bishop rents sequestered. 203
XX. Mr. John Forbes, minister at Auchterless, turned out ; his opposer was
Mr. Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turriff. 203
THE ARGUMENT.
XXXV
CHAPTER
XXI.
xxn.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
XL VI.
PAGE
Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothiemay, turned out ; succeeded by
Mr. James Gordon, our Author „ 204
Death of Dr. William Forbes ; Dr. William Gordon ; Dr. Alexander
Ross ; Dr. William Johnston, professor of mathematics in The
Marischal College , 208
Munro marches to Strathbogy „210
Munro's men mutiny at Strathbogy ; cattle driven away ; brought back
by a party and redeemed 21 1
Marches to Spynie; castle surrendered; moves to Banff. „. 213
Queen brought to bed of Prince Henry 214
General Assembly at Aberdeen. Grayfriar church prepared : guard.
Preceding moderator preaches ; Mr. Andrew Ramsay chosen mode-
rator ,..ili.JJ„,rmi.,lil „_ 214
Order of the Assembly. Idolatrous monuments in Old and New Aber-
deen destroyed during the sitting of the Assembly : witches : stu-
dents of divinity : unprinted acts : family exercise 210
Visitation of the University of Aberdeen 224
A committee appointed for this purpose, to meet at Marshal's house.~_226
Dr. Alexander Scrogy processed and deposed : vindicated by the author._226
Dr. James Sibbald , 228
Dr. William Lesly deposed; vindicated by the author 231
Dr. John Forbes interrogated 232
Dr. Robert Barron. 235
Dr. William Forbes' writings accused by William Ridge of heterodoxy.
Mr. J. Kempt 239
Eulogium of the Aberdeen Doctors ..242
Other masters of the two colleges
Mr. John Gregory. „.
Mr. John Ross. .
.244
.244
.245
Mr. Andrew Logie suspended; and then deprived; reponed, deprived
again ; and a third time reponed. 245
Mr. Richard Maitland 246
Mr. John Guthry cast out of his pla™». .... JU ,.JJJJ.J.JJ ,247
Some northern commissioners, new proselytes, put to it 247
Mr. Mungo ADalyell. Some ministers questioned ; others overlooked 247
Subscriptions must be without rpsBrva.tinn.J,JWJUUUJJJJJ1,JJJJL,-JJ.---J 248
sxxvi
THE ARGUMENT.
CHAPTER
XLVII.
XL VIII.
XLIX.
L.
LI.
LII.
LIIL
LIV.
LV.
LVL
LVII.
LVIIL
LIX.
LX.
LXI.
LXII.
LXIII.
LXIV.
LXV.
LXVI.
LXVIL
L XVIII.
LXIX.
LXX.
Progress with the ministers about subscribing.
Church and State compared
The three Assemblies compared
PAGE
_24S
.249
.250
Set forms of prayer are disused ; Gloria Palri, etc.r
Assembly removes about the middle of August. .
Letters from the protestant churches in Switzerland.,
Munro marches from Strathboeie to Bamf.
.259
251
.251
.251
Doctor Alexander Douglas, a chief ringleader for the Covenant among
the Bamf people. Bamf, also Inchdrewer, defaced ; also Forglen 252
Actings of Marshal and the Master of Forbes at Aberdeen 255
Projects for raising money ; silver plate called in 255
Nithsdale house blocked up ; Dumbarton taken by a stratagem ; castle
of Edinburgh capitulates , 256
Dr. Guild put in as principal of King's College authoritatively, but not
canonically ; degeneracy of the college ... „ 256
The Scots march for England 257
Montrose, by lot, passes the Tweed first ; about falling off. 257
The King publishes a proclamation against the Scots ; 258
who arrive at the river Tine 258
Conway secures the ford. Lesly desires licence to pass towards his
Majesty with a petition. The Scots make good the passage at the
ford . 258
Sir John Suckling's renowned troop was broken 260
The English army retreat to York. The Scots seize Newcastle, August
twenty-ninth ; behave civilly 260
Dress and ensigns of the Scots. They seize upon Durham, August
thirtieth. 260
The blowing up of the powder magazine of the Scots at Dunglass 261
Hadington's page suspected. Dame Jane Gordon, Haddington's lady,
half frantick : she had before lost her brother, Lord Aboyn, by
the burning of Frendraught. 262
This accident variously construed 263
HISTORY
OF
SCOTS AFFAIRS.
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
L VIII. Befor Generall Leslye marched, the Covenanters wer resolvinge A. D. 1639.
for to promove the worke of reformatione, as the temple was builded, ^esly about
with swordes in one hande, to defende what was alreadye done, and peti- to march. No-
tiones and supplicationes in the other, for to invite the Kinge his consent j0^^'11^"^
to what yet remained : but hardly could they fynde any who wold undertacke liver the Scots
to present ther petitiones. But, fynding that one Johne Mosley^1) ane Eng- petitions to^
lish doctor of divinitye, was come to Scottland about thes tymes, (either sent j^hi^Moselv
pourposly, or seeking employment, and studying to patch up a syncretisme undertakes
tuixt the episcopall partye and them, to whom Mr. Clevland, the great \^^s t^Es-
satyrist of his age, in one of his poyemes, seems to allude*), it is said that sex and other
as a great civilitye, they suffered him for to f travail in his canonicall j^g^J1 "°"
habite ; and that, fynding the Scotish farr qwyetter then was givne out,
that he lamented the miserye of both natioues, who wer lycke to be putt by
the eares by the calumneyes of a few lyars (the bishopps and ther party, I
suppose) : finally, he urges such of the Covenanters noblemen as he was
acqwaynted with for to send ther supplicatione to the King, whairof him-
selfe undertackes to be the bearer ; as also, that he would informe the King
to ther advaintage of all that he had heard and seene, vpon all hazard that
might befall him, which was just none at all.
Therfor did they give a supplicationeC2) to Dr. John Moseley, to be pre-
(0 [Vicar of Newark-upon- Trent: " a man," says Heylyn, " of zeal enough to be put
upon any business which the wiser ones durst not be seen in ; and of such silliness withal
that no body could fear any danger from him." Life of Archbishop Laud, p. 388.]
* See Clevland in his poyems :
The preest to tye thes foxes tayles together,
Mosley or Sancta Clara, chuse yow whether,
t Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 362.
(2) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 216. Baillie says, it was " conceaved
4
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. sented to the Kinge, wherin they protested that they knew no offence that
they wer guilty e of ; they beseeche his Majesty that he wold give them
aeqwall hearinge, and not trust ther enemyes wordes ; finally, that in all
thinges they should never declyne to obey him, nor had ever refused to
obey him, conforme to the lawes of church and state/1)
Also, letters wer directed at that time lyckwayes unto the Earle of Es-
sex, then governour of Bervicke for the Kinge, praying him for to interceed
with the King for them, that matters mycht be otherwayes disputed and the
controversy discyded, then with force of armes.W Lyckwayes, letters^
wer sent with Dr. Moselye, to be delyvered to the Earles of Pembrocke
and Hollande, shewing them that, wheras Dr. Mosely had informed them
of ther zeale and desyre of amicable compositione, albeit Mosely had no
publicke commissione, yet they so much approved his good will, therfor,
since they could not hitherto prevaile by the mediatione of any of the no-
bilitye about courte of ther owne natione, they would now adress themselves
to ther lordshipps, beseeching them to mediat betuixt the King and them ;
and beseeches and empowrs them to comunicat ther letter to the rest of the
English nobilitye : Furder, they shew that they never wer enemyes to mo-
narchicall government ; that they never intended for to invade Englande ;
that all they desyred was that they might live acording to their owne lawes,
and enjoye relligione in its puritye ; that this was the thing which they had
sworne too, in the mantenance wherof they would both spende ther lyves
and fortunes ; and that this was no just reasone for a nationall warre, since
each natione had its owne lawes : And, with wordes eneuch, they runne on
in this straine acording to ther uswall mode.(4)
Lesly begins LIX. Advertishment being come, that the King had marched out of
KLg'sprocla- Newcastell, and was upon his marche towards Bervicke with his armye, Ge-
mation. nerall Lesly, as I have told befor, marched towards the border, tacking his
May 21. journey from Edinburgh, May twenty-first, with the vann, ordering the rest
of the army to follow. His first encamping was at Hadingtoune ; his next
by Mr. Henderson, in termes so submiss, that some were not pleased with the straine, fear-
ing lest the baseness of it should be imputed to our quakeing for the approaching of the
King's armes ; yet little in it was altered ; only Argyle was desyred to wryte with him, in a
stouter style, a common letter to Pembrocke and Holland." Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p.
294. Laing's edit., Edinb., 1841. 8vo.]
(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 362.] (2) [Ibid.}
(3) [This communication is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 218, 219.]
(<) [Historia Motuum, pp. 362—364.]
Ch. LX.J
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
5
marche to Dumbarr, charging all the countrey, as he marched, to asiste and A. D. 1639.
bring in necessaires to the arraye ; and his next statione was at Dunglasse,
neer the border, that hee might ther confronte the Kings armye, which was
hard by upon English grounde.
Lesly being come to Dunglasse, ther comes to him from the Earle of
Holland, generall of the Kings horse, ane trumpeter, with letters to the
Scottish noblemen, and with other particular letters to the Earle of Ard-
gylle/1) wherin he reqwyred them for to obey the Kings proclamatione,
which was published latelye befor at Newcastell, May fourteenth, whilst
the King and his army laye ther. The proclamatione was lyckwayes de-
lyvered by the trumpetter, which was much to this pourpose(2) : That for as
muche as the King himselfe was to marche for Bervicke, in qwyett maner,
with his army, for to settle the troubles of Scottland, and for to satisfee his
subjectes just demandes in a parliamentarye conventione ; and since ther
was a constant reporte that the Scotts intended to enter Englande : therfor,
that the subjectes of both nationes might be sure of his good will, he did
commande strictlye, by the present proclamatione, that none of the Scottish
armye should come within ten myles of Bervicke : and if any should con-
traveen this his present command, in that case he warranted all the com-
manders and officers of his army to hould all such for rebells, and for to
persew them as invaders of the kyngdome of Englande/3)
LX. The councell of warre of the Scottish army consult upon ane The Scots
ansuer : Some thought that if they reteered backe it would be called feare, jo^H^m"'
and they thought weacke, and would macke the King shortly after propose sent with
harder commands to them : Others said, that if theye reteerd the Kings ^thTEarl oi
army would enter Scottland, and garrisone the fronteer villages. But, after Holland,
all ther constructiones, it was appoynted by common consent for to obey the
Kings proclamatione ; and that so much the rather because they founde it of
a mor peacefull strane then the former which Hamiltoune urged to be
proclamed, and that out of the narrative therof it was riot altogether un-
probable that some hopes of a pacificatione might be gathered/4)
Answer therfor is returned to the Earle of Holland, shewing that they
wer willing to obey the King, howbeit his fleet had used them ill, stopping
(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 364.]
(2) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 220.]
(3) [Historia Motuum, pp. 364, 365.]
(4) [Historia Motuum, p. 365.]
6
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639.
Holland
marches to at-
tack a party
of Scots at
Kelso ; but
returns re in-
fecta. The
English take
this as an
affront.
ther trading, etc. ; that they wer willing to macke himselfe and the rest of
the English nobilitye arbiters betuixt the King and them ; finally, that
they should keepe the distaunce commanded, albeit it was to be suspected
that such a command was for to fetche them into ane inconvenience.
Hollands trumpeter being dispatched back with this ansuer, they send
after him Sir Johne Hume, with instructiones to the Earle of Hollande, for
to informe him and the rest of the nobilitye of the true state of the con-
troversye, which they drew upp in thes termes, viz : Whither it was laufull
or not for the Scottish for to live acording to ther aune lawes, and whither
or not the subjectes of Scottland wer holdne in all matters ecclesiasticall to
stande to the determinatione of Generalle Assemblyes, and in matters civill
to the knowne lawes and actes of Parliament ?
To this they added, that to thes they wer willing to submitte, and in
them they should render an accompt of ther actiones ; that they never
thought upon diminishing the Kings greatnesse, nor invading England, but
upon necessary defence ; that they saw no better nor neerer waye to com-
pose differences then that some should be chosne on both sydes who should
heare all thinges and ther desyres.
To this the Earle of Holland ansuered that he should doe his best for to
gett ther desyre accomplished/1)
LXI. Whilst thes overtures are preparing, somewhat interveend which
was lycke to have disturbed all the hopes of peace. Ther wer lying about
four thousand foote of the Scottish army, near Jedburgh and Kelso, at a
distaunce from the rest. Lesly suspecting that either ther qwarter might be
beatne upp, or the countrey about them wasted, ordered the Lord Lowdone,
Lord Fleeming, Lord Erskin, and collonel Robert Munroe, who were
collonells to thoise respective regiments, that they should draw in all ther
regiments to Kelso, a village which is scitwate upon the banke of the river
Tweede, and should cast upp trenshes about it for preventing ane infall
(for the Kings horsemen wer lying within four myles of them), and that
they should keepe stricke watche and warde, because they could not easily
be rescwed by Lessly if they wer in dainger. The colonells did as they
wer commanded, and it fell out as Lesly suspected ; for the King being ad-
vertished that ther was only one regiment ther (belonging to the Lord
Erskyne), and so neer England as that they wer upon the very bancke of
(i) [Historia Motuum, pp. 366, 367.]
Cu. LXII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
7
June 4.
June
the Tweede, commanded Holland for to dryve them awaye, as supposing A. D. 1639
them at neerer distaunce then ten myle of Englande.
Holland, as he was ordered, upon the fourth day of June, marcheth for
Kelso with thirteen troopes of horses, three thousand foote, and fowre feeld
peeces. But thes regiments, who wer come ther the night befor, having
notice of Hollands approache, stoode to ther gwarde, and made ready for
to receave the Earle of Hollands assault ; who, fynding that he was dis-
covered, first halted, and then having beheld the Scottish ther readynesse
to draw upp and receave his charge, he straight way reteered with ane dis-
orderd haiste, which being perceived by the Scottish souldiours they cryed
to perswe the fleers ; but their colonells would by no meanes permitte them
to tacke the advantage at that tyme.
The Englishes tooke this for a kynde of affront, and because the Scottish
supposd that Holland would bethinke himself how to repaire his credite,
Lesly thought it meetest to draw out thes regments from Kelso, and ordered
them to meete him at Duns Law, midd waye betuixt his qwarter and thers,
wher they all did meete and encampe upon the fyft daye of June, pitching
ther tents rownde about that hill, within six myles of English ground,
whence they could easily see the Kings campe upon the other syd of Tweede
river. Ther they lay in opne leagwe, to the number, as was givne out, of
twenty-four thousand. Ther first comming ther did alarum the Kings
campe, but, by the Scottish lying still, it was quicklye husht, and all was
qwyett againe. It is affirmed that till the King, by spyes, learned ther
numbers and ther discipline, that he was made beleeve they wer but ane
handfull, who dwrst not fight ;* which is scarcely credible, for the King had
too many freends in Scottland to be ignorant either of ther praeparationes
or numbers, he getting from thence dayly intelligence of all ther publicke
actiones, and sometymes of ther private actiones and plottes, as shall be
instanced in the following particular, which the King challendged them upon
after the pacificatione.
LXII. It was a project that the pryme Covenanters had for to crave the
King of Fraunce his assistaunce and mediatione ; to which pourpose they
drew upp a letter, directed to the King of Fraunce, Lewis the Thirteenth,
which spocke thus in English, being rendred out of the Frenshe for to save
repetitione :(')
Scots project
of asking as-
sistance of
the King of
France ;
* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 370.
(l) [This translation is transcribed from His Majesties Declaration, concerning his proceed-
8 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1639. " Sir,
, .— : " Your Majestie being the refuge and sanctuary of afflicted
their letter _ J e. ° . J _
instructions. Princes and States, wee nave found it necessary to send this Gentleman,
Mr. Collvill, to represent unto Your Majestie the candor and ingenuity, as
well of our actions and proceedings, as of our intentions, which we desire
to be engraved and written to the whole World with a beanie of the Sunne,
as well as to Your Majestie. We therefore most humbly beseech You (Sir)
to give faith and credit to him, and to all that he shall say on our part,
touching us and our affaires, being most assured (Sir) of an assistance
equall to Your wonted clemencie heretofore, and so often shewed to this
Nation, which will not yeeld the glorie to any other whatsoever to be
eternally, Sir,
" Your Majesties most humble, most obedient, and
most affectionate servants,
" Rothes, Montrose, Lesly,(0 Mar, Montgomery, Loudoun,
Forrester."
I macke mentione of it now, though it came not to be canvassed till
afterwards, because, Mr. Spang sayes, it was wryttne when the army of the
Covenanters wer lying upon the border. Whither it wer so or not, it is
hard to tell.
And what thes instructions wer which wer givne to Mr. Colvill, the
bearer, I suppose are scarcely yet knowne, howbeit Spang will have us
tacke these following for them,(2) which themselves after did publish :
First, That he should putt the Frensh King in memory of the old leagwe
made betuixt Charlemaigne and King Achaius, eight hundred yeares agoe.
Second, That ther intentiones wer not against monarchicall governement,
but to preserve ther relligione, lawes, and libertyes.
Third, That he should not trust the calumneyes of ther adversaryes,
which wer forged to make them odiouse to forraigne princes.
ings with his subjects of Scotland, since the pacification in the camp neere Berwick, pp. ofe,
59, Lond., 1640 ; where the original French will likewise be found. Reference may be
made to Hailes' Memorials of Charles I., pp. 57 — 61.]
(1) [" The subscription of General Leslie," says Lord Hailes, " is so aukward and
mishapen, that it confirms the tradition of his being absolutely illiterate. It is reported, that,
once upon a march, passing by a house, he said, There is the House where I was taught to
read. How, General, said one of his attendants, I thought that you had never been taught
to read. Pardon me, replied he, / got the length of the letter G. Memorials of Charles
I., p. 61.]
(2) [Historia Motuum, pp. 372 — 373.]
Ch. LXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
9
Fourth, Since they could not prevaile at the Kings hande with all their A. D. 1639.
supplicationes, therefor they desyred that the King of Fraunce would me-
diate for them, that they might be licencd to enjoye ther laues and li-
bertyes, etc.O)
The letter was backed Au Roye, but the Covenanters saye not by them,
nor thes instructiones ever sent, nor the letter ever sealed.(2) Ther will be
fitter occasione to speacke to it heerafter : Sure I am, however they will
vindicate themselves of this imputatione, yet all of ther leaders will not
weall vindicate themselves from keeping a closse hande with Cardinal Riche-
liew, an avowd fomentor of the troubles of Great Britaine. But to returne
to our pourpose againe.
LXIII. After the two armyes had layne some days in view eache of Overtures
other, without any actione, some of both sydes being licenced for to goe to ggnTby^he0**
either army, and amongst the rest the Earle of Dumferemlyne having Earl of Dun-
gottne licence and safe conduct to come to the King's campe for saluting1 fermlme : their
. . . letter to the
some freendes ther, it was told him that the Englishes expected that the Earl of Hol-
Scottish should propose and present overtures of peace themselves, and lantl- Sir Ed-
macke applicatione to the Kinge ; which if the Scottish would doe, the ^nt^the^
English nobilitye ther present promisd to be asistinge. Scotish camp.
Dunferlemlyne returnes to the Covenanters campe, and relates this t^een^he"
motione, which the English nobilitye had suggested to him ; wherupon the King and the
Earle of Dunferlemlyne was made choise of to be the man who should re- hire's of^the
turne to the Kings campe, and present the King with the supplicatione of Scots; King's
the Covenanters, which was much to the pourpose followinge : answer ; his
* . , ,. . queries; Scots
" lo the Kings most excellent Majestye, the supplicatione of his answer. State
Majestyes subjectes of Scottland, humbly shewing, ^^tr^s" t
" That, wher the former meanes used by us have not been effectwall for armies.
recovering your Majesties favour and the peace of this your Majesties native
kyngdome, we fall downe againe at your Majesties feete, most humbly sup-
plicatinge, That your Majesty would be gratiously pleased to appoynt some
few of the many worthy men of your Majestyes kyngdome of England,
who are weall affected to the trwe relligione and to our common peace, to
(1) [These instructions are printed at length by Lord Hailes in his Memorials of Charles
I., pp. 62—65.]
(2) [«< The letter in French by the Scottish Lords," says D'Israeli, " addressed « Au Roy,'
we now know, was sent and was received. Monsieur Mazure recently discovered it in the
State-Paper Office of France. Histoire de la Revolution de 1688, par Mazure, iii., 405."
Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles L, vol. iv., p. 351.]
B
10
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. heare, by some of us of the same dispositione, our humble desyres, and to
macke knowne to us your Majestyes gratiouse pleasure ; That as, by the
providence of God, we are joyned in one island, under one King, so, by
your Majestyes great wisdome. and tender care, all mistackings may be
speedilye removed, and the two kyngdomes may be kept in peace and hap-
pinesse, under your Majestyes long and prosperouse raigne ; for which we
shall never cease to praye, as it becommeth your Majestyes most humble
subjectes."
With this supplicatione, sent to the King by the hande of the Earle of
Dunferlemlyne, ane letterO) was sent to the Earle of Holland, and others
of the councell of England, shewing that, Howbeit they had endeavoured
for to macke the loyalty of ther intentions knowne to the King, and to all
England, yet matters were growing worse : For this cause they had sent
to the King ther supplicatione, beseeching ther lordshipps to asiste it ;
that so, by a speedy meeting of pryme and weall affected men, matters
might be fairly accommodate, least longer delayes should render the evills
past cure : That they attest God, that they had left no faire meanes un-
essayed to give just satisfactione to the King and the whole kyngdome of
Englande, and that they desyred nothing but the preservatione of lawes
and libertyes : Finally, that if fearful conseqwents ensue (if not prevented),
they trust that they shall not be imputed to them, who hitherto have beene
following peace, and wer desyrouse to shew themselves his Majestyes
faithfull subjectes, and their lordships humble servauntes.
How soone the Earle of Dunferlemlyne had presented the supplicatione
unto the King, Sir Edward Verney,(2) ane English gentleman, was sent by
the King to the Scottish campe, for to shew them, That he would give no
answer to ther supplicatione till they first caused publish in ther campe his
proclamatione, (of the date at Yorke, Apryle twenty-fifth), which they had
deneyd to the Marquis of Hamiltoune/3) To this demande it was answered,
That the said proclamatione was vitiouse, both for forme and matter, which
they instanced, and delyvered ther exceptions against it to Sir Edward
Verney, who related ther answer and reade ther exceptiones to the King,
(0 [It is printed at length in the Records of the Kirk, p. 222.]
(2) [Sir Edmond or Edward Verney, Varney, or Vernham, Knight- Marshal, bore the
King's standard at Edgehill, where he was slain.]
(3) [" The Answer sent from the King by Sir Edmond Verney," and " Sir Edmond
Verney, his Memento of the Answer from the Scotts Noblemen," will be found in the
Records of the Kirk, p. 226.]
Ch. LXIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
11
in presence of the English nobilitye, for they had givne him ther excep- A. D. 1639.
tions in wrytte. The English noblemen, upon hearing therof, earnestly
interceeded with the Kinge, that the Scottish should not be urged with that
proclamatione, but that his Majesty would nominate some to hear them.
At the last, the King was contented that such as the Covenanters should
delegate should come to his campe, upon Munday nexte, June tenth, at June 10.
which daye six of the English noblemen should be ready, at the tent of the
Earle of Arrundell, generall of the Kings armye, to give them hearing,
be eight a clocke in the morning ; to whiche pourpose ther was a safe con-
ducte graunted, under the Kings hand, to such as they should appoynte to
conferre. Some questione was made concerning their safe conducte, as
being invalide, acording to the lawes of England, for to warrant any who
wer accused of treason and rebellion, (as they wer by the Kings proclama-
tiones), except it wer graunted under the greate seale : But it was not
thought meete to object that, but for to trust the Kinges owne subscriptione.
Therfor the Scottish doe instantly delegate the Earle of Rothesse ; the
Lord Lowdone ; Sir William Douglasse of Cavers, high sheriff of Teviot-
dale ; Mr. Alexander Hendersone, late moderator at Glasgow Assembly ;
and Mr. Archibald Johnstone, church clerke. The author of King
Charles his AnnallsO) saves that Dunferlemlyne was one of the delegates,
though some of the Scottish wrytters* name him not, I suppose, because
before named.
Thoise whome the King named upon the English syde, for to meete with
them, wer the Earle of Pembrocke, Earle of Salisbury, Earle of Holland,
Earle of Barkshyre, Sir Harye Vane, and Secretary Coke ; who failed
not to keepe the tyme appoynted, wher the King was contented for to be
personally present, beyond ther expectatione, (and himselfe sayes beyond
ther merit lyckwayes).f After some apologeticall speeche, which was de-
lyvered by the Scottish comissioners, with much submissione and respect to
the Kinge, they wer desyred at last to putt ther desyres all in wryttinge,
0) [Probably the Historie of the Reign of King Charles, by H. L. (Hammond
L'Estrange.) Lond. 1656.]
* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 375.
t Declaration, p. 4. [His Majesties Declaration, concerning His Proceedings with His
Subjects of Scotland, since the Pacification in the Camp neere Berwick. London, Printed
by R. Young, His Majesties Printer for Scotland, and R. Badger, Printer to the Prince Hi«
Highnesse. M.DC.XL.]
12
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. which they presented acordingly, having brought them along with them in
paper : The summe whereof was,0)
First, That the King would cause ratifie the late Assembly of Glasgow,
in the parliament which is indicted to sitte downe the twenty-third of July
following.
Second, That ther might be, in all tymes comming, triennial parliaments
and yearly Generall Assemblyes of the churche ; the one for determining
all matters civill, the other for matters ecclesiasticall.
Third, That he would recall his fleete from the Fyrthe ; that persons,
shipps, and goods arrested, be restored ; losses sustained, by stopping of
trade, repared ; and they securd heerafter from violence and invasione.
Fourth, That all excommunicate persones, incendiars, and informers
against the kyngdome, who have, for ther private endes, raised these com-
motions, may be returned, to suffer ther deserved punishment.
Fifth, That the proclamationes and manifestoes sent abroade by suche,
under his Majestyes name, to the Kings dishonour, and defamation of
the kyngdome, may be suppressed.
Thes wer ther desyres shortlye, for which they gave reasones in ane
June 13. other paper, June thirteenth, Wednysdaye :(*) First, Because the civill power
keepes both tables, and churche constitutions cannot be weall observed
without civill sanctione. Second, Because Glasgow Assembly was in-
dicted by the King, and laufully constitute acording to actes of praecedent
Assemblyes. Third, Its actes are grounded upon actes of former Assem-
blyes. Second, That a parliament be no longer delayed, is necessarye for
peace of the kyngdome. Third, The only way to preserve lawes and relli-
gione, is to determine thinges of different natures in ther proper judica-
tory es. Fourth, Triennial parliaments, they said, wer necessair, because of
his Majestys absence in ane other kyngdome, wherby his subjects their
greivaunces could not alwayes be hearde. Fifth, Wheras it is affirmed that
they intende to encroatche upon the Kings praerogative, and to invade Eng-
land, they declare that they never meaned the lycke ; and therfor desyre
that such as have spredd abroade such calumneyes against them may be
(1) [" The humble Desires of his Majesty's Subjects of Scotland," are printed at length
in Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 940, 941 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i.,
pp. 234, 235 ; Records of the Kirk, p. 227-]
(2) [See Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 942, 943 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect.,
vol. i., pp. 236, 237 ; Records of the Kirk, pp. 227, 228.]
Ch. LXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
13
punished. All thes thinges they conceived would be a meanes to a blessed A. D. 1639
pacificatione ; other meanes for that ende they remitte to the Kinge his
wisdome and consideratione. Thes reasones of ther desyres the King de-
syred them to give ; but, being unwilling to surpryse them, he gave them
tyme to goe and advyse them, and ansuer them distinctly, which they did,
to the pourpose above mentioned, at ther returne to the Kings camp, June
thirteenth. At ther returne the second tyme, the King desyred them to draw
ther desyres into few wordes, and sett them downe under ther handes, which
the Lord Lowdon did in the following wordes :(0
" Memorandum, That our desires are onely the enjoying of our Reli-
gion and Liberties according to the Ecclesiasticall and Civill Lawes of
His Majesties Kingdome ; To cleare by sufficient Grownds, that the
particulars which we humbly crave, are suche, and shall not insist to crave
any point which is not so warranted ; And that we humbly offer all civill
and temporall obedience to Your Majesty, which can be required or ex-
pected of loyall subjects.
" (Signed) Lowdon."
To this the King answered as generally e,(2) That, if ther desyres wer only
the enjoying of ther relligione and libertyes, acording to the ecclesiasticall
and civill lawes of the kyngdome of Scottlande, he wold not onlye agree to
the same, but should alwayes protect them to the outermost of his power :
And if they shall not insiste upon any thing but that which is so warranted,
he would most willingly and readily condiscende unto it, so that, in the
meane time, they pay unto him that civill and temporall obedience which
can be justly reqwyred and expected of loyall subjectes.
Befor the King gave them ther ansuer, three qwerees<3) wer proposed
by the King to the Scottish commissioners, which wer :
First, Whither they acknowledged the Kings majestye to have the sole
indictione of Assemblyes ?
Second, Whither his Majestye hath a negative voice in Assemblyes ?
Third, Whither his Majesty hath the power of raising Assemblyes?
To thes qwerees they made a present ansuer by worde, and prepared one
in wrytte, which was not called for.
(0 [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 5.] (2) [Ibid.]
(3) [These Queries, together with the Covenanters' Answers, are printed in the Histo-
ria Motuum, pp. 377 — 379 ; in the Records of the Kirk, p. 228 ; and in Stevenson's
Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 739—741.]
14
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. The sumrae of ther ansuer came to this, That it was proper to the
Generall Assemblyes for to ansuer that questione : They confesse that it was
in the Kings power to indicte Generall Assemblyes ; but that, in cases of
extreme necessitye, the churche had power to conveen of herselfe. This
they proved, First, From Chrystes promise to asiste the Churche ; Second,
From the practise of the Churche of Scottlande, and her judgement rati-
fyd in parliaments, specially in that of 1592, which tackes away the Kings
negative voice in Assemblyes, because his praerogative is declared to be no
waye praejudiciall to the preveleidges and libertyes which God has graunted
to spiritwall office bearers of the churche ; and if Kings had negatives in
Assemblyes, then the whole frame of relligione wold depende upon a King
bis pleasure, who might chaunge relligione contrare to all lawes, etc. But
whither their verball answer wer the same with ther wryttne answer, which
afterward they caused printe, must lye upon their oune credite who have
related it. The King, in his declaratione, tackes no notice of thes qwerees,
for it was not proper time to dispute ; his army being but in ane ill con-
ditione, many of them sikning and ill provyded of entertanement, and such
of the English nobilitye as wer with him rather enclynd to be mediators
betuixt him and the Scottish, then for to fight with the Scottishe, who wer
stronger of foote then the Kinge, ther army in better conditione then the
Kings, in better healthe, and better provyded of all thinges necessaire.
Besyde this, the Scottish wer mor animated and couragiouse, none being
ther but sworne Covenanters, whom ther ministers in the armye, by ther
dayly sermons, made beleeve that they wer fighting against no lesse then
poperye, and slaverye, and the Kings tyranny, and ane arbitrary governe-
ment ; whilst upon the other pairt, the King had little or no assuraince of
the most of his soldiours, men levyd for money, living upon payment, and
most of them unconcerned in the Kings qwarrell ; for the Kinges army wer
not raised by any parliamentarye authoritye, or maintaned by ther subsidye,
who, longe ere now, wer farr from contributinge any thinge for the Kings
asistance, evne against forraigne enemyes, lett bee against the Scottish, to
whom the Commons of England wished all happinesse and good successe ;
all which inconveniences wer not unknowne to the Kinge.
King's dis. LXIV. Much troubled was the King in thes extremes, which assailed
tress. Thin! him on evrye hande : He saw not how to carry his poynte if he engadged,
Bisho^of" nor saw ne now *° mac^e ane honorabill retreate, being alreadye so farr
Ross. engadged. The Scottish knew what difficultyes he was in, and though they
Ch. LXV.] history of scots affairs. 15
gave him faire outward complements, yet they wer verye peremptorye in ther A. D. 1639.
demaundes.
The third tyme that they returned to the Kings campe, they founde him
muche troubled and angrye ; nor could they settle in any terms at that tyme,
but returned backe as they came. This the Covenanters imputedO) to the
bishopp of Rosse, who was present with the Kinge, as sundrye others of
the bishopps, and ministers, and nobilitye, and gentrye wer, who had fledd
out of Scottlande, some of them abyding in Bervicke, some in Holy Islande,
neer by, and others in the Kinges campe, and most of them a burthen to
the Kinge, who was forced to give mantenance to thes of the meaner sorte,
who wer drivne from ther stationes and livings.
The Covenanters wer not ignorant that the Kings inflexibilitye flowed
not from ill councellers, as from time to time they gave it out ; for all knew
him, and they saw him to be bothe wyse, solide, and rationall. But by
qwarelling with such as wer about him, thus did they declyne challendging
the King himselfe, whom otherwayes they behoved to have accused. Thus
were ther wordes and actiones, one thing in the outwarde shew, and another
in the inwarde, and for the substaunce therof.
LXV. Thes things being told to the Covenanters by ther commis- Covenanters
sioners, they beganne to conster the Kinges delayes diverslye : Some Put different
thought that the treaty was pourposly drawne out to a lenthe, till mor orTtheKin"^
forces should be fetched over from Irelaunde : Others thought that the delays ; press
King did intende for to sterve them, macking them lye still till ther pro- sio\"lckKto°'"
visiones wer spent. Nor was it the least cause of ther impatience that declaration
Aboynd, at this very tyme, had a considerable following, and they, as yet, l^tfon °
uncertaine of the event ; for they knew very weall that if Aboyne should altered in it ;
worst Montrosse and Marishall, wherof ther was great probability e, that verb!d promi-
Scottland wold breacke loose behynde them, and that Aboyne his numbers afterwards de-
would encrease daylye ; and then, if the King should fight them with such nied by the
a disadvauntage upon ther syde, ther souldiours, of whom not a few wer Eno-iand Ar-
forced out, and complyd with ther successe, might beginne to waver, to the tides agreed
great discouragement of the rest ; so that, if they wer beatne, they could covenanters
hardly recrute againe : Nor did the very pryme heades and leaders of ther referring to
armye fully trust one another, which, not long afterward, appeared to have v®rl}a' Pro"
been not without some reasone. By all this, it is manifest that the Cove-
0)) [See Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 217; Historia Motuum, p. 380.]
16
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. nanters wanted not ther owne feares, wherby they had as greate desyre and
reasone to close the treaty as the King had ; and this may be supposed to
have been a pairt of the cause that the treatye, in many poyntes therof,
was willfully hudled upp upon both sydes, in such generall termes, as both
the King and the Covenanters consterd eache to the advauntage of ther
owne cause.
Yet the Covenanters wysly dissembled all this, and withall did give ex-
presse warrant to ther commissioners to presse a quicke closure of the be-
gunne treatye, and to shew that they might no longer be postponed with
delaves, that except the treatye went on they wold remove ther qwarters,
and pitche ther campe within muskett shotte of the Kinges campe. 0) Ther-
for, the treatye is againe recommenced, and after much agitatione, and many
consultationes, the Kings declaration, twoching the intended pacificatione,
was reade to the Covenanters ther commissioners ; who, upon ther dis-
lycke and exceptiones tackne both at matter and expressiones as contrary to
the myndes of such as sent them, and praejudiciall to ther cause, they did
humbly remonstrate that the declaratione, as it was conceeved, could not
give satisfactione to thoise from whom they wer sente ; wherupon the King
was gratiously pleased to command some wordes to be deleated, and other
wordes to be chainged, and, as themselves affirmed afterwardes in ther
print declaratione,* many pairtes therof wer, by verball promises and in-
terpretationes from his Majestyes owne mouth, mitigated, which they saye,
in ther estimatione, wer aeqwall to all that was wryttne ; some of the coun-
cellors of Englande assuring ther commissioners that what was spokne and
promisd befor men of honour, and in the face of two armyes, was no lesse
certaine, and wold (no doubt) be as really performed, as if it had beene
wryttne in capitall letters : all which they say ther commissioners observed,
remembered, and related at the delyvery of the Kings declaratione to them,
and without which they say they wold never have condiscended to, and con-
sented to the articles of the declaratione, mor then they would have, against
the light of ther myndes and consciences, sinned against God, and condemn-
ed ther owne deede. But heer was all the miserye (as afterward shall be
told), that all of the councell of England deneyd that they ever heard of
such a commentair upon the Kings declaratione ; and the King and they,
(i) [Historia Motuum, p. 380; Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 218.]
* Covenanters Ansuer to the Declaration, 1G40, pag. 16.
Ch. LXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
17
by a joint acte of councell, afterwarde caused ther commentaire upon the A. D. 1639.
treatye to be burnt by the hand of the hangman at Londone, after the
Kings returne thither.
The Kings declaratione I have sett downe verbatim, because ther was
so much adoe made about it afterwardes, and it is as folio weth :*
" We having considdered the papers and humble petitions presented to
us by thoise of our subjectes of Scottlande who wer admitted to attende
our pleasure in the campe, and after a full hearing by ourself of all that they
could saye or alledge theerupon, having communicated the same to our
councell of both kyngdomes ther present, upon mature deliberatione, with
ther unanimouse advyse, we have thought fitt to give this just and gratiouse
answer ; That though we cannot condiscende to ratifie and approve the actes
of the pretended Generall Assembly at Glasgowe, for many grave and
weightye considerationes which have happned both befor and since, much
importing the honour and securitye of that trwe monarchicall governement
lineally descended upon us from so many of our ancestors ; yet such is our
gratiouse pleasoure that, notwithstanding the many disorders committed of
late, we are pleased not only to confirme and macke goode whatsoever our
commissioner hath graunted and promisd in our name ; but also we are
furder gratiously pleased to declare and assure, that, acording to the peti-
tioners humble desyres, all matters ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the
Assemblyes of the kirke, and matters civill by the Parliament, and other
inferiour judicatoryes established by lawe ; which Assembly, accordingly,
shall be kept once a yeare, or as shall be agreed upon at the Generall
Assemblye.
" And for settling the generall distractions of that our anciente kyng-
dome, our will and pleasure is, that a free Generall Assemblye be kept at
Edinburgh, the sixth daye of August next enswinge, wher we intende (God
willing) to be personally present ; and for the legall indictione wherof we
have givne order and commande to our councell, and therafter a Parliament
to be holdne at Edinburgh the twentyth daye of August next enswinge, for
ratifying of what shall be concluded in the saide Assemblye, and settling
» See the Kings Declaration, 1640, p. 7, et seqq. [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol.
iii., pp. 944, 945 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 237, 238; Historia Motuum, pp.
380, 382 ; Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 157, 158 ; Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp.
329, 333 ; Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, pp. HI, 142 ; Records of the Kirk, pp.
228, 229 ; where also the " Articles agreed on," referred to in the succeeding chapter, will
be found.]
C
18
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. such other thinges as may conduce to the peace and goode of our native
kyngdome, and therin an acte of oblivione to be passed.
" And wheras we are furder desyred, that our shipps and forces by land
be recalled, and all persons, goods, and shipps restored, and they made safe
from invasione, we are gratiously pleased to declare, That upon ther disarm-
ing, and disbanding of ther forces, dissolving and discharging all ther pre-
tended Tables and conventicles, and restoring unto us all our castells, fortes,
and ammunitione of all sortes, as lyckways our royall honours, and to evry
one of our good subjectes ther libertys, lands, houses, goods, and meanes,
whatsoever tackne and detained from them since the late pretended Gene-
rall Assemblye, we will presently therafter recall our fleete, and reteere
our launde forces, and cause restitutione to be made to all persones of ther
shippes and goods detained and arrested since the aforsaide tyme ; wherby
it may appeare, that our intentione of tacking upp of armes, was no way for
invading of our native kyngdome, or to innovate the relligione and lawes,
but meerly for the mantaining and vindicating of our royall authoritye.
" And since that heerby it doeth clearly appeare, that we nether have, nor
doe intende any alteratione in relligione or lawes, but that both shall be
mantained by us in ther full integritye, we expect the performance of that
humble and dutifull obedience which becommeth loyall and dutifull subjectes,
and as in ther severall petitions they have oftne professed. And as we
have just reason to beleeve that to our peacable and weall affected sub-
jectes this will be satisfactorye, so we tacke God and the world to wittnesse,
that whatsoever calamityes shall enswe by our necessitated suppressing of
the insolencyes of such as shall continow in ther disobedient courses, is not
occasiond by us, but by ther owne procurement."
It is affirmed by some* who have wryttne the historye (whither in so say-
ing they have tackne it upp upon the credite of the Covenanters, who
printed it in the yearef 1640, in ther declaratione, I cannot tell), that the
King declared verbally, That albeit some expressiones of his subjectes in
Scottland seemed hard, yet his Majestye declared that he had no such
opinione of them, but reqwyred the paper to stande for his credite, and for
a poynt of honour with forraigne nationes, and reqwyred that they should
• Salmonet, lib. 2, pag. 162. [p. 49, edit. Lond. 1735.]
f A True Representatione of the Proceedings of the Kyngdome of Scottland since the
late Pacificatione, by the Estates of the Kingdome, 1640, pag. 16; et Spang, Historia
Motuum, pag. 384. [Records of the Kirk, p. 230.]
Ch. LXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
19
not stand with him for wordes and expressiones, so they obtained the A. D. 1639.
matter.
Whither this was true or not that the King had any such declaratione,
I cannot determine : This farr I am sure, that this short declaration was dis-
claimed and burnt with the rest, and I am as sure that, in the Ansuer to the
Kinges declaratione, anno 1640, the Covenanters stande to all thes articles
that wer burnt by the hand of the hangman at Londone.
LXVI. The articles of pacificatione, agreed upon on the Covenanters The King's
pairt, wer thes followinge : ^ y1-3™ j0n j
First, The forces of Scottlande to be disbanded and dissolved within the articles3"!
fourty eight howres after the publicatione of the Kings declaratione beinge tne treatie
, subscribed by
agreed upon. the Covenant-
Second, The Kings castells, fortes, ammunitiones of all sortes, and ers. The
royall honours, to be delyvered after the saide publicatione, so soone as the ^tion en-C'a
King shall send to receave them. countered with
Third, The Kings shippes to departe presently after the delyverye of ilnPtrh°etesCott74
the castells, with the first faire wynde, and, in the mean tyme, no interrup- camp,
tione of trade or fishing.
Fourth, The King is gratiously pleased to cause to be restored all per-
sons, goods, and shipps, detaind and arrested since the first of November
last past.
Fifth, No meetings, treatings, consultationes, or convocationes of any of
the Kings leidges, but such as wer warranted by Acte of Parliament.
Sixth, All fortificationes to desiste, and no furder working therin, and
they to be remitted to the Kings pleasure.
Seventh, To restore to evrye one of the Kings good subjectes ther liber-
tyes, laundes, houses, goodes, and meanes whatsomever, tackne or detained
from them by whatsoever meanes since the aforsaide tyme.
The Covenanters commissioners brought the forsaide declaratione and
articles to the Scottish campe, and ther conveening ther committee, it was
enqwyred if thes articles wer agreable to them all or not? Sundry e expres-
siones therof wer qwarelled with ; but the commissioners ansuered that they
had found a middse for that ; for they said that they forsaw that all thes
expressions would be displeasing, and that therfor they had supplicated
the King that he would sweetne his expressions, and explain other things
more clearly, wherby all doubtes and suspitiones might be removed out of
his subjectes myndes : They said that whatever the King had answered by
20
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. worde at that tyme, they had tackne a not of it in wrytte, by common con-
sent, and recalling to ther memoryes and collationing amongst themselves
all his wordes : Furder, they said they would delyver the just double of
that wryting to such of the English nobilitye as had been instrumental! in
the pacificatione (specially to Pembrocke), that in caise afterward any ques-
tione should aryse concerning the generalitye or ambigruitye of any phrase
or worde in the Kings declaratione, it might be cleared acording- to what
was sett downe in that paper which contained all the private transactione
which was agreed upon in presence of the English noblemen.
This was confidently affirmed by themselves afterwarde in ther declara-
tiones, and the articles, they say, wer as followes : The first I have already
set downed
Second, As for calling the late Assembly pretended, seiner the subjects of
Scottlande professe they would never passe from the saide Assemblye and
decrees therof, his Majesty professed, as he did not acknowledge that As-
semblye furder then as it had registred his declaratione, so wold he not de-
syre the subjects to passe from the samen.
Third, Concerning the constitutione of the Assemblye, it was showne to
his Majesty that none could be members of the Assembly but such as had
a comissione, viz. two or three elders from every presbytrye, with a rulinge
elder, one from each brugh and universitye, and his Majesty es comissioner.
His Majesty contended that his assessors had vote ; and, upon ane ex-
pression in his Majestyes declaratione that referred to some reasones con-
tained in former proclamations, which wer totally against the laufullnesse
of rulingr elders, it was desyred that, acording to the custome of this kirke,
all controversyes arysing should be remitted to the Assembly itselfe. His
Majestye had some expressions, craving these to be remitted to himselfe ;
but being told that it was against the constitutione of the kirke to have
any other judge but the voyces of the Assemblye, wher his Majestie or
comissioner should be presente, and give the first voyce, it was concluded
that the worde free Assemblye in his Majestyes declaratione did importe the
freedome in judging all questiones arysing ther, concerning constitutione,
members, or matter.
Fourth, Concerning the restitutione of the castells, as the subjects did it
freelye, so did they expresse that what might concerne the safety of the
(0 [See above, p. 18 parag. ult.\
Ch. LXVL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
21
countreye, they referred to the tyme of the parliament, at whiche tyme they A. D. 1639.
should signifie ther desyres, hy petitione, to his Majestye ; as also, they told
it had cost much charges in fortifying and keepinge therof, the represen-
tatione wherof to his Majestye they referred to that tyme.
Fifth, Concerning the restitutione of persones, goods, and houses, re-
qwyred by his Majestye, it was promised ; provyding the great summes
contracted for the publicke wer repayed in ane aeqwall waye by all,
which behoved to be done, either by comissione from his Majestye, or by
parliament. And when it was objected that much goodes wer already
spent, the King answered, that as for goods and ammunitione that was
spent, they could not be restored, but thes that are extant must be
restored.
Sixth, His Majestyes not allowing of the late Assemblye, for the
reasons contained in his severall proclamations, being excepted against, as
a declaratione of his judgement against ruling elders, which praejudicateth
the right constitutione of a free Assemblye, his Majesty, after full hearing,
delated that clause.
Seventh, That pairt of his Majestyes declaratione that beares that no
other oathe be exacted of intrants then that which is contained in the actes
of parliament, as also that clause bearing that the pretended bishopps shall
be censurable by the Generall Assembly, being excepted against, as prae-
supponing and importing the continwance of episcopacye, which we could
not acknowledge, as being incompatible with the Confcssione of Faithe
and constitutions of the kirke, his Majestye was pleased to delate both
thes clauses.
Eighth, And it being with all instancye and humilitye prest, Saturdaye,
June fifteenth, that his Majestye wold satisfee the maine desire of his sub-
jectes by declaring that his Majestye wold qwyte episcopacye, he did answer
that it was not sought in our desyres : And when it was replyed that our
first desyre to have the actes of the Generall Assembly ratifyd, imported the
same, his Majestye acknouledged it to be so, and averred that he did not
refoose it, but wold advyse till Munday the seventeenth : At which time, his
Majesty being prest to give some significatione of his qwyting episcopacye,
and it being plainly shewed to his Majestye that if he wold labour to man-
taine episcopacye it wold be a miserable shisme in this kirke, and macke
such a rupture and divisione in this kyngdome as wold prove incurable ;
and if his Majestye wold lett the kirke and countrey be freed of them, his
22
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Majesty wold receave as heartye and dutifull obedience as ever prince
receaved of a people : His Majesty answered, That he could not prelimite
and forstall his voice, but that he had appoynted a free Assemblye, which
might judge of all ecclesiasticke matters, the constitutions wherof he pro-
misd to ratifie in the ensuing parliaments ')
However this paper was afterward printed, yet at this tyme it was
not seen in publicke, nor subscrybed. Only, for the present, the King,
as has been told, published his declaratione ; and the articles of the treatye
wer subscribed by the Covenanter noblemen, at ther campe, together
with ane other short paper, containing a submissione to the King, as fol-
lowed :(3)
In the Campe, June 18, 1639.
In obedience to his Majestyes royall commandes, we shall, upon Thurs-
day next, the twentieth of this June, dismisse our forces, and immediatly
therafter delyver his Majestyes castells, etc., and shall ever, in all thing-es,
carrye ourselves lycke humble, loyall, and obedient subjectes.
(Signed) Rothesse, Dumferlemlyn, Lowdon, Dowglasse,
Al. Hendersone, Ar. Johnstone.
The Kings declaratione was proclaimed in the Scottish campe, June
twentieth, by Sir James Balfour, Lyon Heralde King of Armes for Scott-
lande, in the presence of the Earle of Mortoune, and of Sir Edmund
Verney and Sir John Burrough ; thoise three having been commissionate
by the King to see the same performed/3)
No sooner was the Kings proclamatione published in the Scottishe campe,
but it was encountered with a protestatione, which had been prepared
pourposlye some dayes before; which declared :W
Least ther should be any mistacking of the Kings declaratione, or of the
acceptaunce thereof, etc., therefor the generalle, noblemen, barons, and
burgesses, and ministers, and officers of the armye, conveening befor the
disbanding of the armye, doe hold it necessaire to sett downe in wrytting
that which has been related to us by our comissioners, viz. That the King
0) [Sanderson's Hist, of Charles I., pp. 267—269; Records of the Kirk, p. 230; His-
toria Motuum, pp. 384 — 386 ; Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 745, 746.]
(2) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 12; Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i.,
p. 159.]
(3) [See Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., p. 329.]
C*1 [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 229 ; in the Historia Motuum, pp. 387,
3S8 ; and in Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 749, 750.]
Ch. LXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
23
has signifyd to them, that albeit he cannot ratifie nor owne the late Assem- A. D. 1639.
bly at Glasgow, whence it is called a praetended synode in his declaratione,
yet he does not meane that his subjects, by acqwiesing in that declaration, to
be for to macke them abjure it, or that they should condemne all ther owne
former actings, as rebelliouse, unlaufull, arrogante, etc. : Therfor, as they are
desyrouse that all loyall subjectes may acknowledge his Majestyes gratiouse
concessione in indicting a free Assembly, August sixth, and a Parliament,
August twentye, for the ratifying the actes of the said Assemblye, so lycke-
wayes they declare, that by no meanes doe they renounce the former As-
semblye, they doe esteeme themselves bounde to mantaine and obey its
decrees ; and that all misconstructions may be obviated, be it knowne to
all who shall come to know of the Kings declaratione. And as the King
has oftne declared to our comissioners that this is his meaning, so we are
persuaded that by this meanes his honour and ane happie peace will be only
best advaunced : Therfor, they macke ther humble petitions unto God, and
desyre all for to call to mynde ther late solemne covenant with God, that
they may walke worthy therof, and be founde adhering therunto.
To this protestatione was subjoyned ane other, as followeth :* And seing
the sessione is now appoynted to sitt downe, which tendeth to the praejudice
of his Majestyes subjectes who lately have beene so bussyd in ther prepara-
tiones for the defence of ther relligione and countreye, that they are now
necessairly reteered to ther owne dwellings for settling of ther private af-
faires, and that they cannot be tymously advertished to attende any law
bussinesse without greater praejudice then benefitte, and that the best pairt
of the leidges have so securd ther evidents that the samen cannot be
in readinesse in this shorte tyme of sessione ; Therfor, and in respect the
downe sittinge of the sessione now cannot be otherwayes intimated to them
but upon forty dayes, wheras ther are only twenty dayes to runne after the
appoynted day of this meetinge, We protest that all members of the Col-
ledge of Justice, and all his Majestyes leidges are, in bona Jide, not to at-
tend this sessione ; but that all actes, sentences, decreets, and interloqwtors
to be givne and pronounced against them (if any shall bee), ar in them
selfes nulle, voyde, and ineffectwall, such lycke as if the samen had never
• True Representation, pag. 40. Nota, This protestation against the Session was not
read till July first, at the crosse of Edinburgh. See it afterwardes. [It will be found in
the Records of the Kirk, pp. 231, 232.]
24
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
for the King's
concessions
A. D. 1639. been givne nor pronounced ; and protest for remede of law against the
samen and evrye one of them,
covenanters LXVII. After the publishing of the proclamatione in the Scottish campe,
return thanks the Earle of Cassils was delegate by the Covenanters for to render to the
King publicke thankes for his concessions so gratiously to his subjectes ;
who tould the King that he hoped that ere longe the King wold conceive a
better opinione of his subjectes, and of the Assembly of Glasgow, then that
which he had specifyd in his declaratione : Also, the Earle declared that the
Covenanters adheared to that Assembly and to ther Covenant ; which was
the very substance of ther protestatione, intimated to the King as a com-
plement by Cassills.O)
When Lyon had ended the reading of the Kings proclamatione, and the
protestatione was lyckwayes readde, they profered a copye therof to him ;
and when the Kings declaratione was anewe proclaimed at the crosse of
Edinburgh, the Lord Lindseye caused one for to reade the saide protesta-
tione anew in name of the rest of the Covenanters^2)
Scottish army L XVIII. Acording to the agreement, the Scottish army beganne to dis-
begins to dis- ^ande, june twentieth, and to march e homewarde, to the great satisfactione
bcincl. .Kin0, °
changes his° of the most pairt of the Englishes, nobility, and souldiours, who wer about the
h'Td' ^ th Kinge : F°r at that tyme they neither had stomache for warre, and,
Assembly in generally, they had a better conceipt of the Scottish, and secretly bore them
person, on ac- g00d will in a farr greater measure then they did in the yeares following ;
attack°upon f°r as yet the Scottish sought no expence from the Englishes : that pro-
Aboyne's positione was reserved till afterwards.
<treetsinof hC ^t was ^e desyre of some, and the King sayes* it was his intentione to
Edinburgh : have come to the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh, but he laid by that re-
second reason. so]utjone for severall causes : One wherof was, that the Lord Viscount of
Aboynde having, after the pacificatione, in his journey to Bervicke, come
to Edinburgh, the people hearing therof sett upon a caroch wher they wer
informed that Aboynde and the bishopp of Edinburgh wer ; the unruly
multitude beganne to presse hard upon the coatche, but they founde them-
selves quickly in a mistacke, by the discoverye of the high thesaurer, the
Earle of Kinnoulle, the justice generall, Sir James Hamiltoune, councel-
(0 [Historia Motuum, pp. 388, 389.]
(2) [Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 332, 333.]
* Lesser Declaratione, pag. 9.
Ch. LXIX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
25
lers of the kyngdome, wherupon the tumult ceased. But the King hearing A. D. 1639.
of this hubbubb, thought it not fitt to entrust his persone amongst such who
wer not yett qwelld of ther late tumultuary feavers, howbeit that much
paines was tackne to extenuate the matter to the Kinge.
A second reasone of his not going to Edinburgh at that tyme, the King
affirmes to have been the Covenanters ther refusall for to permitte fourteen
lords and others of ther number whom the King sent for to come to him to
Bervicke, for to goe to him to speacke with him. This disobedience the
King consterd as a distrust of him upon ther pairt ; and, therfor, concluded
that it could not be thought reasonable that he should trust his persone with
thes who distrusted him after so many arguments and assuraunces of his
goodnesse towards them.
The Covenanters, in ther booke called the Trwe Representatione, cast
the blame pairtly upon the Kings evill councellers ther disswasione, who did
feare that such a journey should begett a better understandinge betuixt him
and the Scottish. But ther second reasone is mor lycke, for ther, most in-
genowsly, they tell us " when men simulat and macke a shew for to doe
that of a free mynde which indeed necessitye constraineth them to doe for
a tyme, there can be no firme peace expected :" so they tacke it for graunted N. B.
that they forced some bodye to macke peace.
LXIX. The Kings calling for fourteen noblemen of ther number begotte The King
a great trepidatione amongst them, and they supposd it smelld ranke of a fa^'s ^0T, four"
i • i ii i mi i i • ii teen noblemen
plott to seize upon them all together. 1 hey thought it very straunge that the 0f Scotland to
pacificatione having been transacted by a farr fewer number, that wher ther co.me to ^er_
wick : refused i
was lesse to doe as they did suppose, that the King should call for a greater anj two sent
number : Therfor they resolve for to sende two of ther number for to excuse to make their
■ • excuse tilso
the not coming of the rest, who did present the King with ane excuse why renewmg com.
the rest came not, which was drawne upp in a paper : The short summe plaints. Hunt-
wherof was,* That neither the King himself nor his father, since he went goe^to^the'
to England, had ever done the lycke, when ther was no feare nor jealousye : King. Cove-
That his verball expressions of his being satisfeed with them (which they had j^"^^ -pra
diligently noted) wer now for the most pairt deneyed by the King, which quaire ap-
did breed iealousye in ther heartes. Second, That it was none of the P°inted com-
ip p i iiii T-.-1 missioner to
articles oi the peace that tourteen ot ther number should come to Bervicke ; Assembly and
Parliament.
King chal-
* See True Representation, pag. 21, et seqq. [This paper will be found at length in Spald- lenges the
ing's Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 163, 164; and in Balfour's Annates, vol. ii., pp.341 — 344.] Covenanters
26
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
for not per-
forming arti-
cles. Cove-
nanters' pro-
testation at
proclaiming
the indiction
of the Gene-
ral Assembly.
Two answers
to the King's
challenge.
A. D. 1639. that if it had been proposed it woulde not have been graunted. Third, That
ther enemyes wer countenanced, and ther actings called the Kings service ;
and, upon the contrare, whole volumes wryttne against them, and particu-
larly against thes who are called for : That ther wer heard threatnings of
exemplar punishment against some of ther number ; that the northerne
troubles wer not yet ceased ; that Bervicke was garisond, and other places
upon the borders ; that the Castell of Edinburgh was fortifyd mor then
ordinar; that ther freends in Ireland and England wer stopped of ther
trade ; some made prisoners for refoosing to sweare ane oath contrare to
the Covenant (the oath of alledgance they meand), a thing contrare to the
law of nationes. Finally, That whatever is comitted contrare to the articles
of the pacificatione, they doe interpret as proceeding from wicked instru-
ments about the King, who wer enemyes to ther peace, etc.
However, acording to the capitulatione, the Kings castells and the am-
munitione wer restord to the King, and Huntly released from his imprisone-
ment, who came straight waye to Bervicke, wher the Kinge as yet laye,
tacking course for fortifying of Edinburgh castell, and for to garrisone
Bervicke and Carlisle. Thus ther jealousyes wer growing ; the King
shewng his averssnesse from coming to Scottland both for the reasones
above expressed, as also because bothe the Queene and councell of Eng-
lande had wryttne to him to come backe unto London with expeditione, be-
cause sundrye emergencyes of no small consequence reqwyred his presence
ther : Upon the other pairte, the Covenanters wer jealouse of him, as may
be seen in ther excuse for not coming to Berwicke.
Yet befor he went awaye, he appoynted John Steward, Earle of Tra-
qwaire, lord thesaurer, for to be comissioner to preseede both at the
enswing Assembly and Parliament ; nor was his haist such but, as they did
remonstrate that which they thought unagreable unto the pacificatione, so
the Kinge, upon the other syde, fell to challendge the Covenanters for not
performing the conditiones, having gottne about a moneths breathing tyme
for that pourpose : For ther was a paper sent from the King, of the date July
July 18. eighteenth, to the cheife of the Covenanters, contaning the charge fol-
lowinge :(0
First, That some English shippes wer abused at Leethe.
Second, That the Kings ammunitione was not all restored.
(0 [Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 334—336.]
Ch. LXIX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
27
Third, That ther forces wer not yet dismissed, and, in particular, Mun- A. D. 1639.
roes regiment yet keeped a foote.
Fourth, Generall Leslyes comissione not yet givne upp.
Fifth, Fortifications not so much as begunne to be demolished.
Sixth, Ther unlaufull meetings still keeped a foot, wherby the King his
good subjectes are dayly pressed to adhere to ther unlaufull Covenant and
pretended Assembly at Glasgow.
Seventh, Ther protesting against the Kings gratiouse declaratione of the
acte of pacificatione published in the Scottish campe at Dunce.
Eiyhth, Ther protestatione made publickly at the time of the indictione
of the Assemblye.*
Ninth, Ther protestatione made against the Kings commande for doune
sitting of the sessione.
Tenth, Why seditiouse ministers, who, in ther sermons, preach seditious-
ly, are not tackne order with ?
Eleventh, Why the Kings good subjectes are detterred and threatned if
theye shall come home to ther owne native countrey and houses ?
Twelfth, The Kings subjectes are reqwyred to subscrybe the actes of the
late pretended Assemblye, or the Covenant with the additione.
Thirteenth, Order is not tackne with the persones who have comitted
insolencyes upon the Kings officers and other his good subjectes.
Fourteenth, None are admitted or allowed to be chosne members of the
enswing Assemblye except such as doe subscrybe and sweare to the ratifica-
tione of the former Assemblye.
• Fifteenth, The Kings good subjectes, who had stucke by the King and
by his service, wer publickly railed upon in the streets and pulpitts, by the
name of traitors and betrayers of the countreye.
Sixteenth, Ministers dayly deposed for not subscrybing to the ordinance
anent the pretended Assembly and Covenant.
Seventeenth, Why Balmerino and his associatts did stopp the King his
good subjectes from coming to him when they wer ready and willing to have
obeyd the Kings desyre and his commands ?
Eighteenth, The paper divulged, [and] if they [will] avow the samen.
This paper was sent to the Covenanters some weekes after the indiction
of the Generall Assemblye, which had been proclaimed at the merkatt
Vide postea, [p. 28.]
28 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1639. crosse of Edinburgh, July first, wher, amongst other thinges, " all and
julv j sundrie archbishoppes, bishoppes, comissioners of kirks, and others having
place and voice in the Assemblye," wer commanded to be present at
Edinburgh against the twelfth of August enswinge, ther to hold a Generall
Assembly, etc. This clause was ill tackne by the Covenanters, who wold
not have had archbishopps nor bishopps mentioned, since they had disclaimed
them at Glasgow. And since it could not be graunted, therfor they fall to
to protest, after the macking of the proclamation :(0
First, That the Assembly of Glasgow was laufull, and to be followed in
all its constitutions, particularlye in its deposing the bishopps, etc. ; and
that they wold obey its constitutions. Second, That ther covenant with
God was laufull, to which they wold adhere ; and, finally, That the excom-
municatione of the bishopps was upon good groundes, and that the bishopps
wer not to be holdne for members of the churche of Scottland, but to
be looked upon as heathnes, and publicans, and incendiars, who fomented
divisiones tuixt King and people. This was the reasone of the Kings chal-
lendge, article eighth.
That very day lyckewayes, ther was a proclamatione published for doune
sitting of the sessione, against which they lyckwayes did protest ; as you
see, article ninth of the Kings challendge.*
The forsaide challendge was afterwarde contracted into fewer articles,
viz. to eleven, in the little booke, entitled " His Majestyes Declaration con-
cerning His Proceedings with His Subjectes in Scottlande, since the Pa-
cificatione in the Campe neer Bervicke ;" printed at London, the next
yeare, 1640. t
The foresaide challendge gott two ansuers ; one at the tyme that the
paper was sent to them ;(2) the other the next yeare, when the Covenanters
printed ther booke called " A True Representation of the Proceedings of
the Kyngdome of Scottland, since the late Pacificatione, by the Estates of
the Kyngdome, against mistackings in the late Declaratione, 1640. Printed
(at Edinburgh) in the year of God, 1640."
To the first they answer, That the processes ledde befor the bailiffs of
Leethe, and depositions tackne befor Captain Feildoune, July twenty-
(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 394 ; Records of the Kirk, p. 231.]
* See it befor, [pp. 23, 24.]
t See 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, pages of that Declaratione.
(2) [This is printed in Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 336 — 340.]
Ch. LXIX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
29
second, will cleave this, and witnesse that the pairtyes have contradicted A. D. 1639.
themselves, so not to be beleeved.
To the second they ansuer, That the canon which wer at Leethe wer de-
lyvered already into the castell ; and the rest should bee delyvered against
Saturday at night. Next, that the musketts wer delyvered alreadye ; and if
the thesaurer could prove that mor wer receaved by the Covenanters, raor
should be delyvered. As for fifty-four barell of powder, it shall be payed
for. As for the ball, they wer safe lying wher they wer.
To the third, They are content to disbande that regiment presently ; but
withall, they request that the King will dismisse the garrisons of Bervicke,
Carlisle, and the rest of the borders.
To the fourth they answer, It is obeyed, and the generall has delyvered
upp his patent of generallship.
To the fifth they answer, That the toune of Edinburgh pretende that, by
charter and preiveleidge graunted by his Majestyes predecessors, they have
power and a right to fortifie Leethe, which must be discussed befor it be
tackne awaye. Yet for to shw ther willingnesse to give the King content,
the workes shall be stopped in one or two partes ; and if King and parlia-
ment fynde that they must be castne downe, it shall be done, but at the
Kings charges, not thers.
To the sixth, They deney keeping of any but warrantable meetinges,
agreable to actes of parliament ; and though they must adhere to ther most
necessaire and laufull Covenant, yet (to ther knowledge) none has been
urged to subscrybe it.
To the seventh, It is deneyed that any protestatione was made against
the Kings declaratione ; but, on the contrary, both at Dunce and Edin-
burgh, publicke thankesgiving was givne, with a declaratione that we ad-
here to the Assemblye.
To the eighth, they saye, They could not passe by the citatione of the
bishopps to the Assembly, without protestatione ; since ther silence might
otherwayes have implyed that they acknowledged the bishopps to be mem-
bers of the Assemblye.
To the ninth, That they protested not against the sessione, as if either all
or any subject had power to hinder them, or discharge them ; but only in
respecte of the tymes, which the leidges could not attend, nor had they ther
wryttes in readinesse to perswe or defende : Therfor they behoved for to
protest for remedy of law, in caise any thing should be done to ther praejudice.
30
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. To the tenth, They know no such seditiouse ministers ; and, when such
shall be called befor the judge ordinare, they shall bee punished acording
to justice.
To the eleventh, They know non of his Majesties good subjectes debarrd
or threatned, except excommunicat persones be meand, who, by the lawes
of the countrey, should be rebells, and captione used against them : such
being authors of all thes evills, none can give assurance for ther indem-
nitye, they being odiouse to the people.
The twelfth is answered in the answer to the sixth.
To the thirteenth, The thesaurer thought it not fitt that the magistratts
of Edinburgh should goe on in the strickest way of justice in that parti-
cular, as conceiving it praejudiciall to his Majesties service. Next, That
they, having enqwyred after the actors, could fynde no proofes against
any but against one Little, a barber, and the other was a wyfe at the
N.B. NEITHER BOW.
To the fourteenth, They deney it simplye ; to ther knowledge, no such
matter.
To the fifteenth, Such as have railed in pulpitts or streetes shall be made
answerable, and lyable to law for what they have spockne, befor the judge
ordinare.
To the sixteenth, It is deneyed.
To the seventeenth, Balmerino was alreadye cleared from that imputa-
tione ; that he was not the cause of ther stay ; and thoise that did stopp
them did it for the reasones contained in the paper heerwith givne in.
To the last, they answer, As they are most unwilling to fall upon any
questione which may seem to importe the least contradictione with his Ma-
jesty ; so if it had not been the trust which they gave to the relatione of
ther comissioners, (who reported to them his Majesties gratiouse expres-
sions related dayly to them at Dunce and putt in note by many of ther
number, which wer a great deale to them mor satisfactorye then the
wryttne declaratione,) the same wold not have been acceptable, which did call
the Assembly praetended, our humble and loyall proceedings disorders, our
courses disagreable to a monarchicall governement ; nor the castell of
Edinburgh rendred (which was only tackne for the safety of the toune of
Edinburgh), simply without assurance by wrytte of ther indemnitye, ex-
cept for the trust we reposed in ther relatione, and confidence in his
Majesties royall worde ; which they beleeved his Majesty did not forgett,
Ch. LXX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
31
but will bring thes who did heare the treaty to a right rememberance A- D. 1639
therof ; which paper was only wryttne for that cause, lest either his Ma-
jesty or his subjectes should averr that they spacke any thing without
warrant.
LXX. Thes answers wer all the satisfactione that the King gott at this Sense of the
tyme ; so that it easily appeared that, whilst they beganne so soone to con- terted^Khig
troverte upon the sence of the treatye, so quickly after the closure therof, returns to
it was not lycke that it could longe abyde a firrae peace and agreement. London. Pem-
J . . . . broke delivers
The King, therfor, leaving Traqwair behynde him as comissioner, returnes to the councel
to London ; wher he was no sooner come, but the Earle of Pembrocke pro- * ?ot? of ^
„ , „ , , . , *>-lng s verba!
duces a coppy ot the torsaide paper at the councell board, telhnge that the promises which
Scottish, at parting, had delyvered it to him as a memoriall of some verball t!.ie Scots had
conditions promisd by the King at the treatye. The paper (which I gave Councel"^^-
accounte of befor) being readde, it was voted by the King, be way of in- clares them
quest, amongst all the lordes of the councell of England, Whether or not ders'them'to
such articles wer agreed unto by him with the Scottish ? and it was answered be burnt by the
in the negative, that the contents of that paper wer false and faigned : Wher- J]'™^ °gnthp
upon ane acte of councell was published, declaring against the Scottish
paper, and ordaining it to be publickly burnd by the hangman ; which was
accordingly performed at Londone. The date of the acte of the English
privy councell is August eleventh, 1639.* This acte was very unsatisfac-
torye to the Covenanters ; who, for justificatione of that paper, thus con-
demned, used all the meanes they could : For when ther comissioners came
immediatly therafter to London that winter, theye used all ther industry,
by themselves and favouritts, to buy upp the coppys of that acte, which had
been printed by the Kings warrant, and for to suppresse them. Lyckwayes,
to such as knew not the particular, they made greate vse of the burning of
that acte, to the Kings disadvauntage, for raising a new warre the yeare
followinge ; for the pulpitts spocke it out very lowdlye that the King had
caused burne all the articles of the pacihcatione at Bervicke, by the hand of
the hangman, after his returne to Londone ; which was beleeved by very
manye, who, upon that accompt, looked upon the King as a truce breacker,
and from that tyme fordwards contracted so great animositye against him,
that they thought him not to be trusted ; whilst ther oune papers, yet extant
* See it verbatim in Sandersons Hist, of King Charles, edit, prima, pag. 271. [Rush-
worth's Historical Collect., vol. iii., pp. 965, 966 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp.
251,252.]
32
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639.
Covenanters'
second answers
to the King's
objections.
Objection 1.
Answer.
Objection '2.
Answer.
in print, doe vindicate him by confessing that they coulde alledge no furder
of that paper, but that it contained verball promises : Yet could they prove
thes promises and concessiones by no bodye but ther oune comissioners,
who in that case could not be witnesses ; and ther credite so muche the mor
questionable, that all such of the English nobilitye, at that tyme present
with the Kinge, did disclaime ther being consciouse of such concessions.
LXXI. It will not be from the pourpose to insert the Covenanters ther
second answers to the Kings objectiones, both which wer printed the next
yeare ; wherby it will appeare that neither was the King content with ther
first vindicatione, nor wer themselves confident that ther answers wer bas-
table eneuche to hold twoch with the juditiouse. Therfor, wheras the King
in his Little Manifesto, 1640, befor mentioned, objectes ther protestatione
against his declaratione, June eighteenth, 1639, they answer, That nothing
was done at that tyme but what was befor done at the Kings campe.
" Secondlye," sayes the King, " They delyvered into the handes of some
of our English nobilitye, and spred amongst others, a scandalouse paper in-
tituled, ' Some conditions of his Majestys treatye with his subjectes of
Scottland befor the English nobilitye, are sett doune heer for remembe-
raunce :' Wherin are contained such untruthes and seditiouse positions, and
so contrary to that which was concluded in the articles of pacificatione, as
therby it did playnly appeare, that, however they pretended a desyre of
peace, yet they intended nothing lesse. This false and seditiouse paper
comming to our knowledge, was after, by the advyce, and upon the humble
petitione of our privy councell heer in Englande, and particularly, by such
noblemen as wer pretended by them to be witnesses to the samen, ordered
to be damned by proclamatione, and publickly burnt by the hande of the
hangman : which was done accordinglye."
To this they ansuer, That the paper containing some of his Majestys ex-
pressions, in tyme of the treatye, which was putt in the handes of the Eng-
lish and others, and which we have remembred befor in its oune place, hath
suffered innocently ; for, first, it was the meane that brought aboute the
pacificatione, and gave some satisfactione to his Majestys subjectes against
certaine wordes and clauses of the declaratione, which, without that miti-
gatione, they would never have been able for to disgeste. Second, It did
beare nothing contrary to the articles of the pacificatione, but was a molly-
fying of his Majestys declaratione, that it might be the mor readily receaved
by his Majestys subjectes. Third, That it had been impudencye to putte
Ch. LXXI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
33
into the handes of the English nobilitye a paper professing that which was A. D. 1639.
openly spockne a little befor in ther oune hearinge, that it might be remem-
bred afterwardes occasionalye, yet containing untruthes and seditiouse posi-
tiones, contrare to all that was done for peace. Fourth, When ther wer
great murmurings against the wordes of the declaratione, that then ther
comissioners wer very carefull to remember evry lenifying sentence and •
worde which proceeded from his Majestys mouthe ; and the hearers wer no
lesse carefull to note all, with ther pennes, which was by them related, evrye
man acording as he was able to conceive ; and thus, at first, ther wer re-
lationes different one from another both in worde and wrytte (ane evill very
ordinary at such tymes), till our comissioners joyning did bring all to re-
memberaunce, that neither mor nor lesse might be wryttne then was spockne,
and what was wryttne might be delyvered to some of the Englishes, ad futu-
ram rei memoriam. One thing, it may bee, hath fallne forthe contrarye to
his Majestys desyre, that the paper hath come to the knowledge of straun-
gers : which we may averr hath not been done by us, and which was impos-
sible for us to avoide: for our comissioners, to bring about the desyred peace,
could not, in ther relationes, conceale his Majestys favourable expressions;
and thois intended for our oune tranqwillitye, comming in so manye handes
at home, have possibly been divulged, and unnecessarily carryed abroade,
contrare to our intentiones and desyres. This, in the simplicitye of our
heartes, we declare to be the plaine truthe of that which hath been befor
and is now so much noysed ; and it is very lyckely that the smoacke of the
fyre, and the hand of the hangman, have carryd it to the knowledge of
manye who wold never have heard of it by the breathes and handes of
others.
The summe of all this vindicatione comes to this, That the King and Eng-
lish nobilitye disclaimed the contents of that paper ; and the Scottish comis-
sioners contradicte them, whom the Covenanters thinke it fitter to beleeve
then either the King or his English councell.
Thirdly, The King objectes, That wheras they wer oblidged to disbande Objection 3.
within forty-eight howres after his declaratione was published, yet they had
kept still some forces in bodyes, and kept ever since in pay almost all ther
officers (weall neer a yeare after the pacificatione, yow must suppose this
was objected) ; wherby the King concludes they manifestly declared that they
intended to tacke armes againe.
To this they ansuer, as befor, That the regiments wer disbanded ; but for
E
34
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. U. 1039. ther officiers, they wer not kept in paye, but entertained by them till such
tyme as they should be restored to ther oune, or called to some other ser-
vice. This, say they, ought not to bee tackne for a breach or contempt, but
for observation of the law of nature, and common aequitye, they being
natives of Scottland, and having forsackne ther places and meanes for de-
N. B. fence of the Covenanters and ther native countrey : finally, that thes officiers
could expect no lesse, nor they performe lesse, although the peace had been
firmly concluded.
This answer I shall leave to the reader to judge of, it not being my pairt
to macke observationes nor replyes.
Objection 4. Fourthly, The King objectes, That neither was the ammunition all re-
stored, nor Leeth fortification demolished.
To this they ansuer, That all was restored except a few musketts and a
little inconsiderable qwantitye of pouder (fifty-four barrell, I suppose, by
ther oune confessione) remitted to compt and reockning; that a pairt of Leeth
fortification was demolishd (which might have been repaird in the space of
few dayes, not to saye howres) for the Kings satisfactione, and the whole
remitted by his Majestye to the towne of Edinburgh, as having right to the
same.
Objection 5. Fyftly, The King objectes, That he had licenced ther meetinges only to
July twenty-first, 1639 ; yet that they had continowd to sitt still therin,
consulting upon matters civill and ecclesiasticke, contrare to actes of par-
liament, and therin troubling all who will not subscrybe ther Covenant, and
adhere to the Assembly of Glasgow.
To the fyft they answer, confessing that they continowd ther meetings,
but, say they, they are such as are warranted by actes of parliament, law of
nationes, and the Kings permissione ; that the ende therof was for ther mu-
twall releefe from ther common burthens, which the threatned invasione
( anno 1640) caused grow greater; that they did nothing ther but consult
for their oune necessarye defence, and for admitting of such to joyne with
them as doe willingly offer themselves after ther straying from the Covenant,
which they now acknowledge they ought from the beginning to have man-
tained.
Objection 6. Sextly, The King objectes, That all fortificationes wer continowd, non
demolishd.
To which they answer, That they know of no fortificatione but that of
Leeth ; to which they have ansuered.
Ch. LXXL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
35
Sevently, The King objectes ther spreading of scandalouse papers, and A. D. 1639.
ther seditiouse sermons, wherby the people are animated for to deterre his objection 7
good subjectes from returninge to ther owne houses ; as also that neither
wer ther libertyes nor ther goodes restored to them, etc.
They ansuer, That although some non-Covenanters had laid ther compt
for to enter into the houses and possessions of Covenanters, yet they had
not done so by them, nor hindered any such for to returne to ther houses,
albeit ther secrett wryttings, boastings, and railings, against the Cove-
nanters had been manye. Heerin ther memoryes wer evill that remembered
not that they did seize some of the bishopps rentes, as after shall be told,
which was done before this answer was penned.
Eiyhtly, The King objectes ther pressing subscriptions to mantaine the Objection 8.
Assembly of Glasgow, and the tumult in Edinburgh against Aboyne, etc.
They answer, That whereas the King objectes that he could not approve
the late Assembly of Glasgow "for the reasons conteyned in his former pro-
clamatione," they say, it is weall knowne that the King in his declaratione
commanded to blott out thes wordes " for the reasones conteyned, etc.," and
it is printed in the seventh page of the declaration without it ; yet it behoved
to be a contentiouse penne who had foysted in thes wordes againe, which the
King caused blott out, therby macking matters worse then before. Next,
for Glasgow Assembly, whatever was the power of the churche for to
presse the oathe in ane ecclesiasticke way and subscription, yet no man de N. B.
facto was urged unto it, but some prevaricators who wold have cheated
them, have been refoosed. As for the tumult of Edinburgh, they referr it
to ther former ansuer.
Nynthly, The King objectes, That, in choise of comissioners to the As- Objection 9.
sembly at Edinburgh, 1639, August twelfth, they had anticipat the voices
by macking the subjectes sweare to the actes of Glasgow; nor would choose
any but such as wold sweare to mantaine Glasgow Assemblye ; and, thirdly,
did deterr others whom the King calld to be ther, threatning them with
losse of lyves, etc.
To this they ansuer, That the King had acknowledged that the Assembly
itselfe was fittest judge who wer to be its members ; secondly, de facto,
they deney the challendge.
Tenthly, The King objectes, That they called all such as did adhere to Objection 1 0.
him traitors to God and ther countreye ; wheras, upon the contraire, by the
actes of parliament, subjectes are to ryse in armes with him, and such as
36
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639.
Objection LI.
Acts of the
General As-
sembly con-
veened at
Edinburgh,
twelfth
August, 1639;
Traquair,
Commissioner;
Mr. David
Dickson, mode-
rator. Griev-
ances of the
Church. Acts
of Assembly
read relating
to Episcopacy,
from which the
Commissione
agreed that
Episcopacy
was contrary
to the Acts of
the General
Assembly.
ryse in armes or rebellion against him, or comitte actes of hostilitye against
his sacred persone, are declared traitors, and to incurre the paine of high
treasone.
To this they ansuer, That such as are traitors to God and ther countrey
must be traitors also to the King; that it is evill policye to putt traitors to
God and ther countrey upon one side, and traitors to ther King on the
other ; that thes three are not to be disjoyned ; that they are to ryse with
the Kinge when he is for God and the countreye, but no right nor acte of
parliament forbiddes to stande for God and the countrey in caise of pub-
licke invasione ; that they love not to stricke on this string ; and that such
as have devyded King and countreye are drivne by the terrors of ther oune
consciences, not by any threatts from them.
Lastly, the King objectes ther protesting against the sitting of the ses-
sione, as a contempt of royall authoritye, and ane hurt to his good subjectes.
To this they ansuer, That because it was impossible for them to attende,
they only protested for indemnitye, but did not tacke it upon them to hinder
the session e.
LXXII. But, having wearyed the readers patience with this dispute be-
tuixt the King and Covenanters, it is now highe tyme for to give some ac-
compt of the Assembly of Edinburgh, leaving this unsatisfactorye pacifica-
tione, which the necessityes of bothe pairtyes drove them to acquiesce too,
with a resolution for to improve it to ther best advauntage, one against the
other, yet so as that both parted thence with grumblinge eneuche, as was
cleare by the sequelle ; for it brought forth but a short livd peace, and proved
but a weather breeder unto a second warre. Yet, being evill favouredly
patched upp, it gave breathing tyme for the Generall Assembly at Edin-
burgh ; which, because it was but the epitome and superstructure of the As-
sembly of Glasgow, and a confirmatione therof, wherin the Presbyterian
pairtye gained grounde palpably upon the King and his authoritye, I shall
therfor content myselfe for to give a far shorter accompt therof then I did
of the solemne Assembly of Glasgow (as themselves terme it) : And if God
spare my lyfe, and give me leiseur to follow out the narratione of the
troubles, I shall twoch what is most materiall in the followng Assemblyes of
the churche, esteeming it not necessaire to transcrybe all ther actes, after
thes two Assemblyes ; which wer the basis and entrado to the presbyterian
hierarchye for some tyme in Scottlande, and the foundatione wherupon
threteen Assemblyes wer reared, besyde the prodigiouse excrescens of ane
Ch. LXXII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
37
uncothe virtwall continwall Assembly, under the name of the Comissione of A. D. 1639.
the Churche ; which was aggregated to other churche judicatoryes, as a ne-
cessarye complement of the presbyterian governement, for to supplye, in
place of bishopps or superintendents, the intervalls of Generall Assemblyes ;
and, during that space, for to bee a crubb and brydle to overrule presbyteries
and synods, as also for to controule Parliaments themselves, as theye be-
ganne to doe, by the Kinge, putting in practise that coordinatione which for
severall yeares in the raigne of King James the Sixth, they had enjoyed,
and wer never at rest till duringe the raigne of Charles First, they wer
reposest therof.
ANE SHORT RELATIONE OF THE CHEIFE ACTES OF THE GENERALL ASSEM-
BLYE, WHICH WAS CALLED BY THE KING, AT EDINBURGH, AUGUST
TWELFTH, 1639 ;
Johne, Earle of Traqwaire, high thesaurer of Scottland, being dele-
gated Comissioner from the King, and Mr. David Dickson, moderator.
The comissioners chosne from severall presbyt9ries(') failed not to be Sessio la.
August 12.
(0 [An imperfect roll of the members of the Assembly of 1639 is printed in the Records
of the Kirk, pp. 237, 238. So much of it as relates to the Synods of Angus and The
Mearns, Aberdeen, and Murray, is subjoined ; opportunity having been taken to correct
some obvious errors.
I. THE SYNOD OF ANGUS AND THE MEARNS.
" Presbyterie of Meigill.
Mr George Somer [Symmer], minister at
Megill.
Mr George Halyburtowne, minister at
Glenyllay.
Elder, James Lord Cowper.
Presbyterie of Dundie.
Mr Androw Wood, minister at Mony-
fuithe.
Mr John Robertsone, minister at Ochter-
hous.
Ruling elder, David Grahame of Fintrye.
Burgh of Dundye.
James Fletcher, Provest.
Presbyterie of Forfar.
Mr John Lyndsay, minister at Aberlemno.
Mr Silvester Larny, minister at Glames.
Mr Alexander Kinningmont, minister at
Kilmaur, [Kirriemuir.]
Ruling elder, James Lyone of Albar.
Burgh of Forfar.
David Hunter, Provest.
Presbyterie of Brechen.
Mr John Weymes.
Mr James Lightowne, [minister at Dun].
Mr Lawrence Skinner, [minister at Na-
var].
Ruling elder, James Erie of Montrois.
Burgh of Brichen.
Robert Dempster.
Burgh of Montrois.
John Gorgeine [?], Bailzie.
Presbyterie of Arbrothk.
Mr Alexander Inglis, at St. Vigeanes.
Ruling elder, John Auchterlony of
Corme [?].
Burgh of Arbrothe.
Mr George Inglis, Burges.
38 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1639. present at Edinburgh against the twelfth of August, which was the day de-
signed by the King for the downe sitting therof. That day, Mr. Alexander
Presbyterie of Mernis [Fordouri],
Mr James Reid, minister at Arbuth-
not.
Mr Androw Mylne, at Fitteresso.
II. THE SYNOD
" Presbyterie of Aberdeine.
Mr David Lyndsay, minister at Balhelvie.
Mr Androw Abercrommy, minister at
Fen try.
Ruling elder, Johne Erie of Kinghorne.
Universitie of Aberdeine.
Burgh of Aberdeine.
Presbyterie of Deer.
Mr James Martene, minister at Peterhead.
Mr William Forbes, minister at Fraserburgh.
Mr William Jafray, minister at Achreddie
[New Deer.]
Ruling elder, George Baird of Auch-
medden.
Presbyterie of Alfuird.
Mr Androw Strachan, minister at Tilli-
nessel.
Mr William Davidstoune, minister at Kil-
drumy.
Mr Robert Skeine, minister at Forbes.
Ruling elder, Mr James Forbes of Hauch-
towne.
III. THE SYNOD
" Burgh of Elgyne.
Mr John Dowglas.
Presbyterie of Elgyne.
Mr Gawine Dumbar, minister at Alues.
Mr Alexander Spence, at Birney.
Ruling elder, Thomas M'Kenzie of Plus,
cardy.
Presbyterie of Aberlour.
Mr John Weymes, minister at Rothes.
Ruling elder, Walter Innes.
Presbyterie of Strabogie.
Mr William Mylne, minister at Glasse.
Ruling elder, Patrick Gibsone.
Mr Alexander Sympsone, minister at
Conveth [Laurencekirk].
Ruling Elder, Sir Robert Grahame of
Morphy."
OF ABERDEEN.
Presbyterie of Ellon.
Mr William Strachan, minister at Meithlick.
Ruling elder, William Setoune of Shithine.
Presbyterie of Turreff.
Mr Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turreff.
Mr George Sharpe, minister at Fyvie.
Ruling elder, Charles Erie of Dumfermling.
Presbyterie of Kinkarne [O'JVeil.]
Mr. Robert Forbes, minister at Eight.
Ruling elder, William Forbes, fear of Cor-
sindae.
Presbyterie of Garioche.
Mr William Wedderburne, minister at
Bathelnie [Old Meldrum].
Ruling elder, John Erskine of Balhagardy.
Presbyterie of Fordyce.
Mr Alexander Seatoune, minister at Banffe.
Ruling elder, Sir Alexander Abercrombie,
Knycht.
Burgh of Coulen.
George Hempsyd, Bailzie.
Burgh of Bumpfe.
Androw Baird, [Burges]."
OF MURRAY.
Presbyterie of Forres.
Mr Patrick Tulloche, minister at Forres.
Mr John Brodie, minister at Auldyrne.
Mr William Falconer, minister at Dycke.
Ruling elder, Patrick Campbell of Bothe.
Burgh of Forres.
Mr Johne Dumbar.
Presbyterie of Innernes.
Mr James Vaiss, minister at Croy.
Mr William Frisell, minister at Conveth.
Ruling elder, Mr James Campbell of Moy.
Burgh of Innernes.
Duncan Forbes, of Coulloden, Burges."]
Ch. LXXII.] history of scots affairs.
39
Henderson, who had preseeded at Glasgow, preachedO) and opned the As- A. D. 1639.
semblye, and desyred all coraissioners for to give in ther coraissions to the
clerke ; which, being performed, the sessione dissolved.
At the next sessione, Johne Steward, Earle of Traqwair, thesaurer and Sessio 2a.
Comissioner, gave in his comissione to be publickly reade and registred in
the records of the Asserablye ; wherin the King excused his absence, being
called away to England upon great and seriouse occasiones, " quod quidem
yravissimis maximique momenti negotiis reditum nostrum in Angliam urgen-
tibus impediti jam praestare non possumus" ; yet, neverthelesse, graunting
as full power to his comissioner to doe as if his Majesty had beene present
in persone, " sicuti nos facere potuissemus si in nostra sacratissima persona
adessemus, secundum ecclesiae consuetudinem, legesque praedicti antiqui regni
nostri ;" wordes which I fynde much laid hold vpon by the Covenanters
therafter in ther publick papers.*
After Traqwairs comissione was reade, Mr. Alexander Henderson, late
moderator, with consent of the members, did put five ministers(2) upon liste
for the moderators place. The suffrage downe waighed for Mr. David
Dicksone (of whom mention has been made befor), who was no sooner in-
stalld into the chaire, but he did give great thankes to Mr. Alexander Hen-
dersone, late moderator ; and then turninge his discourse to the Assembly,
beganne to shew what all of them ought to aime at/3)
The fourth sessione of the Assemblye, the Comissioner beganne to Sessio 4ta.
speacke and shew to the Assembly that amongst all the greevaunces of the
subjectes which had givne occasione to the troubles (he wold not then dis-
pute how reasonably or otherwayes) ther wer some which the Kings ma-
jesty had already abrogate by his proclamatione, and that it wold be to no
pourpose now to resume them or disscusse thes thinges anew. He said,
therfor, that in his judgement two thinges remained to be cleared, First,
The personall crymes and delinquencyes objected to the bishopps, which he
(1) [The " Sermon preached by the Reverend Mr Alexander Hendersone, before the
sitting doune of the General Assembly begun the 12 of August, 1639," is printed in the
Records of the Kirk, pp. 238—241.]
* True Representation, pag. 41 ; Historia Motuum, p. 396.
(2) [Mr. William Livingston, minister at Lanark; Mr. David Dick or Dickson, minister
at Irvine ; Mr. James Bonner, minister at Maybole ; Mr. Andrew Cant, minister at New-
bottle ; and Mr. Alexander Somerville, minister at Dolphinton.]
(3) [« Mr David Dick, Modcratour, his Speach" is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp.
242, 243.]
40
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. said the King desyred might be put to a legall tryall ; Secondly, Episcopacy
itself, or the very functione and power of bishopps ; and heerin he said that
they had need all of them to considder seriously that the King being bredd
upp in that churche wherin Episcopacye was approved, did expect solide
arguments for to gaine his consent, and for to move him to resolve what he
should determine therof in this churche: Therfor, he said, it was the As-
semblyes pairt to stryve to satisfee the King in that particular.!1)
The moderator answered to the Commissionair, telling him that the
grievaunces of the churche wer, First, The wante of Nationall Assemblyes
for many yeares ; Second, The approbatione and ratificatione of corrupt
Assemblyes, viz. of two at Linlithgow, the Assembly of Glasgow, of Aber-
deen, of Saint Andrews, of Pearthe ; Third, The violent obtruding the
practise of the Five Articles of Pearthe ; Fourth, And of the Service
Booke, the Booke of Canons, and ane High Commissione ; Fifth, The
breach of ther Nationall Covenant, which was solemnly made with God ;
Sixth, Episcopacye ; Seventh, Civill places of churche men, and the
tyranny of bishopps, and ther usurpatione upon synods and all ecclesiasti-
call meetings. It is to this (said the moderator) that we impute all our
evills, attesting God the searcher of heartes that it was ever ther aime to
obey the King, and obey his laufull commandes conforme to the lawes of
the launde, whatever ther enemyes said to the contrarye ; and that albeit
they judged that Kings wer subject to Chryste, and that all thinges wer to
be rejected which should be founde contrarye to his glorye and kyngdome,
yet that they would never suffer any injurye to be done, or any reproche to
be offered to civill powers, as being Gods ordinances placed above men for
ther good.* And mor to this pourpose he added, all very plausible in ap-
pearance ; yet he spocke nothing de jure what he thought the people might
doe by kings.
The Commissionaire answered, That this Assembly was indicted by the
King, to the ende that it might be seriously enqwyred, and in the feare of
the Lord, whither or not thes wer the only and true greivances of the
churche which the moderator had reockned out ; that if it could be shewed
they wer such, it was aequitable for to remove them out of the churche ; but
if that could not be shewed, then it was most aeqwitable that they should be
(i) [See Records of the Kirk, pp. 244—246.]
* Historia Motuum, pag. 397. [Records of the Kirk. pp. 246—247.]
Ch. LXXII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
41
lettne alone : For instance (saies he), if Episcopacyebe one of the greivaunces A. D. 1639.
of the churche, then lett it be shewed that it is contrarye to the constitn-
tions of the churche, and so of the rest.
The moderator undertooke for to prove that which the Commissioner
desyred, viz. concerning Episcopacy e, That ever since the reformation it had
been the constant aime of the church of Scottland for to plucke upp Episco-
pacye by the roote, and to restore the presbyterian governement, whiche
he conceived to be apostolicke ; that the church had plucked it upp roote
and braunch ; and that albeit it had begunne to ryse at severall tymes ther-
after, yet that it no sooner did sett upp its heade but it was crubbed.
The Commissioner saide that the best waye for shunning intricate dis-
putes was, for to reade all that might be to that pourpose out of the regis-
ters of the Assemblyes themselves. But then ther arose a controversye
what yeare they should beginne att : some would have them stepp backe as
farr as the yeare 1560, which was the yeare wherin the reformed relligione
was established by the authoritye of Parliament : others urged to beginne
ther searche twenty yeares afterwardes, viz. at 1580, because that yeare the
Confessione of Faithe was first subscrybed. At last, by pluralitye of votes,
it was agreed that they should beginne the reading of the actes of Assem-
blyes at the yeare 1575 ; seinge that about that tyme the contest and
struggle betuixt presbyteriall and episcopall governement grew very re-
markable (as has been told in the First Booke), till, anno 1580, Episcopacye
was declared against. And then ther was [read] a passage of a letter wryttne
anno 1571, by Theodore Beza to Johne Knox, wherin Beza shewes that as
Episcopacye had brought forth the Papacy e, so lyckwayes the psewdo-bishops,
who wer the remaines of Poperye, would introduce Epicurisme ; and withall
exhortes him, that once having drivne the first out of Scottland, not to re-
admitte the other.O)
The Commissioner ansuered, That he intended to urge nothing but that
which should be satisfactorye to all honest men, but that ther wer some
rockes on both handes, from which they wold doe best to keepe a loofe ; and
of that kynde he saide wer all suche thinges that obstructed peace a nd
truthe ; also, That he had it in his instructiones from the King, his mais-
(0 [" Sed & istud, mi Cnoxe, te caeterosque fratres meminisse velim, quod jam oculis
pcne ipsis cernitur, sicut episcopi Papatum pepererunt, ita Pseudo-episcopos papatus reliquias
epicureismum terris invecturos : hanc pestem caveant qui salvam ecclesiam cupiunt ; & cum
illam in Scotia profligaris, ne quseso illam unquam admittas," etc.]
F
42
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. ter, that he should leave nothing unessayed wherby both might be firmly
established ; meane whyle, That the Assembly wold doe weall to have a
speciall regarde unto the Kings honor : which the moderator promised, in
name of the rest, they should doe.
Befor the following sessione the members of the Assembly, in the ab-
sence of the Kings Commissioner, made a fashione and kept a great rackett
enqwyring what thes rockes wer ; and they fell to advyse by what meanes
truthe and peace might be established, and the King his honor preserved.
At the meeting of the Assembly, the moderator told the Comissioner,
That all of them wer most willing to doe that which he had so earnestly
urged upon them ; and that no neerer way to truthe and peace could they
fall upon then the Kings Majestyes owne overture, viz. That since ther is
nothing that is now questioned, or can be controverted, but the late As-
sembly at Glasgow, 1638; which, since the King will not ratifie, we are
not resolved to urge it now, yet so as this our resolutione be not tackne for
a passing ther from, and that so much the rather because the King has
promised that he will not urge us so to doe, because that he was informed
that the subjectes had bounde themselves by many straite tyes for to man-
taine the authoritye of that Assemblye : That, therfor, it was best for to
shunne both the extremes heedfullye.
The Commissioner ansuered, That thes rockes which he exhorted them to
beware of wer happilye discovered'; therfor he wished that, with a lycke
happinesse, they might saile by them, and that, for his pairte, he should
steer his course in the midde chanell betuixt both the extremes/1)
Therafter, the clerke of the Assemblye was commanded for to reade the
actes of severall Assemblyes faithfully, and with a loude audible voice.
They saye, that whilst the clerke was reading, at severall passages the
Comissioner called for the principall register himselfe, and collationd exactly
the extractes if they wer agreable to the register itselfe : And whilst the
clerke continowd for to read the rest of the actes against Episcopacye, the
Commissioner interrupted him, desyring him to passe to other greevaunces,
telling, That he confessed that in that particular he was aboundantly satisfeed,
viz. that Episcopacye was contrare to the actes of the Generall Assemblyes
of the churche. In the mean tyme, that all might know how good growndes
the Assembly of Glasgow had proceeded upon in all ther actes, which wer
(i) [See the Records of the Kirk, p. 249.]
Ch. LXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
43
so much cryed out upon by ther enemyes and calumniators, the clerke con- A. D. 1639.
tinowd to reade the actes even unto the Assembly at Dundee, anno 1580.*
In the following sessiones, the reasones wer reade against the Five Arti-
cles of Pearthe, the Six Assemblyes, the Service Booke, Booke of Canons,
Booke of Ordinatione and High Commissione (all which you may fynde at
large in the historye of the Assemblye of Glasgow) : And befor the rysing
of the sessione, five wer named who should draw upp ane acte of Assembly,
in due forme, concerninge the forsaide greivaunces.
LXXIII. In the eighth sessione of the Assemblye, August seventeenth, Graham,
ther was givne in to the Assemblye, a paper directed from Mr. George ^gho^ 0rk"
Grahme, bishop of Orkney, containing ane abjuration of Episcopacye, sub- E^scopacy".
scrybed with his hande ; the which paper was publickly reade in the Assem- Mr- Patrick
blye, and therafter it was appoynted to be registred in the Assembly bookes, Causes and re-
ad perpetuam rej memoriam : Which was as followes : f medies of the
" To all and sundrye whom it effeires, to whoise knowledge thir presents ^he^n-k18
shall come, specially to the reverend and honourable members of the future drawn up by
Assemblye to be holdne at Edinburgh, the twelth day of August, 1639 vSta*!?'
yeares : Me, Maister George Grahme, sometyme pretended bishopp of concerning
Orkneye, being sorrye and greeved at my heart that I should ever, for any Qq^J!^
worldly respecte, have embraced the order of Episcopacye, the same having er's vote is
no warrant from the Worde of God, and being- such ane order as hath had af.ked ; .^e de~
clines till all
sensiblye many fearfull and evill consequences in many pairtes of Christen- had voted ;
dome, and particularlye within the kirke of Scottlande, as by dolefull and °£nc^~
deplorable experience this day is manifeste, to have disclaimed, lyckeas, I, mative. F
be the tenour heerof, doe altogether disclaime and abjure all episcopall Commissioner
power and jurisdictione, with the whole corruptiones therof, condemned by K^n^'s' name*6
laufull Assemblyes within the said kirke of Scottlande, in regarde the to the abolish-
same is such an order as is also abjured within the said kirke, by vert we of ing ot EPISC0~
J ' J pacy, and de-
that nationall oathe which was made in the yeares 1580 and 1581 ; promising dares the
and swearing by the great Name of the Lord our God, That I shall never, Ivm£ snoiulcl
° J & ' ratify and
whyles I live, directly nor indirectlye, exerce any such power within the enact it.
kirke, neither yet shall I ever approve or allowe the samen, not so much as Sessio 8va.
in my private or publicke discourse ; but, on the contrarye, shall stande August 17.
and adhere to all the actes and constitutiones of the late Assemblye holdne
* Historia Motuum, pag. 400. [Records of the Kirk, p. 250.]
t See Print Actes, pag. 1 . [Records of the Kirk, p. 204 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect.,
vol. iii., p. 957.]
44
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. 1). 1639. at Glasgowe, November twenty-first, 1G38, last by past, and shall concurre,
to the uttermost of my power, sincerly and faithfully, as occasione shall
serve, in executing the saides actes, and in advauncing the worke of refor-
mation within this launde, to the glorye of God, the peace of the coun-
trey, and the confort and contentment of all good Christians, as God shall
be my helpe. In testimoney of the which praemises, I have subscrybed thir
presents with my hande, at Breeknesse, in Stromnesse, the eleventh day of
February e, the yeare of God 1639 yeares, befor thir witnesses, Mr. Walter
Steward, minister at South Ronnaldsoye; Mr. James Hynd, minister at
Kirkwall ; Mr. Robert Peirsone, minister at Firth ; and Mr. Patricke
Grahme, minister at Holme, my sonne."
I have sett downe the very true coppye of the abjuration, being, as I
suppose, a peece wherof few patternes are to be founde, except that of Mr.
Patrick Adamson, bishop of St. Andrewes, whoise abjuratione(^ is saide to
have been extorted from him whilst he was a dying, and in such extreme
necessitye that he was glad for to subsigne any thinge for his mantenance.
The constant report beares lyckwayes that Mr. Patrick Adamson subscrybed
fide implicita whatever was presented to him at that tyme : Whether it
wer so or not, I will not positively affirme, being acted many yeares since ;
however, it is sure that the Presbyterians made no great objectione or use
afterwardes of Mr. Patrick Adamson his deede : But this was farr beyond
it ; severall bishopps, through age or for other reasones, have been hearde to
laye downe ther charges, and to have reteered from the world ; but in this
acte Mr. George Grahme out went them all, who, having lived bishop for
severall yeares with a qwyett conscience, at last renounced and abjured it as
ane antichristian functione, yet no arguments to macke him doe so, but the
actes of the Assembly of Glasgow.
His abjuratione rendered him verye detestable to the episcopall pairty, and
it is questionable if he was beleeved for all that, by the presbyterians.
Joseph Hall, bishop of Norwitche, wrytinge about that tyme a treatise to
justifie the jus divinum of Episcopacye, letts him not slipp, but in that
booke falls upon him with a sharpe and disdainfull expostulatione. But to
our pourpose againe.
Heerafter was presented the acte containing the causes and remedye of
the bygone evills of the kirke, which had been appoynted to bee drawne upp
0) [See Calderwood, pp. 260—265 ; Archbishop Spottiswood, p. 385.]
Ch. LXXIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
45
by a comitte, and it was publickly reade,0) and after, by uniforme voice, A. D. 1639.
was approved and enacted. The acte was as followeth :*
" The Kings majesty having gratiously declared, That it is his royall will
and pleasure, that all questions about relligione, and matters ecclesiastickall,
be determined by Assemblyes of the kirke ; having also, by publicke procla-
matione, indicted this free nationall Assemblye, for settling the present dis-
tractione of this kirke, and for establishing a perfect peace against such
divisiones and disorders as have been sore displeasing to his Majestye, and
greivouse to all his good subjectes : And now his Majestyes Comissionar,
John Earle of Traqwaire, instructed and authorised with a full comissione,
being present and sitting in this Assemblye, now fully conveend, and orderly
constitute in all the members therof, acording to the order of this kirke,
having at large declared his Majestyes zeale to the reformed relligione, and
his royall care and tender affectione to this kirke, wher his Majestye had
bothe his birth and baptisme, his great displeasure at the manifolde dis-
tractions and divisions of this kirke and kyngdome, and his desyres to have
all our woundes perfectly cured, with a faire and fatherly hande : And al-
though, in the way approvne by this kirke, tryall hath been tackne in for-
mer Assemblyes befor, from the kirke registers, to our full satisfactione,
yet the Comissioners grace macking particular enqwyrye from the members
of the Assemblye, now solemnly conveened, concerning the reall and trwe
causes of so many and great evills as this tyme past had so sore troubled
the peace of this kirke and kyngdome, It was represented to his Majestyes
Comissioner by this Assemblye, That, besyde many other, the maine and
materiall causes wer, First, The pressing of this kirke by the prelatts with
a Service Booke or Booke of Common Prayer, without warrant or direc-
tione from the kirke, and containing, besydes the popish frame therof,
diverse popish errors and ceremonyes, and the seeds of manifold grosse
superstitions and idolatryes, with a Booke of Canons, without warrant or
directione from the Generall Assemblye, establishing a tyrannical power
over the kirke in the persones of bishopps, and overthrowing the whole
discipline and governement of the kirke by Assemblyes, with a Booke of
Consecratione and Ordinatione, without warrant of authoritye, civill or
ecclesiasticall, appoynting officers in the house of God which are not war-
(i) [By " Mr. Andro Cant, he having a strong voice." Records of the Kirk, p. 251.]
• See Print Actes, paqg. 2, 3, 4 ; [Records of the Kirk, pp. 204, 205 ; Rushworth's
Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 958, 959.]
46
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. ranted by the word of God, and repugnant to the discipline and actes of
our kirke, and, with the High Comissione, erected without the consent of
the kirke, subverting the jurisdictione and ordinarye judicatorys of this
kirke, and giving to persones meerly ecclesiasticall the power of both
swordes, and to persones meerly civill the power of the keyes and kirke
censures : A second cause was the Articles of Pearth, viz. the observatione
of festivall dayes, kneeling at the communione, confirmatione, administra-
tione of the sacraments in privat places, the which are brought in by a null
Assemblye, and are contrarye to the Confessione of Faithe, as it was
meaned and subscrybed 1580, and diverse tymes since, and to the order and
constitutiones of this kirke : Thirdly, The chaunging of the governement
of the kirke, from the Assemblyes of the kirke to the persones of some
kirkemen, usurping prioritye and power over ther bretheren, by the way and
under the name of episcopall governement, against the Confessione of
Faithe, 1580, against the order sett downe in the Booke of Policye, and
against the intentione and constitutione of this kirke from the beginning :
Fourthly, The civill places and power of kirkemen, ther sitting in sessione,
councell, and in exchequer ; ther ryding, sitting, and voting in parliament,
and ther sitting in the bench as justices of peace, which, acording to the
constitutiones of this kirke, are incompatible with ther spiritwall functione,
lifting them upp above ther bretheren in worldly pompe, and doe tend to
the hinderaunce of the ministrye : Fyftly, The keeping and authorising
corrupt Assemblyes, at Linlithgow, 1606 and 1608 ; at Glasgow, 1610 ;
at Aberdene, 1616; at St. Andrewes, 1617; at Pearth, 1618, which are
null and unlawfull, as being called and constitute qwyte contrarye to the
order and constitutiones of this kirk, receaved and practised ever since
the reformation of relligione, and, withall, labouring to introduce nova-
tiones into this kirke against the order and relligione established : A sext
cause is, the wante of laufull and free Generall Assemblyes, rightly consti-
tute of pastors, doctors, and elders, yearlye or oftner, pro re nata, acording
to the libertyes of this kirke expressed in the Booke of Policye and ac-
knowledged in the Act of Parliament, 1592. After which, the whole Assem-
blye, in one heart and voice, did declare, that these and such other, proceed-
inge from the neglect and breache of the Nationall Covenant of this kirke
and kyngdome, made in anno 1580, have been indeed the true and maine
causes of all our evills and distractiones : And, therfor, ordaine acordinge
to the constitutiones of the Generall Assemblyes of this kirke, and upone
Ch. LXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
47
the growndes respective above specifyde, That the forsaid Service Booke, A. D. 1639.
Bookes of Canons and Ordinatione, and the High Comissione, be still re-
jected : That the Articles of Pearthe be no more practised : That episcopall
governement, and the civill places and power of kirkemen, be holdne still as
unlaufull in this kirke : That the above named pretended Assemblyes, at Lin-
lithgow, 1606 and 1608 ; at Glasgowe, 1610; at Aberdeen, 1616 ; at St. An-
drews, 1617 ; at Perthe, 1618, be heerafter accompted as null and of none
effecte : And that for preservation of relligione, and preventing all such evills
in tyme comminge, Generall Assemblyes, rightly constitute, as the proper
and competent judge of all matters ecclesiasticall, heerafter be kept yearly,
and oftner, pro re nata, as occasione and necessitye shallreqwyre ; the necessitye
of thes occasionall Assemblyes being first remonstrate to his Majestye by
humble supplicatione : As also, that kirke sessiones, presbytryes, and synodall
assemblyes, be constitute and observed acording to the order of this kirke."
Befor the vote was past,* the moderator asked the judgement of a
number of the oldest ministers : Who had long- discourses concerningre the
former state of the churche, its puritye, and the zeale of the ministrye at
that tyme ; which was afterwards qwelled, so that they wondered much
that God did not poure a judgement downe upon thes apostates : That the
restoring of all now to its former puritye had revived the former zeale ;
which looked to them lycke a dreame : Finally, they gave many thankes to
the Kinge, whom God was thus pleased to macke instrumentall to restore
his mother church into its former splendour.
Therafter, the moderator desyred that any who had any scruple might
propose it; but all keeping silent, the moderator asked the lord Comis-
sioners vote first. He protested that he might give his voice in the last
place, telling the moderator that he had it in his instructiones not to vote
till he first heard the judgement of the Assembly e, and then acordinglye to
approve, as he saw occasione ; albeit (sayes he) it be not hard to judge by
your countenances, and the discourses of thes grave pastors, what your
vote will bee. His desyre was graunted, and the vote was concluded in
the affirmative (for none came ther who wer otherwayes mynded).
Then the Kings Cornissioner saide, That he had oftne told to the venerable
Assembly, and now he repeated it, that it was the Kings will, and had
givne it to him in his instructiones, that if Episcopacye wer declard un-
• Historia Motuum, pag. 405. [Records of the Kirk, pp. 251, 252.]
48
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1039. laufull by the judgement of this synode, and contrare unto the constitu-
tions of this churche, (as they had oftne remonstrated in ther supplicationes) ;
that in that caise he should consent to the judgement of the Assemblye, and
that he should ratine it, and enactc it : Therefor he said that he approved
that acte, from his hearte ; meanewhyle, that he was assured that none
wold tacke it in ane evill pairt, that the Kinge had not been so haistye in
his consente to this bussinesse, as many would have wished, if they would
but considder wher and what waye the King was brought upp, and that he
was not only King of this kyngdome, but of other two kyngdomes, which
doe approve that which is heer rejected : Therfor, if heertofor any have
been scrupled, he hoped ther feares might now be tackne awaye : Furder,
That it was the pairt of the Assemblye for to make knowne unto the people
the Kings bounty and justice : Finally, That what he had spockne with his
mouthe he was willing to subscrybe with his hande ; promising to give in to
the clerke, in wrytte, the declaratione of his consente, and that he should
ratine this acte in the enswing parliament : which he did acordingly, in the
twenty-third sessione of this synode, Avgusti thirtieth, in the manner fol-
io winge :*
" I, Johne Earle of Traqwair, his Majestyes Commissioner in this pre-
sent Assemblye, doe, in his Majestyes name, declare that, notwithstanding
of his Majestys oune inclinatione, and many other grave and weightye
considerationes, yet suche is his Majestyes incomparable goodnesse, that,
for settling the present distractiones, and giving full satisfactione to the
subjecte, be dothe allowe, lyckeas I, his Majestyes Comissionaire, doe
consente to the forsaide acte, and have subscrybed the premisses."
And immediatly therafter, the Kings Comissioner reade and gave in the
declaratione followinge, in the termes that the print acte recordeth it in
thes wordes :
" It is alwayes heerby declared by me, his Majesties Comissioner, That
the practise of the premisses, prohibited within this kirke and kyngdome,
outwith the kyngdome of Scottlande, shall never bynde nor inferre censure
against the practises outwith the kyngdome."
This declaratione, when the Comissioner reqwyred to be insert into the
register of the kirke, and the moderator, in name of the Assemblye,
refused to give warrant for such practise, as not agreable with a good
* See Print Actes, pag. 13. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect.,
vol. iii., p. 963.]
Ch. LXXIV.] history of scots affairs.
49
conscience, the Coraissioner urged that it should be recorded, at least that A. D. 1639.
he had made such a declaratione, whatsoever was the Assemblyes judge-
ment in the contrare : Wherupon they gave waye to inserte it into ther
register, " vocitative only" ; I give yow ther owne termes.
The ratificatione of the former acte was in effecte a materiall and solide
ratificatione of all the most important actes of the Assembly of Glasgow ;
thus Episcopacye and Pearth Articles, whiche wer wounded at Glasgow
Assembly, receaved ther deathes wounde at this Asemblye, by the Kings
constrained consent, who saw that either he must give waye to it, other-
wayes it would be done without his approbatione.
LXXIV. In the following sessione, August nineteenth, Mr. Alexander Lindsay,
Lindseye, bishopp of Dunkelde, sent his letter to the Assembly, wherin |^°P °t
he renounced Episcopacye, and abjurd it, as Mr. George Grahme had abjures e'pisco-
done ; declaring it to want warrant from Gods worde, and to be contrarye P^.cy. ^The
to the Covenant and constitutions of this churche. DecfaratiorP
From the ninth to the sixteenth sessione some privatt debates wer dis- condemned,
puted, and the grievaunces of severall churches wer canvassed/1) Ther ^ ttaPKtn°- to
(0 [Session thirteenth, 22 August : " The Bill of Invernes against their Minister,
referred to the Provinceall Assemblie.
" A Supplicatione for the change of the Presbitrie seat of Mearnes, referred to the
Committie for the Billes." Records of the Kirk, p. 257.
Session fourteenth, 23 August: " After prayer, the Moderatonr desired the four
severall Committies to give in their diligence ; and, first, for the north, Mr David Lindsey
[minister at Belhelvie], Moderatour of that Committie, gave in the summe of the proces
against Mr George Gordoune, which was found to have beine clearlie proven, and the
Assembly did approve the sentence of the Commission against him.
" A Supplication from Mr James Sandilands, Canonist in the Kings Colledge of Aber-
deene : That whereas the late Commission from the Generall Assembiie had abolished the
said facultie whereof he was Professor, did therefore supplicat the Assemblie for annulling
the said Act, in respect he was only cited before the Commission to be examined upon his
personall carriage ; and, therefore, neither had they warrand to doe farther, nor he was
bound to answer them in further, and that becaus there were not a sufficient quorum there
present at that tyme.
" The Assemblie, at the desire of the Commissioners Grace, delayed it till the next
Session." Ibid.
Session eighteenth, 26 August : " A Supplication from Mr Thomas Tullidaff,
minister at Foverane, a man of 98 years, having bein a minister 57 yeares ; that whereas
he had demitted his place in favour of Mr John Patersone for the soume of 400 merkes
a-yeare, and having no better securitie but the said Mr. Johns simple bond, who may be
transported or suspendit, &c, and so the old man prejudged, therefore did supplicat for ane
Act of the Assembly in his favours, that he might be secured of the forsaid soume during
his life ; to the which the Assemblie willinglie condescendit." Id. pp. 260, 261.
Session nineteenth, 27th August: " A Supplication of the province of Aberdeine
upon the cruell oppression and persecution of the enemies of this Church and Kingdomej
G
50
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639.
call it in and
disown it, and
supposed au-
thors (particu-
larly Dr. Bal-
canquel, dean
of Durham)
should be sent
to Scotland to
answer tor it
before the
Parliament.
The supplica-
tion itself,
verbatim.
Sessio 9.
August 19.
Sessio 16.
August 24.
complaintes wer lyckewayes heard, who complained that they wer woronged
by the proceedings and sentences of the comittyes who wer nominate by the
Assembly of Glasgow ; whoise proceedings wer either ratifyd or disallowed,
as the Assembly founde most fitting : all which was done mostly in the pre-
sence of the Kings Comissionaire.
The sixteenth sessione of the Assembly was remarkable for the com-
plainte of some members of the Assembly givne in against a booke which
they looked upon as a greate eye sore. This was the Kings Large De-
claratione, wherin ther is historically deduced such passages as wer most
remarkable, from the very first uproare in Edinburgh, July, 1637, unto the
tyme that Hamiltoune commanded the Assembly of Glasgow to ryse, under
paine of treasone. That booke lyckwayes containes ane inventaire of the
Kings proclamations and declarations during the forsaide space, and, in the
closure, his resolutione concerning the Covenanters. In it lyckwayes are to
be seene the severall protestationes and remonstrances of the Covenanters,
with the King his observationes therupon : A booke which now beganne to
be qwarelled first in publick and judicially, and afterward was condemned in
the Parliament, 1641 ; as shall be related in its owne place, God willing :
Yet whatever bustling was made about the perusall and censure therof, and
its untruthes affirmed to be contained therin, it gott never ane answer to
this daye ; and possibly will be answered when the doctors of Aberdeens
duplyes are refooted. It was the opinion of many wyse men that the inno-
daylie lying in wait for their lyves, so that Ministers were forced to retier themselves, and
not to come to their flockes, recommended most humbly and earnestlie to the Parliament."
" The Bill for the change of the Presbitrie seat of Mearnes referred back to the
Presbitrie."
" Sir Alexander Carnegie of Bonnymoone having built a Church upon his oune ex-
penses, did supplicat that it might be decerned to be a distinct paroche.
" As lykewayes a Supplication of Duncan Campbell of Glenlyon, to the same effect, re-
ferred to the Parliament."
" Mr James Sandilands, canonist, his Supplication being againe presented to the Assem-
blie, and many pressing arguments why the ffacultie could not be abolished, used by the said
Mr James, which gave great light to the Assemblie, the Assemblie appoynted M" John
Adamsone, David Lindsey, James Bonar, Doctor Strang, to consider of it till the mor-
row, and then to give their best overtures in writt." Id. pp. 261, 262. [No farther
notice of this matter appears.]
Session twentieth, 28 August: " Boneymoons Bill for erecting of a new Kirk
distinct from the Kirk of Brechin, being read and the reasons of both being read, the
Assembly grants the said Bonymoone his desire, without prejudice of any parties civill
right, which they reserve to any judge competent." Id. p. 264.
Session twenty-first, 29 August: " The Acts of the Assemblie ratified, against Sal-
mond Fisching on the Sabboth, upon a Supplication of Johne Forbes of Leslie." Ibid.
i
Ch. LXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
51
cent booke had not mett with so harsh a measure, mor then others of the A. D. 1639.
Kings papers did, which wer passed by at the pacificatione, and the narra-
tiones either not qwarelled or buryd in ane acte of oblivion, had not that
booke, in a certaine place,* made so farr bold with the Marquesse of Ar-
gyle, as to conclude him a knave, by the force of a necessary conseqwence,
from ane discourse and expressione used by him in the Assembly of Glas-
gow, the preceeding winter. But to our purpose.
The complainers (whoise names I meete not with) did ther affirme That all
the church of Scottlande, and many of the principal members therof, wer
highly woronged and intollerablye calumniate by that booke, which, said
they, albeit it was published under the Kings name, yet that it did most im-
pudently belye his name : They challendged it for macking the King relate
the historye of the preceeding actions, as if himself had been present at
evrye one of them ; yet was this an innocent challendge, for he who will
attentively peruse that booke will fynde no suche thing in it: Furder, they
alledged that it was so stuffed with reproaches, and calumneyes, and wrest-
ings, and falshoods, that it could containe no mor.
The Comissioner pressed them for to waive ther complainte against that
booke, and lay by ther challendge, or if they wold not graunt to doe so, at
least that they would be mor sparing and mannerly in ther language, seing
that it was a booke which was superscrybed with no other name, and no
lesser title then the Kinges Majestyes.
The Earle of Rothesse, who was one of the ruling elders, answered, That
all who wer present did seriously laye to ther heart the Kings honor ; yet
that a severe censure of suche ane infamous lybell (so he was pleased to
terme it), could no waye praejudice the Kings honor, being that it was
clearly knowne to all that the King was not the author ; therfor that the
credite of the church was to be vindicated, and that the Kings name pre-
fixed to a booke that was none of the Kings, could no mor free the author
from punishment, no mor then the Kings image upon counterfitte money
could free a coyner of false money from punishment acording to the laws.
And others said that they had heard the King affirme things contrary to the
contents of that booke.
* Large Declaration, pag. [326. " And now if by his owne confession hee carried
things closely for the Covenanters advantage, being then one of the Lords of Our secret
Councell, and that in the end hee must openly joyne with them or bee a Knave ; what hee
hath proved himselfe to bee by this close and false carriage, let the World judge." See
above, vol. ii., pp. 171, 172.]
52
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. The result of all was, that ther should be a comittye nominated who
should peruse that booke, and give in to the Assembly a reporte of all that
they found amisse therin : It is affirmed that heerafter ther was a diligence
givne in to the Assemblye,0) which was publickly read in the Assemblye.
Therafter the moderator fell to enqwyre the judgement of the gravest
bretheren, and some of the most eminent ruling elders : Amongst others the
Lord Kircurbright his vote is remarkable, to that purpose, he said, that it
was much to be regrated if some other good men (he meaned Bastwicke,
Burton, and Prynne), had ther eares cropt for wryting of some bookes else
wher in ther oune name, if such grosserowges as thes who had made bold with
the King should not have ther heades cutt off for ther paines. To this the
Moderator replyd, that such a sentence was without the sphere of the As-
semblyes power/2) At last, it was agreed that a supplicatione should be
drawne and sent to the Kinge, humbly beseeching him to call in that de-
claratione, and to declare against all the lyes therein contained, wherof it
was appoynted that a note should be sent unto him ; finally, that all the
authors and favourers of that booke, at least such of them as wer natives of
Scottland, might be send to Scottlande, and caused ansuer ther befor the
judges competent ; but in speciall that his Majesty wold be pleased for to
give orders for presenting Dr. Balcanqwell (of whome I have had occasione
to speacke oftne before), lately constituted deane of Durhame, that he
might ansuer befor the Parliament ; and that, because he did boast himselfe
to be the author therof, that by his exemplar punishement others might be
scarrd from raising upp animosityes betwixt the Kinge and subjects, or
sowing seditione betwixt them.
The supplicatione was afterwardes delyvered to the Kings Comissioner,
who did communicate it to the parliament afterwardes, and promised to the
Assembly to present it to the Kinge.
I have conjoyned all that was spockne or done concerning the Large De-
claratione (albeit it be true that the supplicatione was not enacted till
session twenty-third, August thirtyth), least it should heerafter interruppe
the narrative of other passages.
The supplicatione verbatim is to be seene printed amongst the actes of
(1) [An abstract of it is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 265 — 268.]
(2) [Historia Motuum, p. 409. " Mr Andro Cant said — It is [so] full of grosse absur-
dities that I thinke hanging of the author should prevent all other censures. The Moderatour
answered — That punishment is not in the hands of Kirkmen." Records of the Kirk, p. 268.]
1
Ch. LXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
53
that Assembly :* Which afterwardes gave but little satisfaction unto the mor A. D. 1639.
intelligent, because in that Assembly, and in the following parliaments, they
kept such a clamour and bustlinge against the Large Declaratione, and chal-
lendged it of so many lowde lyes, all which wer affirmed to be drawne upp
in one collectione ; yet to this day, thes lyes are not instanced. The sup-
plicatione, howbeit, for substance, the same with what is above related, yet
I have heer sett downe :
" We, the members of this present Assembly, for ourselves, and in
name of the severall presbytryes, brughs, and vniversityes, for which we
are comissioners, resenting the greate dishonour done to God, our king,
this kirke, and whole kyngdome, by a booke called a Large Declaratione,
have heer represented the same unto your grace, and have collected some,
amongst many, of false, grosse, and absurde passages ; That, from the
consideratione therof, your grace perceiving the intollerable evills forsaide
contained therin, may be pleased to represent the same to our gratiouse
Soveraigne, and, in our behalfs, humbly to beseeche his Majestie, so much
woronged by the many fowle and false relations suggested and perswaded
to him as truthes, and by stealing the protection of his royall name and
authoritye to such a booke its patrocinye : To be pleased, first, to call in
the saide booke, and thereby to shew his dislycke therof: Next, to give
comissione and warrante to cite all such partyes as are knowne or suspected
to have a hande in it, and to appoynte such as his Majestye knowes to be
either authors, informers, or any waye accessarye, being natives of this
kyngdome, to be sent hither to abyde ther tryall and censure befor the
judge ordinarye ; and, in speciall, Mr. Walter Balcanqwell, now deane of
Durham, who is knowne and hath professed to be the author, at least
avower and mantainer, of a greate pairte therof ; that, by ther exemplar
punishment, others may be detterred from such dangerouse courses, as in
such a waye to raise seditione betuixt the Kinge and his subjectes, Gods
honour may be vindicate from so highe contempt, his Majestyes justice may
appeare, not only in cutting awaye such malefactors, but in discouraging
all such undermynders of his throne, his loyall and loving subjects shall be
infinitly contented to be cleared befor the world of so false and unjust im-
putations, and will live heerafter in the greater securitye when so dangerouse
a course of sedition is prevented, and so will have the greater and greater
cause to pray for his Majestyes prosperouse raigne."
* Assembly, Edinburgh, p. 9. [Records of the Kirk, pp. 206, 207 ; Rushworth's Hist.
Collect., vol. iii., pp. 960, 961.]
54
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Traqwaire, the Comissioner, receaved ther supplicatione, and promised
to imparte it to the Kinge, and to report a diligence therein. However, it
is now tyme to leave furder mentioning of it till the parliament 1641.
Commissioner L X XV. In the twentieth sessione of the Assembly, the moderator declared
desired to sub- to the Comissioner that it was the desyre of all the Assemblye that not only
venanV ancP0" grace for himself would be pleased to subscrybe the Covenante, but
authorise an that lyekwayes he wold give his consent to ane acte ordaininge all subjectes
the^scribmo- to SUDScrybe it. To this desyre, the Comissionair answered, That the two
it. The Com" partes of the Covenant wer of diverse natures ; first, the Confessione of
missioner s an- Faith, concerning which he said that now ther could be no questione, he
plication to the being fully perswaded that both the formall words therof, and the explana-
t-'cmi|nis^10mrr tione therof by the Assembly, at his subscriptione therof, August seven-
council for teenth, wer true : Yet he saide that the other pairte of ther Covenant, viz.
subscription of ther mutwall bande against all men whatsomever, was a pille that some
The council cou^ not easily digeste. This, he saide, in his judgment, could be helped
grant an order easily by ane handsome explanatione therof, wherby the King might be
accordingly, gatisfeed therin, who fownde himselfe not a little concerned therin. But
Commissioner t
as a subject this could not be graunted ; for the moderator answered the Comissioner
subscribes the t^at tne svnode could save no furder in vindication therof then had been
Covenant ; . _ J J
as Commis- saide befor : yet the matter was referred to the next meeting of the As-
sioner adds a semblv, sessio twentv-first.
The Assembly I fynde nothing mor of publicke concernment that past in this sessione,
appoint the except ane acte of grace to deposed ministers, to the following pourpose :
be°*uWribed That all synods, by ther recommendatione (for command I fynde none)
by masters of had it left to ther arbitriment, that all ministers who wer deposed by them
^}le?e?' fc'' for subscrvbing the bishopps Declinator, and reading the Service Booke,
with a declara- • c * r » e »
tion prefixed, and no other grosse fault, upon ther trwe repentance and submissione to
Last session : ^e constitutions of this kirke, and upon ther purgation and cleanesse from
a supplication * t
to the King : any grosse faultes laide to ther charge in any new processe against them,
next Assembly they may be founde by the synods capable of the ministrye, when God
at ^benken^6 grauntes them ane ordinary and laufull callinge, by admission from the presby-
1640. last trye, either in the church they served in befor, or in any other churche.O)
Julv! Act for A wbyle after this, the lately deposed episcopall ministers beganne to
visiting the crowde so thicke at this wicket into ther owne pulpitts againe, by the as-
Limersitie*. siSfaunce 0f ther parishoners, that in the following Assemblyes this latitude
\u5*u<t"is was restrained ; and though all wer permitted to repent, yet (as after shall
(i) [Records of the Kirk, p. 205.]
Ch. LXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
55
Sessio 21.
August 29.
be told), none wer permitted any mor to repossesse ther owne churches or A. D. 1639.
benefices ; but they behoved to expecte ther call to some new place. Nay,
and when that was not sufficient to keep them out, ther wer mor barriers
of a long progresse of going from one churche judicatorye to ane other
laide in ther waye, that either they might dye in the wildernesse, or give
over a tediouse attempt, or fully prostitute ther consciences : But of all this
afterward, God willinge.
The twenty-first sessione conveend againe the next day, being x\ugust
twenty-ninth. Ther they beganne to consult and argwe what course wer
best to be tackne for to have the Covenant imposed upon all by a law or
statute. It was thought fitt that to this pourpose a supplicatione should be
drawne and presented to the Kinge his privie councell, whairby they should
be besought for to enjoyne the subscriptione of the Covenant (rather Con-
fessione of Faithe), as once befor had been done upon all subjectes of the
kyngdome : the draught was appoynted to be perfected against the next
sessione.
In this sessione, ther was aue acte concerning better observing of the
Lordes day revived, which once had past and been enacted befor in a Gene-
rall Assemblye holdne at Haliroodhouse, 1602, session fifth, against Sab-
bath breache, by going of mylnes, salt pannes, salmond fishinge, and whyte
fishing.O)
The twenty-second sessione conveened, afternoone, August twenty-
ninth, wherin ther wer some overtours proposed and approved by the
Assemblye :(2)
First, That the presbytery of Edinburgh should tacke paines to extracte
all actes (that are for the use of the Churche in generall) out of the re-
gisters of former old Assemblyes, since anno 1560.
Second, That the parliament should be sollicited for to impose a pecu-
nialle fyne upon all who went to England to marrye.
Third, That the parliament be sollicited for to passe ane acte for fur-
nishing ministers expences, who are sent comissioners to Generall Assem-
blyes, some other way then out of the said ministers ther steepends.
Fourth, That sessione bookes of each paroshin be presented, once evrye
yeare to presbytryes, and ther to be tryed.
Sessio 22.
August 29.
a meridie.
(1) [Records of the Kirk, p. 206; Rushworth's Hist Collect., vol. iii., p. 960.]
(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. 206.]
5G
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Fifth, That deposed ministers be charged with excommunicatione for to
deraitte ther places ; and withall, that it be recommended to the parliament
to tacke course therin.
Sixth, All actes of former Assemblyes against papistes and excommuni-
cate persones, and keepers of company with them, be renewed, or receavers
of them.
Seventh, That ane uniforme catechisme be appoynted through all the
churche.
Eighth, That all ministers presented to kirkes be tryed if they be qwali-
fyd for the places they are to enter into, besyde the ordinar try alls of
expectants.
Sessio 23. In the following sessione, August thirtieth, besyde the supplication
August 30. against the Large Declaratione, which yow have alreadye gott an accompt of,
ther was lyckwayes presented a draught of a supplicatione to be presented
to the Comissioner and lords of councell, for subscriptione of the Cove-
nant, to the pourpose following : *
That they wer humbly thankeful for, and did much recent, the many
favours bestowed upon them lately by the Kings Majesty : That nothinge
remained to the crowning of the worke but that King and people should
be all joyned in one Covenant with God and Confessione of Faithe amongst
themselves : And, since they conceived that the only hinderance of this
was a sinister informatione, that ther intentions wer to shacke of loyaltye
and diminish the Kings authoritye, They therfor declare in ther owne
name, and for the rest of the subjects and congregretations whom they re-
presented, that befor God and the worlde, his Majestys Commissioner and
Privy Councell, that they never had, nor has, the least thought from with-
drawing themselves from ther dutifull obedience to the Kinge, or from his
governement, settled upon them by one hundred and seven descents : That
they never had, nor has any desyres or intentiones to attempe any thing
to the dishonour of God, or diminution of the Kings greatnesse and
authoritye ; but, on the contrary, they acknowledge that ther safety did
depende upon the safety of the Kings majestyes persone, greatnesse, and
royall authoritye, who is Gods vicegerent over them, to mantaine relli-
gione, and minister justice : That they did solemnly sweare, not only ther
mutwall concurrence and assistaunce for the cause of relligione, to the out-
* See Print Acts, pag. 10, et seqq. [Records of the Kirk, p. 207 ; Rushworth's Hist.
Collect., vol. iii., pp.961, 962.]
Ch. LXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
57
most of ther power, with ther meanes and lyves to stande to the defence of A. D. 1639.
ther King his person and authoritye, in preservatione and defence of the
true relligione, libertys, and lawes of this kirke and kyngdome, but also in
evry cause which may concerne his Majestyes honour, they should, acording
to the lawes of the kyngdom, and the dutye of good subjectes, concurre
with ther freends and followers, in qwyett manner or in armes, as they
should be reqwyred by his Majestye, his councell, or any having his autho-
rity : Therfor, being most desyrouse to cleare themselves of all imputatione,
and following the lawdable example of ther predecessors, 1580, they doe
most humbly supplicate the Comissioners grace, the lords of his Majestyes
most honorable privy councell, to enjoyne, by acte of councell, that the
Confessione and Covenant, which as a testimony of ther fidelitye to God
and loyaltye to ther Kinge they had subscrybed, should be subscrybed by
all the Kings subjects of what ranke or qwalitye so ever.
This declaratory supplicatione being reade, was entertained by all the
members, with a placet ; and instantly was transmitted to the councell, then
occasionally sitting, by such of the ruling elders and ministers as the As-
sembly thought fittinge : Thes wer Johne Earle of Rothesse ; James Earle of
Montrosse; John Lord Lowdone ; Sir George Strivling of Keire; Sir Wil-
liam Douglasse of Cavers (commonly calld sheriff of Teviodale) ; Sir Henry
Woode of Bonnytoune ; Johne Smyth, burgess of Edinburgh ; Mr. Robert
Barcley, provost of Irving ; Mr. Alexander Henderson, minister at Edin-
burgh; Mr. Archebald Johnston, clerke to the Generall Assemblye: Who,
in the name of the Assembly, presently sitting, presented the above suppli-
catione to the lord Comissioner and lords of privy councell.
The councell having reade it and considdered it, ordained it to be regis-
tred in the bookes of privy councell, and, acording to the desyre therof,
ordaine a fiat ut petitur, ordaining the said Confessione and Covenant to
be subscrybed in tyme comming by all his Majestyes subjectes of this kyng-
dome, of what ranke and qwality so ever.
Many thought that the King did weall, as also the councell, for to make
a vertwe of necessitye, and to give waye to that which they wer not able to
hinder the last yeares, and, as the current did runne, as unlycke for to
barre in the following tyme ; and that in effecte the lame distinctione of the
supreme magistrates accumulative power, lately broached, was heer prac-
tised in earnest ; confirme ther actings they might, but hinder them they
could not.
H
58
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. The Coraissioner, for his pairte, declared lyckwayes that he was con-
senting to the forsaide acte of councell, as the Kings Comissioner, to sub-
scrybe and cause subscrybe the Covenant, with the Assemblyes declara-
tione prefixed therunto, and that he was willing it should be enacted, by acte
of Assemblye, that all should subscrybe it with the Assemblys explanatione.
And because ther was a third thing desyred, viz. that he should subscrybe,
as Kings Coraissioner, unto the Covenant, this, he saide, he behooved to
doe with a declaratione prefixed therunto ; otherwayes, as a subjecte, he
should subscrybe the Covenant as strictly as anye, with the declaratione of
the Assemblye : As for that declaratione, givne in as Comissioner, he saide
no Scottish subjecte should have the benefitt of [it], nor himself, as Earle of
Traqwaire. His declaratione was as followes
" Seing this Assembly, acording to the laudable forme and custome kept
heertofor in the lycke cases, have in ane humble and dutifull waye suppli-
cate to us his Majestyes Comissioner, and the lords of councell, That the
Covenant, with the explanatione of this Assembly, might be subscrybed : And
to that effect, that all the subjectes of this kyngdome be reqwyred to doe
the same : And that therin for vindicating themselves from all suspitions of
disloyaltye, or derogating from the greatnesse and authoritye of our dreade
Soveraigne, have therwith added a clause wherby this Covenant is declared
one in substance with that which was subscrybed by his Majestyes father, of
blessed memorye, 1580, 1581, 1590, and oftner since renewed: Therfor, I,
as his Majestyes Comissioner, for the full satisfactione of the subjectes, and
for settling a perfeite peace in churche and kyngdome, doe, acording to my
forsaide declaration and subscriptione, subjoyned to the acte of this Assem-
blye, of the date the seventeenth of this instant, allow and consent that the
Covenant be subscrybed throughout all this kyngdome. In wittnesse whair-
of, I have subscrybed the premisses.
John Earle of Traqwair, Comissionair."
Therafter the Comissioner reqwyred at the Assembly, Whither the sub-
scriptione of the Covenant, with the explanation forsaide, did obleidge the
subscribents without the bownds of the kvnpdome of Scotland? affirming' that
he thought it ought not doe so : To which it was answered, that evrye one
ought to advyse with his owne conscience, although ther wer no feare of any
(0 [Records of the Kirk, pp. 207, 208, 209; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp.
962, 963.]
Ch. LXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
59
churche censure. Yet this ansuer proved not satisfactory to the Comissioner ; A.
wherfor he reade and gave in another declaratione to this pourpose :(0
" It is always heerby declared by me, his Majestys Comissionair, that the
practise of the premisses prohibited within this kirk and kyngdome, outwith
the kyngdome of Scottland, shall never bynde nor inferre censure against
the practises outwith the kyngdome.
Johne Earl of Traqwair, Comissionair."
This paper the Commissioner reqwyred to be insert in the register of the
churche; but the moderator of the Assembly refoosed to give warrant
thertoo as not agreable to a good conscience. Yet the Comissioner urged
that at least it should be recorded that he had made such a delaratione,
whatsomever was the Assembly es judgment to the contrare; so with much
adoe, that was graunted that it should be insert, " vocitative only" ; to give
yow ther owne terme.*
Ther remained nothing materiall now to be done, but that, that which had
been the finall cause of ther Assembly, and prima in intentione should be
ultima in executione ; which behoved to be done by passing ane acte of As-
sembly for subscriptione of the Covenant, with the Assemblyes declaratione,
in all tyme comminge. That acte paste quickly, nemine contradicente, for
ther was no member sitting ther, who had not subscrybed it themselves,
and so would be sure for to ordaine others to doe the lyke. The acte for
substaunce was, That they, by ther ecclesiasticall acte and constitutione, did
approve the Covenant in all the heades and clauses therof, and did ordain of
new, under all ecclesiasticall censure, that all the maisters of universityes,
colledges, and scooles, all scollers, at the passing of ther degrees, all per-
sones suspect of papistrye, or any other errour, and, finally, all the members
of the kirke and kyngdome of Scottland should subscrybe the same with thes
wordes prefixed to ther subscriptione :
" The article of this Covenant, which was at the first subscriptione re-
ferred to the determinatione of the Generall Assembly, being determined ;
and therby the Fyve Articles of Pearthe, the government of the church by
bishopps, the civill places and power of kirke men, upon the reasons and
growndes contained in the actes of the Generall Assembly, declared to be un-
laufull within this kirke, We subscrybe according to the determinatione for-
(0 [Records of the Kirk, p. 208 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 963.]
* See Printed Actes, pag. 13. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208; Rushworth's Hist. Collect.,
vol. iii., p. 963.]
60
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. saide." And, withall, they ordaine the Covenant, with this declaratione, to be
insert in the registers of the Assemblyes of the kirke, generall, provinciall,
and presbyteriall, ad perpetuam rej memoriam ; and withall, supplicate the
Comissioner and Parliament, by ther authoritye, to enjoyne it under civill
paines, as a thing that wold tend to Gods glorye, preservation of relligione,
the Kings honour, and the perfecte peace of kirke and kyngdome. The
printed acte has a long preface, which since it is but a repetitione of the
councells acte, or is to be founde repeated in the conclusion, I have will-
ingly omitted it, referring the reader to the print coppye in the *actes of this
Assembly.
Ther was lyckewayes past beer ane acte for appeales, that they should
not be per saltum, but orderly from sessiones to presbytryes, then to pro-
vincialls, and, lastly, to Generall Assemblyes, except that the Generall As-
sembly wer after the synode, or wer actwally sittinge.
Another acte lyckewayes past, that no novatione which might disturbe
the peace of the churche should either be soddainly proposed, or enacted,
but after such overturs wer first communicat unto, and approved by, synods,
presbytryes, and kirkes, that so comissioners might come weall prepared to
conclude a solide determinatione upon such poynts in Generall Assemblyes.
This acte many thought misticall, and that it needed a glosse ; and, after-
ward, when the Leagwe and Covenant with England was obtruded upon
presbytryes and paroshins without ther advyce sought or had, such as had
reade this acte, complained that the leading men transgressed ther ovvne
former actes of Assemblyes, by a contradictorye practicke, in a matter of
so great importance, as was verifyd in the seqwell.
The last acte was concerning catechising, That ministers shoulde tacke
a day in the weeke to catechise ; that masters should catechise ther servants
at home, and childeren ; that ther should be prayers in familyes morning and
evning ; this to be tackne count of by ministers and elders at ther family
visits ; they to be countable to presbytryes, they unto the respective provin-
cialls, and the successe therof to be represented to the next Generall As-
semblye.O)
This acte wanted not its own censure, for it was judged by this and the
acte for uniformitye of a catechisme, that they wold have had the world
* Pagg. 13, 14. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp.
963, 964.]
(i) [Records of the Kirk, pp. 203, 209.]
Ch. LXXV.] history of scots affairs.
61
beleeve that, till that tyme, ther had been no family worshipp nor cate- A. D. 1639.
chising, into the tymes of the bishopps : Howbeit, in few yeares therafter,
themselves followd the former practise of catechising, in many places, and
neglected this new acte ; and not a few ministers, leading men, wer so tackne
upp following parliaments and comittyes at Edinburgh or elsewhere, that
ther paroshiners wer almost neglected.
The last sessione mett, August thirtieth, in the afternoone, wher, first, Sessio 24.
ther was a supplicatione reade and appoynted, after approbation therof, to ^{^n"^^'
be sent to the King, which was to the following pourpose :(2)
Being conveened by his Majestyes speciall indictione, and honored by
his Comissioner, they had been waiting for a day of rejoycing and of
thankes, to be rendered to God by all the kirke and kyngdome, for giving
them a King so just and relligiouse, that it was not only lawfull for them
to be Christians under the Kings governement, but for that he was pleased
to macke knowne that it was his will that all matters ecclesiasticall should
be determined in free National Assemblyes, and matters civill in Parliaments ;
which was a noble expressione of his justice, and wold prove a powerfull
meane of ther happiness under him : That upon the knees of ther heartes
they blessed his Majesty for that happinesse already begunne in the late
Assembly at Edinburgh, whaire they had laboured under God so to carrye
as if he, ther vicegerent, had been looking on, and wold have wishd his
presence to make ther joye full : That as yet they continowd his suppli-
cants, that he wolde be pleased to ratifie the actes of the Assembly by his
civill sanctione, that so, his power and ther authoritye concurring, relligione
and justice, truth and peace, might embrace one another mutwally in the
laund : This would be a resurrectione and a revivall to them to fill heaven
and earth with ther praises, and to pray that king Charles may be mor
and mor blessed, and his throne established befor the Lord for ever.
Therafter, they appoynt the next Assembly to be at Aberdeene, 1640,
the last Tewsday of Julye.
And, finally, because the episcopall leaven, by the diligence of the former
Assembly at Glasgow, or the comityes ordained therby, was not wholly
purged out, therfor, ther wer actes lyckwayes past in this Assembly
(which I mention not heer in ther order), for visitinge the Universityes
of St. Andrews, and Glasgow, and Aberdeene ; besyde some what done
(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. 209 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii. pp. 964, 965.]
02
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. for adjoyning some parish churches unto the mor contigouuse presbytryes
or provincialls.
The moderator closed the Assembly with a long speeche^1) wherin he
shwed Gods justice to, First, Ministers ; Second, Noblemen ; Third, To
the prelatts : Next, Gods mercye in his justice, First, To ministers ;
Second, To the King ; Third, To the commonwealthe ; since they saw a
warre ended, without strocke of sword ; that they saw bishopps cast downe
by God, and that as yet they had the illustriouse Charles for ther King,
albeit the bishopps did still crye out no bishop, no king. He exhorted
the ministrye to shunne pryde and divisione ; to preache obedience to the
Kinge, and love to such a King, who, though he had never been a King,
yet was renowned and eminent, and to be beloved for his many vertwes and
giftes lent him from God, that, of his owne voluntar motione, his heart,
once alienated, was now reconceiled to them ; which was a great mercye of
God, considdering, First, His educatione ; Second, His councellers, the
bishopps ; and, Third, His former resolutions, which breathed hostilitye
in earnest.
And because the Comissioner had made mentione of some noblemen,
whoise advyce the King had used from the beginning of the troubles, pro-
testing that the Assembly might have a charitable constructione of ther
actiones, therfor the moderator fell to speacke concerning them, and ranked
them in three classes. First Sort of politicians wer papistes, who be-
tooke themselves to the prelaticall interest, as most for ther advauntage.
Second, Such as wer not popish, but only episcopall in ther judgement ;
and thes, he said, did deserve pittye. Third Sort of politicians wer two-
faced, who did alycke love both King and Churche ; that themselves kept
bv the King, but sutfered ther childeren to follow the Covenante, to lett
them be pledges of ther good wishes to the couhtrey ; and thes, he saide,
they wishd weall, especially the Marquesse of Hamiltoune, whom the
Comissioner assurd them was most earnest for peace. And, finally, he
gave thankes to the councellers who had been assessors to the Comis-
sioner. And, lastly, he told the Comissioner how much the Assembly
was indebted to him for his being a good instrument betuixt the
King and them ; tellinge the Comissioner that, whatever harsh opinion
they conceived of him formerly, they now had founde him a reall
(0 [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 270 — 272.]
Ch. LXXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
G3
converte (the bishopps saide no lesse the winter following to the Kinge), A- D- 1639-
and that all that he had to doe was to ratifie ther Assembly by acte of
Parliament.
When the Moderator had ended his speeche, the Assembly sunge the Augusti
twenty-third psalme, and the Moderator blessed the Assembly, which did pwittimo,
breacke up the penult of August, 1639.
LXXVI. This is the short summe of that Assembly, wherin the epi- Parliament
tome of Glasgow Assembly was acted over, at a gallopp, not only without ^er^oncluT
oppositione, declinator,0) or protestatione, or charge of treason for to jng the A<-
leave it, but countenanced by the Kings Comissioner, who yeelded all that sembly.
11 ™ i i , i i , Lords of the
was deneyd at Glasgow, and countenanced them to ther last sederunt' articles.
This the King did, hoping, no questione, for to pacifie and settle them ; Debate con-
but they tooke his concessions as extorted, and fownde that the best way to parliament
secure themselves was for to throw the helve after the hatchett, and to being incom-
secure the new erected presbytrye in Scottland by pulling downe episco- of^heTcde-*
pacye in Englande, and setting up ther aune modell in its place : Ane siastical order.
actione very disa«reable to ther former pretences, and such ane enterpryse 4ct °^
J ° . . vion. Act re-
as concluded in all the horrible and unnatural trajaedyes that followed, scissory. Act
which shall be sett downe in ther owne place, if God give me lyfe and oi relief for
. ,. . . . . . . i • i Payinc the
leisour to follow on and prosecute thes Annals. 13 ut it is now high tyme to charges of the
stepp in to the Parliament house with my reader ; a few paces devyding the war-
Assembly house and Parliament house, and fewer dayes ; for the Parliament
conveend at Edinburgh the very next day after the dissolutione of the As-
semblye ; which, if yow looke upon it for its materialls, had ther the
Comissioner sitting president, and not a few of the noblemen, gentlemen,
and burgers, for members therof, who, in the former dayes, had borne the
title of ruling elders in the Generall Assemblye. As for thes noblemen
who had been in armes, or declared for the Kinge, they wer all rendred
uncapable to sitt or voice, being all of them citted to ansuer the parliament
as delinquents. With lycke measure wer many gentlemen served, who
had either been active for the King, or who wer supected might be chosne
comissioners by the shyres. As for the estate of the clergye, they wer
outed ; and this parliament was singular heerin, that it was the first Par-
(1) [A Declinator of the Assembly, signed by the archbishop of St. Andrews, and by the
bishops of Edinburgh, Ross, Galloway, Brechin, Argyll, and Aberdeen, was presented to
Traquair. Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 155 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol.
iii., pp. 952, 953 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., p. 249, 250.]
64
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. liament that, for severall hundereths of yeares befor, Scottland had seen sitt
wanting representatives for the clergye.
A SHORTE NARRATIONE OF THE PROCEEDINGS AT THE PARLIAMENT CON-
VEENED AUGUST ultimo, 1639, JOHNE STEWARD, EARLE OF TRAQWAIRE,
BEING COMISSIONER.
The Parliament being conveened by the Kings warrant, Mr. Alexander
Henderson preached concerning the institutione, power, and necessitye of
raagistracye. Sermon being ended, and the Parliament constitute, acording
to the fashione uswall, they fell first upon the choise of the lordes of the
articles (as they are termed). Thes are eight persones, chosne out of
evry estate, who are sett apart as a comittye for to prepare all thes propo-
sitions which are afterwardes from them to be brought into the Parliament,
and debated ther ; and because such proposalls use to be drawne upp in
severall heades or articles, therefor they are called lords of the ar-
ticels,* or lords for drawing up the articles.
The Comissioner called the noblemen asyde unto the chamber wher the
judges ordinarly sitte, leaving the two other estates of the comissioners for
gentrye and burroughs sitting in the Parliament house, who seemed to be
amazed at such a forme of procedure. Therfor they depute certaine of
ther number to enqwyre that which they knew, viz. the reasone of the se-
paratione and stay of the nobilitye. It was answered, that the Kings
Comissioner was about the choosing of the lordes of the articles of the
other estates, which was no new practise ; for by provisions and conditions
mentioned in ane acte of Parliament, 1587, as also in the Parliaments 1609
and 1612, and therafter, it had been the constant practise of the Parliament
for eache estate to goe asyde and choose the lords of the articles out of the
other estate. The noblemen choosed eight out amongst the bishopps.
Comissioners for shyres and burroughs counted for one estate ; thes againe
choosed eight out amongst the noblemen ; and both conjoyned choosed eight
out amongst the shyres and townes. The bishopps wer not sitting, nor
any to represent them, as abefor since the Reformatione. How soone this
was related to the comissioners of the shyres and burghs, they protested
presently that the lords of the articles might be chosne in face of Parlia-
ment. Second, That evry estate might choose ther oune comissioners, or
* Apolectj.
Ch. LXXVL] history of scots affairs.
65
lords of articles. Nor wanted they asistaunce amongst the nobilltye for to A. D. lo:i9.
backe ther desyre, being animated therto by such noblemen as wer the
great ringleaders of the Covenant ; to whom the project justly might be
ascribed, who wer opposinge the Comissioner, and pressing this new over-
ture as hottly upon him as the rest did after they gott this simulate in-
formatione.
They affirmed for themselves, that befor the year 1617, it had been still
the practise of the Parliament to choose them publickly ; and they did urge it
as most reasonable, since they wer the Parliaments delegates : They saide
furder, that the bishopps had introduced that new forme of privatt choosing
of them, and being now that the bishopps wer put to the doore and outed, it
was most fitte to choose thes articles as befor ; or, if that could not be graunt-
ed, they desyred, at least, a thing most rationall, that evry state should
choose ther owne delegates : And for that which they wer informed of, that
the noblemen wer urged by the Comissionaire for to choose lords of the
articles for all the rest of the Parliament, they affirmed that it was ane acte
most irrelevaint, and that such delegates could not be saide to be the Par-
liaments delegates : Wherfor they protested that whatever wer done by them
should be holdne for nulle, as being done a non habente potestatem.
The Covenanter noblemen urged the same, and withall desyred that the
power of the lords of the articles might be restrained : And furder, they al-
ledged that ther was no statute law for lords of the articles, and that ther
power was defyned by no acte of Parliament ; that they had been in some
praeceeding Parliaments, in the yeares past, rather winked at then authorised
or approvne ; that they urged no practise but what had been in use befor 1617;
that, albeit since the days of King David Bruce (that was about 300 yeares
befor then), ther had been still some called lords of the articles, yet such a
practise de facto could not prescrybe to a Parliament, which being the su-
preme judicatorye, in free actes, are to be judges what is meet for themselves,
and to chaing things of this nature as they fynde it most expedient for them.
The comissioners for the burroughs affirmed, morover, that they wer
calld by the Kings proclamatione not only to vote, but to debate and dis-
cusse matters ; which freedome, said they, was qwyte tackne from them by
thes lords of the articles, who have engrossed into ther owne handes not only
to determine what shall be proposed in Parliament, but lyckwayes the verye
drawing up and forming the letter of the law, acqwaynting the Parliament
itself with nothing but the titles of the actes of Parliament that are to be passt;
i
66
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. by which meanes, they saide that the Parliament had not so much as a negative :
Furder, they saide that the power of the members of the Parliament was in-
herent, and could not be transferred upon* trustees ; therfor they concluded
that it was meetest that all overtures and greivaunces should be proposed in
opne Parliament, which therafter should be committed to lords of the articles,
who should prepare matters, and draw upp draughts of lawes and actes, first
to be readd, therafter to be allowd or rejected, as eache one should fynde it
rat ion a 11.
The Comissioner stoode to the former practise, and wold yeeld to none
of thes proposalls: Yet, least this dispute should stopp the Parliament in the
very entrye, ther was a midds fallne upon, by the consent of all partyes,
That the Comissioner and nobilitye should choose lords of the articles,
whom the rest of the Parliament should choose anew, and, meane whyle, that
both partyes should enter a protestatione that such a practise should be
salco suo jure, which protestationes should be givne into the register of
Parliament in wrytte ; and withall that the controversy concerninge the choise
of the lords of the articles should bee decyded befor the dissolutione of the
Parliament. So this controversy ended for the tyme, albeit the King in his
declaration"!", published the next yeare, complained upon this actione as ane
attempt to chaunge and alter the constitution of the Parliament, and the
very frame of governement : whairof ther will be occasione for to speacke
mor in the debates betuixt the King and commissioners that wer sent from
this Parliament to the Kinge.
In that declaratione,J the King mantaines that by Parliament 4 Jacobi
VI., cap. 218, that the reasone of thes lordes of articles is ther specifyd, for
to bee for eschwing of confusione and impertinent motiones in Parliament ;
that all propositiones to be made to the Parliament are to be delyvered to
the clerke register, and by him to the lordes of the articles, that all frivo-
louse and improper motiones may be rejected.
§ The next debate that they fell upon was concerning the constitutione
* N. B. They made no use of this argument in the General Asssemblyes when they devolved
all ther power into the hands of a kirke comissione.
t Pag. 21. % Pagg. 19,20, 21 ; et pag. 48.
§ September 6. The Comissioner, as Comissioner, did subscrybe the Covenant withe the
Assembly its explanatione, first, in the house of Parliament, in presence of the lords of the
artic'es. Secondly, he subscribed it as Traqwair, simply as other subjectes did. Next, he
subscrybed the Covenant in the new house of exchequer, as a counceller with other pryme
lords of councell, Roxbrugh, Lauderdale, Southeske, and mannye others, without any de-
Ch. LXXVL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
67
of the members of the present Parliament; for it was questioned how a Par- A. D. 1639.
liament could be full wher the third estate (made upp of the bishopps and
abbotts of old) was wanting. The Comissioner affirmed, and with him
such as wer for the King, That no Parliament could be called compleet
except all such members wer present as wer summond to be present there.
The Covenanting partye replyed, That the bishopps wer excluded by a
necessarie consequence ; for since, by the Comissioners owne consent, they
wer declared no members of the churche but few dayes befor in the As-
sembly, they could not be admitted to be members of the Parliament, since
they represented the church no mor : Furder, they added, that, by the Cove-
nant, civill places in churche men wer abjured as unlaufull; therfor, ther
could be no representative ther for the churche ; and if ther was any inno-
vatione heer, it was necessaire, and could not be shunned ; this lyckwayes,
they said, the Commissioner had consented to by giving warrant to signe
the Covenante. The Comissioner answered, That, howbeit it wer so, yet
the tackinge downe of the third estate of Parliament was to destroy a fun-
damentall law, which he had no warrant to give waye to.
It will be most satisfactorye to heare the King himself speacke to this
poynte ; for he sayes,* That, by this practise, they stryve for to alter the
frame of Parliament, and to confounde and tacke away the third estate,
wherin the civill power of Kings is so much concerned, as that his father
and all his praedecessors in former Parliaments, both in tyme of popery and
since the reformatiune of relligione, wer still carefull for to preserve and
mantaine the dignitye, honor, and preiveleidges, of the third estate, as was
apparent anno 1560, when all church jurisdiction, in the person of bishopps,
is alledged to be abolished ; and anno 1587, when all the temporality es of
benefices wer annexed to the crowne, the clergye retained still ther vote in
Parliament, and represented the third estate, and the civill power and prei-
veleidges of the churche wer still preserved, and again ratifyd, as appeares
by the first Parliament Jacobi VI., cap. 24, and by diverse actes of Parlia-
ment, annis 1587, 1597, and 1609 : By all which, and diverse other actes of
claration at all : This was four tymes that Traqwair subscrybed it. The Marquesse of
Huntly being present and debarred upon the account of his no subscription of the Cove-
nant (as others wer), from voicing in Parliament, lyckways offered to subscrybe the Cove-
nant, but with protestation of libertyc outwith the kyngdome ; but the ministers who wer
present to tacke the oathe of the lords, wold not admitte of such a subscriptione : so
Huntly was debarred from the Parliament. Sec Covenanters Answer, pag. 80.
* Declaration, 1640, pag. 22.
68
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. U. 1039. Parliament, it appeared clearly how much the King his praedecessors had
conceived the civill power and honour of ther crowne to be concerned in
the mantaining and upholding the honour, and dignity, and preiveleidges
of the three estates : Kay, and by a speciall acte made in the tyme of
Jacobi VI., Parliament 8, cap. 130, it is declared treason to impugne the
authoritye of the Parliament, and three estates, or to procure the innovation
of the power and authoritye of the same three estates, or any of them : From
whence the King concludes, that since they sought the breach of that acte,
how could they excuse themselves from treasone, and plead themselves not
lyable to the punishment therof ?
To this they ansuer,* as befor they urged, That the chainge was inevita-
ble by consequence followng upon the acte of Assembly and the King his
declaratione ; that the King and his Parliament had power to alter ther
owne lawes and customs ; that that was no treasone ; that it was rather laese
majesty divyne to mantaine actes of Parliament for advauncing the prelatts,
contrare'to the Confessione of Faith, and Covenants, and manye protesta-
tions of the church of Scottland.
The reply seemed not satisfactorye eneuch to many : For, first, the mor
knowing- saw great follv in the churchmen to debarre themselves from a voice
in the legislative power, since it is a rule of nature that quod omnes tangit
ab omnibus tractarj debetj and that they did confounde thinges extremly who
did not distinguish betwixt the legislative power and execution of the law ;
which last, although it have been declynd by churchemen, specially in cri-
minalls, and by the canons of councells they prohibited to be present at the
tryalls of persones accusd for capitall offences, yet they could fynde no prae-
cedent in Christian commonwealthes for the former : Nay, some thought
that it wold not be hard for to instance practises where, in the purer tymes
of the churche, civill processes had been disputed befor bishopps ; and,
furder, that 1 Cor. chap. vi. ver. 5, gives grounde for such a practise, which
was mor then was pleaded for at this tyme : Morover, they did wonder much
at the blyndnesse of thes churchemen, who wer so farr misled by the pryme
Covenanting noblemen, as to be throun out of the Parliament with ther
owne consent ; a thing which in the opinion of many it was thought thes
Covenanting noblemen did dryve at extremlye.
* Answer to the Kings Declaration, pag. 48.
t Vide supra. See mor to this pourpose lib. 3. sess. 25, of Glasgow Assemblye, [above
vol. ii., pp. 163, 164.]
Ch. LXXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
69
Next, for ther ansuer* who saye that King and Parliament have power for A. D. 1639.
to macke and abolish lawes as they thinke fitte, It did not come home to the
pourpose ; for it was not the Kings will at that time for to abolish the bishopps
vote in Parliament, except they would refoose to give him a negative : Besydes
the dangerouse consequence was forseen that such a practise might implye ;
for that being laide once for a grownde, that one estate might be outed, viz.
the bishops, Might it not follow, that another of the remnant estates might
be also turned out of doores ? a practice since that tyme verifyd by experience
in the Long Parliament of England, wher the bishopps wer first turnd of by
the example of Scottlande, the joynte vote of the two houses concurring and
importuning the King to that effecte ; and therafter, anno 1648, the com-
mons turnd off the nobilitye, and then murdered the Kinge : Finally, they
thought that the Comissioner was ill answered by objecting the subscriptione
of the Covenant, for if it was tackne in the sence that formerly it had been
administred, in anno 1580, all saw that then thes Covenanting consciences
wer not so straite laced as now ; for after that, when bishopps wer gone,
vet ther wer some still in the followinge Parliaments quho did represent the
third estate, whom the rolles of the Parliaments marke with a sederunt pro
clero.
The next proposall was concerning ane acte of oblivione to be passed.
All agreed that ther should be ane acte of oblivione past, but ther was a
great dispute concerning the forme and contryvance therof ; for the Comis-
sioner urged that it should be drawne upp by way of pardone, therby im-
plying that what was done by them had been illegally acted ; and he saide
that to graunte it in other termes was contrare to the nature of ane act of
oblivione, which still implyes a passing by and forgetting of guilt, and in-
stanced the acte of oblivione, anno 1563.
This the Covenanters wold by no meanes accept of ; but, on the con-
trary, they pressed that the acte might be such as might justifie ther
actiones as legall and laudable ; that they wold never offend God so farr as to
accept of that which might rubbe upon ther Covenant with God as a sinne.
They saide that ther armes wer lawfully tackne upp ; that they wold be
readye to tacke upp armes anew, if it wer necessaire. They saide that
the Comissioner and councell had subscrybed and warranted others for to
tacke the Covenant. Finally, they desyred that if that acte should imply
* Ansuer to the Kings Declaratione, ubi supra.
70
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. a pardone, lett it bee to the prelaticall pairty, to the Kings evill councellers,
incendiars, and anti- Covenanters ; but they would have it bespeacke ther
innocencye, who wer the Kings obedient and best subjects.
The King, in his declaratione, 1640,* objectes this to them, That they
did petitione him for nothing but ane acte of oblivione, yet at the Parlia-
ment wold have chaunged it to ane acte of justificatione.
To which objectione I fynde no new thing in ther ansuerf which is not
already heer sette downe, except that they distinguish betuixt ane acte of
oblivione and acte of remissione.
Another acte was lyckewayes urged, which they called an acte resciss-
iorye, or repealinge, wherby all former actes of Parliament in favours of
bishopps behoved to be abrogated. The King, in his declaration, J qwarells
it as an acte which, in the consequence therof, did barre him totally from
the Assembly, or Assembly bussinesse, and cutt him off from all power in
civill affaires, which, in the court of the kyngdome of Scottland, are in
consequence heerupon. He said that heerby they trenshed upon regall
power, and contrare to ther promise, which was, that they should desyre
nothing that was not warranted by law.
To this the Covenanters ansuer, in ther§ declaratione, That it wer a re-
pugnancye to macke a new acte, and to lett the old actes of a contrarye
nature stande in force. The rest of ther ansuer is only a declaration how
fitting a thing it is that churche men should not meddle in civill places, and
that it wold not worong the Kings authoritye though they did not meddle
any mor in Parliaments.
Thes propositions not succeeding, they fall upon mor new ones : The
first was ane acte of releefe, wherby all the charges of the warre should be
payed by all the subjectes of Scotland in common : The reason for this
they alledged, because it concerned all the subjectes, and the defence of
relligion and libertyes, except only a few noblemen who stood owt.
The King ansuers, in his declaratione, || That this was contrary to the
pacification, wher it was promised that whatever was tackne from his good
subjects should be restored againe ; which the bynding pairt of that acte
contradicted. Secondly, That it was contrare to ther desyre at the campe,
and his concession, July second, 1639, to allow them a liberty of meeting
and conveening, untill a certain day, for distributing ther pretended charges
* Pag. 24. f Pag. 50.
% Pag. 24.
§ Pag. 49. || Pag. 2.3.
Ch. LXXVII.] history of scots affairs.
71
amongst such as should willinglye condescende therunto : That, in steade A. D. 1639.
therof, they wer laying it upon his good subjectes, who, during the tyme
of the warre, had adhered to him, and suffered losse for him : That, by
such an acte, both he most justifie and his faithfull subjectes contribute for
[to] pay the charge of ther rebellions and treasones.
Ther ansuer to this and to what follows will fall in better in ther commis-
sioners negotiation at Londone, a little after this Parliament.
LXXVII. Therafter they fell to argue how the brockne Highlanders, Restraining
who, in the former yeares, had troubled and robbed the neerest places of H^hlanders
the Lowelaundes, might be restrained. Thes wer a party of the Clangregor Marquis of
cheefly, who had been conducted by a notoriouse robber, called Johne Dow ^unt'^ ^ccus"
Geare, or Little Blacke Johne Mackgregor ; as also some others, who wer SUpp0rter,
commanded by James Graunt, sonne to Johne Graunt of Carron : a gentl- summoned ;
man, who had formerly been prisoner and made his escape out of Edinburgh si/Ludovicke
castell, and had rendred himself outlaw, not out of any pleasure he had to Stuart,
dryve such a treade, but for to prosecute the revenge of a qwarell betuixt
him and the family of Bellndallach, of that same surname, who had killed
his nephew, Carron, as in the former tyme thes of Carron had done to one
of the family of Bellnadalloche : Thus, acording to the Highland barbaritye,
they beganne to bandye one against another, by mutwall slaughters, propa-
gatinge the feade to the posteritye.
All thes robberyes wer laid to the charge of the Marquesse of Huntlye ;
not that they thought him guiltye, but, because they had detained him pri-
soner into the castell of Edinburgh till the pacification e, they founde it ne-
cessarye to fynde a colour for his unjust imprisonment. His accusers wer
some gentlemen of the surname of Forbesse, professed enemyes to his
familye for many yeares befor ; of whom some, having suffered in ther goods
or tenantry by the outlaw robbers Clangregor, wold needs draw in the con-
sequence, that Huntly had givne them privat warrant so to doe. This accusa-
tione was made plausible by James Earle of Aboynde, his admitting John
Dow and James Graunt, with ther complices, into his payrty, to beare armes
in the monethes of May and June, this summer befor in 1639 ; as also, be-
cause James Graunt was a gentlman, by the mother, descended of Hunt-
lyes familye, as being nephew to Sir Thomas Gordone of Clunye, Hunltyes
cosen ; which made him favoured by the Gordones, and his actiones to be
interpreted thers, howbeit they wer not so exorbitant by farr as thes of
John Dow and his associatts. Huntly was accused for John Dows rob-
72
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
\. i). 1639. beryes, because he and his associatts did oftne resorte in Huntlyes Highland
countreys, which are very large.O) To the Forbesses some gentlmen of
the surname of Frazer, specially of the family of Mucholl, conjoynd them-
selves in this accusatione : thes wer lately growne enemyes to Huntlye upon
the accompt of the Covenant. Therfor Huntlye was citted by publicke
summonds to ansuer to this Parliament, but so weall defended by the learnd
and loyall gentlman, Sir Ludovicke Steward, that he gott off free, and was
absolved from that alledged guiltX2) True it is, they had urged him at
Aberdene, in March, when they made him prisoner, for to settle thes High-
landers ; but that was rather to ensnare him, then of any reall pourpose for
to entrust him with such a service, being resolute, from his undertacking,
for to draw in a conclusione disadvantageouse to him when ever occasione
should serve to accuse him. But Huntly, at that tyme, did declyne that
employment for many reasones, wherof that probablye was one ; howbeit, his
declinator of ther proposall was upon that accompt, because he was no mor
lievtenant of the north, as his father had been, and so not obleidged to goe
about such a service but acording to his proportione.
Several arti- LXXVIII. Ther next motione was concerning the Kings Great Mani-
eles proposed fesj.0 0f wnich ther was so much noyse in the Assemblye.(3)
concerning- ' > <» _ J
new regular Another propositione was, that it should be determined whither the com-
tions andlaws. niissioners for shyres (since they are alwayes two in number), should have
Commissioner . . • t» r«
writes to the each of them a distmcte vote m Parliament.
King on the That no patent of honour should be graunted to any strainger, but he
subject. ^a(j 10,000 merkes free rent in Scottlande.
(1) [" Mr James Baird condiscendit that the landis quhair the said Jhone du gar and his
brother sones had thair residence the tymes libellit was Cabrach Glenrinnes Auchindowne
Strabogie Blakwater Culblaine." Acts of Pari, of Scot., vol. v., p. 262. Thomson's edit.]
(2) [" Then comes in ane other more malicious complaint against him, at the instance of
the lairds of Frendraught, Lesslie, Craigievar, Glenkindie, Alexander Forbes alias Plagne,
and diverse others of the Forbes' faction, his old enemies, for alledged receipting within his
ground of John Dugar and remanent of his followers of the name of Clangregor, notorious
theirTes, murtherers, and robbers of the king's leidges, and of themselves in speciall. This
complaint was tryed before ane committie first, and therafter before the parliament, and dis-
pute vigorously be advocatts in ther presence, which is not used before face of parliament.
Sir Thomas Hope, the king's advocate, Mr. Roger Mowat, and Mr. James Baird were
advocatts for the persewers; Sir Lewis Stewart and Mr. John Gilmoir were advocatts for
the lord marquess. And after long disputation the marquess was absolved. This he pa-
tiently suffered among the rest of his heavie crosses." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i.,
p. 170. See also Geneal. Hist, of Earld. of Sutherland, p. 496 ; Acts of the Pari, of Scot.,
vol. v., pp. 254, 257, 260—263, 268, 274, 275, 283.]
(3) [See Acts of Pari, of Scot., vol. v., p. 256.]
Ch. LXXVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
73
Whither the Kings councellers are not lyable to the Parliament ther A. D. 1639.
judgement and censure ? „. "~,
K-in0* s answer *
Whither remissiones should be graunted for crymes, such as blood shedd, threatens dis-
without satisfying the pairtye woronged ? solving them ;
That lawes should be renewed for barring protections, and supersederees rogation to°
not to be graunted to dettors, to the hurt of ther creditors. the second of
That no comissione of justiciary or lievtenantrye may be graunted but and will not
for a little tyme. allow them to
That armes brought in to Scottland for the late warre should bee cus- Estill' and
tome free. disobey.
That the president of the sessione should be chosne by the rest of the c°mmissloner
r , J ordered to
judges ; and the thesaurer and lord privie seale not to pleade for praece- court ; he
dencye, as not warranted by positive lawe. urges the send-
_,, , • • n tw i • /ii • ii \ i i n mS commis-
I hat no comissioners ot Parliament (noblmen specially), should vote sioners to the
by proxies, id est, deputts sent to represent them. King : Dum-
That the small copper farthings, struckne by a preiveleidge graunted to Louden'sent ■
Sir William Alexander, should either be called downe, or at least reduced their instruc-
to the trwe worthe. _ SSion**
That the valwe of the money should not be inhaunced but with consent of against the
the Parliament. prorogation.
That the castells of Edinburgh, Strivling, and Dumbarton, be entrusted
to no man but Scottish men borne, and thes keepers to be placed ther by
acte of Parliament, and advyce of the states.
That the customs upon merchandise be not raised without the consent
and advyce of the estates of Parliament.
Thes, and some other overtures of this nature, wer pressed for to be
exhibite as articles to be past in lawes by the Parliament. The Comis-
sioner opposed still, as not having comissione to yeeld to thes proposalls,
till the Kings mynde was knowne ; which not only shortly after was mani-
fested to ther comissioners, but lyckwayes excepted against in his declara-
tion* the next yeare :
Wherin he declares, That the coyne was a prerogative of his crowne, and
none could meddle with it, without being guiltye of treasone.
As for ther propositione, that the castells should not be entrusted to
straingers, nor any straunger admitted to degrees of honour but with qwali-
ficationes, the King affirmeth, That in both ther lurketh a great deale of
* Pag. 27.
K
74
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. malignitye and poysone; that this was intended against the English, as was
apparent by ther exceptiones tackne against such English souldiours as wer
lately sent into the castell of Edinburgh and Dunbarton : That such a prac-
tise tended in its consequences to devyde the nations : That it was injuriouse
and unjust that Scottish men shoulde have titles of honour in England, and
not English men in Scottlande; that it wer just that the post natj of Scott-
land should be excluded from all office and dignitye in Englande.
And for ther limetating the powers of justiciaryes, he wonders why they
sought that, since some of themselves (Argylle he meand), had obtained
from him the heritable right of justiciarye over a considerable pairt of
Scottland, viz. over the westerne isles.
To that propositione concerning the praecedency of the privy seale, the
King ansuers,* That no man who is not a traitor can deney that the source
and fountaine of all honour is in him, and that it is a pryme branche of his
crowne to distribute honors, dignityes, and praecedencyes, on whom he
pleased ; furder, that the chancellour of Scottland holds his place and
praecedencye without any warrant or positive law, but meerly from his im-
mediate and inherent power ; therfor, why might not the theasurer and
privy seale do the lycke as weall as he ?
Finally, he exceptes, amongst other ther articles, That they demanded
the rescinding the actes of Parliament, concerning civill governemente, as
the judicatorye of the excheqwer ; the acte concerning proxies ; the acte
concerning the confirmation of warde laundes, wherby, he sayes, they would
both destroye his governement and revenwe.
The time was spent thus in long and fruitlesse janglings betwixt the Comis-
sioner and Parliament. He affirmed that thes proposalls of thers wer not
made knowne to the King at the treaty of Bervicke, and that for to graunte
thes thinges was beyonde the boundes of his commissione. They, upon
the tother pairt, affirmed that theKing had promised to send a Comissioner
fully empowred (and not limited), for to yeeld to all things that the Parlia-
ment should fynde for the good of the kyngdome. This moved the Comis-
sioner to advertish the Kinge how things wer going in his Parliament in
Scottland, sending him a double of ther new articles.
The King worot his pleasure to the Comissioner as follows, i?i?.0) That,
wheras, it did evidently appeare that the aimes of diverse of his subjects was
not for relligione now, as they had alwayes pretended (for it was manifest by
Pag. 29.
(i) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 30—32.]
Ch. LXXVIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
75
his Coraissioners declaratione, how willing he was to give satisfactione both in A. D. 1639.
Assembly and Parliament, twoching such thinges as were promised by him
or swed for by them under the name of relligione) : That he did perceive by
ther many new strainge propositions, that nothing wold give them content
but the alteratione of the whole frame of government of that kyngdome, and
withall the totall overthrowe of royall authoritye, He did hould it now to be
his care and endeavour to prevent that which did so neerly concerne him in
safetye and honour ; and if immediatly therupon he should command the
dissolving of the Parliament, it wer no mor then justly might be expected
from him : Neverthelesse, that such was his tendernesse still for ther pre-
servatione and establishment of a perfect peace in that kyngdome, as that
he was pleased rather to prorouge the same, and to heare such reasones as
they could give for ther demaundes: Wherfor, he commandeshis Comissioner
to prorouge the Parliament to the second of June, 1640, and that (since they
had disputed it) by his authoritye onlye ; he holding it no way fitting that
any assent of thers, but obedience, should be had to that acte, which did so
properly belong to him as ther Kinge; and if they should presume to protest,
sitt still, and disobey that his royall commande, his will and pleasur was,
that his saide Commissioner should discharge ther so doing, under paine of
treasone : But in caise of ther obedience and dissolving according to his com-
mande, then he did reqwyre his Comissioner to declare unto them that he
would not only admitte to his presence such as they should send unto him to
represent ther desyres, and the reasons of them, but would also, as he was
alwayes readye to doe, punctwally perform whatsoever he did promise : In
the interim, he commanded the Comissioner with all convenient speede to
come to courte, and to bring with him all that had passed, or had been de-
manded, both in Assemblye and Parliament, that so he might not only be mor
perfectly informed of all proceedings, but lyckewayes consult with him and
thoise of the councell, what cowrse wold be best for the preservatione of his
honour, and the happy accommodation of the bussnesse.
And upon the returne of the Kings ansuer, the Comissioner urged them
for to send commissioners to the Kinge ; assuring them that if they would
send some commissionat to court, in name of the Parliament, for to informe
the King of the aeqwitye of ther proposalls, he assured them that such
would fynde a gratiouse acceptaunce from the King, being that it was the
Kin<rs owne desyre by his letter to him that it should be so.
Wherupon it was at last condescended unto by the Parliament that the
76
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Earl of Dunferlemlyne and Lord Lowdon should be directed to the King,
with letters of credite and instructiones, in name of the Parliament, which
Novembris 1. were dated Novembris first, 1639. Thes instructiones to ther comissioners
for substance wer as followethe, subscrybed with ther handes, at Edin-
burgh, day aforsaide, by some of each estate, for themselves, as repre-
senting the rest of their number, as ther command and desyres to shew :*
First, That it was ther desyre to enjoye relligione, acording to Gods
worde, Confessione of Faith, and constitutions of the churche of Scott-
lande ; and that matters ecclesiasticall be determined by Assemblyes of the
kirke, without encroatching upon the liberty or preveleidge and governe-
Nota bene. ment of any other reformed kirke.
Second, To shew that they never had nor has any intention to diminish
the Kings greatnesse and authoritye, which is acknowledged by them as
his dwe, by the law of God, and the descent of one hundred and eight
Kings ; and that they intende not for to impaire or withdraw ther civill and
temporall obedience to his Majesty e, but, whenever the Kings service
shall reqwyre it, to give demonstration of ther faithfullnesse and loyalty e.
Third, To shew that it is very greivouse to them to heare that the
King is misinformed of, and displeased with, ther proceedings ; the laufull-
nesse and loyalty wherof they warrant, and desyre ther comissioners to
cleare to the Kinge.
Fourth, To inform the Kinge of all ther proceedings in Assembly and
Parliament, and justifie them, and render him a reason for them all ; but
specially, lett him see that they trench not upon the Kings authoritye,
wherof the King seems to be misinformed.
Fifth, That the hinderaunce of the progresse of Parliament is a great
praejudice to kirke and kyngdome ; that ther desyres are the subjectes
greevaunces, givne in to the Parliament ; that they agree with the articles
of pacificatione, and doe subsiste with the Kings authority and obedience
of the subjectes.
Sixth, Therfor, having cleared ther actings, to urge the ratifying of the
actes of the Generall Assemblye, and the going on of the Parliament to
determine the articles, and to settle other things that may conduce to the
good of the kyngdome, acording to the articles of pacificatione, under the
Kings great seale.
* Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration, pagg. 66, 67, etc.
Ch. LXXVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
77
Seventh, To desyre (for clearing of all thinges), that the registers of A. D. 1639.
Parliament may be produced ; which at that tyme wer in the castell of Edin-
burgh, under the custody of generall Ruthen, governour.
Eighth, If it be refoosed to lett the Parliament goe on, then, to urge the
prorogation therof, in such termes as yow have with yow, in the offer made
to the Comissioner.
Ninth, If the King recall the Comissioner, for to trye and advertishe
who will be thought fittest for to be sent from the estates as comissioners,
to informe the Kinge, and to procure the Kings warrant for ther coming to
Londone.
Tenth, For to be frequent and sure in ther advertishments how bussnesse
goeth.
Eleventh, To shew the greivouse complaintes givne in to the Kings Com-
missioner and lords of articles, by such Scottish as inhabite Irelande, of
whom oathes are exacted unwarrantable by the lawes of the church of
Irelande ; as also, that some of this natione have been pressed in England
with the lycke oathes.
Dunferlemlin and Lowdone imediatly therafter tacke journey with thes
publicke instructions (for ther privatt ones wer not divulged) untoLondone ;
but when they came to court, they wer enqwyred whither or not they came
with warrant and licence from the Kings Comissioner ; and, next, if they
had acqwaynted him with what they wer to propounde unto the Kinge ?
Ther ansuer to thes propositions not being admitted as satisfactorye, they
wer both sent backe without hearing.
Ther owne answer and excuse, which they sett out in print (for thes
omissions which it seems they deney not), wer,* first, That the Comissioner
had shewed the Kings warrant (for sending comissioners to him), to
diverse of ther members ; which they tooke as consent eneuch from the
comissioner, and of greater authoritye then any thing from himselfe : For
the next, they ansuer, That ther might have been some instructions to pro-
pone or complaine to the King upon the Comissioner himselfe, very unfitt
to have been imparted to the Comissioner himselfe (yet such instructiones
are not instanced) ; that the King might have ansuered as he pleased ; but
they could neither expect nor suspecte that the King wold have sent backe
the comissioners of a Parliament of a kyngdome without hearinge.
* Covenanters Answer, pag. 60.
78
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Ther returne, after this manner, bredd great grumbling amongst the
Covenanters, and the constructione that many did putt upon it was,* That
the King, by standing upon such formalityes, was seeking for to dry ve them
into some inconveniences, so as to provoicke them to runne into armes
againe, that thus the King might gett a sufficient pretext of warre against
them. Others saide that ther comissioners wer putt backe from court
least they should, by ther long stay ther, prye into the Kings councells and
projectes, which they supposed wer to arme anew : a frivolouse conjecture
certainlye, for they needed no spye upon his actions from Scottlande,
having Hamiltoune ther, who was admitted upon the Kinges most secret
projectes as a counceller ; and having Traqwaire at home, whoise actings
wer as ill consterd by the royall partye, as shall be told afterwarde.
And as for the Kings inclinatione to a new warre, which it is affirmed he
was willing to conceale, the world saw that the Covenanters inclinations
wer as much that waye, ever since the pacificatione ; as the challendges
givne in July eighteenth, 1639, in some pairt give a ground to the King to
suspecte.
The Parliament fall, therfor, to new consultationes what wer best to be
done, and, in ende, conclude upon a new supplicationeO) to be sent to the
King : Wherin they desire that the Parliament might goe on, or, at least
befor he credite any sinister informatione concerning them, that he wold
give warrand for sending for some of ther number to his presence, who
might give his Majestie full satisfactione of all ther demaundes : This sup-
November 22. plicatione was past, Novembris twenty-second, 1639.
And being presented to the King at Londone, it gott the following re-
December 11, turne, December eleventh, 1639, at Whytehall, viz. That his Majesty having
1639. reade and considdered this supplicatione, is graciously pleased to permitte
such number of them to repaire thither as they shall please, for to shew the
reasones of ther demaunds.
Signed Sterline.
And withall the King sends ane expresse warrant under the privie seale
to the Comissioner for to dissolve the Parliament, and prorogate it unto the
second daye of June, the next yeare, 1640 ; and that by vertwe of his
Majestyes comissione, to whom it did belong both to call and dissolve Par-
* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 427.
(l) [It is printed at length in Balfour's Annalcs, vol. ii., pp. 364—366.]
Ch. LXXVIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
79
liaments, for that he saw they intended nothing but the chaunge of governe- A. D. 1639.
ment. Therfor the Comissioner reqwyres them for to ryse and begone,
under paine of treasone ; but withall permittes them, first, to nominate
comissioners to goe to court, acording to the Kings warrant and licence ;
as also for to name a comitte who should remaine at Edinburgh and attende
the returne of the comissioners, and corresponde with them at all tymes
till ther returne to Scottland. The comissioners wer the Earle of Dum-
ferlemlyn, and Lord Loudon ; Sir William Douglasse, sheriff of Teviot-
dale ; and Mr. Robert Barely, provost of Irvinge, one who had been some-
tyme paedagouge to Argylle.
The members of the Parliament founde inconveniences aeqwalle almost
both to sitt still and to ryse. If they disobey, they are to bee charged with
treasone ; and they supposed it might give the Kinge occasione of a new
qwarell, befor they had fixed the lawes for ther owne advauntage. If they
arose, they saw the praeparative dangerous ; for thus they confessed to the
world that, howbeit, they had declared by ther practise at Glasgow that the
King could not hinder the course of a Generall Assembly e, yet he could
sett and raise a Parliament at his pleasur : a praerogative that they tooke
little rest till they wrested out of his hande by the acte for the trienniall
Parliaments, anno 1641.
To salve all this inconvenience, and to keepe all sure under foote that the
King should lay no hold upon this acte of obedience, it was thought fitt for
to have ther recourse to ther old buckler of a protestatione ; which was
acordingly done upon the eighteenth day of December, by publicke reading
of ther declaration in the Parliament house, for substance as followeth :
That it was the first tyme that ever it was heard of in Scottlande, that a
full Parliament, laufully constitute in all its members, after the choise of the
lords of the articles, and sitting neer fifteen weekes after all the articles wer
formed, should be dissolved without its awne consent, without offence upon
ther pairt, contrare to the Kings warrant under the great seale, and upon
pretence of a clause of his comission under the qwarter seale, which was
only for fencing and continowing the courte till the downe sitting of the
Parliament, and that evne by representation of the estates, who now being
present themselves cannot be represented by comissioners, but doe directly
dissassent ; which warrant is now expyred in itselfe, and is not renewed
under the qwarter seale, wherby he offends the Kings good subjectes, and
endaungers the peace of the kyngdom, for which he must be lyable to his
80
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Majestyes animadversione, and to the censure of the Parliament ; That this
practise was contrare to his Majestyes honour, who had promised to ratifie
the acts of the kirke ; that it was contrare to lawes, libertyes, and practise
of the kyngdome, by which all continuations of begunne Parliaments have
ever been made with consent of the estates, as may be seene in all printed
and wryttne records of the Parliament ; contrare to publicke peace of kirke
and kyngdome, which cannot endure long delaye : That by such meanes
ther adversaryes wer seeking to devyde betuixt both King and kyngdome,
and to bring both to utter ruine : therfok they declare, in such ane ex-
tremitye as is above spockne, that the Comissioners dissolving them by him-
selfe, or any in his name, under the qwarter seale, or by the lords of coun-
cell, who have no power in Parliament matters during the sitting therof,
shall be of no force to hinder the laufull proceedings of the subjectes, and
all the doers therof to be censured by the Parliament : Also, that the Com-
missioner, his nominating articles by himselfe, commanding them to sitt
continwallye, contrare to protestations against them ; keeping frequent
sessions of councell during the tyme of the sessione of Parliament without
consent of the Parliament ; his calling downe and upp money during ther
sitting, they having tackne it into ther consideratione ; his frequent proro-
gating and ryding of Parliament, without ther consent or an acte for it
mentioned, are all contrare to the libertyes of Scottland, freedome, and
custome of Parliament, and that they be no praeparatives, nor practickes,
nor praejudices in tyme cominge : And since they are not now privat sub-
N. B. jectes but sitting in a parliament, and that many sinistrouse informationes
wer givne in against them, which had procured all this, and howbeit they
might sitt still, yet for giving of any cause of offence to the King, they wer
resolved for the present for to macke remonstraunces to the Kinge of the
reasones of ther propositions and proceedings in ther Parliament, and how
necessaire it was to tacke a speedy course for obviating the evills that ther
enemyes longed for ; and, in expectatione of his Majestyes ansuer, that
some of ther number have power from them all to awaite at Edinburgh, and
to remonstrate ther humble desyres upon all occasiones, that therby ther
loyalty may be manifested : And if it happne that, after all ther remon-
strances, ther maliciouse, yet inconsiderable, enemyes shall prevaile against
the declarations of a whole kyngdome, then they tacke God to wittnesse
and men, that they are free of the outrages and insolencyes that may be
committed in the mean tyme ; and that it be to them no imputatione if they
Ch. LXX1X.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
81
should tacke such courses as may best secure kirke and kyngdome from the A. D. 1639.
extremitye of confusion and miserye : And withall they doe reqwyre the
clerke of the Parliament to insert ther declaration upon the register, and
graunte extractes therof under his hande and subscriptione.
The comissioners whom they nominated for to waite at Edinburgh, till
the returne of the four comissioners from Londone, wer the Earles Lauthian
and Dalhousye, Lords of Yester, Balmerino, Cranston, and Napier. The
barrons wer, the comissioners of the three Lauthians, Fyfe, and Tweddale.
The burrows nominated the comissioners of Edinburgh, Linlithgow, Striv-
linge, Hadingtoune, Dumbarre, comissionated to attende at Edinburgh the
returne of his Majestyes gratiouse answer to ther humble remonstrances,
and subscrybed Alexr. Gibbsone.
The coppy of this declaratione for substaunce is printed in the Kings De-
claratione ;* wherat the Covenanters tacke exceptione in ther ansuer, and doe
affirme that the author of the Kings Declaratione has erred willfully in the
transcrybing therof.f It had been weall done for to have poynted at his falsifi-
cations ; for to ane attentive reader ther will appeare no substantiall chaunge,
nor omissione ; and for the clauses omitted, printed by them in a diverse
character, I can see none of them, though they be abstracted, that will either
enervate ther reasones, or spoyle the sence : The Kings Declaratione has
omitted something of ther long narrative, and in the rest has onlye sett it
downe shortlye, yet at farr greater lenth then Mr William Spange in his
Historia Motuum,t who uses not to omitte any thing that may justifie ther
actiones.
LXXIX. The Kings exceptions against ther declaratione I shall sett The King's
downe, and leave them without ther ansuer, fynding none in ther booke, but ^mst°their
" That the just coppy of ther declaratione, December eighteenth, itselfe may protestation,
be in steade of ane ansuer against all that is opposed ; therfor they desyre that
after the censure therof is reade, it may be reade a second tyme." The
Kings sence of it is,0) That though in that declaratione ther be a spetiouse
shew of obedience to him, yet, that it was evident that they had wounded his
authoritye in the persone of the Earle of Traqwaire, who did nothing in that
prorogation but by his speciall commandement ; and that therfor, for that,
* Pag. 32. [The declaration is printed at length in the Acts of the Pari, of Scot., vol.
v., pp. 286, 287 ; and in Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 815—820.]
t Pag.lS. % Pag. 429.
(i) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 37, 38.]
L
82
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A D. 1639. they could not censure Traqwaire without reflecting on the King. And it
being positivly affirmed, " That any prorogatione made by the Comissioner
alone, without consent of the Parliament, shall be ineffectwall and of no
force," This (saves the King) necessarly implyes that the Comissioner, nor
the King himself, has no power to prorouge ; wheras, the contrarye is most
manifest truthe : And that, though upon his command ther was a shew of
prorogatione, yet that they continowd pairt of ther bodye at Edinburgh,
upon pretence of receiving the Kings ausuer to ther remonstraunce ; which,
if it should not be to ther lycking, they conclude with a menacinge protesta-
tione, " That it shall be no imputatione to them if they be constrained to
tacke such course as may best secure kirke and kyngdome from the extre-
mitve of confusione and misery e ;" having first tackne God and men to
wittnesse " that they will be free of all outrages and insolencyes that
may be comitted in the meane tyme ;" then which nothing can be more
boldly and insolently spockne : Thus farr the Kinge.
Parliament LXXX. Thus ended the altercating Parliament, which had nothing of
ended ; com- a Parliament in it, but that it conveened, and satt, and rose againe ; not one
journey?^ ac^e being concluded ther that might tend to the healing of the present
Traquaire re- distempers. But we shall have it all acted over againe the next yeare, and
inflames "En"-' au< tnes controverted actes passed for lawes, without King or Comissioners
land against consent.
ers C°Mary de After the Parliament was prorogate, the four comissioners tooke journey
Medicis, the towards Londone, and Traqwair lyckwayes, being called by the King for
ther'in law *° mac^e a rePort t0 tne King of the estate of affaires ther, which he did
comes to Eng. to the councell boord of Englande, by the Kings directione. I know not
land; also the jj0W to justifie Traqwair his relatione ther, for, howbeit, the King affirmes
Palatine. in his Declaratione * that the four comissioners, after ther coming, did
The Pals- mor tHen justifie Traqwaires reporte.
at^Lvonsfas But the Covenanters in ther Ansuerf tell us, That ther adversaryes can
he was going Dest discover how exact his reporte was, who had taught him befor to saye his
army6 S LorcL lessone in publicke as might best serve for the endes intended by them, es-
Deputy of peciallv to animate Englande against the Covenanters : for the which they
called over5 to Dac^ sett tner wittes s*nce tne treatye °f peace to macke all meanes, wherof
England. Traqwaires reporte was a powerfull meanes to cooperate.
It will be hard to reconcile this with Mr. Sandersones relatione, } who
' Pag. 40. t Pag- 60. % Sanderson in the Lyfe of King Charles, [p. 256.]
Ch. LXXX.] history of scots affairs.
83
tells us, that how soone Traqwaire came to the courte of England, Hamil- A- D. 1G39.
toune and he fell to ther private consultationes, and did draw upp papers to Spanish fleet
the councell of Englande seeking to foment the warre ; and that he was no come to the
sooner come ther but that the archbishopp of St. Andrews, the bishops of ^.^^^y1'
Rosse and Breichne, who at that tyme sojourned at London, did accuse Martin Har-
Traqwaire to the Kinge, and charged him with many treasonable miscar- J?^°" h^s°f'a
riadges in his comissione, both at the Generall Assembly and Parliament :W ther a Peter-
By all which it wold seeme that Traqwaire, seeking: to play with both par- head man) ;
• , P , • i i Spaniards de-
ties, was trusted ot neither ; a thing that very ordmarye tollowes such feated. Part
carriado-e. of the low wa"
of the custlo
Leave we now the comissioners for a whyle upon the journey towards 0f Edinburgh
London, and lett us looke backe upon some other things considerable that fa"s-
fell out in Scottland or England, or the coastes therof, in the latter pairt
of the yeare.
The last yeare, 1638, Mary de Medicis, Qweene Mother of Fraunce,
and mother in law to the King of Brittaine, not knowing wher to goe, and
beinge drivne out of Fraunce by the practises of Cardinall Richeliew, having
stayed a whyle at Brussells, was invited over to England by her daughter,
the Qweene, wher she arryved, October thirty -first, 1638, not without
the great grudge of the people, who beganne now to hate the Kinges
relationes ; yet glade she was to sojourne at London this yeare, and
afterwardes.
This was not all ; for this yeare, in Julye, the Prince Elector, nephew to
the Kinge, came over to Englande, his small army, wherwith he had
invested Lenigen, being brockne by Hattfeeld, the Emperors generall, his
brother, Prince Robert, and the Lord Craven, both prisoners, himself did
hardly escape to England, wher he came seeking assistaunce from his
ouncle the Kinge, whoise doubtefull affaires could spare no helpe : Onlye
the King dealt with the Frensh ambassadour, then at London, that he wold
stryve to have a league made upp betuixt the Frensh king and his nephew,
ther interests being neer coincident at that tyme. This was undertackne by
the ambassadour, and signifyd to Richeliew. Meane whyle, the Paltzgrave
was unadvysedly advysed for to goe privattly through Fraunce, in Novem-
ber, and to goe to the Sweddish armye ; but such was his ill lucke ther,
that, being discovered by one of the Frensh ambassadors gentlmen at
(l) [See Burnet's Memoires of the Humiltons, p. 160.]
84
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. Lions, and deneying himself, he was arrested and carryd prisoner to Bois
du Vincent, wher he was strickly keeped long after. This actione was ill
tackne upon the King of Fraunce, his pairte ; being that it was done in the
tyme of a treatye, and consequently savoured of perfidye or falshood at
best, which Cardinall Richeliew was knowne not to stand much upon, so
that it might serve his ends.
In August, the lord deputye of Ireland was called over to Englande,
who, at his coming, was created Earle of Strafford, and remained ther with
the Kinge till December, 1639, and then returned to Ireland ; wher, after
his comming, immediatly, he calld a Parliament for opposing the Scottish
actiones, and for raising money for the Kings assistaunce, fynding, befor
his parting from England, that the Scottish treaty was lycke to breacke
out into a new warre.
This yeare, lyckwayes, September seventh and eighth, came the great
Spanish fleet to Downs roade, being about seventy saile, bownde for Dun-
kirke in Flanders, with a reeruite both of men and money. They wer sett
upon by the vice admirall of Holland, with seven shippes, wherof, ere he
parted, he lost two. The report of ther ordinance gave the alarum to
Martin Harperson Trumpe, the admirall of Hollande (sonne of a Scottish
father, one Harper, borne at Peeterheade, in Buchaine), who was lying
with the rest of the fleete befor Dunkirke. He came upp by two a clocke,
September eighth, in the morning, and joyned with the vice admirall, and
mantained a sharpe conflicte with the Spaniard till afternoone, sinking ane
gallione, tacking two, and shattering the rest of ther fleete ; yet was he but
twenty-five saile ; and, in ende, forced the Spaniard to the English coast,
neare Dover, and left them ther.
The Spaniard, meane whyle that he laye ther, conveyed away four thou-
sand of his men to Dunkirke, in fourteen Dunkirke shippes, yet could not
gett of, for day by day the number of the Holland shippes encreased, who
did beleaguer the Spaniarde, and the east wynde continowd. The King had
sent the Earle of Arundell to Don Antonio d' Oquendo, the Spanish
admh-all, desyring him to retreate with the first faire wynde, for he was un-
willing they should engadge in his seas, he being at peace with both. But
the Hollands fleete, now growne one hundred saile, stopped that, and the
easterly windes.
Thus they continowd till October eleventh, lying within pistoll shott of
other ; the Kings admirall, Penniton, lying off, with thirteen or fourteen
Ch. LXXX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
85
saile of the royall fleete, who had order from the King to syde with the A. D. 1639.
defendour, if either should perswe. The Hollanders, wearye of delaye,
used a stratageme for to provoacke the Spaniards ; for Van Trumpe, sail-
ing by the admirall of Spaine, gave him a broad syde of his ordinance,
loadne with powder only, without ball, which the Spaniarde not tacking
notice of, presently payd him backe in earnest. It is affirmed that Van
Trompe sent presently to Sir John Penniton, and craved his asistaunce,
shewing him that for a vollie the Spaniarde had fallne upon him in earneste.
However, it being hard at this tyme for Penniton to know whither that
wer trwe or not, he bore off, and gave them sea roome to fight it.
And then immediatly Van Trompe charged the Spaniardes with canon
and fyre shippes, so furiouslye as made them all cutt ther cables ; and
being fifty-three in number, twenty-three ranne on shore and stranded in
the Downes, wherof three wer burnt, two suncke, and two perished on
the shore. One of thes was the gallion admirall of Gallitia, Don Andrea
de Castro, who carryd no lesse than fifty-two peece of brasse ordinance.
[The remainder of the] twenty-three [that wer stranded, being deserted by
the Spaniard,] wer manned by the English, to save them from the Dutche.
The other thirty, under the commande of Oquendo, and Lopus, a Portu-
gese went to sea in order, till, overtackne by a great fogge or miste, Van
Trompe tooke the advauntage, and gott betuixt the two admiralls and ther
fleete, and fought till the day cleard, at what tyme the admirall of Portugall
beganne to burne, being fyred by two Hollander shippes of warre.
Oquendo perceiving this, sailed for Dunkirke, with the admirall of Dun-
kirke and some few shippes mor ; the rest tackne, eleven sent prisoners to
Holland, three perishd upon the coast of Fraunce, one neer Dover, fyve
suncke in the fight, and only ten escaped of the admiralls threttye sail.
Nor ended the slaughter at sea ; for being brought into Holland, and some
eight hundred of the prisoners crowded together into a prison at Ramikins,
the loft of the upper prison breacke, and crushed the most pairt of all that
wer both above and in the lower rowme of the prisone. This short rela-
tione I have, not only from the English wrytters, but lyckewayes from
eye witnesses, who wer at that tyme upon the Hollands fleete in the
actione, as also from such as wer eye witnesses in Holland to ther prisoners
coming ther.O)
(0 [" An Account of the Action between the Spaniards and Dutch in the Downs," will be
found in Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 258 — 260. And see Spalding, Hist, of
Troub., vol. i., pp. 175—177.]
86
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV-
A. D. 1639. Considdering the posture of affaires, the coming of this fleet looked
very evill, lycke another eighty-eight ;0) and many consterd ther coming
for no other ende but as calld in to fall upon England and Scottland ;
and long afterwarde it was tackne in Scottland for a truthe, and
preached in pulpittes, and many gave thankes for ther defeate upon that
accompt. Some presumptions fortify d the conjecture ; as, First, That
twenty-five thousand launde souldiours wer too many for a recruite to
Flanders. Secondly, That the admirall of Naples refoosed to shew his
comissione, though reqwyred by the King so to doe. Thirdly, That
Dunkirke stood so much upon the receptione of four thousand of them,
till the Cardinall Infanto sent his expresse order. And, Fourthly, That
the Kinge did so little against them, and strove to hinder the Hollander
from engadging.
Yet is is certaine that they wer launde souldiours, unarmed, and fewe
officers amongst them, brought out of Spaine by pressing them, and that by
a stratageme, fetching them to the coast to defende a supposed invasione ;
and for ammunition, they wer so ill stored, that they had little but what they
bought by stealth out of Londone ; and for the King, they wer both
freendes, nor was he in posture to qwarell with either, though it was ane
affront done to him by the Hollander to qwarell or fall on in his waters.
It is reported that whilst thes two fleets laye in the Downes, the Kinge
was heard to saye, he wished that he wer weall ridd of both of them.
This yeare, November nineteenth, a pairt of the low walle of the castell
of Edinburgh fell to the grownde. Generall Ruthven had been put in
ther, short whyle after the pacificatione, with a considerable garrison of
souldiours, with a proportionable quantitye of vitwalls and ammunitione,
and most pairt of them Englishes. He had for his lievtenant David Scrim-
geour, brother to the Viscount of Diddipp ; and, it is to be remembered,
that much about the same tyme the King comitted the keeping of the
castell of Dunbarton to Sir Johne Hendersone. This troubled the Co-
venanters, and rendred them jealouse for to see the castell garrisoned by
straungers, but much mor to see generall Ruthen upon ther heade, a
souldiour of knowne reputatione abroade, and for gallantrye, and loyaltye,
and skill in militarye affaires, inferiour to none of his natione. They weall
perceived that it wold not be gottne from him upon so easye termes as
befor it had been tackne ; therfor, as much as they could they did, for to
(i) [The memorable year of the Spanish Armada.]
Ch. LXXX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
87
presse him in the importing of victwalls or ammunitione, after the pacifica- A. D. 1639.
tione : But at the falling of the wall, they refoose to lett him have any ma-
terialls for rebuilding therof, although he not only reqwyred them, but pro-
duced the Kings letter commanding them, yet he gott no obedience. This
generall Ruthven tooke so ill, that from thence fordwards his souldiours
beganne to grow combersome neighbours to the towne of Edinburgh ; and
the King, in his Declaratione, 1640, complaines of it as a poynte of rebel-
lione ; but they ansuer him, in ther Ansuer* to his Declaration, that " ma-
terials wer not deneyd till, by boasting, professione was made that it was to be
turned against themselves and the towne ; neither then wer they altogether
deneyd, so farr as ther owne necessary use of materialls wold permitte."
Yet neither did the King nor generall Ruthven boast so much at
that tyme, nor any in ther name nor with ther warrant : And as for ther
scarcitye of materialls to rebuild about twenty paces of a stone walle, such
as have readde ther ansuer, and knowes what materialls are about Edin-
burgh, cannot be convinced of this scarcitye heer spockne of. But however
it was, generall Ruthen was necessitated to macke upp that breache with
stackes and railes of timber, in steade of lyme and stone ; which railes wer
to be seen ther standing at the Parliament, 1641.
Many ther wer who concluded that this was an ill presage to the King,
because it was upon his birthday, November nineteenth, that thes walls fell,
and also at such tyme as the castellans were discharging some great ordinance
in memoriall of that anniversarye. What constructione could be made
thence in a superstitiouse waye, I determine not ; praejudice and superti-
tione being aeqwally ready to misconster all eventes to the disadvauntage of
such as they hate or suspecte.
This yeare lyckwayes, Novembris second, the small copper farthings wer
cryed downe to half worthe;f but a little afterward they praescrybed and went
out of fashione qwytte. The kyngdome had been much abused by them,
both because they wer under the just weight of the copper money, as also,
amongst other monopolyes which a whyle befor wer current in England,
Sir William Alexander (once of Menstrye) then Earle of Sterlin, and secre-
taire for Scottlande, a man extremly prodigall, had purchased a licence for
* Pag. 85.
j They wer first cryd downe by the councell, and within six days wer cryd upp agane,
by which meanes they came as it wer by a tacite consent of all the people to be rejected
qwytte not long afterwards.
88
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. to coyne above the value of ane hundereth thousands pounds Scottish (some
said three hundereth thousande pounds worth), of thes small Tumors, for to
be some recrute to his creacked fortune, after his former monopoly of sell-
ing knyght barronetts patents for New Scottland was growne stale and gave
no mor pryce, and after the planting of his kyngdome in Alexandria had mis-
carryd. Nor was this all ; for, in liew of his preiveleidge, ther wer abound-
ance more carryd in unto Scottland by merchants, who brought them from
Machlyne, and other places, wher that trade of counterfitting coyne is drivne
to the benefitt of none but thes impostors themselves. For some tyme no
money was to be seen almost but Tumors, which for ease of the receipt, wer
putt in many little baggs, and this way compted in dollars. The merchants
did hurt the countrey much by this meanes, for some of the wealthyer sort
did buy them from Sir William Alexanders factors by weight, in barrells,
and entysed the ruder sorte of people to chaunge them for silver coyne,
giving to the poorer sort some few Tumors of gaine, acording to the worth
of the silver piece that they exchaunged with them. It is a probleme which
I can hardly determine, whither the countrey wer worse satisfeed, and com-
plained mor, or sustained mor injurye, by coyning thes Tumors, or by cry-
ing them downe ; for many wer losers evrye waye, and not a little of the
silver coyne was transported at that tyme by the merchantes over seas (for
many yeares before they had stollne all the gold coyne out of the countrey),
and ther exchainged to the best advantage, seing that the money at that
tyme was current at higher rates then it was in Scottlande. This is that
decrying of the money by the Comissioners authoritye which the Coven-
anters complaine upon in ther parliamentary declaratione, Decembris
eighteenth.
The silver coyne, befor that tyme, had lyckwayes been miserably adul-
terate in Scottlande, by one Mr. Beiote, a Frensh man, and a very cheat,
who gott in to be maister of the minthouse, wher he exercisd his calling so
insolently, that he dared upon the Scottish half crownes, coynd by him, for
to putt the letter B, the initiall of his name ; in which practise he was imi-
tated by his successor, Mr. Falconer, who sett ane F for the B ; yet all
thes abuses, at that tyme, wer either unqwarrelld or not punishd, and the
penny fyne of the silver scarcely since weall amended.
Fire that LXXXI. This summer, the Highlands and north wer reasonable qwyett,
Mark or nothing falling out ther considerable, except the fyre that kindled
College. the Marischall College of new Aberdeen accidentally, by neglect of
Ch. LXXXI.] history of scots affairs. 89
servants. This fell out September twenty-seventh, and was not tackne notice A. D. 1G39.
of, it fyring in the night tyme, till a barke, lying in the roade, gave the ^ Robert
alarum to the cittizens, whoise mariners came ashore, and, together with the Baron dies ;
calme night (for it was extremly calme), wer very helpfull for to qwensh j^0apCg~ot
that flamme befor a qwarter of the aedifice was burnt; which was all the tiswood.
losse, except of some few bookes either embeasled or purloynd, or, by the
trepidatione of the crowding multitude, throwne into a deepe well which
standes in the colledge yard (or courte) ; which bookes the magistrattes of
the cittye had givne order to carrye out of the librarye, which was next to
the burning, and, had it once tackne fyre, wold have defaced the best library
that ever the north pairtes of Scottland saw, being sent thither by the mu-
nificence mostlye of Mr. [Thomas] Reade, sonne to James Reade, some-
tymes minister at Banchorye, upon Dee, some sixteen myles from Aberdene.
This Mr. Reade had been secretaire to King James the Sixth for the Latine
tounge, and, duringe his residence at London with the King, had amassed
this library, which at his death, he mortifyd to the New Colledge of Aber-
dene, as his brother, Alexander Reade, doctor of medicine, and publicke
professor of chirurgerye at Londone, diverse yeares afterwardes did, in his
lyfe tyme, gyffe a considerable stocke of bookes to the Universitye of Aber-
dene. This I could not but tacke notice of by the waye, being that the
most pairt of James Reades childeren wer men of extraordinar qwalifications,
as himself was a man of a notable heade peece for witte.
This yeare lyckewayes dyed Doctor Robert Barron, minister of New
Aberdeen, and professor of divinitye ther in the Colledge Marishall ; who,
befor his death, had been designed bishopp of Orkney. He dyed at Ber-
vicke, not long after the pacificatione, whither of melancolly or by hurt of
travell, he being a corpulent man, and not much accustomd therunto, it is
uncertaine, possibly of both. He was borne in Fyfe, and in his younger
yeares had professed philosophy in the Universitye of St. Andrewes, with
great applause, as his philosophicall wryttings, most pairte in printe, doe
testifie, so acute in scoole philosophy and divinitye, that the after tymes
admire him ; and none in Scottland has risne that can as yet paralell him,
since his owne tyme. He had been minister at Keithe, in the presbytrye
of Strathbogye, for some yeares after he was admitted to the functione of
the ministrye, and from thence brought to Aberdeen, where he preached,
and taught in the scoole, and worotte against the Jesuitte Turnbull, withe
aeqwall applause. Some other of his opuscula are in printe, but many mor
M
90
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1639. as yet in manuscripts. He was set a worke to wryte an ansuer to Bellar-
mine his Controversyes, which he perfyted, and carryd away with him to
England the manuscript copy therof, ready for the presse, wher he was
forced to flye from the Covenanters in the beginning of this yeare ; but,
after his deathe, his executors sold it away (amongst others of his bookes)
to ane unknowne gentlman, an English knyte ; this they did, not knowinge
what it imported, and, for ought I could ever learne, it is not as yet re-
covered to this daye. The controversye, De formal) objecto Jidej, had
been bandyed tuixt him and George Turnbull, a learned Scottish Jesuitte ;
but death preveend him befor he gott licence to duplye to the Jesuitte,
whoise ansuer he had gottne into his handes and smyled at, and had shaped
a duply to him at his spare howres, but it wanted the last hande, and so
perishd with himself. Hee was one of thes who mantained the unansuer-
able dispute, the yeare befor, against the Covenante, which drew upon him
both ther envye, hate, and calumneyes ; yet so innocently lived and dyed
hee, that such as then hated him, doe now reverence his memorye and ad-
mire his workes.O) In hasting him to his grave, they did ridde the church
of Rome of ane hurtfull enemye, and robbed the reformed church of one of
her best championes that ever Scottland affoorded ; and the worst that his
most bitter enemyes, to this houer, can say against his memorye is, that he
was a great opposer of the Covenant ; his judgement wherof dying was (as
it had been whilst he lived), that the Covenant had givne the papistes the
greatest advauntage, and done the greatest hurt to the protestant relligione
in Scottland of any thing that ever had befallne it since the reformatione :
whairin, if he spocke true or not, I leave it unto the events that followd to
determine, and either justifie or condemne his verdite givne therupon.
Finally, this yeare upon the twenty-sixth day of November, dyed Johne
Spottiswoode, archbishopp of St. Andrews, at Londone, in the seventy-
fourth yeare of his age, and was honorably buryd in the chappell of West-
minster, by the Kings owne appoyntment : Of whom I shall saye little heer,
seing that his lyfe is to be reade in the beginning of his Historye of the
(0 [" My heart," says Baillie, " was only sore for good Dr. Barron: after he had been
at London printing a treatise for the King's authoritie in church affaires, I suspect too much
to his countrey's prejudice, he returned heavilie diseased of his gravell; he lay not long at
Berwick till he died. Some convulsions he had, wherein the violent opening of his mouth
with his own hand or teeth, his tongue was somewhat hurt : of this symptome, very caseable,
more dinn was made by our people than I could have wished of so meeke and learned a per-
sone." Letters, vol. i., p. 221.]
Ch. LXXXI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
91
Churche of Scottlande ; a booke which (as Dr. Jeremy Taylor, in his pre- A. D. 1639.
face ther unto prefixed, weall observes,) had the happ for to have such a
storme treade upon the heeles of it, for to smother it, as had done the
authors being alyve.O) He was a man hatefull to the Covenanters, and to
all presbyterians. Befor the tymes of the Covenant, Mr. David Calder-
wood had, in severall of his polemickes, fallne hottly upon him ; and after
the Covenant beganne, he was qwarelled at almost in all ther remon-
straunces, and, in ther esteem, judged no other than a papiste : His very
memory hatefull to them, and persecuted in his posteritye, specially in his
worthy sonne, Sir Robert Spottswood, who felt the strocke of the parlia-
mentary axe at St. Andrews, anno 1645 ; of whoise noble martyrdome (if
God give me lyfe and leiseur), I shall afterwards give a mor particular
accompt. Yet bishop Spottswoods booke is a tombe, and a lasting epitaph,
which his greatest enemyes will never deface ; a booke qwarelled at for
nothing but for telling too much of the truthe. One thing is not to be
omitted heer, which he spocke a dying.* When Hamiltoune came to him
and asked his blessing, he said that he wold not refoose his lordship his
blessing, but he behoved to tell him that church and state wer in a dan-
gerouse conditione ; he, therfor, did exhorte and conjure his lordship to be
instrumentall to qwensh that flamme, which he knew his lordship might bee;
but, if he did it not, then he assurd his lordship that God wold raise upp
and send a delyverance else wher, but that his lordship and his house wold
perishe : Whither heerin he spocke with a profeticke spiritt or nott, the event
has made it manifest. The occasione which brought him to Londone befor
his death, was the declared enmitye which the Covenanters baire against
him in Scottland ; which was so great, that neither his place, being both
Lord Chancellor of Scottland and Archbishopp of St. Andrews, Primate
of Scottland, nor his graye haires, could secure him from the efirontes of
the unruly multitude ; which did necessitate him, in the begining of the Co-
venant, to betacke himselfe to a voluntary exyle, wherin he founde mor civi-
litye then at home, and founde his Princes court another native countrey,
after his owne had castne him off in ane unworthy manner.
(l) [" This History being wrote in calm and quiet Times, and by a person whose temper
and disposition was not unsuitable to them, had the ill hap to have an hideous Storm tread
upon the heels of it ; which, among other greater wrecks and Ruins, might very likely have
buried this, never to have been raised up againe : But Providence had so disposed of it,
that a Copy of it, etc."]
• See bishop Spottswoods Lyfe [by Bryan Duppa, bishop of Winchester,] in the begin-
ning of his booke.
92 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1639. LXXXII. It was this yeare lyckwayes that the tacking of ane oath,
Counter oath counter to the Covenant, was prosecuted in England and Ireland, which
to the Cove- had been sett on foote by the deputy the yeare preceeding, and was much
qwarelled at and remonstrated against by the Scottish comissioners, amongst
other of ther instructiones, as afterward shall be told. The forme of the
oath was as followeth :* " I, A. B., one of his Majestyes subjectes in the
kyngdome of Scottland, doe, by thes presents, signe with my hande, upon
my great oathe, and as I shall be answerable to God upon my salvatione and
condemnatione, testifie and declare, That Charles, by the grace of God,
King of Great Britaine, France, and Irelande, Defender of the Faithe, is
my soveraine lorde ; and that, next unto Almightye God, and his sonne
Chryst Jesus, he is over all persons in his Majestyes kyngdoms and domi-
nions, and in all causes, as weall ecclesiasticall as civill, supreame governour :
To whom, his heires and successors, I am bownde, in dutye and alledgiance,
to all obedience, if it wer to the losse of my lyfe, estate, and fortunes ; and
I doe heerby abjure all combinations, covenants and bandes that can be pre-
tended upon pretext of relligione or libertye of the kyngdome; and specially
the damnable and treasonable Covenant, commonly called the popular Co-
venant, so much magnifyd now in Scottland ; and doe promise never to
tacke armes against his Majestye, his heirs and successors, offensive or
defencive, but to abyd constant in alledgiance, duty, and obedience, which I
professe Almigbty God hath tyed me too, and to doe the outermost of my
power against all oppositions whatsomever, forraine or homebredd. So helpe
me God."
Such another oath did James Earle of Oboyne cause administer this
yeare, 1639, in summer, during the tyme that he was in armes :(0 It was
givne to none but such as wer either suspected Covenanters, or had
* Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration,/?^. 72. [Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of
Scot., vol. hi., pp. 799, 800.]
(O ["I do faithfully swear and subscrive, profess and promise, that 1 will honour and
obey my soveraigne lord king Charles, and will bear faith and true alledgeance unto him,
and defend and maintaine his royall power and authoritie ; and that I will not bear armes,
nor do any rebellious act or hostile against him, or protest against any of his royall com-
mands, but submit myselfe in all due obedience ; and that I will not enter into any covenant
or band of mutuall defence and assistance of any sort of persones by force, without his
majestie's soveraigne royall authoritie ; and do renounce and abjure all other bands and
covenants whatsomever contrair to what I have sworne, herein professed and promised, as
help me God in Christ Jesus."
" This oath," says Spalding, " was imprinted at England, sworne and subscrived by all
the king's loyall subjects ther ; wherof the lord Aboyne brought ane imprinted double to
be subscrived here in thir parits." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 148, 149.]
Ch. LXXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
93
avowedly subscrybed it. His oathe was of ane higher straine then this, for A. D. 1639.
such as tooke it swore not to corresponde or have societye with any Cove-
nanter, either directly or indirectly, but in so farr as the necessity of ther
private affaires should force them. It was tackne by some few, and
observed by none of thoise who tooke it ; and it prescrybed with Aboynes
comissione, about the tyme of the pacificatione, and was afterwards laid by,
lycke ane almanacke out of date, by the prevalencye of the Covenanters,
who, for severall yeares afterwarde, grew maisters of Scottlande, and con-
federals with the English Parliament : And now it is high tyme to putt
an ende to this troublesome yeare, 1639, and such eventes as therin wer
most remarkable.
LXXXIII. The Covenanters being advertished, by ther private intelli- A. D. 1640.
gence from ther freinds about court, that the King was thinking upon a covenan e
new warre ; and that all the bygone jangling in the Parliament, and post- prepare for
poning ther comissioners, was for no other ende but till the King should hostilities.
i • ii- • i. ^ . xi_ i.x : x . . i \ Blind Band-
putt himselie m a better posture, thought it not meete to relye muche upon surjScrib-
the good successe of ther comissioners at London : Therfor they fall to con- ing the Cove-
suit how to macke ready new forces, in caise they should fynde it needfull limitation's*
to tacke amies againe. They had detained most of ther officers ; but the urged. Re-
last yeares expeditione and levyes had emptyd ther purses very muche ; {^e^I^f.1*1'
and ther project of releefe of ther burthen, by ane acte of Parliament, had ammunition for
mett with a demurrer to ther great discontent : Therfor, they fall upon a tne cast'e-
new inventione, which was to valwe evry mans estate, and, in the interim,
that all should subscrybe a Bande for Releefe of the Common Burthen,
acording to the proportione of ther revenwes or estates. This projecte was
at first givne out to be only for the payment of ther dettes already contract-
ed ; but shortly after it was made use of for the succeeding tyme. The
caball of ther depursments was kept up as a mystery amongst the pryme
leaders of the Covenant, who, under colour of discharging what was
already owing, imposed what they pleased for the tyme to come. And
because all saw that, by this devyce, they wer involved in ane arbitrary
taxe, so that they did not know how muche they wer to paye, nor for what,
therfor it gott the name of the blynd bande, in a scoffing waye. And
now many of the Covenanters eyes beganne to be opned by this Blynde
94
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. Bande, for to see what they had obleidged themselves to in the Covenante,
who at first little apprehended how deepe it was lycke to drawe. The
ministers, lyckwayes, who wer by this tyme begunne againe to crye out
against the King, and his evill counsellers, and the popish prelatts, did
mainly exorte and recommend this worke in their pulpitts. For the
readers satisfactione, I shall sett downe both the formulas of ther obliga-
tiones, and the instructiones therwith conjoyned, as they wer sent through
the countrey. It was called by themselves the Bande anent the Common
Releefe ; ther wer two in number.
The first and ouldest Band this :
" Wee, and others undersubscrybers, within the
of considdering that forasmeekle as in the late troubles of this kyng-
dome, diverse weall affected noblemen, gentlmen, burgesses, and others, did
depurse in victwall and money, or otherwayes, and has takne upon ther
credite great sums of moneye (the burthen wherof being too heavy for them
to beare), equity e and reasone craveth that they wer releeved and reimbursed
therof ; and specially seing the benefitt as weall of removing of evills as
of the reformatione of relligione now established by the late Assembly, en-
dyted by our dreade Soveraigne, and authorised by his highnesse regall
authoritye, has communicate to all and everye good and loyall subject within
this kyngdome, evrye one ought and should contribute aeqwally and pro-
portionably acording to his meanes and fortunes for releefe of the saide com-
mon charge : And because the determinations of the Parliament [anent] the
saide common releefe is delayed, and the tyme therof yet uncertaine, wherby
thoise who have depursed, undertackne, or lent ther moneyes, victuall, and
other, lyes out of payment as weall of principall as annuell rents, to the
weackening and hazard of ther credite, and to the daunger and ruine of ther
fortunes and estates, unlesse tymouse and speedy course and remeade be
tackne be mutwall concourse of the whole kyndome for releefe and defray-
ing of the saids burthens : Therfor we bynde and obleish us, and evry one
of us, our heires, executors, and sucessors, ilke one of us for our oune
pairtcs, and conform to the proportione of our estates, meanes, and fortunes,
either in launde, money, goods, or others, wherby profite and commodity
yearly aryse, to content and pay to persones appoynted for in-
gathering the same, the just, aeqwall, and proportionable pairte of the saides
haill common charges debursed, advaunced, and furnishd, for the common
bussinesse forsaide, and publicke use of the countreye, since the beginninge of
Ch. LXXXIIL] history of scots affairs.
95
the saide late troubles, as the same common charges shall be founde to ex- A. D. 1640.
tende and amounte too, after tryall and just calculatione of the haille ac-
coumptes therof by thoise entrusted with the examinatione and tryall therof ;
and that acording to the proportione of our laundes, moneyes, goods, and
others of our estates forsaide, as the same shall be valued and estimate by
four or moe sworne launded men, or others of good credite, fame, and
estimatione, to be appoynted, within ilke presbytrye of this kyngdome
for that effecte, to whoise determination and estimatione to be givne up
under ther handes and subscriptions, we doe heerby submitte ourselves
anent the said estimatione of our estate and meanes, and that at the terme
of Wittsonday next to come, in this instant yeare of God, 1640, or at such
other tyme, or in such manner and forme as shall be appoytned by the gene-
rall order to be tackn by thoise who are entrusted theranent : And because
the forsaid summes depursed, as said is, doe pay annuell rent, termly and
yearlye, Therfor, in caise of not thankfull payment be us, or any of us, ilke
ane for our owne pairtes of our proportionable pairte of the saides sowmes,
so to be imposed upon us at the saide termes respective, we obleidge us and
our forsaides to pay annuell rent for the same at the ordinare rate, after the
saides termes of payment, with ten merkes for ilke hundreth merkes in
caise of fay lye ; but praejudice alwayes to suite excecutione heeron : And
because the saide proportionable pairtes are to be payed by us as weall
heritors, lyverentars, as wthers, acording to the proportione of our yearly
rente, worth, estate, and meanes, as free rent and worthe, and not burthened
with debtts or other burthens ; Therfor it is hereby declared, that the debtor
shall have retentione from his creditour in the first ende of the rente, or
annwell rent, of the dwe proportionable pairte of the saide summe, effeir-
and to the rate and quantitye of the saide annwell rent or burthen, payable
be the saide debtor to him or them : It is heerby declared, that what summs
of money, victwall, goods, or money depursed, lent or employed, for the
publicke use, or tackne by warrant of the comissioners or officiers of arms,
and for the armyes use, upon promise of repayment be worde or wrytte, the
same shall be allowed to the persons debursers, or from whom the same was
tackne, after tryall made by thosie entrusted upon the saides accoumptes,
that the same is [just] and reasonable ; providing always, the saide depurs-
ments be givne to the saides persons entrusted with the saides accomptes be-
tuixt and the day of next to come, together with the
instructions therof, wtherwayes no allowance nor retentione to be graunted :
96
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. As also it is declared, that whatsoever person or persons shall not paye ther
annwell rentes yearlye, within the yeare, or at least within three moneths
» therafter, shall have no retentione of the saide proportionable pairte." Re-
gistration in communj forma.
The New Bande :
" We, all and evry one of us, underscrybers, considdering how just,
aeqwitable, and needfull a thing it is to have the common charges bestowed
in the late trouble of this countreye payed, and thoise who have givne out
money, victwall, or others, and thoise who have undergone the trouble
therof, payed and releeved of the same as speedily and tymously as may
bee ; Doe heartily, willingly, and freely, offer and promise, for us, our heires,
and successors, to pay and delyver ilke ane of us, for our oune pairtes, to
, or ther deputes appoynted for receiving the same, the
sowme of ten merkes Scottish money, of evry hunderethe merkes of yearly
rent dwe and payable to us, and ilke ane of us, evry one of us for our owne
pairtes, conforme to the estimatione to be made of the saides yearly rentes,
by four or moe sworne men in eache presbytrye of the kyngdome ; to
whoise determinatione, anent the saides rentes, we doe heerby acquiesce,
conforme to the instructiones directed for that effect, and under the condi-
tions therin contained ; whilke summe of ten merkes moneye of evry
hundereth merkes, as saide is, we obleige us and our forsaides to paye
betuixt and the day of next to come, together with
ten merks money forsaide for ilke hundereth merkes failye, by and attour
annwell rent in caise of retention, after the saide daye. It is declared that,
because evry man payes for his rent as if it wer free of any debtte or
burthen, except ministers steepends, few and other dutyes, dwe to his
Majestye, or with clause irritant ; Therfor the detter shall have retentione
from his creditour of the lycke summe payd by him out of evry hundereth
merkes of annwall rente, or other burthen, provyding the saide annwell
rent, or other burthen, or dwytes, be always payd within the yeare or three
moneths thereafter, at farrest, otherwayes they shall have no retentione."
Registratione in communj forma.
Ther was ane Informatione or instructiones lyckewayes sent along with
thes obligations, which, after a long prefaceO) of the aeqwity and necessitye
of that releefe and common benefitt that all had, (which was drawn in
(i) [It is printed at length in Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 185.]
Ch. LXXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
97
wordes and substance not unlycke the first Bande its narrative) followd the A. D. 1640.
instructions themselves. Tacke them shortlye :
First, That the generall Bande be subscrybed be all noblemen, gentlmen,
heritors, and others, within evry sherifFdome, who shall be conveened for
that effecte, be the persone entrusted after specifyd ; which persone shall
macke a particular accompt therof, betuixt and the day of
next to come, with a particulare note of the names and designationes of
thoise who have subscrybed the same, and of thoise who refoose or delay to
subscrybe the same, as well burgers as launded men.
Secondly, That the noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, within ilke pres-
byterye, at the least so many of them as, after intimatione to be made to
them, maye conveen and macke choise of four or moe sworne launded men,
or others of good fame or credite ; who shall tacke exacte tryall in such man-
ner as they shall thinke fitte, of the yearly worth of evry mans rente, in
victwall, money, or otherwayes ; to distinguish the particulare rent of evry
severall paroshin ; and to macke the estimation of the victwall, as they shall
fynde reasonable.
Thirdlye, To conceale the particulars of every mans rent, that it be not
divulged but to ther own neighbours amongst themselves.
Fourthly, In valuing rentes, nothing to be deduced except ministers steep-
ends and few dutyes, or the Kings dwes, or wher ther is a clause irritant.
Fifthly, The rent of merchants without burgh, such as buyers or sellers
of victwall, to estimat according to ther stocke.
Sixthly, Lyverenters must be valued as heritors. Rents that pay gir-
somsO) and small dutves, to be considdered.
A rolle of the totall summe of ilke paroshin rent thus tackne upp to be
set downe and subscrybed by some of them, testifying the truthe, upon
honour and credite, acording to ther knowledge. Ther is ane agent ap-
poynted within eache presbytry of Scottland to prosecute the bussinesse,
who is to give his account of diligence at Edinburgh, against a day appoynted.
In brughs, they have power to nominate ther owne valuators, who are to
except nothing out of burgers estates, but ther dwelling houses ; the rolles
in cumulo of the rent of evry burrough to be givne upp to ther magistratts,
who under ther hands shall report it upon credite and conscience.
(0 [" A sum paid to a landlord or superior, by a tenant or fiar, at the entry of a lease,
or by a new heir who succeeds to a lease or feu, or on any other ground determined by the
agreement of parties." Jamieson.]
N
98
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. For eshewihg the discoverye of mens estates, every man shall pay for his
rent as for free rent, without burthen or debtte ; for recompense whairof
every dettor shall have retentione from his creditor of ane proportionable
pairt as the impositione shall be laid on ; and the annwell rent shall be free
of any other payment ; [but] except the annwell rent be not payd yearly, or
at least within yeares, ther shall be no retentione of the saide propor-
tione. The lycke proportionable retentione to be had for valwed bolls or
other burthens, or debts payd out of the laundes or rentes.
Lastly, In caise the report come not from paroshins, presbytryes, or
brughs, against the day appoynted, then thoise who have the trust in the
commone affaires shall have power to impose upon the saide presbvtry,
paroshine, or brughs deficient, such a proportionable pairte as they shall
thinke expedient. Therfor they entreate them to see all thinges done, as
they shall bee ther assured freends.
Subscrybed, Argylle, Montrosse, Eglintoune, Rothesse, Cassills.
Dated at Edinburgh, Janwary eighteenth, 1640.
This project, intended for all the natione, was rejected mostly by all the
anti-Covenanting partye, except such as durst not refoose it ; and not a few
of the Covenanters themselves fownde waves for to shifte it off ; and it was
a pill so hard to swallow, that it stoode with the stomaches of many zealotts ;
and although diligence was used, yet at that tyme it tooke not the effecte
designed ; though afterwarde ther wer mor effectwall wayes fownde out to
command all mens e states at ther pleasure.
About this time that ther was diligence used for subscriptione of the
Blynde Bande for releefe, ther was as much diligence used by the zealotts of
the ministrye, and others who wer knowne to be weall affected for subscryb-
ing of the Covenant generally, by all, with the interpretatione or additione of
the Assembly of Glasgow, ratifyd in the Assembly of Edinburgh, 1639. And
now as they grew mor imperiouse to urge subscriptions, so they beganne to
refoose to lett any body subscrybe the Covenante with limitations, restric-
tions, or declarations, as befor they had done.
Whilst these things are adoing, the King is advertished that they bad
refoosed to lett generall Ruthven have any materialls for reparation of the
low out wall of the castell, which had fallne, November nineteenth, 1639 :
Therfor he^resolves to provyde it better with men and munition, which, if
they refoosed to receive into the castell, it wold be an opne breach upon
ther pairte. To this pourpose, two shipps, with a recruite of ane hundereth
Ch. LXXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
99
souldiours, wer directed towards the Firth of Forth ; these shippes had A. D. 1640.
lyckwayes armes and ammunitione to be putt into the castell ; and, withall,
the King sent his letter, reqwyring (the secrett councell sayes one, others
say, mor probably,) the provost and townes councell of Edinburgh/1) to
asiste to the putting thes materialls safe into the castell : His letter was dated
Jan wary twenty-fourth, 16?§, Whytehall, and was peremptory, to the straine
following :
" Charles Rex.
" Trustye and weall beloved, we greet yow weall : Wheras, we have
thought fitt to send some men and cannon to our castell of Edinburgh, we
doe heerby will and commande [yow] upon your alleadgance to us, and upon
paine of incurring the punishment of high treasoune, not only to suffer the
saide men and canon to be forthwith launded and safely conveyd to our
castell, by such numbers and parcells as the bearer heerof shall directe ; but,
lyckwayes, to be aiding and asisting in the service to captain Slingsby and
captain Shippman, and such others to whom we have comitted the charge
of transporting and delyvering the same : And to this pourpose, we doe
heerby straitly command yow to cause boats to be immediatly sent from
Leethe to our shipps, to receave and bring upon shore the saide men and
cannon ; and, when they shall be launded, to cause ane strong gwarde con-
voye them safelye, and see them putt upp into the saide castell ; and to sup-
presse and resiste such insolencye or oppositioune that shall be made to this
our service ; the disturbers wherof we doe heerby reqwyre [yow] for to punish
exemplarlye, as in caise of high treasoune : And we doe further heerby will
and command yow to give us ane speedy accoumpt of your diligence and
proceeding heerin, and that yow fade not in any of the praemisses, as yow
will answer the contrarye at the outermost perill. Givne at our court of
Whytehall, January twenty-fourth, 1640."
The saylers made such speede that the two shippes came into the roade
of Leethe, February ninth ; who, instantly after ther arryvall, sent a messen- February 9.
ger to the provost of Edinburgh, with the Kings letters, reqwyring ane
answer therunto ; wherof generall Ruthven was certifyd also. This putt the
comittye of the Covenanters to ther wittes ende ; but much mor it did irri-
tate the cittye of Edinburgh : They had the wolfe by the eares. To refoose
was dangerouse : They feared that Ruthven, upon ther refoosall, wold dis-
(0 [The King's letter was addressed " To the Provost, Baillies, and Council of Edinburgh."
See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 181, 182 ; Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 371 — 373.]
100
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. charge his ordinance upon the towne, as some few dayes befor he had been
threatning to doe upon ther refoosall formerly mentioned : The Kings letter
of so high a straine fortifyd ther suspitione of this ; they feared lyckewayes,
that if this wer refoosed ther comissioners should once mor be returned
home without ane answer, if not worse. Upon the other pairt, to admitte
of that ammunitione and souldiourye, they thought, and not without cause,
that it was for to admitte of that which some day, and theye knew not how
soone, wold be a hurte to themselves. Yet, in ende, it was resolved that
men and ammunitione should be safely putt upp ther, which was acordingly
February 10. performed the next day, being the tenth of February ; yet with this protesta-
tioune, that it was against the lawes of the kyngdome that castells, which
are the keyes of the kyngdome, should be garrisond by straungers, specially
the castell of Edinburgh, wher the honours of the kyngdome are kept, viz.,
crowne, scepter, and sworde, and the registers also and publicke recordes ;
and King James the Sixth, in a speeche to the Parliament of England,
anno 1607, acknowledged such a practise to be the breach of the preive-
leidges and fundamentall lawes of the kyngdome ; who saide that he could
not, albeit a King, garrisone Scottland with straungers, as the King of
Spaine did by Sicily and Naples : Yet they wold not refoose, to the ende
that the King might see ther loyalty and obedience. But however things
past thus for the tyme, yet the cittizens of Edinburgh grudged so much
therat, that it was the occasione of blocking upp the castell (amongst other
reasones) shortly after ; as shall be told in its owne place.
A new mani- LXXXIV. The cheife of the Covenanters, as they wer provyding for
testo from the warre at home, so they thought it expedient to accoaste ther freends in
burnt bv the' England with a new manifesto ;(0 wherin they strove both to enforme ther
hands of the English freends of all that was past, for preventing calumneyes, as also to
Commissioners ^ett a^ know the aeqwitye of ther demandes : Which was for substance
get presence muche to this pourpose :*
"ivem^sup- That the last yeares pacificatione had putt them in greate hopes of peace,
plication in and that the daungers should have evanishd which threatned both nations :
Th
writing, ine ag ajg0 ^a^. tnerbv thev expected to have seen a firmer peace and righter
counsel vote . . .
to reduce the understanding than ever settled betuixt the English and them : And if pro-
Covenanters to mjses had been kept, theve putt no questione but it wold have been so.
duty by force. r j r -i
0) [Ane Information from the Estaits of the Kingdome of Scotlande to the Kingdome
of England. Edir.b. 1640.]
* Spang, Historia Motuum, p. 435.
Ch. LXXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
101
But ther adversary es wer so malitiouse, that they secrettly wer still plot- A. D. 1640.
ting some mischeefe against them ; that [as] it was they who had made the An English
articles of the treaty be brockne, and the Parliament to be raised, ane Parliament is
acte that wanted a paralell in Scottland at any tyme befor ; so they wer called. Money
r .. . i T7-- subscribed by
now stryving to calumniate them as seditiouse persons, both to the King Strafford and
and to all the English natione, as if they intended nothing but rebellione ; °tlier English
that these calumneyes they vented by ther emisaryes, specially papistes in
Englande, who feared ere long to be served in England as they wer in
Scottland, by this late reformatione.
That the first injurye they sustained by this meanes was, that a few
fugitives wer better beleeved then a whole natione, who are condemned un-
hearde ; and that none of ther declarations gott any truste. Secondly,
That thes had freedome to informe the King and the English as they
pleased, wheras they (the Covenanters), are debarrd from vindicating
themselves : That as the last yeares ther postes wer stopped, and ther
letters intercepted, so ther enemyes wer doing the lycke now ; and, furder,
had procured that ther comissioners sent from Parliament should gett no
hearing from the King, albeit himselfe had wryttne to Traqwaire expressly
for to cause comissioners come and give ane accounte of ther propositions ;
being therby hopefull to involve both nations in bloode, expecting to reape
a twofold benefitt therby, as they are two sortes of men our enemyes : For
the churchmen that are ejected hope that the English will repone them
by maine force; which acte wold give great advauntage to the papists to
fall upon both, thus weackned with civill warre. The other sorte of ther
enemyes, they said, wer polititians, who heerbye aimed to sett up ther
brockne fortunes ; or, such of them as wer guilty of crymes, by thes con-
fusions, hoped to escape questione and punishment deserved by them, by
ane acte of oblevione, after the warre.
They therfor doe desyre the English nobilitye not to be deceaved againe,
but that they wold remember ther owne confessione at the camp, the last
summer, upon hearing the Covenanters proposalls: Which was, That hitherto
they had been misenformed concerning the Scottish Covenanters actions
and desyres, which they founde so just as that they interceeded with the
King for to lett the Covenanters have ane Assembly and Parliament ; and
no wayes set to chaunge the governement, nor to plunder England, as was
givne out.
They pray God may manifest the tocknes of his wrath against them, if
102
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. they wer either yet intending invasione of England, or to chaunge the
governement of Scottlande, or wished any to raigne over them but the
King : Yet they thought none could blame them if, by all laufull meanes,
they endeavoured for to preveene confusiones, and resiste the hurt wher-
with they wer lycke to be assaild, both by sea and launde, pairtly by not
suffering judicatoryes to sitte, or by fostering divisiones amongst them-
selves : Furder, that ther enemyes had threatned that ere long the seas wold
be shutt upp, and all trade barrd, and incursiones to be made upon ther
borders, to provouck them to a breache, seeking revenge therby, keeping
them in continwall trouble, for to tyre them out and begger them : That
it will be better for them for to fight it out then thus miserably to perishe ;
for if trade be stopped, many familys will be beggered, and the husband
man, drivne still to stand upon his gward, must be ruined: That they wer
perswaded that all good men of the English natione wold be so farr from
qwarrelling with them upon that accompt, that, upon the contrare, they
hoped they wold concurre with them for to bring to deserved punishment
such as wer the authors of ther miseryes : That it was the pairt of the
Englishes to study how to preserve union betuixt them, who are many
wayes united, but specially by the bonde of relligione : This ought
to macke them joyne forces, that they might all stryve for to pull downe
the whore of Babylone, and for to restore the Princess Palatine and her
childeren to ther inheritaunce, from which, for many yeares, they are now
banishd.
They doe earnestly desyre the councell of Englande not to beleeve the
informationes givne in to them concerning the Scottish Parliament, by such
as have sought [rather] to cm'ry favour with the greatest ther, then to re-
late passages ingenuously as they paste. They hope withall that the
councell of England will meddle as little with ther lawes as they have ever
done with thers, when controversyes have arisen betwixt the King and
them, since thes two kyndgoms are independent upon another ; and that
to cure these ills with warre will be a remedy worse then the sicknesse.
That discorde may interveene betwixt neighbour nationes by trusting
the informations of enemyes to either ; that such has been the comissioners
narratione of ther actions befor the councell table of Englande ; that it was
ridiculouse that ther affaires and relationes therof should be tossd lycke a
ball from hand to hande by ther enemyes, to the great hurt of both nationes ;
that it wer farr meeter to joyne hand in hand for disco very e of thes deceipts,
Ca. LXXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
103
least both nationes repent it too late, after a few incendiary es have en- A. D. 1640.
wrapped them into a warre.
That the English second error proceeded from the ignorance of the
Scottish lawes, who wer made to beleeve that all the articles proposed in the
late Parliament by the Covenanters are contrary to the royall authoritye.
That if they understoode which of all thes the Englishes questioned most,
they should tacke the paines to prove that they had tackne nothing into
ther cognitione but what was agreable to the law, and constant practise of
the nationes.
That they had sent comissioners to macke out all this to the King ; which
they durst not have done if ther actings wer not agreable to the funda-
mentall laws of the kyngdome, according to which the King is sworne to
governe : That thes comissioners would macke it appeare to all that ther
enemyes wer innovators, and not theye ; who being suppressed, all would be
weall, " tacke away the wicked from the King, etc." : As the Parliaments
desyres is vox Popuii, and the Kings concessions vox Regis, so they pray
the conclusione may bee vox Dei, wherby Chrystes kyngdome may be pro-
moved, and the kyngdome of anti-Chryst destroyed.
That they wer confident the neighbour natione wold be so farr from
trusting ther enemyes, that, upon the contrare, they would be asisting to
them Covenanters ; and wold pleade for them, at the Kings hande, for to
free them of ther greivaunces, and to procure a conclusione of ther Par-
liament.
Then they beginne and give a short deductione of all passages since the
pacificatione, showing what worong and breaches of promise theye had mett
with. First, That the Comissioner refoosed to ratifie the actes of the
Assembly in the Parliament, but with limitations, restrictions, and declara-
tion, by a privat warrant from the King, contrare to his former orders ;
that he wold have obtruded a declaration in part contrare to the acte of
Assembly, August seventeenth,* to which himself had consented; that he
refoosed for to passe ane acte recissorye of such actes of Parliament as wer
contrare to the newe actes of ther Assembly, at Edinburgh, 1639 ; that
he had rejected all the propositiones of the comissioners of the churche,
giving them oftne ill langwage, and telling them that the ministers wold be
worse then the bishopps, and that the bishopps though voted downe by the
* Vide supra.
104
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. Assembly, doe }ret retaine ther titles, and as much honor done to them
as befor : That all thes thing's could not subsiste with the securing of
relligione.
Next for the state : The Comissioner had refoosed for to exclude the
bishoppes from being members of Parliament, and had rejected ther acte
for choise of the lords of the articles, all which they did conforme to actes
of Parliament ; that he did refoose to deliver to them the registers of
Parliament ; that he wold passe no acte of oblivion, but such as made them
acknowledge themselves rebells : That his ordinare ansuer to ther strongest
arguments was, " The King will have it otherwayes, and will macke yow
doe it, if not worse ;" ane ill argument to be heard in a free Parliament,
which others might meet withall : That though it be contrare to the free-
N. B. dome of Parliaments not to be licenced to passe actes untill the Kinge be
advertished and advyse, yet they wer contented it should be so, provyding
that the comissioner wold passe other necessaire actes ; but that was also
refoosed : That ther comissioners wer returned from the King without
hearing: That the Comissioner had adjourned the Parliament by the Kings
authority, and that under paine of treasone ; which cannot legally be done
by anye to declare a whole Parliament traitors unhearde ; yet they had
obeyd him in this, both to pleasure the King and stoppe ther enemyes
mouthes : That the courts of justice wer not lettne sitte ; that they wer
barrd from getting of releefe of ther common burthens for expence of the
warre ; that voide places are kept wanting ministers to preache ; that the
poor seamen ther goods are not restored ; that councellours and statesmen
are putt out of ther places, and no cause instanced whye ; that the author
of the Large Manifesto is neither questiond nor punished, albeit that
booke containe no lesse then two hundereth lyes, which ther comissioners
offered at the Kings campe for to refoote : That all articles wer performed
upon ther pairt, except the not restitutione of a little powlder which was
spent, and some fewe musketts, in all, not worth four hundered pounds Scot-
tish, which they offered for to deduce out of ther accomptes : That new
fortificationes wer macking ; that Bervicke and Carlisle wer kept garrisond,
wherby they, the Kings best subjectes, wer saide unjustly to mistruste the
King, whilst places mor opne to forraigne enemyes are left unfortifvd ;
that they had offered, upon a few dayes advertishment, for to put in eight
thousand or ten thousand souldiours into thes townes ; that ther souldiours
wer disbanded but not all the Kings souldiours ; that the castell of Edinburgh
Ch. LXXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
105
is provyded with six tymes as many men, and six tymes as much munitione, A. D. 1640.
as the King and Marquesse of Hamiltoune judged at first needfull to garri-
sone it, contrare to the article of the pacificatione, wherby it is agreed
that all be putt in that same posture that things wer in befor the troubles ;
that generall Ruthven sought but fifty or sixty souldiours ; that straungers
wer putt in ther contrare to the lawes ; that ther armes wer canon and
mortar peeces, fitter to burne townes then defende them ; that lyckwayes
Dumbartoun castell was garrisond with straungers, contrare to the lawes :
That the Scottish in England and Irelande are compelled to sweare new
oathes ; that the countrey yet was full of dissentions : That the poor wer
much hurt by the small Tumors ; that the councell had calld downe ther rate,
and six days afterward they wer raisd to a rate six tymes above ther worthe ;
that in liew of them, forraigners filld the countrey with much of that sorte of
small coyne : That all meanes wer used to devyd them and sett them by
the eares, yet it had not succeeded, albeit ther enemyes had bragged that
the next yeare they wold stirr upp a factione amongst themselves who
should destroye them all : That ther enemyes wer seeking nothing but ther
ruine and destructione ; that, therfor, by the lawes of God and nature, they
founde themselves obleidged for to doe somewhat for ther owne preserva-
tione and ther harmlesse defence : That God wold blesse ther enterpryse
they pray, and that he wold stirre upp the King, in imitatione of David,
that his eyes should bee upon the just of the launde, etc.: And, withall, they
praye God that all good English men may be endewd with the spiritt of
prudence and fortitude, who may pleade ther cause without feare, and im-
pede the evills hanginge over ther heades.
The coppyes of this declaratione coming in printe and wrytte into the
handes of diverse in Englande, founde credite or wer rejected, acordinge as
the Scottish and ther cause was favoured by the severall readers therof.
But a coppy therof comming into the Kings handes, he acounted it no bet-
ter then* a seditiouse and scandalouse pamphlett, though they termed it
" Ane Informatione from the Estates of the Kyngdome of Scottlande to
the Kyngdome of Englande," and caused it to be reade publicklye at the
councelle table ; and the lords of councell, in detestatione therof, became
humble suitors to the Kinge, that it might be suppressed by proclamatione,
and burnt by the hande of the hangman ; which was acordingly done, and
* Declaration, 1640, pag. 53.
o
106
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. Ki40. wherever the coppyes therof could be founde out, they wer supprest dili-
gentlye. In all this nothing so much troubled the Covenanters as that the
councell of England had caused burne it by ther acte.
And now it is tyme to returne to the comissioners of the Parliament,
whom we left upon ther journey to Londone ; who, arryved ther, upon the
February 20. twentieth of February, 1640, they gotte presence of the Kinge, and wer
admitted to kisse his hande. And then they did represent to the KingO) how
greivouse it was to them, his Majestyes loyall subjectes, that ther loyalty
should be questioned, or ther actings traduced as encroaching upon his
Majestyes authoritye or contrary to the lawes : Furder, they craved a
publicke hearing befor his Majestyes councell of both kyngdomes, for clear-
ing ther proceedings to be just and laufull, and for vindicating themselves
from all unjuste aspersions laide upon them by sinister informations, and that
relatione specially which was publickly made by the Earle of Traqwaire,
befor the whole councell of England, to ther praejudice : Lyckwayes, they
delyvered to the King a thankesgiving from the Generall Assemblye (which
yow had befor) : And since it was the Kinges desyre and command that
whatever they presented should be in wryte, and under ther handes, in
obedience to his commandement they gave in another supplicatione, sub-
scrybed by their handes. That supplicatione, although it contained many
wordes (as most of their papers doe), yet it was nothing else for sub-
stance but what is related ; except only that ther was craved therby, that
Traqwaire should give them, in wryte under his hande, that selfe same
relatione of ther actings which, befor ther comming, he had repre-
sented publickly to the councell of England : which the King was so farr
from thinking rationall, that, in his Declaratione,(2) he judgeth it insolent,
as also unnecessaire ; for ther he affirmeth, that Traqwair had related nothing
but what they had verefyd, and insisted upon themselves, after ther comis-
sioners wer come to courte.
They had good reasone (it is not to be denyd) for to labour to cleare
ther actions by publicke hearing ; for, befor ther comming to court, upon
Traqwaire his relatione of ther actings before the councell boord of Eng-
lande, the King putt the whole bussinesse to questione, Whither, consid-
(0 [" The Proceedings of the Scots Commissioners, sent from the Parliament of Scot-
land, with the King's Majesty at Whitehall," will be found in Rushworth's Hist. Collect.,
vol. iii., pp. 992—1015.]
(2) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 42.]
Ch. LXXXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS
107
dering the insolencye and height of ther demaundes, even concerning civill A. D. 1640.
obedience, it wer not fitte to reduce the Covenanters to ther duty by force,
rather then to give waye to ther demaundes, so praejudiciall to the Kings
honor and safetye ? To this questione, the King having commanded evrye
one of the councell of England to give ther answer, and to declare his opi-
nion by vote, they did unanimously vote in the affirmative : Wherupon the
King- did resolve soon after to call a Parliament^1)
But this resolutione was not divulged to all the councell of England ; for
he had resolved that the transactione of his affaires should be mor clossly
carryd then befor, for feare that all should be revealed to the Covenanters.
Therfor it was thought necessary for to select a private juncto, apart from
his councell, who wer to consult upon the Scottish affaires ; and great care
was tackne that from thence should be excluded Pembrocke, Salisbury,
Holland, etc., whom archbishop Lawd called the Hunting Lords, as being
of that qworum, who wer comissioners at the pacificatione : Yet still Hamil-
toune was kept in, who was esteemed, in the repute of many, the most
dangerouse and fallaciouse of them all. It was at this secrett councell,
December fifth, (2) that it was concluded that a Parliament should be called
in England, Apryle thirteenth. The King told thes lordes that he approved
ther councell, but he said, " My lords, the Parliament cannot suddenly con-
veene, and the subsidyes they graunt will be so long a levying, as, in the
interim, I may be ruined ; therfor, some speedy course must be thought
upon for supplyes :" Wherupon the lordes told him they wold engadge ther
owne credits ; and Strafford, with the first, subscrybed for twenty thousand
pounds sterling ; other lords, pairtly out of loyalty e or for modesty e, fol-
lowed his example ; and then other lordes wer putt to it to lende, of whom
few refoosed : the judges also of the common and civill lawe, with all the
officers and appendants of ther courts, did the lycke. None wer mor free
in ther contributione then the Papistes, who founde, if things went amisse
with the King, the comble of the mischeefe wold fall heavy upon them, who
(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1G40, pp. 40, 41.]
(2) [The following entry occurs in the private diary which was kept by Archbishop
Laud : " Decemb. 5. [1639] Thursday, The King declared his Resolution for a Parlia-
ment, in case of the Scottish Rebellion. The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of
Ireland, my Lord Marquess Hamilton, and my self. And a Resolution Voted at the Board,
to assist the King in extraordinary ways ; if the Parliament should prove peevish, and re-
fuse," etc. Wharton's History of the Troubles and Tryal of the Most Reverend Father in
God, and Blessed Martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, p. 57. Lond.
1695. fob]
108
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. expected nothing but to be ruined by the Covenanters, who declared so
downeright against them : And it is affirmed by some wrytters* of thes
tymes, that some ministers of England wer so farr transported, in ther pul-
pitts, with ane indiscreete zeale against the Covenanters, that they cryd
upp the recusants (papistes they meand) as the King his most loyall sub-
jectes. However, that ther contributione might be putt unto the best fyne,
Sir Kenelme Digbye and Mr. [Walter] Montagwe wer sett a worke by
the Qweene, for to negotiate for the popish contributione, which was cheer-
fully givne, in a proportione agreable to ther abilityes, both at this tyme
and afterwardes/1) upon new occasions in the following yeares.
All thes transactiones wer no sooner projected but as soone they wer
made knowne to the Covenanters ; who founde it much for ther intereste
for to have ther comissioners about the Kings hande, not only for to cleare
ther actings, but lyckewayes to macke freends at Londone, and to draw in-
telligence upon all occasions to be communicate to ther juncto at Edinburgh.
February 26. February twenty sixth, The Earle of Traqwaire shewed the comissioners
that it was the Kings pleasure that they should subscrybe the two former
petitiones givne in [the twentieth day] by them to the King, and that they
should heerafter doe the lycke by all wryttes which they gave in ; which they
did. They lyckeways, upon the other pairte, reqwyred Traqwaire to wryte
and subscrybe any directione or commandement which he carryd from the
King to them ; which he did lyckwayes.C2)
March 2. March second, Traqwaire signifyd to the comissioners, under his hande,
that they should attend at the councell chamber the next daye, for such was
the Kings pleasure, that they should be heard ther by a comittye of some of
his councell, at two a clocke in the afternoone : the King himself was going
that daye to Hamptoune Courte. This was ill tackne by the commissioners,
who, tberfor, made ther applicatione to Marquis Hamiltoune, desyring him
to shew the King that they wold declyne to propose ther desyres and rea-
sones of ther demaundes, or ansuer to any comittye, or anye other, except
to the King ther maister, to whom they were sent. This being signifyd to
the King, he was contented to delaye his going to Hampton Courte till
afternoone, with resolutione to heare them himselfe.
* Annals of King Charles, pag. 167.
(0 [Sanderson's History of King Charles I., pp. 285, 286.]
(2) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 993.]
Ch. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
109
LXXXV. March third, therfor, acordingly, in presence of the King A. D. 1640.
and his comittye, the comissioners, by worde and wrytte, did both stryve to lOT(j Low-
cleare ther proceedings, to give reasones for ther demaundes, and did sup- don's speech to
plicate that the Parliament might proceede to the ratificatione of the actes counsel"*' ^"^
of the Assembly, 1639. The lord Lowdone was spocksman for the rest 5 Second hear-
his speech is very longe, and many wordes in it :(0 It contained a protesta- ^e'con^s01'
tione of the independencye of the Parliament of Scottland, and that it is sioners exhibit
subject to no other judicatorye ; next, he protestes befor God and the JJ^ir '"^^j"
world, That they never had nor has any thought of withdrawing themselves tiona'l instruc-
from that humble and dutifull subjectione and obedience to the King and his tions inserted,
governement ; that they never had nor has any intentione or desyre to at- ^dviceof acom -
tempt any thing that may tende to the diminutione of the Kings power ; but mittee of coun-
upon the contrarye, did acknowledge ther qwietnesse, stability, and happi- to hear°theS
nesse to depende upon the Kings persones safety, mantenance of his great- commissioners.
nesse and royall authoritye, as Gods vicegerent sett over them for man- Covenanters
J ... r . exceptions to
tenance of relligione, administratione of justice ; that they wold, in evry the King's de-
cause which concerned the Kings honour, they wold, acordino: to the lawes claratlon °/
i • m, the precedent
of the kyngdome, and duty of good subjectes, concurre in armes, etc.: That passages. At
they wold esteeme all dividers betuixt King and them as vipers ; that if the .the third hear-
King should lend the shaddow of his authoritye to ther enernyes, they wold objects to r
have ther recourse to the God of Jacob, they being sworne to defende ther their power
relligione ; that, if they offended out of zeale, they fell doune at his Majes- tions'.'^Earl of
tyes feet and crave humble pardone : That if ther ansuers of the reasones Traquaire
of ther demaunds gave not satisfactione, they craved pardon, and desyred f^th" state"
to be excused, since the registers of Parliament, which they ought to have of the ques-
had for that ende, wer kept from them ; that they, withall, expect the four'th^earin"-
judgement of charitye from thoise who ought, rather then passe rashe cen- the commis-°'
sure upon them, to professe ignorantiam juris et facti alieni ; and that they goners glve
should distinguish betuixt the desyres and actions of a Parliamente, who in writing,
being conveend by the Kings warrant, are mackers of lawes, and against March 3.
whom ther is no law, and the actions of private persons, against whom
lawes are made : That ther desyres are agreable with the pacificatione, and N. B.
also with the lawes and practises of Scottland : That, particularly, they con_
cerned either manufactoryes or trades, which are but the interests of private
men, and de minimis non curat lex : That, for the publick actes, they had
(i) [It may be seen at length in Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 994 — 997; and
in Stevenson's Hist, of the Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 826 — 832.]
110
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. U. 1640. limited themselves by reason and the rule of lawe : For better understanding
this, ther ought to be a distinction betuixt Regnum constituendum, and Reg-
num constitutum, a settled and not settled kyngdome ; that King James
maxime was salus populi saprema lex, and this wold be contented to
governe people acording to Gods law, and fundamentall lawes : That
next they wer to distinguish betuixt kirk and state, ecclesiasticall and
civill power ; which, though materially one, yet, formally, are contradis-
tinguishd in power, jurisdictions, lawes, bodyes, ends, offices, officiers ; yet
thes so united as Hippocrates twinnes, standing and falling, living and
dying together : That this did macke them crave of the King who is custos
atriusque tabulae, that [as] matters ecclesiasticke might be determind by As-
semblys, and matters civill by Parliaments, so specially that ecclesiasticke
constitutions might have a civill sanctione, least ther should be repugnancye
betuixt them : That the King had condiscended that it should be so; that
his Majestyes Comissioner, after enqwiry of the causes of ther evills, had
founde the governement of the kirk by bishopps, and civill places of kirke-
men, to be two maine reasones ; that his consent to remove thes things out
of the churche obleidged him to consent to remove them lyckwayes out of
the state, by necessaire consequence ; and so the church to be no mor the
third estate, since bishopps are no mor ther representatives : That the
kirke was not heerby woronged, who was content for to renounce her civill
power, as incompatible with her spiritwall nature, et volenti non Jit injuria ;
nor was the King heerby woronged, who, since he esteems that it is his pairt,
preesse ut prosit, as the inscriptione of his coyne beares, therfor, he cannot
thinke that to graunt his peoples rationall desyres is any diminutione of his
prerogative : That his power is defyned by actes of Parliament to be that
power that his Majesty has over all estates and persones, and not any
particular interest mor in one than another, which is not chaungable with
the chaunge of any of the estates ; that the Kinge had his power befor
bishopps wer in Scottland ; as also, when, in tyme of popery, bishopps
depended on the pope ; and also, when bishopps, by oathe, wer formerly
abjured ; yet the people sworne to maintaine the Kings greatnesse and
authoritye.
And since they had no other endes but such as served for to establish
relligione and peace, and such as are agreable to law and the articles of
the treatye ; and since ther Parliament was the only laufull meanes for to
rescinde ther evills and settle peace : Therfor they desyre that the Kinge
Ch. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
Ill
wold lett the Parliament proceede to a determinatione ; and for anye ob- A. D. 1640.
jectione against any poynte of ther procedure, they wer willing that it should
be givne them in wrytte, and they should answer it.
This discourse being ended by Lowdone, the King demanded what
power and comissione they had to give him satisfactione, and to obleidge
thoise from whom they came ? seing if they had none, he behoved to heare
them upon greate disadvauntage, they expecting satisfaction from him who
had power to give it, but they none to render the lycke to him. The
comissioners answered, That ther proposalls being agreable to lawe, they
wer confident it wold give him satisfactione. The King asked who should
be judge of that ? They answered, the lawes wold be so cleere, that ther
should be no neede of a judge. And though the King insisted muche upon
that poynte, yet they urgd still the same answer ; furder, they said that
they had power, and would lett the King see it. The King desyred them
for to bring it to him, and leet it be seene what therO) instructiones wer.
And so for that daye they wer dissmissed to ther lodgings ; and the King
tooke journey to Hamptone Courte.
After the Kings returne from Hamptone Courte, March eighth, the com-
missioners wer commanded to be at Whytehall the next daye after, at two Marche 9.
a clok in the afternoone ; whither being come, the King calld for ther in-
structions, which they did exhibite and reade. They had two papers with
instructions ; the first paper was that which was givne to Dunferlemlyn
and Lowdone, at such tyme as they wer sent home without hearing ; of
which paper, I have already givne ane accompt to the reader, November
fyrst, 1639/2) The second paper of instructions bore date at Edinburgh,
January twentieth, 1640, directed from the estates of Parliament, and are
called additionall instructiones to the former ; which wer as followes :
Firsts To shew that ther desyres are agreable to lawe, and to cleare that
by wryte, for avoiding contest about wordes in any tyme heerafter.
Second, To answer or give accounte of ther proceedings to no English
comitty, but to the King himselfe.
Third, To desyre that the King would give licence to cleare ther act-
ings from all imputations laide upon them by Traqwaires relatione ; and
that ther clearing may be publicke befor the councells of both nations, but
without acknowledging them as ajudicatorye.
(l) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 43, 44.] («) [See above, pp. 76, 77.]
112
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. Fourth, To desyre a shorte day from the King for downe sitting of the
Parliament ; and that specially for tacking course about the copper coyne,
which beinge cryd upp and downe within eight dayes by the councell, it is
become qwytte to be rejected, or questionable at least.
Fifth, That the King be desyred to lett his royall pleasure be known
about such articles as the Comissioner reqwyred might be communicat with
the King befor the Parliament should determine therof.
Sixth, To beseech the King not to beleeve misreportes upon them till
he first lett themselves know them.
Seventh, To demonstrate to the King that the articles and overturs
proposed in Parliament are so necessarye, that ther can be no settling if
they be not graunted.
Eighth, To shew the King that, contrare to the articles of pacificatione,
and the desyres of the present commander, who sought but sixty men, and
contrare to the former practise, which allowed but twenty-four or thirty
men at most, the castell of Edinburgh is now manned with seven scoire
souldiours or therbye, with a twelve moneths victwalls, with potte peeces,
garnetts, and fyre workes, fitt rather for harming the toune of Edinburgh
then for defence ; as also, that the castell of Dumbarton is manned in lycke
manner with English souldiours, all which is contrare to actes of Parliament.
Ninth, To answer objections against the actes of Parliament acording
to your particular papers theranent.
Tenth, To desyre that the Parliament may goe on and conclude all the
articles, and ratifie the Generall Assemblyes actes, and all other things
needfull, acording to the articles of the pacificatione, and his Majestyes
comissione, under the great seale.
Eleventh, If any new challendges or propositions be made against us,
which yow have no grownde nor warrant to answer, then to wrytte or send
to the comissioners at Edinburgh, and crave ther advyce theranent.
Twelfth, Since they heare ther is a Parliament to be called in England,
which theye have long wished for, to shew they are confident that the
English Parliament will considder the estate of ther bussnesse, albeit ther
lawes are independent one upon another ; and that they will justifie ther
proceedings to such a Parliament, if any therin enqwyre in ther actions and
demaunds.
Thirteenth, To deale earnestly with the King for a quicke dispatche,
againste the twenty-fifth day of Marche at farrest. Subscrybed by Lauthian ;
Ch. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
113
Dalhousye; Balmerino ; Napier; Dundass of that like; Wachtoune ; A. D. 1640.
Thomas Myrtoun of Carabo ; William Rigg ; Sir David Murray ; Sir
George Strivling of Keire ; John Smyth for Edinburgh ; Thomas Bruce
for Strivling; James Glen for Linlithgow.
Ther instructiones being reade, ther power was calld in questione, as
being only subscrybed by some Scottish lords, and other persones of no
greate eminencye; and the King, with all the comittye present, judged
that neither had they a comissione, and that they had neither power nor
authoritye to give the King satisfactione, or to obleidge any that sent them
to any thing that the King should yeeld to, or desyre. The King, therfor,
asked, If they had any other powers ? They saide, That they had a paper
formerly subscrybed by a great many of the lords, and other members sitting
in Parliament, wherby the Earle of Dunferlemlyne, and [Lord Lowdon] wer
authorised to present ther justification to the Kinge ; that both subscrybers
and the comissioners wer authorised, with the warrant of Parliament then
sittinge ; that for the present they could have none other, since the Parlia-
ment was not sitting now for the present/1)
The King, after advysing with his comittee what was best to bee done in
such ane exigence, concluded in ende, he would heare them and the reasones
of ther demaundes. They answerd, That ther demands wer, that the Parlia-
ment might proceed and ratifie the Assemblye, and determine anent the
articles givne in to them acording to the lawes of the kyngdome, and arti-
cles of the pacificatione : And if ther wer any answer to them, or objectione
to the contrare, they wer ready to answer it in wrytte. The King saide, It
was his Comissioner behoved to give thoise, and that he was to mantaine
his Comissioners actions/2)
The Marquesse of Hamiltoune being present, and not satisfeed (seemingly
at least), that none of the comissioners made shew of anye sence of the
Kings favour in continowing hearing to them, though he did not fynde him-
self by ther instructions so to doe, tooke occasion to saye, that though he wer
not of ther companye, yet, being a Scottsh man, he held himself obleidged,
in all humilitye, to acknowledge the Kings singular and princely favour to-
wards his countrey, and besought the King to accept of his most humble
thankes for it. By this the comissioners wer engaged to do the lycke, and so
(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 44, 45.]
(2) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1000, 1001.]
1'
114
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. they presentlye rendred to the King, upon ther knees, as reall thankes as
Hamiltoun did befor them.O Therafter, Thursday, March twelfth, was
appoynted for ther next hearing, and the Kings Comissioner commanded to
give them his objections in wrytte against that tyme ; and so they wer dis-
missed.
I have givne ane accompt of the former passages of the commissioners
ther nogotiatione, as it is related in the Kings Declaratione, anno 1640,
and in the Covenanters Answer therunto, published that yeare lyckewayes.
Befor I goe furder we must see what exceptions the Covenanters tacke at
the King his declaratione of the praecedent passages.
They complaine that it should have been the judgement of the councell of
England "to reduce them to ther duty by force, rather then give way to ther
demaundes," for so declares the King.* To this they answer, That this sen-
tence was the sentence of the councell of one kyngdome against the Parlia-
liament of ane other ; and pronounced upon the hearing of one mans rela-
tione (viz. Traqwaire), a new creature, and but of yesterdaye, against a
free kyngdome of ancient nobles, barrons, and others, and ther two com-
missioners barrd from hearing and presence : That it was in a matter of
warre and peace, which did reqwyre leisourly deliberatione, and might con-
cerne after ages ; that at first they thought it incredible, but afterwarde wer
astonved at it : Yet, for all the repulse of ther comissioners, they had sup-
plicated for new hearing.
Wheras the King, in his declaratione,! tells that ther next comissioners
had not sufficient comissione. Secondly, That they wer persons of no great
eminencye who subscrybed it. Thirdly, That the King complaines that
thev did neglect a ceremony and complement, wittnessing in ther comis-
siones the sence of his Majestyes grace and goodnesse in hearing of them
who had no power to accomodate affaires.
To the first, % That the comissioners answered sufficiently for themselves,
thev reply ; they say it had the authoritye first of the Parliament itselfe, and
next of the comissione of the Parliament : Next, to prove that it was not de-
fective in matters to be treated, they give us the coppy of the two severall
commissions befor mentioned, which the King founde defective in ther lati-
tude for accomodatione.
(i) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 46.]
* Declaration, pag. 40 and 41 ; Ansuer, p. 61 .
% Covenanters Ansuer, pag. 64.
t Declaration, pagg. 44, 45, 47.
Ch. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
115
To the second they answer,* That the first comissione was subscrybed by A. D. 1640.
subjectes of evrye qwalitye sitting in Parliament ; that the second could not
be so signed, the Parliament not sitting but prorogated ; that thes comis-
sioners of Parliament had mor power, acting then as comissioners, then the
rest of the noblemen, of whom ther wer aboundance then in Edinburgh ; that
thes frequent subscriptions, without authoritye, had been formerly repre-
hended by the King ; that the Kings warrant for ther comming approved
the manner of ther comissione, being that under the secretaires hand they
wer warranted to come and give the reasone of the demaunds made in Par-
liament. And then for ther latitude they appeale to the comissioners owne
Ansuers, pag. 45, who declared that the Parliament doeth not sticke upon
thes or any other articles of that kynd, anye furder then they have cleare
warrant in lawe ; and as King and estates shall fiynde convenient for the
subjectes goode.
To the third, the neglect of ther complement they answer, f That the
Scottish are mor for realityes in expressions of kyndness then of wordes
and gesture ; that complements at that tyme wold have interrupted and
been a losse of tyme in a matter so seriouse ; that at that tyme it wold have
been interpreted fawning and flattering ; that the lycke aspersion had been
putt upon them befor ; that ther sence was the lesse because they conceived
ther instructions full eneuch ; that as they wer obleidged to Hamiltoun his
example, so they will be more obleidged to the happy tyme longed for
when ther heartes shall be so farr affected with the sence of his Majestyes
grace and goodnesse, that ther supplicationes may be turned in thankes-
givings to God and the King, ther troubles to peace, ther clamours into
acclamations of joye ; and that tyme they promise ther shall be no want of
ceremony, thankesgiving, or gratulation, for the whole natione.
After the Kings returne from Hampton Court, the comissioners gott
new hearing, Marche twelfth. For the second tyme, the King called for ther March 12.
power and warrant givne by the Parliament to thes noblemen to subscrybe
ther instructions. They saide that the power and warrant that the Parlia-
ment had givne thes noblemen, was contained in the declaratione of the Par-
liament. The King commanded the whole declaratione to be reade, and com-
plained much upon the same as trenshing upon his prerogative ; and di-
verse objections wer proposed against that declaratione both by the King
* Covenanters Ansuer, pag. 65.
t Covenanters Ansuer, pag. 74.
116
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. and comittee ; which the comissioners answered, wry ting all that was rea-
sond and ansuered upon the poynte, and withall craved that all that was to
be objected against them or the Parliament, might be wryttne. The King
commanded Traqwaire to sett downe the state of the questione in wrytte,
which he did.
At that meeting, lyckwayes,* the comissioners produced the paper givne
at first to Dunferlemlyne and Lowdone. The King and comittye did, upon
hearinc it reade, conclude that it did no mor empower the commissioners to
give him satisfactione, or to obleidge thes who sent them mor then the
former, and that it warranted them only to justifie themselves. Of this the
King gave ane accompt to the councell of England, who wer of the same
judgement with the comittye : And as for ther answers to the Kings objec-
tiones, he calles them impertinent, and justifications of ther actions not any
way satisfactorye to him, as being contrary to law and monarchicall
governement, so farr as that they ansuered themselves : And, furder,f that,
upon debate of the poynte at the councell boorde of England, the lords of
councell wer of opinion that untill the petitioners sent from the Cove-
nanters wold acknowledge that the supreme magistrate must have authoritye
to call Assemblyes, and to dissolve them, and to have a negative voice in
them, as is acustomed in all supreme powers of Christndome, they ought
not to be hearde.
The Covenanters reply, t That against some of ther demaunds, the King
confessed in his Declaration, pagg. 45, 47, that ther was no exceptione to be
tackne against them ; and for the rest, if they gave a reasone for the Par-
liaments demaunds, they behoved to be satisfactorye : That for ther adver-
saryes, they wer resolved to receive no satisfactione but in the overthrow
of the relligione and liberty of Scottland. As for that qiceree which the
councell of England wold have urged, they tell us, That three or four comis-
sioners could not hold a Parliament at Londone, and leave nothing to the
Parliament of Scottland to doe but to approve ther doings ; that the
councell of Englands opinione (as they thinke), was not ther sentence ; that
that councell should have remembered that ther errand was not to ansuer
questions, but to give a reasone of ther demaundes ; that at the pacifica-
tione, the King thought it not fitt to insiste upon querees of that nature ;
* Declaration pagg. 46, 47. f Declaration, pag. 51.
t Covenanters Answer, p. 75.
Cu. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
117
that he had acknowledged that the kirke ought for to determine matters A. D. 1640.
ecclesiasticall ; that they questiond not what other powers of Christendome
did, but they wold stryve to keep ther owne without woronging of others.
But I returne to the comissioners.
The Earle of Traqwaire, as he was enjoyned by the King, did give in
the state of the questione in wrytte to the comissioners, as followeth, viz. :0)
First, Whether are yow warranted or instructed from Parliament for to
satisfee his Majesty, anent his power of prorouging Parliaments of himselfe,
and of his owne royall prerogative simplye ?
Second, And whether a Parliament thus prorouged simplye by his Ma-
jestyes owne sole royall power, can or may sitt befor the tyme to which
his Majesty has prorouged the same ? And,
Third, And if you have no warrant nor instructiones heerin from the
Parliament, What is your owne private judgement heerin ?
Therafter some other propositiones wer givne to the comissioners by the
Earle of Traqwaire to give in ther ansuers : and the sixteenth day of
Marche was assigned to them for their ansuer, viz :(2)
Fourth, Protestatione givne in at first prorogatione of the Parliament, at
least givne in to the Comissioner to be represented to his Majestye.
[Fifth], Acte [defyning] the power of [the] Articles.
[Sixth], New augmentation of customs to be discharged, and no custome
nor impositione to be imposed herafter, but by advyce of the states.
[Seventh], No chaunge of the value of money or coynage therof, but by
advyce of Parliament.
[Eighth], Bookes of rates to be revised by Parliament.
[Ninth], The castells of Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and Stirling, to be
entrusted only to natives, and thes to be chosne from tyme to tyme of honest
men, by advyce of the estates.
[Tenth], Acte anent the judicatorye of excheqwer.
The comissioners enqwyred if ther wer any objections to be made against
any of thes articles, that then these objections should be givne to them. It
was answered, that the King excepted against them all as praejudiciall to
his Majestyes authoritye, and therfor reqwyred them to shew the reasones
why they demaunded them.
Upon the sixteenth of Marche, therfor, the comissioners appeared againe March 16.
(i) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 1001.] (2) [Id., vol. iii., p. 1040.]
118
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. befor the King, and presented ther ansuers, in wrytte, for matter as fol-
lows:0)
First, That they wer not to answer but what was in ther instructions ;
next, that propositions wer not actes, but to be castne by or ratifyd as the
Parliament saw cause. As to the qweree concerning prorogatione of Parlia-
ments, they ansuer, It has been alwayes done with consent of the three
estates, and for this they instance actes of Parliament in the reignes of all
the sex King Jameses ; and that they expected not that the King who gave his
warrant under his great seale, pro tentione et observatione Parliamenti,
without any power or clause of prorogatione, wold have reqwyred its proro-
gatione without consent of the estates, till such tyme as the Kings condes-
centions wer ratifyd : That if Parliaments are said to be prorouged de man-
dato Regis, that meanes no mor but the denomination of the acte tackne
from him ; but it did not inferr that it was without the estates ther consent,
no mor then Parliaments prorouged by the state without mentioning the
King (Parliment, Jacobi II., Edinburgh, June twenty-eighth, 1450, fol.
33), wold inferr that it was done without the Kings consent : That,
Jacobus VI., his letter wryttne May, 1604, to Balmerinoch, desyring that
since England had continowd ther Parliament, that Scottland should doe
the lycke, by this did evince that the Parliament was continowd with con-
sent of the states : That they would not for all this defyne what his Majesty
may doe in the heght of pouer, because to dispute a posse ad esse is against
law and divinitye ; that they did hope whatever the King might doe in
power, they wer confident he wolde rule by law, wherof they had shewed the
continwalle practiks; or if any affirme or informe other practickes, affirmanti
incumbit probatio.
As for the acte craving to defyne the power of the articles, they argwe
from the narrative of the acte itselfe. They say that articles are not [older]
then King David Bruce dayes; that some Parliaments had no lords of
articles ; that they wer chosne with the Parliaments consent till 1617 ; that
it was the bishopps who tooke upon them to remove out of plaine Parlia-
ment to the inner house, and to choise some out amongst the noblemen,
and the noblemen them, and they two choised the commissioners to be upon
articles of shyres and burroughs : That this was a new invention ; that now
(0 [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1001—1007 ; Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of
Scot., vol. iii., pp. 836—844.]
Ch. LXXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
119
effectus removendus est cum sua causa; otherwayes, since bishopps are re- A. D. 1(540.
moved, that evry state choose ther owne articles in plaine Parliament ; for
quod omnes tanyit, ab omnibus tractari debet et approbari ; et quod status
ac ordines regni potestatem universis commissam, paucis non debent concedere,
except in cases of necessity or utility : That the choise of articles de facto
was and is arbitrarye, pro occasione et distinctione temporum ; et in actibus
liberis non currit prescriptio : That the power of articles is not boundless,
not determinative, but preparative ; it is but curatio virtute delegationis,
which endes at the remaunde of the graunter ; that Parliaments are not to
tacke ther voices upon trust from articles, but for to know what they are to
vote too after advysement and dispute ; that the comissions graunted to
shyres and burroughs give proofe of this, and actes of Parliament.
To the augmentatione of customs, and booke of rates, they answer, That
the augmentatione of customs was only condiscended to by some of the
barons, being imposed by the exchequer ; that such impositions have been
upon forraigne and native commodityes by the states consente ; that the bur-
roughs craved that new augmentations might be agreable to justice and lawe.
Concerning the valwe of the copper money, they answer, That the coun-
cell has caused it passe currant farr above its intrinseque rate, that is ther
countreys coyne, and send it in great qwantityes ; that tinkers doe the
lycke ; other money all removed, crying them lately upp and downe, hath
made them to stoppe, so as not currant now, and has ruined many poor
people : Lyckwayes, crying upp dollors above the rate in other places, has
made the Kings coyne be tackne awaye ; and then crying the dollars
downe when other money was scarce, has made it scarcer : That they
only crave that the standard of money, which Parliaments from tyme [to
tyme] have defyned, be not altered without advyse of Parliament, which
they prove by instancing many actes of Parliament : That the King himself,
Parliament 1633, gave the councell a comissione concerning dollars and
copper moneye.
Concerning the keeping of Edinburgh castell, etc. by natives, they doe
give a reasone, from the nature of the charge, and practise of former Par-
liaments of the Kings predecessors ; that the three estates in Jacobus VI.
his tyme, ordaine the demolishing of Insh Keith fort, and of Dumbarr
castell; that by actes of Parliament, 1578, 1585, 1606, the Kings houses
wer dissposed of by actes of Parliament : That it is not consonant to the
law of nature and nations to doe otherwayes ; and that when the Scottish
120
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. consented to the unione with England, 1G04, it was with reservatione of the
fundamentall lawes, libertyes, and preveleidges of Scottland, wherof Jacobus
VI., in his print speech befor the Parliament of England, acknowledged
that he could not macke Scottland a nacked province, as the Spaniard does
Sicily and Naples : That they had, notwithstanding, verifyd ther loyaltye
in this particular, having admitted straungers to keepe a place wher the
honours and registers of the kyngdome are preserved: They seeke only that
captaines be placed by advyce of Parliament, and such as are putt in in
intervalles be tryed by the councell, and approved as faithfull men ere they
be admitted.
As for the judicatory of the excheqwer, they answer, The excheqwer is a
judicatory not subordinate to sessione; to the sessione it belonges for to
judge upon the validity of rightes, so cannot be competent to a coordinate
judicatorye. Second, The lords of excheqwer are incompetent judges in
a declaratour of nullitye. Third, The excheqwer, till it was givn them,
anno 1593, by Parliament, had not power to judge of suspentions, farr
lesse can they have power to descyde heritable rightes : That the act 1633,
they conceive, grauntes only a power to the excheqwer to dispute heritable
rightes. but not to dissvde them.
The commis- LXXXVI. Thes answers being reade and debated, the commissioners
sioners debate t0 debate Traqwairs carriadge, who refoosed to ratifie in Parliament
carriage!"6 * the acte of the Assembly, August seventeenth, wherin he had consented to the
Commission- abolitione of bishopps, etc. ; and then the comissioners pressed the Kinge to
desire^be ' dispatche them home, shewing that ther staye was dangerouse : Then the
dispatched. Kin°; desyred them to attend his leisour furder, and appoynted 3Iarche
imprisoned in" twenty-third for ther next hearing : and that befor that day all furder de-
the Tower; maunds that wer to be made to them should be givne in. Therfor upon
three other t^e twentietn day 0f 3Jarche, about six a clocke at night, the Earle of Tra-
commissioners J ....
put into the qwaire sent to the comissioners the propositions following, which wer the
custody of the the rest of ther articles.O)
judges oi Lon- . .
don. First, Protestatione against the thesawrer and privy seales precedencye,
Martii 20. that ther giving way to the thesaurer and privy seale should not praejudge
them of ther right.
Second, Acte anent constitutione of Parliaments in tyme comming was
therafter (although it had been remitted to his Majesty to be considdered
(i) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. Hi., pp. 1040, 1041.]
Ch. LXXXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
121
till the next Parliament), qwestiond by some of the nobility and barrons, A. D. 1640.
who urged to bring it in to opne Parliament without any such reference.
Thirds Article craving evry severall comissioner of shyres to have a
severall voice.
Fourth, Article craving the Parliament to choose ther owne clerke, or to
have two of evry estate joyned with the register ; and that all actes voiced
in Parliament be subscrybed by two of evry estate.
Fifth, Article for evry estates choosing ther owne lords of articles.
Sixth, Acte discharging proxies.
Seventh, Acte discharging the booke called, A Large Declaratione.
Eighth, Comissioners of shyres to give a rolle of free holders, out of the
which justices of peace are to be chosne.
Ninth, Acte anent the disorders of the northe.
Tenth, Articles craving the councell to be subalterne and censurable by
the Parliament.
Eleventh, No patent of nobility to be graunted to any but such as have
ten thousand merks of [yearlye] launde rente.
Twelfth, No taxatione to be graunted but in plain e Parliament.
Thirteenth, Acte of pacificatione.
Fourteenth, Article craving particular comissions of justiciarye and liv-
tenantrye to bee discharged.
Fifteenth, Article in favours of sheriffs and stewards, only to be obleidged
to produce horning for the taxatione.
Sixteenth, Patent of macking powder to be discharged.
Seventeenth, Acte discharging remissions for slaughter and theft, but
upon satisfactione to the pairtye.
Eighteenth, Acte discharging protections.
Ninteenth, Acte of common releefe.
Twentieth, Article craving the acte 1633 (ordaining that confirmations
and infeftments of ward lands shall not praejudice the Kings warde), to be
repealed.
Twenty-first, Acte discharging the dutye payd to the conservatour upon
the coale.
Twenty-second, Article craving ammunition and armes, brought in since
the beginninge of the troubles, to be free of custome.
Twenty-third, Article anent the electione of the president of the sessione,
and admission of judges presented by his Majestye.
Q
122
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[R. IV.
A. D. 1640. Tiventy -fourth, Acte craving statesmen being noblemen to have but one
voice.
[Twcnty-fiftH], His Majestyes warrant for Mr. William Haye his de-
putatione in his fathers place, opposed by the rest of the clerks.
Martij 23. Martij twenty -third was the next tyme appoynted for the comissioners
appearaunce befor the King ; upon which daye the ansuers following were
presented to thes former propositions.^
To the First, They ansuer, That in law and practise all who conceive
themselves praejudiced may protest (evne "wher actes of Parliament pass
against them), that ther giving way to what they conceive hath no law for
it should not prejudge ther right, which is only craved prout de jure.
N. B. To the Second, It was urged to be brought into opne Parliament, be-
cause in that acte there was a clause for stataria Parliamenta, once in two
or three yeares ; which being conceived praejudiciall to the King his autho-
ritye, or that he wold qwarell at it, was rejected; though they confesse fre-
qwent Parliaments necessaire in the Kings absence : Therfor they urged
nothing but a right constitutione of Parliaments, and ane acte past for to
repeale former actes of Parliament, contrare to the Assemblyes conclu-
sions. For without ane acte recissory, they hold it impossible for to get a
valide Parliament, because former actes of Parliament macke no acte valide
but such as passeth with consent of the kirke : So the Parliament behoved
to be declared laufully constitute without the kirke ; and prellatts had ther
vote only in name of the kirke, which now declares bishopps no members
therof, by the Kings Comissioners approbatione.
To the Third, They say it is repugnantia in adjecto, that comissioners
should be calld to determine matters in Parliament and yet have no desi-
cive voice : That former Parliaments gave all free holders vote in Par-
liament ; but no such preiveleidge is craved now, but only two for a shyre,
who in law have decisive voice ; which if it bee not marked, so it is either
the ignoraunce or corruptione of clerkes : That the contrare practise wold
give two comissioners of shyres to eache half a voice, so that one of them
could not be putt upon articles without the other, and the one being absent
the other could never vote ; which is contrary to reasone and custome.
To the Fourth, They saye, they only desyred some to asiste the clerke
for right numbering the voices, and no mor.
(0 [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1007—1014.]
Ch. LXXXVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
123
To the Fift/te, They say, it is agreable to the libertye of all judicatoryes A. D. 1640.
for to chuse ther owne preparatory delegatts, otherwayes ther actiones are
a non habente potestatem.
To the Sixth and Seventh, They ansuer, first, Proxies can give no
mans judgement a right, who knowes not what is to be determined in a
Parliament wher he is not present, and knows not what is to be proponed.
As for the Seventh, They doe remitte it to the King, and intended no
furder.
Concerning the Great Manifesto, they ansuer, That they only recommend
the Assemblyes supplicatione theranent to be represented to the King.
That comissioners of shyres should give in rolles of justices of peace,
they saye, was aequitable, because they best know the ablest men in ther
shyres.
Concerning the disorders of the north, they craved nothing but that for-
mer actes of Parliament for punishment of theft, rapine, and oppression,
might be reveeved, and such additions subjoynd as the King pleasethe.
Concerning the councells being censurable by Parliament, ther is no mor
craved but that the actes concerning leesing mackers and divyders betuixt
King and people, be reveeved.
For not graunting of taxts but in plaine Parliament, they remember it
not.
The acte of pacificatione (they saye) was framed by advyce of lawers, in
such termes as might express the Kings justice, goodnesse, and fatherly
care, without woronging the honest intentions of his subjectes.
The acte for particular justiciaryes (they saye) craved nothing but the N. B.
representatione of ther abuses to the King, to have them graunted upon
necessitye, and rescinded when ther was no neede of them.
The desyre that horning should exoner sheriffs of the taxatione, they
saye, is not new, but has been oftne befor urged in former Parliaments.
Concerning the patent for powder macking, they thirike that the Earle of
Linlithgows patent falles by a clause irritant ; for he is therby obleidged to
keep the workes going, and serve the countrey, which he has not done :
therfor they desyre some other fitter to be employed.
Concerning remissions for slaughter, they desyre that the praejudices
flowing from such remissions may be represented to the King.
For discharging of protections, they craved only the reveiving of former
actes of Parliament.
*
, 124 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1640. The acte for common releefe, they saye, has the consent of the most
pairte, and itself is agreable to reasone, since the benefitt is generall to all ;
all taxes being graunted ordinarly ad relevationem imperij, ob conservationem
libertatis, ac dignitatis, ac relligionis, vel ad utilitatem communem subditorum.
For the acte 1633, they crave only the meaning therof to be explained.
For the conservators taxatione, they saye, he had no warrant for it in his
gifte ; therfor the coale maisters craved to discharge it as unlaufull.
For armes and ammunition to be custome free, they say, it is warranted
by law, which frees all things from custome that are not brought in to be
sold againe, but for private use.
For the article of electione of the president of the sessione, etc., they
saye, they sought nothing in it but the ratifying the thirty ninth act of
Parliament sixth, Jacobi VI., 1579.
For statesmen, being noblemen, to have [but] one voice, they remember
no such acte.
Concerning oppositione of Mr. William Haye, they ansuer, That the
Comissioner, to whom they produced ther reasones in printe, can best give
ane accompt therof. Finally, they saye, some of thes articles are of small
concernement, et de minimis non curat lex ; and, for any of them, the Parlia-
ment stickes no furder upon them, then they are warranted by lawe, or as the
King and estates shall fynde convenient. And, finally, they desyre that the
King maye command the Parliament to go on and ratifie the Assembly, etc.
After ther answers wer reade, the comissioners desyred to be dispatched
to thoise who sent them ; wherupon they wer removed, and within halfe ane
howers space called in, and the King saide, That he could not now appoynt
them any tyme for dispatche, but that he would tacke his owne tyme to con-
sidder of his ansuer, and wold then macke his furder pleasure knowne to
them. However, this was ther last hearing at that tyme ; so all ther nego-
tiatione produced no other effecte but the imprisonment of the lord Low-
done, one of ther number ; of which mor afterwards.
The comissioners wer commanded to abyde still at Londone, and ther-
after three of them wer putt into the custodye of the judges of Londone.
Lord Lowdone was putt by himselfe into the Tower of Londone ; nor was
the Kings pleasure made knowne to them till his printed Declaratione, in-
titled, " His Majesties Declaration, Concerning His Proceedings with His
Subjects of Scotland, Since the Pacification in the Camp neere Berwick :"
which hithertoo, in the narratione, since that tyme, I have confronted with
Ce. LXXXVIII.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
125
the Covenanters Large Ansure, which, in that same yeare, 1640, they A. D. 1640.
printed in ansuer to the mistackings therof ; for so they terme them. And
this will save mye paines of giving a particular accompt of either, for both
are mostlye historicall.
LXXXVII. In that manifesto the King made not all these proposalls King's Declar-
a grownd of a qwarell unto the Covenanters, but only such of ther intended pr°"ge^nhgg
actes as I have insisted most upon in the history of that abortive Parlia- since the Pa-
raent. To it I must send backe the reader for to fynd the Kings excep- Clficatl0n-
tions and the Covenanters ansuers therunto, either ther or in ther papers
givne in at court, wherof I have givne a trwe though a shorte accoumpt.*
Yet wer not ther ansuers satisfactorye to the Kinge, though oftene repeated
in ther Large Ansuer to his Declaratione, 1640 ; wherin they tyre the readers
patience by oftne repeating the same ansuers, without any substantiall varia-
tione. But it is now tyme for to lett the comissioners rest a whyle from ther
ansuers, and to looke to Edinburgh ; wher matters in this interim wer not
disputed .with arguments or with the penne, but all was turning to blowes
and unto ane opne breache and hostilitye.
LXXXVIII. It hath been told how the King sent a supply of men and Foot com-
ammunitione, in February, 1640, to the castell of Edinburghe ; which was Parii,ef. \ev'et|
# J . . . ° at Edinburgh -,
admitted not without reluctancye, specially of the cittizens of Edmburghe, a court of
who grew so offended therat, that they fall upon a resolutione for to levie guard set up
e l-i t i i r 1 mi against the
some toote companyes ; which acordingly they performed. 1 her pretence castle ; lay
was to gwarde the towne of Edinburgh from the insolencys of the castel- siege to it;
lans, but in effecte to blocke upp the castell ; and for that ende they sett upp sen^Trft'o theS
a court du ywarde not farr distant from the outmost gate of the castell of castle ; Ruth-
Edinburgh, wher ther new souldiours did keep watch by turns. This citflze'ns^nt'le
startled generall Ruthven, who was too able a souldiour for to be thus hour to advise.
bafled ; therfor, he desyres that ther court du award and souldiours migfht The^ are
» J ° about remov-
be removed, otherwayes he wold tacke the next course for to remove it : ing themselves
For it is to be remembered that ther refusall of materialls to reedifie the anc* g°ods >
castell wall had already put a jealousye betuixt him and the cittizens, and Many anti-
trier gwardes wer not a waye to better thinees. But insteade of grauntintje Covenanters
seized by the
Ruth ven his desyre, the comittye of Parliament, and townes councell of townsmen ;
Edinburgh, resolve, by a joynte consultatione, to laye a closse seidge to wn« wer soon
the castell ; and so much the rather because ther intelligence from England subscribing
the Covenant.
* See mor to that pourpose afterwarde, eight pagges after this page, [below, pp. 137, 138.]
126
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1(540. assurd them, that the King was provyding for a newe armye ; as also that,
Ruthven fires February fifteenth, Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, had been alreadye
some shots on comissionate generall of the Kings armye, and that they wer to enter
the town. Scottland in the spring tyme under Piercye his conducte.
Meane whyle, Ruthven urgeth the removall of the courte de gwarde,
otherwayes he threatnes to shoote great granads from his morter peeees
upon the towne of Edinburgh ; which easily, they knew, he might doe. This
both incensed and terrifyd the burgers, who therfore employed the Earle of
Southeske, and Sir Lewis Steward, advocate, (both knowne to affect the
Kins, and consequently the mor acceptable to Ruthven, as they presumed),
for to goe to the castell, and give generall Ruthven faire wordes, if possibly
therby they could prevaile with him so farr as to macke him delaye his
hostilitye for some tyme : but ther was no assurance givne to him that the
gM'ards should be tackne off. All that thes comissioners could prevaile was,
that generall Ruthven was contented to give the cittizens ane howre to
advyse themselves ; after which tyme, if they continowd in ther denyall, he
bidd them expect the worst from him. Ruthvens answer being returned
to the provost of Edinburgh, in the hearing of a multitude of the cittizens,
who gott advertishment that a number of indwellers of Edinburgh, and
others residents in the towne, wer tursing ther baggage and houshold stufFe
with intentione to remove from Edinburgh ; the multitude wer so startled
therwith, that they fell into ane uproare, and in a tumultwary way they not
only hindred such as wer upon ther removall from Edinburgh, and com-
pelled them to staye in the towne ; but they lyckwayes seise upon the two
comissioners, Southeske and Sir Lewis Steward, and leade them prisoners
to some of the magistratts houses, setting gwardes upon them. Nor did
ther furye stay or terminate thus, but such others as were knowne to be anti-
Covenanters they lyckewayes seise upon ; particularly Mr. James Fairly,
who had beene designed to be bishop of Argylle ; Mr. James Gordon,
keeper of the signett ; Mr. James Ferqhwardsone (brother to Donald
Ferqhwardsone of Monaltrye), ane advocate, and Huntlys solicitor : thes
wer lyckwayes made sure in severall lodgings, and gwards putt upon them.
Mr. Robert Burnett, advocateO), (brother to Sir Thomas Burnett of
(l) [Afterwards a Judge of the Court of Session, by the title of Lord Crimond. He
was father of Gilbert Burnet, the well-known bishop of Sarum. This part of our author's
narrative was, like some others, probably derived from the laird of Crimond's own lips,
with whom Gordon was familiar. See The Miscellany of the Club, vol. i., p. 50.]
*
Cn. LXXXVIII.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. 127
Leyes), was seized upon lyckwayes by a pairty of townes souldiours, after A. D. 1640.
he was gone to bedd ; and after some discourse with him, it was graunted to
him, as a great courtesye, that a pairtye of souldiours shoulde gwarde him
all that night at his owne house, he being sickly at that tyme by chaunce.
But Sir Thomas Thomsone of Duddistone mett with ane harder measure,
for they clappt him into fetters. The reason that Sir Thomas Thomson
was putt in irons was, because it was supposed he had closser correspondence
with the castell then any of the rest ; as being not only active for the King,
but also neerly related to David Scrimgeor (sonne to the constable of
Dundee, lievtenant of the castell, under generall Ruthven), whoise sister
was Sir Thomas Thomson his ladye. After some tymes restraint, they
wer all released and sett at libertye, most pairt of them having first sub-
scrybed the Covenante as the pryce of ther libertye. The reasone that
theye wer seised upon was, a suppositione that Ruthven, hearing that thes
gentlmen wer involvd into the daunger, wold . upon that accompt have for-
borne shooting upon the towne, whilst the townsmen had such pledges of
him. But they wer mistackne ; for Ruthven forbore not to lett flye some
canon shott amongst them, for all that. The multitudes fury being a little
allayd, fynding that ther project failed, the magistratts of the towne steppt
in and strove to pacifie them towards ther prisoners, protesting that the
miscarriadge of the multitude was much against ther mynde. The lycke
did such of the Covenanter noblmen as wer at Edinburgh for the tyme,
who tooke paines for the enlargement of the prisoners. And they (particu-
larly Southeske), in compensatione of that favour of being pulld out of
the jaws of the unruly multitude, must wrytte apologeticke letters for the
Covenanter noblemen, and for the magistrattes of Edinburgh ; wherin they
cast the fault of all ther sufferings upon the unruly multitude, and withall,
shwed that had it not been for the nobilitye and magistratts of Edinburgh,
they had been in greater hazard ; wherfor they protest that the King
should not laye it to the charge of the Covenanter noblemen and magis-
tratts of Edinburgh, as ther deede : Which testificatts the Covenanters had
reasone for to be earnest to procure, under Southeske and others of ther
hands ; for at this very tyme ther comissioners wer at Londone, and in the
Kings power. I dare not affirme whither they wer all at first putt under
restraint upon any such accompt, as to compense the affront done the
King, by imprisoning Southeske, a counceller, and other gentlemen of
qwalitye ; but it is sure the King tooke it so ill, notwithstanding of
128 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1640. Southeskes extenuatione therof, that afterwardes, in his manifesto,* which
was published about that tyme, he made it one of the reasons of his new
expedition against the Scottish.
Rampiers of LXXXIX. In the meane why le the cittizens wer raising a rampier of
eartlyaised earthe for defence of ther courte du gicarde, against the canon shott of the
against cannon castell ; and qwickly after they raised great high traverses of earth, which
shot; batteries crossed the High street of Edinburgh, in mainer of blynds. Thes traverses
planted°n were canon proofe, and the earth made fast with timber, that the people
might walke safe upon the High street ; and the houses neerest the castell
wer filled with earthe. Ther was a regiment of foote under the com-
mand of one collonel Blaire afterwards sett to beseidge the castell, and
severall batteryes of canon planted about it ; wherof one was layd neer the
Grey Freer Churche ; and ane other battery at the West Churche ; a thirde
upon the corne feelds north from the castell, upon the place called com-
monly the Hardgate ; and some peeces lyckwayes were planted in places con-
venient, about, or, in the houses neerest the castell : All which batteryes wer
framed by the directione and projecte of Sir Alexander Hamiltoune, brother
to the Earle of Hadingtoune, ingeneer and master of artelliry to the Cove-
nanters. Thes batteryes wer made use of some tyme afterwards rather for
to keepe the townsmen in courage and hopes, then out of any hopes that the
Covenanters had to gaine the castell by any such meanes ; and therfor
they would be doing something, at the towne of Edinburgh ther charges,
in shew, rather then the townesmen should thinke that they wer doing
nothing ; for thes who understoode fortificatione knew that the castell had
mor naturall strenth then to be tackne by storme or by canon shotte.
Subscription XC. About this time, f the ministrye, and others employed for that
of the Cove-
* Declaration, 1640, pag. 55.
f March [tenth], 1640, dyed Dr. William Gordon, professor of medicine in Old Aber-
deen University, etc. [" Doctor Gordon, mediciner, and one of the founded members of the
colledge of Old Aberdein, and common procurator theiof, depairted this life upon the 10th
of March, in his own house in Old Aberdein ; a godly, grave, learned man, and singular in
common works about the colledge, and putting up on the steiple therof most glorious, as
you see, ane staitly crown, thrown down be the wynd before." Spalding, Hist, of Troub.,
vol. i., p. 191. Dr. Gordon was a contributor to the Funeralls of Bishop Patrick Forbes.
See that work, pp. 347 — 352. He is commemorated in Strachan's Panegyrical Oration on
the Founders and Benefactors of the University of Aberdeen : " Quam denique apte cum
sublimi & astherea sua? artis contemplatione, facilem et expeditam praxin consociavit Gor-
donius ! Medians & Alchymista eximius, aetate quidem aliis minor ; at prudentia, morum
gravitate, & vitae sanctimonia (quam plerique dum causis secundis inhaerent negligunt) ne-
mini secundus : quibus omnibus de gcnte ilia (ex qua multi fuerunt, qui bello insignem
Ch. XC]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
129
ende wer bussye evrye wher, urging the subscriptione of the Covenant A. D. 1640.
anew by people of all rankes and degrees, specially by ministers. And '. .
J r 1 ° ' r - J i nant urged.
because the Doctors of Aberdene wer thought by ther example to have dis- Doctors of
gusted the most pairt of the ministrye of the diocese of Aberdene with the Q°eT^eCT!;
° r . J . Mr. David
Covenant, therfor speciall care was tackne that now all of them, without Lindsay causes
protestatione or declaratione, should subscrybe, acording to the Assem- fne ministers
blyes declaratione : And to this pourpose Mr. David Lindsey, minister at Aberdeen to
Belhelvyes, a man glade to have any employment that might declare his subscribe,
zeale for the Covenant, gott a comissione to conveene all the ministers of thosTwho
the diocese of Aberdene for that ende. To which pourpose, he came from stood out.
Edinburgh, as the comittye of Parliament ther comissioner ; and, by letters tuTn^y'the"*1"
direct to each presbytrye, reqwyred all the ministers of that diocese to be citizens of
present at New Aberdene, upon the twenty-fifth of Marche ; whither, Aberdeen,
acording to Mr. David his indictione, they punctwally conveend, and all
subscrybed, except Dr. James Sibbald, Dr. Alexander Scroggye, ministers
in Aberdene ; Dr. John Forbesse, laird of Corse ; and Dr. William
Lesly, principall of the colledge of Old Aberdene. Dr. Sibbald sent in a
letter of excuse, pretending that he had catched a cold in his heade some
of the dayes preceeding. The regents lyckwayes of the two colledges all
subscrybed, except one, Mr. William Blackhall, one of the regents of the
new colledge of Aberdene, who asked a tyme to advyse upon his subscrip-
tione ; but the result was that he tooke so great scandall at the Covenant,
that shortly after he betooke himself to a voluntary exyle, and forsooke
Scottland, and turnd papist, rendring himself relligiouse, and never re-
turned agane to his native countrey to this hower.O) The great argument
gloriam pepererunt) posse etiani ingenia pacis artibus valentia prodire comprobavit." A.
Strachani Panegyricvs Inavgvralis, quo Autores, Vindices, & Evergetae Ulustris Vniver-
sitatis Aberdonensis, iustis elogiis ornabantur, pp. 22, 23. Aberd. ] 031 . Middleton
speaks of him as " a very worthy person, of great Judgment, and well seen in the Science
of Physick." Appendix to Archbishop Spottiswoode, p. 27. His son, James Gordon,
parson of Banchory St. Devenick, was the author of a work of which great erudition is not
the only remarkable feature : " The Reformed Bishop: Or, XIX Articles, Tendered by
■ti\a^a7oi, A Well-wisher of the present Government of the Church of Scotland, (as it is
settled by Law) In order to the further Establishment thereof. Printed for the Author.
Anno Dom. 1679." 8vo. Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers, pp. 63, 115.]
(0 [" About the 24. of February [1642], Mr. Williame Blakhall, ane of the regentis
of Colledge Marschall, a prompt scoller, bred, borne and brocht up in Aberdene, and
never y it out of the countrie, refuisit to subscrive the countric covenant, as the rest did,
quhairupone he was deposit of his regency ; thairctter he leivit simply in sober manor
within the toune. He is callit in suspitioun of popcrie, he is convcnit befoir the Sessioun of
It
130
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. that Mr. David Lindsey used, to perswade the ministry to subscrybe (be-
syde the acte of Assemblye) was ab incommodo, telling them that such as
wold not subscrybe the Covenant, behoved to resolve no raor to be ministers
in Scottland. Many who subscrybed at that time resolved to give obe-
dience, saying they had rather fall into the hands of God by perjurye, then
into the handes of the Covenanters by beggarye of themselves and fami-
lyes ; and some of them at that tyme wer heard to saye, That, after ther
subscriptione, they had been craving God pardon for ther oathe which
they had tackne.
The cittizens of Aberdene must now lyckwayes be authoritatively invited
to a new subscriptione, (many of them having hithertoo stoode out) ; and
the graund promovers of that worke wer Patrick Lesly, ther provost, and
Dr. William Guild, their minister ; the rest of ther ministers being either
deade, or opposite to that worke. To that pourpose, several invitations
and intimations they had givne to them from the pulpitt, after ther weeke
dayes sermons, for to come to the New Churche, and subscrybe the Co-
venant. The worke went slowly on ; all ther proselytts at that tyme being
some few burgers or tradesmen, who came by twos or by threes, at severall
occasions, to subscrybe ; and thes beginning to follow the fortune of the
Covenant, rather then any new convictione that they did meet with. The
better sorte of cittizens, who wer mor knowing, stood out as yet mostly,
though mor silent then befor ; and wer gained upon afterward by degrees,
as the Covenant prosperd, and not a few of them by hard usage, after
ther towne was garrisond, as after shall be told ; who wer glad to give ther
names to the Covenant, to shunne oppressione, dayly [insolencyes], fynings
and imprisonments. Some few of them fled, such as William Scott, apylott,*1)
Ahirdene, and at last brocht befoir the presbiterie vpone the forsaid 24 of Februar, the
samen then sitting within the Colledge of Old Aberdene, Mr. David Lindsay, persone of
Balhelvy, moderatour. He is accusit of what religioun he wes of, and of what kirk he
wes. Efter sum ansueris, at last he planelie and avouitlie declairit he wes ane Romane
Catholik, and wold byd be the samen, to the astoneishinent of the haill heiraris, being of
ane uther professioun, as appeirit, and so pertlie (now in tyme of the hottest persecution of
papistis heir in this land) to manifest himself so. Aluaies, efter sum dealling with him by
the ministrie and bretheren, at last he is excommunicat, and chargit to conforme or leave
the countrie. This may be nottit with the fyre of the said Marschall Colledge, as ye have
befoir, as ane second viseit ; the thrid follouis. This Blakhall wes excommunicat upone
the 20 of Marche, syne leavis the countrie." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. ii., p. 10,
11. See also p. 45.]
(i) [The sufferings of this humble but devoted Loyalist are duly commemorated bv
Spalding. See Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 206, 207, 238, 257 ; vol. ii., p. 9.]
Ch. XCII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
131
and others; and for ther paines a pairt of ther goods wer seizd upon, and A. D. 1640.
employd to publicke uses; as some of William Scottes timber was, to build
court de givards, and other things necessary for the Covenanters souldiours,
this summer following, in 1640. Meane whyle Dr. Guild (as others who
stoode for the Covenant, of the ministrye, in other places) made the pulpitt
to ring with Covenant langwage, and arguments for it : and his zeale was
such for it at that tyme (though afterward he fell off), that he was seene, in
tyme of his sermons, to draw papers out of his pocketts, and spreade them
opne upon the breast of the pulpitt, for convictione of some of the non-
Covenanting cittizens, who denyd that ther wer anye such papers of con-
cessions and agreements betuixt King and Covenanters as the doctor
affirmed : yet wer thes papers at too farr a distaunce to be reade by thes
incredulouse non-Covenanters from the severall corners of the churche.
XCI. Nor was the King and the deputy of Ireland, his agent ther, any Covenanters
whitte bussyer seeking for subsidye towards a new warre in England and s?ek contnbu-
tions * sil v<?r
Ireland, then the Covenanters wer in Scottland : For contributione was evry piate given in
wher agented and urged, either voluntarly or by imposte, and no devyce a"d coined ;
was ther left unessayed for getting money, the sinnew of warre ; such as the home "'officers
Blynde Bande, and tenth of the hundereth, and silver plate sought out and from Holland
brought in to be coyned, the whole cupp boords of some familyes either pi^c°sther
voluntarly givne to that use, or lent upon publicke faithe. But thes things,
specially the calling for plate, beganne not to be hottly urged till August
following, this yeare 1640 ; about such tyme as the Scottish army wer mack-
inge readye for Englande, to march in thither anew.
Lyckwayes, the Covenanters beganne to call home severall expert offi-
ciers from Holland and other places, who came dropping over to Scottlande
this yeare, as they had come the former yeare, to serve ther native coun-
treye. And it is affirmed by some of the English historians of thes tymes,
that such as came over to Scottland from Holland, had ther places kept for
ther returne vacant in Holland ; but that suche as came over for to serve
the King from Holland wer carsheered, and other officiers putt upon the
heades of ther regiments and troopes or companyes. Whither this wer
trwe or not, I affirme nothing ; I relate it only upon the credite of the
wrytters.
XCII. Much about this tyme, the King sent a proclamatione to Edin- Proclamation
burgh, with a letter to the magistratts, reqwyring them for to cause pro- A'Sgh^f"g
claime it publickly at ther mercatt crosse ; the contents wherof wer, That the his office of
132
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. carle of Ardgylle was discharged by the King, from that tyme fordwards,
. ~ from executing any office of iusticiarye of the Westerne Isles (ane office
justiciar; or- o j • i -i 1 • i_
dering all to which some of that family, befor him, had stuckne m the possessione of,
'hssown the f without any patent that they had to produce for it, till such tyme as King
Parliament Charles graunted it to him, by the sollicitatione and procurement of the old
Fd'^b a\ Earle of Mortoun, father inlaw to Argylle), and he to surcease therfrom till
sent to the' such tyme as he answer to the Parliament of England for misdemeanors
magistrates of to be laid to his charge. Lyckwayes, that proclamatione ordered all per-
an^by^hem sons whatsomever for to disowne thes lords, and others sitting for the tyme
slighted. at Edinburgh, under the name of a comittye of Parliament. This procla-
tbreio-ht'iio relatione, and letter from the King, being delyvered to the councell of Edin-
blemen from burgh, it was by them communicated to the comittye of Parliament, and, by
come^ Lon a j°ynte consentJ laid by and slighted ; for now they wer gone a stepp be-
don, but de- yond protestations.
nie(*- The King lyckwayes, about this tyme, discharged some councellers and
officiers of the state, whom he founde disafected to him, and stickling
hottly for the Covennant : ane acte that the Covenanters complained upon,
as upon his former proclamatione, as being actes neither agreable to law nor
justice. But the breach was evrye day growing greater betuixt the King
and them, and it seems some of thes things wer done by the King to trye
ther loyaltye, since they pretended to so great a measure therof. Of lycke
designe, it seemes, was the Kings wryting for eight noblemen Covenanters
for to come to Londone, about the tyme that ther comissioners wer confyned
ther. But they who could not be induced the summer befor, immediatly
after the pacificatione at Bervicke, for to come to Bervicke to the King, in
any number, when new jealousyes wer not brockne out amongst them and
the King, wer not so easily at this tyme to be drawne to Londone ; the de-
tentione of ther comissioners ther, being of ane ominouse significatione to
others who wold treade the same path after them (which they sticke not to
tell the world in ther Answer to the Kings Declaration, 1640). Therfor his
call to thes eight noblmen gott such obedience as his proclamatione for
discharging of Argylles lievtenantrye ; who all alonge, albeit he made least
noyse, and acted least, seemingly, against the Kinge, yet, long ere now,
the King beganne to smell him out as his most dangerouse and implacable
enemye, under hand carrying on the designes that wer masked with the
Covenant against the King ; and, finally, the very spring and lyfe therof.
Yet wyse men thought that thes actions by the King against him, disco-
Ch. XC1II.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
133
vered the Kings ill wille to him to no good pourpose ; and consequently A. D. 1640.
obdurd Argylle in his malice and enimitye against the King, so farr as
Argylle saw no waye for to secure himselfe (in his owne conceipt), but by
the totall and finall ruine of the King and all his pairtye ; having dis-
enabled both of them from hurting him, and cutting of such of the heades
of the Kings pairty, whoise power, wisdome, or oppositione to the interest
of his family, or envyouse greatnesse, did render them aeqwally suspected
and hatefull to the Earle of Ardgylle.
XCIIT. The King forseeing what things wer lycke to turne to, betuixt Irish subsidy
the Scottish and him, had sent the Earl of Strafford to Ireland, in Decern- ^nSCon^g»s
ber, 1639, for to conveene a Parliament ther for procuring subsidies from answer to the
them, towards the expense of the warre, which he forsaw. This was gone Covenanters
objections.
about so dilligently by Stratford, that now in Marche he returnes to Eng-
land with a reporte of ane ample subsidye graunted ther by the Parliament
of Ireland ; no less then four subsidyes for the mantenance of ten thou-
sand foote, and fifteen hundred horses ; besyde voluntaire contributions
offered or promised by many in Irelande. Yet in England ther free offer-
ings wer not so greate ; all was cast over upon the Parliament, which was
to meete Apryle thirteenth.
Yet, however thes contributions went on but leisourly in England, the
Kinge, by what was promisd from Ireland, founde himself in some condi-
tion for to stande upon princely termes with his Scottish subjectes. Therfor
having confynde the Scottish comissioners, in steade of ane ansuer to ther
demands, he putts out his Declaratione ; the last pairt wherof was (for I
have givne account of the former pairtes of it, and the Covenanters Ansuer
thertoo) : He, having first shwed how manywayes they had fallne short of the
observatione of the articles of the pacificatione at Bervicke ; and, secondly,
how many encroatchments they had made upon his royall prerogative in the
late Parliament ; as also, how that, under pretext of a Parliament, they wer
seeking to destroye the fundamentall lawes of Scottland, which actes of
thers, he saide, ther comissioners sent to London had stoode to, and did
justifie all : Therfor now, in the third pairt of his Declaratione, he comes
to ansuer ther objections, which the Covenanters pretended for themselves.
The first objectione concerning his promise of a free Parliament, he sayes,
That, for ansuer thertoo,* no man of ordinary sence could imagine that it
* Declaration [1G40], p. 47.
i
134
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. could be so free as not to be limited witb the Covenanters owne conditions,
subscrybed by the Lord Lowdon ; which was that they sought only to
enjoy e ther libertyes acording to the ecclesiasticall and civill lawes of
Scottland : But now since they had passed thes boundes, he held himself
disobleidged, except that the Covenanters wold have him only obleidged,
and [themselves] left at libertye to flye at monarchicall governement without
controlle, by destroying the royall power and authoritye, which they wer
endeavouring to doe by ther insufferable intended actes and demandes,
contrary to law and reasone.
To this the Covenanters ansuer,f That the Comissioner refusing- to
repeale any actes of Parliament inconsistent with ther new actes of Assem-
bly, therfor, in this particular, ther actes of Assembly are not ratifyd as was
N. B. promised they should bee. Second, They tell us that Parliaments have
power to macke and unmacke lawes, as they thinke expedient. Third, For
other propositions, they tell us that they wer for the good of the kyngdome,
and did not trensh upon the King his prerogative.
The particulars that the King challengeth (though mentioned befor),
yet I shall heer subjoyne with the Covenanters ther rejoynder. First, The
King does except against ther attempt to chaunge the forme of the choise
of the lordes of the articles ; he urgeth for them three hundred yeares pre-
scription, and fourth Parliament Jacobi VI., cap. 218. The Covenanters
ansuer (or rejoyne), that the new forme of choosing articles was introduced
anno 1617, and must goe out with the bishopps againe.
To the Kings second challendge, that when bishopps were abolished,
1587, that evne at that tyme the church had a representative still in the
Parliament; and that Parliament eighth, cap. 130, Jacobi VI., declares it
treasone to impugne the authoritye of the three estates, or to innovate the
power of all or any of them : To this the Coventanters rejoyne, That
this alteratione was accidentall yet inevitable, vi necessariae consequentiae,
by reasone of the King his Comissioners subscriptione of the Covenante,
and the Kings irrevocable declaratione, which can never have affinitye with
treasone. More of any importance they have not to saye.
To the Kings objectione, that by ther acte rescissorye the third estate is
removed, they rejoyne, That it was a repugnance to cast them out of the
churche, and lett lawes stand which kept upp bishopps in the state ; that
* Ansuer, pagg. 76, 77.
Ch. XCIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
135
state affaires proved but unlucky in churche mens hands ; and that the A. D. 1640.
church was willing to renounce her right in the state or Parliament. N B
Thes rejoynders of thers gave but little satisfactione to the wyser and
mor moderate sorte. For, First, It is not made out by them that church
men cannot have power in the legislative pairte, acording to that maxime of
lawe that themselves macke use of, quod omnes tangit, etc. Next, it was
verye disputable, as all men saw, Whither de facto all the church men of
Scottland at that tyme wer willing to renounce ther interest in Parliaments ?
Third, Suppose they had been illing, Whither they could doe so ? since
that preiveleidge concerned them, and the church men who wer to be ther
successors, so it looked lycke a betraying of ther trust. Fourth, Suppose
both they and Parliament, both had conspyred so to doe, Whither they and
Parliament joyned together could destroye a fundamentall constitutione of
the kyngdome, by cutting off an essential member of Parliament ? Fifth,
How could the Parliament doe this without the Kings consent, who is
caput Parliamenti, and has a negative ? Sixth, Suppose bishopps ther
order was abolished, Did not former practickes of Parliaments give them un-
denyable instances of such, qui sederunt pro clero, as the churche represen-
tative ? Seventh, If ther actes wer unfaire without ane acte rescissorye,
Were they not as unfaire without the consent of the third estate, settled by
a fundamentall law, viz. of the church ? Eighth, What difference was ther
betwixt the bishopps sitting in Parliament and voting, and ther sitting in a
churche comittee, and controlinge Parliamentary acts by waye of coordina-
tione ? But leaving the opinion of such as compard the Kings objections
with ther answers and rejoynders, I proceed to the next objectione.
Concerning the acte of oblivione, they rejoyne, That they wold stand
constant in the avowing of ther innocencye, and by such ane acte give ther
adversaryes no grounde to dispute against them as rebells from ther oune
concessions. They tell us, it is a peace macking and accomodating of
affairs, which differs much from ane acte of remissione : But they speacke
not with whom the peace is made, and the difference is left uncleard ; and
the Kings instance of a desyre in the lycke case, in the acte of oblivione,
anno 1563, they have forgottne to ansuer, else they know not how to doe so.
Concerning the acte of releefe, and ther five demaundes, against whiche
yow heard of the Kings objections befor, they referr us backe agane to
the comissioners papers, givne in to the King at Londone ; whither I referr
yow lyckwayes.
136
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
The King objectes ther keeping upp of ther Tables : This they doe
not ansuer at all, except that the Parliament had sett downe the Tables
agane to waite for ther comissioners ansuer from the King, and to cor-
respond with them ther.
The Kings answer to the second objectione, viz. : " That they assume
that libertye, by allowance of the Covenante, and the Kings commanding
Hamiltowne and his subjects to subscrybe it :" First, He answers that
ther band in ther Covenant, and the band in the Covenant subscrybed by
his fathers warrant, 1580, differ muche : For it obleidgcth the subscribents
for to defende one another, as they should be commanded by the King, or
any authorised by him : as for ther new bande, he telleth us, it was made
without his consente, and by it they sweare mutwally to defende one
another, not excepting the King : This (he sayes) is a meer cunning
combyning against the King. Second, That, albeit they confessed the
Kings Covenant and thers to be all one, yet they refoosed, and wold lett
none subscrybe it, in the sence that Hamiltoune did putt upon it : wherby,
he sayes, they did shew that it was not relligione that they sought to secure,
as they pretended ; but to keepe his subjectes in such conditione as they
might alwayes be tyed, and conceve themselves obleidged by oathe to tacke
armes against him, the King, when ever they founde fitte tyme for a totall
rebellione ; which they never left endeavouring till they brought it to passe :
So that he concludes that, by his approbatione or Hamiltons subscription of
the old Covenante, they can never have solide foundatione to justifie ther
new proceedings ; and that it will hardly appeare that ever any Covenant
was made in the Christian world (except in cases of rebellion and trea-
sone) wher the heade is left out, or hath not a negative voice.
The Covenanters replye to all this is, That the Generall Assemblye
declared the sence of the Covenant repugnant to Episcopacye; and for
the rest, they referr us to ther papers and printes upon that subjecte sett
out befor. As for the last pairt of the objectione of Covenants made in
Christian kyngdomes, wher the heade is left out, I doe not know what
paper of thers they referr us too for satisfactione, though I have carefully
perused all ther former papers.
To the next objectione, viz. that Traqwaire, his next comissioner, had
subscrybed the Covenant by the Kings warrant, he answers, that by ther
oune petitione to him they declare that, " following the laudable example of
ther predecessors, they doe humbly supplicate for the same, and that they
Ch. XCIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
137
may be allowed and warranted to subscrybe it :" whence the Kinge con- A. D. 1640.
eludes, That what they did befor, and of themselves without warrant and
authoritye, was neither laudable nor warrantable ; secondly, That by what
is prefixed to Traqwairs subscriptione, it appeares that he subscrybed it as
it is one with that of 1580 : all which, he sayes, will never inferr the least
shaddow of reasone for treasonable combinations against the King, or tacking
upp armes against him and his authoritye, or deneyinge of his negative voice.
They reply to this, That the wordes of ther supplicatione followng are
omitted, which chaunge the sence, viz.: " That the Covenant which they had
subscrybed as a testimoney of ther fidelitye to God, and loyaltye to ther
King, maybe subscrybed by all his Majestyes subjectes ;" and the omissione
of thes wordes they call a grosse cossenage, and worong done to the Kings
honor, and peace of kyngdoms, in a matter of so high concernement as is
the Covenant. Second, That Traqwair subscrybed, with the Assemblyes
explanatione, in presence of the lords of articles, September sixth, 1639;
that he never objected any grounde of scruple for a combination against the
King upon that accompt. Third, That the difference betuixt the two
Covenants is illustrated by a similie in ther protestatione, September
twenty-second, 1638. Fourth, They referr the reader to the supplicatione of
the Generall Assemblye at Edinburgh, 1639, which was pourposly drawne
upp to give satisfactione to that objectione of a combinatione.
Yet that declaratory supplicatione has not tackne away this scruple from
many (whatever it did from Traqwaire at that tyme) : for therin they
sweare, in the first place, mutwall concurrence for the cause of relligione,
etc. ; and, in the second place, but also they will concurre with ther freends
and followers as they shall be reqwyred by his Majestye, or any in his name,
in evry cause that may concerne the Kings honor, acording to the lawes of
the kyngdome, and dutyes of good subjects.* And this they confesse,
thes who compared thes clauses together, founde the one pairt destructive to
the other ; and withall, that ther concurrence with the King has such limita-
tions as wold neede a judge to cleere them : And who shall tell when the
Kings honour is concerned ? We are to seeke for that, Whither the King or
themselves should be judges in thes cases of asisting the King with ther
armes.
To ther third defence, that thes proposalls wer but matters in fieri, and
• Covenanters Answer, pag. 80.
S
138
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV
\. 1). 1 640. not actwally concluded, the King ansuers, That Lowdon pressed him to
' warrant the Parliament to proceede and determine all thes articles pro-
posed : However, it be the pairt of good subjectes to be wary how they
come neere the suspitione of treasone and rebellione, much mor how they
macke demaundes that carrye with them mor than a suspitione of rebel-
liouse and treasonable intentions, as thes above mentioned most mani-
festly doe.
The Covenanters reply, That ther ansuer of matters in fieri is so pregnant
that it cannot be replyed unto. Then they tell us that ther adversaryes wold
have them follow the Jesuittes rules, viz. To tacke heade that they presse nor
inculcat too muche the grace of God ; so they, being expelld the territory
of Venice : Another rule, to believe the hierarchicall churche, though it tell
us that it is blacke, which the eye judgeth whyte : And Loyolas third rule
of blynde obedience ; which they say they have no mynde too : They desyre
to know what treasone they comitted in the Assembly (which the Kin^s
Declaration chargeth them with, pay. 52). They tell us that usurping
prelatts myters, may be throwne to the ground by nationall councells,
without the smallest twoche of the crowne and scepter of imperiall ma-
jesty e; and that to overt urne prelacy e, they doe adjudge it no treasone
against the King.
Now we are at last come to the last pairt of the Kings Declaratione,
wherm, first, he complaines,* That without any authoritye or comissione
from him, they had tackne upon them to levy and raise forces in diverse
pairts of Scottland, which they had continwally trained and exercised, and
have assigned them a rendevouz, and a daye to be in readinesse to marche.
Secondly, That they hade made provisione of great qwantityes of artil-
lrye, munitione, and armes from forreigne pairtes, which they have readye
in magazin to macke use of against him ther Soveraigne.
Thirdly, That they had laid taxes and impositions of ten merkes upon
evrye hunderethe upon all and evry the Kings free subjectes, acording to
ther severall revenwes, to be levyd of ther estates, for mantenance of ther
rebellione ; and that they did it with great rigour and tyranny, however
they pretended it to be voluntarye.
To this the Covenanters ansuer,f That they confesse ther provisione of
* Kings Declaration, 1640, pag. 52, et seqq.
f Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration, pag. 83, e seqq.
Cu. XCIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
139
men and money ; and they say it is laufull for them, who are the estates of a A. D. 1640.
free kyngdome, so for to doe, both by the law of God and nature, actes of
Parliament, the practise of other reformed churches, the testimony of
divynes, by asistaunce contributed by our princes, to other kirkes and
states invaded and distressed; and by the judgment of many among them-
selves, who in the beginning of the troubles, andbefor the late pacificatione,
had ther owne scruples about this, and that now, considdering what was
done in England for advauncement of poperye, and what was done at home
against the pacificatione, they rest perfectly satisfeed. As for ther taxes,
they tell us, that if the warre was laufull, so wer the taxes ; that Scottland
had no treasures, nor will trust unto them although they had such ; for they
esteeme not money the sinnews of warre, but a good cause, good con-
science, stoute souldiours fearing God, who cannot be founde out by any
gold, but will be able to fynde out gold. As for the taxtes, all the sub- N. B.
jects contribute most willinglye except some few, who except not against
the thing itselfe, but against the proportion, yet it was lesse qwarelled then
ever any ordinary taxatione.
Such as readd this ansuer, however they knew little for the most part
what to saye to the laufullnesse of defencive armes against a monarche, yet
the most pairt knew weall that what is affirmed heer in the last place,
" concerning the willingnesse of people to contribute, etcet." was a not-
able untruthe, evry way false ; for many grudged as much at the taxt itself
as its proportione ; yet such as refoosed wer compelled, and none durst
complaine ; and though they wold, they had none to complaine too but to
such as either could not helpe them, or to thoise who wer ther oppressors.
The King objecteth, Fourthly, That they had published in print and
wrytte, sundry false and seditiouse pamphletts concerning his proceedings ;
specially one (wherof I gave you an accompt alreadye), intituled " Ane In-
formatione from the Estates of the Kyngdome of Scottland to the Kyng-
dome of England," which the lords of the councell of England had re-
quested might be burnt by the hand of the hangman ; as it was used.
The Covenanters ansuer, That the prelatts and ther partisans wryttings
are full of railings and slanders against them, for to incense the King ; furder,
ther was much wryttne for the unlaufullnesse of defence, but nothing
against the unlaufullnesse of invasione ; that it was easye for to ansuer
papers with fyre and faggutt ; yet ther papers wer full of respect to the
King and English natione, and contained such truthes as wold ryse purer
140
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. 1). 1640. and clearer out of ashes ; that they expected thatane informatione, comming
from a whole kyngdome, should have mett with better entertainment from
the councell of England ; yet they hoped it will fynde better entertainement
with ther friends.
The Kings next challendges are, Ther refusall of materialls to generall
Ruthven to reedifie the castell wall ; ther comitting outrages upon the per-
sons of some of that garrisone who came out of the castell to buy victwalls ;
ther blocking upp the castell ; and ther fortifyinge sundrye other places of
Scottland, particularly Inshgarvy, and placing ordinance therupon.
They answer, That all this was done after threatning and violence of-
fered them from the castell ; that ther blocking was defencive ; and that it
was a wonder that they had done so little ; that they had supererogate in
ther obedience, putting weapons in ther enemyes handes.
To the Kings objectione of imprisoning Southeske and som others, they
ansuer, That no other of qwalitye, except Sir Lewis Steward, was im-
prisoned ; this they referr to ther owne letters that they sent to the King.
They say it was ane harmelesse accident, and that ther noblmens carriadge in
it deserved thankes ; and, finally, that they will have none to suppose that
they doe all that they are able to doe, or that what they doe for good is
done for evill.
The King objectes, That the towne of Edinburgh, to elide ther obedience
to his commandes, did delyver the governement of ther towne into the
handes of the comittye of ther pretended Tables ; therby disenablinge them-
selves to serve him, and devolving ther power, which they holde from him,
into any other hand ; which cannot be done without treasone.
This objectione they deney altogether, although all knew that materially
it was a truth ; for the councell of Edinburgh and that comittye were by
this tyme become a juncto, wherin the comittye had the casting or lead-
ing vote, nothing of consequence, in obedience to the Kinges com-
mand, done by the Edinburgians, but with advyce and consent of the
comittye.
The King objectes, tenthly, Ther letter drawne upp to have been sent to
the King of Fraunce (wherof I gave the reader an accompt befor). In
this he chargeth them with malignitye to ther naturall King, they being
rather willing to prostitute themselves to a forraigne governement, and one
of a different relligione, then to conforme to ther oune Prince. Secondly,
He shewes that the drawing in of the Frenshes is of a dangerouse conse-
Ch. XCIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS
141
quence to England ; All this, he sayes, is settling intelligence with for- A. D. 1640.
raigners, and to practise in bringing of forraigners ; yet that they call ther
actings relligione and lawes.
For thes causes, the King declares he is necessitated to tacke up armes,
yet so as he will not hinder the Scottish from enjoying relligione and
libertye, acording to the ecclesiasticall and civill lawes of Scottlande,
acording to his promise, at the pacificatione : And if they will yet crave
pardone for what is past, he is willing to desiste ; but if they doe persiste
in trampling his crowne and authoritye under ther feete, and endeavouring
to subverte law and relligione, under colour of enjoyment of ther libertyes,
as hitherto they have done in ther Assembly and Parliamente, then he
holds himself obleidged to macke use of his coercive power. Yet he at-
testes God, that it is with sorrow and reluctancye ; and he is confident that
God will not suffer his glory long to be despysed, in his persone, by grosse
hypocrysy, under the counterfitt habite of relligione ; but will aryse, and
scatter Gods and the Kings enemyes. And for the English natione, he is
confident they will be so farr from suffering themselves to be debauched by
the Scottish example, that theye will be asisting to him, by the example of
the councell ; and that, since they are neerer the daunger, they will not be
behynde with the Irishes, who in ther parliament have graunted him a
cheerfull supplye, which they desyre may be published in printe, as a tes-
timoney of ther loyaltye. Finally, He assures the Englishes, in the worde
of a Prince, that he will tacke as much care for ther preservatione as for
his owne, and all, that as it becomes a father of the country to doe,
etcet.O)
To that letter (which jceringly the Covenanters call Jluctus decumanus )
they replye, That to seeke for asistaunce, being invaded, is not to call in
forreigners ; that ther is ane other way of helpe then ever to send armyes ;
that seeking freends mediatione is not to acknowledge them subjectes ; that
they love not to raise upp divisione twixt them and England so weall as to
call in forraigners ; that informations sent over sea, to the praejudice of
ther cause, made them wryte to the Frensh Kinge ; they doe referr to
Lowdone, in prisone, to lett the instructions be seene, what assistaunce
they meant ; that aide givne by one natione to another (though it wer so),
implyes not subjectione ; that the letter was but ane embryo, and never
(0 [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 60—63.]
142
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. sent, as not rightly drawne upp ; that it wanted a date; that its super-
scriptione, Au Roy, was putt on by ane other hande (for the King objectes
the indorsing of the letter, as implying subjectione to the King of Fraunce,
to whom subjectes only wrytte after this forme) ; that they loved not to
harpe upon old or new letters sent evne to the pope himselfe, (they meand
forsoothe by the King, at his being in Spaine ;0) nor needed they, for it is
oftne canvassed, and nothing can bee made of it ; or it may be King James
letter, for which Balmerinos father was made prisoner, which Balmerino
confessd surreptitiouse(2)) : Furder, that Lowdons putting his hande to it at
that tyme was not his personal deede ; and suppose it wer, being now clothed
by a publick commissione, he ought not to suffer upon that accompt, being
comissioner for a state, (forsoothe) contrare to the law of nations to worong
legatts or accuse them during ther legatione ; that our municipall lawes
made him ansuerable in Scottland, not in Englande ; that it was contrarye
to the King his comissione and conducte ; that the breach of the law of
nations did bring with it horrible calamityes.
This ansuer did not satisfee such as could state the questione arycht ; for
Lowdon was gone upon a comissione from subjects to ther Prince, not from
an aeqwal to ane aeqwall ; nor is ther any law instanced wherby a subject
cannot be attached at his Princes courte, if ther be any treasonable practise
to be laide against him ; and for the King his concessione of permitting co-
misioners to come to Londone, it is verye short, and containes no protectione
from accusations, or tryall upon treasone. As for the letter, it is not deneyd ;
but how much it imported was then a mysterye since discovered.
Then they proceede to ther conclusione, and tell us againe how muche
they trusted the King, and took verball promises at the pacificatione ; that
they had since, to shew obedience, past from ther advauntages ; and though
thes thinges wer turnd against them, yet they are called breackers of the
peace. Therafter they recapitulate shortly all done by them since the paci-
ficatione, and shew that they have observed evry article, and have acted
legally bothe in Assembly and Parliament, and had borne patientlye besyde,
withe the repelling of ther comissioners and prorogating the Parliament.
Finally, Having justifyd all ther owne actings, they fall to complaine
(0 [See it printed " from the original draught" in Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. L,
ppf 452, 453. Lond. 1778.]
(2) [See Archbishop Spottiswoode, pp. 456, 507, 508 ; Calderwood, pp. 426—428, 604.
605.]
i
Ch. XCIII.] history of scots affairs. 143
upon the King, First, For burning his owne verball interpretatione of his A. D. 1640.
declaratione at the campe, though they protested that his declaratione wold
not serve without his owne benigne interpretatione.
Second, That he made new fortifications ; garrisond Bervicke and Car-
lisle ; did not dismisse officiers brought from beyond sea.
Third, Castells of Edinburgh and Dumbarton garrisond and fortifyd ;
porte of Leth graunted to be disposed upon by Edinburgh, then conter-
maunded to qwarell.
Fourth, Suspitions fomented in good subjectes heartes by frequent meet-
ing with the prelatts, and then calling fourteen of the pryme of ther num-
ber to Bervick.
Fifth, An oathe pressed in England and Ireland upon Scottish men, con-
trarye to the Covenante.
Sixth, Some wordes of the Kings declaratione, delet at the campe by
him, printed at Parise, and tackne in againe in his last Declaratione.
Seventh, The bishopps, though excommunicated, summoned to be mem-
bers of the Assemblye.
Eighth, The Kings Great Manifesto not calld in, nor the author punishd ;
yet ther Manifesto burnt by the hangman.
Ninth, Sessione commanded to sitte when the leidges could not attende
it.
Tenth, The Assembly, wher the Comissioner was present, accused for
rebellione and treasone.
Eleventh, Comissioner publisheth a declaratione, after the Assembly,
praejudiciall and destructive to the actes therof.
Twelfth, Comissioner refoosed to ratifie the actes of the Assembly, spe-
cially that of August seventeenth, without a limitatione destructive to the
Assemblyes actes.
Thirteenth, Refusall to restore to the Kirke power to plant kirkes that
belonged to the bishopps, or to graunt comissions to plante kirkes.
Fourteenth, Registers of Parliament refoosed to be delyvered to them for
clearing doubts.
Fifteenth, Comissioners usurped in choosing the lordes of the articles.
Sixteenth, Acte of oblivione refoosed, except it be made ane acte of par-
done.
Seventeenth, Acte of releefe refoosed, and matter of coyne disordered.
Eighteenth, Parliament prorogate against lawe, practise, and the treatye.
144 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1640. Ninteenth, Divisione sought to be raised in the tyrae of the Parliament,
shamefull and unnaturall, by confessione of some of the conspiratours.
Twentieth, First two comissioners gott no presence of the Kinge.
Twenty-first, Parliament comitte qwarelld, and ane English comittye sittes
and judges of ther Parliament.
Ticenty-second, Ther ansuer calld impertinent, but no impertinencye in-
staunced.
Twenty-third, Covenant, subscrybed by the Comissioner, disallowd ;
and that which was dissallowd {viz. Kings Covenant), esteemed.
Twenty-fourth, Comissioners pressed to give ther judgement in some
particulars, other wayes not to be hearde.*
T wenty-fifth, Councellours discharged of ther places, no cause told whye.
Twenty-sixth, Proclamatione to discharge Argylles hereditarye justi-
tiarye, and for to disowne ther comittye.
Ticenty-seventh, Edinburgh commanded to receave a garrisone, and give
them materialls for Edinburghs destructione.
Twenty-eighth, Edinburgh castell doing great violence to buildings,
women, and childeren, for many dayes past, yet unprovoucked by the towne.
Tic enty -ninth, Northumberland getts a terrible comissione to destroy
them befor ther commissioners wer hearde.
Thirtyth, Preparations by sea and launde against them, yet ther fault not
told.
Thirty-first, Ther shipps and goods tackne, the owners stripped nacked,
and they referred by the governor of Bervicke to the councell of Englande
for satisfactione.
Thirty-second, Letters commanding eight noblmen of ther number to
repaire to courte, probably to be imprisond.
Thirty-third, Ther comissioners restraind, Lowdon imprisond, against
all aeqwitye, law, and conscience.
Thirty-fourth, All thinges devysd and done that can make a rupture
and irreconciliable warre betuixt King and subjectes.
Thirty-fyfth, Scottland disgraced by bookes, paskqwills, maskes; ther
cursed prelatts, honored ; and deposed ministers, advaunced.
Thirty-sixth, No ansuer givne to ther comissioners, but a print Declara-
tion sett out denouncing a warre and armyes comming.
• Vide supra.
Ch. XCIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
145
Thirty -seventh, Parliament of England sees no cause of warre against, A. D. 1640.
and does refoose to contribute money against them, therfor it is brockne
upp ; yet the expeditione ceaseth not.
For a conclusione, they tell us, That the Kings promise in his declaratione,
for to graunte them ther relligione and libertyes, is a meere fallacye ; since
the King thinkes that the Service Booke, Canons, and Episcopacye, are
nothing against relligione, and therfor would graunte us a relligione that
tacketh all within compasse of it ; in which sence they tell us that Lutherans,
Arminians, Papistes, wer they above them, wold graunte them ther relli-
gione : Furder, that this deceptione cannot be cleared till Assembly and
Parliament determine what is ther relligione, and lawes, and libertyes ; N. B.
and that this was refoosed, and they forced to runne the rownde and ende
as they beganne : That councell was givne to his Majesty to alaram them
upon ther borders, keepe them in continwall vexatione till they be impo-
verishd and wearyed, and then he wold obtaine his endes of them ; which
was for to turne the worke into Penelopes webb, to doe and undoe : Furder,
they affirme that corrupt Parliaments have been the occasione of corrupt-
ing and thrallinge of the kirke ; that since they acte legally, and seeke
but to have ther Assembly confirmed, that can be no trwe cause of the
warre : therfor, they affirme that the fyre ryseth from the incendiaryes who
kindled the fyre, and cannot gett ther nestes built againe ; and next, from
such as feare that theye cannot escape deserved censure : That when the
King and his attendants came last yeare to ther border, they saw what a
Babel the childeren of men wer building, and theye saw the peoples afflic-
tione, by ther taske maisters ; and wold the King now peruse ther papers,
they doubte not but they wold be justifyd, and that the light of his justice
to them is ecclipsed by evill ministers : That if his justice turne to a
storme of unnecessary warre, they resolve to endure it ; that if English and
Irish come against them, they shall not neede for to compell them to obey
decrees of Assemblyes and Parliaments ; which are the judicatoryes to
which the King remitts them : They appeale to that lawe of nature, quod
tibi fieri non vis, etc. : They shew, furder, that wisdome wold direct,
without woronging piety or justice, first to searche the fountaine of ther
troubles at home, and to tacke awaye the wicked from the King, that his
throne may be established, that therafter they might all joyne as one man
to destroy pope, and King of Spaine, who in ther desyres long since have
destroyed them, and doe invade or undermyne them, as opportunitye serveth :
T
146
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. That this wold be a tryall both of others and them, whither they be dissaf-
fected or not to the King his service ; that this wold macke the kyng-
dorne gloriouse, and the kyngdome and both of them recover the glory that
any of them have lost ; this wold macke the Lord saye, Dropp downe ye
heavens from above, and lett the skeys power downe righteousnesse, etc.
So now, at last, we are at ane ende both of the Kings Declaratione,
1640, and of the Covenanters Answer therunto ; both which beganne at the
pacificatione, and ende with the denunciatione of a new warre. I have
sett them together by parcells, they being both historical!, and the threede
of the discourse reqwyring this methode. The conclusion of bothe extendes
some what beyond the actions related already, and doe imply some things
yet to be spockne of, such as the English Parliament, wherof mor anone ;
but the order of the relatione requyred it, that both the reader and I might
be ridde, at last, of so longsome a contradictione. Lett the readers peruse
both, and give ther judgement. It will not be deneyed but that this pacifi-
catione, at first, was drivne on by a necessitye which compelld both sydes
for to huddle upp a peace, to the disadvauntage of either ; and that it was
pax iiifida, closed with distrust upon both sydes, and to the full satisfactione
of neither. This qwickly begatt jealousyes and misinterpretations of
actiones upon all handes ; which begatt ane aeqwall disposition in bothe for to
playe ther latter game mor warylye to the advauntage of ther pairtye : The
King endeavouring to recover or keep that which was his just prerogative,
or devolved into his handes either by prescriptione or consent, explicite or
tacite : And the Covenanters, upon the other pairt, having once begunne to
shacke ther yocke off, fynding no securitye for ther actions, but by leaving
the King nothing but ane emptye name and title, disenabling him for to
qwarell with them, whilst at ther pleasure they fell to macke and unmacke
lawes ; and havinge constitute themselves the only members in Parlia-
ments and Assemblyes, and having dispoyld the King of his negative voice,
they became judge and pairtye in ther owne cause, and carvers to them-
selves of ther owne libertyes and preiveleidges, when Royalty and the
Kings praerogative, after many vaine strugglings and qwalmes, being be-
trayd or abandoned, or deadly wounded, fell downe deade (not long after),
at the feete of the Solemne Leagwe and Covenant. But I returne againe
to the threed of our discourse.
English Par- XCIV. Apryle thirteenth, The Parliament of England sate downe
liament sits acording to the King's indictione therof. Ther did the Earle of Strafford
Ch. XCIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
147
appeare in the upper house, and gave them an accompt of the Irish contri- A. D. 1G40.
butione for to stirre upp England to doe the lycke. j ~
It was heer that the King did represent the Scottish letter to the King King gives
of Fraunce (having befor imprisoned Lowdon* upon a private informatione ^J^^f0
that the letter was his hande wryte), and withall he did represent shortly the Scots af-
after to the lower house, by his message, such iniuryes and indignityes as ^airS; uPon a
* clis3.*-TGGrriGn t
the Scottes had treated him with ; and withall declared that if they wold dissolves the
give him supplye in that exigence, he wold for ever qwyte his claime of Parliament,
shippmoneye, and to boote, he would satisfee all ther just demaundes. Apryle 13.
Meane whyle ther was a reporte made to the lordes by the lorde Cotting-
towne, and secretarye Wyndybancke, and the atturney generalle (who wer
sent by the King to the Lord Lowdone to examine him concerning the
letter befor mentioned), That Lowdone did acknowledge the hand wrytting
to be his, but that it was framed befor the pacificatione and never sent, and
upon that pacification qwyt laid by. Yet the Parliament thought fitt that
Lowdon should remaine prisoner till clearer evidence wer givne either for
him or against him.O)
The King gott no other answer to his demaunde of supply from the lower
house, but that, First, They expected securitye for clearing the subjects pro-
pertye. Second, For establishing of relligion. Third, For the preive-
leidges of Parliament. Much tyme was spent debating betuixt lords and
commons, Whither King or people should be first satisfeed? The lords voted
for.the King, and the commons for the people. Some saye(2) that secretair
Vane knavishlye did foster the divisione tuixt King and house of commons ;
for when he should have sought by the Kings warrant but six subsidyes, or
three hundred thousand pounds sterling, he sought twell subsidyes. This
propositione did enrage the house of commons extremly, who alreadye wer
* Nota Bene. In the tyme that Lowdone was prisoner in the Tower, there was an expresse
warrant sent, under the privy seale, to Sir William Balfour, keeper therof, ordering him
upon sight therof to beheade Lowdon instantly : This order he communicate to Lowdone,
who advysed him to enqwyre at the King if fraude wer not in it. Sir William Balfour came
to the Kings bedd syde and produced the warrant that very night, comming upp the river
in a pair of oares to Whytehall. The King startled, and swore that he knew not of it, but
he thought it the devyce of that cheatt, Nedd Hyde ; and therupon ordered Sir William
Balfour presently to dismiss Lowthon home unto Scottland, which he did, etc., and freed
Lowdon from the terror that he was in all that whyle after he saw the warrant. [See
Scot of Scotstarvet's Staggering State of Scots Statesmen, pp. 23, 24, Edinb. 1754 ; Bur-
net's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 161 ; Laing's Hist, of Scot., vol. iii., p. 189, Lond.
1819, and the authorities there cited.]
(i) [See Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 33.] (2) [Id. p. 34.]
148
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. fallne in ane mislycke of the King, and underhand for the most pairte wished
all prosperitye and good lucke unto the Covenanters. The King being
advertished that ther was little good to be expected from the house of corn-
May o. mons, by advyse of his secrett councell, dissolved the Parliament, May fifth,
1640. The dissolutione therof many wer offended att, and Canterbury bore
the blame, as the man who had advised the King to doe so ; and it was thought
that the dissolutione therof at this tyme was contrare to reasone of state.
Covenanters XCV. The Covenanters, who knew that the Parliament of England was
resolve to call ^ meete, resolve, in ther comitty, to call a Conventione of Estates (so did
a Convention ' 7 . v
of Estates. themselves tearme it), for the tyme of the Parliament was not yet come ; and
-t^ai'ce^to^he *n conven^one they wer to consult and laye downe wayes for levying a
Parliament of new army in oppositione to the Kings preparations, as also for keeping
England^ Mr. <jowne the royalists at home, or suppressing them, who then wer called anti-
ley's book ; Covenanters ; for so wer all termed who owned the King. Another ende of
these two ge- ther meeting was for countenancing a declaratione, drawne upp about that
ed^n England" tyme, for to be sent unto the Parliament of England, as, indeed, it was
Supposed that, directed unto them, under the title of " A Remonstrance concerning the
ParUainentllSk ^as^ Troubles, directed from the Conventione of the Estates of the Kyng-
had not been dome of Scottland, the sixteenth of Apryle, 1640, to the Parliament of
woidd'have England."* The contents therof wer much to the following pourpose ; for I
mediated be- will spare to sett it doun verbatim, it being extremely prolixe, lycke the rest
tween of the Covenanters papers, eneuch to tyre the patience of a plodding reader,
Scots. English and overburthen the memorye ; besyde that in many things it is coincident
Convocation either with ther former papers or our forgoing narratione.
tin^OTdain First, They shew how much the unione betuixt the two kyngdoms was (but
an oath in fa- in vaine) sought for in former tymes ; and what great blessing the two nations
bishops •* ob- reaPe by now' as being under one heade, one relligion, to ther great happi-
jected to, par- ness and peace, as it beganne peacably, whilst all Europe is but a feeld of
"e"^"1^ assess bloode ' tnat tuer enemyes and neighbour kyngdomes had still envyed it ; that
themselves. thes nations had neither been thankfull for it, nor had sought to improve that
The not of the yessmg hithertoo ; nor other reformed churches, groaning under the crosse,
apprentices. ^ gottne such benefitt by it as they might expecte, but rather hurt
from them. As for the two nationes, they saye, that ther is a spiritt of divi-
sione entred betuixt them, by some who stryve to divyde King and people,
and to sett the subjectes by the eares together, that so they may the mor
* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 466.
Ch. XCV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
149
securly destroy all ; that amongst thes the cheefe are some politicall church- A. D. 1640.
men, who have turnd the tenents of relligion into slavery to the subjectes,
tyrrany to the King, and libertinisme to themselves ; that the house of
commons in England had already, in former yeares, remonstrate against
such with no successe ; that, by Englands example, Scottland had reasone
to be jealouse of them, specially since they had been obtruding upon Scott-
land a Service Booke, etc., which shewed how weall they did deserve of the
church and court of Rome ; that it was ther endeavour that the kirke of
Scottland, who had runne off farrest from Rome, should first returne backe
to be an example to others ; that now, if they can involve both kyngdomes,
in a warre, it will both be advantagiouse to Rome, and secure themselves
from punishment, and be some satisfactione to them, and a revenge up-
on the Scottish, who hithertoo have opposed ther plotts : That it will
hardly be credidet afterwardes that the Scottish have so longe begged ther
native Prince to heare them, and lett them enjoye ther oune laws and liber-
tyes, etc., yet cannot obtaine it ; that the posterity will farr lesse judge how
one prelatt (Canterbury they meane) should prevaile so farr with the King as
to disswade him from hearing a whole natione, who have mantained the
royall familye so long in one lyne beyond all Europe : That, when lately,
ther enemyes had stopped the Kings eares against them, and had done ther
outermost to keepe England ignorante of the controversye, and had made
the King come against the Scottish with ane armye, yet had they shunned
a nationall warre against England ; and when unusuall proclamationes wer
putt out against them by the King, yet they had still prayed for him, and
had chosne rather to expose ther oune kyngdome to ruine then for to offer
any violence or the least hurt to the kyngdome of Englande : That it was
straunge how the English should be ther enemyes for standing to thes
preiveleidges, which have nothing to doe with Englande ; but they saye it
is Gods worke that ther enemyes actions have proved meanes to undeceive all
men, and lett them know whom God has used as instruments : That in the
former pacificatione, they had strivne to satisfee the King, to ther oune hurt,
and had delyvered his castells, which they might have kept as pledges of
the peace ; that albeit promise be now brockne to them, they confesse in-
genously, that then they wer not circumveend by deceipt ; nor repented they
ther trust in the Kings worde : for they knew it became them not to stande
upon poyntes with ther King, who, if he wold reseede, would not wante pre-
text eneughe so to doe. Therfor they had left the evente to God. That what-
150
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. ever theye had yeelded to the King, or he graunted to them, was upon
another accompt then they expected ; that from what was past, it was cleer
that ther enemyes never intended peace ; that they had made the pacifica-
tione ane engyne to undermyne them, disbanding ther armyes seemingly,
yet laying of garrisons on ther fronteers and garrisoning the countrey holds,
contrare to conditione ; they had called for the cheefe of them to come
to Bervicke to seize upon them ; then they laboured to surpryse some of
the nobilitye ; that this plott was revealed ; they had permitted churche
matters to be determind in a synode, and promisd to confirm all in Parlia-
ment ; yet the first promise was enervate by declarations and limitations, and
the last refoosed : That the Parliament was prorogued without ther consente,
ther comissioners sent backefrom London, without hearinge of ther suppli-
catione, by the meanes of the deputy of Ireland and archbishop of Canter-
burve, who are the heade of the papiste factione, and, under pretext of vindi-
cating the Kings honor, are destroying the reformed relligione and liberty of
the subjectes. That if the graunting of ane Assembly (lycke that of Trent)
prove the advancement of ther designe, it may be thought that they have
spedde weall in ther wicked designe. That it was straunge a Parliament is
deneyed to them who seeke it, and obtruded upon Ireland who care not
for it ; that comissions wer givne out to destroy them for seeking a Parlia-
ment, etc., and the ratificatione of the treatye ; that all meanes wer essayed
for to provoucke them to breacke the peace, and now at last ane army levy-
ing against them : Therfor,
That they, the Conventione of the States of Scottland, cannot but lett
the Parliament of England know that all thes mischeefes are hatched in
the conclave of Rome and in Spaine, and heer agented by unnaturall
countreymen ; who, how soone they acknowledge the Roman Church for
ther mother, doe as soone owne the King of Spaine for ther father,
and disclaim ther oune King as an usurper, ane unjust possessor, and
ane hereticke : So that now ther will be no mor neede of a Spanish
armado, as in 1588, nor of a poulder plott, but for to raise civill ware
at home, which they are lycke to doe, and which is very evill, cannot be
extinguished without the hurt of the victor or conqweror. That albeit ther
enemyes have called that Parliament for to foment the divisione, yet they
hope all good men will be satisfeed that the Scottish declare that they are
willing to preserve union with them, and, as farr as lyes in ther power, de-
fende the preiveleidges of bothe nations against all enemyes ; that they are
Ch. XCV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
151
all in one shippe, and glade to see the English Parliament at the helme in A. D. l<>40.
this storme : They exhorte them to preserve the pretiouse ware of relligion
and libertye, and to macke the greate pilott forseene of the clowdes that
are gathering a farr off, and beseech him not to lett thes rule the shipp who
will be sure, for ther oune endes, to splitt her upon a rocke. That they
must tell them, as long as ther enemyes steer the rudder, it will not be Par-
liaments, not Assemblyes, nor such rottne cables, that will secure ther peace,
or freedome. Yet, though they will not heare their warning, for all that,
they will not be wanting to them when ther turne comes in England.
Then they crave licence to lett England know the fountaine of all ther
evills, which wer, The suppressione of ther Parliaments of England, by the
undermyning enemyes of both nations ; in place wherof a privy councell
abownding with flattery, malice, and envye, was crept in and ruled all ; that
by them the King was unfortunate, and Parliaments still raised, while they
are disputing about the methode of cure of the politicall bodye, whoise dis-
eases by this meanes are encreased : That thes enemyes of thers taught the
King that he has ane arbitrarye power, that peoples freedomes are the
gratuitye of Princes, that Princes may call and raise Parliaments at ther
pleasure ; thus macking the Kings power, which should be lycke a sunne
beame, to be turned into a comete : That the Kings prerogative had not
loosed so much of its lustre if some church men had not skrewd it up too
highe of the late, and declared all Kings arbitrarye, that so under them
they may compasse the chaunge of relligione ; that such are perswadinge the
King that all who oppose ther designes are not his faithfull subjectes ; they
will have him to keep his subjects of both nations at discorde till he con-
qwer bothe ; or if that cannot bee, he must call in forraigners and use all
meanes for to establish his illimited power ; nay, and to macke use of pa-
pistes, whom they call the Kings faithfull subjectes : others they doe intyce
and bynde in goldne chaines ; that all thes are numerouse ; yet that it is thoise
who are seeking to destroy Scottland, and would ingadge the Parliament
of England against them : And that it is for no other ende that the present
Parliament of England is conveened ; that it is the pairte of all good men
therfor (as it shall be thers), to pray for a happy successe to them ; that they
hope it will be so, because necessitye has forced ther enemyes to call them ;
yet whatever suggestions be throwne in for to exasperate them against the
Scottish, they hope ther wisdome will discover the falshoode of them ; and
they hope that the Parliament will judge otherwayes of ther actions then ther
152
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. enerayes have done: That ther enemyes in vaine doe cover ther pretexts
with zeale to the King, for his subjects rwine can not be his good ; that
chainges has followd upon governments, and misery and ruine upon such
actors, who having slaved themselves unto the world, and the politicall ac-
tions of princes, have tackne upon them for to rule and chaunge, and pro-
fane Gods worshipp : That Canterbury (lycke the papist bishopps in England),
was doing all this that he might command both King and people, and
tyranize over both ; that ther rage against the Scottish Covenante is not
because it diminisheth the Kings power, which is false, but because it is
lycke to pull downe the pryde and riches of the prelatts, which they thinke
can be no just cause of a nationall warre tuixt them and England ; that
Kings may stirr upp warre by evill councell, but that civill warres ought to
be prevented, as being worst to be cured ; that the best remedye presently
will be if the King will permitte both Parliaments to name and appovnte
delegattes who may tacke inspectione in the whole matter; to which pour-
pose, if the King will disbande his army they are content, lyckewayes for
to disband ther armye. If this be not graunted, they will tacke it from
God as a just punishment for ther being so slow in curing the growing sick-
nesse, and for that they have hithertoo fomented the sickly humor.
Then they compare the Parliament to Philotimus, a Greeke phisitian,
who saide to a certaine persone (whom he observed to be sicke of a con-
sumptione), who was desyring him to cure his finger, that he had mor need
too looke after his whole bodye. So they say that this is the conditione of
the English Parliament, who wer lately macking much adoe about tunnage
and poundage, when as they had mor reasone to questione concerning ther
libertyes and propriety of the goods themselves. Therfor they reqwest the
English Parliament, befor they pronounce sentence upon other mens liber-
tyes, to be sure that themselves be free men ; and that it wold be ther
infamy to destroy the liberty of Scottish subjectes, who have heertofor
stoode so much upon ther owne ; that if they knew that the ryse of all
wer from Spaine, they perswade themselves that the English Parliament
wold party them ; that oppressing the Scottish will not better ther con-
ditione ; they desyre them for to looke upon the princes in Fraunce, who
wer all bussy to beare downe the Protestants ther, wherby they are laide
opne now to garrisons, and too late fynde ther owne error ; that ther adver-
saryes wer stryving by might and maine to breacke off" all tyes betwixt
King and them, and the more they strove to preserve the lawes, which is
Ch. XCV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
153
the knott of strait oblegatione, ther enerayes strave the mor diligently to A. D. lt>4o.
breacke them. Therfor they doe beseeche the English Parliament to tacke
notice of ther greivaunces, and to perswade the King to keepe off from
thes praecipices, which, if he runne upon, will bring misery to King and
subjectes ; and they doe beseeche them that the Kings ill councellers escape
not unpunished : That it is very straunge that the councell of England
should, upon one mans informatione, have condemned them unhearde, and
decerned a warre against Scottland, without consent of Parliament ; which
argued an greate insolencye in ther enerayes, to resolve to ruinate them,
without any denunciatione of warre. Then they fall to complaine upon the
arrestment of ther comissioners at London e as illegally done, and that it is
long since they heard from them, nor knows not wherin the King is yet
unsatisfeed, by that restraint of thers : Therafter they shew that the
seizing the Earle of Southeske could be no cause for that, and they excuse
the arresting of him and others at Edinburgh. Then they complaine upon
Lowdons imprisonment in the Tower for wrytting a draught of a letter,
etc. ; yet they hope the Parliament will not startle at that letter. Therafter
they object the wordes of the Kings proclamatione at Yorke, Apryle
twenty-fifth, 1639,* viz., that he was forced to have recourse to sharper
medicins, and to draw his sword, etcet. : That it was that declaratione which
made them thinke of ther vindicatione to the Frensh Kinge. Therafter
they resume all ther excuses of that letter, and sett downe the instruc-
tiones to have been sent with it for to justifie it though it had been sent.
They shew that now they wer preparing themselves for harmlesse defence,
and that ther actings wold refoote the calumneyes of ther enemyes, and
should shew that they were seeking Englands good as weall as ther owne.
Finally, they beseech them with them for to supplicate the King to subject
all the controversye and his evill councellers to the tryall of a free Parliament,
which wold tende much to the glorye of God and the Kings honor, etc.
At this tyme, lyckewayes, Mr. Robert Baily, minister at Kilwinning,
published a booke of one hundereth and twenty-eight pages, dedicated to
the English Parliament, under the title of " Laudensium
wherin he proves that the faction whairof William Laude is heade, are
guiltye of opne Popery, Arminianisme, and ecclesiasticall and politicke
tyrannye. This booke he did not praefixe his name unto.
* Vide supra, [vol. ii., p. 248.]
U
154
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. The Scottish Remonstrance and Baylyes booke could not be tackne to con-
^. ^ sideratione by the Parliament of England ; that was brockne upp ; but they
wer generally favoured, and gott credite with the most pairt of the members
of the house of commons ; nor wanted ther in the house of peers who favourd
them. The pretextes and demaundes of the Scotts wer thought faire, and
ther was somewhat in the Kings Declaratione which the Scottish layd holde
upon, to the Kings disadvauntage, which they boldly challendged to be made
out. That was the Kings possitive affirming in his Declaratione (as in-
deed he doeth), that the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh wer guiltye of
treasone. For all knew that they wer called by his owne indictione,
and sate constantly countenanced (evne to ther voluntaire dissolutione),
by Traqwair, Comissioner, who, one way or other, had approved all
ther actes : nothing but fair weather tuixt him and them all the whyle ;
no exceptione tackne by him against any of ther actings as treasonable all
the whyle : That they, and all who reade his Declaratione, wer to seeke
wherin the Generall Assembly haid plaide the traitors, except his Comis-
sioner wer one of that number. Yet him does not the King challendge in
that Declaratione, though others at that tyme (as I have alreadye told),
did upbraide him to his face, after his returne to Londone.
Many thought that if that Parliament had sittne still, it was ther inten-
tione for to have mediate betuixt the King and the Covenanters ; and to
have supplicated the King, that having disbanded his armyes, he would
have been pleased to treate with them and examine the bussinesse ; and so
much the rather because they were jealouse that if the King praevailed
over the Scottish, he would have turned his armes against them for re-
ducing the unruly commons of Englande to ther dutye, or macking them
mor plyant to his demands and wille then he had founde them in former
Parliaments.
Although the Parliament of England was brockne upp, yet so was not the
Convocatione of the church men, which about that tyme was conveend by
Canterburys indictione. I know not whither to call it a Convocatione or a
Synode ; some calld it a new Synode made of ane old Convocatione ; some
macke ther Synode and Convocatione identicall. What ther power was, or
is, I shall give you in the langwage of ane English divyne :* " In the
Churche of England (sayes he), ther should be Synods or Convocationes,
* Dr. Hylyn's Geography, edit. ult. in fol., Description of England, pag. 304.
Ch. XCV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
155
which are the parliaments of the Clergye, assembled principally for the re- A. D. 1640.
forming of the Churche in doctrine and discipline; and, secondarly, for
graunting tenths and subsidies to the King ; which synods, whether they be
nationall, or provinciall onlye, doe naturally consiste of all the right reverend
fathers, the archbishopps, bishopps, deans, archdeanes, and one prebende
out of each Cathedrall, and a certaine number of the Clergye (two for evrye
diocese), elected by the rest, to serve for them in that great assemblye ;
the Clergye not being bounde anciently by any acte to which they had not
givne consent, by thoise ther proxies : Of which so called and mette together ;
the bishopps sitting by themselves macke the upper house ; the deanes, arch-
deanes and the rest do constitute the lower house of Convocatione." So
farr myne author.
The endes of ther meeting will be best knowne from the result of ther
debates/1 )
One was, that the Scottish actiones in pulling downe ther bishopps had
alarumd England so farr, as that now mor boldly then in former tymes, the
title and jus divinum of bishopps beganne to be called in questione, and grow
the occasion as of too frequent disputtes, so of sermons and bookes printed
upon that theme. England, for many yeares befor, wanted not a pairty in
ther churche who looked with ane evill eye upon the episcopall governe-
ment, and would have gladly been ridde of it. And of thes who stoode for
Episcopacye ryghtly stated, not a few, both preachers and laickes, distasted
the episcopall soleshipp, which looked lycke a little papacye in evry diocese.
This controversye awackned the bishopps and episcopall divynes for to
pleade ther jus divinum both from pulpitt and presse ; amongst whom Joseph
Hall, bishop of Norwitch, was one; whoise penne, by a namelesse pamphletter,
is called prostitute, for having wryttne on peace with Rome, and (as it is
ther alledged) at Canterburys desyre, or command, a palinodia, under the
name of " The Reconceiler." And they thought it was tyme to looke to
ther oune myters and crosiers, since the Covenant had overthrowne and
pulld the myters from the Scottish bishopps heades. For bookes, evry
body did not, or would not, be at the paines to study ; all who reade that
controversye understoode not the depth of it : Therfor they resolve in ther
Synode to tacke a shorter course, and to counteracte, or rather countersweare,
the Scottish Covenante by ane oathe pourposlye framed for upholding Epis-
(i) [A succinct history of the Convocation of 1640, will be found in Nalson's Impart.
Collect., vol. i., pp. 351—376 ; pp. 542—562.]
156
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV-
A. D. 1640. copacye, as the Covenant was formed for its destructione. Ther oath was
as followeth :
" I, A. B., doe sweare, That I doe approve the doctrine and discipline
or governement established in the Church of Englande, as containing
all things necessarye to salvatione : And that I will not endeavour, by
myselfe or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish doc-
trine, contrarye to that which is so established : nor will I ever give my
consente to alter the governement of this churche by Archbishops, Bishopps,
Deanes, and Archdeacones, et cetera, as it stands now established, and as by
right it ought to stande ; nor yet ever to subjecte it to the usurpations and
superstitions of the sea of Rome. And all thes thinges I doe plainly and
syncerly acknowledge and sweare, acording to the plaine and common sence
and understanding of the same wordes, without any aequivocatione, or men-
tall evasione, or secrett reservatione whatsoever. And this I doe heartily,
willingly, and trulye, upon the faithe of a Christiane. So helpe me God
in Jesus Cbriste."
Severall things wer qwarelled at in the oath, but speciallye the et cetera ;
which imported mor, possibly, then either the exacters or tackers of that
oath could tell ; and, next, it was excepted against that they declared that
they swore willingly, though constrained. The stricker sorte of protest-
ants, specially the Scottish presbyterians, questiond much what they called
popish doctrine, or what doctrine they understood therby ; for they supposed
the Canterburians (as they termed them) nothing, or very little, different
from papistes.
Another acte of that Synode was the condemning the SociniansO ther
tenets, without declaring what ther tenents wer : by which acte many
thought that they tooke ther modell from the Assembly of Glasgow, who
condemned the Arminians by vote of ther Assembly, although it was cer-
taine that many ruling elders who voted wer not capable to understand the
Arminian doctrine.
Other actes wer past ther, such as the enclosing the Communion Table
with railes, intra cancellos,('2^ whence the chancelle wall tooke its denomina-
tione of old : And for bowing towards the east, they left it free, forsooth,
to mens arbitriment.
(1) [Canon iv. : Against Socinianism. Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 551, 552.]
(2) [Canon vii. : A Declaration concerning some Rites and Ceremonies. Id., vol. i.,
pp. 555, 556.]
Ch. XCVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
157
Ther maine acte was p-raunting- to the King a benevolenceO) of four A. D. 1640.
shillings sterlin the pownde, assest upon all the clergy, for six yeares, to-
wards his expeditione against the Scottish. This was tackne exceptione at
by such as fancyd not the King his enterpryse, and by none so much as the
discontented members of the late Parliament, who exclaimed against that
acte as ane usurpatione upon the Parliamentary preiveleidge : For they did
affirme that the churche men could not assesse themselves without the Par-
liaments confirmatione : This was ther coloure, though it was not hard to
perceive that ther greatest reasone to qwarell with the churche men was
because the clerge wer mor fordward to helpe the King then the laitye.
The English Synode ended May twenty-ninth. As for the oath therin
enjoyned, and other actes, as at first they gott not full obedience, so the
following chaunges made it all evanishe in smoake. So did not the hate that
was generally borne to Canterburye, who was supposed to be the cheife
perswader of the King to raise the Parliament of England ; which so in-
sensed the multitude against him, that they posted up a paper(2) upon the
Old Exchaunge, the ninth of May, exhorting the Prentices to tacke armes
and sacke his house at Lambeth, Munday following. And although the arch-
bishopp had notice therof, and stood upon his gwarde, yet upon the night
appoynted, in the deade of the night, about five hundred prentices trye,
but in vaine, for to force his house : And although the next day, upon nar-
row enqwyry, a number of them wer seized upon and comitted to prison,
yet ther comerads and partners, in broad day light, breacke opne the pri-
sones and enlargd them who wer prisoners : And albeit, May twenty-third,
one of ther captaines (who was tackne) was hangd and qwarterd, for exam-
ple, yet that kept them not from after tumults. I tacke notice of this par-
ticular, though acted in England, because this was ther first tumult against
the bishopps ; wherin they lyckwayes fell to imitate Scottlande, whoise
troubles beganne by ane assault of the bishopps. Scottland only exceeded,
because it was on the Lords day, in the churche, against church men offi-
ciating : England sett on ther bishops in the tyme of a Synode.
XCVI. The clergy wer liberall in ther contributione. Meanes was used The King his
for to borrow from others for to helpe the King, but Londone would contri- °.wn generahs-
. . ■■. ,i i . 1, " i> i • slm0 ; Straf-
bute little or nothing ; only the gentrye wer willing, lor the moste pairte, to fora his lieu-
give contributione for the Kings assistaunce and releefe, and for his asistance tenant general.
(1) [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 533—541.]
(2) [Written, it is believed, by the notorious John Lilburn.]
158
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. towards the warre ; wherby in ende he beganne to forme and rendevouse ane
The Kino- armye, wherof Northumberland was appoynted generall, but he fell sicke,
joins his army, and so was freed of that charge : Wherupon the King appoynted Strafford
to be lievtenant generall, and himself undertooke the cheife command as
generalissimo ; but did not come to the armye himselfe till after the Qweens
being delyvered of her sonne Henrye, Ducke of Glocester, whom she
brought forth July eighth, 1640 ; so that it was August twentieth befor the
King came in persone towards the northe.
Scots Cove- XCVII. Not longe after the rysing of the Parliament, the Scottish com-
nanters levie missioriers aT1(j Lowdone* lyckewayes, wer all released and sent home unto
war; corres- ' •> . .
pond with a Scottland. We must now travell thither with them ; wher the Covenanters
iand^ in wer as kussy levying as the King was. Nor was Canterburys factione in
England mor invective in the pulpitt against the Scottish Covenanters,
then the Scottish Presbyteriane ministers wer in ther pulpitts against
King, court, and Canterburye : They cryed out that the King was ledd and
gwyded by papistes, that the bishops of England wer for popery, and
the court corrupt ; finally, that all was amisse that made not ther way.
They had prospered so weall the last year at the pacificatione, wher they
founde England not only averse from warre for the most pairte, but lycke-
wayes a discontented commonalitye ther who wished them weall, which dis-
contents wer heightned by the breacking upp of the Parliament, and, fur-
der, they had closse correspondence and encouragements from ther pairty
in Englande, that they wer little terrifyed with the Kings preparations. For
now they had laide opne ane arcanum imperij that the consequence of ther
tacking up armes against the King had discovered, that the name of Ma-
jestye was the only crubb which during the reigne of King Charles had kept
in the subjecte, and Scottlands being awed by England, as England was by
Scottland : Which feare was removed upon both handes; they wer now com-
ming not only to understand one ane other, but lyckewayes to communicat
ther councclls together ; so that Majestye was now looked upon as a bugge
_3 beare, and they saw that the King had little mor left but his name for to
hemme them in, or to reduce them to ther former obedience. Therfor they
* Nota. Lowdon was prisoner at the tyme of the Scottish Parliament, 1640, in June.
See the actes of that Parliament, edit, la, acte 38, pag. 54. [Act 39, vol. v., pp. 314,
315. Thomson's edit. Lord Lowdon seems to have been liberated on the twenty-seventh
June, 1640. Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 171. He arrived in Edinburgh on the
third of July. Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 74.]
Ch. C]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
159
macke ready to enconter the King, not as unto ane uncertaine warre with A. D. 1640.
anxietye, but with confidence as to a victorye, which they forsaw would cost
little bloode. And now they wer resolute to dryve the naile to the heade be-
for they should laye downe ther armes againe ; macking a manifesto to jus-
tifie ther new attemptts of ther last summers modest concessiones.
XCVIII. The trade was stopped, and Scottish shippes at this tyme Trade stop-
wer either arrested, seized upon, or ther goods tackne by thes men of j^e^orfEdin
warre, or frigattes, to whom the King had graunted letters of marke for burgh,
that pourpose. Lykewayes, they had letters of advyce sent them concern-
ing the King his preparations, both by sea and launde ; and that much
warlycke ammunitione was dayly laide up at Hull, Bervicke, and New-
castell ; whairof it was alleged that a considerable pairte was transported
from Holland, Denmarke, and Flaunders : in doing whairof, the Cove-
nanters, the yeares past, wer not behynd with the King. Ruthven, lycke-
wayes, was now begunne to disturbe the peace of the towne of Edinburgh,
by frequent canonads lett flye upon the towne, yet spared to doe all the
hurt that he could have done ; wherby they wer already putt to the charge
of souldiourye for to bear him upp, or amuse the people.
XCIX. The King, with ther oune consent, had adjourned the Parlia- Lesly made
ment to June second. The interest of ther bussnesse could not waite fenera'T'— 11
James Living-
upon that dyet; therfor, ther comittye must tacke order for putting all in a sto-n, lieuten-
martiall posture till that tyme should approache. To which ende, they ap- ant general-
poynte a new levy greater than the last yeares, and over that army generall
Lesly is designed generalissimo : Sir James Levistoune, Lord Almond,
brother to the Earle of Lithgow, was appoynted lievtenant-generall, who
to this ende was called home from Holland, wher he left behynde him a
regiment which he commanded as colonell under the States Generall, albeit
he had gottne this accessionarye charge in Scottland. Baillye, of the family
of Lammingtoune was designed generall major of the foote, who wer to
enter England ; and Mr. Robert Monroe, a colonell, a gentleman borne in
Rosse, who had been bredd up under Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
was designed generall major of that pairt of the army which was to abyde
in Scottland for defence of the countreye.
C. Whilst thes things wer a doing, the comittye had a specialle eye to Special eye
Huntlys followers, and to the towne of Aberdeen : who, albeit that the ^ Huntly's
. followers,
Marquesse of Huntly himself wer all the past tyme, after the pacificatione, and to the
at court with the King, yet his freends and followers had laid asyde nothing town oi A,)er"
160 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. IV.
A. D. 1640. of ther wonted animositye against the Covenante. They looked upon
— themselves not as conquered in any just victorye, but traitord by colonell
shal, the For- William Gunne ; and lived with hope, and longing, to have ther credite
besses, Fra- repaired : And to this pourpose, they wanted nothing but ane heade, who
until Monro6*1 might be Huntlye or some of his sonnes, who wer all of them gentlemen
should come of gallantrye suitable to ther noble extraicte. The comittye of estates
m nt Tegl" wer ignorarit °f nothing of all this; therfor (untill such tyme as collonel or
generall-major Monroe should be ready for to marche northe with his
foote regiment, appoynted for to suppresse and garrisone Aberdeen, and
Huntlyes freends and followers, as after shall be specifyd), they appoynte
William, Earl Marishall, for to draw together such of his freends, in
Mearns and Buthquhan, together with the Forbesses and Frazers, as wer
Covenanters, who wer to be under him, and putt themselves in a posture
not only of defence, but offensive, if neede wer, till Monroe wer readye to
second them. It was Marishall, who, with Montross, had gained the passe
of Dee the former yeare : a gentlman not ill disposed if left to himselfe,
and at that tyme too youngO) to see the deepth of thes courses that he was
ledd upon by the wisdome of his cosen Ardgylle, though much against the
good lycking of his mother, Lady Mary Erskyne, Countesse of Marishall,
who laboured much (but in vaine), to reclaime her sonne to the Kings
party e.
Marshal enters CI. The pretext was, that Aberdeen refoosed to pay (as most part did),
Aberdeen ; any taxt for re}eefe 0f the commone burthen. This gave Marishall a colour
6X "MawT^' to enter Aberdeen, May fifth, accompanyd with a considerable number of
his freends and followers, and others Covenanters, Forbesses and Frazers.
And ther having tackne upp ther qwarters, they conveend the magistrates of
Aberdeen, and by threatnings extorte from them about sex thousand merkes
Scottish. This was but for a taste, and to accustome them to the arbitrary
taxtes which frequently therafter wer levyd off that suffering cittye. This
being payed, after some dayes staye, he and his associatts reteere.
Affair betwixt CII. Somewhat happned in ther retreate either ominouse or sportfull.
Tolquhon and jt was a scuffle that fell out amongst his conveye neer the Bridge of Dee,
Lesly?e0rge by occasione of a privat qwarell tuixt Walter Forbesse of Tolqhwone, and
one of Marishalls followers, called Mr. George Leslye, who strucke Tol-
qhwone in the head with the cocke of a pistoll so hard as to wonde him.
(!) [" Being about 23 years of age," says Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i„ p. 198.]
Ch. CIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
161
This was lycke to have brocke the new, scarce weall cemented, associatione A. D. ifi40.
betwixt the Keithes and Forbesses, had not Marishall shewne so much zeale
and willingnesse to satisfee Tolqhwone, that he instantly at that tyme tooke
Mr. George Lesly along with him to Dunnottyre, Marishalls cheefe resi-
dence, within twelve myles of Aberdeen, or therby ; and ther laid him fast
in fetters, without any order of law, and after a few dayes sent him prisoner
to Aberdeen, causinge laye him fast in the common goale : all this without
order of civill or military lawe. Nor ended it heer, but Marishall must
needs have Mr. George Leslyes hand strucke off ; and to this demanatione
a solemne daye was prefixed. People did runne from all pairtes of the
towne to see this new and unwswall spectacle ; a blocke was sett upp
upon the markett streete ; but when the prisoner was looked for, he refoosed
for to come out of prisone except they wold fetche him down staires per-
force. Thus his hande was safe for that daye ; and Marishall was adver-
tished of his mans obstinacye to parte with a hande : wherupon Marishall
in a chaffe (seeming at least), sends new orders to him to delyver up his
hand as a sacrifice for to attone Tolqhwons wrathe, otherways lett him
be at his hazarde. Wealle, delayes could not availe ; if Mr. George Leslye
will not come out voluntarly, he must be draggd to the blocke. A new
day is assigned, and all runne and croude to the shewe ; Mr. George
Leslyes hand is held forthe, and his wrist is tyde with a ribbon by the
headsman. The blow is to be givne to his hande, laide upon the blocke,
when forth steppes a gentlman sent from Tolqhwone, who reskwes him,
and tackes upp his hand from the blocke, which from henceforth he must
hold as Tolqhwons gifte. Thus ended this tragicke comaedy, which all
along had been the occasione of sport to many : It beganne foolishly ; its
progress was informall and ridicolouse ; and the conclusione therof was
suitable to bothe.O)
(l) [" Thir things done, this generall or governour Marischall, upon the 8th of May,
rydes back to Duunotter, and the rest goe home, and at that time dissolve ; but young
Tolquhone, and diverse others of the name of Forbes, went out to convoy generall or
governour Marischall a piece of the way. Mr. George Lesslie and William Fraser of
Bogheads (both good-brethern, and the generall's tenents) being with the rest in his com-
pany, mett with the young laird of Tolquhone, and unhappiely discorded. Mr. George
hurt him in the head, upon the Tulloch-hill ; they are pairted, he and Bogheads are taken
and disarmed, and the governour promisses satisfaction to Tolquhone, who took his leave
frae him and returns to Aberdein, and he forward to Dunnotter, wher the saids Mr. George
Lesslie and William Fraser (suppose he was innocent) were both laid in the irons. Upon
the morne, they were sent about be sea, shackled in irons, to Aberdein, with warrand to
the provost of Aberdein to waird them both in the tolbuith, and to cause strike oft' Mr.
x
162
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
\. D. 1640. CIII. Marishall was no busyer about Aberdeene then Argylle was in
Treeve a west : ^or ^e connttye had tackne course for keeping all qwyett at
house of home ; and for effectwating that, it was thought expedient that as Edin-
Nithpdale's, burgh castell was already begirt with a closse seidge, so that Dumbarton
bosio^ed * also
Carlaverock. castell should lyckwayes be blocked upp. It was commanded by Sir Johne
Hendersone, who had been lately placed ther (with a commanded party of
souldiours and ammunitione proportionable), by the Kings directione. And
because Robert Maxwell, Earle of Nithsdale, a Roman Catholicke to his
professione, had fortifyd two of his castells, Carleavroke and Treeve, and
garrisond them, it was therfor ordaind by the comittye that both his houses
should be tackne in by seidge. Treeve was commanded by one of the
Earles freends, and was first gained after some resistaunce. The castell
of Carlaveroke, the cheife place and strenth of Nithsdale (thought to be
the Carbantorigium of Ptolemee), as it is stronge by nature, so was it now
strenthned by airte and armes, but cheefly by the presence of the Earle
himselfe, who wold command ther in persone, and mantained a seidge for
some considerable tyme, till the assailants getting leisour eneuche for to
goe about ther worke, after they had made ther approaches acording to the
rules of the moderne warre, being commanded by a skillfull souldiour, the
Earle despairing of releefe, in ende rendred upon qwarter.
George Lesslie's right hand at ane staik, for hurting the said young Tolquhone, in the
gcnerall's company, against the discipline of warr. The provost receives them, wairds
them, and caused loose their shackles ; but thought he was not judge to this punishment
for such ane ryot committed within the sheriffdome of Mearns, wher Marischall himself
was sheriff, who was only judge therto. Many people murmured against this rigorous
sentence given out against ane gentleman for such a slight fault, done also in his own de-
fence. Nevertheless the generall, of his own authoritie, upon the 18th of May, caused
fix fast in the calsey at the mercate croce of Aberdein ane stock, and an axe laid down
besyde it ; and ane little scaffold of timber bigged about, with ane fire kindled to burn the
blood when the hand was cutt off". There was also ane chair sett besyde the stock, and the
hangman ready besyde. The gentleman is brought from the tolbuith ; and as he is comeing
down staires, the people being conveined in great numbers about the croce, cryed out pitie-
fully against this cross and crueltie of the gentleman's rigorous useage. Allwayes, he layes
down his arme upon the stock, and the hangman readie to give the stroak : but by the ex-
pectation of the beholders, the master of Forbes suddenly comes to, and lifts his hand from
the stock, and made him free ; wherat the haill people mightiely rejoyced. He was had
back to the tolbuith, wher he was arriested at the instance of Mr. James Clerk, and
remained in waird whyle the "25th of June following, syne putt to libertie; but Wil-
liam Fraser was releived out of the tolbuith upon the 25th of May, but any more danger.
The generall did this for satisfieing of young Tolquhone, and, as was said, he had never mind
to take the gentleman's hand who was his own tennent, but only made a shew as ye have
heard, wherof doubtless the gentleman had certainty, otherwayes it would not gone but
more trouble." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 199, 200. See also vol. ii., pp.
164, 165, 282.]
Ch. CIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
163
CIV. Argylle and Eglintoune wer ordered for to secure the westerne A. D. 1640.
coastes of Scottlande against such incursiones or invasiones as wer either ^rgyle and
suspected or feared from Irelande, by the lord deputye Straffords meanes ; Eglinton or-
who they knew wold leave nothing unessayed to fynde them worke at home, ^^the '^~st
and was so much the mor formidable at that tyme because they had intelli- coast. Argyle
gence that he was bussye levying both horse and foote. Eglintoune, though Lochaber of
neerest Ireland, yet had the easyest charge, the people be south the fyrth which he had
of Clyde standing mostly for the Covenant. Argylle tooke charge of the pjg^°^rv
Highlands, both because ther was greatest suspitioneof sturres from thence, some of Hunt
and of ther correspondence with Strafford, or his associats; and next because ty's debts.
Argylle his owne following consisted cheefly of Highlanders. But the
cheefe cause, though least mentioned, was Argylle, his spleene that he
carryd upon the accompt of former disobleidgments betuixt his family and
some of the Highland clanns : therfor he was glade now to gett so faire a
colour of revenge upon the publicke score, which he did not lett slippe. An-
other reasone he had besyde ; it was his designe to swallow upp Badzenoch
and Lochaber, and some laundes belonging to the Mackdonalds, a numer-
ouse trybe, but haters of, and aeqwally hated by Argylle. He had gott
some hold upon Lochaber and Badzenoche the last yeare, viz. 1639, as a
cautionarye pledge for some of Huntlyes debtes, for which he was become
engaged as cautioner to Huntlyes creditors. By this meanes his title was
legall in caise of breache of conditione by Huntlye ; yet at this tyme he could
not pretend so much against Huntly ; therfor this expeditione against thoise
Highlanders was prosecuted for advancement of his privatt designe, either
by drawing off such as he could, and macking them for his interest. Thes
wer cheefly the clan Cameron in Lochaber, who albeit for the most pairt
Huntlyes vassalls or tenents, yet ther had been stryfe betuixt Huntly and
them in the former tymes, which had come the lenth of bloodshedd and mur-
der upon ther pairt. After that, they had been reduced and punished by old
Huntly ; but ther resentment stucke still in ther stomaches, wherin they wer
right Highlanders, viz. uncertaine friends for many generationes. Argylle
knew that thoise feared Huntly but loved him not ; therfor he worought
upon ther humors, and by them first wormd himselfe into thes places. And
although it be weall knowne that thes clan Cameron for the generalitye
(whatever may be saide of particular persones, of that name, ther civilitye
or godlinesse), are very farr from relishing the Covenant, and wer so then ;
164
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. yet some of the most profligate* murderers amongst them wer by Argylle his
meanes tackne under the protectione of the Covenanters : And it is very weall
knowne that in the yeares following, thes clan Cameron for the most pairt
joyned themselves openly to Argylle, and persecuted Huntlye, ther maister,
who, anno 1647, fledd to Lochaber for shelter.
Ther is a race of the Mackdonalds who inhabite Lochaber,0) who are
knowne under the name of the Mackrandalls, and are considerable ther.
Argylle gave them no such qwarters as the clan Camerone gott, though
bothe good Covenanters alycke ; for they stoode affected to Huntlyes inte-
rest, and they wer Mackdonalds : any of the two was cryme eneuche. They
wer mor roughly dealt with ther, and Mackrandell his cheife dwelling(2) was
burnt doune to the grounde, eether by Argylles warrant or connivence.
Befor Argylles returne that summer, he made the laird of Achntillye pri-
soner, and compelld the Athollmen to yeeld and delyver to him hostages of
peace/3) for they wer much suspected that they wold ryse in armes for the
King if they saw asistaunce. Eglintoune gott little or nothing to doe, for
Strafford being employd to be lieutenant-generall of the Kings armye, the
feares from Ireland evanishd. I have conjoynde Argylles actiones in this
Highland expeditione, though they tooke upp some tyme this summer, and
mostly fell out after a pairt of such actiones of this yeare as are yet to be
insisted upon, least I should confounde my reader (by intermixing actiones
distant in place) too muche, although falling out much about one tyme.
Airly castle CV. I have seen some memorialls of the proceedings of thes tymes, who
destroyed. ^oe referr fae demolishing of Airly castell (belonging to the Lord Ogilvye)
to this expeditione,(4) though I made mentione of it the last yeare/5) Sure
it is that, in anno 1639, it was burnt by Ardgylle; therfor what mor he did
ther at this tyme, I can not peremptorly determine. This farr is certaine,
that (if yow abstracte from the tyme) Montrosse, with a pairty, was the
* Donald Gwirke.
(1) [The Clanranald of Lochaber, or Macranalds of Keppoch, called also Macdonalds,
and Sliochd Allaster Vic Angus.~\
(2) [The house of Keppoch. See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 217.]
(3) [" Eight hostages," says Spalding, " principall men and of note within the countrie,
of Stuarts and Robertsons." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 202.]
(4) [ There can be no doubt whatever that the " Bonny House o' Airly" was not de-
stroyed until the month of July, 1640.]
(s) [See above, vol. ii., p. 234.]
Ch. CVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
165
first who beseedged Airly,0) and left the prosecution of it to Argylle ; who, A. D. 1640.
at the demolishing therof, is saide to have shewed himself so extremlye
earnest, that he was seen tacking a hammer in his hande and knocking
downe the hewed worke of the doors and windows, till he did sweate for
heate at his worke.
Ther was lyckewayes another dwelling, belonging to Airlys eldest sonne,
the Lord Ogilvy, called Forthar,(2) wher his ladye sojourned for the tyme :
This house, though no strenth, behoved to be sleighted ; and although the
Lady Ogilvy, being great with chyld for the tyme, asked licence of Argylle
for to stay in her owne house till she wer brought to bedd, that could not
be obtained ; but Argylle causes expelle her, who knew not whither to goe.
The Lady Drumme, Dame Marian Douglasse, who lived at that tyme at
Kellye, hearing tell what extremitye her graund chyld, the Lady Ogilvy, was
reduced too, did send a comissione to Argylle, to whom the saide Lady
Drum was a kineswoman, requesting that, with his licence, she might
admitte into her house her owne graund chyld, the Lady Ogilvye, who at
that tyme was near her delyverye ; but Argylle wold give no licence. This
occasiond the Ladye Drumme for to fetche the Ladye Ogilvye to her house
of Kelly, and for to keep her ther upon all hazard that might follow : Yet,
though Argylle wold not consent therunto, he had no face to qwarell after-
wardes with this generouse matrone upon that accompt, she being universally
knowne to have beene as eminently vertouse and relligiouse as any lady in
her tyme.
CVI. At such tyme as Argylle was macking havocke of Airlyes laundes,(3) Argyle's re-
(1) [" The earle of Airlie went from home to England, fearing the troubles of the land,
and that he should be pressed to subscrive this covenant whither he would or not, whilk by
flying the land he resolved to eschew alse weill as he could, and left his eldest son, the lord
Ogilvie, a brave young nobleman, behind him at home. The Estates or Tables, hearing of
his depairture, directs the earle of Montrose and earle of Kinghorne to goe to the place of
Airly, and to take in the same, and for that service to carry cartows with them ; who went
and summoned the lord Ogilvie to render the house (being ane impregnable strength be
nature, well manned with all sort of munition and provision necessar), who answered, his
father was absent, and he left no such commission with him as to render his house to any
subjects, and that he would defend the samen to his power whyle his father's return from
England. There were some shotts shott at the house, and some shott from the house ; but
the assailants finding the place, by nature of great strength, unwinnable without great
skaith, left the seige without meikle loss on either syde ; then departed therefrae in June
[1640]." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 216, 217.]
(2) [In Glenisla.]
(3) [" Now, about this time, the committee of Estates or Tables, gave order to the
earle of Argyle to raise men out of his own countrie, and first to goe to Airlie and Furtour,
166
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640.
sentment
against Sir
John Ogilvy
of Craige.
Monro comes
to Aberdeen
with his regi-
ment ; his de-
mands ; Cove-
nanter faction,
ready to grant
them, give a
he was not forgettful to remember old qwarells to Sir Johne Ogilvy of
Craige, cosen to Airlye ; therfor he directes one serjeant Cambell to Sir
Johne Ogilvyes house, and gives him warrant to slight it. The serjeant
comming thither founde a sicke gentle woman ther, and some servauntes, and
looking upon the house with a full survey, returned without doing any
thinge, telling Argylle what he had seene, and that Sir John Ogilvyes
house was no strenth at all, and therfor he conceived that it fell not within
his order to cast it doun. Argylle fell in some chaffe with the serjeant,
telling him that it was his pairte to have obeyd his orders ; and instantly
commanded him backe againe, and caused him deface and spoyle the house.
At the Serjeants parting with him, Argylle was remarked, by such as wer
neer, for to have turned away from serjeant Cambell with some dis-
daine, repeating the Latine politicall maxime, Abscindantur qui nos pertur-
bant : a maxime which many thought that he practised acurately, which he
did, upon the acoumpt of the proverbe consequentiall therunto, and which
is the reasone of the former, which Argylle was remarked to have lycke-
wayes oftne in his mouthe as a choice aphorisme, and weall observed by
statesmen, Quod mortui non mordent.
C VII. But leave we Argylle for a whyle practising his state aphorismes,
and lett us follow Major Generall Monroe ; who, after midde May, tooke
his journy, with his new levyd foote regiment, towards the north of Scott-
land, who made such haste, that be ten a clocke, upon the twenty-eighth of
Maye, he was within two myles of Aberdeen, at a place beyond the bridge
of Dee ; wher he halted with his regiment and his baggage, and sent his
two of the earle of Airlie's principal houses, and to take in and destroy the samen
Lykeas, conforme to his order, he raises ane army of about 5000 men, and marches towards
Airlie ; but the lord Ogilvie, hearing of his comeing with such irresistible forces, resolves to
fly, and leave the house manless ; and so, for their own saiffty, they wisely fled. But Argyle
most cruelly and inhumanly enters the house of Airlie, and beats the same to the ground,
and right sua he does to Furtour ; syne spuilzied all the insight plenishing within both houses,
and such as could not be carried they masterfully brake down and pitiefully destroyed. Ther-
after they fell to his ground, plundered, robbed, and took away from himselfe, his men ten-
nents and servants, their haill goods and gear, cornes, cattle, horse, nolt, sheep, insight
plenishing, and all which they could get ; and left nothing but bair bounds of sic as they
could consume or distroy or carry away with them, and such as could not be carried was
dispitefully brunt up be fyre." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i„ p. 217. " It must not be
forgottin how that the Earle of Argyle, in the begining of this same mounthe [July 1(340],
with 5000 men, tonke the housse of Airlie, (from wich the Lord Ogiluey, two dayes befor
hes coming, had fled). This house he slighted, destroyed all the planting, and plundred
the quhole poore tenants and landes belonging to the Earle of Airlie." Sir James Balfour's
Annales, vol. ii., p. 380. See also Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, pp. 76, 77.]
Ch. CVII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
167
qwarter maisters to tacke up ther lodginge, and his comissi oners with a A. D. 1640.
paper to present to the magistrates of Aberdeene, desyring a satisfactory satisfying
answer therunto, otherwayes he wold tacke the next course. One Patrick answer.
Lesly was then provost of Aberdeen, who some moneths befor had been May 28.
mustering the Aberdeens men, and causing them keepe publicke rende-
vouzes in ther armes, very far contrary to the good lycking of the most
pairt of the cittizens, who did little fancye the Covenant, and therfor
wer now giving obedience as freendes or servaintes, but wer trusted and
treated like unfreends : He, I say, who, with some few mor, stoode
stiffe for the Covenant, no sooner receaved Monroes paper, but instantly
he conveens the townes councell, who came together in a trepidatione and
fright.
Monroes paper was presentedO) and readde befor the councell, and a
present answer urged from them, who wer not in posture to delay nor re-
foose. It contained about a twenty-three or twenty-four articles, tending
to the qwarter and accommodatione of his regiment ; as, furnishing them
money, clothes, shews, mattockes, and shovells, and spades, when calld for5
and a present supplye of money in some competent measure, and free qwar-
ter in ther towne, and to build for his use court du gwardes upon ther
charges, and for to asiste him with a considerable number of baggage
horses for transporting his ammunitione into the neighbouring countrey, if
neede reqwyre ; and, finally, that the Aberdeens men wold obleidge them-
selves for to be asisting to him with a commanded pairty of ther cittizens,
armed and provyded upon the townes charges, to marchc whithersoever they
gott his orders, or should be conducted by him. True it is, that afterward
all thes articles wer not rcqwyred at ther handes to be fullfilled ; but it is
as trew, that at first all thes, and many mor too tediouse to insert heer (all
which I have seen and perused), wer both asked by Monroe, and graunted
by Aberdeen.
Thes articles wer insolent in the opinion of all sober men, and they
thought that he could have sought little mor from a beleagwered towne,
that had rendred to him upon discretione. Yet, though the greatest pairt
thought them irrationall, they durst not refoose any thing to one who had
power to tacke what was refoosed ; and such of the Covenanters factione,
the provost I meane and his associats, who had the command of the towne
(0 [It is printed in Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 204, 205.]
168
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. IV.
A. D. 1640. at that tyme, wer that farr from pleading diminutione of any of thes imposi-
tions in favours of the cittizens, that Monroe could propose nothing which
they wer not readyer to graunte then he was to aske ; though what was
sought and givne neither Monroe nor his Aberdeens correspondents had
right to seeke nor dispose of. The Covenanting magistrates, however,
graunted all with the mor facilitye, because heerby they wold ingratiate
with ther partye; and besyde, scarce twoched they the burthen with ther little
fingers which theye wer bynding upon the cittizens backes ; yet they made
necessitye the pretence and motive to ther fellow cittizens, as qwestionlesse
it was trwe that they durst not refoose.
Monroes comissioners gotte quickly ther satisfactorye ansuer from the
townes councell and others, who now must macke a vertue of necessitye,
and give cheerfully, in seeming at least, that which they could not withhold.
With this ansuer the comissioners, after few howers staye, did crosse the
bridge of Dee, and came to Monroe, who instantly marched that same after-
noon for Aberdeen ; and as if it had been some specialle freende and con-
qweror, coming in covered with lawrells, the magistrates and townesmen
must runne out half-way to the bridge of Dee, with ther hosanna. Some
wold not be absent, and welcomed ther protectour in earnest ; others durst
not but be present ; but thes last wer the far mor considerable number of
the cittizens.
Court de CVIII. The very next day after his entrye, Monroe settles the qwarter ;
guard reared an(j for ^e heade qwarter Marishalls house, the most conspicuouse lodging
of Aberdene,(0 was appoynted, with the Earles oune consent. There
Monroe qwarterd. Ther next worke was to sett carpenters a worke for to
reare upp a court du gwarde, in the midst of the large merkatt streete of
Aberdene ; which was quickly finished, being made upp of a portione of
some timber belonging to one William Scott,(2) a townes pylott, an hott
royalist, who was absent or fledd, and his goods seizd for the publickes
use : For any thing that was illegally seazed upon in thes tymes, if it wer
(1) [" Marischal's Hall stood on the south side of the Castlegate, at the head of the
street, which is thence called Marischal Street. It consisted of several buildings, sur-
rounding a court-yard or close ; there was a large garden behind it. It was pulled down
about the year 1767." See The Book of Bon-Accord, pp. 118 — 121.]
(2) [" Monro caused bigg up betuixt the croces ane court de guard, for saiffeing his
souldiers frae weitt and cauld on the night, and wherin they should ly, except such as
were on watch. William Scott's timber payed for all now in his absence, being a true
royalist, who sustained much more skaith besydes." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i.,
p. 207.]
Ch. CIX.
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
169
done by the Covenanters, it was qwalifyd by such phrases as thes ; and not A. D. ]<>4o.
a few new dictions wer coyned about thes tyraes, for to put a speciouse "
face upon actions very unuswall in former tymes. ,
CIX. The levyes wer now advauncing in all pairtes, and the pluralitye Levies go on.
of the pulpitts bussye sownding an alarm to the people. The Kings t^l£^ounfl
popish councellers, and his actiones tending to the advauncement of poperye, Munroe keeps
and Canterburyes popish plottes, and Straffords bloody designes, and the o00|l disci-
excommunicate popish prelattes (for so they wer tearmed) ther misleading noTable'to"^
the King, and the daunger of Christes kynp-doine that it was standing countenance
into, wer the ordinar pulpit thems. The anti- Covenanters in Scottland counsels^- 1S
wer silent ; and such of the ministers as favoured the King or episcopall trayed and
government, wer either thrust out of ther places, or conforming themselves reveale<*-
to the tymes, though scarcely credited. As for Monroe, at his comming
to Aberdene, few or no body reteered or fledd, for he entred peacably,
and kept strict discipline amongst his souldiours. His actiones, wherof
more anone, wer by publicke order from the comittye of estates, who wer
now beginning to order all things in Scottland, as maisters, having as-
sumed the Kings power into ther owne handes, and left to him nothing but
a bare name. And the case was altered ; for, wheras in the former yeares
Covenanters wer called rebells to the King, now all who owned the Kings
interest wer used as traitors, and accompted rebells to the state, and
enemyes to God and the good cause. And, which was yet higher and
worse (as afterward shall be related), the King was glade to lett them be
termed so, and used with indignity eneuche : So farr was he from beinge
able to countenance or protecte his weall wishers and best freendes ; who in
thes tymes wer glade to submitte to such punishments and to such mulctes
and fynes as the Covenanters laide upon them ; fynding as little security (if
not lesse) at court (wher all the King his councells wer betrayd and
reveald), then they found at home in ther owne countrey, from whence they
had for some tyme reteered.
Y
HISTORY
OF
SCOTS AFFAIRS.
THE FYFTH BOOKE.
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS
THE FYFTH BOOKE.
I. The spring tyme was now growne old, and the summer posting on, and a. D. 1640.
military praeparations wer made with aeqwall hast upon both sydes ; treatyes flings ^one
givne upp, and actes of hostilitye alreadye begunne, the last summers to extremity ;
pacificatione buryd and forgottne ; and now it seemed that it was rather a deliberations
truce betuixt two enemyes for a tyme, that therby eache pairtye might tacke Ceed on the se-
ther breath, and putt themselves in better posture to fall on againe with condof June,
greater advauntage, then a settled agreement betuixt King and subjectes ; the^Pa'rhament
who by now beganne to see that ther was no waye to secure themselves, who was prorogu-
had drawne ther swordes against ther naturall Prince, but by keeping them commissioner
continwally unsheathed in ther handes. Therfor they resolve now to dryve came, which
the naile to the heade, and to perfect the worke which they had begunne. wastheirwish;
r J ° prorogate
The Covenanters saw that ther comissioners labour was lost at Londone, themselves
and ther most materiall proposalls and articles rejected by the King, being thin ;
_. . . „ t i i ■ i i i tt' i • meet again ;
lher was no doore left opne to help this but one; that was the King his chuse Burleigh
prorogating of the Parliament unto the second of June. The comittye of president in
the Covenanters therfor resolve to lay hold upon the King his new indie- Commissioner
tione, and to keepe the daye ; and if the Kings Commissioner came not to conclude
countenance ther conventione, yet to proceede, and conclud, and vote, and actgtysix'more
enacte all thinges, as if he had beene present : Yet they neither wished him
present nor expected him ; and it is a questione, if he had come, whither
they wold have admitted him who sate last as the Comissioner amongst
them. They wanted not a precedent for this ; for in Queen Maryes dayes,
ther praedecessors had laid hold upon the Qweens indictione of a Parlia-
ment, she being that tyme absent in Fraunce, and had conveened them-
selves, and holdne a Parliament, which afterward was ratifyd. Yet this
174
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. had a circumstance in it beyond that former ; for at this tyme the King and
they wer both actwally in armes, and the Parliament peers at this tyme
wer both covered with ther cuirasses, and with ther Parliament robbes of
peace ; so that ther gownes and robes wer now coates of armes.
June 2. The first day of meeting was June second ; but the comissioners not
being frequently eneuch conveened that day, they prorogate themselves to
June ll. the eleventh of June. That day they meet againe, and all in one voice
they choose Robert Balfour, Lord Burleigh, to be president of Parliament,
in absence of the Comissioner : And therafter, in a short space, with a
great deale of unanimitye, they voice and conclude thirty-nine actes of
Parliament, which wer afterwardes printed by themselves, at first under the
name of " Actes past and done in this present sessione of the second Par-
liament of King Charles, holdne at Edinburgh, the eleventh of June,
1640." I tacke notice of the title, because in the print coppye I fynde no
mentione of any day that they mett upon but June eleventh ; so that, either
they used great expeditione in passing so many actes in one day (though I
confesse it is probable, for all was made worke), or otherwayes the
clerke of the register was to blame ; for ordinarly in other Parliaments
the sessions and dayes of the sederunts are designed. Sex other actes wer
past, which I fynde not in the print index ; yet I shall give the reader ane
accompt of all the forty-three actes from ther oune informationes.
1. After they had voted Lord Burleigh to be president, ther was a
declaratione drawne upp concerning the reasons of the present Parlia-
ment. But that acte was not printed/1)
2. Ther next acte was the constituting of the Parliament^2) and all
following Parliaments, to be of noblemen, barrons, and burgesses, who wer
from henceforthe to be holdne for the three estates of Parliament, discharg-
ing bishopps, and all churchemen from having any vote in Parliament therafter,
and rescinding all former actes of Parliaments or lawes, that had givne
them any voice in Parliament, in name of the churche, or upon any other
accounte whatsomever.
3. Ther third acte(3) was ane ordinance, that evrye estate should choose
(1) [It will be found in The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. v., pp. 288, 290.
It is entitled " Declaratioun be the estaittis of parliament premittit be thame to thair pro-
ceedings."]
(2) [" Act anent the Constitutione of Parliament." Acts Par. Scot. vol. v., p. 288.]
(3) [<• Act anent the chusing of committeis out of ilk estaitt." Id., pp. 290, 291.]
Ch. I.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
175
ther owne lords of articles ; and thes lords to have power to conclude A. D. 1644).
nothinge, but to propose overtures to the Parliament.
4. Then they proceeded to the ratificatione of the actes of the Assembly
of Edinburgh, anno 1639.(0
5. And in ane acte(2) particularly, they ratifie the Covenant, and the
supplicatione of the Assembly to the councell for subscrybing therof, and
the acte of councell and acte of Assembly concerning the Covenante : all
which are engrossed at lenth in ther registers, together with the clause that
was added to the conclusione of the Covenante.
6. The acte called rescissorye(3) followethe ; wherby the episcopall power,
and all actes of Parliament in ther favours are rescinded, and presby-
tryes putt in their places to doe all that bishopps befor did ; and withall
they declare all the judiciall sentences of the High Comission to be voide
and null.
7. And because severall churches wer vacant, by deposing of ther
ministers, or otherwayes, to which churches, the patrons, being Royalistes,
refoosed to present others; therfor they ordaine presbytryes to plante thes
churches after six moneths, with consent of the parishioners, without prae-
judice of the laufull patrons ther right, when thes churches shall vake heer-
after.O
8. Next they ordaine that all churches which belonged to bishopps,
by the acte of restitutione, 1606, shall heerafter belong to presbytryes, and
be presented by them.C5)
9. Ther ninth actc(6) was ane inhibitione of mylnes or salt pannes to goe
upon the Lords daye. But in this acte they have not determind the limits of
the Lords daye, when it shall beginne or ende.
10. And by a particular acte lyckewayes, they inhibite all salmond fishing
upon the Lords daye.OO
(0 [" Ratificatioune of the actis of the Assemblie." Id., pp. 291, 292.]
(2) [" Act anent the ratificatioune of the Covenant, and of the Assemblies supplicatioun.
Act of counsell, and Act of Assemblie concerning the Covenant. Id., pp. 292 — 298.]
(3) lid., pp. 298, 299.]
(4) [" Act for planting of kirkis vnprovydit with ministeris throw the patrones default."
Id., p. 299.]
(5) [" Act anent admissioun of ministeris to kirkis qwhilks belonged to bischoprickis."
Id., pp. 299, 300.]
(6) [" Act Dischargeing the goeing of salt pannes and mylnes vpoun the Sabbathe day."
Id., p. 300.]
(7) [" Act discharging salmond fisching vpon sonday. Ibid.]
176
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. 11. The eleventh acte was* against papistes/1) jesuittes, preestes, and
resetters of them, and a ratificatione of all actes made against them in
former tymes ; as also against all excommunicate persones, and against
resetters of preests three dayes together.
12. The twelth acteC2) dischargeth Christmasse vacance of the session, and
appoynteth the sessione to sitt downe November first, and to ryse the last
of February ; and therafter to sitt downe the first of June, and to ryse the
last of Julye.
13. Acte thirteenth^) discharged Mundayes mercatt in Edinburgh and
some other townes, or keeping of mercatts or trysts upon the Lords daye.
14. Acte fourteen th(4) discharged confluence of people for hyring
shearers upon the Lords daye.
15. Acte fifteenth ordained letters of horning and captione by the lords
of sessione against the excommunicate prelates, and all other excommuni-
cate personesX5)
16. Acte sixteenth^) ordained the authors and spreaders of the Kings
Large Manifesto (wherof Dr. Balcanqwell was thought the penner) to be
severly punished, acording to actes of Parliament against lee mackers be-
tuixt the Kinge and his subjectes.
17. Acte statutarye appoynting Parliaments to be holdne once evry three
yeare.(7)
18. Acte ordaining the castells of Edinburgh, Strivling, and Dumbarton,
to be kept by native Scottish ; and thoise to be chosne by advyce of Par-
liament, and to tacke ane oath to be true to the King, and reformed relli-
gion, as it is presently professed. (8)
19. Ordinance for productione of the registers of Parliament to the first
sessione of evrye Parliament, under the sanctione of depryving the clerke
register of his office ; and that the clerke register should bee readye to give
extractes at all tymes, as the subjectes should reqwyre.(9)
(1) [" Act against Papistis." Id., pp. 300, 301.]
(2) [" Act Discharging the yule vacance, etc." Id., p. 301.]
(3) [" Act anent the dischargeing of the mononday mercatt in Edinburgh, Jedburgh,
Dunfreis, Brechine, and glasgow," Id., pp. 301, 302.]
(4) [" Act for taking ordour with the abusses committit on the Sunday, by the confluens
of pepill for hyiring of scheiraris in harvest," Id., p. 302.]
(5) [JMrf.] (6) [" Act anent the Large Declaration," Ibid.}
(7) lid., p. 303.] (s) [Ibid.] (9) [Id., p. 304.]
V
Ch. I.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
177
20. Acte discharging all proxies to be admitted in Parliament ; and A. D. 1640.
that no forraigne noblman shall have place or voice in Parliament, unlesse
he have ten thousand merkes laund rent in Scottland.O)
21. Acte discharging the graunting of protections by the lords of the
councell or exchequer, or graunting of supersederees ; and whatsomever
lord of session, etcet., grauntes them, to be lyable to the debt. (2)
22. Acte declaring the exchequer to be only judge in matters concerning
managing the Kings rents and casualityes, and of nothing else.(3)
23. Acte in favours of thoise who held ther laundes of archbishops,
bishopps, or of ther chapters, that they shall not incurre the hazard of
ther clauses irritant in ther charters or leases, notwithstanding the not
payment of dutye which is unpayd betuixt the first of Apryle, 1638, and
since that tyme.O)
24. Concerning vassalls of erections, that they be not subject in double
payment, nor the superiors defrauded of ther few dewtyes, notwithstanding
of ther surrenderye in favours of the King.(5)
25. Acte ordaining all greivaunces to be given in, in plane Parlia-
ment, and not to the clerke register, conforme to old actes . of Par-
liament.^)
26. Acte suppressing the distinctione of temporall lords of session, and
spiritwall lords therof.O So wer the bishopps call'd.
27. Acte against leesing mackers betuixt King and subjects, of what-
somever qwalitye, office, place, or dignitye, to be punished acording to
actes of Parliament.^)
28. Acte annulling all proclamations made, under the paine of trea-
sone to the disobeyers, since the beginning of the troubles ; and they all
declared to be unjuste and unlaufull, and none of the disobeyers traitors ;
and that no persone can be declared traitor but by the Parliament itselfe, or
by a laufull and ordinar judge, after tryall.(9)
29. Explanatione of the preceding actes of Parliament made against
bandes and conventions amongst subjectes, without the Kings warrant,
etc. ; as also declaring the bands and conventions made and keeped
since the beginning of the present troubles, to be legall and laufull,
(0 [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 304.]
(2) [Id., pp. 304, 305.] O) [Id., p. 305.] (") [Id., pp. 305, 306.]
(s) [Id., p. 306.] (6) [Ibid.]
(7) [Ibid.] (8) [Id., pp. 306, 307.] CO [Id., p. 307.]
z
178
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. because ther bands and meetings are now for the publicke good of
kirke and state, and for defence and preservatione of the Kings Ma-
jesty e.(')
30. Acte declaring1 that the warde and marriadge of such as shall
happne to be killed in (the warre against the King), defence of the
relligione and libertyes of kirke and kyngdome, shall pertane to ther
heires or childeren, and that the King and all superiors are therfrae
secluded/2)
31. Ratificatione of the acte of the lords of sessione, Martij penultimo,
1639, for supplying the absence of the signett, and discharging the trans-
porting therof, or any other seale, in tymes comming.W
32. Acte discharging all custome of ammunitione brought home to the
leidges, to ther owne use, for defence of relligione and libertyes of kirke and
kyngdome, in the publicke cause.(4)
At the reading and voting this acte, William Dicke protested/5)
33. Acte appoynting a comittye of estates, consisting of twelve of
evry state, the one half to be with the army, the other half to stay at
Edinburgh ; and thes to have the rule of the countrey, and to care for all
thinges that concerned provyding for the armye, pay, or victwalls, etc. ;
or taxing the countrey for that ende, and valuing shyres, or appoynting
valuators, etcetX6)
34. Acte for laying a taxatione upon all the kyngdome, for releefe of
the common burthen of the warre. (")
35. Acte ordaining summonds to be direct and execute against all
persones, who are culpable of the crymes and faultes contained in the acte
(viz. who syded with the King against the Covenanters), to compeer befor
the next sessione of Parliament/8)
36. Acte in favours of the Kings vassalls of warde laundes, recom-
mending ther praejudice, by acte anno 1633, to the consideratione of the
next Parliament ; meane whyle, suspending the force and execution of
that acte/9)
37. Acte appoynting a thousand merke yearly to be payd to procu-
rator of the churche, Mr. Archibald Johnstone, and fyve hundereth
(0 [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 307.]
(2) lid., p. 308.] (3) lid., pp. 308, 309.] O) lid., p. 309.]
(5) lid., p. 325.] (6) lid., pp. 309—311.]
(T) [Id., pp. 311—313.] (8) [Id., pp. 313, 314.] O) [Id., p. 314.]
Ch. I.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
179
merkes yearlye to Mr. Robert Dalcleishe, church agent, out of the bishops A. D. 1640.
rents. 0)
38. Acte ordaining the whole subjectes and leidges of this kyngdom to
obey, mantaine, and defende the conclusions, actes, and constitutions
of this present Parliament, and to subscrybe the band appoynted for that
effecte/2) The band was as followethe :*
" We, noblmen, barrons, burgesses, and others, undersubscribers, Consi-
dering how necessary it is to establish our unione in the preservatione and
mantenance of our relligione, lawes, and libertyes of this kyngdome, and of
his Majestyes authoritye, and to prevent all factiones, contentions, and
divisions, which may aryse in praejudice therof, from malitiouse sugges-
tions and misinformations of our adversaryes ; Doe all and evrye one of us,
with our heart and hande, testifie and declare our resolutione and obliga-
tione (for the reasones and causes at length exprest in the acte of Parlia-
ment immediatly preceding), to acknowledge the forsaide Parliament to
have been, and to be a free and laufull Parliament : Lyckeas, we bynd and
obleidge us, and evrye one of us, upon our honours and credite, and as we
desyre to bee, and to be holdne, true lovers of our countrey, and of the
relligione, lawes, and libertyes therof, efauldly and faithfully, to the outer-
most of our power, to joyne and concurre with our persones and estates,
evrye one of us acordinge to our severall stations and callings, in the main-
tenance of the freedome and laufullnesse of the forsaide Parliament ; and
in the advauncement and furtheraunce and asistaunce of the executione,
obedience, and observatione of the actes and constitutions therof ; as the
most fitt and necessary remedyes of the bygone and present evills and dis-
tractions of this kirke and kyngdome, and for the preservatione of the relli-
gion, lawes, and libertys therof, and of his Majestyes authoritye : And
that, in the first Parliament whiche shall be holdne heerafter in this kyng-
dome, and at all other occasions, and against any oppositione whatsomever ;
except in so farr as shall heerafter be thought fitt and expedient by the
common advyce and consent of the estates. In wittnesse wherof, we have
signed and subscrybed thes presents with our handes, at," etcet.
Any man wold have thought that the Covenant might have obleidged
them to stand to ther oune conclusiones ; but it was too generall, and therfor
(0 [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 315, 316.] (2) [Id., pp. 316—318.]
* See print actes of Parliament 1640, edit, prima, pagg. 56, 57. [Acts Pari. Scot.,
vol. v., p. 318.]
180
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
Reasons of
the band.
Parliament
declared cur-
rent ; their
acts.
it behoved to gett this explanatory appendixe : for thes actes shewed what
they founde necessaire to be reformed in the state, as the appendix to the
Covenant explained ther churche reformatione.
II. Ther reasons for this mutwall band and Parliament (besyde such as are
already spockne of in ther declarations, and repeated in this acte), wer :0)
That since the tyme was come to the which the King did prorogat the
Parliament, and no advertishment come from him to them to tacke any
course for remedying the greate disorders of the church and state; They,
being the great councell of the kyngdome, could not be altogether so for-
gettfull of themselves, and deficient to ther countrey, as to suffer this Par-
liament, which they had so oftne petitiond from his Majestye, and which was
conditiond and accorded at the pacificatione, and indicted by his Majestyes
speciall authoritye, to be deserted and expyred without anye conclusione to
the good of the common wealthe in so great extremitye : But rather they
thought themselves bounde in conscience and dutye for to proceede to the
determinationes of such matters as are necessarye for establishing of the peace
of this kirke and kyngdome ; as beinge the expresse and speciall endes of ther
supplicationes, without trenshing any wayes on soveraigntye, or derogating
in any sort from his Majestyes authoritye ; but, upon the contrary, looking
first upon the constitutions of the Generall Assembly, past in presence of
his Majestyes Comissioner, and the necessaire consequences therof, and
provyding remedyes for the present evills of the kyngdome, by removing
the cause, and establishing necessaire conclusiones for preventing the lycke
heerafter, etcet.
The band they ordained to be subscrybed by all members of Parliament,
and by all subjectes of Scottland, as they shall be directed by the comis-
sioners of Parliament, left at Edinburgh, and to be reported to the clerke
betwixt that tyme of ther ordinance and the first of September, 1640. And
they ordane all delayers, refoosers, or postponers to subscrybe, to be holdne
as enemyes and oppositts to the common cause.
39. Ther last acte was ane acte declaring the Parliament current, and
continowing the same till the ninteenth of November, 1640; and withall
they ordaine all the forsaide actes to be printed and published(2) : Which
was acordingly done ; and it was from that print coppy that I have tran-
scrybed this rubricke of ther actes.
(l) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 3 17, 318.]
(2) [Id., p. 319.]
Ch. Ill ]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
181
Some other actes wer past ther which are not in the first editione of the A. D. 1640.
printed actes of that sessione (first or second, I know not if I shall terme it) ;
for most of the above mentioned actes wer concluded in the first meeting,
and it seemes drawne upp when Traqwair was Comissionair, and present
with them ; but none of them voted till ther now meeting in June.
L. Thes actes wer, besyde the Declaratione concerning the reasons of
the Parliament.
2. Supplicatione of the Lady Lowden concerning her husbands losses
by his imprisonment, and the Parliaments ansuer, promising to refound
all his losses.O)
3. Acte in favours of the Lord Lindsay e, anent the cokett of Saincte
Andrews/2)
4. Acte approving generall Leslyes comissione, anno 1639, to be ge-
nerally3)
5. Acte approving generall Leslyes present comissione to be generall in
this expeditione, 1640, etcetS*)
6. Acte approving the lieutenant generall, and two major generalls ther
comissionsX2)
7. Acte for forfaultrye of Patricke, Lord Etricke (that is generall Ruth-
ven), and his under commanders/5)
III. It will not be amisse to give some accounte of the members of the Committee of
comittye of estate, and ther power, as it was specifyd in this Parliament ; Parliament
because in the following yeares this new representative had the power of RUpture^n the
Kings and Parliaments engrost in ther persones and judicatorye. committee ;
The members of it wer,* noblemen, Rothesse, Montrosse, Cassills, Wig- the^nomina- ™
toune, Dunferlemlyne, Lothian, earles : for lords wer, Lord Lindsey : tion; and why?
Lord Balmerino ; Couper ; Burleighe ; Napier; Lord Lower: lords of
sessione wer Lord Durye ; Lord Craighall ; Lord Scottistarvett : then
followd Sir Thomas Nickolson of Carnocke, lawer ; Sir Patrick Hepburne
of Wachtoune ; Sir David Hume of Wedderburne ; Sir George Strivling
of Keir ; Sir Patrick Murray of Elibanke ; Sir Patrick Hamiltoune of
Little Prestoune ; Sir William Cuninghame of Capringtoune ; Sir Wil-
(0 [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 314, 315.] (2) [Not extant.]
(3) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 320.] (4) [Id., pp. 319, 320.]
(5) [Id., pp. 320—323.]
* See first edition of the print Actes of Parliament, 1640, p. 41, et seqq., acte 33.
Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 309.]
182
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. liam Douglasse of Cavers; James Chamber of Gadgirthe ; Sir Thomas
Hope of Carse ; Drummond of Ricardtoune ; Laird of Lesly, Forbesse ;
Mr. George Dundasse of Manner ; John Smyth, a burgess of Edinburgh ;
Edward Edgar, burgess of Edinburgh ; Thomas Patersone, taylor, Rich-
ard Maxwell, sadler in Edinburgh ; William Hamiltoun, burgesse of Lith-
gow ; Mr. Alexander Wedderburne, clerke of Dundee ; George Porter-
feeld, bailiff of Glasgow ; Hugh Kennedy, ballif of Aire ; John Rutherfoord,
provost of Jedburghe ; Mr. Alexander Jaffray, burgess of Aberdeene, or
Mr. William More, bailiff of Aberdeen, in his absence; James Sworde,
burgess of Sanct Andrews ; and James Scott, burgesse of Monrosse.
Thes wer a mixed multitude ; many heades heer, but few statesmen, though
all nominate to sitt at the helme. Some of thes wer known to favour the
King, yet wer nominated either to unmaske them or to deboshe them by
ther concurrence against him ; others added for ther insufficiencye, as
knowing that they bore a zeale to the cause without knowledge, so the
fitter for ther endes : they wer added as cyphers to the few digittall statesmen
who sate heer, to macke upp number, and for the greater authoritye ; and
mainly to delude thes simple ignorants, by macking them beleeve that they
had power and authoritye, when indeed they had but the name, and others
the swaye. Thes wer added and augmented, and chaunged in the following
yeares, or turnd off as the few ringleaders saw occasion in the following
yeares, or as they founde them faithfull and fordwards, or growing cold or
slacke : And befor the yeare turnd rownd, ther interveend a fowle rupture
and shisme amongst the principall members of this comittye.
One thing was much remarked heer by all men, which shewed much mo-
desty and selfe denyall in Ardgylle, as to be contented not to be preferred
to this high honour.* But all saw he was major potestas, and though not
formally a member, yet all knew that it was his influence that gave being,
lyfe, and motione to thes new modelld governours ; and not a few thought
that this juncto was his inventione. If it wer so or not, I determine not.
Thes had power to doe, order, directe, acte, and putt in executione evry
thing necessaire, as weall for preservatione and mantenance of sea and
* A reasone why he was not nominate was, his absence at this tyme in the Highlands,
and his being employed much of this summer in waiting upon Straffords army its supposed
invasione. Yet ther was a doore left opne for him to enter the comitty whenever he
pleased, both as ane officer of the army and upon the call of the comittye, for they had
power to call any they pleased for to asiste them ; so, albeit he was not nominate, yet he
was included in the state comittye.
Ch. III.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
183
launde armyes, as for ordering the countreye, and whole bodye and inhabi- A. D. 1640.
tants therof, decyding of questiones and debates which should happne to
aryse or fall out in any bussnesse or occasion in this kyngdom, concerning
the peace and qwyett therof ; without praejudice alwayes of the Colledge of
Justice, or any other ordinary laufull established judicatorye within the
kyngdome, laufully establish ed by acte of Parliament.
Second, Power to borrow, uptacke, and leavy money for use of the pub-
licke, and to order the depursing therof.
Third, Power for all things that might concerne the peace and good of
the countrey.
Fourth, Power to call or conveen any subject befor them, for councell or
asistaunce.
Fifth, Power to order collectors of publicke dwes, and to call them to
accompte by themselves or others, and to allow or dissallow ther depurs-
ments as they pleased ; and the estates to pay whatever the comitty shall
borrow upon publicke accompt.
Sixth, Power to them to lay downe the wayes how thes publicke debtts
shall be defrayd ; and to that pourpose to laye taxes on the countrey, and
assigne evry shyres proportione therof.
Seventh, Power to direct letters of horning against all refoosers to pay,
and for to compell them to pay ten merkes fayly, per centum, of ilk hun-
derethe.
Eighth, Power to doe generally all things necessaire for the wealle of the
kyngdome and preservatione of relligione.
Ninth, Power to constitute comissioners in the army, and in the coun-
treye, as they shall thinke necessaire.
Ther residence shall be in pairt at Edinburgh, or wher they thinke expe-
dient ; and the other half of them constantly at the armye ; and thes two
for to keepe correspondence together.
Twelve of evry estate for both comittyees, macking eighteen for evry
comitty ; ther qworum to be three of evry estate, when the estates are full ;
and if the estates keepe not all, then seven* promiscously shall be the
quorum ; if any dye, the rest has power to choose one into his place ; and
this power is graunted to eache of the two severall comittyes.
[ Tenth! , The sentenceof the qworum as obligatorye as if all wer present.
* Septemviri.
184
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. [Eleventh], Both comittyes must joyne together, either to conclude of
warre or peace, but may not severally acte that waye.
Maister Adam Heburne of Humby shall be clerke for to keepe ther
recordes and actes, all which must be wryttne : He or his deputes for to
keepe all the publicke papers, and ther subscriptions to macke faith unto
publicke actes.
The said comittye has power to call the conventione of estates as oftne
as they please.
Absents are to be fyned by such of the comitty as are present, and all of
them must give ane oathe of fidelitye.
Mr. Archbald Johnston, clerke to the kirke, must still attend the
generall at the armye as a supernumerary comittye man.
The generall, and all generall officiers, may be members of this comitty,
as oftne as occasione shall offer.O)
By vertwe of this acte we have the constitutione of the high mogen
comittye of the estates, in place of the King ; a power that Scottland had
never knowne, nor heard tell of befor. They wer the Parliaments dele-
gatts, and a virtwall Parliament epitomised ; the acte scarcelye mackes
them so much as comptable to a Parliament ; or if they wer, it was no great
matter, for all saw that by this meanes they wer but accomptable unto
themselves ; for they wer not only a commanded partye of the Parliament,
but the ringleaders therof. Ther was one clause in ther power which mate-
rially might macke them a Parliament ; that was, ther power to call for any
they pleased to asiste them with councell. And ther power of macking peace
and warre, and laying on impostes, wer verye highe and rampant ; so farr
as very ordinar judgements saw clearly that they wer sett in place of King,
Parliament, and privye councell.
Formality of IV. It is not agreable with my pourpose at this tyme to canvasse the
this Parha- formalitye of this Parliament, since the King allowd it all the next yeare,
both roote and braunche. I shall only desyre the reader to looke backe a
little and compare ther articles and propositiones to Traqwaire, then
Comissioner, and to the King himselfe in winter, by ther comissioners at
London ; wher in the Kings answers I have givne yow his sence of the
most materiall actes. And if ther proposalls at court, and ther present actes
of Parliament be confronted, ther will be mor founde in the conclusion then
(i) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 309—311.]
Ch. I V.J
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
185
in the premisses, mor enacted heer then was urged at Londone (some things A. D. 1640.
not materiall are omitted), evne besyde thes new actes, the which the emer-
gencye of this present warre did give them a colour for.
Some actes of publicke concernement past, which tended really unto the
rectifying of abuses, and wer laudable ; but thes wer but few and inconsi-
derable, if compard with thes many actes wherby they did chaunge the
governeraent in some of its fundamental^, and made the King nothing
but a shaddow, and which they past for ther owne securitye, turning the
lawes against such as had stoode for the knowne law, and drawing and
wresting all thinges for ther oune securitye and profite, and for the impo-
verishing or punishment of the royall partye who opposd them.
Ther twenty-ninth acte concerning bands and conventions of subjectes,
is of so ambigouse a qwalificatione, that it opnes a doore to Anabaptistes and
Qwackers, and all manner of sectes, if they once prevaile in number and
strenthe for to lay hold upon it, and wounde them with ther owne weapone.
For if this be once graunted that men shall be once judges in ther oune cause
(as they wer in the passing of this acte), and be able to prevaile and backe
it with force, will they not say that they are still for Gods glorye, for
the puritye of relligion, and the libertye of the subjectes ? So much are
men blynded in ther privat concernments and passiones.
The Parliament that mett (after the happy returne of Charles the
Second) anno 1661, in Janwarye, was so sensible of the great error com-
mitted in that acte, evne in poynt of state, that they made no scruple to
abrogate it root and braunche, as ane act that did opne a doore to seditione
and tumults, and was a stepp for powerfull rebells to grippe the highest
power. Yet ther wer severall members sitting in the Parliament, 1661, who
had voted to that acte, who now wer growne wyser by experience, scoole-
maister to none of the wysest, who wer glade to gett the happinesse to vote
doune much of that which, but twenty yeares befor, they had wrangled
for against ther Prince with so great animositye.
To conclude this Parliament : In one worde, as the Covenanters gott
a shaddow of lawe at the Assembly of Glasgow to chaunge the governe-
raent of the [Church], and, after tacking upp armes against the Kinge,
obtained the Kings consent to ther actinges at Glasgow, whilst they enacte
them anew at Edinburgh Assembly, 1639 ; so it was by meanes of this
Parliament, 1640, that they chaunged the governement of the State with
a colour of lawe ; and albeit the King, at this tyme, looked upon ther
2 A
186
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
Kuthven
keeps Edin-
burgh in
alarm. Invi-
tations and
assurances.
Scots publish
their Declara-
tion.
Parliament as treasonable and null, yet, after ther second tacking upp of
armes and stepping into England, within a yeare or little mor, they gott
all this and much mor twoched by the scepter in the Kings owne hande :
But ther English neighbours (not ther strenth) wer the compulsorye causes
therof, if not pourposly at least accidentallye.
V. The Parliament sate not longe nor peacably ; for generall Ruthven,
from the castell, was still keeping the towne of Edinburgh in alarum and
annoyance with his greate and small shott from the castell of Edinburgh.
Therfor, both befor and in the tyme of the Parliament, the levyes wer go-
ing on apace with such expeditione, specially in the south pairtes of Scott-
land, that be the twentieth of July, ther was ane indifferent number of
ane army formed and brought to a rendevouze in the Merse, wher they
encamped in Chansleye woode, with fourty dayes provisione and all manner
of ammunitione necessaire, as it had been appoynted by their comittye of
state. Befor they came that lenth, it was concluded in ther cabinet juncto,
that they should passe over the border and enter into England. This they
durst not have attempted, but they had invitations and assurance from
England, both of pay and welcome, as afterward appeared, yet conceald at
that tyme ; for England wer to use them as ther great ingyne to gett a
Parliament and to suppresse the monarchick power : as afterwards, God
willing, will appeare in its owne place.
VI. Befor they marche for England, they thought it necessaire to pub-
lish ther Declaratione, and to shew the aeqwitye of ther expeditione into
England,0) much to the pourpose followinge :
First, (after a preface, wherin they shew that they have still been so
rationall as that they are ready to give ane accounte of ther actions to alle
who will aske them,) They shew us, that either they must goe to England
and seeke peace, otherwayes they must sitt downe under three most heavy
burthens : First, They behoved to mantaine ther owne armyes upon ther
borders, and other places exposed to daunger, which wold force them to
disbande in ende, and leave their countrey as a preye : Second, It wold
hinder all sea trading and fishing : Third, It wold hinder the administra-
tione of justice at home. That one of thes was hurtfull eneuch, muche mor
three of them together, as they have found already by experience ; and such
a lyfe, they say, is worse then deathe.
(0 [" Six Considerations of the Lawfulness of their Expedition into England manifested."
Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1223—1227 ; Historia Motuum, pp. 534—542 ;
Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 902 — 906.]
Ch. VI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
187
Second, They bidd considder the nature of ther expeditione, which is onlye A. D. 1640.
defensive. To prove this, they instaunce, First, That the King had begune
the warre this yeare ; had refoosed to ratine the Asembly ; had denyd hear-
ing to ther coraissioners ; warre voted against them in the councell of Eng-
land ; Northumberland named generall ; Ireland had contributed ; trade
stopped ; shippes intercepted ; severall dayly both hurt and killed by the
castell of Edinburgh : Second, They sought no mans hurt, if they were
not sett upon ; for they brought provisione with them : Third, When the
King grauntes ther desyres and supplications, they will reteere, and laye
downe armes. They instance the protestants taking upp armes against the
King of Fraunce, misledde by the Guisian faction : this, they saye, the
hottest royalistes acknowledge to be defensive warre. They tell that this
expeditione is not disagreable unto ther former remonstrances and declara-
tions, but rather agreable thertoo ; that albeit their first Declaratione, sent
this yeare into England, doe seeme to speacke against offensive armes, yet
it shewes that, if they be invaded by sea and by launde, they must doe ther
best to free themselves, as prisoners doe who are shutt upp in prisons.
For if it bee laufull to a privatt man to free his house and familye unjustly
blocked upp, then much mor it is laufull for them to free a whole natione
from imprisonment be sea and be launde.
Third, Gods providence invited them to it, which had ever gwyded
them. After ther prayers to God for direction, they founde God enclyn-
ing ther heartes that waye, as to that which wold tend to Gods glorye,
etcet., and that God had givne them zeale and helpe for that ende. The
events that have fallne out concerning the Parliament of England this
yeare, lycke ther oune sufferings, doe encouradge them. That all other
meanes and supplications had failed, and were elided by ther enemyes ; and
they wer confident that ther coming to England, which ther enemyes were
desyrouse of as a meanes to draw on a nationall warre, wold tend to a
stricter union betuixt the two nations. That the stepps of Gods call to
them might be observed. For, first, they had begune at the grosser dreggs
of poprye, viz. the Service Book, etcet. ; that now it was leading them to
destroy the fountaine, viz. the diocaesan Episcopacye of Englande. That n.B.
they were hopefull, when that was done, they should macke so happy a n.B.
progresse that God should thrust the Beast and false prophett backe to
Rome, if he did not free all the earthe from him. That this third reason
flowed from the two former ; for if this expeditione be necessaire and only
188
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. undertackne for defence, it will follow necessairly, that they are called unto
it by God, since ther necessaire defence is not only laufull, but commanded
by divyne and naturall law, and they obleidged to it by Covenant.
Fourth, Ther expeditione, they saye, is not against the kyngdome of Eng-
lande, but against Canterburyes factione, made upp of papistes, atheistes,
arminians, and prelatts, seducers of the King, and enemyes to both king-
domes. They hope England will not protecte these as Benjamin did wicked
Gibea, Judges xx. They wish they may be lycke the woman of Abel, who
caused throw Shebas heade over the walls to Joab beseedging the cittye
[2 Samuel xx.] ; and for ther entertainement, they will expect it as from
N.B. freends, since they come for Englands good. That they distaste Nabals
carriadge to Davide in the wildernesse, 1 Samuel xxv. ; and the inhuma-
nity of the people of Succoth and Peniele, who refoosed meate to Gideon,
Judges viii. They shew that they will pay for all they gett ; or if the
Englishes will refoose to give them entertainement, they bidd them remem-
ber the Moabitts and Edomitts, who came not out to meet Israel with
bread and water, Numbers xx. [Judges xi.], and stopped their passage, for
N.B. which cryme their tenth generatione was forbidd to enter the congregation,
Deuteronomy xxiii.
Fifth, They attest God, that they intende not to incroatche upon the
Kings honor, nor to worong the English natione in any sort, who in ther
distresse freed them from the French Guisian faction befor thes tymes :
but only are seeking to have removed out of England the troublers of the
N.B. kyngdomes peace, such as Coraths, Balaams, Doegs, Rabshakees, Hamans,
Tobias, Sanballatts ; and this being done, they declare that they shall be
aboundantlye satisfeed.
Sixth, If God bless ther expeditione, they shew that heerby reformation,
so oftne wished for in England, will be estableshed as weall as in Scottland ;
and that the popish prelatts, anti-Chrysts limbs, and all humane traditions,
will be banished for ever ; no body will be calld sectary nor separatist
any mor ; ther will be one God, one worshipp, through all the island, glory
to him, honour to the Kinge, rejoycinge to the kyngdoms, comfort to the
posteritye, ane example to all other Christian churches, both to praise and
imitate, and confusione to all ther obstinate enemyes. Amen.
Declaration of VII. The forsaide Declaratione was accompanyd with ane other mani-
War^Tthe ^ festo' tne wnicn was entituled> " The Intentions of the Army of the King-
Scots camp. dome of Scotland, Declared to their Brethren of England, by the Commis-
Ch. VII.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. 189
sioners of the late Parliament, and by the Generall, Noblemen, Barons, A. D. 1640.
and other Officers of the Army;"0) which spoke to the followinge pour-
pose in many wordes:
First, They shew that it is most uswall with ignorance and malice for to
censure and condemne actions undertackne with honest intentions for good
endes, and governed by Gods finger and assisting hand ; that thinges which
are most pleasing to God are unpleasing to suche who desyre not the tem-
ple to be builded ; that such had been the lott of the churche from the be-
gining ; that except men wold be as blynde as mules, they might see the
lycke in the oppositione that ther actions mett withall in the worke of refor-
matione; and that now they wold raill upon ther comming into England,
as if they came thither for to enrich themselves with the spoyle of Englande
under a pretext of relligione: To prove the contrare of this calumney,
they attest ther oune former Declarations, and ther readynesse to lay doune
armes ; yet that such calumnyes should not scare them from ther pourpose,
and that they wold esteeme papists and prelatts, and ther party, as enemyes,
who they were sure wished ther ruine : Yet for the good cittizens or coun-
treymen of England, they had mor reasone then ever to thinke them
freends ; because whilst the councell of England had passed ther vote for a
warre against them, and Ireland had contributed towards that warre, yet
no threates nor allurements in the late Parliament could move them to
contribute against the Covenanters. That for to woronff such freendes
wer great ingratitude, which God wold punish. That in owning ther
cause, they owed not the least thankes unto London, who stood not awe
neether of court, nor ther enemys resident ther.
That if all this wold not cleare them of their syncer intentions, Then
they offer to give them ther solemne oathe, that they shall doe no violence
nor injurye, nor fight with any, except they be persued by the popish
pairtye ; to which attempts they hope no good men will be accessorye.
That the aimes of both kyngdoms ought to bee purity of relligione and
liberty of the subject, which ther enemyes were seeking to undoe ; that
they had now founde out a way to disapoynt ther enemyes [wish], which
was [for] a sure waye to blocke them upp by sea and launde, that so they
might compell them to rushe into England, and then to alarum England
(i) [Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 241—247; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol.
iii., Appendix, pp. 283—291 ; Historia Motuum, pp. 542—558 ; Stevenson's Hist of Ch.
of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 906—914.]
190
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. with ther cominge, so to engadge both nations in a nationall quarrell, that
both of them enibrewd in blood, way might be made for rebuilding Rome.
Yet, if men wer wyse, it might come to passe that ther enemyes plottes
might be so farr defeated in this nicke of tyme, that they might be com-
pelld to weare the chaines that they had forged for others ; and the Scottes
incomming to England might redownd to the destruction of thoise who
had necesitated them to come ther. That in ther late Declarationes they
had made knowne to the full how they have been used since the pacifica-
tione, evne farr worse then they could have expected from a native King ;
yet that ther sufferings of corruption in relligion had been many years
befor they did supplicatte ; also that ther liberty was destroyd, and no-
thing but the very foundation of ther relligione standing undestroyd ; that
when therafter popery and Service Books wer obtruded upon them, they
used only prayers, and teares, and supplications to the Kings Majestye, yet
all rejected ; and the corrupt service commended and obtruded by evill
counsellers meanes, and they forbiddne to supplicate mor under paine of
treasone : Wherupon they did resume ther nationall oathe, as being per-
swaded it was the breache therof that occasiond all ther evills : That ther-
after, when the King for this tooke upp armes against them, they resolved,
befor the English should mistacke them, to disband and restore the Kings
fortes and castells, and to passe from ther former Assembly, and did referre
all to the decisione of a new Assembly and Parliament. That they had
carryd civilly, and without offence to the Kings Commissioner, in ther
Assembly ; yet ther Parliament was prorogated without law or reasone.
That they had sent once and agane comissioners to London who gott no
hearinge. That it was wonderfull with what zeale the archbishop of Can-
terburye, and deputy of Ireland, strove to inlarge the Kings greatnesse
with the destructione of the liberty of the subjecte. Then they instance
the imprisonment of Lowdon, spoyling ther shipps, and killing of women
and children, about Edinburgh castell ; wherin they say that Turkes could
not be mor barbarouse. That in such extremes they saw it was to no pour-
pose to send new comissioners or supplications. Yet they saw no reason to
sitt downe under ther sufferings. That after long deliberatione, they had
founde it necessarye for to macke ther desyres (which wer so much belyd
and calumniated), knowne fully to the Englishe ; and that they wer re-
solute for to procure to themselves a mor firme peace then the former peace
was, together with the free exercise of ther relligione and libertyes ; that
Ch. VII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
191
withall they wold have incendiars, who wer gone out from amongst them, A. D. 1640.
to be sent backe to them againe ; as for such incendiars as belongd to Eng-
land, they did remitte them for punishment to the discretion of the higest
judicatory of that natione, as it was ther intention for to have ther oune
browillions censurd in Scottland. That they could not but admire Gods
providence and his doing, when they calld to mynde how this reformatione
was begunne and carryd on. Evne at such a tyme as the prelatts wer raised
upp to ther greatest pouer and glorye, treading, as it wer, upon the state
with one foote and upon the church with the other, having chiefe swaye in
all judicatoryes, civill and ecclesiasticke, yet that evne then ther worke [did
beginne. It] had been carried on from small beginninges, and hopelesse
too, but upon a soddane evry body had owned it both with teares and ac-
clamations of many thousands ; which made them hopefull that better wold
follow. And evne when they wer at a stande, ther enemyes plotts had
proved overturs and directions to them, and the promovall of ther worke,
and the undoing of ther enemyes. That they had levyd men, and had
publicke meetings, for some yeares past, with lesse tumult then if the tymes
had been peacable. That, after the pacification, to ther hurt, they had
laid downe armes ; yet ther enemyes malice was still, like the raging sea,
dryving them on to that which, by all appearance, God has appoynted
against ther enemyes. That the honesty of ther intentions, and meanes for
prosecuting ther endes, gave them assuraunce that God wold not forsacke
them : That they did not deny but God sometymes wold and did macke
use of wicked men as instruments, in whoise power he putts great events.
Yet as this was a spurre to macke them searche their oune heartes, so it
ought not to scarre his servaunts from prosecuting the worke of the Lord.
Yet all this should not have justifyd ther comming into England, if theye
could have found a way for peace elsewher ; which they must seeke wherver
they can fynde it ; which, how soone they can obtaine, they will macke it
apparent to all, specially to England, by laying downe ther armes, that
ther intentiones were none other for arming but only to defend them-
selves. That necessity had no law, and was above all law, and over-
ruled by no lawe : And no greater necessity there could bee then that
they should defend relligion, the sowle ; ther countrey, the body ; ther
lyves, who are the members ; and the Kings honour, who is heade : All
which are now endaingered ; nor doe they know another waye to attaine
to it then by prosecuting the publicke enemyes wher they may be founde :
192
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. if ther be any other way, they desyre it to be shewed to them, and they
promise to follow it. That it was not the questione, If they should plun-
der England to supply ther povertye ? Or fall upon ther neighbour natione
with crueltye ? But it was now the questione, If they should sitte at home,
in Scottland, till ther enemyes should be pleased to fall upon them and cutt
their throates, and destroy relligion, liberty, and ther countreye? Or if
thev should come into England and seeke for securitye, peace, and free-
dome ? If, bv acting, they should tacke course for the publicke safetye, or
perish by lazienesse ? And, in few wordes to summe up all, Whether they,
who are not a few priyatt men, but the body of a natione, who are calum-
niate mor baselye then eyer Christians wer in the worst tymes, shall ad-
mite poperye and the Service Booke, and readmitte episcopacye, and re-
nounce ther solemne yowes and covenant with God, and lose the fruit of all
ther former labours, saddne ther friends and rejoice and strenthne ther
enemyes, and forgett all ther former slaverye, etc., and desert the cause
of the Sonne of God, which he has so much shewed himself for alreadye
with a displayd banner, to his great dishonour, and therby draw upon ther
heades the punishment dwe to apostates ? "Whether they shoulde fold ther
handes, fand] should expect the slavery of soule and bodye to themselves
and posteritye ? Or if they shall fight for ther libertye in that place wher
they are sure it can only be founde, and follow God in treading that path
which he has opned unto them, all other wayes being closed upp from them?
That ther enemyes, at first, had made a pretest of the Kings authoritye, as
if it could not be safe if they fall, or as if it wer to wounde Majesty to ac-
cuse them. Yet they had lettne it be seen now that the diademe and mytre
wer not so fast coupled, but that the one being struck downe the other
could shvne with a brighter lustre and resplendencye : And, therefor, since
that could no more serve ther turn, they were betacking themselves to ane
other subterfuge, whilst they strove to perswade the world that the Scottish
ther coming into England to demaunde justice upon them was no other
thing but to invade Englande : as if cutting off* of vens or weales, or
launcing of ulcers, wer to destroy all the bodye. That whatever ther
enemyes forgd for to secure themselves, yet the Scottish wer not so madde
as to fall upon all they first mett withall : That though it was true that the
breach of the treatye, and ther usage since, (had England been guiltye ther-
of,) wer cause of a nationall qwarell, yet since that the English Parliament
had refoosed to grant a subsidy against them, and wer therfor prorogated
Ch. VII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
193
or dissolved, therfor they neither accuse the English natione, nor ought A. D. 1640.
the English to fall upon them, who only did prosecute the too powerfull
factione of papistes and prelattes : Therfor, they exhorte all who wish
wealle to relligione and liberty, for to be aiding and asisting unto them ;
and they pray that ane heavy curse may befall all such as wish worse unto,
or have lesse care of, the lawes and libertyes of ther neighbour natione than
ther owne. As for the greivaunces of the Englishes, they confesse that
the King promisd for to remedy them without a Parliament ; but, they
say, that publicise and generalle greivaunces can only be curd by Parlia-
ments, howbeit privat mens greivaunces may be helped without a Parlia- N.B.
ment.
Finally, As they attest God that they have no other designes, so they
promise faithfully that they will not tacke so much from England unpayd
for as a latchett or a roote of garlicke : And that they will not enter into
ther countrey with any other but brotherly affections, ledd by the feeling of
the evills that oppresse both nationes, and most willinge to doe for the re-
liefe of either, desyring the English to communicate ther counsells, and to
concurre with them for thes endes. That when all ther owne is spent, they
shall seeke nothing from the Englishes but upon good securitye of repay-
ment, and this they hope will be graunted to them. And this being done,
they are confident that the English, being repayed, shall sustaine no hurt
by ther meanes ; and for them, they hope that God will sett upp ther ex-
pence and losse to the full, since it is his cause that they are venturing for.
They desyre that private souldiours ther miscarriadges be not imputed to
them, since they promise that they will use all meanes to restraine them,
and punish them as severly as if it wer done against themselves. That,
withall, they doe not thinke the papistes and prelatts and ther factione so
poor, and such as doe recept or hyde ther goodes, that they will refoose for
to graunte necessary mantenance to ther armye, being very myndfull how,
in former tymes, they perswaded the King for to gift them with the forfal-
tryes and escheatts of honest countreymen, as if the prelaticall faction had
been the only men who had deserved best of the King. That they shall
seeke nothing from the King but that relligione and liberty may be secured
acording to the actes of the late Generall Assembly and Parliament, and
such other thinges as a just King owes to graunt to his oppressed subjects,
both by the obligatione of divyne law and his countrey lawes. That they
shall stay no longer in England then ther greivaunces may be heard in
2b
194
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. plaine Parliament, and a remedy provyded for them, then that ther ene-
myes may be ther legally tryed, and the relligion and liberty of the Scot-
tishe may be secured: this being done, they promise to returne home in
qwyett manner. And as for the fruite of this ther present expeditione,
they hope it shall tende to the rooting out of poperye ; and purging of the
churche from prelaticall corruptions ; and the propagation of the gospell ;
and a bounde of a lasting peace betuixt bothe kyngdomes against all traitors
and incendiaryes : This they pray God humbly to graunt them.
Lastly, If ther be more adoe, they hope God will manifest it, and goe
before both the nations ; and who will grudge for to follow him, and sub-
mitte his necke to Gods yocke ? Amen.
Observations. VIII. The language of this Declaratione is indifferent plaine. It was
Comnuttees no* nar(^ to all to know whom they meant by ther enemyes, and who were
cheifly poynted at : And by what they promise heer, and exhort the Eng-
lishes too, and by ther desyre of a Parliament to England, it is easy to
see that they wanted not invitations and encouragements to come into Eng-
land : And the after relationes will macke it cleare what God opned the
doore of England to them ; as also that they had reason to promise to them-
selves that God would aboundantly sett upp ther losses; which was after-
warde performed in the vote of ther brotherly assistaunce. Somewhat only
they fell short of in ther promise ; for the Englishes thought that, till seve-
rall yeares after, the Scottish did not pay all that they borrowd in England ;
and that, therfor, they had some reason, about 1650, and some yeares
after, for to qwarter upon Scotland for ther deficiencye, in repayment of
former debtes resting to England : And not a few are of that opinione,
that befor the English reteerd, anno 1660, they had qwytted scores with
the Scottes ingadgements and debttes to them.
The comittye and officers of the army wer no busyer in putting forth
ther Remonstraunce, as ane usher and harbinger to ther entrye to England,
then the comittye of Parliament wer bestirring themselves in the improv-
ing of ther new power in setting fordwards the levyes evrye whaire ; to
which pourpose they erected comittyes in evrye particular shyre, almost
through all the kynffdome. These shyre comittyes wer constituted of the
most active and zealouse Covenanters evry wher : such thinges had been,
materially, in the shyres in the former yeares ; but at this tyme, and from
this tyme fordwards, they had a power putt upon them by such law as the
Covenanters wer able to strenthne them by. These committyes of the shyres
Ch. VIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
195
were delegatj delegatorum, a practice which law, both civill and canonicke, A. D. 1640.
in many cases, for the most pairt abhorres ; yet now they wer holdne formall
eneuche. Usefull they wer surlye to ther endes ; for by them valuations
were devyded, and levyes of souldiours promoved; and they wer the watch-
men of the shyre for to waite upon the motions of the anti-Covenanters ;
and informers against such as wer dissafFected to the cause, as they wer
lyckewayes of the personall estates of private men, compelling such as were
riche within ther respective praecinctes for to lend them such summes of
money as they pleased to impose upon them. And not a few of them,
under the shelter of that publicke employment, turnd oppressors of ther
neighbours, by throwing on the burthen of ther owne proportions in valua-
tions and publicke levyes, upon their neighburs, either in pairte or in whole.
In some partes they proceeded to that heght of tyrrany, as to exeeme them-
selves wholly, and to lay on the valuations of ther owne revenwes, and ther
proportions payable theroutof, upon such as they esteemed either enemyes
or dissafFected unto ther cause ; and this was holdne as good service done
to the state. Also they tooke occasione oftne to revenge ther private
qwarells upon suche of ther neighbours as they hated ; not only by compel-
ling them to lend to the publicke, whilst many richer went free, so that they
had the repute of wealle affected men ; but lyckewayes, not seldome did
thes comittye men (who had the power of giving out qwarters of souldiours
in the shyres), overburthen ther enemyes by numerouse and long lying
qwarters; and failed not, when occasion could offer itselfe commodiously,
for to cause plunder ther enemyes as oftne as armed partyes wer upon ther
marches near thes places where ther private enemyes dwellings or lands
wer. By such actes as thes the comittyes of the shyres were hurtfull to
ther enemyes, not only publicke but privat, and evne formidable to ther
freendes ; and evry comittye man was a petty tyrrant, so that vou wold
have thought Scottland not parted amongst thirty tyrrants, but amongst
some hundreths of oppressors, and not a corner of the laund free.
Politicians observe, that it is better to be exposed to the irrationall op-
pressive actes of one tyrrant then of many, seing that one man cannot,
though he wold, nor dare not, oppresse so universally as a multitude ; and
therfor argwe that monarchy, though degenerat into tyrranny, is better
then aristocracye. The kyngdome of Scottland, by sadd experience, found
this observatione true in the tymes that the comittyes ruled ; and too late
begane to fynd out by experience what chaines they had been wreathing
19G
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1040. about ther owne neckes. Nor stoode it at comittyes ; for thes new judica-
toryes did proceed to create other thinges which they called subcomittyes,
upon whom they devolved ther power, in pairt or in whole, as they pleased.
It wer longsome to speak of their inforinalityes, and tumultuarye, and
confusd, and factiouse, and oftne irrationall procedurs, and it may be little
pleasing to, and lesse believed by the reader ; to whom, once for all, lett it
suffice in this place to have givne an accomt of these manifold generations
of delegations begetting one another, as farr as to a fourth remove from a
Parliament.
Captain Ar- IX. Thes comittyes could not be gottne sett upon foote vigorously at
thur Forbes' Aberdeen, till Munroe brought his regiment thither for a ffwarde : of
rharacter. . . . .
whom it is now tyme to give yow some account. For he, being come thither,
and his regiment settled in ther qwarters, spent not the tyme idly : Ther-
for one of his first actions was his publishing orders at all parosh churches
within his divisione,- reqwyring all concerned, against a day appoynted, for
to muster at Aberdeen as many troopers, weall armed and mounted, as
might macke upp ane sufficient horse troope, under paine of being reputed
dissaffected to the good cause, and esteemed as enemyes. The proportions
of the severall heritors was cast upp by the comittye of the shyre, who now
beganne to say ther lesson as the graund comittye had taught them, and out
doing them too; for they beganne from this tyme ford wards for to laye
heavy burthens upon the anti- Covenanters shoulders, who wer glade to
contribute as if freends, yet wer held as enemyes, and all ther obedience
looked upon as compelld ; wherin the comittye was not mistackne. In a
shorte tyme, Monroe had ane horse troope mustered, and putt under the
command of one Arthur Forbesse ; who, though he wer none of the wysest
nor best commanders, yet his father, Mr. John Forbesse, sometymes mi-
nister at Alfurd, his sufferinge banishment in King James the Sixths tyme
for opposing Episcopacye, and his sonne Arthurs being seised upon at sea,
anno 1639, and castne for some tyme into prisone, at Newgate, in Lon-
done, by the Kings warrant, was sufficient recommendatione to preferre
him ; albeit the event wer not answerable. For he and his troope performed
no service considerable, only they burthend the countrey for a tyme ; and
befor summer was spent, having been ordered to waite upon Monroe in his
expedition to Strabogye, without order the captaine and his troope fell to
robbe the countrey, or rather to steale away a number of the Straboggye
mens cowes, and other bestiall; which was so displeasing to Monroe (though
Ch. XL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
197
the comittye of the shyre wold have tackne it for good service), that For- A. D. 1640.
besse was putt out of credite by it, and his troope brockne and reduced; he
and they having been nothing else but a laughing stocke for some tyme in
the countrey about/1)
X. The indignation that the Covenanters carryd to some of the Aber- Indignation of
deens men (whom they looked upon as the leading men of that cittye), ^ ^ ^"tant~
was so very greate, and nothing abated by the dayly clamours against thera the Aber-
of ther newly proselytted cocittizens, that the comittye of estates gave deen s raen-
warrant to Munroe to seize upon the cheif men of the towne, and to carrye
them prisoners to Edinburghe. They wer nine in number* who were laide
hold upon, and carryd to Edinburgh, under sure gwarde ; wher they laie
for some space therafter under arrest, till either they worought ther free-
dom by moyen, or specially by payment of summes of money to the pub-
licke :('2) for most of them who were seized upon wer reputed the richest
cittizens of Aberdeen.
XI. And, because ther was none in the precinct neir Aberdeen who Munroe be-
stood out but Sir Alexander Irvin of Drumme, who had garrisond his house ^sc* *j!e
of Drumme with men and ammunition sufficient to endure a siedge, therfor Drum.
Munroes next worke was to reduce it to obedience. Thither he marched,
June second, with his whole regiment, and commanded party of Aberdeens June 2.
men (who, if they could have shunned it, had little mynde to the service).
The castell of Drumme, not strong by nature, and scarcely fencible eneuch
at that tyme by arte, was at that tyme defended by a gentlman, one of
Drumms freends, in the absence of Druram himselfe, and held out but few
dayes ; for after the exchaunge of some few shottes of harqwebuses of
crocke, and of feeld peces and small shotte upon either syde, and with the
losse of very few souldiours to Monroe, and of none to thes who wer within,
(0 [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub. vol. i., pp. 222—223.]
* Viz. Mr. Thomas Gray ; George Jonston, baillie ; William Petrye ; George Morri-
sone; George Cullen ; Mr Alexander Reade. [According to Spalding, their names were
Thomas Nicolsone ; George Johnstoun ; George Morison ; George Jamieson ; George
Gordon ; Robert Forbes alias Dobrie ; Mr Alexander Reid ; David Rickart, and William
Pettrie. Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 212.]
(2) [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 213, 268. " Thomas Nicolson was fyned
in 2000 merks ; George Johnstoun, 1000 pounds; Robert Forbes, 1000 pounds; David
Rickart, 1000 merks ; William Pettrie, 1000 merks ; George Morison, 1000 merks ; George
Gordon, 1000 merks; George Jamieson by moyan wan free, and payed no fyne. Mr.
Alexander Reid be means of the earle of Marr was translaited to Strivling, there to remaine
in waird whyle he payed 2000 merks, syne gott libertie."]
198
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. the castell was rendered to Munroe, and all the armes therin ; and thes
who wer within had leave to begone wher they pleased/1)
The house of Drumme was garrisond, and continowed a garrison till the
peace, or very neer to the tyme of the King's comming to Scottland, being
much defaced during that tyme, and the laundes about it roughly handled.
But this was but the beginning of the sufferings of that loyall family, who
to the very last wer either active or passive for the Kinge.
Mr. John XII. Nor did the Covenanters enmitye confyne itselfe upon Drumm
sulftring-S alone, but the minister of the place, Mr Johne Gregorye, must have a share
in suffering. He was knowne to be of principalis opposite to the Cove-
nante ; but ther was a worse indytment to lay to his charge : he was tackne
notice of as a riche man (having been heire by his wyfe(2) to a very consider-
(1) [" The second of June, the drum goes throw Aberdein, chargeing the haill inhabi-
tants incontenent to bring to the tolbuith the haill spaids, shools, mattocks, mells, barrows,
picks, gavellocks, and such like instruments within the town, meitt for undermyneing ;
whilk was shortly done. Thereafter, Monro took up ane new muster of his own souldiers,
and of the town's men also, warned be touk of drum, in the links. He directs before him
four pot peices, then goes to array, and takes about one hundred and fyftie of the bravest
men of Aberdein, (sore against their wills,) and mixes in amongst his men. He caused
carrie also the instruments for undermyning foresaid ; and, upon the said second of June,
began about ten hours at even to march towards the place of Drum, and encamps hard be-
syde. The laird was not at home, but his lady with some prettie men was within the
house, whilk was weill furnished with ammunition and all provision necessar for defence of
this strong house. How soon Monro and Marischall came within distance and shott of
muskett, they shott as off the house two of Monro's men dead, whilk they beheld. Then
Marischall and Monro direct frae the camp to the house ane summonds, chargeing them to
render and give over the house. Wherupon the lady craved some short space to be ad-
vysed, whilk was granted. After advyscment she craved some time to advertise her hus-
band, whilk was also granted, frae that night at evin being Wednesday about six hours at
night, to the morne Thursday at six hours at evin. In the mean time of this parley,
Marischall rydes frae the camp to Dunnotter. The lady, upon her own good considera-
tions, within this time renders up the castle to Monro, (Marischall being absent,) and deli-
vers him the keys, upon condition that her souldiers should go out with their armes, bag
and baggage, saiffe and frie, and that herselfe, with her childrein and some servant woemen,
should have their libertie to remaine within ane chamber of the place. Whilk conditions
were granted, and Monro mans the castle, leaves ane commander with 40 souldiers to
keep the samen, and to live upon the provision alreadie provyded ; and, when that was done
to live upon the laird's rents, so long as they stayed ther ; and the lady to send the laird in
to Monro. Many marvelled that this strong weill provyded house should have been so
soon rendered without shott of pott peice or any danger. Allwayes, Monro upon Friday
the 5th of June leaves Drum, and returnes back triumphantly to Aberdein, wher the earle
Marischall mett him ; and that samen night about 6 hours at even they heard sermon, and
gave thanks to God for the intakeing of this strong house with so little skaith. Thir
souldiers lay in the place, frae the foresaid 5th of June to the 5th of September nixt, upon
the laird's great charges and expenssis." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 209, 210.]
(2) [Janet, daughter of David Anderson of Finzeauch, commonly called, from his great
skill in mechanics, Davie Do a thing. See The Book of Bon- Accord, pp. 279, 280.]
Ch. XIV.
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
199
able estate, which fell to her by her father, a riche cittizen of Aberdeen). A. D. 1G40.
This was cryme eneuch ; therfore he must be seized upon by Monroe, and
[not] lett goe till he payd a round summe for a quietus est.W Yet all this
was but the begining of that reverend divynes sufferings, who was knowne
to all, and acknowledged by his enerayes, both piouse and learned.
XIII. About this tyme lyckewayes, after his returne from Drum, Monroe Sir Alexander
beganne to tacke course with other anti- Covenanters. Two gentlemen were Q^™ing of
aimed at and fyned by him ; yet neither of them either the richest or the
most opposite by ther actings. The one was Sir Alexander Cumming of
Culter, who dwelt not farr from Drumm ; a gentleman whoise meanes and
estate held no proportion with his old descent, which made him capable
of far greater estate then any that he possessd. Yet he must compounded2)
XIV. The other was Alexander Vdny of Ochter Ellon, a gentleman of Udney of
ane harmelesse and innocent carriadge : But both of them wer anti-Cove- Ochterellon ;
P Sir Alexander
nanters, and ther Covenanting neighbours, the Forbesses and Frasers, Irvine of
lycked them not, and informed against them, (as they did mostly against pnJd Irvt'"e
all who suffered at that tyme ;) and therfor they must suffer .(3) gir John GoV-
The laird Drumm, Sir Alexander Irvin, and his brother, Robert Irvin don of Haddo ;
of Fedderett, and Sir Johne Gordon of Haddo, were carryd south prisoners RogS ' imn;ster
to Edinburgh, and ther first imprisoned and then fyned. And Mr. Johne atBirse; Con-
Rosse, minister at Birse, being looked upon as a riche man, and ane anti- de^.^gjj.
Covenanter, was no better used, for he was lyckewayes fyned : yet this was George Gor-
but the beginning of his sufferings.^) Jjjj A®gJ|'
Ther were two in Angusse who were not so weildy to be gonne as some tye.
(1) [" Upon the second day of June, Mr. John Gregorie, minister at Drumoak, was
brought in to Monro be ane pairtie of souldiers ; he was taken out of his naked bed upon
the night, and his house pitiefully plundered. He was closely keeped in skipper Anderson's
house, haveing five musketeirs watching him day and night, and sustained upon his own ex-
penssis. None, no not his own wife, could have privat conference with him, so straitly was
he watched. At last, he is fyned to pay major-generall Monro 1000 merks for his out-
standing against the covenant, and syne gatt libertie to goe : but in the generall assembly
holden in July, he was nevertheless simpliciter deprived, because he would not subscrive the
covenant ; and when all was done, he is forced to yeild and come in and subscrive, as ye
have hereafter." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 208, 209.]
(2) ["The laird of Culter was fyned in 300 merks." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol-
i., p. 213.]
(3) [The laird of Auchterellon was fined in a thousand merks. Ibid.]
(4) [<« Monro leaves 700 souldiers quartered in Aberdeen, and he goes south himselfe,
haveing in his company the lairds of Drum, Haddo, Fedderet, Hilltoun, and Mr. John Ross,
minister at Brass. He presents them to the Tables at Edinburgh. They are all wairded
in the tolbuith, and for their loyaltie to the King, are fyned, viz. the laird Drum 10,000
200
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. others were ; ther age had arrested them, but could not secur them. That
was The Constable of Dundee, and Sir George Gordone of Gight, elder,
commonly called Ardestye. Thes wer made prisoners and carryd to
Edinburgh. Sir George Gordon quickly therafter dyed,0) either through
age, or greefe, or bothe together. He was popish to his professione ; that
was eneuch of indytment against him.
A mine sprung XV. The Constable his sonne was one of thes who commanded in Edin-
in the castle of Duro.h castell, under Ruthven, as I told befor : That made him suspected ;
Edinburgh ; to ' ..
and the breach and he was a profest anti- Covenanter to boote. Yet this terrify d not the
stormed; but castellans, nor a poulder myne sprung under the fore-bastione of the castell,
the assailants , . , t-> •
repulsed. called the Spurr, (since tackne away by the Englishes). It blew upp the
north east syde therof, at least a pairt of that side, as muche as made a
considerable breache for assailants to enter at ; but it proved uselesse, for
Ruthven was advertished of the tyme that the myne was to be fyred. His
intelligence was from an incognito ; the waye of advertishment was by a
paper rolled about an arrow, and shott into the castell yarde. The arrow
alighting was challendged by the centinell and tackne upp, and paper and
all brought to the generall, who founde the intelligence trwe by the event,
and taught his souldiours how to shunne the blow. But the myne once
beinge sprunge, when collonell Blaire, with the Edinburgh infantrye, the
beseidgers, offered to storme the breache, Ruthven repulsd them with
slaughter and confusione, about twenty or thirty being killed of the be-
seidgers, and many fewer to the castellans. This was the first and last
myne and storme that the beseiged did endure, till after that the cas-
tel was rendered ; of which in its owne place. In this interim, Argylle
was playing rex in the Highlands ; yow have heard ane short accompt of
his expeditione already. I returne to Monroe.
Munro re- XVI. By the thirteenth of June he was settled againe in Aberdeen ;
turns to Aber- an(j now faus ^0 exacte another imposte of the cittye. That behoved to bee
June 13. no lesse then ten thousand pounds Scottish, with shoes, and other necessairs
for his souldiours, to provyde them for a marche.OO Ther was little
merks, Fedderet 4U00 merks, Haddo 2000 merks, Hiltoun by moyan wan frie, and Mr. John
Ross 3000 merks ; but whether taken up or componed 1 cannot tell." Spalding, Hist,
of Troub., vol. i., p. 214.]
(0 [On the seventeenth of November, 1640. Id., vol. i., p. 268.]
(•2) [« Major Monro upon the 13th of June, received from the town of Aberdein 5000
pounds for their tenths and twentyeths, to sustain his souldiers upon, and other 5000 pounds
be virtue of the generall band, with 1200 pairs of shoes and 3000 ells of hardin to be his
Ch. XVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
201
trouble in exacting of this ; it was but aske and have, as long as it was A. D. 1640.
in the cittizens purses ; and the covenanting magistratts readily, in name of
the citty of Aberdeen, yeelded to his demaundes, without asking the townes
consent, who they knew durst not deneye.
XVII. Much about this tyme, George Lord Gordone having been George Lord
directed to Scottland by his father, the Marquesse of Huntlye (who made Gordon lands
« on the co£ist
his aboade at court all this whyle), for gathering upp some of his rents 0f The Enzie.
and revenwes, had come unexpected by the Covenanters by sea, and
launded upon the coaste of The Einzie, a countrey belonging to his father,
the Marquesse of Huntlye, and there made such hast and came such speed,
that befor they could seize upon him, the Lord Gordon had shipped againe
at Banfe, a sea towne within eight myles of The iEingie. To the toune
of Banfe he came with a convey, and ther lay upon his gwarde till the
shipp was ready to hoyse saile. Munroe was advertished of all his motiones
by the townesmen of Banfe, mostly Covenanters ; but Gordon gott to
sea, and by the favour of a prosperouse wynde, was quickly befor Aber-
deen. Munroe, since he had missed him at laund, resolves to catche
Gordon at sea ; and to that ende seizes a townes vessell, and manns her
with a commanded pairty of musketeers, who, though they did what they
could for to fetche the frigatt wher the Lord Gordon was, yet ther labour
was lost, and Gordon gott cleare off to seawarde of the persewers, and,
after few dayes, safe to England to his father Huntlye.
XVIII. Munroe was now looking towards Strabogye, which he re- Munro, on his
solved must be his summer qwarter for a whyle. Yet ere he goe thither, wav. to Stratn-
such as wer in his way, and knowne to be anti-Covenanters, they must dered the"
beare him a lashe. Therefor, June twenty-seventh, a pairty of two hundreth nouse of
of his men are directed to the house of Patricke Wrqwhar of Lethintye, LeXenty, son-
which is scitwated within twelve myles of Aberdeen. Himself an anti- in-law to Air-
Covenanter (who spared never his invectives against the Covenanters, yet oTcul^nTond"-
did them little other harme), fledd, but his house sowndly plundered ; and the Forbesses
yow may be sure that his being sonne in law to the earle of Airlye, was no hls directors*
argument for to purchase him kyndnesse amongst the Covenanters. How- June
ever, this was not the last hurt that himselfe and his house sustained. In
souldiers' shoes and shirts. Marischall, at this samen time, took up frae them also 40,000
pounds of fynes. Thus, is this noble burgh, but ane king, but any law, wracked in their
persons, goods and gear, for their loyaltie to their king ; and all the rest of the burrows
liveing in peace." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 214.
" At this same werey time that Argyle wes scurging the heighlanders, Colonell Robert
2 c
202
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. the way to Strabogye, laye Newtown e of Culsalmond, belonging to George
Gordone, laird of the place. His house lyckewayes at this time was rifled
(worse used afterwardes), it was suspected by the instigatione of Sir
William Forbesse of Cragivarr, an active gentleman who stoode for
the Covenanted1) and Newtons enemye : If it wer so or not, I deter-
Monro was commandit north, with the tytle of Maior Generall, and with him a thousand
footte ; bot quhen he cam to Aberdeine, he was recrutted with ane addition of 500 footte
more, and tuo troupes of horsse, commandit by Capitane Forbesse. His first exployt was
the apprehend of 26 citicens of Aberdeine, that wold not subscriue the couenant ; thesse he
sent prissoners to Edinbrughe, wnder a gaurde, quher they wer all shutte wpe in closse
prissone ; then tooke he the housse of Drum, and sent the Laird therof, and his brother
Robert, bothe prissoners to Edinbrughe. Therafter he tooke 15 or 16 barrons and gentle-
men, that wold not subscriue the couenant, and sent them wnder sure guardes prissoners to
Edinbrughe, to be taught by the committee of estaites to speake ther auen countrey lan-
guage. Monro manteind his armey one thesse gentlemens estaites ; and for the superplus of
the samen, he was compteable to the committee of estaites at Edinbrughe." Balfour's An-
nates, vol. ii., p. 381.
In speaking of the " auen countrey language" of these Aberdeenshire loyalists, Sir James
Balfour alludes to the well-known Scotish adage, " He's an Aberdeen man, he'll tak his
word again." Henderson's Scotish Proverbs, p. 119. Edinb. 1832. " I do not know the
original of this Proverb," says Kelly, " the people of that city say, that we mistake it ;
that it had its rise from a Merchant in Dantzick, who having been never cheated by an
Aberdeen's Man, said that he would take an Aberdeen's Man's Word again ; but in the
mean time, we may apply it to them who deny what they have said." Complete Collection of
Scotish Proverbs, p. 151. Lond. 1751. There can be no doubt that the adage was designed
to convey reproach ; the records of the city show that, in the seventeenth century, a person
was fined for quoting it : "2 June, 1606. Leyth, Donaldson, convict. The quhilk day,
Malcome Leyth, mariner in Leyth, being accusit be Dauid Cargill, deane of gild, for pub-
lict sklandering of this burght, with the nichtbouris and inhabitantis thairoff, vpon the
peirheid and schoir of the same, this day, in calling thame dyouris, fals theiffis, they wer
Aberdens men, they wald tak thair word agane : The said Malcome, compearand per-
sonallie, grantit and confessit that he vttered and spak the saidis wordis, alleging he spak
thame nocht of malice, but in mowis : For quhilkis he wes convict and put in amerciament
of court, and wes chargit to find cautioun to satisfie for the former wordis, according to the
modeficatioun of the consall. According to the quhilk, William Leyth becom cautioun for
the said Malcom to the effect forsaid, and he actit him to releive his cautionar. Siclyk,
Alexander Donaldsoun wes convict for giving ane cuff to the said Malcom Leyth." Aber-
deen Council Register, vol. xlii., p. 742.]
(0 [" This gentleman, affected by the epidemical madness of the period, rashly engaged
in the cause of the covenanters, and was for some time an active promoter of their
measures ; but from the violence of their proceedings, and their disregard to every sober
principle, he foresaw what must be the consequence. Having withdrawn from their coun-
cils, he collected all the money he could and intended to have gone to the king ; but the
party, who kept a strict eye over all those who seemed to draw back, found means to strip
him of his cash, for the public good; which was the pretext for all their oppressive
measures. This so much affected Sir William that he died soon after, of a broken heart.
I was happy to have an anecdote which does honour to the gentleman's memory, from so
good an author as the late Sir Arthur Forbes, his great grandson, whose veracity no man
ever doubted." F. Douglas' Description of the East Coast of Scotland, pp. 224, 225, note.
Paisley, 1782.]
Ch. XX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
203
mine nothing certainlye. The little courtesye shewed to George Gordone A- D. 1640.
of Newtone (who was, by his mother, a Forbesse, neerly related to some of
the best of that surname,) was but of ane ill portent and significatione of
any qwarter that most part of Huntlyes freendes might expect ; for the
Forbesses were the leading men of the committye, and for informatione
and direction in thinges of this nature, that concerned the suppressing
of the most dangerouse anti-Covenanters, Monroe was to tacke it from them
by the committye of estates order.
XIX. Meane whyle ther is an order published for sequestring the King's and
Kings and the bishopps rents for the use of the publicke. It was later j^h°Pt™^
practeesed in the north then in the south ; although the project by the com-
mittye of the estate eqwally concerned all the natione.
XX. The ministers must not be lesse active in the northe for to qwyett Mr. John For-
the churche then Monroe was to settle the countrey. They had been bussy ^Auchte^
pressing the Covenant this yeare de novo, with the Assemblys explana- less, turned
tione ; and now such ministers as refoosed it (wher the major pairt of the out; nis °P-
_ 1~ p "u Poser was
presbytrye wer Covenanters) must be exauctorated. One ot the first who Mr. Thomas
sufferrd this waye was Mr. Johne Forbesse, minister at Achterlesse, in Mitchell,
Aberdeens shyre, a bishopps sonne,0) and episcopall in his principalis : besyde Turriff,
this, he was hatefull to Mr. Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turreff, who now
tooke his advauntage, and turnes him out of his place. Yet did not all that,
nor twentye yeares suffering, and lying out of his ministrye, afterwardes,
under much hardshipp, ever compell him to comply in the least, or to
receed from his principles : a man to whom his most bitter enemyes could
object nothing but that he was non-Covenanter, otherwayes learnd, and re-
markable for austerity of lyfe and pietye ; a divyne who never did receede
from his conscience, though pressed hard with argumentum ah incommodoS2)
Mr. Thomas Mitchell, a popular man, who had chaingd with the tymes, to
keepe him out tooke no rest till, by the asistance of such as then com-
manded all thinges, he had filled Mr. Johne Forbesse his place with another
who wold be mor complyant. That was one Mr. Walter Hempseede, who
for some yeares had been Mr. Thomas his scoolemaster, whoise entrye was
(1) [He was the third son of Alexander Forbes, (a descendant of the house of Ardmurdo,)
who was bishop of Caithness from 1606 to 1615, and of Aberdeen from 1615 till his death
on the fourteenth of December, 1617. Lumsden's Genealogy of the Family of Forbes, p. 45.]
(2) [The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1645, issued an " ordinance to
the Presbytery of Turreff, for excommunicating M. John Forbes, sometime Minister at
Auchinles [Auchterles]." Records of the Kirk, p. 433.]
204
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
so much opposed by the parishoners of Ouchterlesse, that Mr. Thomas
Mitchell was faine to call for aide from brachium secvlare ; and to that ende
had a pairtye of musketteers lent him, by whoise asistaunce the doors of the
parish churche of Ochterlesse wer made patent, and the minister entred by
violence, the parishoners not daring to whisper at it. Mr. Johne Forbesse
houses and goodes wer made over to the intrant, and himselfe, for many
yeares afterward, frustrate of all payment of his debenturs as incumbent
ther : Yet, I cannot tell by what fatalitye, such as followd Mr. Johne For-
besse stayed ther but short tyme, that place having chaunged four ministers
within lesse then nineteen yeares after Mr. Johne Forbesse was drivne out,
three of them removed by deathe ; yet perhaps not for that cause.
XXI. Murray wold not be behynde Aberdeen ; therfor, such of the
ministry as refoosed the Covenant must lyckwayes follow them ; non mor
levelled at then Mr. Alexander Inness, minister at Rothemaye. He was
brother in law to Mr. John Maxwell, bishop of Rosse ; that was eneuch,
but he refoosed to tacke the Covenant, and anno 1639, had gone to Ber-
vicke to the King.O) Therfor, July first, he was turnd out of his place, and
in the following yeares exposd to many mor sufFerings(2) : yet happyer therin
then Mr. John Forbess, that his church, the very next yeare, 1641, was
(0 [Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 138.]
C2) [It appears from the register of the provincial synod of Murray, that, at a meeting
of that court, at Elgin on the fourth of February, 1640, " Mr. Alexander Innes,
minister at Rothimay being requyred to subscrive the Covenant, desyred tyme till the
morne to give his resolut ansuer : quhilk wes grantit." What that answer was does not
clearly appear : but it would seem not to have satisfied the synod, which, therefore, " vpone
some urgent and weightie consideratiounes, appoynted a visitatioune to be off the kirks of
Rothimay, Abercheirder, and Inverkeithny, upone Tuysday, Wednisday, and Thursday, the
25, 26, and 27 days of February instant," The following is the minute of the synod's
proceedings at Rothiemay : lt At the visitatioune of the kirk of Rothimay, according
to the appoyntment of the lait synod, holden at the said kirk of Rothimay, the 25 day of
February, 1640, be Mr. Williame Falconer, minister at Dyk, moderator of the assemblie,
and the remanent brethren and elders assembled at the said visitatioune for the tyme. Mr.
Alexander Innes, minister at the said kirk of Rothimay, taught on the 3 chapter off the
gospell of Luik, and 8 verse therof, it being his ordinarie text. . . The minister being
removed, the elders present ar desyred to hold up ther hands to God, and to sweare as
they should ansuer to God at the gryt day, to declair the treuthe in ewerie thing that
should be askit of them concerning ther minister ; quhilk they did solemnlie sweare to doe
but fead or favour. 1. Johne Fordyce, George Abirnethie, William Lemman, with the
rest of the elders, being particulate and severallie posit upone ther conscience quhat
they knew anent ther ministers lyf and conversatioune, ansuered, Nothing but guid,
that he lived weill and preached weill. 2. Being posit if he preached ordinarlie ewerie
Sabbothe, ansuered, He did at sick tymes as they could convenientlie convene. 3. Being
asked if he did cairfullie catechise his people, ansuered, He did. 4. Being asked if his
familie wes weill governed, ansuered, It wes, for any thing they knew. 5. If he visits the
A. D. 1640.
Mr. Alexan-
der Innes,
minister at
Rothiemay,
turned out ;
succeeded by
Mr. James
Gordon, our
Author.
July 1.
Ca. XXI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
205
planted with another, whom himself had named, and to whoise entrye he A. D. 1640.
gave his expresse consent ; one who was willing for to observe to Mr.
seik, ansuered, He did, quhen he wes desyred. Lastlie, They being asked in generall of
his lyff and conversatioune, and if ther wer any thing wherof they wold have him to be
admonished, ansuered, They knew no fault in his lyf and conversatioune. ...
" The minister, according to the reference of the lait provinciall assemblie at Elgine, the
4 of February, 1640, being desyred to give his ansuer anent the subscrywing of the Covenant,
ansuered, That, since the last Generall Assembly, holden at Edinburgh, Agust 22, 1639,
he had giwen obedience to the constitutions of the kirk of Scotland, and wes willing to
liwe as ane obedient sonne of the said churche ; but, for the Covenant, that he wes not
yet fullie resolved to subscryve the same ; that yet he had some doubts to be resolved of,
quhairin he would conferr with Mr. William Falconer [minister at Dyke], Mr. Gavin
Dunbar [minister at Alves], and Mr. Johne Annand [minister first at Dunbennan, after-
wards at Inverness], in the afternoone ; and therfoir maist earnestlie desyred, that he might
have tyme till the morne to giwe his resolute ansuer at the visitatioune off the kirk of
Abercheirdar.
" Being asked be the moderator, If, after the last assemblie, holden at Elgine, he had
conversit with Mr. Johne Guthrie, sometyme bischop of Murray, now excommunicat, said,
He did ; that he was in Spynie with him thrie nights. Being asked, Why he came not
home to his owne chairge, ansuered, He was seik on Saturday, and therfoir could not
trawell. Being asked, Whome he heard preache that Sabbathe, ansuered, He heard Mr.
Johne Guthrie, lait bischop, preach in the cheppell of Spynie. Being accusit for venting
some taunting and disdainfull speiches in Spynie, in derision of what had past at the said
assemblie, denyed the same."
The record of the visitation of the kirk of Aberchirder, on the 26th February bears,
that " Mr. Alexander Innes being this day requyred de novo to give his resolut answer,
ansuered, That he was not yet fullie resolved, and therfoir requyred some longer tyme for
resolutione. The brethren finding him to postpone them be delayes, yet being in some
hoip to gaine him, or at least to mak him altogether inexcusable, after mature deliberatioune,
haive continewed any sentence against him to the next sub-synod, to be holden at Elgine
the 5 of Marche."
He failed to attend that assembly, and " excused himself by his letter, by reasone of the
grytnesse of the storme. He is ordained to compeir at the nixt sub-synod at Elgine, the
15 of Apryll, 1640."
On that day, Innes " compeired, and being asked quhat he now resolved to doe anent the
subscryving of the Covenant and Confession of Faythe, now receeived and professed with-
in the kirk of Scotland, alleged he had yet the samen scruples and doubts qnhilk he had
befoir, and wes not yet resolved to subscryve the samen, and therefoir requyred tyme to the
nixt Generall Assemblie to be advised of his doubts. The sub-synod, notwithstanding the
certificat of the former acts, visitatioune of Abircheirdar, sess. 2a, that they may mak the
said Mr. Alexander Innes the more inexcusable, after matur deliberatioune, have remitted
him back to his awne presbiterie of Strathbogie, to be dealt with be them, and to be pro-
cessit in caice he continew obstinat."
In the sub-synod of Murray, held at Forres on the third of June, 1640, " The moderator
of the presbitrie of Strathbogie reported that Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothimay,
had done nothing anent the subscryving of the Covenant and Confessione of Faythe, but
onlie requyred a tyme till the nixt Generall Assemblie, that frome the said Assemblie he
may haive resolutione of his doubts, and some doubtsome expressiones in the act of the
Generall Assemblie, Edinburgh, Agust 22, 1639, prefixed to the Covenant, might be
therein cleired, and thairfoir is referred to this sub-synod. The said Mr. Alexander Innes
compeired, and being asked quhat he wes now resolved to doe anent the subscriptione of the
Covenant and Confessione of Faythe, gave the same ansuer that he had formerlie giwen to
his awne presbiterie, requyring the same tyme as befoir.
•206
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. Alexander Innesse the common rule of aequitye of quod tibjjierj non vis ;
one who in the following yeares upon that selfe same very accompt that
" The said Mr. Alexander Innes being remowed, The sub-synod, after mature delibera-
tione, continewes the pronuncing of any sentence against him till the nixt sub-synod to be
holden at Klgine, 1 Julii, 1G40."
On that day Innes, although " thryse called, compeired not. Quhairfoir, in regard of his
obstinacie, he hawing declaired himself altogether refractar to the voyce and ordinances of
the kirk, he hawing frequentlie conversit with excommunicat persones, both in preeching
and prayer ; the sub-synod also considering that he had gotten lang tyme to be advysed,
and had many dyats fra tyme to tyme assigned him, in hoip to gain him ; finding now that
he is altogether averse from the present discipline established in the kirk of Scotland, and
maist unwilling to subscryve the Covenant : Thairfoir, after mature deliberatioune, the said
sub-synod, all in one voyce, have simpliciter depryved the said Mr. Alexander Innes frome
his ministeriall functione, and declaires him uncapable off the said functione, or any pairt
thairof, and declaires his plaice vacant ; and the said act of deprivatioune ordained to be
intimat in all the severall churches off the presbiterie."
It appears that there was presented to the provincial assembly or synod of Murray, held at
Forres, on the twenty-seventh of October, 1640, " ane earnest supplicatione frome the
parochiners of Rothimay, subscryved with a considerable number of the said parochine, in
favors of Mr. Alexander Innes, their lait minister, earnestlie desyring that he might be re-
poned againe to his owne place, to serve in Gods vyneyeard among them."
The record of the synod of Murray, held at Elgin on the fifth of October, 1641, bears
that, " the repentance and acceptatione of Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothimay,
were referred to the presbiterie of Strathbogie."
The registers of that court have not been accessible to the Editors. The extracts which
follow are from the records of the synod of Murray. 5 April, 1642. " Anent the letter
sent to the synod be Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothimay, excusing his absence
frome the assemblie, and humblie desyring that he may be referred back to his owne pres-
biterie ; and that any satisffactione may be injoyned quhairby he may give contentment to
the assemblie and them ; as also macking mentione of ane letter wreittin frome the com-
missioners of the Generall Assemblie attending the Parliament, in his favors to the
presbiterie of Strathbogie, and of ane supplicatioune giwen in be him to them ; and thair-
foir humblie desyring that, according to the discretione off the assemblie, they wold injoyne
him what he sail doe for giwing contentment; promissing such full satisfactione as his wit or
abilities is able to performe : Thairfoir, the assemblie, taking the caise off the said Mr.
Alexander Innes to their consideratioune, hawe referred him back to his owne presby terie, or-
daining them to cause him preache a penitentiall sermone in the kirk off Rothimay, the
brethren of the presbyterie, and the parochiners of Rothimay, being present ; and that they
designe him ane week day to preache ane uther penitentiall sermone in the kirk of Elgine,
quhair some of the uther presbyteries to be present upon advertisement, and the minister of
Elgine to get ty mouse notice heiroff, quhairby he may giwe dew advertisement to some off
the uther presbiteries to keip the dyat."
4 October, 1642. " Mr. Alexander Innes taught a penitentiall sermone upon the 14 Luc.
v. 16. After incalling off the holy name of God, the moderator asked the brethren of the
assembly how they wer satisffied with him in that quhilk they had heard. All declaired
themselves fullie satisfied with his doctrine, and praised God for him, wishing he had for-
merly beine of the mynd he now professed himself to be of. The said Mr Alexander also
promised faythfullie in verbo sacerdotis to stand to that whilk he had then delyvered, and
to defend and mantaine the samen privatlie and publickly untill his ly wes end. Quhairupon he
is recommendit back to his owne presbyterie, and they desyred to doe him all the furtherance
they can for his advancement to a plaice in Gods house, whow soone occasione may offer."
The registers of the synod, from April 1644 to April 1646, have not been preserved.
Among the unprinted acts of the Generall Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1646, is an
Ch. XXI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
207
turnd out Mr. Alexander Inness, did runne the hazard oftner then once A. D. 1640.
of beinge turnd out of that place, as weall as his predecesser had beene.
" Act ratifying M. Alex. Innes his deposition, with an Ordinance to the Presh. of Aber-
deen to proceed further against him." Records of the Kirk, p. 454. He was accord-
ingly excommunicated.
31 December, 1650. At a meeting at Elgin of " the commissione of the synod of
Murray, appointed for visitation of the severall presbyteries of the province," " A suppli-
catione was given in be Mr. Alexander Innes, a deposed excommunicate minister, bearing ane
humble confessione of the sinnes for quhilk he was sentenced, ane acknowledgement of the
equitie of the kirks procedour against him, and humblie supplicateing the commissiones con-
currence for his releasement. The commissione beinsr informed be the brethren of Stra-
bogie that he hath frequentlie supplicated them to the same purpose, and that they find hini
greatlie humbled, under the sense of the grievousnes of his guilt, and sadnes of his sen-
tence, did appoint Mr. William Falconer [at Moy and Dyke], William Clogie [at New
Spynie], Joseph Brodie [at Forres], Thomas Law [at Elgin], ministers, and Patrick Camp-
bell, ruleing elder, to conferr with him apart, and to report.
" Eodem die a meridie, sess. Inda. Mr. William Falconer, in name of the brethren ap-
pointed to conferr with Mr. Alexander Innes, reported, that after they had posed him particu-
larlie upon his severall transgressiones for quhilk he was deposed and excommunicate, and
also upon his judgement of the present governement of the kirk of Scotland, they found
satisfactione anent his judgement and humiliatione. The commissione, upon consideratione
heirof, did ordaine him to be recommended to the commissione of the kirk be letter, because
be them he was sentenced."
7 May, 1656. At a meeting of the synod of Murray, " A petitione was presented be Mr.
George Hannay, sometyme minister at Alves, humblie supplicating that in regard the
General Assemblie hath not now the freedome of her meittings, the synod would, in con-
sideratione of his conditione, haveing stood these nyne yeares and above, deposed from
the ministeriall office, open his mouth again to exercise his gift in publict preaching. The
lik petitione was presented be Mr. Richard Meitland, and another be Mr. Alexander Innes, to
that same purpose, they being in that same conditione. All being read, and they removed,
the synode did appoint a committee to heare themselves, and tak inspectione of their pro-
cedour in order to their satisfactione, according to the order prescribed be the Generall As-
semblie anent the satisfactione of deposed ministers."
16 July, 1656. " A supplicatione was read, given in be Mr. Alexander Innes, sometyme
minister at Rothemay, humblie supplicateing the synode to open his mouth again to preach
the Gospell : But because he had no instructiones in writte to cleare the processe of his re-
laxatione from excornmunicatione, under which sentence he did ly for a tyme, for his actuall
joyneing in armes with the enemies of this kirk and kingdome, his supplicatione was put
b::ck till he cleare the foresaid processe."
6 April, 1657. " The synode, anent Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothemay,
his supplicatione for opening his mouth to preach the Gospell, finding, upon grave considera.
tiones, that it was not convenient at this tyme to answer the same, did referr him therwith
to the nixt synode, or to the Generall Assemblie, if their sail occurr one betwixt and the
nixt synode."
6 October, 1657. " The synode taking to consideratione the supplicatione of Mr. Alex-
ander Innes, late minister at Rothemay (referred be the last synode to this), did recommend
him to the presbyterie of Strabogie, to heare him in foure sermones before their presby-
terie, in the kirk where they sail meitt for the tyme, that so he may have occasione the
further to evidence his repentance for his grosse fall ; and if they receave not satisffactione
in the first sermone, that they proceid no further ; bot if they be satisfied with the first, that
they proceid to heare him the rest of the days to the number of foure, and mak report of all
to the nixt synode."
6 April, 1658. " After incalling the name of God, Mr. Alexander Innes entered his sup-
208
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. I). 1640. XXII. Who will be pleased to taeke notice of the greate devastatione
Deith of Dr Aberdeen in thes tymes by the extinguishing of ther lights of
William For-
bes: Dr. Wil- plication, beareing a humble acknowledgment of his deepe guilt, for which he was justlie
liam Gordon; deposed from the calling of the ministerie, and petitioning the opening of his mouth to
preach the Gospell. He, moreover, exhibited ane extract of ane act of the presbytery of
Strathbogie, beareing date at Botarie, 31 Martij, 1658, proporting that the said day, the
said Mr. Alexander hade preached on Jude twenty-three, in which sermon, as in his former
two sermons he hade preached before the said presbyterie by appointment of the synode,
he had given satisfactione to, and was approven in, by all the brethren, and recommended to
this present assemblie. The said Mr. Alexander being removed, the assemblie ordained
the answer to his supplicatione to be delayed untill the next assemblie, and that a letter
from this assemblie be directed to the presbyterie of Edinburgh, for advise in this matter,
which letter is to be drawin up by the moderator, Mr. Murdo M'Kenzie [minister at Elgin],
Mr. Robert Tod [minister at Rothes], Mr. Harrie Forbes [minister at Auldearn], and the
Lord Brodie, in which is to be inclosed a double of the act of the said Mr. Alexander his
deposition, and to proport the humble manner of his frequent addresses, with the humble
confessions of his grievous guilt, and the justnesse of the sentence of his deposition. Mr.
Alexander being called in, the appointment of the assemblie was reported to him, where-
unto he humblie submitted."
4 October, 1659. " Mr. Alexander Innes, sometime minister at Rothiemay, entred his
supplication, humblie acknowledging his great guilt, as sundrey tymes he hade done for-
merlie befor the synod, and petitioning that his mouth may be opened to preach the Gos-
pell : In consideration wherof, report was made, that according to the appointment of the
synode, in Apryl, 165F, Mr. William Falconer, then moderator, hade written to the pres-
byterie of Edinburgh, for advise anent the said Mr. Alexander Innes his addresses to the
synode, and concerning his frequent petitioning for libertie to preach the Gospell, and hade
receaved ane answer, under the hand of Mr. George Hutchieson, moderator of the said
presbyterie, which being exhibited and reade in the assemblie, it was ordained to be insert
in the synod book, the tenor wherof followeth :
" ' Reverend and weilbeloved brother, haueing receaved your letter craveing our advice
what shall be the carriage of your synod toward that man, who, after so sad and foul relapses,
craves to have his mouth opened, and haueing once and againe considered upon the matter,
Wee doe conceive that it is not expedient to grant such a desire, which wee apprehend is
(on just grounds), liable to so manie exceptions. Nor doe wee apprehend anie necessitie of
granting therof in reference to the end proposed by the supplicant, seeing there are manie
other means wherby to testifie the truth of his repentance to the edification of others. Wee
shall not trouble you with addeing anie reasons of this our advice, perceiveing by your letter,
and state of the case propounded therin, that yourselves doe ponder the most of them. And
therfor recommending you and the Lords work in your hands to his blessing, wee rest your
loveing brethren in the Lord, the presbyterie of Edinburgh, and in our name,
*• ' George Hctchieson, moderator pro tempore.
" ' Edinburgh, July 28, 1658.'
" ' Direct, For our Reverend and weilbeloved brother Mr. William Falconer Minister at
Dyke.'
" The said letter being throwlie considered, and after some time spent upon debateing the
matter, the synode ordaines that another letter like unto the former be drawn up by the
moderator, beareing the particulars mentioned in the former letter, and enquireing the reve-
rend presbyterie of Edinburgh, whither they meant in ther letter, which is above written,
that Mr. Alexander Innes, in respect of his former guilt and sad relaps therin, sould be
declared utterlie incapable of haveing his mouth ever opened to preach the Gospell, and that
the said letter be read in the assemblie befor the dissolveing therof, and being approven by
the synode, may be signed and sent to the said presbyterie of Edinburgh, with the first
conveniencie."
Ch. XXII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
209
learning, wold thinke that the tyme was approaching that darknesse and A. D. 1640.
ignorance should tacke upp ther possessione ther. Dr. William Forbesse Dr. Alexan-
ther minister, that most learnd and piouse divyne, was gone to Edinburgh, der Ross ;
and deade ther :(0 Dr. William Gordon, professor of medicine, deade j^^1'^",
this yeare in the spring :('2) Dr. Alexander Rosse, one of the ministers of lessor of ma-
the towne, deade lyckwayes about this tyme.(3> Thes wer followed by Dr. TheMarThal
William Johnstone, professor of the mathematicke in The Colledge Maris- College,
chall of New Aberdeene, a gentlman who, in his younger yeares, had
been bredd in Spaine, and professed philosophy in the chaire of Nemause
in Fraunce, weall seen both in the mathematickes and medicine. He dyed
" 3 April, 1 660. Thair was ane humble supplicatione, presentted to the assemblie be Mr.
Alexander Innes, depoised minister, beseeching the assemblie to open his mouth as ane ex-
pectant. The said Alexander Innes being removed ; after much debaitt and serious consi-
deratione of the supplicant his long deserved continovance wnder the sadd sentence of de-
positione, and his addresses from synod to synod for many years, wherin he gave reall evi-
dence of much sence of his gross faults, and sorrow for the same, haveing also exhibit testi-
monialls of his humble and Christian carriage from the presbytery wher he has rescided
these dy verse years bygone, in consideratione quherof, and of his present bodilie infirmities
through old age, and his werie earnest desyre to have his mouth opened for glorifieing of
God, as he shall have a lawfull call, the synod, by a woitt, have granted the opening of his
mouth to preach the Gospell as ane expectant, and appoynts the extract of this act to be
given him.'']
(0 [ On the twelfth of April, 1634. He died suddenly, says Spalding, " after takeing of
some physick, sitting in his own chair : a matchless man of learning, languages, utterance,
and delivery, ane peerless preacher, of ane grave and godly conversation, being about the
age of forty-four yeirs." Hist, of Troub. vol. i., p. 24.]
(2) [On the tenth of March, 1640.]
(3) On the eleventh of August, 1639. Dr. Rosse was the son of James Rosse, minister
at Strachan in the Mearns, afterwards in the parish church of St. Nicholas in Aberdeen.
He himself was, in 1631, translated from the parochial cure of Insch, in The Garioch, to the
chapel of St. Clement, in Futtie, near Aberdeen ; and was, in 1636, preferred to St. Nicho-
las' Church in Aberdeen. He was, says Spalding, a " learned divyne, weill beloved of his
flock and people whyle he was on life, and after he was dead, heaviely regraited." Hist, of
Troub., vol. i., p. 167. He is the author of " A Consolatorie Sermon, Preached vpon the
death of the R. R. Father in God, Patricke Forbes, Late Bishop of Aberdeene ; By Alex-
ander Rosse, Doctor of Divinitie, and minister of the Evangell in Aberdene, in Saynct
Nicolas Church there, Anno 1635. the xv. of Aprill," printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls,
pp. 149 — 178. He has been confounded with another divine of the same name, Alexander
Ross, chaplain in ordinary to King Charles the First, and master of the free school of
Southampton, a voluminous writer, who is now perhaps most generally known from the lines
of Butler :
" There was an ancient sage philosopher
That had read Alexander Ross over,
And swore the world, as he cou'd prove,
Was made of fighting and of love."
Hudibras, part i., cant, ii., v. 1 — 4.
2 D
210
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
June fourteenth, before the sixtiethO) yeare of his age, suffocate with a
squinance, a disease to which he was much subjecte, being a corpulent
man, and a sanguinean : he was tackne awaye to the greate greefe of
his freends and acqwayntance.(2) In anno 1639, lyckwayes, Dr. Barron,
the learnd professor of divinitye in Marishall Colledge, and minister of
the towne, had dyed at Bervicke ; and the rest of thes learned divynes
who outlived ther colleagwes, wer, this yeare, 1640, within few weekes
after the death of Dr. William Johnstone, drivne out of ther stations by
the Generall Assembly that satte downe in Aberdeen, July twenty-eighth,
of which mor in its own place; so that before harvest, 1640, all ther
great luminaryes of learning wer ecclipsed or clowded.
XXIII. Monroe, meanewhyle, having reduced all the countrey about
Aberdeen, marches fordwards, July fifth, to Straboggye, the cheife resi-
dence of the Marquesse of Huntly ; and, being come thither, he lyes
downe, with all his regiment, hard by Huntlyes castell, in a stronge
grownde, wher the two rivers of Doverne and Boggy meete, not half a
qwarter of a myle from Straboggy (or Huntlye) castell. The house
(0 [Dr. William Johnston was little more than fifty years of age at his death. His
e Ider brother was born in 1587.]
(2) [Dr. William Johnston, the younger brother of the better known Dr. Arthur John-
ston, was the sixth and youngest son of George Johnston of That Ilk, by his wife, Chris-
tian, daughter of William, seventh Lord Forbes. " He taught philosophy at the Universitj-
of Sedan, in Germany, and from thence, returning to his native country, was, anno 1626,
appointed the first Professor of Mathematics in the University of Marischal College, Aber-
deen, which chair he occupied until his death. ...He gave, anno 1632, to the Magistrates of
Aberdeen, 1000 merks Scots as a fund for the benefit of the poor. He also made presents
of books to the library of Marischall College." Genealogical Account of the Family of
Johnston, pp. 38, 39. Edin. 1832. 4to. It has been said that "he wrote on the Mathema-
ticks : his skill in the Latine was treuly Ciceronian." Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish
Writers, p. 114. He appears among the contributors to Bishop Forbes Funerals (pp. 346,
347) ; and panegyrical Latin verses by him are prefixed to Dr. Baron's Tetragonismum
Pseudographum, Aberd. 1631, and to other works. He was, says Sir Thomas Urquhart, "a
good poet in Latine, and a good mathematician acknowledged to be such (which was none
of his meanest praises) by Master Robert Gordon of Straloch, one of the ablest men of
Scotland in the mathematical faculties." Sir Thomas Urquhart's Tracts, p. 125. Edin.
1774. " Quantum uterque Iohnstonus, ejusdem uteri, ejusdem artis fratres, magnum
gentis, maximum sua? Ampliss. families decus, Mathesi profunda, quantum Poesi, & in
pangendis carminibus valeant, novistis. Arthubcs, Medicus Regius, & divinus Poeta
Elegias & Epigrammatis, quibus non solum sua? aetatis homines superat, verum antiquissi-
mos quosque aequat : Gdlielmds rei Herbarias, & Mathematum (quorum Professor meritis-
simus est) gloria cluit. De Gulielmo certe idem usurpare possumus, quod olim de Tito
Imperat. suavissimo dictum est, Delicia est huniara generis ; tanta est ejus comitas, tanta
urbanitas." A. Strachani Panegyricvs Inavgvralis, p. 22. See Dr. Irving's Lives of
Scotish Writers, vol. ii., pp. 39, 40\]
A. D. 1640.
June 14.
Munro
inarches to
Strathbogy.
July 5.
Ch. XXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
211
was made patent to him, and all the keyes delyvered ; yet, by his civilitye, A. D. 1640.
was preserved from being rifled or defaced, except some emblems and
imagerye, which looked somewhat popish and superstitiouse lycke ; and
therfor, by the industry of one captain James Wallace (one of Monroes
foote captaines), wer hewd and brocke downe off the frontispiece of the
house ;<l) but all the rest of the frontispeece, containing Huntlys scutcheon,
etc., was left untwoched, as it standes to this daye. The course that
Monroe tooke to lodge his souldiours, was by cutting down the woods, or
rather bushes of trees, next adjacent to the castell, which he caused his
souldiours build upp in hutts and lodges, not permitting his men to qwarter
in the countrey ; and then, for ther mantenance, he seized upon the Lord
Huntlyes girnell at that castell, parting the meall therof amongst his
souldiours, till it was spent.(2) Yet with great difficultye could he re-
straine them from breacking out and comitting insolencyes in the countrey,
howbeit not considerable ; and he was not wanting to punish such as wer
thus guiltye.
XXIV. Monroe had not so great trouble to protecte the countrey from Mi
lunro s men
his souldiours plunderings, as for to keepe them from mutiny ; for he had mutiny at
not stayd ther many weekes till all his souldiours rose in a generall mutinye, cattle driven
and did beate drumms and tacke armes. Yet Monroe and his officers wer away; brought
so vigilant, that upon the first alarum, himself running wher he saw the p^'ami re_
sturre greatest, and runing the first mutineer that he mett withall through deemed,
the body with a long sworde, the rest of the mutinneers wer quickly settled,
and by terror reduced to order againe. The reason of ther mutine I could
never ceirtanly learneX3)
(1) [The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1647j appointed "some Brethren
to visit the Idolatrous Monuments brought from the late Marques of Huntlies house."
Records of the Kirk, p. 482.]
(2) [" Comeing after this manner to Strathbogie, the first thing they entered to do was
hewing down the pleasant planting about Strathbogie, to be huts for the souldiers to sleip
within upon the night ; wherby the haill camp was weill provyded of huts to the distroying
of goodly countrie policie. The marquess of Huntly being absent himselfe in England,
Marischall sends to his gooddame's sister, the lady marchioness of Huntly, to render the
keyes of Strathbogie, (herself dwelling in the Bog) ; whilk she willingly obeyed. Then
they fell to and meddled with the meall girnells, whereof there was store within that place,
took in the office houses, began shortly to baik, and brew, and make ready good cheir ; and,
when they wanted, took in beiff, mutton, hen, capon, and such like, out of Glenfiddich and
Auchindoun, wher the countrie people had transported their bestiall and store, of pur-
pose, out of the way, from the bounds of Strathbogie." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i.,
p. 222.]
(3) [« Thus he spulzied and plundred up all, and keeped the moneyes fast, not paying his
212 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. V.
A. D. ifi40. Att his comraing to Strabogye, vpon the newes of his approache, the
most pairt of all the countrey people (except such as wer very poore)>
fledde to the hills, dryving ther cattelle and bestiall befor them, leaving
ther houses patent, and ther comes to his mercye. Monroe getting adver-
tishment heerof, perswes the bestiall, without tacking notice of the owners ;
and fynding all the countreymens cowes keeping neer together, neer Achn-
downe castelle, some six myles bewest of Strabogye castell, he drove them
alKO befor him unto his qwarter, by the helpe of a commanded pairty ; the
headlesse and discouraged countreymen not once offering to dispute him,
or for to rescwe ther cowes. This pryse compelld the countreymen, man
after man, for to come in and macke ther agreement, evry man paying for
the redemptione of his cowes a peece of money, (2) which in all might be a
considerable summe, though not much to evrye mans share. Such as wer
popishe amongst them, wer most roughly used, and strictly looked too,
and fyned more rigorously then the rest ; and all of them he tooke securitye
of for ther peacable carriadge. This is the summe of his actings ther ;
otherwayes, no mans blood was spilt ; and except at ther first coming to the
countrey wher the souldiours founde opne houses which they rifled, without
order, he did lye peaceably in the country ; so that befor he left them in
harvest, the countreymen and souldiours wer growne acquaynted, and peac-
able neighbours one to aneother.O)
souldiers, as became him, they liveing only upon meat and drink without wages, whilk bred
a murmuring amongst themselves ; but Monro quickly pacified the same by killing of the
principal niurmurers, and ane seditious personc, with ane sword in his own hand ; whereat
the rest became aftrayed." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 228.]
(0 [To the number, according to Spalding, of " above 2500 head of horse, meirs, nolt,
and kyne, with great number of sheep." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 223.]
(2) According to Spalding " 13s. 4d. the sheep, and ane dollar the nolt." Hist, of Troub.,
vol. i., p. 223. " Monro . . . with all hostility plundred the Marques of Huntlies landes,
tooke the castle of Strathbolgie, and putt a garisone on it. He tooke offe Huntlies landes
tuo thousand horsse and catle, forby maney thousandes of sheepe, and therof keept ane open
market at Strathbolgie, and solde them backe to ther owners at 54 sh. Scottes the peice."
Balfour s Annales, vol. ii., p. 382.]
(3) [« The marquess with his three sons being absent, out of the countrie, and haveing
no head nor captain left amongst his kine and freinds, they at last resolve to yeild and
let this storme pass ; so both barrons, and gentlemen, and others able for service come in and
undertake service. . . Such as were unable were plundered be the purse, and forced to
furnish out able men ; but neither work horse nor saddle horse was left about Strathbogie,
but either the master was forced to buy his own horses, or then let them go for serveing of
the army. Their muskets, hagbutts, swords, pikes, pistolls, and like armour, pitiefully
plundered frae them, wherever Monro or his souldiers could apprehend or gett tryal of them.
He also plundered the ground, barron, gentlemen, hird, and hyreman, be the purse, be ex-
Ch. XXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
213
XXV. Befor Monroe marched from Strabogye, he drew out a com- A. D. 1640.
manded pairtye, with some feeld peeces, and marches for Murrey, towards jyjarcjies to
the castell of Spynye, which the committye of Murrey advertished him was Spynie; castle
fortifyd, and kept out, by Mr. John Guthrye, bishopp of Murrey. In his ^p"dt^red ;
way thitherward, he was mett by Mr. Joseph Brodye, minister of Keithe, Banff,
(sonne in law to the bishopp). This Mr. Joseph had been lately proselyted
unto the Covenant/1' seing it lycke to prosper; and by his meanes, who
did mediate betuixt Monroe and his father in law the bishopp, the castell
of Spyny was rendred upp to Monroe at his coming thither ;(2) who, taking
the bishopp obleidged to appeare at a day appoynted, after a short stay
ther, having disarmed the house, and putt it in the custodye of the Cove-
nanter comission of Elgyne, returned backe to Strabogye, wher he laye
action of heavy fines, according their power. This was his carriage at Strathbogie. ... They
left thatcountrie almost manless, moneyless, horseless, and armeless, so pitiefully was the same
borne down and subdued, but any mein of resistance. The people swear, and subscrived
the covenant most obediently. And now Monro leaves them thus pitiefully opprest." Spald-
ing, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 223, 224, 236.]
(1) [He was one of the two commissioners from the presbytery of Strathbogie, who refused
to sit in the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, after the King's Commissioner had commanded it
to dissolve itself. See above, vol. ii., pp. 5 — 7.]
(2) [" Monro now resolves to goe to see the bishop and the house of Spynnie. He takes
300 muskateirs with him, with puttaris and peices of ordinance, with all other things ne-
cessar, and leaves the rest of his regiment behind him, lying at Strathbogie, abydeing his
returne. By the way, sundrie barrons and gentlemen of the countrie mett him, and con-
voyed him to Spynnie. The bishop of Murray, (by expectation of many) comes furth of
the place, and spake with Munro, and presently but more adoe upon Thursday the 16th of
July renders the house, weill furnished with meat and munition. He delivers the keyes
to Monro, who, with some souldiers, enters the house, and received good entertainment.
Therafter Monro medles with the haill armes within the place, plundred the bishop's
rydeing horse, saddell and brydell ; but did no more injurie, nor used plundering of
any other thing within or without the house. He removed all except the bishop and
his wife, some bairnes, and servants, whom he suffered to remaine under the guard of
ane captain, lieutenant, ane serjeant, and 24 muskateirs, whom he ordered to keep
that house, whvle farder order came frae the Tables, and to live upon the rents
of the bishoprick, and on no wayes to trouble the bishop's household provision, nor
be burdenable unto him. But the bishop used the three commanders most kindly, eating
at his own table, and the souldiers were sustained according to direction forsaid.
" Monro having thus gotten in this strong strength by his expectation, with so little paines,
whilk was neither for scant nor want given over, he returns back againe to Strathbogie tryum-
phantly, beginning wher he left, to plunder horse and armour, and to fyne every gentleman,
yeoman, hird, and hyreman that had any money, without respect ; and whilk obediently with-
out a show of resistance was done and payed, besydes their tenths and twentieths which they
were lyable in payment to the commissioners, as occasion offered." Spalding, Hist, of
Troub., vol. i., p. 228.]
214
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. stille constantly in his qwarter till the tenth of August, which was the
daye of Monroes removall to Banfe.O)
Queen XXVI. Whilst thes thinges were adoing in the north of Scottland, the
brought to bed Queen at Londone was brought to bedd, July eighth, of a third sonne,
Henry106 wno was baptised Henry e, and had the title of Ducke of Glocester given
to him by the King his father, about the tyme of his christening. His
birth had detained the King at Londone, sometyme after his array was
marched northwards ; but, howsoone the Qween was in the way of re-
covery, the King tooke his journey towards Yorke (August tenth), to his
armye, the which was the very day that Monroe marched from Straboggy
towards Banfe.
General As- XXVII. Befor Monroe left Straboggye, the tyme appoynted for the
sembly at Generall Assembly to sitt at Aberdeen was drawing neer. Nor did it faile
Aberdeen.
Grayfriar to meete upon that day which was designed for its sessione, which was the
church pre- jast Tewsday of July, and the twenty-eighth daye of the moneth, this yeare
Preceding ar 1640. Monroe had cleared the qwarter from all suspitione of disturbance
moderator that they could feare, and was lying off ready at ther call.(2) The minis-
Andrew Ram- *ers an^ ruling- elders of the southerne pairtes of Scottland came almost
say chosen together in a triumphant manner, with no small joye to fynde themselves in
a capacitye for to give lawes, and exercise ther power over thoise who had
bredd them mor trouble then all Scottland besyde. The worke was dar-
ingly begunne at Glasgow and resolutly carryd on ; it was promoved a stepp
ford wards at Edinburgh, Assembly 1639; ther wanted nothing of a full
conquest but ther coming unto Aberdeene, and subjugating the remnant of
the rebells. Yet did they macke shorter stay ther, by mor then halfe the
tyme, then at Edinburgh ; and all ther actings in that Assembly are sup-
(1) ["Munday the 10th of August Monro lifts his camp frae Strathbogie, sends back
the haill keyes to the lady marchioness, but doeing any offence or deid of wrong to that
staitly pallace ; but they amongst the rest, took up meikle bleitched cloath in whole webbs
bleitching up and down Strathbogie ground, wherof ther uses yeirly ther to be plentie, and
would hang over the walls of the place haill webbs (pittie to behold !) to dry, to the great
hurt of the poor countrie people. Monro had lyen ther or his army frae the 9th of July
to this tenth of August, when they flitted their camp. They sett all their lodges in fyre,
they toomed out what was left unspent within the girnells, they carried with them some
men, moneyes, horse, and armes, destroyed the bestiall, and left nothing behind them which
might be carried." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 236.]
(2) [On the day before the Assembly sat Qown, " the earle Marischall with about 300
horse, came into Aberdein. Collonell Alexander master of Forbes came likewayes in with
his regiment." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 232.]
moderator.
Ch. XXVII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
215
pressed and kept upp in the wrytte register, none being printed, but only A. D. 1640.
some few of the most inconsiderable actes scarcely worth the reading/1)
Some dayes befor ther comming, Patrick Lesly, provost of Aberdeene at
that tyme, one of the Covenanters factione, had caused prepare the Gray-
freere church of New Aberdeene with seates, after the forme of a theater,
for accomodation of the Assembly ; which was done upon the towns
charges, in so prodigall a forme, as ther was accomodation eneuch (the
churche being large of itselfe) for five or six tymes as many as wer ap-
poynted to sitte.(2) And, that Aberdeen might not be behynde with others
in honouring the Assembly, ther was a select number of the yowthes of
Aberdeen ordered, with partisans (made for that pourpose, and deyed
blacke), for to gwarde the Assembly constantly at evry sessione, without
the doores of the churche, through which gwarde evrybody must passe as
through a lane/3)
(1) [One of the unprinted Acts of the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in
1643, is entitled, " Approbation of the advice of the Commissioners of the late Assembly
at S. Andrews, for not printing two Acts of the last Assembly held at Aberdene." Records
of the Kirk, p. 360. Baillie, in his account of that Assembly, writes, " A thornie bussinesse
came in, which the Moderator, by great wisdome, got cannilie convoyed. The brethren of
Stirling and Perth had made great outcryes that the commission had authorised the clerk,
in printing the Assemblie-acts, to omitt two acts of Aberdeen, one anent the Sabbath,
another about novations. In both these, satisfaction was given : That our bounding the
Sabbath from midnight to midnight might offend some neighbouring kirks : As for the other
act, about novations, it was expressed alse clearlie in the printed acts of the posteriour As-
semblie, to be made use of by all who had occasion. These things were so well delivered
that all were quyeted." Letters, vol. ii., p. 91.]
(2) [On the seventeenth of June, 1640, the Town Council issued the following ordinance :
" The provest, baillies, and counsall, appointes measones and wrightis to be enterit pre-
sentlie to the wark of the Greyfreir kirk, for prepairing convenient seattis within the same
to the memberis of the Generall Assemblie, indicted to hauld and begin at this brughe the
twentie eight day of Julij nixt to come ; and appointis George Sanderson to attend the
warkmen, and to assist George Menzies, maister of wark, till the perfyting thairof. And
the expenssis and chairges to be deburst be the said maister of wark thairvpon is ordaint to
be allowit to him in his comptis." Council Register of Aberdeen, vol Hi., p. 553.
The accompts of the master of kirk and bridge work, for the year 1640, seem unfortu-
nately not to have been preserved.
The following entries occur in the accompts of the dean of guild from Michaelmas, 1639,
to Michaelmas, 1640:
" The 6 day of August gave the courtesie of the tune to the
commissioners of Glasco and Perth, in Elspet Culones
huse conforme to her count, 8lib. lis.
" The said day in the same husse vithe Mr. Androw Cant, 31ib.
"The 10 day of August to James Muray, dark to the Assem-
blie for extracting such actis as conserned the tune, 13lib. 9s. 4d."]
(3) [« Tuesday the 28th of July, the General Assemblie sat down in the Gray Frier
kirk of New Aberdein, weill plenished with deasses and seats be the town upon their great
216
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
Order of the
Assembly.
Idolatrous mo-
numents in
Old and New-
Aberdeen de-
stroyed during
the sitting of
the Assembly:
witches : stu-
dents of divi-
nity ; unprint-
ed acts :
family exer-
cise.
July 29.
Sessio 2.
Mr. David Dickson, who had been moderator at Edinburgh, anno 1639,
did preache, and opned the Assembly, which meeting in the afternoone,
they did proceede to choose a moderator. The vote enclyned to Mr. An-
drew Ramsey, minister at Edinburgh. The rest of that day nothing was
done ; the reasone was, because they wold attend if any Comissioner wold
come from the King. This was done for a formalitye ; for all knew that
none was to be expected.
XXVIII. The next sessione mett July twenty-ninth; which day the
moderator openly did aske, in face of the Assembly, if ther was any Com-
missioner come from his Majestye ; and fynding ther was none (which he
knew befor he asked), the Assembly did resolve to proceede acording to
ther libertyes.
The first thing that was done was passing some actes for ordering the
Assembly house, which had been referred to a comittye to draw upp
by waye of overture. They wer quickly agreed unto ; they wer as fol-
lowes :0)
First, That the comissioners sitt by themselves, unmixed with others ;
and the place where they sitt to be distinguished from others by railes, or
by some other convenient waye. Next, That convenient places be pro-
vyded unto such as wer persons of respecte (who are not comissioners),
acording to ther qwalityes, as the magistratts of the towne shall fynde most
convenient.
This order was neither weall observed at that tyme, nor in any following
Assemblye.
Second, That all comissioners, or members of the Assembly, shall re-
ceive ticketts from the magistratts of the brugh at the delyvrye of ther
comissions, that so they may have ready accesse to the Assembly whenever
they come. Next, That all members who came late, after the calling of
the rolls, should be censured as the Assembly thought meete. Thirdly,
That whatsoever presbytrye, brugh, or universitye does not send comis-
sioners to the Assembly, or they being sent, sitt not at all in the Assembly,
expenssis befor their incomeing. The earles of Marischall and Findlater, the lord Fraser,
the collonel master of Forbes, with sundrie barrons and gentrie, as ruleing elders, were
there. The kirk is weill guarded with partisanes, and the doors weill keeped and attended."
Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 232.]
(i) [See Records of the Kirk, pp. 278, 279. They were drawn up by Baillie, who com-
plains that they were but ill observed : " through negligence to exact them thereafter, we
fell at once into our old misorders." Letters, vol. i., pp. 363, 364.]
Ch. XXVIII.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
217
to be summoned to the next Assembly and censured as the Assembly shall A. D. 1U40.
thinke reasonable.
The two first poyntes of this acte wer neglected quickly afterward ; and
the calling of the rolls at every sessione was not constantly practised after-
ward in all Assemblyes following.
Third, That four persons of respecte have warrant from the Assembly to
enjoyne that ther be no standing, nor noyse, nor disorderly behaviour ; or,
if any should disobey, or direct his speeche to any but to the moderator, or
speacke but one at once, with leave first asked and givne, to be rebooked
publickly by the moderator ; and, if he desiste not, to be removed out of the
Assembly for that sederunt.
Yow may be sure that ther wer some ruling elders at the macking of
this acte, for the modell of it is tackne, in pairt, from the barrons courtes :
albeit it past in ane acte at this tyme, yet it was ill obeyd, and in after As-
semblyes almost qwytte laughed at.
Fourth, That no motion come into the Assembly but by the comittye
appoynted (for overturs and bills) for matters of that nature ; and if the
comittye refoose to answer it, lett it be propounded to the Assembly, with
the answers therof.
This acte is somewhat lycke the lordes of the articles in Parliament, and
in following Assemblyes was licked into some better shape, by setting upp
many distincte comittyes, not all created as yet at this tyme.
Fifth, That the minuts of ilke sessione be readde befor ther rysing ; and
if the matter concerne the whole kirke, lett it be drawne upp in forme, and
readde in the beginning of the next enswing sessione, that the Assembly
may judge whether or not it bee acording to ther mynde.
Ane usefull and necessaire acte ; they wer beholdne to the Sessione of the
Lords or Judges for the modell therof ; but not weall observed in the sub-
sequent Assemblyes.
Another acte of that Assembly appoynted idolatrouse monuments to bee
demolished in all places, specially in the north, wher they wer said to bee
most frequent, such as crucifixes, images of Chryste, Mary, and sainctes
departed, and that with all convenient dilegence ; and presbytryes and pro-
vinciall assemblyes were to tacke care therof, and report it to the next
enswing Generall Assemblye.O)
(i) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.]
2 E
218
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
\. D. Ki4o. According to which acte, during the tyme that the Assembly was sitting,
ther wer some designed who should purge both cittyes of Aberdeen from
such trashe ; who instantly went about ther worke, and least they should
seeme to have done nothing, they knocked downe some old weather beatne
stones, which had stood in some publicke places of Old Aberdeen, which
were grown sine nomine trunciS1) Ther was lyckwayes ane old crucifix of
stone in a rouinouse church (called the Spittal church, rased since that
tyme,) that was brockne downe lyckewayes. Ane image ther was of Sainct
Andrew, which, some few yeares befor, had been sett upp upon the dwelling
house of Sir Alexander Gordone of Cluny, in Old Aberdeen, for orna-
ment, it being knowne that the gentleman who had built the house, and sett
it upp hard by some other guilded scutcheons, was no papist : downe went
Sainct Andrew with the rest. In the University of Old Aberdeen ther
stood the remainder of ane old organ, upon which was painted, in a course
draught, the pourtraicte of some woman, nobody could tell who, and had
hunge ther half brockne and wholly neglected for many yeares : this was
brokne downe and complained upon as a thing very intollerable in the
churche of a colledge. The bishopps house in Old Aberdeen (as else
(l) [" Wednesday the 5th of August, the earle of Seaforth, collonell, master of Forbes,
Mr. John Adamsone, principall of the colledge of Edinburgh, William Rigg, burgess ther,
doctor Guild, rector of the Kings Colledge of Old Aberdein, with some other barrons and
gentlemen came all rydeing up the gate, came to Machir Kirk, ordained our blessed
Lord Jesus Christ his armes to be hewen out of the foir front of the pulpit thereof, and to
take down the portraitt of our blessed Virgine Mary, and her dear sone babie Jesus in her
armes that had stood since the upputting therof, in curious work, under the sylring at the
west end of the pend, wheron the great stipell stands, onmoved whyle now ; and gave orders
to collonell, master of Forbes, to see this done, whilk he with all dilligence obeyed. And
besydes, wher ther was any crucifix sett in glassen windows, this he caused pull out in honest
men's houses. He caused ane mason strike out Christs' armes in hewen work, on ilk end of
bishop Gavin Dunbar's tomb ; and siclyke chissell out the name of Jesus, drawen cypher
wayes, IHS, out of the timber wall on the foirsyde of Machir Isle, anent the consistorie
door. The crucifix on the Old Toun cross dung down ; the crucifix on the New Town
closed up, being loth to brake the stone ; the crucifix on the west end of St. Nicholas'
Kirk in New Aberdein dung down, whilk was never troubled before. But this dilligent
collonel master of Forbes kept not place long time therafter, but was shortly cashiered ;
and after diverse fortunes, at last he, with his lady, went to Holland to serve." Spalding,
Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 234, 235.
In the preceding month, the following order had been issued by the Kirk Session of the pa-
rish of St. Nicholas of Aberdeen : " 28 Junij 1640. Doctore Gulielmo Guild, moderatore.
The Session wnderstanding that some capitanes and gentilmen of the regiment of sojours
lying in this town had tein some offence at the portrat of wmquhill Alexander Reid, some-
tyme of Pitfoddels, as smelling somequhat of poperie, and standing above the session hous
door : For removing of the quhilk offence, ordaines the said portrait to be tein down, and
not to be set wp again." Kirk Session Register, vol. iv.]
Ch. XXVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
219
wher), belycke, this yeare had been lyckwayes defaced, it seems, under the A. D. 1640.
notione of ane idolatrouse monument. A marvell it is, how the two crosses
that stand upon the two endes of the high church of New Aberdeen es-
caped then and since ; as also the four crosses that are upon the four small
leadne turretts of that steeple. That yeare, or not long befor, the magis-
tratts of Aberdeen had tackne panes for to repaire the Grayfreere churche,
and had adorned it with a costly seate, in a lofte just opposite to the pul-
pitt. The carpenter had shewed his skill in cutting upon the severall com-
partiments of the frontispeece of that lofte, the images of Faithe, Hope,
and Charitye, and the Morall Vertwes, as they use to be painted emblem
wyse : ther stood Faithe leaning upon the crosse. This was as soon
qwarrelled at as espyed by severall ministers, commissioners of the Assem-
blye, who looked upon all that new frontispeece as savouring of superstitione,
and wold needs have Faith or her crosse removed from her. The magis-
tratts durst not excuse it ; and many others wer silent, least they should
be suspected. In ende, Mr. Andrew Ramsey, the moderator, interposed
himself, and shewed the offended bretheren that thes pourtraictes wer only
emblems, and evry wher uswall, without scandall to protestants, with many
wordes to that pourpose ; so that by his mediatione they wer pacifyd, and
Faith, with the rest of the vertwes, wer permitted to stand still, wher they
as yett remaine undefaced to this daye.O)
A third acte was passed against witches and charmers, said also to be
freqwent in the northe (though some yeares after they wer discovered to be
mor frequent in the southe).(2) The Assembly ordained ther comissioners
who wer attended to waite upon the next session of the Parliament, for to
recommend to the Parliament, and urge the execoutione of lawes against
them. (3)
Lyckwayes, they ordained, in ane other acte, that whosoever subscrybes
(1) [The Generall Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1647, remitted " to the Minis-
ters of Edinburgh, to take course with the Monuments of Idolatrie brought from the
North." Records of the Kirk, p. 482. The Assembly of 1648 made a " remit to the
Presbyterie of Edinburgh concerning the Service-books and Idolatrous monuments, now
lying in the high- School-yard." Id. p. 518.]
(2) [In the Generall Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1643, "upon the regrate of
the extraordinar multiplying of witches, above thirtie being burnt in Fyfe in a few monelhs,
a committee was appointed to thinke on that sinne, the way to search and cure it." Baillie's
Letters, vol. ii., p. 88.]
(3) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.]
220
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. the Covenant, and speackes against it, if he be a minister, he shall bee de-
pryved of his place; if he continow so to doe after he is depryved, he shall
be excommunicate ; and if it be any other man, he shall be dealt with as
perjouriouse, and to satisfee for his perjurye.O) The reasone of this acte
was a complainte givne in against many ministers and others about Aber-
deene, who wer alledged, after ther subscription, in ther ordinar discourse,
to have openly mocked the Covenanters and ther actions.
And because ther wer some yowng expectants, students in divinitye, in
and about Aberdeen, who wer single men, and had no place and not much
meanes to lose, who refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant, and ordinarly dis-
puted against it, therfor the Assembly, by ther acte, doe declare, that all
such shall be declared incapable of a pedagogye, teaching of a scoole, read-
ing in a kirke (for at this tyme reading the scripture publickly in the church,
without lecturing, was not thought ane error), or preaching within a presby-
trye ; nor shall they have libertye to reside within brugh, universitye, or
colledge ; or, if they continow, to be processed with excommunicatione.C2)
This acte proved a meane, if not to satisfee, yet to silence all ; and,
shortly after, such students of divinitye about Aberdeene, who wold neither
tacke the Covenant nor could be silent, wer glade for to betacke themselves
unto voluntarye exyle, and leave ther native countrey.
Hithertoo we have looked upon such actes of that Assembly as wer
printed, yet thes thinges wer but prcsludia, and but prolouges to ther great
worke that they came for ; though some of thes formentioned actes, as to
the tyme that they wer enacted, wer past after the greate worke was done ;
as, for instance, that acte against expectants refoosing to subscrybe the
Covenante, which passed not till August fifth, Sessione tenth, wheras the
ministry of Aberdeen wer thrust out befor that daye ; as, for instance, Dr.
Scrogye, August first, which was the day that the acte for censuring
speackers against the Covenant, past Sessio quinta. Other particular actes
are mentioned in the index of the unprinted actes of that Assembly ;(3)
such as,
First, Acte against profaining of the Sabbath/4) This should have been
printed, being of generall concernement.
(0 [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.] (2) [Ibid.] (3) [Ibid.]
0) [Baillie says it was suppressed because " our bounding the Sabbath from midnight to
midnight might offend some neighbouring Kirks." Letters, vol. ii., p. 91.]
Ch. XXVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
221
Second, Acte for renewing of a former acte made against abbotts A. D. 1640.
and against pryors. But we know neither what the former nor latter
acte are.
Third, Comissione for attending the Parliament. The lycke had been
established in the two former Assemblyes ; but we are to seeke for the
number and nature of their comissione. Belycke this was the embryo of
the formidable Churche Comissione, which, in few yeares after this, did en-
grosse almost all the power of the Generall Assemblye.
Fourth, Commissione anent the province of Rosse. It was graunted
(as most of all comissions of that nature at that tyme wer), for casting out
anti- Covenanter ministers.
Fifth, Comissione anent the presbytrye of Kirkwall.
Sixth, Report of the visitors of the Universitye of Glasgow, and a new
comissione of visitation of that Universitye. The reader must know that
Glasgow was not yet purged eneuche.
Seventh, Acte anent the carriadge of ministers. I know not what it
meanes ; it is lycke one of Caligulas lawes, and worse ; his wer only sett
upp high in a small letter ; this acte is qwytte concealed.
Eighth, Acte anent the ordering of family exercise. Of which mor
anone.
Ninth, Acte for ruling elders ther keeping presbytryes. Ane acte
evill observed, except when ruling elders have ther oune particular bussi-
ness ther, and probably the ministrye not curiouse to censure them for
breach of this acte.
Tenth, Acte anent magistratts being members of kirke sessions. But
what this meanes we are to seeke.
Eleventh,1 Approbatione of the proceedings of the comissioners ap-
poynted for to attende the preceeding Parliament.
Twelfth, Acte anent abolishing of idolatrouse monuments. Of this
alreadye.
Thirteenth, Acte anent abolishing of idolatrouse monuments in and
about Aberdeene. Of this already lyckwayes.
Fourteenth, The report of the visitors of the Universitye of Aberdeene.
Fifteenth, Commissione for visiting the University of Aberdeene. Of
which we now come to speacke.
But, first, concerning the acte for ordering family exercise ; the occa-
sione wherof was a reference brought from Strivling by Mr. Harye Guth-
222
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. rye, minister of that towne.O) Ther had been a delatione givne in to thes
of Stirling against some night meetings for relligiouse family dutyes ; to
which meetings many familyes used to resort together, and ther to use
psalmes singing, reading and interpreting of scripture, and conceived
prayers extempore. Thes dutyes were performed promiscouslye and by
turnes, evry one, as he had the name to be better gifted then the rest,
praying or interpreting the scripture. After thes meetings beganne, many
nocked to them, pairtly for the noveltye of the thinge, and others out of
devoutione, and some for to espy what they sawe ther worthe remarking,
either good or evill. That unwswall resorte at such tyme of the daye, and
ther circular prayers, and ther offering to interpret scripture, who were
looked upon but as learners, gave offence to many, and several ministers
excepted against it as ane incroatching of the calling of the ministrye.
Wherupon they fall to examine such as had been present ; and fynding that
many of the vulgar sorte carryd ther not gravely eneuch, nor suitably to
the pretended endes of thes meetings, as was verefyd by ther confessions,
it was thought fitt to referr the whole matter to the Assembly at Aberdeen,
then approaching. Mr. Hary Guthry, minister of Strivling, brought ane
authenticke extracte of the confessions of such as had been present along
with him to Aberdeen, and gave them in to the Assembly, wher they wer
publickly readde, not without the greate offence of many, and the lawghter
of such as wer secrettly dissaffected, but to the little contentment of the mi-
nisters of the westerue places of Scottland, who favoured such practises,
and wer promoving them as much as they could. And many thought, that
Mr. Hary Guthrye his bringing it to publicke hearing at such a tyme and
place, though it was dissembled at that tyme, yet was none of the least
causes which begott so manye enemyes to him in the following yeares, who
tooke the first occasione they could fynde for to depryve him of his minis-
trye ; albeit that was not any of the poynts of his indytment when he was
deposed/2)
After the matter had been fully hearde, the Assembly passed ane acte
for ordering of family worshipp or exercise, for so the acte is superscrybed.
In this acte it was ordained, first, that familyes should not conveene to-
co [Afterward bishop of Dunkeld from 1665 to 1667. He left behind him Memoirs of
Scotish Affairs from the year 1637 to the death of King Charles L, which have been more
than once printed.]
(») [On the fourteenth of November, 1648. Guthry's Memoirs, p. 299.]
Ch. XXVIIL] history of scots affairs.
223
gether for relligiouse exercise pourposly ; next, that scandalouse tymes of
meeting should be eschewed ; furder, that none except ministers or expect-
ants, should tacke upon them to interpret the scripture in familyes ; and for
thes circular prayers, they did abrogate them, layinge that taske on the
master of the familye, or any abler in his family, or upon the minister of
the place occasionally present, or upon any one occasionally present, to
whom the master of the family should give the call.O)
This is the summe of that acte, as neer as I can remember it, for it was
industriously concealed therafter, and much qwarelled at by all that en-
clyned towards the independent or sectarian phanaticke wayes, which then
wer beginning to budd in Scottlande ; and some of them proceeded so farr
as to affirme, that had it not been in Aberdeene that the Assembly mette, a
place disaffected to reformation, such ane acte, wherby the power of godli-
nesse was so much restrained, had never been made. It is sure that it gott
no obedience in thes westerne places, and afterwards it was concealed,
never being printed ; and to please thes phanaticke people, who wer looked
upon as the only godly and spiritwall people in the following yeares, in
some of the following Assemblyes it was so commented, and limited, and
qwalifyd, and interpreted, that to this acte the actes of some following As-
semblyes proved lycke the glosse of Orleance, destructive to the text, for
they opned a doore to any that pleased to preach or praye, which heer
seemd to be closed, as may be seen by the acte of Assembly at Edinburgh
concerning family worshipp, anno 1647 X2)
The man who was most complained upon and tackne notice of as being a
greate abettour and promover of thes new familye meetings, was a west
countrey gentleman, laird of Lekkey, who had been at Strivlinge, and else
wher ; upon such accompts of whom ther went a reporte that amongst
expressiones and invectives against sett formes of prayer, he overreatched
so farr, as that he was hearde saye that the Lords Prayer was a threed
bare prayer.(3)
(1) [See Appendix, No. I.]
(2) [Records of the Kirk, pp. 472, 474.]
(3) [" The Examination of Francis Tillet, taken upon oath before Sir Anthony Wieldon,
William James, Richard Scale, and John Bixe, Esquires, upon an information of some
subornation against Robert Cosens, Novemb. 20. 1644. Who saith that Robert Coscns
and this examinat being together upon the Gentry, they were talking of the Common Prayer,
and the Lords Prayer ; and in this discourse the examinate affirmed, That the Lords Prayer
was taught unto him by his Forefathers, and that it was of Christs making and framing ;
224
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. XXIX. And now I am come to speacke concerning the visitatione of
Visitation of ^e Universitye of Aberdeene, wher it shall be necessaire to premise some-
the University what of ther projecte and intentions, as also the way how thes devyses wer
of Aberdeen, prosecuted, wherby it will be cleare that they proceeded politically eneuche
for suppressing the pillars of episcopacye, and setting upp ther owne
pairty, or such as could be most instrumental! in place therof. First, ther-
for, it is to be knowne that the Covenant meeting with no considerable
oppositione of any of the clergy, comparable to thoise of Aberdeene, the
Covenanters made it ther greate aime, in consideratione therof, for to dis-
grace and ruinate thes learned men who had opposed them ; and, next, be-
cause it was for to be presumed that the Universitye of Aberdeen and
cittye had been principalled by them with tenents opposite to the Cove-
nante and Presbyterian waye, therfor they founde it absolutely necessary
to sett upp in ther places such as wold be diligent to principle, bothe people
and scollers, with Presbyterian tenetts ; a designe not only carryd on heer
but begunne at Glasgow Assembly (as has been related befor), in order to
all the Universityes and eminent places of Scottland, wher either bishopps
had resyded or ministers zealouse for episcopacye.
Ther was a delegatione named first in Glasgow Assembly for to goe to
Aberdeen and visite that Universitye ;0) wherin they acted so bravly, that
whereunto Robert Cosens replyed, That if our Saviour were again upon earth, he would
be ashamed of what he had done ; and that afterward this examinate relating unto his
Brother John Cosens this discourse, the said John Cosens replyed, that his Brother Robert
had said unto him as much before." The Second Part of Gangraena : Or, A fresh and
further Discovery of the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and dangerous Proceedings of
the Sectaries of this Time. By Thomas Edwards, Minister of the Gospel, p. 98. Lon-
don, 1646.]
(i) [" Act Session 25, December [18th] 1638. The Generall Assemblie haueing consi-
dered, that it wes the continuall practise of this Kirk, as is evident by the books of Assem-
blie, and that it is now most necessar, to give commission to some able and wyse men of the
ministers and elders to visit the colledges and vniversities of this Kingdome ; and now
being presentlie convened in the citie of Glasgow, by God's providence, and vnabill to goe
themselffs for the visitatioun of the Vniversitie of Old Aberdein, Thairfoir nominats and
apoints John Earle of Sutherland, the Master of Berridaill, my Lord Fraser, Alexander
Master of Forbes, the Laird of Leyis, Robert Innes of that Ilk, Walter Barclay of Towy,
Mr. David Lindsay at Bellhelvies, Doctor William Guild at Aberdean, Mr. Thomas
Mitchell at Turreflf, Mr. James Martein at Peterheid, Mr. John Patersoun at Foveraine,
Mr. William Forbes at Fraserburgh, Sir Gilbert Ramsay of Balmaine, Mr. William
Dougless, and anie aucht of thame, being foor Ministers and foor Elders, a sufficient quorum,
giveand and grantand vnto thame the full power and commissioun of the Assemblie, To
meitt at Aberdein betwixt and the first Mononday or Tuesday of Apryll nixt to cum, to
constitute their clerk and uther necesser members to visit the Vniversities of Old Aberdein,
To summond and conveine befoir thame all the members thereof, To try and examine the
Ch. XXIX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
225
that they procured one Mr. John Lundy, as if the University had desyred A. D. 1640.
it, for to call for a visitatione, as hath been told befor ;0) and, withal, they
made it a pretext of bringing armes north against Huntly. Trwe it is,
that, anno 1639, they made a fashione of visiting that Universitye, but
thinges wer not rype eneuch ; it was therfor laid by for that tyme. In the
Assembly at Edinburgh the motione was kept on foote, but the long con-
troversy after the pacificatione betuixt the King and the Covenanters, kept
it off till now, that they brought the Assembly to Aberdeene for that pour-
pose, as also for deposing such of the ministrye as yet stoode out against
the Covenant (after it was authorised by the Assembly at Edinburgh,
1639), which they were sure the ministers of Aberdeen, who had appeared
in print against it, wold doe, and conseqwently be obnoxiouse to the censure
of the Assemblys acte, which had beene countenanced by Traqwair, then
Lord High Commissioner. Thes wer the reasones that drew ther Assem-
bly to Aberdeen at this tyme ; nor wer they mistackne of ther expectatione,
as presently shall be told.
I fynde in the unprinted actes, a report of the visitors of the Universitye
of Aberdeene, and a new comissione granted for to visite ;(2) but after
Glasgow Assembly no reporte till now ; and, what is most straunge, ther
maine worke is not mentioned, which was the turning out the ministers of
qualities of the members therof giff they be correspondant to the order of their errectionis,
to consider how the doctrine is vsit be ther masters and regents, and if the same be cor-
respondant to the Confession of Faith, and acts of this kirk, and how the order is keiped
amongst students, how ther rents and liveings ar bestowit, and all uthcr things to try and
examine, whilk anie commissioners from the assembly had power to try, or whilk the Gene-
rall Assemblie itselff might have tryed in her visitatioun, an efter due tryell of the members
and orders theirin, if they be agriable to ther erectioun, and the acts of this church ; to
remoue all members superfluous, vnqualifiet, or corrupt, and to plant their roumes with
moir sufficient and sound masters; to remeid all dissorders, rectifie all abuses, and to doe all
uther things necessarie for the preservatioun of religion and learning, whilk the Generall
Assemblie themselffs might haue done, or anie commissioners from thame in ther visita-
tiounes haifF done : Lykas the assemblie grants vnto the commissioners foirsaids, the
power of sumounding befoir them all ministers and professors within the province of Aber-
dien for to acknowledge the laitt assemblie and the constitutions therof, and vpon their re-
fuisall, to cite them to compeir befoir the next Generall Assemblie, to be holden at Edin-
burgh the third Wednisday of Julij, to be censoured for their contempt and dissobedience ;
and this Commission to indure till the last day of May nix to cum, and the comissioners re-
port their dilligence to the next General Assemblie, and be answerable for their proceidings.
" Extracted out of the books of assemblie by Mr. Archibald Jhonston, clerk to the
assemblie."]
(1) [See above, vol. i., p. 155.]
(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.]
2 F
226
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
A committee
appointed for
this purpose,
to meet at
Marshal's
house.
Dr. Alexander
Scrogy pro-
cessed and de-
posed ; vindi-
cated by the
author.
Aberdeene : Ther depositions, and the reasons therof, is kept upp in the
caball of the wryttne register of the Assemblyes.
XXX. But once to close this pourpose: Sure it is, that the Assemblye,
how soone they satte downe in Aberdeene, did delegate a committye befor
whom both the members of the University, and the ministers of Aberdeene,
and such other ministers as wer citted to answer this Assembly, wer to
macke ther appearaunce to be tryed and examined ther. The place for
that comittye to meet in was appoynted to be Marishalls house, at a large
distaunce from the church wher the Assembly sate ; and they satte downe
pro primo upon the last day of July, two dayes after the Assemblyes first
sessione/1) Thes who wer summoned to macke ther appearaunce befor
this comittye wer the principalis and members of both colledges of Aber-
deen ; and, of the ministrye, Doctor Johne Forbesse of Corse, professor
of divinitye in the Kings Colledge ; Doctor Alexander Scroggye, minis-
ter of Old Aberdeen ; Doctor James Sibbald, minister of New Aber-
deene ; besyde Doctor William Leslye, principall of the Kings Colledge.
All thes wer mainly aimed at, as having had ane hande in the qwerees, anno
1638. Ther wer lyckewayes citted befor them of the countrey ministers,
Mr. Johne Gregory, minister at Dalmoak (of whom already) ; Mr. Johne
Rosse, minister at Birse ; Mr. Alexander Strathqhuan, minister at
Chappell of Gereache ; Mr. Andrew Logye, minister at Raine, who all
compeeired, and wer staged. Some others wer lyckewayes cited, but wer
not qwestioned : all thes wer of the diocesse of Aberdeen. Of the diocess
of Murrey wer cited and compeered Mr. Johne Guthrye, minister at
Duffus, in the presbytry of Elgyne, sonne to the bishopp of Murrey ; and
Mr. Richard Maitland, minister at Abercherdir, in the presbytrye of
Strabogye : for some others of the the province of Murrey wer deposed
by comittyes befor the meetinge of the Assembly of Aberdeene. As for
Dr. William Guild, minister at Aberdeen, he was sittinge as a member of
the Assembly.
XXXI. Dr. Alexander Scroggye his parishoners wer examined con-
cerning his lyfe and his calling. It was objected unto him that he preached
long upon one texte, that he was cold in his doctrine, and edifyd not his
(i) [" And that day there conveined the earle Marischall, the earle of Findlater, lord
Fraser, collonell master of Forbes, (to whom also came upon the morne the earle of Sea-
forth,) and Mr. Andrew Ramsay, moderator, persones of this Generall Assembly Commit-
tee." Spalding, Hist, of Troub. vol. i., p. 233.]
Ch. XXXI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
227
parishoners ; finally, that he refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant, evne A. D. loin
then, though accused ; and with little ceremony he was sentenced and
deposed from his ministrye by the voice of the Assembly, August fyrst/1'
He could have gott qwarter for all his other faultes ; but his joyning in the
querees was unpardonable in ther eyes, who herein wer party as weall as
judges to him and all the rest. I must vindicate him from the other asper-
sions : To my knowledge, he was a man sober, grave, and painefull in his
calling ; his insisting upon a text longe was never yet made, nor could be
matter of accusatione to any, if the text wer materiall, and the discourse
pertinent, and not tautologicall, which his observes ever wer : And for his
cold delyvery, his age might excuse it, it being long since observd that
" Intererit multum, divusne loquatur, an heros ;
Maturusne senex, an adhuc florente juventa
Fervidus."(2)
For he was then of great age, which might weall have excused other omis-
sions or escapes in his discipline which wer impertinently objected, and, at
farrest, could have pleaded only for a colleague to him, considering his
numerouse and vast parosh, not to be paralelled in thes places,(3) as extend-
ing not onlye over Old Aberdeen, but to the very portes of New Aber-
deen, and a great pairt of the countrey neerest Aberdeene.*
(0 [" Doctor Scroggie is accused for not subscriveing the covenant; besydes, for conceal-
ling of adulteries within his parish and some fornications, abstracting of the beidmen's rents
in Old Aberdein, with some other particulars maliciously given up against him ; and wher-
upon Mr. Thomas Sandielands, commissar (his extreme enemy), Mr. Thomas Lillie and
Thomas Mercer, were brought in as witnesses, after doctor Scroggie's answer to ilk article
was first wrytten : But shortlie upon the first day of August, be this committee was he de-
posed and simpliciter deprived, and preached no more at Old Aberdein nor else where."
Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 233. " Dr. Scroggie," says Baillie, was " ane old
man, not verie corrupt, yet perverse in the Covenant and Service Book." Letters, vol. i.,
p. 248.]
(2) [Horat. Epist. ad Pisones, v. 114.]
(3) [The parish of Newhills was not then separated from that of Saint Machar.]
* Dr. Scroggy, after his deposition, got a pension from the King, anno 1641, at the Par-
liament, and lived privatt till his death, which was at Rathven, anno 1659, in the ninety-
fifth yeare of his age. [Dr. Scroggie was by Bishop Patrick Forbes preferred from the paro-
chial cure of Drumoak to the cathedral church of Saint Machar, in Old Aberdeen, in 1621.
He took the degree of Doctor of Divinity in the King's College and University, on the
thirty-first of July, 1627. The Theses which he maintained on that occasion bear this title :
" Do Imperfectionc Sanctorvm in hac vita Theses Theologicas. De quibus Deo benigne an-
nuente, Christiana & publica instituetur av^i^aa^, in vetusta Academia Aberdonensi, 31 Iulii,
Anno 1627. Pro S.S. Theologiae Doctoratu. Prasside Ioanne Forbesio, S. Theol. Doct.
& publico in eadem Professore. Respondentis partes tuente M. Alexandro Scrogaeo,
Verbi Dei Ministro, in Cathedrali Ecclesia Aberdonensi. Aberdoniae, Excudebat Edvardus
228
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. XXXII. To Dr. James Sibbald it was objected befor the Assembly
that he had preached poyntes of Armimamsme publickly in the pulpitt of
Dr. James
Sibbald.
Rabanus. Cum privilegio. Anno 1627." He is described by Dr. Garden as "vir prudentia
insignis, eruditione haud contemnendus." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xlix. Spalding calls
him an " honest old reverend man, of good literature, judgment, and understanding
ane learned, grave, ancient man, of singular good parts." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 262,
270. The only work which he is known to have left is " A Fvnerall Speach, In commemo-
ration of the right Reverend Father in God, Patricke Forbes of Corse, late Bishop of
Aberdene, Chancellour and Restorer of the Universitie thereof, one of his Majesties most
honourable Privy Counsel, a jewell both of Church and State, Baron of Oneill, &c. De-
livered Apr. 12. 1635. by Alexander Scrogie, Doctor in Divinitie, and ordinarie Minister of
Gods word in the Cathedrall Church of Aberdene," printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls,
pp. 58 — 68. After his deposition, says Spalding, " he wrought so, that he had gifted to
him, out of Ross, eight chalders victuall dureing his lifetime, since his kirk was taken frae
him. Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothemay, his goodsone, and deposed frae his kirk,
also Mr. Alexander Scroggie, his son, deposed frae his regencie, ilk ane of them had gotten
some pension frae the king." Hist, of Troubles, vol. i., p. 345. We learn from the same
source that in 1641, on " Sunday, being Whytsunday, and 13th of June, Doctor Scroggie,
notwithstanding he was forbidden out of pulpit to come to the table, as he had not subscrived
the covenant, took his communion ; whilk bred some fear to the minister, doubtfull to re-
fuise him the communion or to give it ; but no impediment was made to him, and so he received
it." Id. p. 326. To the General Assembly which met at Saint Andrews in 1641, " Dr.
Scrogie (after he is deposed, put frae his kirk and house, and spulzied of his goods), gives
now in ane supplicatione (notwithstanding of his wryteing with the rest of the Aberdein's
doctors against the Covenant), offering to swear and subscrive the samen, whilk he had re-
fuised before, and to doe what forder it should please the brethrein to injoyne him. The As-
sembly heard glaidly his supplication, and referred him to the Committee of the kirk at Edin-
burgh, ordaining him to goe ther and give them full content, whilk he promised to doe, and
whilk he did at leasure." Id. p. 333. See also p. 345. On the twenty-sixth of May,
1642, he appeared before the Presbytery of Aberdeen, and subscribed the following re-
cantation :
" 1. Whairfoir, cleirly decerning my former mistakingis in opposing the Nationall Co-
venant of this Kirk and Kingdome, I do now pass from all the ressonis and argumentis
spoken or givin out be myself allone, or otheris, either before or at the lait Assemblie of
Abirdene, against oure subscriveing thairof, in als far as thay militat against the Covenant,
or utteris any thing to the prejudice thairof.
" 2. And particularly, I declare now the pointis quhairupone I wes questiond at my de-
position, and did not then cleirlie gif satisfactioun, as follouis :
"1. I profes the humanitie of Christ ought not to be painted for religious uses, or to be
had in public places of worship.
" 2. That the kirk of Rome is ane hereticall, apostaticall and idolatrous kirk, and not the
true kirk.
"3. I now declare cleirly, that it is unlauchfull in a Christeane kirk to have, or use al-
taris, cappingis and bowingis before them, the priestis habit whill he offeris (as surplessis,
rochettis, keapis) the table standing altar wayes, prayeris touard the eist.
" 4. I do also, according to our Covenant, refuse the Service book, book of Cannonis,
Ordinatioun, and heighe Comissioun, evin as they ar condempned by oure General Assem-
blies, and upone the same groundis.
" 5. I farder do declare, that albeit in the Lordis Supper there is a commemoratioun of
the sacrifice of Christ for ws, yit the samen ought not to be called properlie a Sacrifice,
either propitiatorie or commemorative.
Ch. XXXII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
229
New Aberdeen ; that speacking to one who was doing pennance upon the a. D. 1640.
stoole of repentaunce, he had saide that if he had improved the grace
givne him from God, he needed not to have fallne in that sinne, etc. Some
of his private conferences to this pourpose was objected/1) His accuser was
Mr. Samwell Rutherfoord, who, in former tymes, had been his hearer at
such tymes as Mr. Samwell was confyned in Aberdeene ; finally, that he
refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant. His maine fault was, that he had
opposd it, having had a hand in the Aberdeens querees ; that ruind him,
though least objected. He spocke for himselfe, and deneyed Mr. Samwells
accusation ; but it was bootlesse, for, by vote of the Assembly, he was
deposed, and he and Dr. Scroggye (if my memory faile not) ordered to be
processed, if they subscrybe not the Covenant ;(2) which seems to me to
" 6. I also renunce the absolut necessitie of private baptisme.
" 7. I deny the Sacrament of the Lordis supper sould be givin to dying persones as a
viaticon, and think the giveing or taking thereof to be superstitious.
" 8. I confess, that the citing of the place, Mathew 26. 32., All those that tak the suord
sail perish by the suord, and Rom. 13. 2., They who resist sail receave to them selfis con-
dempnatioun, tocondempne the just and necessarie defens of this natioun, ar misapplyed ; and
do blis God that oure Sovereigne the King, and oure nightbour kingdome of England, have
taken notice of, and caused to publish the dewtifulness and loyaltie of our nation thereanent.
" 9. And if any other thing be found, set out be me or otheris about Abirdene, contrair
to the just and lauchfull caus of the Covenant, I disclaim them all.
" 10. Fynallie, I allow and avow the lauchfulnes of reulling elderis in the governament
of the Kirk, and in all the Assembleis thereof.
" At the Presbitrie of Abirdene 26 May 1642. Sic subscribitur, Mr. Alexr.
Scrogie." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. ii., p. 47.
He was appointed by the Presbytery to preach before the provincial synod of Aber-
deen, on the eighteenth of October : his sermon " being censurit by the brethren, is
found faultie in sum pointes ; 1. For not praying for the distressed kirk and state of Ireland,
in particular ; 2. Alledging that no novations could be brocht in by subjects, either in
church or pollicie, aganes the will and auchtoritie of ane monarche. But this dillit doune
quyatlie without more din.'' Id. p. 94. Dr. Scrogie had two sons. The elder, Alexander,
was successively a regent in King's College and University, minister at Forglen, and at
Saint Machar's church in Old Aberdeen. The younger, William, " born and bred in Aber-
deen," minister first at Rathven, then at Dunbarton, was consecrated Bishop of Argyll in
1666. He died of a fever on the twenty-seventh of January, 1675, and was buried in the
church-yard of Dunbarton, where his tomb yet remains. The inscription which it bears is
printed in Menteith's Theater of Mortality, p. 244, edit. Glasg. 1834. Verses to his me-
mory will be found in the Epigrammata of Ninian Paterson, p. 52, Edinb. 1678. He is said
to have " published a sermon, 4to, Edin. 1660, the title wherof is Mirabilia Dei." Maid-
ment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers, p. 43.]
(0 [See Appendix, No. II.]
(2) [" Dr. Sibbald," says Baillie, " in manie points of doctrine was found verie corrupt ;
for the which we deposit him, and ordained him, without quick satisfaction, to be processed.
The man was there of great fame : it was laid on poor me to be all their examiner, and
moderator to their processe." Letters, vol. i., p. 248.
" Doctor Sibbald was accused for not subscriveing the covenant, and upon preaching of
230
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. have been the cause why not long after he fledd to Ireland, and ther was
placed minister at Dublin till his deathe. As for his Arminianisme object-
ed to him, it was strainge they should accuse him for preaching that way
befor theye had condemned it in Glasgow Assemblye, 1638; for after that,
they could laye nothing of it to his charge ; nor did I ever heare him
tainted with it, except so farr as Mr. Samwell Rutherfoord objected it ther,
yet but testis singularis. It will not be affirmed by his very enemyes, but
that Dr. James Sibbald* was ane eloquent and painefull preacher, a man
godly, and grave, and modest, not tainted with any vice unbeseeming a
minister, to whom nothing could in reason be objected, if yow call not his
antecovenanting a cryme.O)
erroneous doctrine and Arminianisme. His papers wer brought by ane rott of muskateirs,
at command of the committee, out of his own house, partly written be himself and partly
be umquhile William Forbes, bishop of Edinburgh, which wer partly found orthodox, partly
otherwayes. There was also ane minister, called Rutherfoord, who happened to be wairded
in Aberdein at King James' command. He, hearing doctor Sibbald at that time preach,
stood up and accused him of Arminianisme. But he defended him also. At last he was
deposed, fled the country with a grievous heart, and passed to England." Spalding Hist,
of Troub., vol. i., pp. 233, 234.]
* Against whom they wer so curiouse to frame articles of indytment, that they caused a
partye of souldiours goe and search his studye and seise all his papers ; but whither the
bishop of Rosse his letters, concerning the printing of the Booke of Canons, wer found
besyd him, or amongst Dr. Barrons papers, I doe not remember, for ther was nothing else
founde in his study that could serve ther turne for to be a grounde of any accusatione
against him.
(i) [Dr. Sibbald was descended from the ancient family of Sibbald of Keir in the Mearns.
He studied at Marischall College and University, and in 1619 was chosen one of its regents.
He was appointed to the cure of the parish church of Saint Nicholas, in Aberdeen, in 1626.
After his deposition from the ministry, says Dr. Garden, " in Hiberniam profectus, ad idem
OfHcium in civitate Dublinia vocatus est, in quo summo cum honore & integritate per de-
cennium versatus est, usque dum pestilentia ibi grassante, in aegris visitandis & consolandis
assidue pergens, ipse tandem eadem lue correptus, ex hac vita sublatus est. Vir apprime
humilis, pius ac eruditus, in Officio assiduus, concionator gravis ac solidus." Vita Johannis
Forbesii, §. xlvii. A posthumous volume of Dr. Sibbald's sermons bears this title, " Diverse
Select Sermons upon severall texts of holy Scriptvre, Preached by that Reverend and faith-
full Servant of Jesvs Christ, D. James Sibald ; Doctour of Divinity, late Preacher of the
Gospell, at Aberdene. There-after at Dublin, in Ireland. Published after his death.
Printed at Aberdene, by lames Brown. 1658." This volume contains a sermon first
printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 94 — 148 ; " Holinesse to the Lord, or A Sermon
Vpon the 36 verse of the 28 chapter of Exodus : In commemoration of the most worthie
and Reverend Praelate of blessed memorie, Patrick bishop of Aberdeene ; Preached by lames
Sibbald, Doctor of Divinitie, and Minister of Sainct Nicola's Church of Aberdene, Apr. 16.
1635." Dr. Sibbald is enumerated by Sir Thomas Urquhart among " men who have given
great proof of their learning, as well by treatises which they have divulged, as in all manner
of Academical exercitations." Tracts, pp. 122, 123. He is probably the " Ja. Sybald,"
whose name appears among those of the clergy of Dublin who subscribed a declaration in
favour of the Liturgy in 1647. Bishop Mant's Hist, of the Ch. of Ireland, vol. i., p. 591. J
Ch. XXXIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
231
XXXIII. To Doctor William Lesly was objected, that he was lazie, A. D. 1640.
and neglective in his charge,0) and they strove to brande him with per- Dr Wiuiam
sonall escapes of drunknesse ; and, finally, that he wold not subscrybe the Lesly depos-
Covenant, etc., for which he was deposed, as the rest wer. I must pleade fc' ; vindlc;ltcd
c i • c ^ • T ii TT. • "v tne author,
tor mm as tor the rest, wherin 1 shall speacke truthe. His lazmesse might
be imputed to his reteerd monasticke way of living, being naturally melan-
colian, and a man of great reading, a painefull student, who delyted in
nothing else but to sitte in his studye, and spend dayes and nights at his
booke, which kynde of lyfe is opposite to a practicall way of living. He
never marryd in his lyfe time, but lived solitary ; and if sometymes to
refresh himself, his freends tooke him from his bookes to converse with
them, it ought not to have been objected to him as drunknesse, he being
knowne to have been sober and abstemiouse above his accusers. He was a
man grave and austere, and exemplar. The Universitye was happy in
havinge such a light as he, who was eminent in all the sciences, above the
most of his age. He had studyed a full Encyclopedia ; and it may be
questioned whither he excelld most in divinity, humanity, or the languages,
he being (of course) professor of the Hebrew and divinitye. And it was
ther unhappinesse to wante him ; for since that tyme he was never para-
lelled by any principall who succeeded him. For some yeares therafter he
lived private, in the house of the Marquesse of Huntlye, who was a freend
to learning and learned men, and had him in great esteeme and honour.
After Huntly was engadged in the warre, Dr. Lesly reteered to his kinnes-
man, Alexander Douglasse of Spynye, a gentlman who entertaind him till
his death, which fell not out till after the Englishes were maisters of Scott-
land. He dyed of a cancer, whiche physitions know proceedes from melan-
coliouse bloode. Pittye it was that he left not mor behynde him of his
learned workes ; but the reason was, his naturall bashefullnesse, who had so
small opinion of his owne knowledge, that he could scarce ever be gottne
drawne for to speacke in publicke.OO
(0 [The lords commissioners appointed by the King to visit The King's College in 1638,
" having takin notice of Doctor William Leslie his bygain careage in his office of primar-
ship, and finding him to have been defective and negligent thairin, and worthie of censure,
yet, nevertheless, in regard they know him to be ane man of gude literature, lyff, and con-
versation, and thairfoir unwilling to pas any rigorous censure agains him, They ordain him
to teache weiklie in tyme comeing tuo lessons, onlie ane thairof in Theologie and the uther
in the Hebrew tongue." Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, vol. ii., p. 441.]
(2) [Dr. William Leslie was a descendant of the house of Kininvie, according to Dr.
Garden, or of the family of Crichie, according to Bishop Keith. He studied at The King's
232 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. V.
A. D. 1640. XXXIV. Dr. Johne Forbesse of Corse, professor of divinity in the
Dr. John Universitye, was the bone of any that troubled the Covenanters to digest ;
Forbes inter- for as he stoode opposite to the Covenant, which he had evidenced in his
rotated.
College and University, and was in 1617 chosen one of its regents. He became its Sub-
Principal in 1623; and about 1630 was preferred to be its Principal. "He was," says
Spalding, " ane singular learned man, who could never be moved to swear and subscrive
our covenant, saying he would not hurt his conscience for worldly means. He was never
heard to speak immodestly against the covenant nor procedure of thir times, but suffered all
things with great patience, attending God's will ; none more fitt for learning, to his charge
in the Colledge, and therwith godly and grave. It is said the King gave him some money
at Berwick, wherupon he lived for a short whyle ; and it is true he had no great means to
the fore of his own, at this time." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 172. " Hie est ille cujus
eruditio omne genus, & sacra & exotica, omnibus qui eum norunt mage nota est, quam sibi.
Hie est ille, qui si se aut nosset (quas est ejus modestia, & de se existimatio exilis) aut nosse
vellet, singulari ornamento nobis esse posset, ut jam plane magno est. Hie est ille denique
qui etsi omnia non sciat, neque enim hoc mortalis est, pauca tamen ignorat." A. Strachani
Panegyric. Inavg. in Aut. Acad. Aberd. p. 38. Sir Thomas Urquhart writes, " To the
conversation of Doctor William Lesly (who is one of the most profound and universal
scholars now living) his friends and acquaintance of any literature are very much beholding,
but to any books of his emission nothing at all ; whereat every one that knoweth him, won ■
dreth exceedingly : and truly so they may ; for though scripturiency be a fault in feeble
pens, and that Socrates, the most learned man of his time, set forth no works : yet can
none of these two reasons excuse his not evulging somewhat to the publick view, because
he is known to have an able pen, whose draughts would grace the paper with impressions of
inestimable worth : nor is the example of Socrates able to apologize for him, unless he had
such disciples as Plato and Aristotle, who having reposited in their braines the scientifick
treasures of their masters knowledge, did afterwards (in their own works) communicate
them to the utility of future generations : yet that this Caledonian Socrates (though willing)
could not of late have been able to dispose of his talents, did proceed from the merciless
dealings of some wicked Anites, Lycons, and Melits of the covenant ; the cruelty of whose
perverse zeal, will keep the effects of his vertue still at under, till by the perswasion of some
honest Lysias, the authority of the land be pleased to reseat him into his former condition,
with all the encouragements that ought to attend so prime a man." Tracts, p. 123. Dr.
Garden describes him as " Vir egregie literatus, in linguis Orientalibus versatissimus, in
Latina & Graeca Poeta eximius, cujus varia in utraque scripta adhuc exstant poemata.
Eruditione politiori insignis, cui omnes Authores Classici probe noti ac familiares erant, in
quos eruditas conscripsit notas ac emendationes, quae, cum Vir eximius iniquitate temporum
varie jactatus fuerit, interciderunt. Praelectiones habuit Theologicas antiquas quarum
quaedam exstant." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § L. " The many high encomiums," says Dr.
Irving, " bestowed on Dr. William Lesley, must excite our deepest regret, that he should
have bequeathed so small a portion of his knowledge to posterity. Although he was re-
garded as a profound and universal scholar, he never courted the fame of authorship."
Lives of the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 136. Edin. 1814. Dr. Garden has preserved in his
life of Dr John Forbes (§ li.) a learned fragment by Leslie on the writings of Cassiodorus,
" Scriptorum Cassiodori accuratior Nomenclatura ;" and Latin verses by him are printed in
Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 343, 344.
According to Bishop Keith (Catal. of Scot. Bish., p. 309), Dr. William Leslie was the
brother of John Leslie, bishop successively of the Isles, of Raphoe, and of Clogher, father
of the excellent and learned Charles Leslie, the author of " A Short and Easy Method
with the Deists," and many other admirable works.]
Ch. XXXIV.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. 233
Warning, anno 1638,(0 and had disputed against them in his qwerees, so A. D. 1640.
they knew him to be a man most eminent for learning and for pietye; so that
they feared it wold be a scandall to depose him. Muche panes was tackne
upon him by some of his neer relationes, who stoode for the Covenanters,
for to draw him to subscrybe ; but it wold not bee. Therfor he was con-
veened befor ther comittye, at Marshalls house, and ther interrogated
concerning his doctrine and beleefe ; to all which he answered so readily, so
learndly and orthodoxly, and with such candor and modestye, that the
moderator of that comittye was forced to tell him that they had nothing to
save to his lyfe, but that they founde him piouse, learnd, and fully ortho-
doxe, and to disagree with them in nothing but in poynt of churche go-
vernement ; and earnestly beseeched him he wold be pleased to tacke the
Covenant, shewing him that it was ther greefe if they wer necessitated for
to putt him from his statione upon his refusall.C2) He answered them, that
he did humbly thanke them for ther undeserved good opinion of him, and
that, if they wer pleased, he would obleidge himselfe not to speake nor
dispute against the Covenant, and to give ther ordinances practicall obe-
dience ; and furder, he saide, that, if they could satisfee him in his doubtes,
he wold subscrybe it ; but he hoped they wold bidde him doe nothing
against the light of his conscience. But all this wold not doe ; therfor he
gott his sentence of depositione, as the rest had gottne befor him ; the which
he tooke so humbly, that instantly therafter he declared that [he] wold and
had givne freelye and mortifyd his dwelling house in Olde Aberdeen, to be
a dwelling house to all succeeding professors of divinitye in that univer-
sitye ; and it is presently possesed by his successor, upon that same very
accompt. After his depositione, he was much putt at to subscrybe the
Covenant, or bee excommunicate, and hardly could gett licence to stay in
Scottland till he did putt his affaires in order ; after which tyme he reteered
(') [A Peaceable Warning, to the Subjects in Scotland: Given in the Yeare of God
1638. Aberdene, Imprinted By Edw. Raban, The Yeare aboue written.]
(2) [" Dr. Forbes's ingenuitie," says Baillie, " pleased us so well, that we have given him
yet tyme for advysement." Letters, vol. i., p. 248.
" Being set within the earle Marischall's house, Mr. Andrew Ramsay moderator caused
call the foirnamed persons. And first, he begane at doctor Forbes of Corse, and after
some queries and answers, no more process past against him at this time, but was con-
tinowed upon good hopes of his incomeing ; but he could on nowayes be moved to sub-
scrive the covenant ; wherupon he was also deposed from his place of professor." Spald-
ing, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 233. See Dr. Garden's Vita Johannis Forbesii, §§ lxxxii
— lxxxviii.]
2 G
234
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
a. D. 1640. to Holland, to his ladyes freendes, of the Isle of Walker, and ther so-
~~ mmmm journed some yeares, with great applause of the learnd professors ther,
wher he caused print his most learned worke of his Instructiones Historico-
Theologicae, and his fathers * Commentaire upon the Apocalipse, 0>
which, in memory of his father, he had translated into Latine.CO His
Commentaire upon the Decalouge, and the last four bookes of his Instruc-
tiones Historico-Theologicae (making twenty in all), he left behynde him,
unprinted, at his deathe, in the handes of his neerest freends and execu-
tors, and they are expected in printe. His Irenicum he worote in his
younger yeares, which was very ill tackne by the presbyterian partye in
thoise tymes. Some yeares befor his death, he gott licence from the
states of parliament of Scottland to come home to Scottland, and stay a
whyle for his healthe ; but he dyed not long after his home coming, about
the yeare 1649/3)
* Bishop Patrick Forbesse.
(0 [An Exqvisite Commentarie vpon the Revelation of Saint Iohn. Wherein, Both
the course of the whole Booke, as also the more abstruse and hard places thereof not here-
tofore opened ; are now at last most clerely and euidently explaned. By Patrick Forbes of
Corse. Lond. 1613. 4to. A second edition appeared abroad in the following year : An
learned Commentarie vpon the Revelation of Saint Iohn, wherein both the covrse of the
whole booke, as also the more abstruse and hard places thereof, are more cleerly and
euidently explained then heretofore they haue bene. Newly corrected, and the defectes
and errors of the first edition supplied and amended. By Patrick Forbes of Cotharis, etc.
Middelburg, 1614. 4to.]
(2) [Commentarius in Apocalypsin, cum Appendice, etc. Amstelodami, 1646. 4to.]
(3) [The well known Dr. John Forbes of Corse, the second son of Patrick Forbes, bishop
of Aberdeen, was born on the second of May, 1598. He studied at Aberdeen, and at
several foreign universities, and was appointed professor of divinity in The King's College,
in 1620. The Theses which he maintained on that occasion bear the following title : " Dis-
pvtationes Theologicae, Dvae, habitae in inclyta Aberdonensi Academia in magno avditorio
Collegii Regii mense Febrvario anno 1620. Pro publica SS. Theologiae professione. Res-
pondente Ioanne Forbesio. Edinbvrgi, Excudebat Andreas Hart. Anno 1620." It appears,
from the deed of institution to the professorship, appended to these Theses, that Forbes
was called to the ministry in the church of Middleburg, on the fourth of April, 1619.
The certificate of this call is subscribed as follows : " Ioannes Forbesius senior, Anglicanae
Ecclesiae quae est Middelburgi Pastor ; Gerson Bucerus Pastor Ecclesiae Verianae ; Guliel-
mus Tellingus verbi divini minister in Ecclesia Christi quae est Middelburgi ; Alexander
Makduffus Ecclesiae Scoticanae quae est Veriae Pastor: Ita attestor Enoch Sterthemius
Ecclesiastes Middelburgensis." After being deprived of his professorship, in 1641, for refusing
to subscribe the National Covenant, Dr. Forbes was, in 1644, obliged to leave his native
country, because he would not submit to the Solemn League and Covenant. During his
exile, he resided in Holland ; and in 1646, was permitted to return to Scotland. He died at
Corse, on the twenty-ninth of April, 1648, in the fifty -sixth year of his age. An applica-
tion which he made, a short time before his death, to the presbytery of Aberdeen, for leave
to be buried beside his father and his wife, in Bishop Dunbar's aisle, in the cathedral, was
Ch. XXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
235
XXXV. Dr. Robert Barron was deade the yeare befor,0) yet somewhat A. D. 1640.
must be done concerning him. They thought him not orthodoxe in some of Dr Rot)ert
his tenents ; therfor, such of his papers as wer unprinted they must see Barron,
them, and they must be censurd and purgd. His widdow had reteered to
the Strayla,(2) wher she was borne ; therfor order was sent to Monroe, with
all expeditione, for to searche the place wher she stayd, and send herselfe,
and such papers of her husbands as she had besyde her (if ther should be
any founde), to Aberdeen, under a sure gward.(3) This was readily obeyd
refused ; and he was interred in the churchyard of St. Marnan of Leochel. The com-
plete edition of his Latin works, published by the Wetsteins, and edited by Dr. Garden,
has been often referred to in these notes. " His learning," says Dr. Irving, " was such as
to obtain the warm approbation of those eminent scholars, Vossius, Usher, Morhof, Ernesti,
and Cave : and to this it would be superfluous to add any other commendation." Lives of
the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 136.]
(0 [See above, pp. 89, 90.] (2) [Strath Isla in Banffshire.]
(3) [" Umquhile doctor Barron's wife was, by command of this Assembly, be ane rott of
muskattiers brought out of her own house in Strylay, with her husband's preaching papers ;
whilk being sein be the Assembly, were not found sound. Ther was also brought ther ane
missive letter direct be the archbishop of Canterbury to the said umquhill doctor Barron,
with two other missives direct to him and umquhill Mr. Alexander Ross, from the bishop of
Ross, all tending to the mentainance of Arminianisme, promiseing therfor reward, and with-
all willing them to cause Raban imprint in the Book of Common Prayer some passages of Ar-
minianisme ; whilk papers and letters they carried with them, and suffered the gentlewoman
to goe." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 234.
" Poor Baroun, otherwayes ane ornament of our nation, we found lies been much in multis
the Canterburian way : great knaverie and direct intercourse with his Grace we fand among
them, and yet all was hid from us that they could." Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 248.
Dr. Robert Baron, a cadet of the house of Kinnaird, in Fife, was one of the most
erudite theologians of the seventeenth century.
Bishop Sydserf characterises him as " Vir in omni Scholastica Theologia & omni litera-
tura versatissimus." Gul. Forbesii Consid. Modest, et Pacif. praef.
" Et quis," asks Antonius Clementius, " Baronium ignoret, tot Theologorum pridem ac
Philosophorum laudibus decantatum ? Philosophiam Theologiae ancillantem quis est qui
non efferat ? utilitatcm, perspicuitatem extollat ?" Baronii Metaph. Gener. praef.
" Hie est ille mellitus Doctor," a contemporary writes, " qui morum suavitate, & elegan-
tia ad omnes promerendos natus est. Hie est ille qui subtilitatem Seraphicam cum summa
perspicuitate posse conjungi ostendit. Hie est ille denique qui scriptis inclaruit : & recens in
vindicandis contra Adversarium negotiosissimum, Fidei, & divinae scientiae principiis, se
eruditionis sacrae finem & perfectionem assequutum arguit." A. Strachani Panegyric.
Inavg. in Avt. Acad. Aberd., p. 22.
" Robert Baron," says Middleton, " was a person of incomparable worth and Learning.
He had a clear apprehension of things, and a rare facultie of making the hardest things to
be easily understood." Appendix to Archbp. Spottiswoode, p. 29.
" Fuit Robertus Baronius" Dr. Garden writes, " vir perspicacissimi ingenii, qui singu-
lari praeditus facultate, obscuriora elucidandi, difficiliaque enodandi, difficultatis alicujus no-
dum ac facilem ipsius evolutionem expedite & acute perspiciebat. Ipse distinctos ac claros
de rebus habens conceptus, eos methodica ac distincta expositione aliis intellectu faciles red-
debat. In Theologia Scholastica versatissimus." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xlii.
236
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. by Munroe, who made the gentlwoman prisoner at the Assemblies
instance, and sent her, and all such papers as could be founde besyde her,
under a safe convey to Aberdeen ; whither she was no sooner come but she
" Dr. Baron," says Dr. Irving, " was one of the chief ornaments of the University of
Aberdeen at a time when it abounded with men of ingenuity and learning." Lives of
the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 135. See also Irving's Lives of" Scotish Writers, vol. ii.,
pp. 32, 49.
He was educated in the University of St. Andrew's, where, as we learn from an anecdote
preserved by Clementius, his early proficiency in learning attracted the notice of King
James VL : " De ipso Authore ejusque vita & excessu plura fortasse alias trademus, si ne-
cessaria subsidia suppeditentur. Lubet interim hie attexere, quod a B.M. Parente meo
notatum comperio, dum in Andreapolitana Academia studiorum causa versaretur. Narrat
ergo in Pugillaribus suis, nostrum hunc Baronium imberbem adhuc & admodum juvenem,
Anno clo to CXVII coram Rege jacobo, & frequentissimo Auditorum coetu, summa ingenii
ac judicii dexteritate Disputationem sustinuisse de materia miscelli generis, maxime Folitica.
Regem inter haec vultu in Baronium defixo, singularem attentionem atque admirationem prae
se tulisse. Tandem in verba erupisse, Baronium interrogasse ut sibi vellet exhibere demon-
strationem certae cujusdam Theseos, (quae fuerit, non possum scire) ; qua ab Adolescente
accepta, palam & ilium et illam laudavit, pluraque in eandem rem adjecit, omnia Latino ser-
mone : admirantibus cunctis, turn singularem Maximi Regis affectum & benevolentiam, turn
ipsius Adolescentis miram jam ilia aetate sagacitatem ac promptitudinem."
After having for a short while professed philosophy at St. Andrews, Baron was called on to
succeed Patrick Forbes of Corse, as minister of the parish of Keith. In 1624, he was trans-
lated to a pastoral charge in Aberdeen, where he was shortly afterwards, on the foundation
of that chair, appointed professor of theology in Marischal College. At the beginning of the
troubles, he fied to Berwick, where he died, in 1639, having been a short time previously
nominated to the bishopric of Orkney. The latter years of his life seem to have been
weisrhed down by sickness and infirmity. In 1631, the town council dispensed with his
preaching in the kirk, on account of his bodily weakness. (Counc. Reg., vol. Hi., p. 40.)
The following is as complete a list of Dr. Baron's writings as the Editors have been able to
furnish :
1. Philosophia Theologiae Ancillans, hoc est, Pia & sobria explicatio Quaestionum
Philosophicarvm in Disputationibus Theologicis subinde occurrentium. Avctore Roberto
Baronio, Philosophiae Professore, in illustri Collegio S. Salvatoris. Andreapoli, Excudit
Eduardus Rabanus, Vniversitatis Typographus. 1621. Cvm Privilegio. 8vo. Oxoniae,
1641, 8vo. Amstelodami, 1649, 12mo. : " et," says Antonius Clementius, " in Belgio
saepius, in 12." The first part of the work is dedicated to the archbishop of St. Andrews ;
the second to Alexander Gladstane, archdeacon of St. Andrews ; and the third to Sir John
Scot of Scotstarvet. Prefixed to the volume are two commendatory poems : the one ad-
dressed " Dn. R. Baronio, quondam discipulo suo," and subscribed " H. Danskinvs, amoe-
niorum literarum professor Andreap. ;" the other signed " Iacobvs Glegivs, humaniorum
literarum professor Taodvni." Henry Danskin is one of the contributors to the Delitiae
Poetarum Scotorum.
2. Disputatio de Authoritate S. Scripturae, seu de Formali Objecto Fidei. Abredoniae,
1627, 4to. This treatise, says Dr. Garden, " ediderat Baronius cum S.S. Theologiae
Doctor renunciatus est." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xliii. It was assailed by George Turn-
bull, a learned member of the Society of Jesus, and professor of theology at Pont-a-
Mousson, in a work published at Rheims, in 1628, with the title of " De Imaginario Circulo
Pontificio, contra Baronium."
3. Ad Georgii Turnbulli Tetragonismum Pseudographum Apodixis Catholica, sive Apo-
logia pro Disputatione de Formali Objecto Fidei. Abredoniae, 1631, 8vo. This work is
Ch. XXXV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
237
must delyver the key of her husbands librarye, that it might be searched A. D. 1640.
for manuscriptts and letters. Some letters wer founde wryttne by the
bishopp of Rosse, concerninge the printing of the Booke of Canons, and a
dedicated to Bishop Patrick Forbes, and commendatory verses by Dr. Arthur Johnstone
and Dr. William Johnstone are prefixed to it. Turnbull published in reply, " Sententia
Juris in Calumniatorem, contra Baronium. Remis, 1632." " How much," says Sir Thomas
Urquhart, " the Protestant faith oweth to Doctor Robert Baron for his learned treatises
(against Turnbull the Jesuite) de objecto formali fidei, I leave to be judged by those that
have perused them." Tracts, p. 122. Arthur Johnstone has two copies of verses, " De
diatriba Roberti Baronii D. Theologi adversus Trumbullium." Art. Ionstoni Poemata,
p. 376.
4. Disputatio Theologica, De vero discrimine peccati mortalis & venialis, deque impossi-
bilitate implendi legem Dei ob quotidianam peccatorum venialium incursionem. Cui
Annexa est Appendix de possibilitate praestandi legem consideratam secundum ivaixtiav
Evangelicam. Authore Roberto Baronio, Ecclesiaste Abredonensi, S.S. Theologia Doc-
tore, et ejusdem in Academia Marescallana Professore. Abredoniae, Excudebat Edwardus
Rabanus, 1633, 8vo. Amstelodami, 1649, 12rao. This treatise is dedicated by the author to
Sir Paul Menzies of Kynmundie, the provost, and to the other magistrates and the town
council of Aberdeen. It was printed at their charge : the expense, it appears, amounting
to nearly one hundred and eleven pounds Scots, of which twenty-one pounds were paid for
the paper, " sevyn rym coft from Robert Cruickshank." Aberdeen Council Register, vol.
lii., p. 115., and the City Treasurer's Accounts for 1633. The work called forth an answer
from William Chalmers, or Camerarius, a member of the Society of Jesus.
5. A Sermon, Preached at the Funerall of the R. R. Father in God, Patricke Forbes,
Late Lord Bishop of Aberdene, In the Cathedrall Church of that Dioces, the 9 of Aprill,
1635 ; by Robert Baron, Doctor and Professor of Divinitie, and one of the Ministers of
God's Word in the Burgh of Aberdene. This is printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp.
1—58.
6. Rob. Baronii, Theologi ac Philosophi celeberrimi, Metaphysica Generalis. Accedunt
nunc primum quae supererant ex Parte Speciali. Omnia ad Vsum Theologiae accommodata.
Opus Postumum Ex museo Antonii Clementii Zirizaei. Londini, Ex Officina J. Redmayne.
n. d. 12mo. The preface is dated from Ziriczee in Zealand, the fifteenth of February, 1657,
and the work was doubtless published in that year. Dr. Irving refers to an edition in 8vo.
published in Leyden also in 1657. And a third, in 12mo., appeared at London in the fol-
lowing year, bearing this imprint : Londini, Ex Officina R. Danielis, & vaeneunt apud Th.
Robinson & Ri. Davis Bibliopolas Oxonienses. 1658. Dr. Watt, in his Bibliotheca
Britannica, enumerates a fourth edition, at Cambridge, in 1685. 8vo.
There is preserved in a volume of tracts, in the library of The Marischal College [N. 5. 10.]
a fragment, consisting of sixteen pages in small quarto, evidently printed by Edward Raban,
and, so far as can be determined from internal evidence, written by Dr. Baron. It is entitled
7. An Epitaph, Or Consolatorie Epistle, Vpon the death of the sayd Young Man :
Written to his Mother, By M. R. B. Preacher of the Evangel.
The works which Baron left behind him in manuscript seem to have been numerous. The
following are enumerated by Dr. Garden :
8. Disputationes Theologicae de Triplici Hominis Statu. This is preserved in the li-
brary of The King's College, and extends to two hundred and twelve pages.
9. Isagoge ad saniorem doctrinam de Praedestinatione & de Articulis annexis.
10. Tractatus de Antecedaneis seu Dispositionibus praeviis ad Justificationem, deque vero
discrimine Vocationis & Sanctificationis.
11. Disputationes quaedam Theologicae, la. De Regula Fidei principali. [This is pre-
served in the library of The King's College ] Ha. De visibili & ordinario Controver-
238
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. timber peece of tailly du pierre, wherupon was cut the Kings armes, to
be printed into the frontispeece of that booke. Thes letters wer publickly
reade in the Assemblye, as if they had imported something very extraordi-
nar ; but ther was none present to ansuer for them. Only the printer,
Edward Raban, ane Englishman, was calld upon ; and because they could
not formally challendge him for printing the bishopps canons, therfor it was
objected that he had manked ane common prayer in a new editione of the
psalm booke, which some yeares befor he had printed, in a large octavo/1)
It was a forme of ane evning prayer, whence he had tackne of the conclu-
sione for want of paper, it being the closure of the last sheete of the
booke. Ther wer other coppyes of that prayer readde, and they wold
siarum Judice. Ilia. De Monarchia, Suprematu, & Judiciaria Infallibilitate Pontificis Ro-
mani. IVa. De Ecclesia Christi in terris militante. The contents of this last tract, which
the author left unfinished, are more particularly indicated by Garden, Vita Johannis For-
besii, § xliii.
12. Septenarius Sacer de Principiis & Causis Fidei Catholicae. This is preserved in
the library of The King's College, and extends to one hundred and twenty-six pages.
Besides these, Charteris (who calls him " very learned in the scholastick theology, and
deservedly judged to be inferior to none of the Protestants in that kind of learning,")
attributes to Baron other two works, " De Scientia Media," and " Disputatio de Universa-
litate Mortis Christi, contra Rheterfortem." Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers,
p. 23. But these are, perhaps, merely parts of some of the treatises enumerated by Garden.
The latter work was directed against the well-known Samuel Rutherford, who, in his letters
from Aberdeen, makes several allusions to his controversy with Baron : " Dr. Barron hath
often disputed with me, especially about Arminian controversies and for the Ceremonies :
three yokings laid him by ; and I have not been troubled with him since : now he hath ap-
pointed a dispute before witnesses I am openly preached against in the pulpits, in
ray hearing, and tempted with Disputations by the Doctors, especially by D[octor] B[aron]
I am here troubled with the disputes of the great Doctors (especially with D[octor]
B[aron] in ceremoniall and arminian controversies, for all are corrupt here). Mr. Ruther-
foord's Letters, The Third Edition, Now divided in three Parts, pp. 48, 180, 221.
Printed in the year 1675. 8vo.
13. Consilium Philosophicum. This occurs in an imperfect list of Baron's works pre-
fixed to the edition of his Metaphysica Generalis which appeared at London in 1658.
The same catalogue mentions, among the printed works of Baron, " Metaphysica Generalis,
cum Reliquiis Partis Specialis. in 8." alluding apparently to some less perfect edition of the
Metaphysica Generalis than that to which the list was prefixed.
Arthur Johnstone has addressed more than one of his poems to Dr. Baron : " Ad D. Ro-
bertum Baronium Theologum de obitu filioli," (A. Ionstoni Poemata, p. 182), and " Ad
Robertum Baronium," ( Id. p. 308). In the following epigram by the same poet (Id. p. 365)
he is commemorated, along with the bishop of Edinburgh : " De Gulielmo Forbesio & Ro-
berto Baronio, Theologis Abredonensibus :
" Nil, quod Forbesio, Christi dum pascit ovile,
Nil, quod Baronio comparet, orbis habet.
Eloquio sunt ambo pares ; discrimen in uno est ;
Quo lubet, hie mentes pellicit, ille rapit."]
(O [See above, vol. ii., p. 128, note (2).]
Ch. XXXVI.] HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
239
needs have the printer confesse that he had throwne away all that clause A. D. 1640.
out of designe, or by warrant of some of the ministers of Aberdeen. The
printer protested solemnly, that what he did was of himself, and was done
for want of paper ; and simply that if they wer offended, he craved them
humble pardone ; that he could instance that, except in that coppy, he
had never omitted to print the conclusione of that evning prayer in any
other editione of the psalmes in meeter, and should never omitte it againe.
So, after a rebooke for his rashnesse in curtailing a prayer, he gott licence
to be gone, without furder censure.
XXXVI. Dr. William Forbesse (of whom befor) who had been bishopp Dr. William
of Edinburgh some yeares befor, and dyed ther the first yeare after his F°rrjes wnt-
. , TT. i c n i i • mSs accused
entrye, was now mentioned. His memory was nateiull to them, as being a by William
man anti-presbyterian to the outmost, and one who in his lyfe tvme, whilst Ridge of he-
he was minister of Edinburgh, had been accused for heterodox doctrine Mr. j. Kempt,
(preached publickly in Edinburgh) by one William Ridge,0) a great pre-
cisian accompted in thes tymes, so farr as to affect a singularitye in his
apperell, (which gave occasione to one who was none of the wysest to tell
him, upon a tyme, that his relligion and his breeches wer both out of the
fashione.) This William Ridge, as he had persecuted Dr. William For-
(U [William Ridge, or Rigg, of Athenrie, one of the baillies of Edinburgh. It was re-
presented to the King, in 1624, " that he was the chief Ring-leader of the Non-conformit-
ants in Edinburgh, and that he contributed liberally to the printing of books, which crossed
the course of conformitie." Calderwood, p. 812. " Upon Thursday the 25. of March,
[1624] Doctor Forbes in the Session denounced heavie judgements against some of the Elders
and Deacons ; because they refused to attend upon the Celebration of the Supper. To John
Dickson he said, ye want wit, ye should be catechized, ye are an ignorant, and get too much
libertie to censure the Doctrine of your Pastors. James Nearne, ye must be catechized, ye
are an ignorant, a recusant, ye should be punished, ye are a bairne, howbeit ye have hair
upon your face, and must be catechized. To John Smith, ye are a bairne, ye should not
speak, but be catechized. To William Rigg, Bailiff, ye are a debaucht vagerer, ye should
be catechized. The Bailiff answered, he had been Catechized by very honest, worthie &
learned men, of whom some were with the Lord, and some were yet alive. Mr Forbes
replied, he was learneder then any of them, and would Catechise them that Catechised him ;
they were but mercenarie men and pensioners. Bring out your Gamaliel, said he, produce
him, if ye have any in your house, that we may see him. The Bailiff answered, they were
frier of these imputations, than himself. O master Bailiff, said he, O master Rigg, a great
Magistrat, O a great Clerk. In end he bad them all come down to the Magdalen Chappel,
that he might Catechize them, and threatened they should smart. Many moe speeches he
uttered, as if he had been bereft of his wits, for calling his Doctrine in question at the pub-
lick meeting two days before." Id. pp. 804, 805. " Upon the seventh of June [1624]
the King directed [a committee of the Privy Council] to deprive William Rigg of his
Office, to fine him in fifty thousand pounds, to ward his Person in Blackness Castle, till
the summe were payed, and after to confine him in Orkney." Id. p. 808. This sentence,
it appears, was afterwards considerably modified.]
240
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. besse living, so, at this tyrae being a ruling elder at the Assembly of
Aberdeene, he resolves to persecute his memorye, and, as farr as lyes in
his power, for to suppresse the workes that Dr. Forbesse was saide to have
left behynde him ; for ther was a report that he had wryttne a booke, in
which he strove, as farr as was possible, for to reconceile the differences
betuixt the protestants and papistes. The Assembly will have it enqwyred
after, and all the young men expectants about Aberdeen are qwestioned
what they knew of such a booke. The ministry lyckways are examined,
and it was answered by some present that such a booke ther was extant, in
manuscript, in severall handes. Amongst others, upp standes one Mr.
Johne Kempe, a cittizen of Aberdeen, who had spent his stocke and was
turnd preacher,(0 and tells them he had a coppy therof besyde him.
William Ridge is employd for to goe fetche it, who had offered himselfe to
that service, and withall to goe searche Dr. Robert Barrons study, if any
such manuscript could be founde therin ; which instantly he did, and
brought, into triumphant manner, a couple of coppyes into the Assembly
house ; one delyvered by Mr. Johne Kempt, who gott the thankes of the
house for his ingenuitye ; and another founde amongst Dr. Barrons librarye.
Ther was lyckwayes founde another booke, much to the same pourpose,
wryttne by one WarnesiusX2) Warnesius booke was lyckwayes publickly ex-
hibited, and thes bookes wer putt into the handes of the moderator/3) to be
perused, and to some others, who failed not for to suppresse the coppyes of
Dr. Forbesse booke so ; that it was esteemed as dead as the author, till
the yeare 1659, in which yeare, beyond all mens expectatione, it came out
in printe at Londone,(4) and since has been publickly sould by the stationers
(1) [Probably the same person who is mentioned by Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp.
145, 232 ; and who appears among the contributors to Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 396,
397.]
(2) [The work alluded to was afterwards published at Oxford from a collation of three
manuscripts belonging to Archbishop Sancroft, the Earl of Anglesey, and the Dean of St.
Pauls. It is entitled, " Catholico-Romanus Pacificus. Auctore Joanne Barnesio, Bene-
dictino Anglo. Oxoniae, E Theatro Sheldoniano Anno MDCLXXX." In a short pre-
face, some account is give of the author's unhappy fate.]
(3) [See Appendix, No. III.]
(*) [Considerationes Modestae et Pacifica; Controversiarum, de Justificatione, Purgatorio,
Invocatione Sanctorum et Christo Mediatore, Eucharistia. Per Gulielmum Forbesium
S.T.D. & Episcopum Edenburgensem Primum. Opus Posthumum, diu desideratum. Lon-
dini, M DC LVIII. 8vo. A more accurate edition appeared at Helmstadt in 1704 ; and a
writer in the Biographie Universelle (t. xv. p. 237). mentions a third at Francfort-on-the
Maine, in 1707.]
Ch. XXXVI.] history of scots affairs.
241
in Scottland, to the great offence of the presbyterians ; but William Ridge A. D. 1640.
was deade befor it appeared againe.O) That booke was published by the
care of bishop Thomas Sydserfe, to whom the dying author delyvered a
coppye, bidding him macke any use of it that he pleased. That manuscripts
did runne all the hazards that bishop Sydserfe endurd, till such tyme as
all being in confusione, without oppositione he gott it printed at Londone,
by the oversight of some of his freendes ther : A booke which speackes the
authors great reading and learning ; as indeed he was one of the learndtest
men and the most eloquent preachers in his age, or that ever Aberdeen,
the nursery of so many great spiritts, ever brought forthe.CO
(1) [He died before the eighteenth of April, 1644. Inquisitiones Generales, 2970.]
(2) [Dr. William Forbes was born, at Aberdeen, in 1585. His father was of the family
of Corsindae, and his mother was sister of an eminent physician, Dr. James Cargill. He
was educated in The Marischal College, and resided for some time at several of the
continental universities, and at Oxford. He was successively minister at Alford, at
Monymusk, and at Aberdeen ; and, in 1618, was appointed principal of The Marischal
College. He was subsequently, for some time, one of the ministers of Edinburgh ; but his
zeal for episcopacy and liturgical observances, rendered him unpopular among the inhabi-
tants of the capital. He therefore gladly accepted an invitation to resume his former office
as one of the ministers of Aberdeen, where his principles were more in accordance with
those of his flock. When Charles I. visited Edinburgh, in 1638, Dr. Forbes preached
before him. The King was so pleased that he declared the preacher to be worthy having
a bishopric created for him. This circumstance, no doubt, along with his acknowledged
ability and uprightness, led to his nomination as first bishop of Edinburgh, on the creation
of that see. He was consecrated in February, 1634, but did not long survive his promo-
tion. He died on the 11th April following, and was interred in the cathedral of St. Giles,
where a monument was erected to his memory, with an inscription, a copy of which will be
found in Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 184. A brief memoir of Dr. Forbes was pre-
fixed to his Considerationes Modestae et Pacificae ; and a more extended biography of him
may be found in Dr. Irving's Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. ii., p. 1 — 10. An engraving
from a contemporary portrait of the learned prelate is given in Pinkerton's Iconographia
Scotica, Lond. 1797. Besides the posthumous work mentioned in a preceding note, he
wrote Animadversions on the Works of Cardinal Bellarmin. These, after his death, came
into the possession of Dr. Baron, who intended to prepare them for the press ; but they
disappeared during the subsequent troubles, and have not since been discovered. Sir
Thomas Urquhart, who says that he was " so able a scholar, that since the days of Scotus
Subtilis, there was never any that professed either divinity or philosophy in Scotland, that
in either of those faculties did parallel him," adds, that " he left manuscripts of great learn-
ing behind him, which as I am informed were bought at a good rate by Doctor Laud late
Archbishop of Canterbury." Sir T. Urquhart's Tracts, p. 133. Writers of almost every
class have united in acknowledging the learning and the piety of Dr. William Forbes.
" Scientiarum is est Oceanus," a contemporary writes, " eruditionis abyssus, quod de suo
Scaligero dicebat vir clarissimus D. Heinsius: ^iSkioiixti 'i/i^u^os, mi T^ifoimt, quod de
Dionysio Longino dicebat Eunapius. In Bibliotheca, quam habet instructissima, nullam se
doctiorem schedam agnoscit : & tamen non mavult quicquam scribere, quam scire. Nescio
an Theologum majorem oculus hie mundi norit. Meliorem certe virum haec aetas non tulit.
Natus videtur, & ad Regiae hujus Academiae, & ad Collegii Mareschallani (cujus aliquando
2 H
242 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. V.
A. D. 1640. XXXVII. Thus the Assemblyes errand was throughly done; thes
Eulo°ium of emment divynes of Aberdeen, either deade, deposed, or banished, in whom
the Aberdeen fell mor learning then was left behynde in all Scottland besyde, at that
Doctors. tyme. Nor has that cittye, nor any cittye in Scottland, ever since seene so
Gymnasiarcha fuit dignissimus) ornamentum & commodum." A. Strachani Panegyric.
Inavg, in Avt. Acad. Aberd., p. 19.
" He was," says Middleton, " a person of rare Endowments, vast Learning, and a cele-
brated Preacher. He was indeed a most holy person, of whom all that ever knew him give
this Character, that they never saw him but they thought his heart was in heaven. He was
indeed a fit pattern to all that should come after him." Appendix to Archbp. Spottiswoode,
p. 29.
" II estoit," says Arnauld, " le plus modere & le plus equitable de ces Episcopaux pacifi-
ques, qui souhaitant que les Protestans & les Catholiques eussent pu se reunir, ne faisoient
nulle difficulte de se declarer pour les Catholiques contre les Calvinistes, quand ils croioient
que les Calvinistes avoient tort, comme celuy-cy l'a cru en plusieurs des points de contro-
verse qu'il a traitez." Arnauld, Calvinisme convaincu de nouveau, p. 120, cited by Bayle,
Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, tome ii., pag. 487, edit. Basle, 1738.
" He was a grave and eminent divine," says Bishop Burnet : " my father, that knew
him long, and being of council for him in his law-matters, had occasion to know him well,
has often told me that he never saw him but he thought his heart was in heaven, and he
was never alone with him but he felt within himself a commentary on these words of the
apostles, ' Did not our hearts burn within us, while he yet talked with us, and opened to
us the scriptures ?' He preached with a zeal and vehemence that made him forget all the
measures of time ; two or three hours was no extraordinary thing for him ; those sermons
wasted his strength so fast, and his ascetical course of life was such, that he supplyed it so
scantly that he dyed within a year after his promotion ; so he only appeared there long
enough to be known, but not long enough to do what might have been otherwise expected
from so great a prelate. That little remnant of his that is in print shews how learned he
was. I do not deny but his earnest desire of a general peace and union among all Chris-
tians has made him too favourable to many of the corruptions in the Church of Rome : but
tho' a charity that is not well ballanced may carry one to very indiscreet things, yet the
principle from whence they flowed in him was so truly good, that the errors to which it
carried him ought to be either excused, or at least to be very gently censured." Burnet's
Life of Dr. William Bedell, pref. Lond. 1685.
" Bene autem factum," writes Dr. Grabe in a note on Bishop Bull's Harmonia Evan-
gelica, " quod doctissimus auctor plerosque, non omnes, Protestantium Doctores, hujus
erroris accusant : quippe aliqui rectius hac in parte senserunt, quorum nomina partun, par-
tim verba adduxit, is, quem semper tanquam egregium in hac aliisque pluribus contro-
versiis moderatorem, et vere apostolicum Edinburgensis Ecclesiae Praesulem, summopere
veneratus sum, Gulielmum Forbesium dico, in Considerationibus Pacificis ac Modestis, lib.
iv. de Justificatione, cap. 2." Dr. Burton's Edition of Bishop Bull's Works, vol. iii., p. 43.
" Vir," says Dr. Garden, " vitae sanctimonia, humilitate cordis, gravitate, modestia, tem-
perantia, orationis & jejunii frequentia, bonorum operum praxi, industria pauperum cura,
clinicorum crebra visitatione & consolatione, & omnifaria virtute Christiana, inter optimos
primitivae Ecclesiae Patres annumerandus. In concionando ad populum fervens, adeo ut
Auditorum mentes & afiectus raperet, doctrina & eruditione insignis, sublimato pollens
judicio, memoria etiam tenacissima (de quo vulgo dictum, quod ignoraret quid sit oblivisci).
Veritatis & Pacis amantissimus, ac proinde rerum controversarum momentis acutissime
expensis & pensitatis, nulli parti addictus, partium lites componere, saltern mitigare satage-
bat." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xli.
Ch. XXXVII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
243
many learned divynes and scollers at one tyme together as wer immediatly a. D. 1640.
befor this in Aberdeene.o From that tyrae fordwards, learning beganne to
be discountenanced, and such as wer knowing in antiqwitye and in the
wryttings of the fathers, wer had in suspitione as men who smelled of
His friend, Dr. Arthur Johnstone, has commemorated him in the following epigram,
" De Gulielmo Forbesio, D. Theologo.
Omnia mel vincit dulcedine, sidera lucem
Prae reliquis, robur missile fulmen habet.
Eloquium si quis Forbesi comparet istis,
Mel fatuum, nigra sunt sidera, fulmen hebes."
A. Ionstoni Poemata, p. 364. His son Andrew became " professor of humanity in the town of
St. Jean D' Angel, near the town of La Rochelle." Maidment's Catal. Scot. Writ., p. 124.]
(i) [The Doctors of Aberdeen, says Bishop Guthrie, " for their eminency in learning
were famous not only at home, but also throughout other churches abroad." Memoirs, p. 38.
Clarendon commemorates the "many excellent scholars and very learned men" under whom
the Scotish " Universities, especially Aberdeen, flourished." Hist, of Rebell., vol. i., p. 145.
Archbishop Laud tells Mr. Alexander Henderson " he should do well to let Canterbury
alone, and answer the learned Divines of Aberdeen ; who have laid him and all that Faction,
open enough to the Christian World, to make the memory of them and their Cause, stink to
all Posterity." H. Wharton's History of Laud's Troubles and Tryal, pp. 112, 113.
Bishop Patrick Forbes, says Burnet, " took such care of the two colledges in his diocess,
that they became quickly distinguished from all the rest of Scotland : so that when the
troubles in that church broke out, the doctors there were the only persons that could main-
tain the cause of the church ; as appears by the papers that past between them and the
covenanters. And though they begun first to manage that argument in print, there has
nothing appeared since more perfect than what they writ. They were an honour to the
church, both by their lives and by their learning ; and with that excellent temper they sea-
soned that whole diocess, both clergy and laity, that it continues to this day very much dis-
tinguished from all the rest of Scotland, both for learning, loyalty, and peaceableness."
Life of Bedell, pref.
" These," says the genealogist of the Gordons, " were then the Ministers of Aberdeen,
famous then, yet, and ever will be, for their eminent Learning, Loyalty, and Piety. While
they were allowed to live there, there was no such cry heard in the streets of that then
loyal City, To your Tents, O Israel ! the common Cant then of the Covenanters. They
were faithful Pastors ; they led their Flocks to quiet Waters ; they fed them with whole-
some Food, brought from the Scriptures, and the Practice of the primitive Christians.
They had read most exactly the Writings of the antient Fathers in their own Language
(undervalued now, because unknown to the present Teachers in that City.) They knew
the Practice of the primitive Christians, in the Time of their hottest Persecutions by the
heathen Emperors. They taught their People to obey the King as Supreme, and those
subordinate to him for Conscience sake, and not to rise up in arms and rebel for Conscience
sake, as the Covenanters did. They were affectionate Fathers to their Flocks : Thev
taught them in the Words of the wise Man, My son, fear G OD, and honour the king,
and meddle not with those who are given to change ; and as they taught, so did they prac-
tise. In fine, the learned Works they left behind them, will continue their Fame, all the
learn'd World over, as long as Learning is in any Esteem. Notwithstanding all which,
neither their Learning nor Piety were sufficient armour to defend them from the Fury of the
Covenanters, who most barbarously used them, all of them hereafter being deposed from
their Ministry, turnd out of their livings, and some of them obliged to fly abroad, and seek
their Bread in a foreign Land. And thus did the Covenanters begin their Work of Refor-
244
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
jrorv.
A. D. 1640. poperye, and he was most esteemed of who affected novellisme and singu-
laritye most ; and the very forme of preaching, as wealle as the materialls,
was chainged, for the most pairt. Learning was nicknamed human learn-
ing, and some ministers so farr cryed it doune in ther pulpitts, as they wer
heard to saye, " Downe doctrine, and upp Chryste." But mor of this
afterwardes possiblye.
other masters XXXVIII. All the rest of the members and maisters of the two
legtesf tW° C0'" co^e(i&es either conformed, or wer protected by one meanes or other, and
kept ther stations, except such as voluntarly forsooke ther places and pro-
fessione ; yet the comissione to visite was continowd.
Mr. John Gre- XXXIX. The countrey ministers wer next called in questione. Mr.
Johne Gregory his fault was mostly his refoosal to subscrybe the Covenant ;
and he was referred for censure to the assembly provinciall of Aberdeen,
wher his suspention was to be tackne off as they saw cause/15
mation in the North of Scotland." History of the Illustrious Family of Gordon, vol. ii.,
pp. 218, 219.
" Quantum autem Ecclesiam Aberdonensem Episcopus hie [Patricius Forbesius a Corse],
quantum Universitatem Aberdonensem Cancellarius hie auxerit & ornarit, dicere in proclivi
non est : Almam Matrem jacentem attollens, ulnisque amplexus benignus fovit ; artus col-
lapsos & amputata Membra mira dexteritate unit, medicaque manu sanos & integros restituit.
Illi aedes quas incoleret instaurandas, censum & annuos reditus quibus aleretur, partim redi-
mendos, partim eonfirmandos, summo cum labore curat. Cuncta quae nuper tenebris, situ &
torpore squalebant, erexit & correxit, luce & calore suo vitali corusca & vegeta effecit.
Exinde effoeta Mater juvenescere, foecunda natorum progenies sobolescere, languentes
Musae reviviscere, & torpentia liberalium artium studia hie iterum revirescere coeperunt.
Ita hujus auspiciis nata est aurea ilia aetas literarum Aberdonensium in qua floruerunt viri
egregie docti & pii, praefulgidae stellae ex aureo hoc sidere ortae." Donaides : sive Mu-
sarum Aberdonensium de eximia Jacobi Fraserii, J. U. D. In Academiam Regiam Aber-
donensem munificentia, Carmen Eucharisticum. Notis illustratum, etc. Auctore Joanne
Ker, Graec. Litt. Prof, in Acad. Reg. Aberdon. p. 20. Edinb. 1725. 4to.
" The University of Aberdeen," says the laborious Chalmers, " could then boast of se-
veral doctors, with Baron at their head, who were celebrated by Clarendon for their forti-
tude, and praised by Burnet for their temper, as well as their learning. These extraordi-
nary scholars have not yet been surpassed in their knowledge of theology." Caledonia,
vol. i., p. 884. " Nor," says the same author elsewhere, " is it easy to find a single person
of any consequence in Scotland, who can fairly be considered guiltless of the ruin of their
country ; so general were the delusions of the covenant ; all but The Doctors of Aberdeen,
who are so emphatically commended by Clarendon, for the superiority of their learning and
the firmness of their spirit." Id., vol. ii., p. 693.
The loyalty of the Doctors of Aberdeen was remembered at the Restoration. In June,
1661, Parliament voted to the relict and children of Dr. Baron, two hundred pounds ; to
the relict and children of Dr. Sibbald, two hundred pounds ; to the relict and children of
Dr. Ross, one hundred and fifty pounds. Acts Pari. Scot., vol. vii., app., p. 78.]
(U [Mr. John Gregory, the first of a family singularly distinguished for the many learned
and scientific writers whom it has produced, was, according to Spalding, deposed by the
Aberdeen Assembly of 1640, but was reponed by the Assembly which met at St. Andrew's
in the succeeding year. He survived till about the year 1652.]
Cn. XLL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
245
XL. Mr. Johne Rosse of Birse was accused for some personall escapes, A. D. 1640.
wherin he was founde to be calumniat by his enemyes. His fault was non- Mr-jonnRoss.
subscriptione, but with teares (for what cause they wer shedd, it is uncer-
tane), upon his cheekes, he offered to subscrybe; and so his sentence con-
tinowd, and he referred to his aune provinciall.(,)
XLI. Mr. Andrew Logy, minister at Raine, [was] accused for anti-Cove- Mr. Andrew
nanting, and that he had carryd cholerickly and imperiously in his parishin, p^g/"^
readye upon all ocasions to sqwable with his parishoners (of whom ther wer then deprived ;
some at that tyme of a qwarellsome and tumultuary humor). Some of his reponed, de-
J n prived again ;
parishoners* who wer summoned to beare witnesse, refoosed to depone till and a third
they gott assurance that he should be depryved, if they tould the truth : time reponed.
For, said theye, if we declare what we know, and yow deprive him not, it
will be impossible for us afterwards to live in qwyett besyde him. This
was aequivalent to a depositione ; yet they gott assuraunce he should be de-
pryved, if all wer provne whairof he was accused. The result of his
processe was that he was suspended, then depryved of his ministrye, and
shortly after, by the mediatione of Generall Leslye (who was Mr. Andrew
Logye his wyfes kinsman) he was reponed ;(2) yet, upon new jealousyes, not
long after deprived againe,(3) and never restored during his lyfe till anno
1661, after the returne of King Charles the Second, upon the transplanta-
tion of the then incumbent of Raine, he was for the third tyme restored to
his oune place, in his old age. In his younger yeares, he had been bredd
under Daniel Tilenus, in Sedan ;(4> and after his returne unto Scottland,
settled in the archdeanrye of Aberdeene : No evill man, yet one whoise
(l) [Ross, it appears from Spalding, was afterwards reponed in his benefice. Among the
imprinted acts of the General Assembly of 1647, is one entitled " Ref. Master John Rosse
at Birse, to the Synode of Aberdene." Records of the Kirk, p. 483.]
* Patrick Leeth in Kirketoun.
00 [In the General Assembly which met at St. Andrews in 1641.]
(3) [By the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1643. Records of the Kirk,
p. 341. " Mr. Andrew Logie," says Baillie, " who latelie had been reposed to his ministrie,
being cited to answer many slanderous speeches in pulpit, not compeiring, bot by an idle
letter to the Moderator, was deposed, without return to that Church for ever." Letters,
vol. ii., p. 92.]
W [Daniel Tilenus, for some time the colleague of Mr. Andrew Melville in the profession
of theology at Sedan, was born at Goldberg, in Silesia, in 1563, and died at Paris in 1633.
He is the author of the following, besides several other works : " De Disciplina Ecclesiastica
Brevis et Modesta Dissertatio, Ad Ecclesiam Scoticam. Autore Gallo quondam Theo-
logo, Verbi Divini Ministro. Aberdoniae, Excudebat Eduardus Rabanus, Impensis Davidis
Melvill, 1622. Cum Privilegio."]
246
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. chollricke humor shewed oftne rather want of stavdnesse then learning.
When he was accused, it was objected to him, be wave of taunt, by some
who wer present, that he had been Tillens scoller, whom they fancyd not.O)
Mr. Richard XL II. Mr. Richard Maitlands accusatione was, that he had poasted to
Maitland. the complvance with the Service Booke, and other innovations ; also, that
he had caused macke a great founte stone, and sett it upp in his parish
(l) [Mr. Andrew Logie.. parson of Rayne and archdeacon of Aberdeen, is the author of
the following work: " CUM BONO DEO. Raine from the Clovds, vpon a Choicke
Angel : Or, A returned Answere, to that common Quaeritur of our Adversaries, Where
was your Church before Luther? Digested into severall Meditations, according to the
difference of Points. Extorted off the Author, for stilling the vncessant, and no lesse cla-
morous Coassation of some Patmicke Frogges, against the lawfulnesse of our Calling.
Matte, xxi. tees. 23. &c. And when Hee was come into the Temple, the chiefe Priests,
and Elders o f the People, came vrito Him, as he was teaching, and sayd ; By what autho-
rise doest Thou these things ? and who gaue Thee this authoritie f Aberdene, Imprinted
By Edward Raban, Dwelling vpon the Market-place, at the Townes Armes, 1624. Cum
privilegio." It is dedicated by the author who subscribes himself u Arch-Deane of Aber-
dene," to " the right worshipfvll, and trvelie religiovs, Sr Alexander Gordon of Clunie,
Knight." Prefixed are three commendatory poems, one in Latin, by David Wedder-
burn; another in English, by Thomas Cargill. From the third, which is anonymous, we
learn that the work was written in answer to the famous George Leslie, better known by
his monastic appellation of Father Archangel. The analysis of Lord Hailes (Annals of
Scot., vol. iii., pp. 461 — 485, edit. Edinb. 1818), may have made the English reader familiar
with the singular memoir of this zealous monk, written by the Archbishop of Fermo. The
work appears to have been first published in 1650: it went through many editions. One
of the most complete bears the following title : " Le Capvcin Escossois ov la vie dv Pere
Archansre, Histoire Merveillevse & tres-veritable, arriuee de notre temps. Ov Ton void
les motifs qui l'ont porte a quitter la Religion pretendue Reformee, & a se resoudre k perdre
tous les grands biens qu'il pouuoit esperer de ses parens, pour suiure la Religion Catholique.
Traduitte de lTtalien de Monseigneur lean Baptiste Rinnucci, Archeuesque & Prince de
Ferine. Par le R. P. Francois Barrault, Procureur general des PP. de la Doctrine Chres-
tienne, resident a Rome. Reueue, corrigee & augraentee en la presente Edition, d' vne
sixienie Partie, qui contient les choses les plus remarquables arriuees a sa mort. A Paris,
En la Boutique de Langelier. Chez lean Gvignard le pere, au premier Pillier de la grande
Salle du Palais, au Sacrifice d'Abel, M.DC. LXIV. Auec Priuilege du Roy, & Approba-
tion." 12mo. The genealogist of the Leslies truly remarks of this work, that its author
(who is not, however, responsible for the fictions which are crowded into the later editions),
" plus ostendendae nonnunquam eloquentiae, quam quoad circumstantias asserendae veritati
studuisse videtur." Laurus Leslaeana explicata, § 125. Graecii, 1692, fol. Father Arch-
ansel is briefly mentioned by Dempster, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum, p. 434 ;
and his name occurs in a catalogue of the " Names of Preists and Traffecting Seminaries in
the Dyoceis of Aberdene and Murraye," drawn up in the reign of Charles I. Maidment's
Analecta Scotica, vol. ii., pp. 52, 55. Edinb. 1837.
The archdeacon of Aberdeen wrote also " A Vindication of Episcopacy, and the nick-
named Unlawful Engagement, written 1654, printed anno 1660." Maidment's Catal. Scot.
Writ., p. 130. His loyalty was after the restoration rewarded by a grant, by Parlia-
liament, of" 150 lib. ster : to Mr. And: Logie." Acts Pari. Scot., vol., vii., app., p. 81.
His son, captain John Logie, was beheaded along with the gallant Sir John Gordon of
Haddo, at Edinburgh, in July, 1644.]
Ch. XLV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
247
churche, (which was verye true). But he subscrybed the Covenant, and A. D. 1640.
cryed peccavj ; and so was referred to the enswing provinciall assembly of
Murrey to have his suspentione tackne off, which was done accordingly,
after he had preached a long penitentiall sermon, which signifyd little, yet
satisfeed the new converted hearers. He abode in the ministrye till anno
1647, and then, for beinge founde guiltye of maleversatione in the Leagwe
and Covenant, he was depryved of his ministry that yeare, and so remained
till anno 1659 ; then reponed, but outlived not his reposition half a yeare.O)
XLIII. To Mr. Johne Guthrye nothing could be objected but his re- Mr. John
fusall to subscrybe the Covenant, (except that he was the sonne of a ^fof^jg*8*
bishopp) ; otherwayes a man of a mylde temper, and grave and piouse. place.
His sentence was delayd at that tyme, till he should be conferrd withe, nor
was ther any ther who maligned him almost ; but his respitte was but for a
short space, for, upon his constant scroupling at the Covenant, he was
castene out of his place (which had thertoo a benefice annexed, as consider-
able as any in Murrey). He was never reponed againe to his ministrye,
and dyed some years befor his father, I suppose pairtly out of melanchollye.
XLIV. In this Assembly sate some northerne commissioners, who wer Some north-
newe proselyttes to the Covenant, and, being looked upon with suspitione, 3™^°™™^
the moderator (at the desyre of other zealotts present*) did putt them se- proselytes,
verall tymes to it to declare ther judgements in things that not long befor Put to
they had been of another opinion in ; therby either for to discover them, or
macke them ridicolouse to all the hearers. One of thes was so muche putt
to it to declare himself in a vote, that he could not fall upon a satisfactory
declaratione, till, in end, he was forced to tell them publicklye that he was
of the judgement of the Assembly, whatever it wer : Yet that satisfeed
them not, howbeit after that the moderator putt him no furder too it.
XLV. Againe, it was observable heer, which was befor remarked in the Mr. Mungo
Assembly of Glasgow, 1638, the way that the first voted (that was one ADab^lh
njr a tx 1 11 _ ' . . ,., v some ministers
Mr. Mungo A Daly ell, a Bordersyde minister) readily all the rest of the questioned ;
comissioners of the Assembly voted that way, and very seldom contradicted others over-
the vote of Mr. Mungo ADayell.
(0 [Among the unprinted Acts of the Assembly of 1647 is one entitled, " Ref. concern-
ing Masters William Douglas, John Logie, George Hanna, Richard Maitland, and Coline
Mackenzie." Records of the Kirk, p. 483. Among the unprinted Acts of the Assembly
of 1649 occur, " Ref. Mr Richard Maitland to the visitation of the universitie of Aber-
dene," and " Declaration concerning the Act granted in favours of Mr Richard Maitlands
wife." Id. pp. 557, 559.]
» Mr. J. P.
248
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. The ministers who wer questiond at this Assembly wer either such as
opposed the Covenant, or did not tymously subscrybe it ; and the escapes
of all such ministers wer ripped upp, whilst some others (upon whom ther
went a worde of greater scandall) who had come in tymously to the Cove-
nant, wer lettne passe without questione.
Some ministers who were but sillie simple men, and looked upon as such
as could or durst doe no hurt to the worke of reformatione, though they
wer knowne to carry little good will to the Covenant, yet they wer connivd
at. But such ministers as had been able and active against them, either they
wer qwytte turned out, or though they subscrybed the Covenant, and by
that meanes kept themselves into ther stationes for a whyle, yet ther was
still a strickk eye kept over them, and in ende most of them rwinated and
drivne out of the ministrye.
Subscriptions XL VI. In the yeare 1638, ther commissioners came supplicating for
must be with- gubgcriptic-ng to the Covenant, and suffered such as wer scrupulouse for to
out reserva- _ r , ' . r
tion. tacke it in ther owne sence, and with reservations. But now the case was
chaunged ; all ministers and others must subscrybe, and none durste refoose ;
and they must subscrybe without reservatione. And ministers who re-
foosed must not only be deposed, but excommunicated. So wer others
served, who durst refoose it ; they must be processed with excommunica-
tione, yet, after ther subscriptione, never the better trusted, nor owned as
freendes to the good cause and Covenante, but still wer had in jealousye ;
and if they wer ministers or expectants, ther wordes and actions wer re-
marked, if they savoured of dissaffectione to the Covenant. And severall,
after they had subscrybed it, against ther consciences (which they who
exacted the oathe oftne knew and dissembled, permittinge suche to subscrybe,
therby for to ensnare them, and afterward with the greater facilitye for to
fetche such subscribers within compasse of censure for the breache of ther
engadgement) wer drivne from ther stationes, after they had cast their
consciences besyde them ; not able, with the losse therof, for to gaine
qwarters at the Covenanters handes : which acte of thers behoved to render
their sufferings very confortlesse.
Progress with XL VII. All this whyle no freende, no parishoner, could be helpfull to
the ministers ministers, except they wer Covenanters, or except all ther parishoners wer
scHbino"'5" anti-Covenanters, (for in such a case ther was little founde to objecte to
ministers, so that they had subscrybed the Covenant). Indeed ther was one
rule of charitye much brockne towards anti- Covenanter ministers; for they
wer that farr from covering ther infirmityes, that, upon the contrarye, they
Ch. XLVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
249
used all meanes to gett somewhat against them to object and to defame A. D. 1640.
them with, and awacked scandalls wher none wer ; and oftne defamed men
with evill reportes, which wer never proved.
At first it wold have been tackne in good pairt if ministers did not
preache downe the Covenant ; but, after thes tymes, such as once had been
questiond, behoved conversj fratres confirmare : they wer looked upon as
dissaffected, if they did not, upon all occasions, preache for it, and urge it
upon others ; which many with great difficulty performed, and with ane
evill grace. Others did runne from one extreme to ane other, and many
wer so zealouse, that they did reade all the publicke orders and warrants
from ther pulpitts ; in which practise, for a long tyme, others wer forced to
follow them, least they should seem dissaffected to the good cause, till in
ende, for shame, they left off, by reasone of the inconveniences that ensewd
therupon not many yeares afterwarde. As for sermons, they wer either
declamations ; or invectives against the Kings pairty, or bishopps, or cere-
monyes ; or perswasives to owne the Covenant cordially, and to contribute
liberally for the mantaining the good cause, for so it was ordinarly called.
And it is very remarkable that thes ministers, who in the tymes of the
bishopps pleaded tolleraunce for ther nonconformity, and argwed from the
tendernesse of ther consciences, howsoone as they gott the power in ther
handes, they spared not other mens consciences, but pressed them to obe-
dience with threatnings of civill and ecclesiasticke punishments.
XLVIII. In thes tymes the Churche and State acted much after one Church and
fashion : for as Parliaments wer made upp of ther trustees, and others either com"
laid by or questioned ; so in Generall Assemblyes care was tackne that no
minister should be chosne but such as wer weall affected to the cause :
others wer either turnd out, or wer glade to be absente, and lurke at
home. By thes meanes, it came to passe that as in Parliaments and comit-
tyes of state the selfe same members, with the chaunge of a few, alwayes
sate, so the lycke might be seene in Generall Assemblyes, a number of
leading men, ministers, and elders, still sitting, and some present without
comissione, yet getting mor vote then others who had comissiones. If ther
was any members chainged, they wer sure to have others putt into ther
place who wer as much for the pairty as the former. And though it be
trwe that, in Parliaments and General Assemblyes, and the comittyes of
either, ther wer some who fell to be chosne or nominate, whom they knew
to be dissaffected, yet they wer inconsiderable, either for ther qwalifications
2 i
250
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. or paucitye, or bothe ; and many of thes either did not or could not be
present, or wer silent, or, for want of expenses, glade to be gone. And
then the qworums of ther comittyes wer mostly contrare to the nature
of aristocracye, not major et sanior pars, but degenerate to oligarchye,
minor pars : lett after tymes judge whither sanior or insanior pars.
The three XLIX. The worke was begunne at Glasgow Assemblye, 1638; pro-
^mparedeS move(l at Edinburgh Assembly, anno 1639. In this Assembly they gott a
full conquest and victory over all the episcopall pairtye, and dislodged such
of them as wer either in eminent places or univeVsityes. Aberdeen was
the last place wher they voided pulpitts and chaires. Neither failed they,
how soone as they had drivne out the contrarye factione, for to fill ther
places with men who wer most zealouse for presbytrye and the Covenant.
Mr. Alexander Henderson was already transplanted to Edinburghe, from
a countrey charge ; Mr. Robert Blair and Rutherfoord to St. Andrews ;
Mr. David Dickson must be professor in Glasgow ; and Mr. Andrew Cant
must once mor stepp up in Dr. Forbesses chaire in Aberdeen, as he had
befor done at Alforde : He wanted learning to tacke upon him the profes-
sione of divintye in the universitye.
Set forms of L. About the tyme of this Assembly lyckwayes, sett formes of prayers in
used^ G/or^a publicke beganne to be dishaunted by all ; and such as used them wer looked
Patri, etc. upon as not spritwall eneuch, or as not weall affected to the worke of re-
formatione. The Lordes Prayer lyckewayes beganne to grow out of
fashione, as being a sett forme ; and Gloria Patrj, which had been con-
stantly used in the churche, since the reformatione, to be sung at the clo-
sure of the psalmes, beganne to fall into a desuetudeO) ; and not long after
this, the saying of the Creede at baptisme was cancelld by many, and cele-
brating baptisme refoosed, except upon Lords day at sermon, or at weeke
dayes conventions. Two or three was not looked upon as a congregatione
publicke aneuch for baptisme, though Chryst sayed that he was in the midst
of such a number. Finally, all wer urged to family worshipp, but ther
prayers behoved to be extempore, not sett formes ; and churches so farr
decryed (least people should imagine any inherent holinesse with papistes
to be in them), that from pulpitts by many the people wer taught that they
wer to have them in no mor reverend esteeme then other houses, (some-
tymes they wer worse used). Finally, whatever the bishopps had esta-
blished, it was their worke to demolishe.
(0 [See Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 362; vol. ii„ pp. 69, 94. " Mr. John Nevay's
reasons were against the Lord's Prayer."]
Cu. LIIL]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
251
LI. The Assembly, which came to Aberdeene about July twenty-eighth, A. D. 1640.
did remove befor the middle of August, having dispatched all these pro- Asse^nbly~re
cesses in a ten or twell sessions/1) They made all the haste they could, moves about
for they wer sitting the very tyme that the armye was beginning to move ^J^.^'9 of
towards England.
The reader I hope will pardone my long insisting upon thes three As-
semblyes, as being necessaire to be knowne. From henceforth I resolve
not to insiste so long upon the following Assemblyes, except wher any
thing materiall occurres.
LI I. Befor I leave the churche actings, I shall tell yow that this yeare, Letters from
in Janwary, of the date tenth, letters wer directed from the protestant the Protestant
i-ii n churches in
churches of Switzerland to the Covenanters, together with the coppye of Switzerland.
another letter which had been directed to them in June, 1639 ; but they
came long after they wer wryttne, and wer suppressed. Yet they resolved
upon an ansuer, which was wryttne in Latine, and sent backe to Suitzer-
land. The Covenanters answer, without resuming much of the contents of
the Genevian epistle, containeth a short narrative of the troubles in Scot-
land, till Apryle, 1640; as also, the history of episcopacye, its ryse and
usurpation in Scottland, and how it was drivne out againe ; and all the
troubles are putt upon the score of the bishopps. It is subscrybed by
Andrew Ramsay, moderator. It shall not be necessaire to insert it
heer,(2) its substance being so oftne already repeated in the Covenanters
declarationes, and these letters, wherof it was the answer, not being visible ;
of which I could never learne mor but that they exhorted ther bretheren of
Scottland ut se tenerent intra limites inculpatae tutelae : And whither the
Scottish did so or not, it is not my pairt to dispute heer, who undertacke
nothing but a bare relation of thinges.
LIIL About the tyme that the Assembly ended in Aberdeene, Monro Munro
lifted his leagwer, and, leaving Strabogye, marches for Banfe, August s^hbogie'"
tenth, a sea towne about thirteen myles distant from Straboggye, north- to Bamf.
easte. The reasone of his going ther was to tacke cowrse with Sir George
Ogilvye (at that tyme called laird of Banfe, though shortly afterward
(i) [" They indicted ane new Generall Assembly to be holden at St. Andrews the third
Tuesday of July nixt 1641 ; therafter dissolved, and ilk man ane sundrie gate, who had
many blissings following them for eating and distroying the poor labourers' cornes about
the town, with their ill attended horse, wherof they had litle regaird." Spalding, Hist, of
Troub., vol. i., p. 235.]
00 [It will be found appended to the Historia Motuum.]
252
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
Doctor Alex-
ander Douglas,
a chief ring-
leader for the
Covenant
among the
Bamf people.
Bamf, also
Inchdrewer
defaced ; also
Forelen.
created Lord by the King.) Banfe had been active against the Covenant-
ers, anno 1639 ; and all this yeare, 1640, had made his residence at cowrt
with the Kin£r, as some other northerne gentlemen and noblemen did, such
as the Lord Ogilvye, Walter Urqhward of Cromby, William Seaton of
Shythinn, Sir Gilbert Menezes of Pittfodells, etcet.
LIY. The cittizens of Banfe, for the most pairt, wer Covenanters; and,
albeit in former tymes they depended much upon Banfes familye, who dwelt
ordinarlve in ther towne, yet now they wer so farr estranged from him, that
thev wer growne his enemyes. The cheif ringleader and agent amongst
them for the Covenant was one Dr. Alexander Douglasse, a mediciner,
who was o-ott into such credite with his townesmen and with the Covenant-
ers, that in the following yeares he came to be provost of Banfe, oftner then
any man ther ; as also high sheriff of the shyre of Banfe, and alwayes
either a member of parliaments and comittyes of state, bearing great swav
in thes places for severall yeares afterward : which preferrments (being a
wittye man) he improved much to the inriching of himselfe, and, for the
most pairt (considderinge the tymes), to the good lycking of all the shyre,
except some particular enemyes, who either envyd his rysing or mislycked
his wayes, which wer ambigously spockne of : or because ther was hatred
tuixt him and them for ill offices done to them, and extortiones under colour
of justice. This man was thought a maine instrument in bringing Monroe
to Banfe, who no sooner came thither, but he sett downe his qwarter in the
laird of Banfe his beautifull garden, which was a great ornament to the
towne of Banfe, and, being gallantly planted and walled, overshadowd and
enclosd the east syde of that towne. The souldiours wer no sooner sett
downe there, but they fell to macke havocke of all the fruict trees and other
trees which grew there in great aboundance ; leaving not so much as one
standing tree, younge nor old, and cutting upp all the hedges to the rootes ;
in which deformed condition it is yet to be seen as they left it. Adjacent
to that garden, in the very heart of that towne, stood Banfes pallace, high
built and qwarterly ; the structure magnificent, with two base cowrts ; and
few houses in thes places of Scottland comparable to it. Upon it the
souldiours fell next, and, in few dayes, defaced it; leaving neither any
covering, glasse, timber, nor iron worke ther ; breacking downe the hewed
worke, doors, windows, and knocking out the iron barrs of the windows ;
leaving nothing to be seen but defaced walls, which yet speacke its beautye,
as it now standes, lycke ane old rouinouse abbey. In this industriouse de-
Ch. LIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
253
facing of so brave a pallace, the souldiours wer helped by the rascalitye of A. D. 1640.
the cittizens and countrey people neerest adjacent, who either bought, stole,
or embeasled the materials therof. It is reported, that when it was told to
the Kinge, he said, That for the house it raatterd not muche, since ex-
pences could sett upp as good ane house againe in short tyme; but, he said,
that it was a crwell thing to fall upon the garden, the losse wherof could
not in many yeares be repaired, and so much the worse, because it neither
had done evill, nor could hurt them ; besyde, that it was ane ornament to
the toune and countrey. For to sett upp this losse, King Charles, in anno
1641, gave to Sir George Ogilvye of Banfe ten thousand merkes Scottish
in gold, which Banfe brought home with him ; yet too little for to repaire
his losses ; but the King could not do better to him at that tyme.
And not only was the pallace defaced, but lyckewayes much houshold
stuff and spare furniture, which had belonged to Banfe his predecessors, was
seised upon and embezled, together with a considerable librarye of bookes
which wer ther.O)
After they had defaced his pallace in Banfe, a pairty is directed to a
countrey dwelling of his called Inshdrure, lying two myles south-west from
Banfe ; and it was rifled lyckwayes, August eighteenth, but not so ill
handled as his townes dwellinge.(2) Thereafter they goe to another
(') [" From Strathbolgie Monro marches, the 2d of Agust, this same yeire, to Bamfte,
quher he playes the deuill, and demolishes the Lord Bamffes housse, wich wes both faire
and staitly, and a grate ornament to that pairt of the kingdome. Heire I leue him plundring
and destroying the policey of the land ; and reducing all thesse that formerlie danced after
Huntlie and Bamffes fidling (quho called themselues the Kinges frinds) to the obedience of
the couenant." Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., p. 382.]
" And now Monro leaves [Strathbogie land] thus pitiefully opprest, and forward marches
he to Forglyne, ane of the laird of Banff's houses, and to Muiresk, his goodsone's house, (them-
selves being both fled from the covenant into England), plagueing, poinding, and plundering
the countrie people belonging to them be the way most cruellie, without any compassion ;
syne comes directly to the burgh of Banff, and incamps upon a platt of plaine ground called
the Dowhaugh. The souldiers quickly fell to, and cutted and hew doun the pleasant plant-
ing and fruitful young trees, bravely growing within the laird of Banff's orchyeards and
yeards (pitiefull to see !) and made up to themselves hutts wherin to lye in all night, and
defend them frae stormy weitts and rain. They violently brake up the yeitts of his stately
pallace of Banff, brake up doors, and went throw the haill houses, roumes, chalmbers,
victuall houses, and others, up and down, brake up the victuall girnells, (whereof there were
store) for their food, and spulzied his ground and his haill freinds of horse, nolt, kine, and
sheep, silver and moncyes, and armes, such as by any means they could try or gett. By and
attour the carle of Findlater, his unnatural freind, by command of the committee, medled,
intrometted, and perforce took up his haill rents and leiveing out of the tennents' hands for
mentainance of the good cause." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 230.]
(2) [« The 18th of August, major Monro with some few company rydes frae Banff to-
wards Murray, (leaveing his regiment behind him) for giveing order to them, Ross, Suther-
254
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V-
A. D. 1640. countrey house of his, called Forglen ; which is about five myles distant
from Banfe, south-west, and stands in sight of Turreff, within a myle ther-
of, upon the water of Doverne ; and they search it lyckewayes and rifle it,
but to lesse pourpose then the rest ; for Banfes servaunts, perceiving how
the rest of his dwellings wer used, came in the night tyme, and either did
lay upp in secrett places, or carrye away such houshold stuffe as was of
most value. All his victwall that could be founde was tackne out of his
girnells and givne to the souldiours for to mantaine them (as at Strabogye),
who mostly sold it at ane under worthe to the poor countrey people about.
The reason why his pallace of Banfe was defaced seems to have been the
jealousy of the cittizens of Banfe, who supposed that sometyme it might be
made use of as a cittadel to overawe ther cittye : yet such as yet sees it,
and understandes the forme of cittadells, know that could not be the true
reasone ; for it was built for beauty, not for strenth, and not for defence,
lett bee offence ; for it is scitwated low, and overlooked by the castell and a
great pairt of the towne of Banfe, which hanges above it upon the syde of
a swellinge grownde and hille. All the wonder heer is, that, using- Banfes
CD 7 3 o
house so ill, they should have spared the earle of Airlyes lodging, which
is distant and separate from Banfes house only by the lenthe of the for-
mentioned garden interjected betuixt the two houses; for which clemency
I can give no reason, but possibly because Argylle was not ther at that
tyme. This is the summe of Monroes actinges ther at Banfe and about
Septembers it, where he stayed till September fourth ;0> at which tyme he returnd to
land, Caithness, and Strathnaver, to raise the fourth man with 40 dayes loan, to goe for
Dunse to generall Lesslie, as ye shall shortly hear. Many barons and gentlemen mett him,
and honoured him be the way ; he haistiely returned againe to the camp, and be the way
brake up the iron yeitt of Inchdrower, (ane place where Banff used himselfe most commonly
to keep and dwell intill) and forceablie took it off, syne sold it for five merks to ane coun-
trieman, whilk ane hundred pounds had not made up. They brake up doors and windowes,
entered the haill house, defaced and dang down and abused beds, burds, and haill insight
plenishing, and left nothing within which they might carry with them. Pitieful to behold
the pollicie of the ground and kingdom so abused, but authoritie or law from our soveraigne
lord the king's majestie !" Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 239, 240.]
(i) [" Upon Friday the 4th of September, after Monro's souldiers had brunt up their
hutts at Banff, spulzied and plundered horse, man and goods, and taken the haill insight
plenishing carieagable out of the place of Banff, books, wrytes, and such as they could gett ;
and after the}' had taken down the rooffe and sklaitt of the haill house, broken down the
geists, brak the iron windows, and carried [off] the iron work, brak down fixed work and
sylerings, leaveing neither yeitt, door nor window, lock, nor other thing about this house ;
pitiefull to behold ! planting of orchyeards and yeards destroyed, and all brought to confu-
sion, his ground, men tenants, servants, freinds and followers plundred, (for the laird of
Banff's cause), and greivously oppresst in their persones, goods, and gear : After thir deeds
Ch. LVI.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
255
Aberdeen his first qwarter, wher he stayed till September twelfth, at which A. D. 1640.
tyme he was called away with his regiment for to lye upon the Border, septemher 12
wher we shall next heare of him againe.
LV. Whilst Monroe is bussy macking warre upon empty e houses at Actings of
Banfe, the Earle of Marishall and Alexander Maister of Forbes wer not idle J^jJjJter^f
about Aberdeene ; for they wer now macking hast eache of them to putt a Forbes at
regiment on foote, having gotte the countreys neerest Aberdeen for ther Aberdeen,
divisione. The proportione levyd was the fourth man ; and albeit theye
wer favourable, as much as they could, to the Covenanters, yet bothe the
towne of Aberdeen and all the anti-Covenanters in ther divisione wer made
to grone under the burthen of ther oppressing levyes. But ther was no
remedy but patience, and disobedience was no lesse then to be plundered,
or at least to be quartered upon as a cowrtesye, till such tyme as the defi-
cients satisfeed for such proportiones as the comittye of the shyre wer
pleased to laye upon them.O)
LVI. Meane whyle the comittys of the estates of Parliament wer using Projects for
all meanes for getting money. The Bande could not doe it. Another pro- ™ye'rgp™°"ey;
ject was sett on foot ; that was, by publicke orders, intimat in parosh called in.
churches, to call in noblemen and gentlmens silver plate to the mint house.
Such as brought it willingly against such a day to have fides publico, for re-
payment ; such as refoosed, ther plate and cuppboords to be confiscat to the
use of the publicke, without hopes of repayment (a sanction which alighted
upon all alycke), and they to be reputed dissafected to the good cause if
they concealed ther plate. By this meanes the minte was sett a worke.
Some zealotts gave in all, and others gave in a pairt. Such as wer re-
puted anti- Covenanters were enqwyred after, and if they wer knowne to
have any, wer informd against, and compelld to delyver all or a pairt of ther
plate ; others were taught by this order to conceale what they had, and re-
were done, and no evill left undone that crueltie could devyse, (except in this, they spoilzied
the places of Forglene, Inchdrour, and Rattie, three other housses pertaining to the laird of
Banff, of girnells, goods, insight plenishing which they could gett, but left the houssis
ontired or demolished as the place of Banff was ;) then I say, and thereafter, Monro lifted
his camp frae Banff." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 250.]
(i) [" Mounday the 10th of August, seven score burgesses, craftsmen, and apprentices,
prest and perforce taken, to help to fill up Marischall's regiment to goe to generall Lesslie.
The honest men of the town wondering at this manifold oppression, fled, took fisher boats
and went to the sea, lurking about the craigs of Downy whyle this storme past." Id., vol. i.,
pp. 235, 236. See also, pp. 214-216, 219, 221, 225, 227, 229-231, 237, 238, 249, 251,
255-257.]
256
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. solved to abyde the worst and lett the informers prove. Some pupills plate
was all givne in by ther tutors. Yet all could not fill the gape ; the pub-
licise was a Tophett, a bottomless pitt ; all was swallowd upp, and nothing
repayed; and no lesse being expected at first, it made the wyser sorte of
Covenanters themselves hold ther handes a little. The result of it was,
that for several yeares afterward, fearing the lycke order should be againe
isswed out, little plate was to be seen in gentlemens houses, and scarcely
so much as silver spoones in some places.
Nithsdale LVII. In the southe of Scottland, about this tyme, lievtenant collonel
houseblocked jjume? with a regment, had laid seidge to Nithsdales house, of which
ton' taken by a befor : and by the twenty-first of August, Argylle, who was now returned
stratagem^ from his Highland expeditione, was befor Dumbarton castell, which, as I
burgh capitu- have told, was blocked upp for many weekes befor, but at a distaunce. It
lates. was tackne by stratageme. The captain of the castell had come downe to
August 21. foe churche, which is in a little markett towne hard by, of the same name
with the castell, and suspecting no daunger, was surprysed by an ambuscade
of souldiours who wer hiddne neer by, of pourpose (unknown of by the
castellans), for to seise upon any who should come out of the castell.
Being seised upon, with his compaynons, without noyse, they instantly
stripp the captain of his apperell, as they did his followers ; and clothing
such therwith whom they thought meetest to goe about that enterpryse,
they send them to the gate of the castell calling for entrye, causing one of
the souldiours speacke, or naming such as wer within by ther names. The
porter, who saw his captain, with little ceremoney opned the gate, and upp
they went. No sooner wer they entred, but they macke good the gate, and
seise the porter, tacking in ther comerads, who wer laid hard by for the
pourpose ; and so with little adoe, gott the place from the rest, who wer
suspecting no such deceipt.O)
Dr. Guild put L VIII. And since I am hastning to the Scottish army, who by this tyme
^-^'^Cof are weai7ed °f Chansly woode ; ere I leave the north, I shall, by way of
lege authori- parenthesis, tell yow that after the rysing of the Generall Assembly at
tatively, but Aberdeen, befor August ended, ther comittye appoynted for perfyting the
cally ; degene- visitatione of the colledge, mett at Aberdeen, who did tacke it upon them
racy of the for t0 putt in Dr. William Guild to be principall of the old colledge of
college.
(0 [It may, perhaps, be questioned if Gordon has not confounded the circumstances of the
surprise of Dunbarton in March, 1639, with those of its capture in August, 1640. See
above, vol. ii., p. 210, note (2); Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 253.]
Ch. LX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
257
Aberdeen, in place of Dr. William Leslye.O) This was done authoritatively, A. D. 1640.
for the electione was not canonicalle, acording to the foundatione of that
universitye ; yet ther was none for to questione it, so it past for current,
and he sate ther till some yeares afterward that themselves thrust him out
againe, as irrationally as they had putt him in ther irregularly : But of this
I will have occasione to speacke, God willing, in its oune place. He was
not the last who was putt in unorderlye ; and that miserable universitye
behoved to feele the revolutions of the tymes, most unhappye that its prin-
cipalis degenered ab equis ad asinos, as after shall be toulde, and the worst
last.
LIX. The north is now qwyetted, and the harvest was approaching, and The Scots
the King was preparing to goe to his army at Yorke. The Scotish resolve England*
not to eate upp ther owne countrey ; therfor they lift from Chanslywood,
hearing that all was sure behynde them, and marche for England twenty-
four thousand foote, and two thousand fyve hundereth horses. Themselves
gave upp no mor of muster the next spring to the English Parliament :
Spang<2) will have them twenty-seven or twenty-eight thousand foote, and
four thousand horse (so easye is it with one dash of a penn to adde thou-
sands to armyes). Lord Aulmond ledd the vanne ; Bailye, the bodye of
the army ; and generall Leslye the reere. They did carry with them
victwall to serve them for some weekes.
LX. August seventeenth, they wer at the Tweed. When the army came Montrose, by
ther, dice wer cast amongst the noblemen and commanders ; and it was Pajs^s *ne
' ° 1 weed first ;
Montrosse lott to passe first over the river, which he cheerfully performed about falling
on his oune feete, his owne foote souldiours following him. In imitatione °"-
of him, and to shew example to the common souldiours, the foote officers August 17.
did all the lycke. Yet at that tyme Montrosse his cheerfulnesse was but
seeminglye ; for, befor they resolved to enter into England, Montrosse was
fallne in dislycke with the Covenanters actings, and was now waiting for
the first opportunity for to crosse them. He had the command of two
thousand foote, and five hundred horse in the army ; his freends who wer
most obleidged unto him, and had relligiouslye promised ther best endea-
vours in the Kings service, had the command of fyve thousand mor ; but
thes projectes of his failed at this tyme, and his opportunitye came not
(l) [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 238, 239.]
(a) [Historia Motuum, p. 559.]
2 K
258
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
The King
publishes a
proclamation
against the
Scots ;
A u a: ust 22.
who arrive
at the river
Tine.
August 28.
Ford at New
burne.
till afterwardes. How soone the armye entred Englishe grownde, all wer
forbiddne, by publicke proclamatione, under paine of deathe, that they
should tacke, plunder, nor sturre nothing, either man, beast, or any
goodes in England. Meane whyle the garrison of Bervicke made some
saylies upon ther rear, seeking to apprehend stragling souldiours, yet with
small successe.
LXI. August twenty-second, the King caused publish a proclamatione
against the Scottish, wherin he shewed that ther intentions wer to shacke
off his governement, under pretext of relligione ; that now they wer invading
England, and therupon to be esteemed declared rebells ; yet he offers
pardon to all of them who will crave pardone, goe home to Scottland againe,
and return to ther loyalty and wonted obedience. This proclamatione
Strafford caused publish at Yorke and other places.*^
LXII. The Scottish wer better upon ther growndes, knowing upon what
assuraunce they wer come to England ; therfor, without tacking notice
therof, they keepe on ther march through Northumberland, and by the
twenty-eighth day of August, the army was come the lenthe of the river
Tyne, and did encampe upon the heathe of Newcastell, upon the north
banke of Tyne, fyve English myles above Newcastell.
LXIII. Ther standes a village called Newburne, wher ther is a foord
which can be passd on horse or foote at a low water ; for the sea flowes upp
that lenth.
LXIV. The day befor, viz. August twenty-seventh, the Lord Conowaye,
hearing of the Scottish armyes approache, being commander in cheefe in
Conway se-
cures the ford.
Leslv desires
licence to pass thes places, had drawne all his cavalrye, being about twelve hundereth horses
towards his (the Scottish called them two thousand fyve hundred horse), and three
thousand foote, (Spang says fyve thousand), to secure the passe upon the
river at Newburne. Conoway had lodged his foote behynde a breest worke,
therby to trouble the enemy in ther passage. That- night that he did cast
upp his breest worke, and planted his souldiours therein, generall Lesly
had come to the other syde of the river, and befor the morninge had planted
nyne peece of ordinance, having blynded them with bushes, that so the
English neither could nor did espy them. The next morning, Leslye sent
a trumpetter to the Lord Conowaye, desyring his licence to passe towards
his Majestye with ther petitione, and shewing them that they were come into
Majesty with
a petition.
The Scots
make good the
passage at the
ford.
(0 [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., p. 411 ; Sanderson's History of King Charles I.,
p. 312.]
Ch. LXIV.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
259
England to worong nobodye, if they wer not persewd. Conoway answered A. D. 1640.
that he wold permitte a few, but had no orders for to lett ane array passe ;
and sundry e of his souldiours sent backe jeers and ill language with the
trumpetter ; wpon whoise returne, Lesly commanded three hundereth horse
to advaunce unto the river, and after they had crossed it, for to macke
a stande ; and if the English persewed them, for to reteere, that so the fol-
lowers might be drawne under the mercye of Leslyes canon, which wer
hidd from the English. Thes, at ther first crossing, wer so galled by the
English musketeers from behynde the breest worke, that they wer forced to
reteer ; which Leslye perceiving, played upon the blynd with his canon so
furiouslye as made the English musketeers abandon ther post, cast awaye
ther armes and flee. Then the Scottish cavalry readvanced ; but no sooner
crossed they, but they wer charged by Mr. Wilmot, comissarye generall
of the horse, so hottly as they either dissembled a retreate, or runne backe
in good earnest. Wilmot persewed them, but Lesly did lett flye so hottly
at him with his canon, that Wilmots horse beganne to reele; wherupon
the three hundred horse who first had fledd from them, tacking ther ad-
vauntage, readvaunce upon their persewers. Meane whyle, the rest of the
Scottish armye enter the river, and crosse without hinderance. The for-
most of them comming upp, seconded ther forpairtye, so stiffly that all the
burthen of the encounter being borne upp by Wilmott and a few gentlmen,
annoyd with the Scottish cannon and overnumbered, they wer glade to
runne for ther safetye. The light horsemen of the Scottish wer command-
ed to performe this service, and fall upon Wilmot, who stood to it after
the rest wer gone. The Scottish say they might have killed farr mor then
they did, but they wer commanded to spare all who fledd, and only tacke
them prisoners. The number of the English who wer killed or tackne wer
three hundereth or therby, most of them foot souldiowrs. The common
souldiowrs wer lettne goe free, and the officers only kept prisoners. Few
or nobody killed upon the Scottish syde, except only a young gentlman,
called Mr. James Makgie, sonne to Sir Patrick Mackgie of Large. His
death was condold afterwards by a presbyterian poett,* in his worke called
Newburne Booke. Its short, and, for the raritye of the verse, I give yow
it in the authors wordes :
In this conflicte (which was a greate pitie),
We losd the sonne of Sir Patrick Mackgie.
* Mr. Z. B. [The well-known Zachary Boyd.]
260
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640.
Sir John
Suckling's re-
nowned troop
was broken.
The English
army retreat
to York.
The Scots
seize New-
castle, August
twenty-ninth ;
behave civilly.
August 29.
Dress and
ensigns of the
Scots. They
seize upon
Durham,
August
thirtieth.
LXV. In this fight, Sir Johne Sucklins renowned troope of one hun-
dred horse was brokne, and shewed they wer rather for muster then fight-
The Lord Conowaye perceiving the cavallry rowted, and the infantry runne
all awaye, hasted his retreate to the King ; and, for the same cause, Sir
Jacob Ashley, then governour of Newcastell, deserted it, having first
sunke the ordinance in the river, knowing it was not tenible, as having no
wall that was fencible about it.
LXVI. The English army retreating now from Newcastell, was tackne
into Straffords commande, who brought upp the reare ; and being come
backe to Yorke, wher the King then was, he charged the principall mis-
carriadge of the actione upon the Lord Conowaye his cowardise, or
treachery, or his want of skille, or all three ; who, as weall as he could, vin-
dicated his owne reputatione.
The next day, which was August twenty-ninth, the Scottish seized New-
castell, who receaved them without resistaunce (for the towne was aban-
doned). Ther they qwartered two thousand of garrisone, with the generall
himselfe and severall of the Scottish noblemen. Ther was founde Jaide
upp therin muche armes, and ammunition and provisione, which had been
laid upp ther for the use of the Kings armye ; all which was seized upon
by the Scottish, and a note and inventour therof tackne. Lyckwayes, shippes
comming in at Tynemouth from the Balticke sea ladned with come, all ther
fraught was seised upon, for it was alledged that it was belonging to the
army, though afterward it was disputed and excepted against by the King.
Many thought that the deputy of Ireland was not ill content with the de-
feate of Newburne, for he hoped that it wold irritate the English against
the Scottish, and macke them tacke armes against them ; but it is an irra-
tional conjecture. However, the Scottish did carry civilly after ther vic-
torye, and lay downe qwyettly in ther qwarters ; wheras it is affirmed that
the Kings souldiours used the countrey mor rudelye.
LXVTI. And now the blew ribbons and blew cappes had opned the
doore in the north of England, and the Covenant colours came triumph-
antlye displayed to Newcastell : For it is to be knowne that, as the last
yeare, so in this new expeditione, the Scottish officers mostly wore blew
bonnetts, out of contempt of the English, who scoffingly called them blew
cappes ; and they carryd blew ribbons, either in ther capes or hung about
them, and ther spanners thertoo appended, lycke ane order of knythoode ;
the Royalistes wearing reade ribbons in opposition of that colour. And then
Ch. LXVIII.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
261
upon all their foote colours was wryttne, COUENANT FOR RELLI- A. D. 1640.
GION CROWNE AND COUNTRY ; which motto was a little varyd —
afterwardes at ther next expedition. They wer now posessed of Newcastell ;
the next day, being August thirtieth, they seise upon Durhame, which was August 30.
lyckewayes garrisond, and the command of the toune given to the Earle of
Dunferlemlyne. Lyckewayes the castell of Tynmouth, Shels betuixt New-
castell and the sea, was posessed and garrisond by the Scottishe, and all the
countrey villages about filld with the qwarters of the Scottish armye.
LXVIII. The Scottish wer prospering in England; but ane accident, The blowing
very odde, did chekke ther joyes for ther late victorye. The matter was as UP °J ^e
followethe : generall Lesly had left some peeces of ordinance at Dunse, zinTofthe*'*
which he thought not necessaire to transport at that tyme, and with them a Scots at Dun.
gwarde of about one hundred and sixty foote. The governour of Bervicke glass"
getting advertishment therof, marches out of the towne with a commanded
pairtye, and other things necessaire for tacking away the canon. He settes
upon the village of Dunse, which was mantained for about two houres.
The English wrytters saye that he carryd away the canon ; but the Scottish
saye that he reteered without the canon, having losed a number of his men
whom he carryd off in carts and sledds, hearing of the Earle of Hading-
touns approache, whom he never rencountred. But some of the English
wrytters affirme that the Earle of Hadingtoune (whom Leslye had left to
command Lauthian and Merse) did come upp with two thousand horse and
foote, and persewed the Englishes, and rescwed the canon from the go-
vernour of Bervicke, after some skirmish with them, and carryd them to
Dunglasse, a castell neer Twedsyde : but I suppose the English wrytter*
is mistackne in his relatione ; for albeit it be true that Hadingtoune was
comming upp to ther reskwe, yet, upon advertishment of his comming, the
English gave over the interpryse, fearing for to be shutt out of Bervicke by
him ; and Hadingtoune hearing of ther retreate, followd nofurder, but went
the next day to Dunglasse with fourteen or fifteen knyts and gentlemen his
freendes.
The next day, being August the thirtieth, having dyned very jovially
with such gentlmen and officers as wer about him, after dinner he was
going downe staires, reading a letter which he had newly receaved, when
behold, upone a soddaine, the whole house is suddenly blowne upp with one
* H[ammond] L['Estrange] his Annals of King Charles [p. 189 ; Sanderson's History
of King Charles L, pp. 313, 314.]
262 HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. [B. V-
A. D. 1G4D. blast of gunnepoulder. All who wer within, except some fewe, were in-
stantly killed with the ruine of the house ; amongst thes the Earle himselfe :
the forpairte of the castell was overthrowne, and by its fall overwhelmed a
number of souldiours and others who wer standing in the castell yard (or
closse) ; to the number of above ane hundereth persons perished within and
without the castelU^
Hadington's LXIX. It was never perfectly knowne how it fell out. Ther was a
ed"e DameCt" Pa^rt °^ tne Scottish magazine of poulder lying in the vaults of the castell
Jane Gordon, which gave the blast ; but who fyred it none can tell. It was suspected that
l^dy'Ta^f11'8 ^ was ^0Iie Hadingtons page, ane English boy, called Edward Parise,
t'rantick : she whom his maister, the Earle, getting advertishment the day befor of the
had before lost Scottish victorye at Newburne, did jeere, saying to him that his countrey-
Lord Aboyn, men wer cowardly, or some wordes to that pourpose : wherupon the boy is
by the bum- saide to have lefte his maisteres presence at that tyme grumbling; and then
Trauo-ht espymg bis occasione, having gottne the key of the magazine, to have fyred
a parcell of poulder with a reed hotte laddie of iron. This was constantly
affirmd, but it is not proved that he was the actor : sure it is, if he wer, he
payd for his fault, for he was founde dead amongst the rest<2) who wer buryd
August 30. under the ruins of that castell, which was thus blowne upp August thirtieth.
Hither came the relations of such as wer killed, and gathered them upp ;
many of them wer so disfigured, that scarcely they could be knowne. But
this sadd newes strooke not so deepe a knell to the heart of any as to
Dame Jane Gordones, daughter to the Marquesse of Huntly, to whom
Haddingtoune had been marryd but the yeare befor. How soone she gott
the sadd tydings of her husbands deathe, half besyd herselfe, in her hous-
hold attyre, she mounted upon a common worke beast, behynde a servaint
of her owne, and fell off amongst an heape of stones, wherby she was
extremely bruised, and hardly could bee drawne backe by her freendes and
servaintes, who all tooke a pairt of her greefe. She lived not many yeares
after him, and dyed a widdow, never marryd againe in her lyfe tyme.
(1) [" One thing wounderfull hapned, befor this miserable accident, wich was, that about
eighte of the clocke, one the Thursday at night befor the blouing vpe of the housse of
Dunglas, ther appeird a verey grate pillar of fyre to arrysse from the northe easte of Dum-
bar, as appeired to them in Fyffe, who did behold it, and so ascendit towards the southe,
wntill it approached the verticall poynt of our hemespheare, zeilding light as the moone in
her full, and by litle euanishing wntill it became lyke a paralaxe, and so quyte euanished
about 11 of the clocke in the night." Sir James Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., p. 397.]
(2) [" He perished ther amongst the rest, no pairt of him was euer found, bot ane arme,
holding ane iron spoune in his hand." Id., vol. ii., p. 396.]
Ch. LXX.]
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
2G3
LXX. This sadd accident was variously consterd by such as heard it, A. D. 1640.
according as they loved or hated the Covenanters partye. Sure ther may Thig accident
be one remarke drawne from it, that God mixes our honey with gall : variously con-
strued.
Vt rebus laetis par sit mensura malorum.O)
[To return to the Scotish army. There it was taken under deliberation
what farther was to be done, whether they should march straight forward
to York, where the King lay with the principal part of the army, or if they
should anew accost his Majesty with a supplication. It was carried by a
majority that the way of petitioning should be chosen, though they were not
ignorant that the King by public proclamation had summond all the nobi-
lity, with their vassals, to repair to his standard, September twentieth, in
order to fight against the Scots. The petition was as followeth :
" The humble petition of the commissioners of the late Parliament,
and others, of his Majestys loyal subjects :
" Humbly sheweth,
" That, whereas, after our many sufferings the time past, extreme neces-
sity hath constrained us for our relief, and obtaining our just and humble
desires to come into England, where, according to our intentions formerly
declared, we have in all our journey lived upon our own means, victuals,
and goods, brought along with us, and neither troubling the peace of the
kingdom, nor harming any of your Majesty's subjects, of whatsoever quality,
in their persons or goods, but have carried ourselves in a most peaceable
manner, till we were pressed by strength of arms to put such forces out of
the way as did without our deserving, and (as some of them have at the
point of death confessed), against their own consciences, oppose our peace-
able passage at Newburn on Tine, and have brought their blood upon their
own heads, against our purposes and desires, expressed in our letters sent
unto them at Newcastle. For preventing the like or greater inconveniences,
and that we may without further opposition come into your Majestys pre-
sence for obtaining from your Majestys justice and goodness satisfaction to
our just demands, we, your Majestys most humble and loyal subjects do
still insist in that submiss way of petitioning, which we have keeped since
the beginning, and from which no provocation of your Majestys enemies and
ours, no adversity that we have before sustained, nor prosperous success
can befall us, shall be able to divert our minds ; most humbly intreating
(l) [Here the author's manuscript terminates ; but the copy in the library of The
King's College contains the few paragraphs which are added within brackets.]
264
HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
[B. V.
A. D. 1640. that your Majesty would in the depth of your royal wisdom consider at
last our pressing grievance, provide for the repairing of our wrongs and
losses, and with the advice and consent of the estates of the kingdom
of England, conveened in Parliament, settle a firm and durable peace
against all invasion by sea or land ; that we may with chearfulness of
heart pay unto your Majesty, as our native King, all duty and obedience
that can be expected from loyal subjects, and that (against the many and
great evils which at this time threaten both kingdoms, whereat all your
Majestys good and loving subjects tremble to think, and which we beseech
God Almighty in mercy timeously to avert), your Majestys throne may
be established in the midst of us in religion and righteousness, and your
Majestys gracious answer we humbly desire and earnestly wait for."
To this petition the King commanded my Lord Lanerick to write the
following answer, from York, September fifth :
" His Majesty hath seen and considered this petition, and is graciously
pleased to return this answer by me, That he finds it in such general terms,
that till you express the particulars of your desires, his Majesty can give no
direct answer : therefore his Majesty requires, that you set down the par-
ticulars of your demands with expedition, he having been always willing to
hear and redress the grievances of his people. And for the more mature
deliberation of these great affairs, his Majesty hath already given out sum-
mons for the meeting of the peers of the kingdom, in the city of York, upon
the twenty-fourth of this month, that so with the advice of the peers you
may receive such answer to your petition as shall most tend to his honour,
and the peace and welfare of his dominions. And in the meantime (if peace
be that you desire as you pretend), he expects, and by these his Majesty
commands, that you advance no farther with your army to these parts ;
which is the only means that is left for the present to preserve peace be-
twixt the two nations, and to bring these unhappy differences to a reconcilia-
tion, which none is more desirous of than his most sacred Majesty
(i) [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 432, 433 ; Rushworth's Hist. Coll., vol. iii.,
pp. 1255, 1256; Balfour's Annates, vol. ii., pp. 394 — 396; Historia Motuum, pp. 564 —
566 ; Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 231, 232 ; Burnet's Memoires of the Hamil-
tons, pp. 175, 176; Sanderson's History of King Charles L, p. 314.]
THE END OF THE HISTORY OF SCOTS AFFAIRS.
APPENDIX.
2 L
APPENDIX.
No. I.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT ABERDEEN IN 1640.
WITH REGARD TO THE FAMILISTS, OR BROWNISTS.
(From Baillie's Letters, vol. i., pp. 248 — 255. J
Our Assemblie at Aberdeen was keepit with great peace. We fand great
averseness in the hearts of manie from our course, albeit little in countenance.
That which troubled us most was a passage of Mr. Harie Guttrie's, which,
because it may be the occasion of farder dinne, I will relate to you particularlie,
so farre as I understand. Our countreymen in Ireland, being pressed there by
the Bishops to countenance the Liturgie and all their ceremonies, did absteene
much from the publict worship ; and in privatt, among themselves, their ministers
being all banished, did in that place and tyme of persecution, comfort themselves
with prayer and reading, and uther exercises of religion, whiles in the night,
whiles in the day, as they had occasion. Sundrie of them intending ane voyage
to New England, inclined towards the discipline of these churches ; yea, some
Brunists, insinuating themselves among them whileas their ministers were away,
did move diverse towards their conceits. The most of thir good people flying
over to us, were heartilie embraced of us all ; their privat meetings were over-
seen ; some of their conceits, though they were spreading, yet for causes we let
alone till the Laird of Leckie, one who had suffered much by the Bishops, was
marked, useing his Irish forme of privie exercises in Stirling, and in his prayers
some expressions which were prejudiciall to Mr. Harie [Guthrie], minister of the
said toun, and uther ministers of the land, who did not affect their wayes. At
once Mr. Harie, with the brethren of that presbytrie, and magistrats of that toun,
did begin with vehemencie and some violence, to suppresse these privie meetings,
and to paint out in verie black letters all the singularities they knew or heard of
in Leckie, or these who affected their wayes. They, on the other side, failled not
to rander to Mr. Harie, and the brethren, the like. The last Assemblie of Edin-
burgh was perplexed with this matter. Mr. Harie made verie loud complaints of
their novations, both in word and wryte. Sundrie being conscious what in diverse
parts of the countrie was broaching, was in some fear. Diverse of our chief
208
APPENDIX.
ministers tendering verie much the credit of these verie pious people, were loath
that any thing concerning them should come in publick. We had sundrie privat
meetings with the chief that was thought to incline that way. Mr. Hendersoun
vented himself, at manie occasions, passionatlie, opposit to all these conceits. We
fand among ourselves great harmonie of judgment ; yea, Leckie, declareing his
mind in a wryte, was found to differ from us in nothing considerable. Once we
agreed for the framing of ane act for the preveening of such questions. Both
sides laid it on me to forme it. All was pleased with the draught, onlie one, not
lyking my conclusion of precise dischargeing of all novations till in a Generall
Assemblie they were allowed, persuaded to leave off making of ane act. leist our
adversaries should triumph in our so hastie disputations, if not divisions ; and did
assure, by quiet dealing, to sopite smother all farder reasoning of such purposes ;
onlie we concluded, for satisfaction of all, that Mr. Harie should preach for ad-
vancement of religious exercises in everie familie, and Mr. Robert Blair, Mr.
John Makclellan, Mr. John Levistoune, against night-meetings, and other abuses
quhilk were complained of. Mr. Blair, in his sermon, did not so much cry downe
these meetings as was expected ; wherefore Mr. Guttrie refused to preach at all.
Some citizens of Edinburgh declared themselves not well satisfied with Mr. Hen-
dersoun's zeall against their practise. One Livingstone, a traffiquer with the
English who wer affected to our reformation, bot withall to the discipline of New
England, in his letter to his friends abroad, did wryte verie dispytefullie of Mr.
Hendersoun ; thir being intercepted, did grieve not onlie the man himself, bot us
all, of all ranks, who had found him the powerfull instrument of God, fitted ex-
presslie much above all other to be a blessing to our Church, in this most danger-
ous seasone. For preveening of farder inconvenience, it was thought meete to
presse, in all the kingdome, religious exercises in families, according to a draught
which Mr. Hendersoun, with the unanimous consent of all, gave out in print.
This familie worship was expected ane sufficient remedie against the feared evills
of uther privie meetings ; bot when it was not found so, these that would have
keeped on foot amongst us some of the Irish novations, foreseeing their severe
condemnation by the insewing Generall Assemblie, thought good to eishu [eschew]
that discreditable stroke, and drew together in Edinburgh, in tyme of the Parlia-
ment, to a privie conference ; on the one syde, Mr. Hendersoun and Mr. Elisezar
Borthwick ; on the other, Mr. Blair and Mr. Dicksoun : these four agreed on a
paper of caveats, limiting these privie meetings ; which being opened to the rest
of the brethren there conveened, did please all. The report of this gladed all
the land, hoping that these disputations had then been at a point.
I heard no more of them till the Synod, at the beginning whereof, as the cus-
tome is, a list being given up for preaching in the towne, Mr. Guttrie was one.
He finding himself, as he avowed, indisposed in bodie, and unable without more
books and leasure than there he could have, and unwilling, fra the Provost of the
towne required he should be heard, having, as he heard, a mind to get him trans-
ported to that towne, refused peremptorlie to preach there at all, and that with
some words of headiness, more than it became to us, in the face of ane Assemblie.
These who boore him at small good will, finding him in this snare, whether to
punish him for bygone business, or to dashe him for attempting in that Assemblie
any farder matter about Leckie his meetings, which they suspected was his maine
eirand to that place, urged straitlie the publick censure of his presumption. When
APPENDIX.
269
he was removed, all these who had relation to the Irish business, lighted so
sharplie upon him, that manie did thinke that their censure was not so much for
his present misbehaviour, as for some bygone quarrels. He took the Moderator's
reproof submissivelie enough ; bot whether on that irritation, or preceeding reso-
lution, he sett himself with all earnestness to have these matters concluded in
Assemblie, which some of us were afrayed so much as publicklie to name. Pri-
vatlie he had solicit the whole northern ministrie and elders, putting them in a
great vehemence against all these things he complained of. It was one of my
overtures for the ordering of the house at the beginning of the Assemblie, that no
motion should come in publick till first it were considered in privat by the Com-
mittee appointed for things of that nature whereof it wes, unless the Committee
did refuse to receave it. Whereby Mr. Harie his first motion in publick, though
he alleadged it had been proponed be him to the Committee and not receaved, was
rejected again to the committee : by this meanes he was holden of some dayes ;
bot by no meanes could be gotten diverted from proponing these questions, which
we were afraid should trouble us all. Accompt was taken of all the Commission-
ers of the kingdome, in the face of the Assemblie, of settling of familie exercise
in ilk house of their Presbytrie ; it was avowed to be everie where prettie well
advanced ; bot this was no water for the fire in hand. It was the advyce of the
committee, to propone Mr. Hendersoun's paper before Mr. Harie was heard. This
advyce, in my minde, was healthsome ; for lyklie all would have applauded to that
paper, and no more needed for the settleing of these questions ; bot some, whether
because they were loath, though privatlie they assented to that papei', that yet it
sbould goe in a publick act, or being carryed with a clean contrare spaite, were
willfull to have Mr. Harie to vent himself in publick, to the uttermost of his pas-
sions, would not let the committee determine any thing in that affair. Mr. Harie
being permitted at last to speak in the Assemblie, in a long discourse, proclaimed
what he was able to say of Leckie and these meetings : truelie he uttered manie
things very odious, if trew. Mr. James Simpsone of Bathgate shew also manie
scandalous things of that sort of people. A Commissioner from Galloway de •
clareda number of uncouth passadges, reflecting on Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord, Mr.
John Livingstone, and Mr. Makclellan. Presentlie all went to a heat and con-
fused dinn ; the whole north, especiallie the earle of Seafort, a well spoken man,
bot whose honestie in our cause ever has been much suspected, passionatelie syding
with Mr. Harie ; some others fretting to hear pious people so shamefullie, as they
thought, calumniat. In the midst of the clamour, I took leave sharplie to regrate
that we did rush in a greater evill than any was complained of : the confused mis-
order of a Generall Assemblie was the spoyling of the onlie remedie of that and
all other diseases : Bot no possibilitie of order and silence ; the Moderator had
neither weight in his discourse, nor dexteritie in guiding : we missed much Mr.
Hendersoun, or some of our respected nobles. At last the confusion ended in a
committee for the preparing of overtures to remedie these evills : the committee
was for the most part of men at Mr. Harie's devotion. After much jangleing
and repetition, with manie eikes of odious (whether true or fabulous) narrations,
sundrie of us inclyned to have that fore-named paper past in ane act. Bot my
Lord Seafort, and Mr. Harie, by no means could hear of that motion ; they told
over, that caveats had brought in the bishops ; that this paper, though never so
full of limitations, would be introductive at last of the thing limited. Mr. Ruther-
270
APPENDIX.
foord all the while was dumb ; onlie in the midst of the jangleing he cast in a
syllogisme, and required them all to answer it : " What Scripture does warrand,
ane Assemblie may not discharge ; bot privie meetings for exercises of religion,
Scripture warrants." Heb. xii. [Jam. v. 16.] " Confess your sinnes one to ano-
ther, pray one for another ;" Mai. [iii. 16.] " Then did the godlie oft speak
together, and God hearkened," etc. Thir things could not be done in publick
meetings. A number greedilie hanshit at the argument, Mr. A. Ramsay, Mr. J.
Adamsoun, and others ; bot came not near the matter, let be to answer formallie.
My Lord Seafort would not have Mr. Samuell to trouble us with his logick syllo-
gismes ; the trueth is, as I conceave, Mr. Harie intended to have all meetings pri-
vate simpliciter abolished ; also Mr. Rutherfoord, I know, had, in a treatise, de-
fended the lawfullness of these meetings in greater numbers, and for moe purposes
than yet we have heard practised ; also Mr. Dicksoun had written, and practised,
and countenanced some things in these meetings, that now, both of them finding
the inconveniencies, and seeing the great opposition they got by manie good
men, and especiallie by Mr. Hendersoun, were content to passe from, at leist to be
silent of. We closed that night with this overture, That fyve of our number
should draw up every one of us our conception, by way of act, to present to-mor-
row to the committee, Mr. David, Mr. Harie, Mr. D. Lindsay, Mr. Alexander
Petrie, and I. In my act, I strave so cunninglie as I could, to convase Hender-
soun's paper shortlie, with some of my own conceptions. I communicat it with
the chief opposers of Mr. Harie, Mr. D. D., Mr. Sa. R., Will. Rigg, and others,
got them at last to acquiesce. When we came to the committee, all fyve acts was
read : the question came betuixt myne and Mr. Harie's ; myne was lykit by all,
onlie Mr. Harie mislyked it, and conceived, that under everie word a dangerous
serpent did lie ; there was no remead : his contentment was the contentment of
the bodie of the Assemblie. Frae he mislyked my draught, I sett myself to per-
swade that his draught might be accepted, for truelie it had nothing that was con-
traverted : It consisted of three articles ; — the Second, " That read prayer was not
unlawfull," Mr. D. Dick did inlarge, That it should be lawfull to read prayers,
both in private and publick ; the Third, " That it should not be permitted to any
to expone Scripture to people, bot onlie ministers, and expectants approvin by
Presbytries," no man did contradict ; the First, " That familie worship should be
declared to be of persones of one familie, not of diverse ;" here was all the ques-
tion. I did declare publicklie, oft without contradiction, that the meetings whereof
he complained were not familie meetings, bot ane other kinde specificallie differ-
ing from the other ; so that his article of familie meetings would never touch any
abuse of these meetings, were they never so manie or foule. Yet because this
was Mr. Harie's own draught, and he alleaged, that the people with whom he had
to doe did take their conventicles onlie for familie exercises, he required no more
than the declaration of the Assemblie, that familie meetings extended no farder
than to persones of the same families. This, though no man could refuse, yet
these that lyked nothing that came from him, did question much more than they
needed, and verie violentlie urged to have, in that article, limitations, which, in
my judgement, were verie needless, and did further Mr. Harie's designe more nor
his own words. Alwayes Mr. Harie was made content to admitt of ane excep-
tion, which was, the practise of people flocking to their minister's familie exercise ;
bot of any moe exceptiones he would not hear ; and more they pressed to have,
APPENDIX.
271
upon ane argument that did much amaze my minde, that except they gott ane
other conceit, they had a written protestation readie against that act of the Synod ;
the thing that the devill was seeking, and would have been sweet pastyme to that
town of Aberdeen, and our small favourers in the North, who was greedilie gaze-
ing on the event of that broyle. Alwayes at last the prayers of the land for God's
blessing to that Assemblie prevailed, and in a moment God made the minds of
these who differed to agree, to the great joy of all when they heard it. There
was bot fy ve of us then in privat, Mr. Harie and Mr. David as parties ; Belhelvie
for Mr. Harie, the Moderator and I betuixt them. Mr. David at last acquiesced to
my request to let Mr. Harie's article passe as it stood, and Mr. Harie, after once
and againe I had inculcate to him, that all his act was bot a blephum if yow putt
not in that clause yow see it hes against novations, was at last content to put it
in ; so with great difficultie, the act being agreed upon in privat, and in the com-
mittee, when it came to be voted in the Assemblie, it had no contrare voyce.
All of us did think that then the storme was close over and gone ; yet behold,
when leist we expectit, it does blow up againe as boysterouslie as ever : some
that was grieved and freted that their opposite should have gotten so much way,
desyreing to have some order of him, did give in a wryte, requireing, since so
manie wyle [vile] abuses were in the Assemblie alleadged to have been committed
by Leckie, and others, in diverse parts of the kingdome, it were expedient that a
committee were ordained for the tryall and severe punishment of all these misor-
ders ; and that this committee should sitt in Edinburgh, and consist of these whom
the Assemblie had appointed Commissioners for the Parliament, with so manie
other as the Assemblie thought meet to joyne with them. This bill was read near
the end of the Synod be Mr. James Boner, moderator of the bills, as newlie given
to him, by whom he knew not. Upon the hearing of it, at once there rose such
a heat and universall clamour, that it was marvellous. Mr. John Makclellan
was found the ingiver of it ; while he began to be hissed at, Mr. A. Cant and Mr.
D. D. did speak for the reasonableness of it, and some few other ministers and
gentlemen who had been on the councell of it ; bot they were so overwhelmed
with the multitude of cryers, Away with it ! Away with it ! that they were forced
to be silent, and let it goe. I much grieved to see the tumultuous disorder of our
Assemblie ; and had I been on Mr. David's councell, I would have disuaded him
to my power from such a motion, which, if it had been assented to, was like to
have fyred our Church, more than any other brand that Satan at this tyme, in all
his witt, could have invented : so, by God's goodness, water was cast on that fyre
for the tyme. The amirs [embers] yet seems to smoke ; bot we hope God will
see to the peace of our Church, which is bot a brand newlie taken out of the fyre,
or rather yet in the midst of the flame of warr and great danger.
(From Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, pp. 77 — 79-J
Upon the last Tuesday of July the general assembly sate down at Aberdeen,
without any commission from his majesty : Where the first thing that occurred
was, the receiving of Mr. John Paterson, minister at Foveren, into the Covenant.
He had at first fled to England to avoid it, but shortly after repented, and came
home again, and upon his application to his presbytery, was referred to the gene-
272
APPENDIX.
ral assembly, before which he made a recantation sermon, wherewith the as-
sembly professed to have so full satisfaction, that he was received to their fel-
lowship.
The next thing done therein was, an act against conventicles (called by the
owners thereof private meetings) which was upon this occasion.
As soon as Episcopacy had been thrust out of this church, there came from
England one Thomas Livingston, a taylor, and another, Mr. Cornall, a chirurgeon
(both supposed to favour the Brownistical way), and from Ireland a fleece of Scots
people, who being dissatisfied with the forms of that church, had long ago for-
saken the public assemblies thereof, and betaken themselves to conventicles ; of
whom the most eminent were the laird of Lecky, and one John Kelso, formerly
one of the goodmen of Duchall's ploughmen. These arriving in the west of
Scotland trafficked with the people in those parts, to comply with their way, of
seeking edification by private meetings ; wherein their success was the greater, in
that Mr. David Dickson, Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and others,
were said to countenance them therein.
Upon the hearing whereof, the soundest of the ministers throughout the land
were deeply affected, doubting that course might lead to Brownism in the end,
such as Mr. Andrew Ramsay, Mr. Alexander Henderson, Mr. William Colvil, Mr.
David Dalgleish, Mr. Robert Knox, Mr. Edward Wright, Mr. Henry Guthry, and
many more, especially Mr. David Calderwood (who in the time of his exile had
seen the wild follies of the English Brownists in Arnheim and Amsterdam) ; and
therefore, at the former general assembly in Edinburgh, in the year 16.39, these
purposed to have had an act against the same ; but Mr. David Dickson, Mr.
Robert Blair, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and the rest of their stamp, opposed that
motion, and proponed instead thereof, that there should be a conference, whereby
brethren might unite their judgments upon the question, and afterwards by private
admonition they would prevail with those people to amend what was amiss.
This was hearkened to, and the conference was at Mr. Alexander Henderson's
chamber ; where were present, on the one part, the said Mr. Alexander Hender-
son, Mr. Andrew Ramsay, Mr. David Calderwood, Mr. William Colvil, Mr. David
Dalgleish, Mr. Edward Wright, and Mr. Henry Guthry ; on the other part, Mr.
David Dickson, moderator of the general assembly, Mr. Robert Blair, Mr.
Samuel Rutherford, Mr. James Hamilton, Mr. John Livingston, Mr. John Mac-
lellan, and Mr. George Dick ; and after reasoning at several diets, in the end, Mr.
Dickson, and all his adherents, passed from the point, and agreed unanimously to
this conclusion, viz. :
" That whatsoever had been the effects of private meetings of persons from
divers families for religious exercise in time of trouble or corruption (in which
case many things may be commendable, which otherwise are not tolerable); yet
now, when God hath blessed us with peace, and with the purity of the gospel,
they could not but disallow them, as tending to the hindrance of the exercises of
each family by itself, to the prejudice of the public ministry, and to the renting
of particular congregations, and by progress of time of the whole kirk, besides
many offences that may come thereby, to the hardening of the hearts of natural
men, and the grief of the godly."
This conclusion being agreed upon, was subscribed in 3.11 their names that had
been upon the conference, by Mr. Alexander Henderson for the one part, and Mr.
APPENDIX.
273
David Dickson for the other, and the custody of the paper committed to Mr.
Henry Guthry.
Likeas Mr. David Dickson, and his adherents, did farther undertake, by their
admonitions, to reclaim these conventiclers, and make them leave that way.
Whereupon the brethren of the other part went from the conference well satis-
fied ; but the event declared they made no conscience of what they had under-
taken, and that whatsoever they had condescended to, was only to put by that
assembly.
For afterwards they were so far from performing what they had promised, that
their admonitions turned to encouragements, whereby the conventiclers grew more
bold than formerly, and prevailed with people so generally throughout the west,
that they met with no rub, until they came the length of Stirling, where they
found so harsh entertainment as made them quickly to withdraw, esteeming that
town an unhallowed place ; yet elsewhere they found welcome enough (even in
Edinburgh itself), where their way came to be so cried up, that such as favoured,
or kept those private meetings, were by the rigid sort esteemed the godly of the
land, and others that opposed them were calumniated, as being in their opinion,
reckoned unfriends to piety.
Hereupon the assembly at Aberdeen took the matter into consideration, whe-
ther those private meetings should be allowed or condemned. Mr. Dickson,
Rutherford, and others of their stamp, pleaded so vehemently for them (having
the assistance not only of the most part of the ministers, but also the ruling elders
from the west), that it was likely they must have carried it, had not, by provi-
dence, Mr. Guthry happened to have in his pocket that paper which contained the
judgment of the brethren (at the conference at Edinburgh the year preceding)
upon the question, which was subscribed by Mr. Henderson and Mr. Dickson, in
all their names : Mr. Guthry kept up this paper, until he saw the business in
hazard to miscarry ; but then produced it in the assembly, and being read, and
Mr. Dickson's hand found to be at it, for himself and all his party, Mr. Dickson,
and his adherents, were pleased afterwards to be silent ; and very unanimously
the assembly made an act against those private meetings, not so much as one
man protesting to the contrary.
2 M
APPENDIX.
No. II.
rum et haereseos
accusatus
PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT ABERDEEN IN 1640,
WITH REGARD TO DR. JAMES SIBBALD.
(From Dr. Garden's Vita Johannis Forbesii a Corse, §§ xc — xcv.)
5 xc. Non ingratum fore Lectori nec intempestivum spero, si ulterius narrem quo
sibbaidus crro- pact0 Jacobum Sibbaldum tractarunt, cum Forbesii Collega esset. et iisdem mo-
lestiis agitatus. Sibbaldus a dicta Synodo An. 1640. Officio pastorali depulsus
fuit, quod Foedus subsignare nollet. Verum id non satis fuit, sed direptis qui-
busdam ex ipsius chartis, eum haud orthodoxum esse concludunt, ac de falsis doc-
trinis accusant, anathema interminantes, si palinodiam non caneret. Sequitur ac-
cusatio.
Catalogus Errorum propter quos M. Jacobus Sibbaldus ( a ministerio hactenus de-
positus ), anathemate prosequendum est, si eisdem non recantaverit.
I. Patet eum inimicum esse Ecclesiae Scoticanae et erroris occultatorem, eo
quod non solum habuerit in sua potestate et custodia, D. Gul. Forbesii scripta.
quae erronea esse agnovit, verum etiam ea dispergenda mutuo dederit, ut inter
studiosos de manu in manum communicarentur, et tamen nec contra horum er-
rores locutus est, nec studiosos ut ab iis caverent, monuit.
II. Apparet eum varios Papismi et Arminianismi Articulos docuisse ac pro-
palasse. videl.
1. In Funebri Concione, p. 125. ' Potestas libera aliquid agendi in nobis juncta
est cum potestate circa oppositum.'
2. In Funebri Concione, p. 134. 'A Deo provenit omnis sanctificatio, etiam ad
externa Symbola vel Sacramenta, quae pro nobis instituit qui rudes sumus et a
sensibus ducti, ut per haec sensibilia nos sanctificaret, et corporeo tactu Spiritum
suum ejusque dona in animis nostris earumque facultatibus infunderet' : ex quo ap-
paret eum efficaciam Papisticam approbare, et opus operatum, quod Papistae Sa-
cramento ascribunt.
3. In Concione Funebri, p. 96. ' Ecclesiae Christianae visum est sacerdotibus
suis externum etiam habitum ab aliis diversum injungere.'
4. In pag. 79. Responsionum duplicatarum, privati Baptismi necessitatem asserit.
APPENDIX.
275
5. In earundem pag. 84. ' Non erubescimus cum primitivis Patribus Coenae
Dominicae Sacramentum vel viaticum appellare, licet vos id improbare
videamini.'
6. Pag. 32. §. 5. sup. Matth. in Concione manuscripta ad populum habita, jejunii
quadragesimalis institutionem approbare videtur. Ejus verba sunt : ' Christus tarn
diu jejunavit, non ideo maxime ut nos tam diu ipsius sequamur exemplum ; sed ut
aeque diu ac Moyses jejunans, Evangelium praedicatum veniret, nobis tantum
prout possimus sequentibus : nihilominus Ecclesia tam longum jejunium ante
Pascha instituit."
7. Pag. 71- §• 4. super Luc. xi. v. 41. docuit ' eleemosynas quodam sensu dici
posse peccatum respectu culpae expurgare, quatenus dispositio sunt ad justifica-
tionem, gratiam illius impetrans.'
8. Super Rom. iii. v. 23. docuit fidem magis immediate vel distincte in eum
ferri cujus potentia justificamur ; earn solam esse dispositionem inter omnia
nostra opera cui justitia ascribi possit sine periculo superbiae, vel derogatione de
gratia Dei.
9. Super Luc. xiii. v. 34. Docuit ' Christum ipsius meritis omnia acquisivisse
auxilia, quibus hominibus opus est ex parte Dei, ut reconcilientur et salventur ; a
Deo impetravit, ut deposita ira quam adversus hominem ob peccatum habuit, om-
nibus adesse et assistere velit. Filius omnes illuminare praesto est, si quis non
videt, ipse in culpa est.'
10. In Concione super. 2. Joh. et iv. ait : ' Hinc patet quam religiose versari de-
bemus in domo Dei, et quam impie Christianorum Ecclesiae a multis profanentur,
quibus major debetur reverentia quam templo Hierosolymitano, ob veram in iis
Dei praesentiam, et sanctorum Sacramentorum administrationem.' Et paulo post,
super eundem textum : ' Sed Deus in hac domo habitat, cum in hoc loco cultui
ipsius consecrato facilem aurem praebuerit, ac proinde orationes servorum ipsius
magis acceptae sunt, quam alibi, caeteris paribus, hoc est, si pari pietate, fervore
ac fide invocetur, quas virtutes circumstantiae loci et eorum quae ibi gesta sunt,
magnopere excitant et confirmant. Si Deus omnibus in locis aeque adesset, frustra
diceremus : Pater noster qui es in coelis.'
III. In respondendo ad quaestiones ipsi propositas, repertus est in quibusdam
errore imbutus, in aliis ambiguus et erroris suspectus, ubi apertius mentem dicere
debuisset.
1. Interrogatus, num Papa Anti christus esset, respondit, se opinari Papam
esse Antichristum, ac nescire num major Antichristus post eum veniet.
2. Interrogatus de descensu Christi locali ad inferos, respondit Ecclesiam Scoti-
canam in Nationali Synodo istum articulum non definivisse. Se credere Christum
ad inferos descendisse, et quod ad localem animae ipsius ad inferos descensum
attinet, earn fuisse priscorum quorundam sententiam, seque cum Zanchio earn
improbare nolle.
3. Interrogatus, num putaret omnes infantes baptizatos esse vere regenerates,
respondit, se illi articulo Ecclesiae Scoticanae adhaerere, quod per baptismum in
Christum insiti simus, ut ipsius justitiae participes fiamus, eumque in infantibus
efficacem esse nisi ponatur obex ; sed num ponatur obex ratione praescientiae
divinae vel aliter, se non velle determinare. 2. Interrogatus, quisnam esset ille
obex, dixit se non velle ad id respondere, et si cum Augustino affirmasset, quod
omnes infantes baptizati regenerentur, se nil absurdi locutum fuisse, opinari.
4. Interrogatus, utrum Deus velit omnes salvos esse voluntate antece-
dent!, dixit, si spatium aliquod temporis illi concedatur, se responsurum. Id
276
APPENDIX.
loquutus est mox, postquam dixisset se Canonibus Synodi Dordracenae subscribere
velle.
5. Interrogatus quid opinaretur de altaribus, inclinationibus coram iis, sacerdo-
tis habitu dum oblationem facit, qualia sunt superpelliceum, amiculum linteum,
cappa, positio mensae per modum altaris, et conversio ad orientem orando,
respondit, in solutione harum quaestionum se sibi nondum satisfecisse.
IV. In Concione super cap. 3. ad Rom. Feb. 1638, his usus est verbis: 'Cum
Theologi nostri dicunt nos sola fide justificari, omnia opera auxilio gratiae facta,
tanquam conditiones ac dispositiones praeparantes non excludunt, qualia sunt
poenitentia, misericordiae desiderium, oratio. 2°. Opera per gratiam praestita
tanquam fidei fructus non excludunt, nam eo modo fidei non sunt opposita, sed
amice cum fide conveniunt.' Miratus est Theologos Protestantes docuisse, aut
unquam cogitare potuisse, quod priusquam resipiscimus justificati simus, 'nam,'
inquit, ' extra omne dubium est, resipiscentiam, eraendationis propositum, veniae
spem, orationem, ac gratiae desiderium, miseriae sensum, praeire tanquam con-
ditiones et media praeparantia priusquam justificemur.' Interrogatus, num doctri-
nam hanc approbaret, respondit, ' se priora verba rite intellecta approbare, nempe
haec opera adesse debere vel praeeuntia vel sequentia fidei justificantis actum, et
media praeparantia auxilio gratiae praestita posse justificationem praecedere,
nempe poenitentiam. Affirmavit se a Theologis nostris dissentire qui opinantur
quod poenitentia justificationis actum non praecedat. Quod ad secundum attinet,
nil mali in eo videt, cum Apostolus dicat, fidem per charitatem operari : De tertio
existimavit idem esse cum praecedenti.'
V. In Duplicationum, p. 26. nobis in aequissimo hoc bello nostro defensivo haec
Scripturae loca applicat, Matth. xxvi. 52. ' Quicunque enim acceperint gla-
dium, gladio peribunt.' Et Rom. xiii. ' Qui resistunt, ipsi sibi damnationem
acquirunt.'
Interrogatus de nostro Foedere, num ei subscribere vellet, respondit, se illi
subscribere non posse. De plurimis aliis etiam articulis propositae fuere ei
(juaestiones, et ubi Ecclesiae nostrae doctrinae et Theologorum Reformatorum
principiis consentiebat, distincte et aperte respondit ; ubi vero in suspicionem
vocatus fuit, in praecipuis nempe articulis, ambigue respondit, vel respondere
detrectavit. Sic subscribitur,
Murray, Scriba Vicarius Synodi.
§ xci. Sibbaldi Autographum quoddam 6. vel. 7. fob observationes quasdam in dicam
sibbaidi amraad- aanc continens apud me habeo, quarum summam hie breviter enarrabo.
versiones in quo?- , r, , 1 . .. . - ,.
■lam accusationis nimo quod ad chartas suas attinet, h,x meis, inquit, scnedis direptis ansam
anicuios. capiunt me de quibusdam articulis accusandi, et priusquam quinam essent distincte
novissem, respondi, has chartas non posse in testimonium contra me adduci, cum
ipsarum quaedam essent breves librorum a me lectorum summae, quas exscripseram
ut iis vel in refutando vel approbando facilius uterer ; Aliae vero collectiones essent,
ex Commentariis aliisve libris quas pro meditationum materia in concionibus for-
mandis exscripseram, ut eas pro ratione post justam examinationem, aut probare
.nit rejicere possem ; ac omnes privatae fuere, non publicae, neque publico sed
proprio tantum usui destinatae. Et ad hoc confirmandum adducit resolutionem
Navarri in simili casu Consil. 1. 5. de haer. Consil. 7- qui posito hoc fundamento,
quod nemo sit accusandus vel arguendus eo quod hoc vel illud scripserit, et sua
manu, in chartulis, commentariolis, et aliis memorialibus imperfectis, indigestis, et
inemendatis, posuerit, quibus manus extrema non sit adhibita, nec sunt usque
APPENDIX.
277
adhuc edita, validis rationibus, distinctis legibis, et celeberrimorum Doctorum
authoritate et exemplis, a Sibbaldo exscriptis, clare evincit, nullam accusationem
justam, multo minus sententiam, in hujusmodi chartis posse fundari.
Ut plenius satisfaciat, articulos plerosque accusationis sigillatim considerat 5 xcii.
Sibbaldus, et quae de iis sentiat, dicit. 1°. Jejunium Quadragesimale licitum esse, Ejus sententia
. . ' ~ , , ., . -,i • • j • jejunio quauia-
superstitione et delectu ciborum ainotis, negan baud posse existimat, et aa unani- gesimaii.
mem Antiquitatis consensum, Theologorum etiam eruditorum Protestantiura,
jejunium hoc, prout a pura primitiva Ecclesia observatum fuit, approbantium sen-
tentiam accedere ostendit. In hujus rei documentum, testimonia Zanchii, Doc-
torum Field et Andrews, ac Petri Molinaei adducit, et cum hac quasstione con-
cludit ; num scil. ii qui hoc jejunium non approbant, omnia improbent jejunia ;
si id non faciant, cur hoc potius quam ullum aliud rejiciant, praesertim cum tarn
antiquum sit, et ob graves causas institutum; sed si nulla stata jejunia approbent
(qua istorum doctrina et praxis est), quo pacto Aerii reatum devitabunt ? qui
Epiphanio teste, haeres. 75. dixit : ' Neque jejunii instituendi ulla ratio est. Haec
omnia Judaeorum propria sunt, et cuidam servitutis jugo subjecta, quippe justo
nulla lex posita est, sed parricidii ac matricidii duntaxat et id genus aliorum : nam
si jejunare omnino decreverim, quacunque libuerit die, sponte et integra libertate
jejunabo. Hinc est,' inquit Epiphanius, 'quod isti Dominica die jejunare potius
affectant ; quarta vero sextaque feria vescuntur, non ulla lege, sed voluntate ut
asserunt inducti. Porro diebus ipsis Paschatis, quod tempus humi cubando, casti-
moniam servando, afflictandoque corpore ; necnon et aridorum ciborum usu, pre-
cibus, vigiliis, jejuniis, et reliquis id genus saluberrimis corporis cruciatibus,
celebrare solemus ; illi e contrario jam turn diluculo obsonari solent, et carnibus
vinoque distenti, cachinnari, ridere, eosque qui illam Paschatis hebdomadam, sanc-
tissimis illis religionibus traducunt, ludibrio habere.'
Ad alium articulum e chartis ipsius adductum, nempe peccatum eleemosynis § xciii.
expurgari, respondet, se nunquam privatim vel publice dixisse, peccatum eleemo- D£e pa'trigatlr°",ye
synis expurgari, sed eas tantum commendasse ut Deo plurimum gratas et acceptas mosy-nasl^ * ^
cum rite riant ; et si quid tale in chartis ipsius reperiatur, merum exsciiptum esse,
idque ut sibi videtur, e Fr. White Orthodox, etc. Praeterea, si totidem verbis
dixisset, peccatum quodam sensu eleemosynis purgari, quid amplius asseruisset
quam in Scripturis diserte traditum est ? Nonne Salomon dicit Proverb, xvi. 6.
Misericordia et veritate redimitur iniquitas ? Nonne licitum est Scripturae phrasi-
bus uti ? Evidenter itaque patet haec verba, Candida interpretatione, in vero et
bono sensu capi posse. Sic S. Aug. in Enchir. cap. 72. ' Multa sunt genera elee-
mosynarum, quae cum facimus, adjuvamur, et demittuntur nobis nostra peccata.'
Et in scriptis Patrum plurima similia dicta reperiuntur. Si itaque talia verba in
bono sensu sumi possint, hie et non alius iis ascribi debet. Lex enini diserte dicit,
' dubia interpretanda esse in meliorem partem, et semper in dubiis benigniora esse
praeferenda.'
Ad alios duos articulos de Ecclesiarum dedicatione et sanctitate, etc., respondet, §
se existimare, quod Ecclesiae precibus et gratiarum actionibus Deo consecrari dedicat^on^T"
possint et debeant, in signum separationis a profano et communi usu, et destina- sanctitate.
tionis ad sacra et pia exercitia. 2. Dicit loca sic consecrata magis sacra esse
quam domus communes ; se non adeo absurdum esse ut putet iis talein inesse
sanctitatem qualis est in creaturis ratione praeditis, sed earn solum quae locis et
temporibus convenire potest ; et quod quaedam sanctitas iis convenire possit, a
nemine in dubium vocari posse qui S. Scripturam amplectitur, cum ex ea pateat,
sanctos esse dies, et terram posse esse sanctam. ' Ne appropinques hue' (dicit
278
APPENDIX.
§ XCT.
De afflictionibus
piorum, quod
poenae, et a
justitia Dei pro-
venire, diei
possint.
Dominus ad Moysen), 1 solve calceamentum de pedibus tuis, locus enim in quo stas,
terra sancta est.' Exod. iii. 5. Act. vii. 33. Sic Joh. v. 15. Item Lev. xxvii. 28.
dictum est : ' Quicquid semel fuerit consecratum, Sanctum Sanctorum erit Do-
mino.' S. Paulus, 1 Tim. iv. 5. docet ' omnern creaturam sanctificari per verbum
Dei et preces.' Si itaque. inquit Sibbaldus, cuicunque bonae Dei creaturae sancti-
tas convenire possit, cur non etiam Ecclesiis ? Nullius sunt res sacrae, et religiosae
et sanctae. Quod enim divini juris est, id nullius in bonis est, dicit lex. Quis
affirmare audet elementa panis et vini post consecrationem magis sancta non esse,
quara sunt communis panis et vinum ? Peculiarem vero hunc sauctitatis gradum
ideo habent, quod in sanctissimum et religiosum usum destinata et consecrata
sunt ; eodem pariter modo, licet non gradu, sanctae sunt Ecclesiae, quoniam in
sacros usus sepositae ac destinatae sunt, et per preces ac gratiarum actiones in hunc
finem consecratae. Si mera rei in sacrum usum destinatio sanctam earn reddat,
Levit. xxvii. sique preces et gratiarum actiones id in quodam gradu sanctum faciant,
quod communi tantum usui destinatur, ut est ordinarius noster cibus ; ab omni
ratione alienum est affirmare Ecclesias non ita se habere, etc. Si dicatur nos
verbi divini authoritate muniri in elementis panis ac vini, non vero in Ecclesiis,
consecrandis ; dico, inquit, id falsum esse, nam res communi tantum usui destina-
tas, multo magis quae sacris usibus destinantur, per preces et gratiarum actiones
benedicere jubemur. 3. Datur peccatum quod sacrilegium vocatur ; alioquin
quo pacto diceret Paulus Rom. ii, 22. Qui abominaris idola, sacrilegium com-
mittis ? Id ipsi Ethnici pro flagitiosissimo crimine, et pari poena cum parricidio
plectendo, habuere. Jam una ex praecipuis sacrilegii speciebus est Ecclesiarum
earumque dotationum violatio et expilatio, quae proprie sacrilegium dicitur.
4. Tandem ostendit id esse sententiae et praxi veteris Ecclesiae consentaneum,
ut patet ex Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis antiquis, quorum testimonia adducit, et
Theologorum eruditorum Protestantium judicio, citans Bucerem, Pet. Martyrem,
et Zanchium ; adeo ut Sibbaldi temporibus eximii hi viri in Ecclesiae Scoticanae
communionem recipi non potuissent, sed ex ea ejicerentur, nisi doctrinae hujus
palinodiam cecinissent.
Dicit Sibbaldus, alium fuisse e chartis allegatum aiticulum de piorum afflic-
tionibus, quod nempe poenae dici possint et a justitia Dei provenire. Sentit ille
eas vere dici posse poenas, idque ob has rationes. 1. Inquit, quoniam in iis omnia
ad poenam necessario requisita reperiuntur, videl. quod respectum habeant ad
culpam, tanquam fontem et scaturiginem primariam unde fluunt ; mors enim et
quaecunque miseria earn introducit per peccatum intrarunt. Rom. v. 12. Gen.
iii. 17, 18, 19- - - - - Praeterea Scriptura expresse docet charissimos Dei servos
propter peccata ipsorum actualia afflictos fuisse. Sic Moses Ps. cvi. 32, 33.
David, etc. Secundum ad poenam requisitum est, ut per earn patiantur et multum
patiantur. Tertium, quod ipsorum voluntati, si non actuali, tamen naturali ipsius
propensioni et inclinationi contrarium sit. 2. Iniquitates eorum a quibus Deus
non aufert misericordiam suam virga visitantur. Ps. lxxxix. 32, 33. Ps. lxix. 26.
Ps. xc. 7, 8. Heb. xii. 6. Tertio Scriptura asserit ' eos a Domino judicari,' 1 Cor.
xi. 32. ' et quod judicium incipiet a domo Dei,' 1 Pet. iv. 17. Si itaque piorum
afflictiones prout a Deo veniunt sint ipsius judicia, sique eos judicet cum affligit,
hinc patet eas et poenas esse et a justitia Dei provenire, quae duae inseparabi-
liter connectuntur. Ubi dicitur afflictiones solum medicinam esse ad animam a
morbis praeteritis curandam et a futuris servandam, ac Deum in iis vindictam
suam aut justitiae suae satisfactionem non meditari, sed afflictorum aliorumque
qui eorum calamitates observant, bonum spirituale ac aeternum ; respondet Sib-
APPENDIX.
279
baldus, verura esse has afflictiones medicinae similes esse, ac Deum affligentem esse
Medico similem, verum non ita tantum. Medicus nullum habet dominium in
patientem suum, verum Deus, utpote supremus noster Dominus ac judex abso-
lutum ac supremum in nos dominium habet, eoque in affligendo utitur, eo saltern
modo quo Pater facit qui filium suum propter delictum castigat, Heb. xii. Et
quemadmodum patris castigatio poena esse non desinit, eo quod virtutem medi-
cam ad praeservandum a culpa habeat, ita se habet virga qua Deus liberos suos
castigat. Ita pariter intentio divina, afflictorum aliorumque eos observantium
bonum promovendi, naturam poenae ab ipsorum afflictionibus minime tollit.
Quemadmodum inter homines judex fortassis reum flagellari aut per aliquod tem-
pus in carcerem mitti decernit, ut in posterum emendetur, et alii a simili reatu
sibi caveant. Dato afflictiones nil esse praeter castigationes paternas, haud tamen
inde sequeretur eas non esse poenas, imo contrarium potius, cum castigationes
sint una poenae species. Nil aliud vero inde inferri potest, nisi quod non sint ea
poenae species, quae solius vindictae gratia infligitur.
Ad id quod dicitur Sanctorum peccata condonata esse, ac proinde ob ea eos
postea puniri non posse ; cum repugnantia videtur, ut peccatum sit remissum, et
homo nihilominus propter id puniri possit ; respondet Sibbaldus : Remissio pec-
cati a Deo ejusque cum peccatore reconciliatio magnos inquit et beatos habet
effectus. Ex hoc plenum peccati supplicium, quod in justitia ei congruit,
aufertur ; ex hoc illius gratia potimur, et ad omnes salutiferos ipsius effectus jus
habemus, nominatim plenam ab omnibus illis miseriis quas hie patimur, libera-
tionem quam justo tempore adipiscemur. Conceditur etiam gratia, qua afflictiones
nostrae sanctificentur, ac bono nostro spirituali et aeterno subministrent. Sibi
tamen potestatem reservat nos castigandi, quemadmodum Pater filium, in nostrum
et praesens et futurum commodum, et ad justitiam ac sanctitatem suam patefa-
ciendam. Quaenam in his repugnantia justitiae aut bonitati divinae ? Dicit
Apostolus : Nulla est condemnatio iis qui sunt in Christo ; sed non dicit, nil esse
in iis damnabile. Tenent nostri Theologi pravitatem originalem in Sanctis re-
manentem, esse vere peccatum. Atque nullus est qui non peccat. Patet itaque
poenas Sanctorum temporales nec Dei justitiae repugnare, nec de benignitate
ipsius in condonando, vel justifieationis nostrae dignitate, derogare. Tam longe
abest ut justam querelae ansam inde habeamus, ut in afflictionibus nostris Dei
justitiam agnoscere teneamur, Ps. cxix. 137, sapientiam illius adorare, bonitatem
mirari, qui e tantis malis nos hactenus eripuit, et ab omnibus justo tempore libera-
bit, quod patienter a nobis expectandum est.
Deinceps ostendit, has afflictiones non a sola justitia et simpliciter provenire.
neque mere poenales esse ; sed a justitia ita cum misericordia temperata, ut vix
poenae proprie sic dictae vocari mereantur, si cum peccatis nostris eorumque
poenis meritis conferantur ; si ratio qua movetur nos affligere perpendatur, ipsius
nempe amor, non minus, imo plus, quam misericordia ; si cum respectu ad
effectus a Deo propositos et productos considerentur, quales sunt innatae cor-
ruptionis mortificatio, peccatorum sensus, ea devitandi cura ; donorum Dei in
nobis inceptorum exercitium, eorum probatio ; Filii ipsius imagini major confor-
mitas ; ut ipsae sint aeterni gaudii ac beatitudinis seminarium. Ac Augustini
diversis de hac re loquendi modis conciliatis, adductoque Melancthone ut idem
secum sentiente, concludit Sibbaldus ostendendo differentiam hujus doctrinae a
Papistica.
280
APPENDIX.
Denique prolixius tractat Sibbaldus distinctionem voluntatis Dei in antece-
dentem et consequentem. Et ostenso distinctionem hanc apud Patres, Scholasti-
cos et Xeoterieos in usu esse, observat voluntatem antecedentem significare posse
vel nudam et simplicem eomplaeentiani in re aliqua quae in se ipsa considerata est
bona, ac in eo sensu Deo ascribi posse, quo ad omnium creaturarum rationalium
sanctitatem et salutem. Salus enim et Angelorum et hominum in se, inquit, con-
siderata. amabilis est, Dei gloriam, et hominum et Angelorum, qui ad Dei imagi-
nem facti sunt, utilitatem, ex sua natura spectans. Est itaque ex se objectum
complacentiae divinae maxime congruum, qui est ipsa bonitas et amor, et in qua-
cunque re bona, praesertim ipsius gloria et imagine, complacentiam non potest
non habere.
2°. Voluntas, inquit, antecedens significare potest, non tantum complacentiam
simplicem, sed etiani actum qui per modum prosequtionis tendit versus objectum ;
qua de causa, qui hanc habet voluntatem, dat, vel paratus est dare id quod ad rem
volitam perficiendam sufficit ; haecque voluntas est vel absoluta et effectiva ;
sicque voluntas qua Deus decrevit homines vocare est antecedens, cum a nulla re
in nobis oriatur, ac sine ulla praevisione determinationis voluntatis humanae fieri
possit, a sola et mera benignitate divina proveniens ; estque haec voluntas effec-
tiva ; quoscunque enim Deus vocare decrevit, eos vocat, eoque modo quo decrevit.
Vel (2.) potest haec voluntas fieri conditionata ; ut cum quis, hanc voluntatem
habens, vult talia et talia fieri, veruni non absolute, nec sine omni limitatione, sed
in quantum postulat providentia, quae sufficit in eo qui ita vult. Sic cum haec
voluntas Deo ascribitur quoad sanctitatem et salutem eorum qui pereunt, hanc for-
maliter vel virtualiter includit conditionem, se id operaturum, si homo obicem non
ponat, se in hunc finem ea facturum quae providentiae ipsius congrua sunt, eaque
nullo modo impediturum.
Pergit deinceps inquirere num talis sit in Deo voluntas, et perpensis argumen-
ts contra earn adductis ac ad ea responsionibus, quae prolixe satis deducit, ulte-
rius disquirit num talis sit in Deo voluntas, et quousque ei ascribi possit. Ac
primum voluntas ilia antecedens sanctitatis et salutis Deo inesse videtur, inquit,
cum respectu ad omnes homines in Adamo consideratos ; qui in eo non solum
naturam aeternae beatitudinis capacem, verum etiam et earn justitiam, qua omnes
salvari possint, iis dedit. 2. Si consideretur cum respectu ad hominem lapsum,
non patet earn in Deo esse quoad omnes homines, cum innumeri (ait ille) quantum
nos perspicimus, necessariis et sufficientibus salutis mediis destituantur. 3. Vide-
tur in Deo esse quoad omnes qui in Ecclesia sunt, quibus media sufficientia, idque
serio, offeruntur. 4. Dicit se doctrinam Arminianorum minime approbare, qui
asserunt Deum electos plus quam alios amare voluntate consequenti, vel ex eo quod
praevideat eos credituros, cum voluntate antecedenti omnes aequaliter amet.
Eorum doctrinam non approbat qui asserunt Deum plerorumque humani
generis damnationem voluisse voluntate antecedenti, et ante alicujus peccati in iis
praevisionem. Agnoscit nil esse in homine propter quod Deus quosdam, aliis
praeteritis, ad vitam ordinavit. - - - Dicit se id. cum Scriptura, voluntatis divinae
beneplacito tribuere, quod, licet occultum, semper justum est. Verum si sermo
sit de reprobatione positiva, quae est divinum poenae decretum, dicit id esse ex
voluntate Dei consequenti, et peccati praevisionem praesupponere, non tanquam
causam voluntatis, sed tanquam rationem voliti. Ostendit 1. Synodum Dordra-
censem in eadem fuisse sententia, idque patere ex ipsius Canonibus, et Theolo-
APPENDIX.
281
gorum, praesertim Britannicorum suffrages. 2. Scholasticorum doctissimos. 3.
Patres, Augustin. ad art. falso sibi imposit. art. 3. " Nemo a Deo creatus est ut
periret," vid. art. 11, 13, 15, 16. 4. Omnes Dei vias esse misericordiam et
justitiani. Cum itaque ordinatio quorundam ad mortem aeternam, non sit miseri-
cordiae opus, oportet ut sit justitiae actus, et sic culpae praevisionem supponat.
Ad id quod dicitur peccatorum punitionem Deo placere, ac proinde videri eum
voluntate antecedenti eandem velle, non minus quam hominum salutem ; respondet
hominum salutem esse in se Deo gratam, licet nihil respiciamus ex parte hominis,
ac proinde congruum esse voluntatis Dei antecedentis objectum, quod res in se
amabilis esse oportet. Sed quod ad hominum poenam simpliciter et in se con-
sideratam, ea Deo grata non est, sed quatenus justa peccati vindicta est. Jerem.
Thren. iii. 33. Hinc Aug. Confess. 1. iii. c. 2. dicit " miseriam non esse deside-
randam ut manifestetur misericordia ; etsi approbatur, inquit, officio charitatis,
qui dolet miserum, mallet tamen utique non esse quod doleret, qui germanitus
misericors. Si enim est malevola benevolentia, quod fieri non potest, potest et
ille qui veraciter sinceriterque miseretur, cupere esse miseros, ut misereatur." Hie
notam addit Sibbaldus Casauboni " Deus perdit homines, non propter eorum pec-
cata, sed quia illi lubet ; Apage," inquit Casaubonus, " doctrinam hanc ex male in-
tellecto Paulo." Casaub. in Annot. Manuscript, in Calviir Instit. 1. 3. c. 22. §11.
6. Asserit se non posse capere, quomodo dici possit Deum peccatum velle vel
voluntate antecedenti vel consequenti : id tantum, inquit, permittit, et permissum
ordinat. Concilia antiqua doctrinam oppositam anathemizarunt. Patres Concil.
2. Arausican. can. 23. ita definiunt : " Aliquos ad malum divina potestate praedes-
tinatos esse, non solum non credimus, sed etiam si sint, qui tantum malum cre-
dere velint, cum omni detestatione illis anathema dicimus." Sic Concil. Valent.
cap. 3. " Aliquos ad malum praedestinatos esse divina potestate, videlicet ut quasi
alii esse non possent, non solum non credimus, sed etiam si sint, qui tantum mali
credere volunt, cum omni detestatione, sicut Arausicana Synodus, illis anathema
dicimus." Id etiam S. Scripturae plane contrarium videtur, Ps. v. 4., Habac. i. 13.
ac sanctitati Dei infinitae in ea revelatae, cui nil magis repugnare videtur, quam
actus sceleratos et peccaminosos velle, ac ad eos praedeterminare, cum quidam
eorum sint intrinsece mali, ex quibus malignitas nulla circumstantia vel efficientis
vel finalis causae, separari potest ; quique ideo prohibentur quod sint mali, neque
ex sola prohibitione mali evadunt, ut odium Dei, blasphemia, perjurium, menda-
cium. Si aliter esset, et Dei voluntate ac efficientia hi actus a malo purgari pos-
sent ; turn sequeretur quod Deus talia praecipere, et contrario prohibere potuisset.
Ida nonnullis conceditur. " Si Deus turn Angelis, turn hominibus imperasset longe Khetoriurt.
diversa, imo opposita hisce, quae jam de facto imperat, non minus sanctus esset Exercit. Apoi.
Jehova, quam nunc est"; asserit quidam. Sic Deus Angelis et hominibus odium p'^gj'2' c' 3'
sui praecipere, et amorem sui prohibere potuisset, quod (inquit Sibbaldus) mihi
maximum videtur absurdum. In tali casu Dei odium bonum esset, et ipsius amor,
malum. 2. Sequeretur inde Deum posse negare seipsum, quae blasphemia est S.
Scripturae contraria. 2 Tim. ii. Deus enim est essentialiter amor sui ipsius, et
Cum recta ratione conformitas, et illi us odium est realiter et positive ipsius amori
ac rectae rationi contrarium. 3. Ut in mendacio sit exemplum ; si hujus actus
non esset intrinsece mains, tunc potuisset Deus hunc actum velle, absit verbo blas-
phemia. Verum 1. id S. Scripturae contradicit, Hebr. vi. quae dicit "impossibile esse
Deum mentiri." 2. Veracitati ac fidelitati quae in eo sunt essentialiter. 3. Si
2 N
T
282
APPENDIX.
posset vel ipse contra veritatem loqui, vel ad id alios movere et praedeterminare,
fidei nostrae fundamentum everteretur. Fides enim nostra fundatur in Deiv era-
citate ut infallibili, quae nec decipi, nec decipere possit, etc.
Si dicatur, Deum lege non teneri, quemadmodum nos, ipsiusque voluntatem
sibi legem esse, ac proinde omne esse bonum vel malum, eo quod ipse libere velit
vel nolit ; respondet, Deo, licet nullum habeat superiorem, suam tamen, intrinse-
cam, naturalem ac essentialem rectitudinem ac bonitatem, pro lege esse, quae est
essentialiter ipsa bonitas vel virtus ; sive quod idem est, ipsi pro lege est, suae
sapientiae de bono et honesto dictamen, cum necessario sui ipsius amore conjunc-
tum; vi cujus necesse est ut seipsum tanquam supremum honestum et bonum
amet, ac proinde impossibile ut creaturam illam odio habere aut contemnere velit,
vel ad reales et positivos istius odii ac contemptus actus praedeterminet, ita enim
contra sui ipsius amorem, suaeque sapientiae dictamen ageret, quod dictamen est ut
cum sit supremum bonum, ab omnibus ametur, a nemine vero odio habeatur. Vid.
Aug. 1. 2. de peccat. meritis et remiss, c. 18. de praedestinatione Sanctorum c. 10.
Denique observat eos qui Deum velle actus malos, hominesque ad eos praede-
terminare asserunt, confiteri se non posse concipere qua ratione Deus ita volens et
concurrens excusetur. Sic Twiss. Vind. 1. 2. digr. 8. sect. 23. p. 54. "Etiam," inquit,
" non erubesco fateri, licet nunquam dubitarem de sancta Dei natura, tanquam ab
omni sceleris reatu alienissima, hoc tamen diu me suspensum tenuisse, quaenam
scilicet sit ilia vera ratio, qui modus operationis divinae, quo fiat ut se in omni
actione tanquam causa efficacissima immisceat, extra tamen omnem vitii conta-
gionem, citra justam culpae suspicionem. Et an hodie per omnia satis explicatum
habeamus, Deus novit."
Tandem cum Ecclesiae Lugdunensis in articulo de Deo omnes salvos fieri vo-
lente, moderatione, quam merito observandam existimat, finem facit. " Sit ergo
inter nos" inquiunt " etiam hac de re istiusmodi pia cautela et moderatio, quatenus
et Sanctis Patribus debitus servetur honor, et quolibet quis acquiescat modo ex
illis sensibus, qui de hac sententia ab eis positi sunt, non judicemus esse haereti-
cum ; sed potius vitemus contentionis malum, per quod etiam depacificis et Eccle-
siasticis sensibus, potest, qui contentiosus esse voluerit, haereticum efficere quod
sentit. Itaque in rebus talibus cohibeamus nos ipsos salubri moderatione, ut nec
contemnere audeamus, nec quasi necessaria affirmare conemur, memores semper
illius Apostolicae sententiae : ' Si quis autem contentiosus videtur esse, nos talem
consuetudinem non habemus, nec Ecclesia Dei.' Legamus ergo pacifice, et quan-
tum Dominus donat, intelligamus dogmata Ecclesiasticorum virorum, nec pro aliis
doctoribus, adversus alios litigemus ; quia et ipsi pacifici in suo sensu abundave-
runt, alius quidem sic, alius vero sic, expectantes fideliter atque humiliter, quod
Apostolus promittit dicens : ' Et si quid aliter sapitis, hoc vobis revelabit.' Nam
qui non tranquille et pacifice moderatur quod sentit, sed statim paratus est ad
contentiones, dissensiones et scandala, etiamsi non habeat haeketicdm sen-
sum, certe habet haereticum animum. Quam pietatis moderationem, si
etiam isti boni viri, qui hanc definitionem statuerunt, servare voluissent, melius
hanc rem silentio praeteriissent, et unicuique de ea secundum fidem suam et aucto-
ritatem, cui magis agnoscendum putaret, sententiam permitterent, finitoque inter
eos tarn longae et perniciosae contentionis jurgio, pax et. unitas Christi Ecclesiae
reformaretur." Hucusque Ecclesia Lugdunensis. Salutare equidem et vere Chris-
tianum monitum, cui si Christiani Orbis Rectores et Pastores universaliter et serio
auscultarent, tot non forent contentiones et scandala in Ecclesia Dei.
APPENDIX.
No. III.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT ABERDEEN IN 1640,
WITH REGARD TO THE WRITINGS OF BISHOP WILLIAM FORBES.
(From Baillie's Large Supplement of the Canterbvrian Self-conviction. Opening
to the World, yet more of the wicked Mysteries of that Faction from their own
Writs, appended to the third edition of his Ladensivm attokatakpisis,
The Canterbvrians Self-Conviction. London. 1641.)
Tile Preface.
The factions delay to answer the heavie challenge of their selfe conviction seemes
to proceed from inabilitie and despaire.
The progresse of the Canterburian plot in Ireland.
The well neer accomplishment of it in England.
Episcopacie has cut off the eares from the house of Convocation.
Presbyteriall government a great hammer to beat in pieces all Heresies and
Schismes.
Examples hereof.
Episcopacie the root of all the evils which vexe the Church of England.
Hf 1fr , V If Jfc
It is well knowne, That in our Land none did share so much in the affections of Doct. Forbes ad-
Laud, as the two Doctors, Forbes and Wedderburne. The King by him was vanced in Scot-
made to believe, that of all our Church men these two, for every good quality, ^urie^mostlor
were the flower for learning, pietie, lecture of the ancients, and especially for that his eviii talents,
rare jewell, and, where it can be found in a learned divine in this intemperate age,
of a price inestimable, to wit, sobrietie, and moderation of judgment in our Con-
troversies with the Church of Rome. For these eminencies a new Chaire behoved
to be set up, at the Kings great charge, for Doctour Forbes in Edenburgh, albeit,
a little before he had left the Ministery of that Towne, being necessitate, as he
declared upon oath, for feare of his life, to flee from the unwholsomnesse of that
Cities aire. Notwithstanding, when a Bishops Seat was their erected for the
daunting of the Puritan faction, when the Liturgie was in that place to be estab-
lished, and grounds to be layed for the propagating of the Canterburian Dictates
through our Kingdome, No excuse of health, or corruption of the aire of Eden-
burgh, was hard : but the Archbishops letter incontinent obeyed, and the Episco-
284
APPENDIX.
Doctor W'edder-
tarn likeways.
The posthume
writs of these
two.
The contents of
these writs, and
the scope.
Doctour Forbes
writs readie for
the presse, yet
not printed.
The writs of
Weideilmrn and
Barnetiut.
pall See with a place in the secret Counsell and Exchequer very readily imbraced ;
The Kings favour, by his great Patrones procurement, still increasing till death
did arraigne him before his heavenly Judge.
Wedderburtie, though fugitive from our Church discipline for his Arminian
lectures to his Schollers in Saint Andrewes, was not onely kindly entertained and
richly beneficed in England by the Archbishop, but also sent backe by him Bishop
of Dumblane, though hee had never beene a Minister amongst us. Neither alone
was hee returned a simple Bishop, but also Deane of that Royall Chappell, to the
end that his gracious parts might be employed to instill the Canterburian Tenets
in the heads of the new Societie of the twenty foure Royall Chaplains lately in-
stituted amongst us, as also to discipline our Lords of the Counsell and Session,
the proper Parishioners of that Chappell, whom the key coldnesse of all former
Deans had permitted to rot in that worst of all soules diseases Puritanisme. It is
like that no more faithfull interpreters of the great Prelates mysteries can be
found, then these two so confident and so much honoured friends. It is the testi-
monies of their pens that I intend mainly in this Supplement to make use of.
The Writs for a time were keeped closed from the eyes of all, but these of
their owne faction : amongst them, they went in the darke from hand to hand as
a most precious treasure : yet at last, when by the providence of God, wee had
lighted upon them at Aberdein, in our late Assembly, wee found the truth of the
old word Thesaurus Carbonis, a Treasure of fiery coales, ready to enflame and
burne to ashes, if not quickly quencht, the whole Protestant Church.
We found in Aberdein three Copies of one Volume, consisting every one of
three Books, the one written by Doctor Forbes of Edenburgh, intending directly
the reconciliation of Papists and Protestants in all their controversies. He does
there his best endeavours almost in all the questions concerning the three prime
controverted heads of the Eucharist, Justification, and Purgatory. Death pre-
vented him that he could wonne no farther. In his latter Will he referred the
printing of these his labours to his inward brethren the Bishops of Rosse, Brichen,
and Dumblane, Doctour Sibbalde of Aberdeine, and Master Mitchel of Edenburgh,
and above all to his Father and Patron of Canterburie. According to this his will,
the writs were revised, and so farre as ever wee could learne, in no jot corrected :
after their revise they were sent to Lambeth, and there received with great admira-
tion. But the challenge of Master Burton then comming in, and Doctour Bast-
wicks censure, having made some noise in the Citie, It was the Archbishops wis-
dome, to delay their printing to a fitter season. Yet the Copies went through the
hands of that faction very fast both in Edenburgh and Aberdein. Yea, while the
Doctours were most busied in writing their quaeries and duplyes, against our pro-
ceedings, the hands of their Scholers were most employed in doubling over and
over these excellent pieces.
The second Treatise of the said volume is a little writ of Bishop Wedderburn
in high esteeme amongst that party both here and in Scotland. The third was a
piece of Barnesius an English Fryer, which hee calls Romano Catholicus pacificus,
much prized by that faction as conducing not a little for their ends of reconcilia-
tion ; for in sundry of the Roman errours hee seemes to moderate the rigour of the
moderne Jesuites, and so is used as a stale to draw with the greater faciltie the
mindes of young Schollers towards the Church of Rome, unto which for all his
moderation hee cleaves so stifly as may be.
APPENDIX.
285
From these three Treatises joyned together in one volume in all the three The contents and
copies we found, and also from some few more passages of Mountague, Wren, Hall, J°°I!nofs'lhe \f~
Hoord, and others, wee shall set downe in a new briefe table the doctrine of these ^"n'°g "PP e"
men, to the end the world may yet more cleerly see their ways and be forced to
proclaime the Justice of God in all the judgments, which in Scotland already has
lighted, and in England are ready to tumble down upon them.
Chap. I. The mayne designe of the faction is to bring tis back to Rome.
They will have all Protestants ready to return to Rome.
But they scare all Papists to convert to Protestants.
They whom worldly commodities keep still in the Protestant Church, must be
carefull to keepe communione with Rome, notwithstanding.
England ought to conforme more with Rome.
That the Pope for the regaining of England, will grant both to the King and
Canterbury, great conditions.
In Rome, no Heresie, no Idolatry.
Only the Cassandrians are cleere sighted, and judicious Divines.
These alone who are of their judgement have true grace.
Cap. 2. Their most grosse poperie in the Doctrines of Faith, Justification, Merit,
fulfilling of the Law, election, perseverance, certainty of salvation, and
connex Heads.
Bishop Forbes his ordinary course through his whole booke, is ever to extenuate
the difference in the most of the controversies that comes by his hand ; as if the
matter were not much which of the sides any peaceable minde did beleeve ; and
that all who make so much noyse about these things, whether Papists or Prote-
stants, are but rigid, passionate, uncharitable, and weak witted men. But no
sooner hath he brought his Schollar to a low estimation and contempt of the ques-
tion, then quickly it is his custome to slide to the popish side, and passionately to
oppugne the Protestant tenet as false, absurd, and contrary both to Scriptures, and
Fathers. This may be showne in a number of particulars.
After hee hath declared sundrie of our questions about the nature of faith to
bee Logomachies, he tells us downe right :(')
1. That saving and justifying faith differeth not from a temporarie belief (from
which there is frequently a finall and totall apostasie) in nature, essence, or spece,
but only in the accident of duration : That the Divines who in this tenet goe
with the Papists and Arminians must be dignified with the stiles of moderation
and learning.(2)
2. That justifying faith is nothing else but a meere assent of the mind to di-
vine Truths : nothing else but that Catholike, Dogmatick, and Historicall faith.
(1) Forbes, de justific. 1. i. c. 3. [p. 16. edit. Lond. 1658.] Sed pertaesi logomachiarum quibus plaerique
utriusque partis litigantiura sese veluti oblectant, de re ipsa dicamus.
(2) Id. 1. i. c. 1. [p. 3.] Fides T(>Z<rxaigot vera est et non simulata, ejusdemque speciei cum fide justifi-
cante, quicquid quidam contra sentiunt : neque enim essentialem fidei distinctionem constituit constantia
vel inconstantia credendi, cum ad essentiam rei non faciat duratio : distinctionem hanc non nisi ii probant
Protestantes qui tideru veram et justificantem amitti non posse contendunt, quod dogma alii Protestantes docti
et moderati rejiciunt.
286
APPENDIX.
That no particular application comes within the nature of it:0) That trust is no
part of faith : That fidiicia belongs more to hope than faith : yea rather it belongs
to other vertues, than either to faith or hope :(2) That this trust is a fruit and ef-
fect of faith, yet not necessary not inseparable :(3) That the application of the
promises: That the griping and laying hold upon grace and salvation belongs to
works, and other vertues as truely as to faith/4)
3. That the object of faith is no way a mans owne salvation, nor his owne peace
or justification. That these things cannot be knowne by the certainty of faith,
without an extraordinary revelation : That the ordinary certainty which the most
gracious men can have that they are in the state of grace or shall be saved, is not
a divine perswasion, but an humane and morall one, arising in a great part from
humane sence, which is never so certaine as the Word of God, the onely object of
divine faith/5) No man can know that he is in the state of election without a
(1) Forb. dejust. 1. i. c. 2. [p. 7.] Fides justificans, distincte et theologice Ioquendo, nihil aliud est quam as-
sensus firinus et certus a Spiritu Sancto per verbum productus, quo omnia a Deo in Scripturis revelata, et
praesertim de mysterio redemptionis et salutis nostrae per Christum factae verissima esse credimus, propter
authoritatem Dei revelantis. Proinde in se et essentia sua spectata, nihil aliud est quam fides Catholica, quae
et ipsa procul dubio hominem justificat, si caetera omnia ad justifieationem necessaria ei adsint. C. 5. [p. 36.]
Per fidem veram et justificantem nihil aliud intelligi debet, proprie et distincte Ioquendo, quam fides dogmatica.
(2) lb. [pp. 2, 5, 6, 7.] Fides justificans non est fiducia, quod multi Protestantes contendunt. Haec
fiducia non est fidei forma; sed quoddam effectum, et non fidei solius, sed aliarum virtutum fidem concomi-
tantiuin. Fides in inte'.lectu, fiducia in voluntate sita est. Distinctionem fidei et fiduciae, praeter multa
Scripturae loca, Patres probant, quibus a contra sententientibus nihil praeter mera xf/ntrtyiyira, reponitur.
Credere proprie Ioquendo nihil aliud est, quam ei quod dicitur assentire, illudque pro vero habere. Hacte-
nus enim deraonstratum fiduciam nullam partem fidei esse, ut neque proprie spes est: spes enim futuri est,
fiducia praesentis, magis tamen ad spei naturam accedit quam fidei.
(3) lb. [p. 4.] Non est fidei justificantis forma, sed quoddam effectum: neque etiam est inseparabile et
necessarium effectum.
(4) lb. c. 3. [p. 15.] Meminerint etiam Protestantes verbum, atque etiam verbo slgnificatam actionem accipiendi
vel apprehendendi non nimis superstitiose soli fidei tribuendum esse; nam etiam bonis operibus salutem accipere
seu apprehendere in Scriptura dicimur. C. 5. [p. 27.] A. Fricius, vir eruditissimus et concordiae ac modera-
tionis amantissimus, de hac controversia agens rectissime sic scribit : " fidei justifieationem ideo assignamus,
quod ilia apprehendanius et tendarous in misericordiam Dei. Cur non idem de spe et charitate loqui fas sit,
quibus et ipsis an-.pleetimur Deum nos sua bor.itate justificantem ? Non tantum igitur fidei, sed et spei et
charitati, et aliis bonis operibus remissio peccatorum, accessus ad Deum, et alia bona offeruntur. Fides est
instrumentum, seu organum recipiens justifieationem. Quid autem prohibet quo minus charitati idem tribua-
mus? dicamusque, ut non propter fidem, ita nee propter charitatem, sed fide et charitate nos justificari ? Re-
missio peccatorum et vita aeterna ut fidei, ita bonis operibus frequentur tribuitur." Haec et plura observatu
dignissima legas apud Authorem, serio ex sensu pietatis cum veritate coniunctae, et studio tollendae dissen-
sionis inter partes profecta.
(5) lb. 1. i. c. 2. [p. 4.] Haec fiducia et si vis assensus, quo speciali quadam applicatione sigillatim quisque
credit aut certo statuit sibi remissa esse peccata, non est fidei justificantis forma; sed quoddam effectum, ne-
que id fidei solius, sed aliarum etiam virtutum ; neque etiam est inseparabile et necessarium effectum. L. Hi. c. 1.
[p. 95.] Negant Romanenses, quia docent fideles non habere certitudinem fidei de sua justificatione inde sequi,
jubere se fideles semper dubitare de sua cum Deo reconciliatione, ut rigidiores Protestantes illis Impingunt,
quia datur aliquid medium inter haec extrema, scil. certitudo quaedam moralis ex parte intellectus. Recte
Remonstrantes, "inter dubitationem et divinam certitudinem, humana certitudo media est," quae etsi formidi-
nem contrarii (cum dubitatione, scil. conjunctam) excludit, infallibilitatem tamen divinam non includit.
Ibid, c 2. [pp. 104 — 107.] Ilia summi gradus certitudo seu divinae fidei vrXn/iotpoo'itt, ne importune nimis urgeatur,
nec ab omnibus fidelibus peremptorie exigatur, utinam illam moralem certitudinem assequi possent. Sententia
cum plurimorum Protestantium turn nonnulloruin Romanensium de certitudine fidei divinae, ut libere dicamus
quod res est, minus tuta est : pugnat enim cum multis Scripturae locis ; cum plurimis Patrum dictis ; pugnat
cum recta ratione : minor enim syllogismi istius, Omnes vere credentes et resipiscentes peccatorum veniam
et gratiam obtinere. Sed ego vere credo et resipisco, Ergo mihi certum est tide divina mea peccata esse re-
missa, nemini fidelium, quantamcunque evidentiae certitudinem habere videatur, aeque certa esse potest
quam Major quae ipsissimum Dei verbum est; pugnat cum communi fidelium sensu et experientia : ecquis
enim fidelium ausit dicere sibi tarn certo constare se esse in gratia, quam quod Deus sit unus et trinus ?
APPENDIX.
287
divine revelation of his perseverance, which is granted to few :0) Many have a
conditionall certainty, that they shall continue if they doe their duty : wee may
be sure that God will never be wanting unto us, if wee bee not first wanting unto
ourselves : but no absolute promise of perseverance in grace is to be found in
many fall away totally and finally :(» The Elect themselves, who fall not finally
doe often make a totall apostasie from grace, if you consider the acts of grace
which alone are saving. As for the habits of faith and other vertues, which may
remain as a seed, when the elect by their crimes fall into the state of damnation,
they cannot profit, for they are neither saving nor justifying. (0 Concerning his
particular judgement about election and reprobation he hath no occasion to declare
it, only hee avowes in passing, that it matters little what we beleeve in these ques-
tions, whether we side with Arminius and the worst of Papists, or with Austine,
with the Synod of Dort, and the rest of the reformed. His moderation here is to
permit the profession of either side if so it be with peace and charity.(5) He tells
(1) Ib. 1. iii. c. 2 [p. 106.] Nemini fidellum quantamcunque evidentiae certitudinem habere videatur eitra
revelationem specialem quae non nisi paucissimis sapientissimo Dei consilio indulta est.
(2) Ibid. lib. iii. c. 3. [p. 112.] Nihil certius quam certitudinem praedestinationisadgloriam seu electionis, sine
certitudine finalis perseverantiae, haberi non posse ab homine vere fideli: cum autem haec absoluta certitude
nec habeatur, nec haberi possit absque speciali revelatione, certe necessario inde efficitur, neque illius certi-
tudinem absolutam et fidei haberi posse. Quid clarius illis B. Augustini verbis ? " Quis ex multitudine fide-
Hum, quamdiu in hac mortalitate vivitur, praesumat se in numero praedestinatorum, quia id occultari in hoe
loco opus est, ubi cavenda est elatio." Et Bernard, " Quis potest dicere ego de electis sum ? certitudinem,
inquit, non habemus sed spei fiducia consolatur, ne dubitationisanxietate penitus cruciemur : quales sumus id
nosse possumus saltern ex parte ; quales autem futuri simus, id nosse penitus impossibile est. Quae ad haec
a contra sentientibus responderi solent, nimis frivolasunt, eta patrum mentenimis aliena, imo plane contraria.
Audeo provocare ad judicium cuiuslibet lectoris in quo vel mica est iudicii liberi et non affectui mancipati.
Ib. [p. 114.] De limit i fidelium perseverantia, plurimi etiam doctissimi Protestantium contra gregales suos
sic statuunt : Quod vere fideles, si cum pia solicitudine pcrgant salutem operari, de continuo gratiae divinae
auxilio, et ex eodem de sua finali in fide et gratia perseverantia certi esse possint et debeant, nisi ipsi sibi desint,
ac penes Deum non staturum quo minus perseverent : sed absolutam certitudinem fidelibus, se in officio in
posterum non defuturos, sed in fide viva semper perseveraturos, uspiam in Scripturis esse promissum negant ;
Imo nec necessarium nec utile fuisse ut promitteretur, quin imo ut non promitteretur utilissimum esse affir-
mant. Hanc sententiam tuentur Lutherani omnes, et qui in foederato Belgio Eemonstrantes vocantur,
aliique doctissimi Protestantes : All this himselfe also doth maintaine.
(3) Ibid. [p. 114.] Existimant fidem iustificantem et gratiam regenerantem non esse eleetorum propriam,
sed aliis etiam multis vocatis, imo omnibus infantibus baptizatis, non xara Yixwtv, nec solum Sacra-
mento tenus ut diversa sentientes respondent, sed revera contingere, qui tamen a fide iustificante excidere
possunt imo non raro excidere solent, cum totalitcr turn finaliter.
(4) Ibid. [p. 115.] Existimant etiam ipsos clectos iustificatos ingravia crimina lapsus a fide viva et iustificante
proprie ad tempus deficere. Ib. [p. 121.] Admittunt, qui in hac causa rigidiores sunt, non tantum electos, sed
etiam multos reprobos, ad tempus vere credere et iustificari, postea tamen a sua fide et justitia, vel, si vis, a fidei et
iustitiae initiis, penitus et in perpetuum excidere ; quod certe verissimum esse plurima Scripturae et Patrum tes-
timonia, multae etiam ra Hones efficacissimae evincunt ; et quae ad haec responderi solent, inanes tantum sunt
argumentorum elusiones et evasiones. In electis iuetificatis profitentur doctiores totalem fidei defectum intelli-
gere se tantum ratione actuum salutariun. qui c potentia seu habitu fidei emanant ; potentiam enim hanc in electis
haud unquam omnino extingui, agnoscere se, sed oliosam ct inefficacem pro praesenti, fidei aut charitatis no-
mine minime dignari, eo quod talis ad salutem et iustitiam consequendam non sufficiat. [p. 119.] Quod aiunt
contra sentientes effectum tantum iustificationis interveniente peccato suspendi ad tempus, statum tamen iusti-
ficationis non intercidi, nec id omnino frivolum est. Si quidem licet omnium peccatorum praecedentium veniam
Deus peccatori poenitenti indulserit, tamen si is in peccati gravioris et conscientiam vastantis reatum lapsus
fuerit, ne dura actu resipuerit, omnis ilia primo concessa remissio ad salutem nihil prorsus valet. Nam vel
unum atrox peccatum ad hominem, nondum aetu super eodem poenitentem eoelis excludendum sufficit.
(5) Ibid. 1. iii. c. 3. Qui electionem describunt vel a priori, id est, ab absoluto quodam Dei decreto, vel a
posteriori, id est, a finali in fide et gratia perseverantia, qua de re in Ecclesia dissidentes semper fuere senten-
288
APPENDIX.
us also that wee wrong the Church of Rome in saying it teacheth the doctrine of
doubting : No more certainty either of present grace, or future salvation can be
had than it doth teach : yea, some papists and most protestants do teach men but
too much certainty of salvation.O)
4. However he professeth that the question anent the formall cause of iustifica-
tion in the opinion both of papists and protestants, is of very great consequence ;
yet he pronounces, very Dictator-like, that the difference is onely Metaphysicall,
Notionall, and about words. (2) Neither content thus to have slighted the question,
hee comes up in the end to embrace the Tridentine Doctrine to a haire, avowing
that the Protestant Thesis : Fides sola justificat is false, both against Scriptures
and Fathers :(3) for he makes justification to consist essentially of two parts, re-
mission of sins, and sanctification by inherent righteousnes :(4) and teacheth that
the very first part therof, the removing of our sins, is produced by way of efficient
disposition, by our faith, repentance, feare, and other acts inherent in us, which
the assisting spirit of God helpes our free will to doe before we be regenerate :(5)
tiae, sed non hostiles et ab omni Christiana charitate alienae, ut bodie, contentiones et pugnae. Hac mode-
ratioae adhibita, lis baec, quae nunc tautum fervet et agitatur, si non plane tolli saltern minui facile potest.
(1) Vide supra ad signum (5), p. 286.
(2) Ibid. lib. ii. c. 1. [p. 38 ] Quaestionem de causa formali justiflcationis Bellarminus dicit magnara, Paraeus
earn facit potissimam causam dissidii inter Ecelesias. Quis tamen unitatis ecclesiasticae magis quam rixarum
arnans non aliter sentiat ? An justiflcationis causa formalis posita sit in remissione peceatorum sola, an vero etiam
in imputatione justitiae Christi, aut an etiam in interna renovatione et sanctificatione, dissidia videri possunt
ferme Metaphysica, inquit Staptetonus, baud absimilia disputationi Logicorum in quo ponenda sit ratio
essentialis quantitatis, an in mensura ? an in divisibilitate ? aut an in extentione partium ? Ibid. cap. 4. [p. 61.]
Sanctificationem Protestantes confitentur cum justificatione perpetuo conjunctam, earn tamen esse justiflca-
tionis partem aliquam, aut ad formam essentialem pertinere, communiter non admittunt. Dissentio haec
licet magni momenti, imo maximi videatur dissidentibus, praecipue rigidioribus Protestantibus, omnibus
tamen diligenter et absque praeiudicio expensis, forte magis notionalis et verbalis esse comperietur, quam
realis. Imo sententiam rigidiorum Protestantium, nec Scripturis, nec Patribus, nec rationi satis esse
consentaneam.
(3) Ibid. 1. i. c. 5. [p. 36. ] Cum nusquam in sacris Uteris disertedicatur nos sola fideiustiticari, nequePatres tan-
quam in eadem sententia particulam (sola) usurparunt, sicut nunc a plerisque Protestantibus usurpatur, quicquid
contra hi sentiant : Cum explicationes et conciliationes nuper excogitatae inanes sint prorsus : Cumque tandem
viri quidam doctissimi et harum et illarum Partium, litem hanc minime necessariam esse existimarunt, atque
etiamrum existimant : Nos solius veritatis et unitatis in Ecclesia studio inducti illis accedentes, censemus de
ilia non amplius pertinaciter altercandum, et proinde omnium rigidiorum Protestantium sententiam et a
veritate, et a charitate Christiana alienam esse, qui assertionem de sola fide non iustificante communiter a
Romanensibus defensam, citra opinionem meriti, etiam improprie dicti, vel fidei ipsius, vel aliorum actuum
cum fide ad iustificationem concurrentium, non solum cum ipsa Scriptura et piis Patribus e diametro pugnare
contendunt; sed etiam praeter alia innumera, iustam Protestantibus a Romana Ecclesia secedendi causam prae-
buisse. Id. c. 4. Per vocem (sola) Patres nunquam omnia simpliciter gratiae et 6dei opera a causa iustifica-
tionis, et salutis excludere voluerunt; sed tantum opera naturae et legis, &e. Multi insignes Protestantes
de particula (sola) in propositione (fides sola iustificat) praesertim cum in Scriptura non inveniatur itXa;,
non esse pertinacius contendendum censuerunt ; imo potuisse totaliter ornitti pacis causa. Petrus Baru ma-
nifeste demonstrat non fide sola proprie sic dicta, sed etiam spe, dilectione, et resipiscentia nos iustificari.
(4) Ibid. lib. ii. c. 4 [p. 68.] Si ad iustificationis impii formalem rationem non pertinet Justi-factio, ut ita
loquar, turn in peccatoris iustificatione non tollitur peccati macula: multis rationibus, ex Scriptura et Patribus
de promptis probari potest sanctificationem etiam, et non solum, remissionem peccatorum, ad iustificationem
pertinere ; quas urgent vehementer Romanenses ; nec ad illas Parraus, C/iamierus, aliique quicquam solidi
respondent. Cap. 5 [p. 72 ] Hanc fuisse communem Patrum, turn Graeeorum, turn Latinorum sententiam
ex plurimis illorum dictis, Augusiini praesertim, nemini in Pattum scriptis versato non constare potest.
(o) Ibid. 1. i. c. 3. Negant Protestantes quidam actus illos timoris, spei, poenitentiae, orationis, propositi
suseipiendi Sacramenta, quibus Romanenses atque etiam saniores Protestantes, peccatores ad resipiscentiam
saltern disponi affirmant ; negant, inquam, illi actus hosce cum fide ad iustificationem ullo modo concurrere
posse; sed rectius alii moderatiores ultro concedunt varios actus dispositorios et praeparatorios per Spiritum
sanctum assistentem, non per solas liberi arbitrii vires in nobis productas, ante iustificationem requiri, quan-
APPENDIX.
289
Also that after our regeneration, the true, proper, efficient, immediate, and formall
cause of our justification is alone the works of our faith, our repentance, receiving
of the Sacraments, confession of our sins to men, deeds of charity, &c.O) And
that this our inherent righteousnes, whereby we are immediately justified, whereby
our sins are formally purged away, may be called Christs righteousnesse onely,
because God puts it in us for the sake of Christs satisfaction. (2) Christ is our
righteousnesse not properly, his merits cannot be the immediate and formall cause
of justification, but only the externall and procatarctick efficient. (3) That it were
many ways absurd to say, that Christs righteousnesse were imputed unto us, or
that our sins were imputed unto him.O4)
5. That the best way to conciliate St. Paul excluding works from our justifica-
tion, and Saint James including workes therein, is to take St. Pauls workes for
these of the Ceremoniall Law ; also for these of nature, and of the Morall Law
quam vim iustificandi eosdem habere plerique eorum negent. Ibid. Non tamen idcirco dispositorios hosce
actus vim aliquam iustificandi habere negandum est cum plurimis Protestantibus ; nisi plurimis et apertissimis
Scripturae locis Tim apertam inferre Telimus.
(1) Ibid. 1. i. c. 3. Concedendum est eos actu9 esse causas ipsius iustifieationis aliquo modo efllcientes, non
quidem per modum meriti, sed ex sola Dei benignitate : poenitentiam non tantum ad iustificationem disponere,
sed et medium esse, consequendi remissionem peccatorum, ideoquc rationem causae aliquam habere probant
varia Scripturae loca, ubi docetur non tantum quibus et quales sunt quibus peccata remittuntur, ut frigide ea
diversum sentientes quidam Protcstantes exponunt ; sed et quam ob causam, causam, inquam, suo modo
et in suo genere, et sub qua conditione remittuntur. Inter alios Protestantes videatur Vurstius, nihil
frequentius apud patres legas quam per poenitentiam peccata deleri, ablui, purgari, et ut per medicinam
abstergi. Idem etiam affirmant doctiores Protestantes, et quotquot contentioso hoc saeculo et pugnaci,
pacis et concordiae studiosi extiterunt. Polanus Ti Teritatis coactus, remissionem peccatorum resipis-
centia, confessione, lachrymis, precibus, ex fide profectis impetramus, sed non meremur. Utinam Protestantes
omnes hanc sententiam a Polano sic expressam profiterentur constanter : nihil enim fere litis hac de
re inter saniores utriusque partis interesset. Item Pelicanus, multae sunt apud Christianos Tiae consequendi
remissionem peccatorum, baptysmus, martyrium, eleemosyna, remissio in delinquentes contra nos, humilis
confessio facta Tel Deo, Tel cum lachrymis et cordis amaritudine, homini. Eadem legere est de efficacia pii
fletus et ieiunii in delendis peccatis nostris per Dei misericordiam. Haec quidem damnant rigidi et pertina-
ces Zelotae. Innumera sunt Scripturae loca quibus remissio peccatorum bonis operibus attribuitur ; lmo si quis
non oscitanter Scripturas legat, plura fere numerabit loca, quae conditionem bonorum operum exigunt, ut ve-
niam peccatorum et vitam aetcrnam adipiscamur, quam quae conditionem fidei, simpliciter sic dictae, requirunt.
(2) Ibid. 1. 2. c. 4. Non quaeritur, ut rigidiores Protestantes arbitrantur, quid sit propter quod Deus pec-
catores iustificet et in gratiam recipiat. Nam si de causa meritoria quaeratur, quae proprie designatur voce
(propter) libenter coneedunt Romanenses hanc esse solum Christi meritum, neque quicquam nobis inhaerens.
Quod side causa formali, quae proprie voce (per) designatur, i.e. Quid illud sit per quod homo iustirieetur, affir-
mant Romanenses iustificari hominem per iustitiam sibi a Deo propter Christi merita donatam, et non per
ipsum Christi meritum forinsecus imputatum : quae contra pro Chemnitio respondentia- a Gerkardo et Pareu,
solida non sunt, nec statum quaestionis recte propositum attingunt.
(3) Ibid. 1. 2. c. 3 Rectius nonnulli alii Protestantes et communiter Romanenses, iustitiam seu obedien-
tiam Christi nobis imputatam, non causam formalem, sed meritoriam tantum et impulsivam, quam
vgoKuragxnzxti vocant, iustifieationis nostrae statuunt. Justitia enim Christi nos iustificari, et ut causa
formali, et ut meritoria, dici non potest ; cum causa formalis interna, efficiens vero tantum externa sit. Cum
Christus iustitia nostra dicitur, intelligendum, non, ut Lancelotus Andreas et caeteri omnes Protestantes, pro-
prie, sed in sensu causali et improprie ; quia scilicet Christi merito iustitiam proprie dictam a Deo accipimus.
(4) Ibid. Nulla necessaria ratio imputations iustitiae Christi afferri potest : ita ut praeter remissionem
peccatorum et iustitiam inhaerentem, quae utraque effecta sunt satisfactionis et meriti Christi nobis imputati,
haudquaquam opus sit ad formalem iustifieationis rationem constituendam nova ilia imputatione iustitiae
Christi. lmo si per iustitiam Christi nobis imputatam iusti haberemur ct essemus, proinde ac si propria sit et
intrinscca ac formalis iustitia, haec incommoda sequi viderentur, 1. ut urgent Romanenses, Non minus
iusti censeri deberemus quam ipse Christus. 2. Omnes qui iustificantur aeque iustificarentur. Denique se-
queretur adeo iustos esse in hoc saeculo ac in futuro. A vero alienum est, quod hie et alibi passim ab illis
affirmatur, Christum vere et realiter per imputationem peccatorem coram Deo habitum fuisse. Suscepit quidem
Christus in se, debitum solvendae poenae nostris peccatis debitae, peccata tamen nostra eorumque reatum pro-
prie in se non suscepit ; longe enim aliud est peccatum et debitum solvendae poenae.
2 o
290
APPENDIX.
wrought before faith, and considered in themselves without grace : But St. James
of the workes of grace flowing from faith.O)
6. That faith doth justifie us not improperly by way of metonymie, as standing
for Christs righteousnesse applyed unto us by the hand of faith : but properly as
it is a work of grace in us, and a beginning of all other inherent graces, which flow
from it as a fountaineX2)
7- That justification is rightly distinguished, in primam et secundum: The
first consisting of the remission of sinnes, and inherent righteousnesse : The se-
cond of the continuance and progresse of both these two.(3)
8. That inherent righteousnesse in the godly is often so perfect as it fulfilleth
the Law, so far as God requireth the Law under the Gospell to be fulfilled ; for
God in the Covenant of grace commandeth nothing impossible :(4) Sundry of our
workes performed in that measure of grace we get from God are perfect without
the spot of sinneX5)
(1) Ibid. lib. 4, e. 6. Nulla alia solida Iacobi verba explieandi et cum Paulo conciliandi ratio relinquitur,
quam haec saepius exposita, Paulum sc. a negotio justificationis excludere tantum opera quae fideni praecedunt,
et ex sola legis coguitione profluunt : lacobum vero loqui de operibus fidem eonsequentibus, et ex ilia natis,
atque ab ea directis. Ibid. 1. i. e. 4. Opera quae a negotio salutis et justificationis excludur.tur, Rom. iv.
Gal. ii. et alibi, sunt legis naturae et Mosaicae, non tantum ceremonialis, sed etiam moralis a Gentilibus et
Iudaeis ante fidem vel gratiam Christi, ex solis liberi arbitrii viribus facta, quae operantes sibi imputabant et
non gratiae Christi. Non autem opera ex fide et speciali gratiae auxilio facta. Apostolus suam justitiam quae
ex Lege est, id est, Legalem et Iudaicam, quam ante conversionem ad fidem Christi pro justitia habuit,
prae ilia quae est ex fide Christi pro detrimento habet. De omnibus vero suis tam ante quam post factis ope-
ribus loqui ibi Apostolum et omnia omnino pro damno et stercoribus habere, error est crassus quorundam Pro-
testantium. Quod affirmant multi Protestantes negare Apostolum simpliciter Abrahamum ex operibus, etiam
fidei, justificatum esse, falsum est ; sic enim B. Paulo contradiceret Iacobus disertissime contrarium asserens.
Ineptas horura locorum in specie pugnantium conciliationes nihil moror.
(2) Ibid. 1. i. c. 4. Nec possunt omnia omnino opera a causis justificationis excludi, nisi excludatur fides
ipsa ; quam esse opus quoddam nostrum, id est, auxilio gratiae a nobis praestitum, quis neget? Errant illi
Protestantes qui fidem non proprie sed correlative et metonymice accipi volunt, cum ilia justificari dicimur,
scil. pro justitia Christi et remissione peccatorum fide apprebensis : certe Scripturam non interpretantur sed
torquent, et vim fidei frigidissime exponunt, illi qui sic sentiunt. Errant etiam illi qui fidem a negotio justifi-
ationis excludunt, ut est opus ; nam fidei actione non habitu justitiam apprehendimus ; proinde fides in nego-
tio justificationis accipienda est, ut actio et operatio.
(3) Ibid. 1. vi. c. 6. Perperam a Protestantibus rigidioribus rejicitur dlstinctio usitatissima justificationis
in primam et secundam ; nam, praeter primam quae in omnium peccatorum praecedentium remissione et gratiae
sanctificationis donatione posita est, necessario etiam admittenda et agnoscenda est justificatio secunda, quae
consistit in progressu, augmento, et complemento (pro statu viae) justitiae primum donatae, et in remissione
illorum delictorum in quae justi quotidie incidunt. De hac loquitur Scriptura, qui justus est justificetur adhuc.
De Patrum sententia quis hie dubitet ? Nimis igitur absurda est rigidiorum Protestantium sententia, qui non
tantum cum caeteris rigidis Protestan'ibus a iustificationis formali ratione manentem in nobis iustitiae habi-
tum, et emanantem ex ea operum iustitiam excludunt, &c. Iustificatio certe actus est continuus, quum sit et
duret, quamdiu fidei vitae actus durent ; interrumpitur, vero semper et toties quoties illi cessaut, Cbristianae
pielatis officio ita postulante.
(4) Ibid. 1. iv. c. 3. Legem consideratam non in rigore, sed «sr' l-rnlzo-iav, seu pro modulo et viribus
quas in hac vita habemus, et quoad praestationis gradum quern Deus foedere Euangelico a nobis praecise requirit,
ut promissae remissionis peccatorum et vitae aetemae participes fiamus, impleri posse, negari non potest, neque
debet ; ut recte Remonstrantes, Apol. c. 17. De Patrum sententia dubitari non potest, qui Deum justum et bo-
num, simpliciter nobis impossibilia praecipisse sub poena damnationis aeternae, simpliciter negant.
(5) Ibid. I. iv. c. 5. Cum Deus suaviter et benigne nobiscum agere velit, nec quicquam foedere Euangelico
exigat quod vires gratiae collatas omnino excedat, certe nimis plus rigidi et byperbolici sunt Protestantes illi
qui praestantissima etiam justorum opera peccato inquinata, et aeterna morte digna ex se, quanquam per gra-
tiam Christi facta esse contendunt. In multis, inquit Iacobus, offendimus omnes, non dixit in omnibus.
Omitto alia innumera ad quae contra sentientes nihil reponunt praeter inania effugia. Opera quae hie a renatis
fiunt ea fidei et charitatis mensura quae foedere gratiae praescribitur, et nobis possibilis est, et in qua Deus
gratiose acquiescit, a peccati macula et reatu omnino immunia sunt.
APPENDIX.
291
9. The question of merit is but a Logomachie :(>) The Councell of Trents act
about merit may be subscribed : for it speaks about merit absolutely, without ex-
pressing any proper merit of condignity : That good works merit salvation needs
not be denyed : neither also that in good workes there is an improper merit of
condignity ; that is, a true and proper efficiency in obtaining salvation : for good
works are not only the way to the kingdome, but also the true and proper efficient
causes in their owne kinde, for which we obtain the kingdome. In respect of this
efficiency, and not only necessity of presence, the Fathers in an harmelesse sence
call good works commonly merits/2) These of the papists who do vaunt most of
their merits, and presse furthest Justification by workes, may well obscure, but doe
not evert, as did the Galatians, the vertue of Christs merits.(3)
Cap. 3. Their faith in the heads of Transubstantiation, halfe Communion, adora-
tion of the Bread, sacrifice of the Masse, prayer for the Dead, and
Purgatorie.
In the Sacrament of the Lords Supper consider their Doctrine : Bishop Forbes
in his booke of the Eucharist, concerning the presence of Christs body in the Sa-
crament teacheth :
1. That the doctrine of Calvine and his fellowes in this head is very uncertaine,
doubtsome, and slipperie.(4)
(1) Ibid. 1. v. c. 4. Tota haec disputatio demeritis, multis Theologis moderatis logomachia tantum videtur.
Dissidium, inquit Spalutensis, in verbis est, ubi de meritis certant partes. Idem 1, iv. c. 1. Conclusionem
illam quam ponit Bellarminus in fine cap. 9. necessaria esse ad salutem bona opera, non solum ratione praesen-
tiae, sed etiam ratione alicujus efiicientiae, et non minus opera ad salutem quam fidem suo modo referri, ad-
mittunt plurimi et doctissimi Protestantes, et disputationem banc inter partes plane inanem et inutilem, imo
e9se meram logomacbiam nos existimamus.
(2) Ibid. lib. v. c. 4. Quibusdam Protestantibus et aliis viris moderatis et paeis amantibus non omninu
improbatur sententia Romanensium, qui meritum de condigno proprie sumptum simpliciter rejicientes, ad-
mittunt tamen in bonis justorum operibus meritum aliquod, sed improprie dictum, congruisse ; sed non at
Scholastic! meritum illud exponunt. Ibid, in Conr.il Trident. Absque omni mentione meriti, vel de congruo,
vel de condigno hoc tantum dicitur, si quis dixerit hominis justificati opera bona vere non mereri vitam
aeternam, Anathema sit : scil. Patres hi non ignari acerrimarum contentionum quae in scholis agitantur de
merito condigni, illiusque ratione et fundamento, more suo, ut de pluribus aliis, generaliter tantum et am-
bigue loqui tutum et comniodum esse censuerunt. Ibid. Suffieiat hie dicere esse meritum aliquod, et digni-
tatem aliquam operum nostrorum, quae tota a dignatione divina pendeat, sed a merito de condigno proprie et
exacte dicto, asserendo abstineatur. Ibid. cap. 1 . Cum Deus nec promiserit dare, nee juxta promissum reddat
vitam nisi bene operantibus, necesse est in con3iderationem aliquam veniant in rei promissae redditione bona
opera, juxta conditionem requisitam praestita, et rationem aliquam habeant causae suo modo efficientis, et ut
Patres loquuntur merentis, id est, impetrantis, praesertim quum id quod redditur toties in Scripturis mer-
cedis nomine insigniatur. Ibid. 1. iv. c. 1. Hi sunt qui venerunt ex magna tribulatione, "hia, tovto sunt ante
thronum Dei. Haec verba clarissime demonstrant bona opera ad salutem relationem habere, non ordinis tan-
tum, ut frigide cum aliis respondet Paraeus, qualem habet medium ad finem, Antecedens ad Consequens,
Conditio sine qua non, ad effectum ; sed relationem etiam causalem, qualis est relatio causae suo loco et modo
efficientis. Eadem semper fuit sententia Patrum, quorum plerosque etiam vocabulo, meriti, ad hanc efficientiam
signiticandam usos constat, non tamen eo sensu quo hodie a multis Romanensibus usurpatur. Quod autem ex
Bernardu objicitur, bona opera esse viam regni, non causam regnandi, nae illud valde debile est ; nam negat
Bernardus tantum bona opera esse causam proprie, et ex condigno meritoriam coelestis regni.
(3) Ibid. 1. i. c. 4. Romanensium plurimi sua nimia meritorium jactantia, quanquam ex Christi gratia
provenientium, multum Christi gratiam obscurant, quanquam non omnino evertant, quod faciebant illi qui-
buscum Apostolo res fuit. Gal. ii.
(4) Forbes, de Eucharist. 1. i. c. 1. paragr. 6. Cum bona Calvini venia dictum esto, Calvini sententia, et
doctrina hac de re, incerta maxime, dubia, atque lubrica multis viris doctissimis semper visa est. Et abunde
id a pluribus cum Romanensibus turn Lutheranis Theologis est demonstratum.
292
APPENDIX.
2. That the reall and substantiall presence of Christs body in the Sacrament is
out of question most firmly beleeved by both sides.O)
3. That Christs body in the Sacrament is received not only by our spirit, by our
faith, by our understanding, but also with our very body : that it enters into us,
and is received in some sence corporally, both in regard of the object, Christs body
being received ; and in regard of the subject our body being the receiver.W Yet
the way of receiving is spirituall because miraculous, above the capacity of our
spirit and faith, to be left unto the omniscience of God to be understood, and his
omnipotent power to be wrought.(3)
4. That Transubstantiation is no heresie,(4) but an error of very meane qua-
lity/5) That it is not so great an errour as Consubstantiation.C6) That since
many of our Divines esteeme Transubstantiation, yea and Ubiquitie also to bee er-
(1) Ibid, paragr. 7. Tutissima et reetissima videtur illorum Protestantium et aliorum sententia, qui
corpus et sanguinem vere, et realiter, et substautialiter in Eucbaristia adesse, et sumi existiir.ant, imo fir-
missime credunt, sed mode, humano ingenio incomprehensibili, ac multo magis inenarrabili, soli Deo noto, et
in Scripturis non revelato.
(2) Ibid. par. 2. Qui digne haec raysteria sumit, ille vere et realiter corpus et sanguinem Christi in se,
sed modo spirituali, miraculoso, et impereeptibili, sumit. Ibid. par. 24. Neque etiam Protestantes illi mentem
Spiritus sancti in Scripturis et patrum assequuti sunt, qui illud spiritualiter recipere intelligunt, solo intellectu
et pura fide recipere Christi corpus, sic enim (ut Spalatensis verbis utar de Repub. 1. v. c. G. in appendice
ad Cyrittum Alex.), Nihil differret Sacramenti receptio a fide incarnationis, adde etiam mortis et passionis,
differt tamen plurimum non in effectu, quia per fidem incarnationis assequimur et corporis immortalitatem et
animae salutem, in Eucharistia vero idem assequimur, sed in modo operandi ; praeter fidem qua per solum
intellectum unimur carni Christi, quae est objectum nostrae fidei, ponimus conjunctionem quandam spiritu-
alem verae et realis carnis Christi cum anima et eorpore etiam nostro, quam melius vocare non possumus
quam Sacramentalem, quod ait Cyrillus nos corpori Christi corporaliter uniri significat certe, ubi de Eucba-
ristia est sermo, nos eorpore ipso nostro recipere verum Christi corpus, non sola et pura fide per intellectum
solum, quasi Christus nobis uniretur tanquam objectum nostrae potentiae intellectivae, sed vere et proprie
etiam eorpore ipsum Christi corpus recipimus, non tamen per os et trajectionem in storuachum, sed modo
nobis ignoto et penitus miraculoso, quo in comestione ipsa et concoctione panis, et vini verum Christi corpus
nostro etiam corpori coramunicetur ; sed quomodo in particulari id fiat, ne fidei quidem nostrae esse revela-
tum. Itaque nos Christi corpori corporaliter in Eucharistiae sumptione uniri, potest habere duplicem sen-
sum ; alter est, Corpus ipsum Christi materialeper os nostrum in stomachum trajici : alter vero, Nos eorpore
etiam nostro et non solo intellectu ac spiritu si digne accedamus verum Christi corpus recipere, non per os et
stomachum, sed alia via soli Deo nota, quam ideo spiritualem vocamus. Primum illud corporaliter non est
admittendum, quia jam non esset modus occultus et soli Deo notus ; alteram vero, corporaliter, omnino est in
Cyrillo admittendum, quod et objective et subjective intelligitur ita, ut corpus Christi sit receptionis objectum,
et corpus nostrum huiusmodi receptionis subjectum, non solum spiritus aut intellectus, ita ut corpus Christi
sit in nobis non solum objective, sed etiam subjective, modo tamen spirituali divino et ineffabili. He clears
this more cap. iu. parag. vii. from a passage of his much commended Barnesius in these words, De Transsub-
stantiationc non est litigandum cum iis qui admittunt realem corporis Christi praesentiam in Sacramento, ita ut
Christi corpus cum pane intret in os, et manducetur non solum spiritualiter fide cordis, sed etiam sacrament-
aliter fide oris, juxta illud Augustini, qui ait, Nos in Eucharistia Iesum fideli corde et ore suscipere.
(3) Ibid. lib. 1, c. 1„ par. 24. Modum fatemur cum Patribus esse ineffabilem, inexplicabilem, inexquisitum,
ut Cyrillus voeat, boc est non inquirendum, non indagandum, sed sola fide credendum, imo vero nec fidei
nostrae esse revelatum quomodo in particulari id fiat.
(4) Ibid. lib. 1., cap. 4., in titulo, Ostenditur nec Transsubstantiationem, nec Consubstantiationem
haereses esse. Paragr. 5. Hookerus, licet et Transsubstantiationem et Consubstantiationem improbet, pro
opinionibus tamen superfluis habet. And in Spalato his words, Fateor neque Transsubstantiationem, neque
ubiquitatem haeresin ullam directe continere. ac proptereaqui eas tenent et asserunt, non sunt tanquam haeretici
a Catholicis reputandi.
(5) Ibid, paragr. 3. Lutherus scribit in maiore confessione se hactenus docuisse et adhuc docere parum
referre nec magni moinenti quaestionem esse, sive quis panem in Eucharistia manere, sive non inanere, sed
Transsubstantiari credat. Haec ille cum paulo pacatior esset : eius viri inconstantiam in aliis scriptis non
excuse
(6) Ibid, paragr. 5. Longius consubstantiatorum quam transsubstantiatorum sententiam a verbis Christi
recedere, si vel litera spectetur, sive sensus, Calviniani communiter affirmant.
t
APPENDIX.
293
rors, praeter-fundamentallO) which may bee well tolerated. And notwithstanding
whereof Communion in preaching, praying, and Sacraments may well be kept with
the Lutherans, as brethren in Christ :(2) Why should not the like charity bee
transferred to the doctrine of TransubstantiationC3) which Luther when hee was
in a right and peaceable mood professed to be a Tenet not to be stood upon,(4) for
it is contrary to no Article of faith,(5> nor to any ground of nature : It imports
no contradiction, nor any thing impossible.^) That dimensions be penetrate ;
That one bodie be in mo places at once : That mo bodies should bee in one place ;
That accidents should bee without a subject ; all this is not onely possible, but hath
actually beene oftentimes already, for the body of Christ in his birth, in his resur-
rection, in his ascention, and when he came to his Disciples Januis clausis, did
penetrate the dimensions of other bodies, and was in the same place with them :
The body of Ambrose was in two places at once : Light in the first three dayes
before the creation of the Sunne, was an accident without a subject/?)
(1) Ibid, paragr. 5. In Paraeus his words, Stipulas et ligna intelligit Apostolus dogmata non plane haere-
tica, impia, blaspbema non cum fundamento pugnantia, sed erronea, Tana, curiosa, qualia, sunt credere quod
caro Christi ubique sit, quod in pane sit et oraliter manducetur. Non sunt igitur haec dogmata haeretica, et
cum fundamento doctrinae salutaris pugnantia.
(2) Ibid, paragr. 5. Porro qui in uno tantum doctrinae capite eoque fundamentum directe non concernente
dissentiunt, eos cbaritatem nequaquam abrumpere, sed pacem colere omni modo convenit. And from the
Polonick Synod, reconciling Lutherans and Calvinists, as they are called, Illorum Ecclesias Christiano amore
prosequamur et Orthodoxos fateamur, extremumque valedicamus : et altum silentium iraponamus omnibus
rixis, distractionibus, dissidiis. Ad haec recipimus persuasuros nos omnibus, atque invitaturos ad hunc Christi-
auuoi consensum amplectendum , alendum et obsignandum praecipue auditione verbi, frequentando tarn huius
quam alterius confessionis coetus, et Sacramentorum usu.
(3) Cap. iv., paragr. 5. In Spalato his words, Credat qui vult panem transsubstantiari in Christi corpus,
et vinum in sanguinem, credat qui vult corpus Christi sua ubiquitate coniungi pani Eucharistico, ego neutrum
credo ; Illi qui credunt suo tempore suae oredulitatis accipient confusionem, Cum his ego in reliquo Catbo-
licis communicare, et volo et debeo, non enim levi de causa faciendum est schisma, sed in eorum erroribus
nolo communicare.
(4) Vide pag. 292, ad signum (5)
(5) Lib. i. cap. 4, par. 6. In Spalato his words, Non tamen errores hi sunt in fide, quia nulli fidei articulo
sunt contrarii.
(6) Lib. i. cap. 2. paragr. 1. Nimis audacter et admodum periculose negant Protestantes multi Deum
posse transsubstantiare panem in corpus Christi, id quidem quod implicat contradictionem non posse fieri
concedunt omnes : Sed quia in particulari nemine evidenter constat quae sit uniuscuiusque rei essentia,
ac proiude quid implicet ac non implicet contradictionem, magnae profecto temeritatis est Deo limites prae-
scribere. Placet nobis iudicium Theologorum Vitebergensium qui asserunt Potentiam divinam tantam ut
possit in Eucharistia substantiam panis et vini in corpus et sanguinem Christi commutare.
(7) He strivethto prove all this by divers authorities, at last he bringeth in Casus the Philosopher, Audiatur
etiam si libet, benigue lector, Joan. Casus Anglus in Comment. Physic, lib. viii. Non, inquit, nego quin divina
potentia fieri possit ut unum numero corpus in locis pluribus slmul existat, cum constat virtute divina corpo-
ram penetrationem posse fieri, quod manifeste probat, duo corpora posse esse in eodero loco : quare a pari, non
minus possibile per eandem virtutem unum corpus in locis pluribus contineri. De priori parte nemo Christiano-
rum dubitat qui credit Christum illaeso virginls utero natum, clauso sepulchro resurrexisse, ad Discipulos ob-
seratis foribus intrasse, et ascendentem ad patrem coelum penetrasse. De altera vero parte quis litigare debet,
si placeat Divinae Majestati potentem virtutis manum Petro porrigere, ut supra aquas inambulet, et divo Am-
brosio ut eodem instanti Divinis rebus Mediolani assistere, et Turonibus exequiis divi Martini episcopi in-
teresse dicatur, si Antonino viro fide digno, sic narrantl credaraus. Neque est quod hinc concludas contra-
dictionem in Deo, quae eniro potest esse in infinito contradictio ? si rationem ergo non videas, ne statim excla-
mes ut soles, haec fabula est, fieri non potest : imo sine contradictione Deus efficere potest ut unum idemque
numero corpus in duobus simul subsistat locis, aut duo in uno : Qui enim omnia ex nihilo finxit, efficere po-
test ut corpus clauso sepulchro, non per angelos, ut ais, remoto lapide, surgat ; et clauso ostio, non cedente ut
somnias, ad Discipulos intraret. Haec ille quem cum opere laudant mirifice plurimi turn Theologi, turn Medici,
et Fhilosophi Oxonieeses, ut videre est in operis initio. Viri moderationem commendo : saepe etiam est aliter
verba opportuna loquutus. Ibid, paragr. xi. Accidentia per divinam omnipotentiam extra omne subjectum
posse existere putavit David Gorlaeus Ultrajectinus in suis Exercit. Physicis, quin et extitisse ait, videri deduci
ex historia creationis, nam prima lux in nullo erat subjecto.
2 p
294
APPENDIX.
5. That many poynts of our faith are of greater difficulty to beleeve then Tran-
substantiation :(0 That it is against charity; yea, against verity to call Papists
Capernaitick eaters of Christs flesh :(2) That not onely the Latin Church, but also
the Greek, for many ages, hath believed Transubstantiation : That it is rashnesse
in Chemnitius and Morton to deny this :(3) Yea Cyril, Patriarch the other yeare of
Constantinople, persecuted by the papists even unto death for his Orthodox Doc-
trine, opposite to Transubstantiation, is railed upon by our men in the words of a
Jesuite one ArcudiasA*)
6. Doctor Forbes professeth his admiration : That Morton, or any English
Bishop should count Transubstantiation an intolerable difference, hindring recon-
ciliation, it being but a question rather modall then reallX8)
Anent communicating in one kinde, He professeth many cases, wherein it is
lawfull to use the Bread alone without the Cup,(6) and that the Church of Rome is
in no case to be condemned for depriving the people of the Cup in their most so-
lemne Communions.W
Concerning the Consecration, he telleth us, That the consecratory words must
(1) Ibid, parag. xiv. Certe haud pauca firmiter credimus omnes, quae si ratio human a consulatur, non
minus impossibilia esse, et contradictionem manifestam implicare videntur quam ipsa Transsubstantiatio.
(2 Lib. i. cap. iv. parag. ult. Ob hanc sententiam de orali indignorum manducatione corporis Christi so-
brie et modeste defensam, quod a plerisque cum Lutheranis turn Romanensibus fit, nolim illos infamari ut
Capernaitas carnivoros, ai/iwroTiiru,; ; Haec enim convitia, ut nihil veri in se habent, ita ab omni Christiana
charitate aliena sunt, ac proinde ab illis abstinendum est, si Deum, si veritatem et unitatem Ecclesiae amamus.
(3) Ibid. cap. iv. par. ii. Certum est recentiores Graecos a Transsubstantiationis opinione non fuisse. nec
etiamnum esse omnino alienos, hosce autem omnes pietatis Christianae cultores, haereseos aut erroris exitialis
damnare, magnae profecto temeritatis est et audaciae. Ibid. Dicti omnes Graeci in suis opusculis Trans-
substantiationem confitentur, et in Concilio Florentino non fuit quaestio inter Graecos et Latinos, ut Chemni-
tius aliique multi Protestantes affirmant, An panis substantialiter in Christi corpus mutaretur, sed quibusnam
verbis ilia ineffabilis mutatio fieret. Ibid. Non possum non mirari quomodo Thomas Mortonus neget Hieronymo
Patriarchae Transsubstantiationem creditam fuisse. Ante paucos annos cum hac de re ego cum Episcopo
Dyrrachiensi, Tiro certe non indocto conferrem, Transsubstantiationem clarissime confitebatur.
(4) Vnde Petrus Arcudias in Praefatione operis sui ad Poloniae Regem, Non destiterunt, inquit, i Hi haere-
tici vexare infoelices Graecos, dum quendam Cyrillum pseudo-Patriarcham Alexandrinum Calviuianae furiae
alumnum, soluta Turcarum Imperatori pecunia, Graecis alterum Anti-Papam obtruserunt, Is quamvis genere,
nomine, habituque sit Graecus, alterius tamen gentis nefaria dogmata toto pectore hausit.
(o) Ibid, parag. 2. Non levis subit animum meum admiratio, quando apud Thomam Mortcmum Episcopum
Ecclesiae Anglicanae legi, nemini Protestantium earn moderationem placere posse de discrepantibus super
modo praesentiae corporis Christi in Sacramento sententiis, ut sectam Romanam vel tolerabilem vel recon-
ciliabilem esse existimet, praesertim cum quaestio tantum sit de modo, atque proinde tota controversia hac de
re inutilis et inanis sit.
(6) Lib. ii. c. 1. He shevieth this by sundry authorities, especially by Causabone in these words, Speciales
tantum casus hie semper excipimus in quibus alteram speciem sufficere non admodum contentiose negamus.
And in these words of Forstius, Status quaestionis est an ordinarie in coetu lidelium, et ubi nullum est ne-
cessarium impedimentum utraque Sacramenti species omnibus communicantibus administranda sit, speciales
tamen casus hie semper excipimus in quibus alteram sufficere posse non contentiose negamus. Ibid, parag.
7. et 8. Legatur integer ille tractatus Cassandri, lectu enim dignissimus est, ubi docet, Quod aliquando in
antiqua Ecclesia in altera tantum specie Eucharistia data sit sed tantum privatim et extra ordinem, et non
nisi necessitate impellente. Ibid, de extraordinaria infirmorum, abstemiorum, infantum), pereg^rinorum.
Domestica item et privata communione hie non loquor.
(7) Ibid. 1. ii. cap. 2. parag. In Cassander his words, Optimos quosque desiderio calicis teneri, sed plerosque
expetendo non rectam rationem sequi, quod ilium simpliciter a Christo praeceptum atque adeo necessarium
existimant ut nullo tempore in altera specie verum Sacramentum corporis Domini praeberi posset, quae per-
suasio illis facile et daranandae Ecclesiae Romanae, et ab ea deficiendi occasionem praebet. Ibid, Speaking
of the popish custome in Vicelius his words, parag. 8. Non impugnantes nec ullo modo contendentes, aut con-
demnantes, aut improbe ridentes, sed aequi bonique consulentes, et quidem ita tulerunt tempora novissima in
bonam et meliorem partem interpraetantes pro aliorum intirimtate, ignorantia et meticulositate, aliqua
sufferentes.
APPENDIX.
295
not be directed to the people for their instruction/1) That if the words of the in-
stitution be only explained and applyed to the present purpose, as the fashion is
in many Protestant Church, there is no Sacrament at all celebrate. Except the
consecratory and mystick prayers, such are used in the old Missalls, be used upon
the elements, for incalling of the Spirit of God to employ his omnipotency in
making a conversion of them into Christs body and bloud.(2)
For extenuating the controversie which wee have with the Papists about their
Idolatrous processions, He learneth us to approve of the old custome of reserving
the Sacrament in a repository, and carrying it through the streets to the sick, and
to others who were not present at their publike celebration/3)
The giving of the bread unbroken, the mixing of wine with water, the using of
unleavened Wafers, and such like, seeme to him but small ceremonies not to be stood
upon/*)
Concerning the Adoration of the bread, the vilest Idolatry, that any Protestant
layeth to the charge of the Church of Rome, He teacheth us, That we are in-
jurious to challenge the Papists of Bread-worship, or of any Idolatry in the Sacra-
ment/5) That it is lawfull to lift the hat to the Elements. That Bellarmines
proposition attributing to the elements a religious worship of a lower degree, must
be granted/6) That divine Latria is not any waves given by the Papists to the
Bread. That Bellarmine in the same respect making this kind of worship reflect
upon the elements is singular, and his opinion is disclaimed by the rest/7) To give
(1) L. 2. cap. 2. parag. 1. Verba quibus conficitur Euebaristia debere esse vere conseeratoria, non con-
cionalia tantum, i. e. non tantum dici debere ad populum instituendum, sed etiam imo potius ad Eucharistiam
consecrandam fatentur omnes saniores Protestantes.
(2) Ibid, parag. 3. In Spalato his words, Aliae vero a Calvino reforraatae Ecelesiae si sola concione et
ministri autoritate conficiunt Eucharistiam nullis specialibus adhibitis precibus sacramenti consecratoriis, ego
plurimum suspicor eas veram Eucharistiam non habere neque video quam excusationem adferre possunt, cur
antiquas aut non accipiant aut non imitentur, in partibus saltern essentialibus Liturgias, et praesertim Ecele-
siae Latinae antiquissimac. Item, parag. 1. Non solis illis verbis Christi consecrationem fieri existiraant, sed
etiam mystica prece qua spiritus sancti adventus imploratur qui elementa sanctificet.
(3) Lib. 2. c. ii. parag. 5. Negari non potest in veteri Ecclesia obtinuisse reservationem Eucharistiae priva-
tim dotni ab ipsis fidelibus, quod multa patrum loca clare evincunt ; vide Bellarminum. Deinde etiam morem
veterem fuisse ut Sacramentum a sacerdote in pasto-forio, vel pixide publice observaretur ob delationem ad
absentes aut infirmos ; Sed publica ilia observatio et delatio ut non ubique, ita nec ab omnibus recepta fuit,
atqueubi obtinuit pro more libero non necessario habebatur. Hie mos neutiquam damnari debuit.
(4) Ibid, parag. 6. Alias quaestiunculas de pane fermentato et azymo, de vino aqua temperando in sacro
calice, et de l'ractione panis omitto. Parum enim momenti in his situm est, neque ob hujusmodi minoris
momenti lites Ecelesiae pax turbanda est.
(5) Ibidem parag. 10. Perperam artolatreia Romanensibus a plerisque protestantibus objicitur, et illi
Idolatriae crassissimae ab his insimulantur; Cum plerique Romanenses ut et alii fideles credant panem conse-
cratum non esse amplius panem sed corpus Domini, unde illi panem non adorant, sed tantum ex suppositione
licet falsa non tamen haeretica et cum fide directe pugnante ; Christi corpus, quod vere adorandum est, adorant.
Et parag. 11 Adorationem elementorum seu specierum negare Romanenses fatetur Episcopus Roffensis. Et
parag. 13. Respondeo, inquit Spalatensis, me nullum Idolatricum crimen in adoratione, si recte dirigatur in-
tentio, agnoscere. Qui enim docent panem non amplius esse panem, illi profecto panem non adorant, sed
solum Christi corpus vere adorabile adorant ex suppositione licet falsa.
(fi) Ibid, parag. 10. Quod ad primam assertionem Bellarmini attinet, de symbolis venerandis cultu quo-
dam minori, admittimus.
(7) Ibid, parag. 23. Quod Spalatensis aflirmat parum sibi constans, doctos plurimos in Ecclesia Romana
nedum rudem plebem adorare, id quod vident seu si vis species panis : sententia ista pluribus dectioribus Ro-
manensibus displicct, neque audet Bellarminus ipse, quern ibi oppugnat Spalatensis earn aperte defendere. And
yet ere he close, he commeth up to the adoration of the Eucharist for the presence of Christ therein, as the
Ark was adored of old, or the humanitie of Christ is adored now for the presence of the God therein. In
these words, parag. 17. Duplex adoratio definitur. Altera qua Deum ipsum prosequimur ; Altera qua prae-
296
APPENDIX.
-
outward adoration in the Sacrament to Christs Body their most present, To adorne
with our body the blessed Body of Christ, which we with our very body doe receive,
is not only lawfull but necessary/1) Who refuse this outward adoration, they
misse all benefit of Christs death/2) That the question is rightly here stated by
Bellarmine, Whether Christ in the Eucharist is to bee adored, which sober Pro-
testants doe grant, but rigid ones by huge errour deny, declaring by this deniall
their misbelief of Christs presence there/3)
This was the man who penned our Perth Article concerning geniculation, what
hee intended to bring into our Kirke by this ceremony, it is apparant by these
Doctrines.
Concerning the Sacrifice of the Masse, He honours the abominable Missall with
the stile of the Liturgie of the Latine Church/4)
Neither doth he refuse the name of the Masse itselfe, or the Sacrifice, or the
Oblation : Yea, he is no better then Pocklitigton, who maketh Andreiv's professe
that nothing in the Sacrifice of the Masse doth displease him but Transub-
stantiation/5)
Howsoever, he confesseth that there be nothing in Scripture proving Melchize-
deks Oblation of Bread and Wine to God.(6)
Yet hee telleth us that the harmonious consent of the Fathers must here be
embraced, who teach that Melchizedeke in his feasting Abraham, did offer up to
God a Sacrifice of Bread and Wine, and in this was a type of Christ in his last
Supper/?)
scripta signa et mysteria divina, juxta Ulud, Adorate scabellum pedum ejus ; quod plerique de area foederis
intelligunt, alii de bumanitate Cbristi interpretantur. Aut si eandem ubique adorationem esse censent,
poterimus dicere adorandam esse carnem Christi quamvis creatura sit propter conjunetam divinitatem, ado-
randam Arcam foederis propter divinae Majestatis praesentiam, quiaDeus ipse pollicitus est se affuturum.
Ad quem modum etiara Eucharistiam possumus adorare propter ineffabilem et invisibilem, ut ait AugustiDus,
Christi gratiam conjunetam, non venerantes id quod videtur et transit, sed quod creditur et intelligitur.
Haec de adoratione.
(1) Ibid, parag. 7. Quod ad adorationem hujus sacramenti attinet, cum qui digne sumit sacra svmbola
vere et realiter corpus et sanguicem Christi in se corporaliter modo tamen quodam spirituali et impercepti-
bili sumat, Omnis digne communicans adorare potest, et debet, corpus quod recipit.
(2) Ibid, parag. 7. Nemo carnem Christi manducat, nisi prius adoraverit.
(3) Ibid, parag. 10. Status questionis non est nisi an Christus in Eucharistia sit adorandus, sed de hoc
protestantes saniores non dubitant. Ibid, parag. 8. Inanis est rigidiorum protestantium error, qui negant
Christum in Eucharistia adorandum nisi adoratione interna et mentali, non autem externo aliquo ritu adora-
tivo ut geniculatione aut aliquo alio consimili corporis situ ; hi fere omnes male de praesentia Christi in Sa-
cramento sentiunt.
(4) L. iii. cap. 1. parag. 8. In Liturgia autem Latinae Ecclesiae cum ante consecrationem dicunt, suscipe
sancte Pater.
(a) Lib. iii. cap. 1. parag. 2, 3. A missae nomine non abhorrent Protestantes saniores; nam in rituali
Ecclesiae Anglicanae legere est Christi Missam, Michaelis Missam : neque etiam a nomine oblationis, et
sacrificii, et immolationis, abhorrent. Episcopus Eliensis contra Bellarminum, Vos tollite de Missa res-
train transsubstantionem, et non diu lis erit de sacrificio.
(6) Ibid, parag. 4. Panem et Vinum in Missa Deo offerri Scriptura clare et diserte non docet. Ex loco
famoso Gen. 14. 18, Helchizedek obtulit Panem et Vinum, et erat Sacerdos Dei altissimi, fatetur ingenue
Cajetanus in locum.
(7) Ibid. 1. 3. parag. 4. Sed Patres magno consensu, qui non est spernendus, affirmant Melchizedek Panem
et Vinum non tantum protulisse et exhibuisse Abrahamo ad alendum exercitum, sed Deo primum quem prae-
clarissimae victoriae autorem agnoscebat usitato more obtulisse; ac proinde Christum cujus ille tigura fuit
in institutione Eucharistiae idem egisse : testimonia Patrum cum Graecorum turn Latinorum magno studio
colligit post alios Bellarminus : idcirco illis recensendis nos supersedemus.
APPENDIX.
297
That in the holy Communion the Bread is offered up in a true sacrifice to
God.C)
That Christs body also is there offered up in an unbloudy Sacrifice/2)
Yea in a propitiatory sacrifice/8)
And that not only for the good of the soules both of the living and the dead ;
But also for the obtaining of peace, plenty, faire weather, and many other tem-
porall blessings/*)
That we wrong the Papists in challenging them for teaching the Opus opera-
turn of the Masse to bee profitable.(5)
And yet he grants they teach the great good which floweth from the work it
selfe in the midst of the wickednesse both of Priest and people/6)
Finally, he would have us to believe that the worst of the popish opinions in
these points are no Heresies nor impious errours contrary to faith/?)
Lastly, Anent purgatory wee are taught That the popish errours here are not
hereticall, not impious, not such for which any ought to be excluded from our
communion/8)
That after death there is a third temporall place for the receiving of these
soules who have departed in some sinns, not fully forgiven, beside the two ever-
lasting Mansions of extreame misery and supreame blessednesse/9)
(1) Ibid, parag. 8. Dicimus licet ex Scriptura clare et dilucide evinci non possit Panera et Vinurn in Missa
offerri, Patres tamen passim hoc docere, ut constat ex Iraenaeo, et aliis fere innumeris. Negari non potest, quin
Deo specialiter offeratur, imo ad hoc offertur ut benedicatur et comraedatur : fit igitur ibi quodam modo sacri-
ficium panis, qui offertur Deo, et circa quem ex Christi instituto tot mystica verba dicuntur, et ritus sacri
peraguntur; ut recte Cassalius de sacrificio Missae. 1. 1. cap. 20.
(2) Ibidem, Dicunt saepissime Patres in Eucharistia offerri et sacrificari ipsum Christi corpus ut ex innu-
meris fere locis constat. Ibid, parag. 18. In Barnesius his words, Reete tamen in Missa dicitur offerri et
sacrificari et admittitur in hoc sensu sacrificium incruentum.
(3) Lib. 3. cap. 2. Missam non tantum esse sacrificium Eucharisticum sed etiam hilasticum seu propitia-
torium sano sensu dici posse affirmant Homanenses moderatiores.
(4) Ibid, parag. 6. Sacrificium hoc Coenae nou solum propitiatorium esse ac pro peccatorum quae a nobis
quotidie committuntur remissione offerri posse, modo praedicto, corpus Dominicum, sed etiam esse impetra-
torium omnis generis beneficiorum, ae pro iis etiam rite offerri, licet Scripturae diserte et expresse non dicunt,
Patres tamen unanimi consensu sic intellexerunt Scripturas, quemadmodum ab aliis fuse demonstratum est ;
et Liturgiae omnes veteres non semel inter offerendum praecipiunt orandum pro pace, pro copia fructuum et
pro aliis id genus temporalibus beneficiis ut nemini ignotum est.
(5) Ibid parag 8. Perperam scholasticis doctoribus aliisque Romanensibus affingitur, quasi docuerint, vel
adhuc doceant opus sacerdotis in Missa valere coram Deo ex operato, sine bono motu utentis, hoc est, etiamsi
nec sacerdos, nec populus suum opus, hoc est, veram fidem adjangant. And in the same place in Cassander
his words, Vno ore, inquit, omnes hodie Ecclesiastici scriptores clamant falso Ecclesiam Romanam accusari,
quod doceat missae actionem ex opere operato, hoc est, ex opere externo, quatenus id a sacerdote fit, mereri
aliis remissionem peccatorum pro quibus applicatur.
(6) Ibid. Tantum docent sacramentum virtutem sanctificandi obtinere non ex opere operantis, i.e. dignitate
et merito celebrantis ministri ; sed ex opere operato h. e. ordinatione ipsius Christi hanc sacram actionem
instituentis. Sacrificium, inquit Bellarminus, simile est orationiquod attinet ad efficientiam : Oratio enim non
solum prodest oranti, sed iis etiam pro quibus oratur.
(7) Lib. 3 cap. 2. parag. 1. S ntentia quam multi hodie Romanenses tuentur, utut falsa sit, baereseos
tamen aut erroris impii cum fide pugnantis minime damnanda est.
(8) De Purgatorio cap. ult. parag. 16. Ad controversiam hanc de Purgatorio tollendam aut saltern ininu-
endam, protestantes quibus ista opinio improbatur, et quidem jure, tamen haereseos, aut impietatis apertae ne
damnent. Ibid, parag. 12. in Spalato his words, Sed neque Protestantes possunt tanquam haereticos dam-
nare, et acommunione sua, quantum in ipsis est, repellere Pontificios, licet purgatorium et indulgentias mordi-
cus retineant, in his proculdubio errant, sed non contra fidem, excessus hie non defectus ; neque per hos falsos
articulos ulli vero articulo sit injuria.
(9) Ibid. c. 3. parag. 9. Citant contra purgatorium plerique omnes Protestantes atque etiam nonnulli mo-
l>98
APPENDIX.
That these sins are remitted by the meanes of the prayers of the living for the
dead, both private and publicke, especially tliese which are said in the Liturgie at
the Altar in the communion. That such prayers and almesdeeds of the living are
profitable to relieve the dead from some sinnes, and some degree of miserie.O)
That such prayers, though not enjoyned by Scripture, yet according to Apos-
rolike tradition by Christians in all times and in all places used, are not to be
neglected, for they are truly profitable for the departed souls.OO
That it was the part of Aerius his heresy to deny the profitable use of these
prayers for the dead.C3)
That the Church of England was inconsiderate to scrape out these prayers for
the Dead from King Edicards first Liturgie by the advice of BucerX*)
deratiores Romanenses, locum ex authore Hypognosticon ; sed locus Ule ad rem parum videtur facere ; loquitur
enim author ille de locis aeternis (ut vere Romanerues J qui, omnibus rere catholicis confitentibus, duo tantum
sunt coelum scil. et gehenna. Similiter intelligendus est locus ille, (Nullus relictus est medius locus, ut possit
esse nisi cum diabolo qui non est cum Christo) : non hie negari simpliciter certum locum temporaneum post
hane vitam, constare potest, non tantum quod ante Christi passionem animas fidelium veteris Testamenti in
sinu Abrahae, i.e. in loco a gehenna distinctissimo et remotissimo, atqueetiam extra sanctuarium coeli existima-
verit autor ; sed etiam quod, cum plurimis patruni aliis, in secretis receptaculis quietem animarum justorum
post excessum suum collocaverit. Ibid, parag. 10. Augustinus secutus plurimorum pat rum sententiam, ani-
mas justorum usque ad diem resurrectionis corporum in sinum Abrahae, vel in quibusdam abditis et secretis
receptaculis extra coelum beatorum requiescere, affirmat ; ant certe de loco ambigit. Ibidem, parag. 19.
Thomas Bilsonus ostendit ex Scripturis, ex patribns, ex Calcini locis, justorum animas ante diem judicii in su-
premum coelum, ubi Christus ad dextram patris sedet, non admitti neque plena gloria et beatitudine frui. non
solum non extensive, ut volunt Romanenses, sed neque intensive. Ibid. c. i. parag. 20. Concesso quod muJti
patres et viri quidam hujus saeculi doctissmi et moderatissimi ut probabile admittunt, fideles aliquos posse et
solere ex hac vita decedere cum peccato aliquo, vel etiam aliquibus levioribus hie non remissis, sed in vita
futura post mortem intercessione Ecclesiae remittendis; moriuntur nihilominus in Domino et in gratia Christi,
statimque a morte ad quietem et requiem coelestem abeunt, majorem interim beatitudinis gradum in die visionis
Dei clarae et plenae ardeotibus votis expetentes, et cum plena fiducia, ut plurimum expectantes.
(1) Cap. iii. parag. 23. Peccata etiam quaedam leviora in hac vita quod culpam et poenam forte non re-
missa, post mortem remitti, per intercessionem Ecclesiae in precious publicis, ac praesertim illis quae fiebant
in tremendorum mvsteriorum celebratione, et per oraUones factas ac oblationes seu eleemosvnas pro illis
data> a privatis, censuerunt plurimi patrum ; quibus suffragantur etiam multa Concilia. vetusUssima Ecclesiae
consuetude nemini temere spernenda aut rejicienda, nisi Scripturis aperte adversetur, quod hac in re difficilli-
mum est demonstratu. Communis protestantium responsio minime satisfacit plerisque patrum locis, ut cuivis
ea vel leviter inspicier.ti perspicuum est. Multo magis ingenue Graeci, manifestum, aiunt, cuivis est remissio-
nem peccatorum nonnullis vita functis concedi : quonam vero modo an per punitionem, et quidem illam per
ignem, etc. And in Spalato his words, parag. 26. Non esset absurdum fateri peccata leviora si quae in hac
vita quoad culpam remissa non sunt, post mortem remitti, idque paulo post obitum, dum piae et religiosae exe-
quiae Ecelesiasticae peraguntur, virtute Ecclesiasticae intercessionis in precibus publicis ac praesertim illis
quae fiebant in sacrae Liturgiae celebratione.
(2) Cap. ult. parag. 16. Mos orandiet offerendi pro defunctis antiquissimus, et in universa Christi Ecclesiaab
ipsis fere Apostolorum temporibus receptissimus, ne amplius a Protestantibus, ut illicitus vel inutilis rejiciatur :
revereantur veteris Ecclesiae judicium, et perpetua tot saeculorum serie confirmatam praxin agnoscant et reli-
giose dehinc hunc ritum, licet non ut absolute necessarium, seu lege divina imperatum, ut licitum tamen atque
etiam utilem, semperque universae Ecclesiae probatum, cum publice turn privatim usurpent, ut orbi Christiano
pax tantopere omnibus viris doctis et probis exoptata tandem redeat. Ibid. c. iii. parag. 26. In Spalato his
words, Haec quae dixi de remissione culpae alicujus venialis post mortem, per Ecclesiae intercessionem, admitti
possunt, et sua non carent probabilitate, ut sic Ecclesiae preces pro defunctis utiles esse et non oticsas as-
seramus, quatenus ex Apostolica institutione mos ille Ecclesiae orandi pro defunctis, ut fatetur Chryiostomui
et valde probabile videtur, promanasse dicitur. Ibid, parag. 27. Ecclesia autem universa hunc ritum non
solum licitum, sed etiam defunctis aliqua ratione utilem esse credidit, et religiosissime, ut si non ab Apostolis,
saltern a Patribus antiquis traditum semper observav it, quod ex innumeris Patrum locis patet. Concedatur hunc
morem licitum atqueetiam utilem piae vetustati semper visum, et universalissime in Ecclesia semper receptum.
(3) Pjid. c. iii. parag. 12. Dogma adversarium Aerii, orationes et oblationes pro defunctis damnantis, fuisse
damnatum ex Epiphanio et Augustino cui non constat ?
(4) Ibid, parag. 13. In sepuliura mortuorum sic orabatur, Praestahuic famulo tuo, ut peccata quae in hoc
mundo commisit non imputentur ei, sed ut superatis portis mortis, et aeternae caliginis, semper in regione
APPENDIX.
299
That the Church of England would doe well to restore, with many other things
which they want. This must prove an ancient practice of praying for the Dead.O)
That King James, by the important clamours of the Puritans, was unhappily
marred in his designe to restore this and other such thingsX2)
That an expiatory purgatory may well be granted, wherein the sins of the
Dead may be gotten remitted by the prayers of the living ; Albeit a punitive
purgatory, purging away sins by a fiery paine must be denied.(3)
lucis inhabitet. Hasee preces antiquissimas et piissimas, Buceri aliorumque monitu, Praesules Ecclesiae Aneli-
canae expunxere; aut in aliara, nescio quam formam, hodiernam noYitatem redolentem, convertere.
(1) Ibid, parag. 14. Sed utinam Ecclesia Anglicana, quae singularem certe alioqui meretur laudem, ob
magnam multis in aliis rebus, et si non forte paris momenti, moderationem adhibitam, universalis Ecclesiae
antiquissimae eonsuetudini hoc in negotio, et in aliis nonnullis, sese potius conformasset, quam ob errores et
abusus, qui paulatim postea irrepserant, ingenti aliorum Christianorum scandalo, simpliciter rejecisset et
penitus sustulisset.
(2) Ibid. Sereniss. et nunquam satis laudatus Princeps Jacobus sextus, cum nihil haberet prius et antiquius
pacis et concordiae inter Christianas Ecclesias procurandae studio, nunquam tamen per perniciosa et rixosa
multorum theologastrorum ingenia id consequi, aut effectum dare potuit, quod maxime voluit.
(3) Ibid. Sententiae vero communi Graecorum atque etiam quorundam veterum doctorum in Ecclesia La-
tina de Purgatorio expiatorio (quod solum Purgatorii nomen proprie loquendo meretur) in quo sine poenis
gehennalibus, animae sanctorum quorum quasi media quaedam conditio est, in coelis quidem, sed in coelorum
loco Deo noto, magis magisque ad diem visionis Dei clarae, fruentes conspectu et consortio humanitatis
Christi et sanctorum Angelorum, perficiunt se in Dei charitate per fervida et morosa suspiria, ut supra
dictum est, nentri pertinaciter obluctentur : sua enim, atque ea non exigua, probabilitate minime destituitur.
THE END OF THE APPENDIX.
INDEX.
2 a
INDEX TO THE NAMES OF PERSONS
AND PLACES.
Abdie. See Ebdy.
Aberchirder, ii. 139; ill. 204, 205,
226.
Abercorn, Catherine, countess of, ii.
133.
Abercrombie, Sir Alexander, knight,
iii. 38.
Abercrommy, Mr. Andrew, minister at
Fintray, iii. 38.
Aberdeen, i. 9, 10, 19, 26, 33, 44, 50,
51, 57, 61, 69, 70,75, 82, 83, 84, 85,
86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97,
116, 117, 126, 129, 135, 140, 143,
153, 154, 155 ; ii. 4, 5, 6, 22, 28, 36,
39, 43, 48, 53, 55, 99, 114, 115, 122,
129, 133, 134, 135, 149, 154, 155,
157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165,
166, 170, 180, 184, 185, 196, 197,
205, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 220,
221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228,
229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 246, 255, 257, 260, 261, 262,
264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270,
271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277,
278, 279, 280, 281,282; iii. 37, 38,
40, 46, 47, 49, 50, 61, 63, 72, 88, 89,
129, 130, 159, 160, 161, 162, 166,
167, 168, 169, 182, 196, 197, 198,
199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 207,
208, 209, 210, 214, 215, 218, 219,
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236,
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243,
244, 245, 246, 250, 251, 255, 256,
257.
Aberdeen, archdeacon of, see Logye,
Andrew.
Aberdeen, bishop of. See Bellenden ;
Dunbar; Elphinstone ; Forbes, Alex-
ander ; Forbes, Patrick ; Mitchell.
Aberdeen, constable of. See Kennedy.
John, of Carmuck.
Aberdeen, University and King's Col-
lege of, i. 9, 10, 50, 51, 83, 85, 88,
154, 155 ; ii. 154, 155, 156, 157,
161, 165, 166, 220, 225, 226, 228;
iii. 49, 89, 128, 129, 130, 218, 221,
224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 231,
232, 234, 237, 238, 244, 256, 257,
263.
Aberdeen, Marischal College and Uni-
versity of, i. 9, 83, 84, ; ii. 5 ; iii. 88,
89, 129, 130, 209, 210, 216, 226.
230, 236, 237, 241, 244.
Aberdeen, Old, i. 9, 33, 70, 83, 155;
ii. 166, 225, 226, 228, 234, 281 ;
iii. 49, 128, 129, 130, 218, 224, 226.
227, 229, 233.
Abergeldie, laird of, ii. 259-
Aberlemno, parish of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37.
Aberlour, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ;
iii. 38.
Abernethie, George, one of the elders
of Rothiemay, iii. 204.
Abernethie, Mr. Thomas, (sometime
Jesuit), i. 44, 45; ii. 49, 98, 136.
137, 140, 143, 146, 279.
Abernethy, John, bishop of Caithness,
ii. 131, 146, 150.
Abernethy, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161.
Aber-Ruthven, ii. 154.
Aboyne, James, viscount of, ii. 214,
215, 216, 231, 235, 238, 249, 254,
259, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270,
304
INDEX.
271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278,
279, 280, 282; iii. 15, 24, 35, 71,
92, 93.
Aehintillve (Ashentilly), laird of, iii.
164.
Achreddie. See Deer, New.
Achterardour, presbytery of, ii. 154.
Achterhouse, parish of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37.
A Dalyell, Mr. Mungo, a border mi-
nister, iii. 247-
Adamson, John, principal of the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh, i. 147 ; ii. 29,
127 ; iii. 50, 218.
Adamson, Patrick, (titular) archbishop
of St. Andrew's, i. 147, 173; ii. 98;
iii. 44.
Airdrye, laird of, 127.
Airlye, castle of, ii. 234 ; iii. 164, 165,
166.
Airlve, James, first earl of, ii. 196,
218, 234 ; iii. 165, 166, 201, 254.
See Ogilvy, Lord.
Airth and Menteith, William, first earl
of, i. 109, 132.
Aiton, John, of Aiton, i. 127.
Aldbarr, laird of, i. 109 ; ii. 5, 28,
127, 134, 228; iii. 37.
Alexander, Sir William, of Menstrye,
iii. 73, 88. See Stirling, earl of.
Alford, parish of, ii. 4, 165, 166 ; iii.
196, 241, 250.
Alford, presbytery of, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 161 ;
iii. 38.
Alvah, parish of, i. 58.
Alves, minister of, iii. 38, 205, 207.
Amont (Almond) James, Lord Living-
stone of, (earl of Calendar), i. 108,
109, HO; ii. 26, 27; iii. 159, 257.
Anderson, Alexander, in Turriff, ii.
158.
Anderson, David, of Finzeauch, iii. 198.
Anderson, Janet, wife of Mr. John
Gregory, minister at Drumoak, iii.
198.
Anderson, Skipper, his house in Aber-
deen, ii. 236 ; iii. 199.
Anderson, William, goldsmith in Aber-
deen, ii. 282.
Andrewes, Lancelott, Bishop of Win-
chester, i. 5, 20 ; ii. 41, 82.
Andrew's, St., i. 6, 45, 51, 162 ; ii. 5.
9, 39, 43, 45, 51, 53, 99, 108, 136,
137, 152, 154, 163, 169, 170, 184;
iii. 40, 46, 47, 181, 215, 228, 236.
244, 245, 250, 251.
Andrew's, St., archbishop of, i. 8, 17,
25, 34, 74, 126, 139, 140, 159, 168;
ii. 22, 53, 57, 99, 149; iii. 63, 83,
90, 91, 236. See Spottiswoode, John.
Andrew's, St., New College of, i. 6 ; ii.
45.
Andrew's, St., St. Salvator's College, ii.
5 ; iii. 236.
Andrew's, St., University of, ii. 5, 163;
iii. 61, 89, 236.
Andrew's, St., presbytery of, ii. 96.
Andrew's, St., kirktoun, ii. 139.
Anglesey, Arthur, earl of, iii. 240.
Angus, Archibald (earl of Ormond),
Lord, i. 108, 109, 110 ; ii. 27, 31.
Angus, William, tenth earl of, ii. 41.
Annan (Annand), Mr. John, minister at
Kinore, afterwards at Inverness, ii.
5 ; iii. 205.
Annand, Mr. William, minister at Air,
ii. 95, 151.
Annandale, James, first earl of, i. 108.
110; ii. 27, 31.
Antrim, earl of, ii. 196, 205.
Anwoth, parish of, ii. 28.
Arbroath, town of, ii. 5, 160 ; iii. 37.
Arbuthnot, minister at, iii. 38.
Arbuthnott, Sir Robert, first viscount
of, i. 109.
Archangel, Father. See Leslie, George.
Ardchattan, priory of, ii. 159.
Ardestye. See Gordon of Gight, Sir
George.
Ardmurdo, family of, iii. 203.
Ardrosse, laird of, i. 127.
Argyle, i. 10 ; ii. 53, 141, 142, 149, 159,
163, 204, 206, 218, 233, 234 ; iii. 63,
126, 229.
Argylle, Archibald, seventh earl of, i.
70, 96.
Argylle, Archibald, eighth earl, and
INDEX.
305
first marquis of, i. 27, 73, 96, 108,
109, 110, 144, 191, 192 ; ii. 26, 27,
28, 32, 38, 45, 46, 95, 102, 104, 171,
172, 173, 196, 204, 205, 206, 218,
233, 234, 252, 267 ; iii. 4, 5, 51, 74,
79, 98, 132, 133, 144, 160, 162, 163,
164, 165, 166, 182, 200, 201, 254,
256.
Argylle, Archibald, ninth earl of, i. 52.
Arnot, laird of, i. 127.
Arnot, Sir Michael, of Arnot, i. 127.
Arundell, Thomas, earl of (earl of
Norfolk), ii. 195, 196 ; iii. 11, 84.
Arradowle, laird of, ii. 280.
Arran, Captain James Stewart of Both-
well-niuir, earl of, ii. 126.
Athenrie, laird of, iii. 239.
Athole, John, earl of, i. 127.
Auchindowne, ii. 256 ; iii. 72, 211.
Auchindowne, castle of, ii. 216 ; iii. 212.
Auchmedden, laird of, ii. 259 ; iii. 38.
Auchnlecke, Mr. James, minister in the
presbytery of Dundee, ii. 96.
Auchnoul, laird of, ii. 133.
Auchterellon, laird of, iii. 199.
Auchterless (Achterlesse), minister at,
iii. 203, 204.
Auchterlony, John, of Corme, iii. 37.
Auldyrne (Auldearn), Minister of, iii.
38, 208.
Avr, town of, ii. 28, 95, 151, 169; iii.
"182.
Badenoch, i. 61 ; ii. 218 ; iii. 163.
Bailie, Robert, bailie of Inverness, ii. 6.
Baillie, Robert, principal of the Uni-
versity of Glasgow, i. 5, 8, 18, 21, 68,
85, 136, 159, 168, 169, 178, 184; ii.
3, 26, 28, 29, 39, 45, 49, 58, 59, 79,
82, 85, 96, 97, 98, 100, 106, 107, 108,
109, HO, 113, 130, 132, 133, 136,
137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144,
151, 154, 162, 165, 166, 167, 174,
202, 204, 210, 279, 281 ; iii. 3, 4, 15,
16, 90, 153, 154, 215, 216, 219, 220,
227, 229, 233, 235, 245, 250.
Baillye, major-general William, iii. 159,
257.
Baird, Andrew, burgess of Banff, ii.
6 ; iii. 38.
Baird, George, of Auchmedden, ii. 259 ;
iii. 38.
Baird, Mr. James, advocate, i. 86; iii. 72.
Balbirney, laird of, i. 127.
Balcanquhal, Dr. Walter, dean of Dur-
ham^. 8, 60, 156, 176, 177, 178, 179,
180, 181 ; ii. 18, 173 ; iii. 52, 53, 176.
Balcanquell, Mr. Walter, ii. 28.
Balcarress, David, lord, i. 109, 123, 127.
Balcomby, laird of, i. 109.
Balfour, Sir James, Lord-Lyon-King-
at-arms, i. 18 ; ii. 171, 209, 210 ; iii.
17, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28, 78, 99, 166,
202, 212, 253, 262, 264.
Balfour, laird of, i. 127.
Balfour, Sir Michael, of Deane-Mill, i.
127.
Balfour, Sir William, keeper of the
tower of London, iii. 147.
Balgouny, laird of, i. 127.
Balgouny (Aberdeenshire), laird of, ii.
226.
Balhagardy, laird of, iii. 38.
Balmain, laird of, ii. 5. 279 ; iii. 224.
Balmerino, James, first lord, iii. 118, 142.
Balmerino, John, second lord, i. 27,
68, 122, 123, 135; ii. 28, 39, 127,
154, 202; iii. 27, 30, 81, 113, 181.
Balmerino, minister at, i. 127.
Balvaird, laird of, i. 43, 109, 127.
Balveny, ii. 216, 229, 230.
Banchorv (St. Devenick), ii. 277 ; iii.
129.
Banchory (St. Ternan), i. 84 ; iii. 89.
Banff, i. 58,61,86; ii. 6, 161, 211, 214,
215, 218, 229, 234, 255, 256, 259,
261, 263, 279 ; iii. 38, 201, 214, 251,
252, 253, 254, 255.
Bangor, bishop of, Lewis Bayly, ii. 51.
Barlcay, David, of Onwerme, i. 127.
Barclay, Walter, of Towie, ii. 6, 39,
258, 259 ; iii. 224.
Barclay, Dr. William, his treatise
Contra Monarchomachos, ii. 170.
Barely, Mr. Robert, provost of Irvine
iii. 79.
306
INDEX.
Barnesius, John, author of the Catho-
lico-Romanus Pacificus, iii. 240.
Barrach, ground of, ii. 229.
Barron, Dr. John, provost of St. Salva-
tor's College, St. Andrew's, ii. 5.
Barron, Dr. Robert, professor of divi-
nity in the Marischal College of
Aberdeen, i. 9, 10, 83, 154 ; ii. 5,
225, 226 ; iii. 89, 90, 210, 230, 235,
236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 244.
Bastwicke, Dr. John, iii. 52.
Bath and Wells, James Montague,
bishop of, ii. 41.
Bathelnie, see Meldrum, Old.
Bayly, Lewis, bishop of Bangor, ii. 51.
Beaton, David, of Balfour, i. 127-
Beiote, Mr., master of the mint, iii. 88.
Belhaven, Lord, i. 108, 110 ; ii. 31.
Belhelvie, i. 85, 154 ; ii. 6, 98 ; iii. 38,
4y, 129, 130, 224.
Bell, Mr. John, elder, minister at Glas-
gow, i. 139, 143; ii. 39, 158.
Bellabeg (Balabeg), laird of, ii. 6.
Bellandallache, ii. 267 ; iii. 71.
Bellenden (Ballenden, Ballantyne, Ban-
natine), Dr. Adam, bishop of Aber-
deen, ii. 133, 134, 135, 155, 157, 225.
Bellenden, Mr. David, minister at Kin-
cardine O'Neil, ii. 48, 135.
Bellenden, Mr. John (nephew to Adam,
bishop of Aberdeen), ii. 226.
Bellenden, John (son to Adam, bishop
of Aberdeen), ii. 226.
Bellenden, Sir John of Auchnoul, ii. 133.
Benholme, minister at, ii. 5.
Berkshire, Thomas, earl of, iii. 11.
Berridale, John, master of, i. 127 ; iii.
224.
Berriedail, Lord, i. 45.
Bervie, burgh of, ii. 5.
Berwick, i. 65 ; ii. 198, 218, 225, 239,
240, 253, 266, 278, 281, 282 ; iii. 4,
5, 8, 11, 15, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31,
74, 89, 90, 104, 124, 132, 133, 143,
144, 150, 159, 204, 210, 232, 236,
258, 261.
Beza, Theodore, letter from, to John
Knox, iii. 41.
Birnie (Birney), minister at, iii. 38.
Birsbane, Mr. Matthew, ii. 97.
Birse, iii. 199, 226, 245.
Blaccater, John, servitor to Dr. Adam
Bellenden, bishop of Aberdeen, ii.
226.
Blackat, Mr. Andrew, minister at Aber-
ladye, i. 127.
Blackball, laird of, i. 108, 109, 111;
ii. 27, 48.
Blackball, Mr. William, regent in
Marischal College, iii. 129, 130.
Blackness castle, iii. 239.
Blacktoun, laird of, ii. 259.
Blair, Mr., minister at Glasgow, i. 119.
Blair, Mr. Alexander, depute-clerk of
the general assembly, i. 145, 172,
173.
Blair, Mr. Andrew, ii. 39-
Blair, collonel, iii. 1 28, 200.
Blair, Mr. Robert, minister at Ayr, ii.
28, 169 ; iii. 250.
Blakwater, The, in Strathbogie, iii. 72.
Blebo, laird of, i. 127.
Boath (Bothe), laird of, iii. 38.
Boghall, laird of, i. 127.
Bogheads, laird of, iii. 161.
Bogie, water of, iii. 210.
Bonhard, laird of, i. 127.
Bonhill, minister at, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 203.
Bonnar, Mr. James, minister at Mav-
bole, i. 143, 147; ii. 97, 163; iii.
39, 50.
Bonner, Captain, ii. 277-
Bonnymoone, iii. 50.
Bonnytoune, laird of, iii. 57.
Botarie, iii. 208.
Bothwell, Francis Stewart, earl of, i.
21.
Bothwell-muir, laird of, ii. 126.
Boyd, Robert, lord, i. 123, 127-
Boyd, Mr. Zachary, minister at Glas-
gow, i. 169 ; iii. 259.
Braemar, ii. 261.
Bramhall, Dr. John, archbishop of Ar-
magh, i. 8, 9.
Bray (Brae), laird of, ii. 6.
Brechin, i. 7, 12, 34, 95, 151, 152, 168 ;
INDEX.
307
ii. 5, 41, 44, 56, 100, 101, 149, 160 ;
iii. 37, 50, 63, 83, 176.
Breeknesse, in Stromness, iii. 44.
Brodie, Mr. John, minister at Auldearn,
iii. 38.
Brody, Mr. Joseph, minister at Keith,
ii. 57, 139; iii. 207, 213.
Brody, laird of, i. 109; ii. 215; iii.
208.
Brown, James, printer in Aberdeen, iii.
230.
Brown, Sir Richard, the English am-
bassador at Paris, ii. 98.
Bruce, George, of Carnock, i. 127.
Bruntiland, ii. 60, 154, 207, 249.
Brutus, Junius Stephanus, the Vindicice
contra Tyrannos of, ii. 170, 203.
Buchanan, Mr. David, preceptor to the
Duke of Lennox, i. 18, 62.
Buchanan, George, his Treatise De Jure
Regni, ii. 170, 203.
Buchanan, laird of, i. 127, 129.
Bull, bishop, his works, iii. 242.
Burleigh, Robert Balfour, lord, i. 122,
123; ii. 28, 147, 158; iii. 174, 181.
Burn, Mr. Robert, regent in the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh, i. 52.
Burnet, Dr. Gilbert, Bishop of Sarum,
i. 33, 45, 184; ii. 174, 194, 209, 210,
213, 250; iii. 17, 63, 83, 126, 147,
158, 242, 244, 264.
Burnet, James, of Cragmyle, ii. 262.
Burnet, Mr. Robert, advocate. See Cri-
mond, Lord.
Burnet, Sir Thomas, of Leys, i. 33, 82, 88,
109; ii.262, 270; iii. 126, 127, 224.
Burrough, Sir John, iii. 22.
Burton, Mr. B. D., minister in Friday
Street, London, iii. 52.
Butler, Samuel, quoted, iii. 209-
Cabrach, iii. 72.
Caerlaverock (Carleavroke), castle of,
iii. 162.
Caithness, i. 44, 45 ; ii. 4, 53, 112, 131,
143, 146, 150, 152, 163, 218, 266;
iii. 203, 254.
Calderwood, David, minister at Pen-
caitland, i. 51, 95, 169; ii. 26, 42,
85, 98, 110, 133, 134, 159, 166;
iii. 44, 91, 142, 239.
Calendar, earl of. See Almond, Lord.
Calvin, John, i. 99 ; ii. 81, 82, 130.
Cambell, serjeant, iii. 166.
Cambo, laird of, iii. 113.
Cameron, Allan, of Lochiel, ii. 205,
206.
Cameron, clan, ii. 205, 206.
Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel (Donald
Guirke), ii. 205, 206 ; iii. 164.
Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel, ii. 205,
206.
Cameron, Sir Ewen Dubh, of Lochiel,
ii. 205.
Campbell, Duncan, of Glenlyon, iii. 50.
Campbell, James, of Moy, iii. 38.
Campbell, Neill or Nigell, bishop of the
Isles, ii. 142.
Campbell, Patrick, of Bothe, iii. 38, 207-
Campvere, i. 21, 37, 90, 168; ii. 107-
Cant, Mr. Andrew, minister at Aber-
deen, i. 10, 82, 85, 88; ii. 6, 28,
134, 140, 165, 166, 169; iii. 39, 45,
52, 215, 250.
Canterbury, archbishop of, i. 3, 12, 14,
24; ii. 60, 82, 133, 174, 193, 194,
243; iii. 107, 149, 150, 152, 154,
155, 157, 158, 169, 188, 190, 235,
241, 243. See Laud, Dr. William.
Capringtoune, laird of, iii. 181.
Cargill, David, dean of guild of Aber-
deen, iii. 202.
Cargill, Dr. James, physician in Aber-
deen, iii. 241.
Cargill, Mr. Thomas, rector of the
grammar school of Aberdeen, iii.
246.
Carlisle, ii. 198, 253; iii. 26, 29, 104,
143.
Carmichael, Mr. Frederick, ii. 140.
Carmichael, Mr. James, i. 1 73.
Carmichael, Sir James, treasurer-depute
of Scotland, i. 73, 108, 111 ; ii. 27,
31.
308
INDEX.
Carneborrow, laird of, ii. 256.
Carnegie, Sir Alexander, of Bonny-
moone, iii. 50.
Carnegy, Sir John, of Eithye, i. 109 ;
ii. 5.
Carnegy, Lord, i. 109, 151, 152, 153;
ii. 5, 44.
Carnock, laird of, i. 127 ; iii. 181.
Carnocke, minister at, i. 147 ; ii. 127.
Carnwath, Robert, earl of. See Dalyell,
Lord.
Carron, laird of, ii. 267, 268 ; iii. 71.
Carse, laird of, iii. 182.
Carsphairn, laird of, ii. 157.
Carss, Mr. Alexander, minister at Poll-
wart, ii. 29, 39, 131, 135, 140, 142,
175.
Carstewyre, laird of, i. 1 29.
Cassilis, John, sixth earl of, i. 27, 68,
77, 109, 122, 123; ii. 253 ; iii. 24,
98, 181.
Cavers, laird of, ii. 131 ; iii. 11, 57,
181, 182.
Chalmers, George, quoted, iii. 244.
Chalmers, or Camerarius, William, a
Jesuit, iii. 237.
Chamber, James, of Gadgirthe, iii. 182.
Chansleye-woode, iii. 186, 256, 257.
Charles I., King, i. 9, 49, 113; ii. 59,
63, 98, 114, 120, 133, 134, 139, 165,
184, 195, 206, 227, 266 ; iii. 8, 9, 11,
22, 31, 37, 61, 62, 82, 92, 99, 108,
158, 174, 222, 241, 246, 253, 258,
261, 264.
Chichester, Richard Montague, bishop
of, ii. 78.
Chirk castle, i. 8.
Chirnside, minister at, ii. 143.
Clarendon, Edward, Earl of, ii. 194,
196 ; iii. 243, 244. See Hyde, Ed-
ward.
Clava, laird of, ii. 6.
Clementius, Antonius, quoted, iii. 235,
236, 237.
Clerk, Mr. James, iii. 162.
Clerkington, laird of, i. 127.
Cleveland, the poet, quoted, iii. 3.
Cliddsdale, i. 62.
Clogher, John Leslie, bishop of, iii. 232.
Clogie, Mr. William, minister at New
Spynie, iii. 207.
Cluny, i. 153 ; ii. 6, 134, 216, 236, 237;
iii. 71, 218, 246.
Clyde, firth of, ii. 204, 205 ; iii. 163.
Cochrain, the favourite of King James
III., ii. 216.
Cockburn, Patrick, of Clerkington, i.
127.
Cockburn, Sir William, of Langton, i.
127.
Coke, secretary, iii. 11.
Colm, Inch, ii. 249.
Columba, Saint, ii. 143.
Collvill, Mr., iii. 8.
Conwaye, Edward, lord, iii. 258, 259,
260.
Conveth, near Inverness, iii. 38.
Conweth. See Laurencekirk.
Corbet, Mr. John, minister at Bonhill,
in the Lennox, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 203, 204.
Corme, laird of, iii. 37-
Cornwall, Walter, of Bonhard, i. 127-
Corrichy, battle of, i. 57.
Corse, laird of, i. 9, 50, 51, 82, 95 ; ii.
4, 48, 155, 226 ; iii. 129, 226, 232.
233, 234, 236, 243, 244.
Corsindae, iii. 38, 241.
Cottingtowne, Francis, lord, iii. 147.
Couper of Fyfe, i. 179, 189-
Couper, James, lord, i. 82 ; ii. 5, 39,
214, 215, 227, 231, 232; iii. 37,
181.
Couper, William, bishop of Galloway,
ii. 134.
Cowper, John, of Gogar, i. 127.
Cowye, ii. 269, 275.
Cragmillar, laird of, i. 127.
Cragmyle, laird of, ii. 262.
Craig, John, minister at Edinburgh, i.
39, 42; ii. 119.
Craig, Sir John Ogilvy of, iii. 166.
Craig (of Auchindoir), laird of, ii. 259-
Craig, Scottish, laird of, i. 82.
Craig, Thomas, of Riccardtoun, i. 127.
INDEX.
309
Craighall, lord, iii. 181. See Hope,
Sir Thomas, lord advocate.
Craigievar, laird of, ii. 48, 134, 135,
259 ; iii. 72, 202.
Crail, minister at, ii. 95, 96.
Cranston, lord, i. 123; ii. 39; iii. 81.
Cranston, Mr. Thomas, minister at
Tranent, ii. 130.
Craven, William, first lord, iii. 83.
Creichton, Aloisia, ii. 101.
Creighton, James, of Frendraught, ii.
236; iii. 72.
Creighton, Mr. John, minister at Paisley,
ii. 57.
Crichie, family of, iii. 231.
Crimond, laird of, ii. 257.
Crimond, Robert Burnet, lord, i. 33 ;
ii. 97 ; iii. 126.
Cromarty, sheriff of. See Urquhart, Sir
Thomas.
Cromarty, young laird of, ii. 259.
Crombie, Sir Thomas, of Kemnay, ii. 229.
Cromie, laird of, ii. 259, 263 ; iii. 252.
Cromwell, Oliver, i. 133 ; ii. 264.
Croy, minister at, iii. 38.
Cruickshank, Robert, stationer in Aber-
deen, iii. 237.
Culblaine (Culbleen), iii. 72.
Cullen, burgh of, ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Cullen, George, burgess of Aberdeen,
iii. 197.
Culloden, battle of, i. 58.
Culloden, laird of, iii. 38.
Culone, Elspet, her house in Aberdeen,
iii. 215.
Culsamond, Newton of, iii. 202, 203.
Culter, laird of, iii. 199.
Cumming, Sir Alexander, of Culter, iii.
199.
Cunningham, Mr. James, ii. 147.
Cunningham, Thomas, factor at Camp-
vere, i. 37.
Cunningham, Sir William, of Capring-
toune, iii. 181.
Dalgleish, Mr. David, minister at
Couper of Fyfe, i. 179, 180, 189,
191 ; ii. 29.
2
Dalgleish, Mr. Robert, agent for the
general assembly, ii. 167 ; iii. 179-
Dalhousie, William, first earl of, i. 109,
123, 127 ; iii. 81, 113.
Dalkeith, palace of, i. 29, 30, 35, 63,
66, 67, 72 ; ii. 208, 209.
Dalkeith, presbytery of, ii. 166.
Danskin, Henry, professor of humanity
in the University of St. Andrew's,
iii. 236.
A Dalyell, Mr. Mungo, a border side
minister, iii. 247.
Dalyell, Sir John, of Newton, i. 109.
Dalyell, (Dayell) lord, i.62,73, 108, 109,
110; ii. 27, 31. See Carnwath, earl of.
Davidson, Robert, in Turriff, ii. 158.
Davidstoune, Mr. William, minister at
Kildrummy, iii. 38.
Deane Mill, laird of, i. 127.
Dee, bridge of, i. 44 ; ii. 261, 276, 277,
278, 279, 281 ; iii. 160, 166, 168.
Dee, river of, i. 19 ; ii. 226, 261, 276;
iii. 89, 160.
Deer, New, iii. 38.
Deer, Old, ii. 6, 161.
Delgettie, laird of, ii. 259.
Dempster, Thomas, LL.D., professor of
humanity in the University of Bo-
logna, iii. 246.
Demster, Mr. Robert, bailie of Brechin,
ii. 5 ; iii. 37-
Derry, Dr. John Bramhall, bishop of,
i. 8, 9.
Deskford, Lord Ogilvy of. See Findla-
ter, earl of.
Deveron (Doverne), river of, iii. 210,
254.
Dick, Sir William, provost of Edin-
burgh, i. 22; ii. 236 ; iii. 178.
Dickson, Mr. David, minister at Irvine,
i. 10, 82, 88; ii. 28, 46, 47, 158,
169 ; iii. 37, 39, 216, 250.
Digbye, Sir Kenelme, iii. 108.
Diodati, John, minister at Geneva, i. 52.
Do-a' -thing, Davie, iii. 198.
Dolphinton, minister at, iii. 39.
Donaldsoun, Alexander, in Aberdeen,
iii. 202.
R
I
310
INDEX.
Douglas, Alexander, of Spynie, iii. 231.
Douglas, Dr. Alexander, raediciner in
Banff, iii. 252.
Douglas, Francis, bookseller in Aber-
deen, iii. 202.
Douglas, marquis of, i. 62, 1 10 : ii. 196.
Douglas, Mr. William, minister at
Forgue, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 29, 58 ; iii. 224,
247.
Douglas, Sir William, sheriff of Teviot-
dale, i. 109, 189; ii. 28, 131 146,
158 ; iii. 11, 22, 57, 79, 181, 182.
Douglas, Mr. John, in Elgin, iii. 38.
Down and Connor, Dr. Henry Leslie,
bishop of, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 204.
Downs, the, iii. 84, 85, 86.
Drum, dame Marrian Duglasse, lady
of, ii. 234; iii. 165.
Drum, laird of. See Irving, Sir Alex-
ander.
Drum, house of, iii. 198, 202.
Drumoak, minister at, iii. 199, 226, 227-
Drummond, Patrick, third lord, i. 29-
Drummond, Sir Patrick, i. 37.
Drummond of Ricardtoune, iii. 182.
Dublin, i. 4 ; ii. 203 ; iii. 230.
Duddingston, minister at, i. 18.
Duddistoune, laird of. See Thomson,
Sir Thomas.
Dudhope, viscount of. See Scrimgeour,
constable of Dundee.
Dumbarton, ii. 203 ; iii. 229.
Dumfries, ii. 28, 129, 252 ; iii. 176.
Dumfries, William, earl of, i. 108, 110;
ii. 27, 31.
Dun, minister at, iii. 37.
Dunbar, iii. 5, 81, 262.
Dunbar, castle of, iii. 119.
Dunbar, minister at, ii. 50, 51.
Dunbar, presbytery of, ii. 96.
Dunbar, Mr. David, minister at Edin-
killie, ii. 6.
Dunbar, Sir George Hume, earl of, ii.
40, 41.
Dunbar, Gavin, bishop of Aberdeen, ii.
155, 156 ; iii. 218, 234.
Dunbar, Mr. Gavin, minister at Alves,
iii. 38, 205.
Dunbar, Mr. John, bailie of Forres, ii.
6 ; iii. 38.
Dunbar, Mr. Patrick, minister at Dores,
or Durris, (Inverness-shire), ii. 6.
Dunbarton, castle of, ii. 210 ; iii. 73,
74, 86, 105, 112, 117, 143, 162, 176,
256.
Dunbennan, minister at, iii. 205.
Dunblane, i. 4, 12; ii. 95, 133, 134,
136, 138, 146, 149.
Dunblane, bishop of. See Bellenden,
Adam ; Gillan, John ; Graham,
George ; Wedderburn, James.
Dundas, George, of Duddistoune, i. 127.
Dundas, George, of Manner, iii. 182.
Dundas, John, of New Liston, i. 127.
Dundas, of that ilk, iii. 113.
Dundee, i. 4, 20, 33, 62, 77, 103, 162,
163; ii. 5, 11; 14, 52, 95, 96, 107,
111, 158, 160, 163, 227, 253, 275,
277, 279 ; iii. 37, 43, 127, 182, 200.
Dundee, constable of. See Scrimgeor.
Duneycht, hill of, i. 57.
Dunglas, iii. 5, 261, 262.
Dunkeld, Alexander Lindsay, bishop of,
ii. 95, 145, 150, 163; iii. 49.
Dunkeld, Henry Guthry, bishop of, iii.
222.
Dunn, laird of, i. 109, 151.
Dunnotter, ii. 215, 261, 269, 270, 271,
272, 273; iii. 161, 198.
Dunoen, laird of, ii. 275.
Dunse, ii. 39, 146, 279; iii. 27, 29, 30,
254, 261.
Dunse Hill, or Dunse Law, ii. 253, 254,
269 ; iii- 7.
Dunsmill, laird of, ii. 277-
Duppa, Bryan, bishop of Winchester,
ii. 100 ; iii. 91.
Durham, i. 8 ; ii. 134, 197 ; iii. 52, 53,
261.
Durris, or Dores (Inverness-shire),
minister at, ii. 6.
Durris (Doors) in The Mearns, ii. 261,
262, 264.
Dury. See Gibson, Alexander.
Dyke, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38, 204,
205, 207, 208.
INDEX.
311
Earleshall, laird of, ii. 163.
Earlston, laird of, ii. 28.
Ebdy, in Fife (Abdie), minister at, i. 43.
Echt, The Barmekyne of, i. 57.
Echt, laird of, i. 58 ; ii. 259, 260.
Echt, minister at, iii. 38.
cht, the place of, i. 57.
Edinburgh, i. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24,
25, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41,
42, 43, 44, 45, 52, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70,
71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 90, 91, 98, 103,
104, 106, 107, 109, HI, 112, 115,
117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126,
127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134,
135, 143, 146, 147, 150, 151, 152,
156, 157, 162, 163, 165, 167, 172,
183, 187 ; ii. 7, 32, 35, 45, 49, 50,
59, 80, 95, 98, 102, 108, 110, 111,
112, 113, 114, 118, 125, 127, 131,
132, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144,
149, 152, 153, 154, 158, 159, 163,
166, 168, 169, 170, 176, 177, 178,
179, 181, 184, 186, 202, 207, 208,
209, 222, 237, 238, 239, 250, 253,
282 ; iii. 4, 17, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29,
30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 50, 53, 55, 57, 61,
63, 79, 80, 81, 87, 97, 98, 99, 100,
103, 108, 111, 112, 113, 115, 118,
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132,
137, 140, 143, 147, 153, 154, 158,
159, 174, 175, 176, 180, 181, 182,
183, 185, 186, 197, 199, 200, 202,
203, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211,
214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 223, 225,
228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 238, 239,
240, 241, 242, 244, 245, 246, 250.
Edinburgh, bishop of. See Forbes,
William ; Lindsay, David ; Wishart,
George.
Edinburgh, castle of, i. 66, 67, 71, 124 ;
ii. 30, 96, 208, 209, 210, 239, 240,
267 ; iii. 26, 71, 73, 74, 77, 86, 100,
104, 112, 117, 119, 125, 143, 162,
176, 186, 187, 190, 200.
Edinburgh, university of, i. 45, 52, 147 ;
ii. 127; iii. 218.
Edinkillie(Edinkaylly), minister at, ii. 6.
Edwards, Thomas, author of the Gan-
grcena, iii. 224.
Edzell, castle of, ii. 223.
Edzell, family of, ii. 140.
Eglinton, earl of, i. 109, 151 ; ii. 29,
158, 253; iii. 98, 163, 164.
Eithye, laird of, i. 109; ii. 5.
Elcho, David, lord, i. 123, 127 ; ii. 227,
231.
Elgin, i. 129; ii. 6, 161, 263; iii. 38,
204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 213, 226.
Elibanke, laird of, iii. 181.
Eliot, Dr., i. 124; ii. 45.
Eliot, Mr. Robert, i. 150, 156.
Ellon, presbytery of, ii. 5, 6, 161 ; iii.
38.
Elphinston, lord, i. 108, 110; ii. 27.
Elphinston, Michael, of Bellabeg, ii. 6.
Elphinston, James, secretary (lord Bal-
merino), ii. 156.
Elphinston, William, bishop of Aber-
deen, ii. 154, 155, 156.
Elphinston, Sir William, lord justice
general, i. 21, 22, 36, 108, 111 ; ii.
24, 27, 31.
Elsick, ii. 275.
Ely, Lancelot Andrewes, bishop of, i.
41.
Ely, Francis White, bishop of, ii. 78.
English, David, of Inglishton, i. 127-
Enzie, The, iii. 201.
Erroll, Francis, eighth earl of, ii. 41.
Erroll, William, ninth earl of, ii. 214,
253, 259.
Erskine, Arthur, of Scottish Craig, i. 82.
Erskine, house of, ii. 179-
Erskine, John, of Balhagardy, iii. 38.
Erskine, lord, ii. 3, 4, 31, 229, 232;
iii. 6.
Erskine, Thomas, of Pittodrie, ii. 282.
Erskine, William, brother to the laird
of Pittodrie, ii. 282.
Essex, Robert, earl of, ii. 195 ; iii. 4.
Ettricke, Patrick, lord Ruthven of. See
Ruthven, general.
Evelick, laird of, ii. 145.
Faih, Hill of, i. 57.
312
INDEX.
Fairly, James, bishop of Argyle, i. 1 0 ;
ii. 141 ; iii. 126.
Falconer, master of the mint, iii. 88.
Falconer, Mr. William, minister at
Dyke, ii. 6, 29 ; iii. 38, 204, 205,
207, 208.
Falconer, Mr. William, minister at El-
gin, i. 129.
Falkland, minister at, ii. 134.
Farquharson, Donald, of Monaltry, ii.
261 ; iii. 126.
Farquharson (Ferqhwardsone), Mr.
James, advocate, brother to the laird
of Monaltry, iii. 126.
Fechill, laird of, ii. 275.
Fedderett, laird of iii. 199, 200. See
Irving, Robert, of.
Feildoune, captain, iii. 28.
Fergus, King, i. 71 ; ii. 203.
Fermo, archbishop of, iii. 246.
Fetteresso, church of, ii. 270.
Fetteresso, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 38.
Findlater, James, first earl of, i. 61,
109 ; ii. 213, 214, 215 ; iii. 216, 226,
353.
Fintray, minister at, iii. 38.
Fintry, laird of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37-
Finzeauch, laird of, iii. 198.
Firth, in Orkney, iii. 44.
Fleming, Mr. John, ii. 145.
Fleming, lord, iii. 6.
Fletcher, Sir Andrew, of Aberladye, i.
53.
Fletcher, Sir Andrew, lord Innerpeffer,
i. 53, 1 09-
Fletcher, Mr. James, provost of Dun-
dee, i. 77 ; ii. 5, 28 ; iii. 37.
Fletcher, Sir Robert, of Salton, i. 52, 53.
Flisk, parson of, i. 127.
Fodringhame, Thomas, of Dunoen, ii.
275.
Footdee. See Futtie.
Forbes, Alexander, master of (tenth
lord Forbes), i. 33, 34, 82; ii. 214,
215, 225, 227, 246, 259 ; iii. 162,
214, 216, 218, 224, 226, 255.
Forbes, Alexander, servant to the laird
of Tolqhwone, ii. 258.
Forbes, Alexander, alias Plagne, iii. 72.
Forbes, Alexander, bishop of Aber-
deen, iii. 203.
Forbes, Andrew, professor of humanity
at St. Jean D' Angel, son of Dr.
William Forbes, bishop of Edin-
burgh, iii. 243.
Forbes, Arthur, of Echt, i. 58 ; ii. 259,
260.
Forbes, Arthur, ninth lord, i. 109, 127.
Forbes, Arthur, of Blacktown, ii. 259.
Forbes, captain Arthur, son of Mr.
John Forbes, minister at Alford, iii.
196, 197, 202.
Forbes, Sir Arthur, of Craigievar, iii.
202.
Forbes, Duncan, of Culloden, iii. 38.
Forbes, Mr. Harrie, minister at Aul-
dearn, iii. 208.
Forbes, James, of Hauchtowne, iii. 38.
Forbes, Dr. John, of Corse, professor
of theology in The King's College,
i. 9, 20, 50, 51, 82, 95 ; ii. 226; iii.
129, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 233,
234, 235, 236, 238, 242, 243.
Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Alford,
ii. 2 ; iii. 196.
Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Kincar-
dine O'Neil, ii. 48.
Forbes, John, burgess of Aberdeen,
ii. 277, 279.
Forbes, John, of Leslie, iii. 50, 72, 182.
Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Auchter-
less, iii. 203, 204.
Forbes, minister at, iii. 38.
Forbes, Patrick, of Corse, bishop of
Aberdeen, i. 85, 155 ; ii. 4, 48, 155,
156, 157, 166 ; iii. 128, 209, 210,
227, 228, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236,
237, 240, 243, 244.
Forbes, Patrick, bishop of Caithness,
ii. 4.
Forbes, Mr. Robert, professor of phi-
losophy in The Marischal College,
i. 9.
Forbes, Robert, of Riress, i. 127.
Forbes, Mr. Robert, minister at Echt,
iii. 38.
INDEX.
313
Forbes, Robert, alias Dobrie, burgess
of Aberdeen, iii. 197-
Forbes, Walter, of Tolqhwone, ii. 258,
259 ; Hi. 160, 161, 162.
Forbes, Mr. William, minister at Bellye,
i. 129.
Forbes, Sir William, first baronet of
Craigievar, ii. 48, 134, 135, 259 ; iii.
72, 202.
Forbes, Mr. William, minister at Fraser-
burgh, iii. 38, 224.
Forbes, William, fiar of Corsindae, iii. 38.
Forbes, Dr. William, bishop of Edin-
burgh, iii. 209, 230, 235, 238, 239,
240, 241, 242, 243, 250.
Forbes, William, seventh lord, iii. 210.
Fordoun, presbytery of, ii. 5 ; iii. 38.
Fordyce, John, one of the elders of
Rothiemay, iii. 204.
Fordyce, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ; iii. 38.
Forfar, presbytery of, ii. 5, 160 ; iii. 37.
Forglen, house of, ii. 211, 214, 215 ; iii.
253, 254, 255.
Forglen, minister at, iii. 229-
Forgue, minister at, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 29, 58 ;
iii. 224, 247.
Forres, ii. 163 ; iii. 205, 206, 207.
Forres, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ; iii. 38.
Forrester, George, lord, i. 68, 123, 127 ;
iii. 8.
Forrester, Mr. Thomas, minister at Mel-
rose, ii. 143, 144.
Forsyth, Mr. Gavin, i. 119-
Forsyth, Mr. James, minister at Kil-
patrick, ii. 57, 137, 138.
Forth, Firth of, ii. 96, 196, 205, 207,
218, 248, 249, 253, 254, 265 ; iii. 12,
99.
Forthar, house of, ii. 234 ; iii. 165, 166.
Foveran, lad}' of, ii. 215.
Foveran, laird of, ii. 215, 226, 259.
Foveran, minister at, iii. 49, 224.
Fraser, Alexander, of Philorth, ii. 6.
Fraser, Andrew, second lord Fraser, i.
33, 109 ; ii. 214, 215, 227, 258, 259,
281 ; iii. 216, 224, 226.
Fraser, Castle. See Muchalls (in Mar.)
Fraser, James, of Bray, ii. 6.
Fraser, Dr. James, secretary of Chelsea
Hospital, iii. 244.
Fraser, William, of Bogheads, iii. 1 6 1 , 1 62.
Fraserburgh, minister at, iii. 38, 224.
Freebairn, Mr. John, ii. 145.
Frendraught, laird of, ii. 236 ; iii. 72.
Freuchie, laird of, ii. 206.
Frisell, Mr. William, minister at Con-
veth, iii. 38.
Futtie, near Aberdeen, chapel of St.
Clement in, iii. 209-
Fyvie, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Gadgirthe, laird of, iii. 182.
Galloway, i. 4, 5, 12, 21, 23, 24, 34,
168 ; ii. 27, 29, 41, 47, 56, 97, 149,
253 ; iii. 63.
Galloway, Alexander, first earl of, ii.
26, 27, 31.
Galloway,bishop of. See Coupar, William ;
Lamb, Andrew ; Sydserf, Thomas.
Galloway, Mr. Patrick, ii. 52.
Garden, Mr. Alexander, regent in The
King's College, ii. 226.
Garden, Dr. George, minister at Aber-
deen, iii. 228, 230, 231, 232, 233,
235, 236, 237, 238, 242, 243.
Garioch, chapel of The, minister at, iii.
226.
Garioch, presbytery of The, ii. 6, 161 ;
iii. 38.
Geare, Dow John, ii. 235, 236, 267 ;
iii. 71, 72. See Mackgrigour, John.
Gibson, Alexander, younger of Dury, i.
77, 115, 127, 129, 147, 159, 160 ; ii.
29, 136; iii. 81, 181.
Gibson, Patrick, ruling elder from the
presbytery of Strathbogie, iii. 38.
Gight, bog of (Gordon Castle), ii. 216,
229, 230, 238, 261, 263 ; iii. 211.
Gight, castle of, ii. 265.
Gillan, John, bishop of Dunblane, i. 10.
Gillespie, Mr. George, minister at
Wemyss, i. 20 ; ii. 46.
Gilmoir, Mr. John, advocate, iii. 72.
Gladstone (Glaidstons), Mr. Alexander,
archdean of St. Andrew's, ii. 45, 51 ;
iii. 236.
314
INDEX.
Glaminis, John, tenth lord, ii, 253. See
Kinghorn, earl of.
Glammis (Glames), minister at, ii. 5,
98 ; iii. 37.
Glasgow, i. 36, 38,40, 44, 45,51, 56, 62,
70, 98, 99, 104, 106, 107, 110, 115,
119, 120, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132,
133, 134, 135, 139, 144, 147, 151,
155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162,
168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 183,
184, 190 ; ii. 3, 5, 10, 11, 27, 30, 31,
32, 34. 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45,
48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 85, 91, 98, 100,
102, 105, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113,
128, 131, 133, 138, 139, 140, 146,
147, 148, 149, 153, 158, 162, 163,
167, 169, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176,
177, 181, 186, 191, 195, 211, 220,
222, 224 ; iii. 11, 12, 17, 23, 24, 27,
28, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46,
47, 49, 50, 51, 61, 63, 68, 79, 98, 156,
176, 182, 185, 213, 214, 215, 221,
224, 225, 229, 230, 247, 250.
Glasgow, archbishop of. See Lindsay,
Patrick ; Spottiswoode, John ; (titular)
Montgomery, Robert.
Glasgow, university of, i, 156, 169; ii.
5, 162, 163 ; iii. 221.
Glass, minister at, iii. 38.
Glassford, minister at, i. 141, 168 ; ii.
56, 151.
Gleg, James, teacher of Latin at Dun-
dee, iii. 236.
Glencairn, William, ninth earl of, i. 109-
Glenfiddich, iii. 211.
Glenkindie, laird of, iii. 72.
Glenlivet, ii. 261.
Glenlyon, laird of, iii. 50.
Glenrinnes, iii. 72.
Glenylla, ii. 5 ; iii. 37, 165.
Gloucester, Henry, duke of (son of
King Charles I.), iii. 158, 214.
Gogar, laird of, i. 127-
Gordon. See Huntly.
Gordon, Lord Adam, of Achndown (son
of George, first marquis of Huntly),
ii. 256.
Gordon, Sir Alexander, of Cluny, i.
153; ii. 134, 216, 236, 237 ; iii. 218,
246.
Gordon, Alexander, of Earlston, ii. 28.
Gordon, Alexander, of Carneborrow, ii.
256.
Gordon Castle. See Gight, bog of.
Gordon, lord Charles (first earl of
Aboyne), ii. 238.
Gordon, dame Elisabeth. See Ward-
house, lady of.
Gordon, George, lord (son of George,
second marquis of Huntly), i. 96 ; ii.
215, 216, 227, 235, 238 ; iii. 201.
Gordon, Sir George, younger of Gight,
ii. 2, 15, 259, 265.
Gordon, George, iii. 49.
Gordon, George, burgess of Aberdeen,
iii. 197.
Gordon, Sir George, elder of Gight, iii.
200.
Gordon, George, of Newtone of Culsa-
mond, iii. 202, 203.
Gordon, Gilbert, of Sallagh, ii. 266, 278,
281.
Gordon, lady Henrietta (daughter of the
second marquis of Huntly), ii. 240.
Gordon, lord Henry (son of the second
marquis of Huntly), ii. 238.
Gordon, Mr. James, keeper of the
signet, Edinburgh, i. 126; iii. 126.
Gordon, Captain James, ii. 278.
Gordon, James, parson of Banchory St.
Devenick, iii. 129.
Gordon, Lady Jane (countess of Had-
dington), ii. 240 ; iii. 262.
Gordon, John, of Rothiemay, i. 53.
Gordon, Dr. John, minister at Elgin, i.
129.
Gordon, John, of Carsphairn, ii. 157-
Gordon, Sir John, of Haddo, baronet, ii.
215, 256, 259; iii. 199, 200, 246.
Gordon, John, of Fechill (second son
of Robert Gordon of Straloch), ii.
275.
Gordon, John, of Inshstomack, in Strath-
bogie, ii. 279-
Gordon, Lord Ludovick (third marquis
of Huntly), ii. 238, 261.
INDEX.
315
Gordon, Major Nathaniel, of Ardlogie,
ii. 275.
Gordon, Patrick, of Cluny, his Abridge-
ment of Britanes Distemper quoted,
ii. 206, 268.
Gordon, Sir Robert, of Gordonston, i.
58, 59, 109; ii. 206.
Gordon, Robert, of Straloch, ii. 219,
221, 230, 232, 233, 260, 261, 262 ;
iii. 210.
Gordon, Sir Thomas, of Cluny, iii. 71.
Gordon, Dr. William, professor of me-
dicine in The King's College, ii. 154,
219, 221 ; iii. 128, 209.
Gordon, William, of Arradowle, ii. 280.
Gorgeine, Mr. John, bailie of Montrose,
iii. 37.
Gorthie, estate of, ii. 138.
Gorum, Donald. See M'Donald, Sir
Donald.
Grabe, Dr., quoted, iii. 252.
Graham, David, of Fintry, ii. 5 ; iii. 37.
Graham, George, of Gorthie, bishop of
Orkney, ii. 134, 138 ; iii. 43, 44, 49.
Graham, John, bailie of Montrose,
ii. 5.
Graham, Mr. Patrick, minister at Holme,
iii. 44.
Graham, Sir Robert, of Morphie, i. 82,
109 ; iii. 38.
Grant, Sir James, of Freuchie, ii. 206.
Grant, James, of Carron (the outlaw), ii.
235,236, 267, 268; iii. 71.
Grant, John, of Carron, ii. 267.
Grant, John, of Ballandallache, ii. 267.
Gray, of Scheves, i. 45.
Gray, Mr. Thomas, burgess of Aber-
deen, iii. 197.
Gregor, The Clan, ii. 181.
Gregory, Mr. John, minister at Drum-
oak, iii. 198, 199, 226, 244.
Greig, Mr. Walter, minister at Balme-
rino, i. 127.
Grotius, Hugo, ii. 7, 170.
Guild, Dr. William, principal of The
King's College, i. 69, 70, 83, 84, 88,
154; ii. 6, 28, 129, 161, 162, 226;
iii. 130, 131, 218, 224, 226, 236.
Guirke, Donald. See Cameron, Donald.
Gunn, Colonel William, ii. 266, 269,
270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276,
277, 278, 279, 280, 282; iii. 160.
Guthrie, in Angus, ii. 139.
Guthry, Henry, minister of Stirling, after-
ward bishop of Dunkeld, iii. 221, 222.
Guthry, Mr. James, minister at Stirling,
i. 82.
Guthry, John, of That Ilk, bishop of
Murray, ii. 138, 139, 140, 144, 202,
209, 249, 268, 281 ; iii. 158, 166,
205, 213, 243.
Guthry, Mr. John, parson of DufFus,
iii. 226, 247.
Hadington, iii. 4, 81.
Haddington, Thomas, second earl of,
i. 73, 108, 110; ii. 26, 31, 44, 240;
iii. 128, 261, 262.
Haddo, (Haddoch, Hadda), ii. 215,256,
259; Hi. 199, 200, 246. See Gor-
don, Sir John, of Haddo.
Haddo house. See Kellie in Buchan.
Hailes, Sir David Dalrymple, lord, ii.
97, 133, 206 ; iii. 89, 246.
Haldane (Haddin), Archibald, of Glen-
eagles, ii. 209.
Haldane (Haddin), George, writer, ii. 2 1 0.
Halkerton (Hackerton), laird of, i. 109.
Halyburton, Mr. George, minister at
Glenylla, ii. 5, 29 ; iii. 37.
Hall, Dr. Joseph, bishop of Norwich, ii.
47, 48; iii. 44, 155.
Halliburton, Mr. George, minister at
Crail, ii. 95, 96.
Halliburton, George, of Keillor, ii. 96,
151.
Hamilton, i. 123, 124, 156; ii. 266.
Hamilton, Colonel Alexander, ii. 208,
228; iii. 128.
Hamilton, Lady Anne Cunningham,
marchioness of, ii. 250.
Hamilton, Mr. George, minister at Nu-
burne, i. 127.
Hamilton, James, third marquis and
first duke of, i. 27, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64,
65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 73, 74, 78, 82, 96,
310
INDEX.
97, 98, 103, 108, 139, 140, 141, 183,
184 ; ii. 26, 31, 96, 100, 113, 118,
126, 168, 172, 174, 181, 186, 187,
196, 197, 205, 218, 219, 248, 249,
250, 251, 253, 254, 265, 266, 270,
282 ; iii. 5, 10, 50, 62, 83, 91, 105,
107, 108, 113, 114, 115, 136.
Hamilton, Mr. James, minister at Dum-
fries, ii. 28.
Hamilton, Sir James, iii. 24.
Hamilton, Sir John, of Orbestoun, lord
justice clerk, i. 27, 36, 58, 59, 73,
108, 111 ; ii. 27, 31.
Hamilton, John, of Boghall, i. 127, 129-
Hamilton, Sir Patrick, of Little Pres-
toune, iii. 181.
Hamilton, Dr. Robert, minister at Glass-
ford, i. 141, 143, 160, 168; ii. 56, 57,
97, 100, 131, 149, 151.
Hamilton, Mr. Robert, minister at Les-
mahago, ii. 151.
Hamilton, Mr. William, i. 127.
Hamilton, William, burgess of Linlith-
gow, iii. 182.
Hampton Court, i. 42, 135; iii. 108,
111, 115.
Hanna, Dr. George, dean of Edinburgh,
i. 7.
Hannay, Mr. George, minister at Alves,
iii. 207, 247.
Hartfell, James, first earl of, i. 62 ; ii.
101, 252.
Harthill, laird of, ii. 259-
Harper, , father of Martin Van
Trump, admiral of Holland, iii. 84.
Harvye, Mr. Francis, ii. 143.
Haughton, (Hauchtowne), laird of, iii.
38.
Hay, Sir Alexander, secretary, ii. 41.
Hay, Sir John, clerk-register, i. 73, 74,
75, 108, 110, 142, 188; ii. 27, 31.
Hay, Mr. John, minister at Rafiert, ii. 6,
29, 58.
Hay, Mr. Walter, ii. 139-
Hay, Sir William, of Delgaty, ii. 258.
Hay, Mr. William, depute-clerk-regis-
ter, iii. 122, 124.
Heburne, Adam, of Humby, iii. 184.
Hempseede, Mr. Walter, minister at
Auchterless, iii. 203.
Hempsyd, George, bailie of Cullen,
iii. 38.
Henderson, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Edinburgh, i. 10, 17, 18, 43, 82, 88,
143, 191 ; ii- 149, 154, 158, 169, 173,
202; iii. 3, 11, 22, 38, 39, 57, 64,
250.
Henderson, Sir John, iii. 86, 162.
Henderson, Mr. Patrick, reader at Edin-
burgh, i. 22.
Henderson, Mr. Robert, ii. 28.
Hepburn, Sir Patrick, of Waughton, ii.
96; iii. 113, 181.
Hereford, Dr. Nicolas Monk, bishop of,
ii. 266.
Herries, John, eighth lord, ii. 196.
Hervye, Mr. James, minister at New
Machar, i. 154.
Hilltoun, laird of, iii. 199, 200.
Holme, in Orkney, iii. 44.
Holland, Henry, first earl of, ii. 195 ; iii.
4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 107.
Holyroodhouse, i. 4, 24, 67, 68, 70, 72,
73, 96, 106, 108, 125, 168, 174; ii.
52, 161, 162, 209, 212; iii. 55.
Home (Hume), James, earl of, i. 32, 109,
123; ii. 39, 146.
Hooper, John, bishop of Gloucester, ii.
82.
Hope, Sir Thomas, lord advocate, i. 12,
14, 73, 108, 109, 110; ii. 202, 209:
iii. 72, 181.
Hope, Sir Thomas, of Carse, iii. 1 82.
Howistoun, Mr. John, minister at Kirk-
hill, ii. 6.
Hull, iii. 159.
Humby, laird of, iii. 184.
Hume, Lieutenant Colonel, iii. 256.
Hume, Sir David, of Wedderburne, iii.
181.
Hume, Sir John, iii. 6.
Hunter, David, provost of Forfar, ii.
5 ; iii. 37.
Huntly, Lady Anne Campbell, marchio-
ness of, i. 70.
Huntly, George, fourth earl of, i. 57-
INDEX.
317
Huntly, George, first marquis of, i. 48 ;
ii. 41.
Huntly, George, second marquis of, i.
33, 34, 48, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61, 69, 70,
82, 84, 86, 90, 109, 122, 135, 140,
155 ; ii. 114, 157, 196, 197, 198, 205,
206, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215,
216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222,
223, 224, 225, 226, 228, 229, 230,
231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239, 240, 254, 255, 256, 257,
260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267,
270, 280, 282, 283; iii. 26, 67, 71,
72, 159, 160, 163, 164, 201, 203,
210, 211, 212, 225, 231, 253, 262.
Huntly, Lady Henrietta Stewart, mar-
chioness of, iii. 211, 214.
Huntly, minister at, ii. 5. See Dunben-
nan and Kinore.
Hutchieson, Mr. George, moderator of
the presbytery of Edinburgh, iii. 208.
Hya, isle of, (Iona or Icolmkill), ii. 143.
Hyde, Edward, iii. 147. See Clarendon,
earl of.
Hynd, Mr. James, minister at Kirkwall,
iii. 44.
Inchbrakt, laird of, ii. 138.
Inch-Colm. See Colm, Inch.
Inch-Keith. See Keith, Inch.
Inglis, Mr. Alexander, minister at St.
Vigeans, iii. 37.
Inglis, Mr. George, burgess of Arbroath,
iii. 37.
Inglis (Inglishe), Mr. Richard, ii. 39,
135.
Inglishton, laird of. See English, David.
Innerpeffer, lord. See Fletcher, Sir
Andrew.
Innerwicke, laird of. See Maxwell,
James.
Innes, Mr. Alexander, minister at Ro-
thiemay, ii. 283 ; iii. 204, 205, 206,
207, 208, 209, 228.
Innes, Sir Robert, of That Hk, i. 109 ;
ii. 215, 234, 263; iii. 224.
Innes, Walter, ruling elder from the
presbytery of Aberlour, iii. 38.
Insch, in The Garioch, iii. 209.
Inshdrure, house of, iii. 253, 254, 255.
Inshgarvy, iii. 140.
Inshstomack, in Strathbogie, ii. 279-
Lnverkeithny, iii. 204.
Inverness, ii. 6, 48 ; iii. 38, 205.
Inverness, presbytery of, ii. 6, 1 61 ; iii.
38.
Inverury, ii. 6, 210, 215, 217, 220, 221,
225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 234,
235, 237.
Iona, or Icolmkill. See Hya, isle of.
Irving (Irvine), Mr. Alexander, ii. 226.
Irving (Irvine), Sir Alexander, of Drum,
i. 61, 109, HO, 122 ; ii. 215, 226,
233, 255 ; iii. 197, 199, 200.
Irving (Irvine), Robert, of Fedderett,
ii. 226; iii. 199, 200.
Isla, river of, (in Angus), ii. 234.
Isla, Strath. See Strath Isla.
Island, Holy, iii. 15.
Isles, The, ii. 53, 142, 149, 163; iii. 232.
Isles, The, bishop of. See Campbell,
Neill ; Leslie, John.
Isles, West, ii. 143; iii. 132.
Jaffray, Alexander, of Kings wells, pro-
vost of Aberdeen, ii. 224, 226; iii.
182.
Jaffray, Mr. William, minister at New
Deer, iii. 38.
James I. of Scotland, ii. 93, 1 79.
James II. of Scotland, ii. 178; iii. 118.
James III. of Scotland, ii. 216.
James IV. of Scotland, ii. 34, 37, 93,
155, 184.
James VI. of Scotland, i. 4, 6, 8, 29,
38, 39, 40, 42, 45, 47, 48, 53, 55,
103, 105, 108, 113, 117, 121, 126,
130, 144, 161, 165, 169, 176; ii. 9,
34, 36, 40, 43, 44, 51, 91, 105, 114,
120, 125, 130, 156, 178, 179, 181,
184, 185, 199 ; iii. 37, 66, 67, 68,
89, 100, 110, 118, 119, 120, 124,
134, 142, 196, 230, 236.
Jamesoun, George, burgess of Aber-
deen, ii. 219; iii. 197.
Jedburgh, ii. 153, 163 ; iii. 6, 176, 182.
s
318
INDEX.
Jedburgh, presbytery of, ii. 131.
Johnston, Sir Archibald, lord Warris-
toun, i. 27, 33,68,77, 111, 115, 122,
145, 146, 147, 158 ; ii. 5, 31, 32, 85,
96, 97, 98, 104, 109, 118, 122, 148,
167,168, 177, 246; iii. 11, 22, 57,
178, 184, 225.
Johnston, Dr. Arthur, i. 84; ii. 134;
iii. 210, 237, 238, 243.
Johnston, Christian, wife of George
Johnston of That Ilk, iii. 210.
Johnston, George, bailie of Aberdeen,
iii. 197.
Johnston, George, of That Ilk, iii. 210.
Johnston, James, first lord Johnston.
See Hartfell, earl of.
Johnston, Robert, of Crimond, provost
of Aberdeen, ii. 257.
Johnston, Saint, ii. 145, 205. See
Perth.
Johnston, Dr. William, professor of ma-
thematics in The Marischal College,
i. 84; ii. 219, 220, 221 ; iii. 209, 210,
237.
Johnston, lieutenant-colonel William, ii.
257, 258, 259, 265, 269, 272, 273,
276, 277, 278, 280, 282.
Keig, minister at, ii. 6.
Keillor, laird of. See Halliburton,
George.
Keir, laird of, i. 158 ; ii. 28, 97, 100 ;
iii. 57, 113, 181.
Keith, minister at, ii. 5, 139; iii- 89,
213, 236.
Keith-Inch, ii. 249 ; iii. 119-
Keith, Robert, bishop of Fife, i. 10 ;
ii. 138, 139, 140, 141 ; iii. 231, 232.
Keith, Sir William, of Ludquharne, ii.
258, 259.
Kellie (in Buchan), ii. 215.
Kelly (in Angus), House of, ii. 234 ;
iii. 165.
Kelso, iii. 67.
Kelso Abbey, i. 29.
Kemnay, ii. 229.
Kempt, Mr. John, preacher in Aber-
deen, iii. 240.
Kennedy, John, of Kermuck, constable
of Aberdeen, ii. 5.
Keppoch, house of, iii. 164.
Ker, laird of, i. 153.
Kermuck, laird of, ii. 5.
Kerr, Mr. John, minister at Salt Pres-
ton, i. 77, 143.
Kerr, John, professor of Greek in The
King's College, iii. 244.
Kerr, Sir Thomas, ii. 39, 131, 146.
Kilconquhar (Kinnocher), ii. 134.
Kildrummy, ii. 229-
Kildrummy, minister at, iii. 38.
Killala, see of, i. 4.
Killeith, laird of, ii. 126.
Kilpatrick, minister at, ii. 57, 137.
Kilwining, minister at, i. 168 ; ii. 49 ;
iii. 153.
Kinbettock. See Towie.
Kincardine O'Neil, ii. 48, 134, 135.
Kincardine O'Neil, presbytery of, ii. 6,
161 ; iii. 38.
Kinghorn, ii. 154, 207.
Kinghorn, John, earl of, i. 73, 108, 109,
110 ; ii. 26, 27, 31, 127, 214, 215,
227, 228, 232, 234, 246 ; iii. 38,
165. See Glammis, earl of.
Kininvie, family of, iii. 231.
Kinnaird (in Fife), family of, iii. 235.
Kinnoul, George, second earl of, i. 73,
108, 110; ii. 27, 31 ; iii. 24.
Kinore. See Huntly.
Kintore, ii. 215, 229, 230, 267, 268.
Kirkcudbright, ii. 28, 153, 157, 163.
Kirkcudbright, Robert, first lord, iii.
52.
Kirkhill (or Wardlaw), minister at, ii. 6.
Kirktoun, St. Andrew's, minister at, ii.
139.
Kirkwall, ii. 98, 163 ; iii. 44, 221.
Kirriemuir, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 37-
Knowles (Knolls), Mr. Christopher, ii.
143.
Knox, John, i. 39 ; ii- 106, 108, 109,
129, 130, 144; iii. 41.
Kynninmount, Mr. Alexander, minister
at Kirriemuir, ii. 5 ; iii. 37-
Kynmundie, laird of, iii. 237.
INDEX.
319
Lamb, Andrew, bishop of Galloway, i. 5.
Lamb (or Lawmont), Mr. Andrew, ii.
143.
Lambeth, the primate's palace at, iii.
157.
Lammingtoune, family of, iii. 159.
Lammy, Mr. Silvester, minister at Glam-
mis, ii. 5, 97, 98 ; iii. 37-
Lanark, i. 45.
Lanark, minister at, i. 68 ; iii. 39-
Lanerick, lord, iii. 264.
Langtoune, laird of, i. 127.
Languet, Hubert, ii. 170.
Large, laird of, iii. 259.
Laswade, in Lothian, minister at, ii. 141.
Laud, Dr. William, archbishop of Can-
terbury, i. 3, 12, 50 : ii. 60, 76, 82,
133, 195; iii. 107, 153, 241. See
Canterbury, archbishop of.
Lauderdale, John, second earl (after-
wards duke) of, i. 27, 73, 108, 109,
110, 144; ii. 27, 31, 66.
Laurencekirk (Conveth), minister at, ii.
5 ; iii. 38.
Law, Thomas, minister at Elgin, iii.
207.
Lawers, laird of, i. 109 ; ii. 145.
Learmont, Sir James, of Balcomby,
i. 109.
Legatsden, ii. 231, 236.
Leightoune, laird of, i. 127.
Leith, i. 66, 67 ; ii. 51, 140, 207, 249,
250, 252 ; iii. 26, 28, 29, 34, 99, 143,
202.
Leith, Patrick, in Kirktoun of Raine,
111. 245.
Lekkey, laird of, iii. 223.
Lemman, William, one of the elders of
Rothiemay, iii. 204.
Lennox, Catherine (countess of Aber-
corn), duchess of, i. 18, 68.
Lennox, Esme, first duke of, i. 39-
Lennox, Esme, third duke of, i. 18.
Lennox, James, fourth duke of, i. 18,
62, 68.
Leochel, church of St. Marnan, at, iii.
235.
Leslie, Charles, the non-juror, iii. 232.
Leslie, Dr. Henry, bishop of Down and
and Connor, i. 8, 9 ; ii. 81, 204.
Leslie, George, commonly called Father
Archangel, iii. 246.
Leslie, John, bishop of Clogher, iii.
232.
Leslie, Sir John, of Wardhouse, ii. 134.
Leslie, laird of, iii. 50, 72, 182.
Leslie, Dr. William, principal of The
King's College, i. 9, 10, 83 ; ii. 226 ;
iii. 129, 226, 231, 232, 257.
Lesly, Sir Alexander (afterwards earl of
Leven), i. 37, 127 ; ii. 205, 209, 226.
227, 228, 234, 235, 252, 253, 255,
279; iii. 3, 4,5, 6,7, 8, 27, 159,181,
245, 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 261.
Lesly, John, of Neuton, i. 127; ii. 151.
Lesly, Mr. George, ii. 29-
Lesly, Mr. George, iii. 160, 161, 162.
Lesly, Sir Patrick, provost of Aberdeen,
ii. 166; iii. 130, 167, 215.
Lesmahago, minister at, ii. 151.
L'Estrange, Hammond, iii. 11, 261.
Lethintye, house of, iii. 201.
Leuchars, minister at, i. 10, 143; ii.
163.
Leys, laird of. See Burnet, Sir Thomas.
Leyth, Malcom, mariner, Leyth, iii. 202.
Lhanbryde, ii. 263.
Libertoune, laird of, ii. 144.
Lightowne, Mr. James, minister at Dun,
iii. 37.
Lilburn, John, iii. 157.
Lindsay, Alexander, bishop of Dunkeld.
ii. 95, 145, 150, 163 ; iii. 49.
Lindsay, Dr. David, bishop of Edin-
burgh, i. 7, 20, 95 ; ii. 44, 131.
Lindsay, Mr. David, minister at Bel-
helvie, i. 85, 154 ; ii. 6, 28, 98, 134 ;
iii. 38, 49, 50, 129, 130, 224.
Lindsay, John, Lord, (earl of Crawford-
Lindsay), i.27, 32, 68, 109, 122, 123,
170; ii. 95, 96, 163, 196; iii. 24,
181.
Lindsay, Mr. John, minister at Aber-
lemno, ii. 5 ; iii. 37.
Lindsay, Patrick, archbishop of Glas-
gow, ii. 102, 131, 139, 140.
320
INDEX.
Linlithgow, i. 20, 28, 29, 32, 90 ; ii. 22,
39, 40, 41, 52; Hi. 40, 46, 47, 81,
113, 182.
Linlithgow, earl of, i. 73, 108, 109, 110;
ii. 26, 31 ; iii. 123, 159.
Lisniore, or Lissmoir, see of, ii. 141.
See Argyle, and The Isles.
Little, , barber in Edinburgh, iii.
30.
Livingston (Levistoune), Mr. John, mi-
nister of Stranraer, ii. 28.
Livingston (Levistoune), laird of, i.
127.
Livingston, Mr. William, minister at
Lanark, i. 68, 143 ; iii. 39.
Lochaber, i. 61 ; ii. 159, 206, 218, 267 ;
iii. 163, 164.
Lochiel, laird of, ii. 205, 206.
Lockhart of Lee, i. 109.
Logie, Mr. Andrew, parson of Rayne,
and archdeacon of Aberdeen, i. 145,
153 ; ii. 5 ; iii. 226, 245, 246.
Logie, captain John, iii. 246.
Logie, Mr. John, iii. 247.
London, i. 3, 8, 18, 19, 31, 37, 57, 59,
90, 95, 176; ii. 7, 41, 49, 59, 98,
100, 109, 133, 156, 169, 170, 176,
195, 198, 202, 239, 281 ; iii. 8, 11,
17, 18, 19, 26, 28, 31, 71, 77, 78, 81,
82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 91, 93, 106, 107,
108, 116, 124, 127, 132, 133, 135,
142, 147, 150, 153, 154, 157, 173,
184, 185, 189, 190, 196, 202, 214,
224, 234, 237, 238, 240, 241, 242.
London, George Abbot, bishop of, ii. 41.
London, tower of, iii. 124, 153.
Lorn, ii. 204.
Lorn, lord. See Argylle, marquis of.
Lothian, earl of, i. 109, 122, 123; ii.
41, 158, 166 ; iii. 81, 112, 181.
Loudon, John Campbell, first earl of, i.
27, 30, 43, 68, 109, 122, 123, 140,
142, 151, 155, 170, 187, 188, 192;
ii. 28, 102, 110, 128, 131 ; iii. 6, 8,
11, 13, 22, 57, 76, 77, 79, 109, ill,
113, 116, 124, 134, 138, 141, 142,
144, 147, 153, 158, 190.
Loudon, Margaret, lady, iii. 181.
Lovat, lord, i. 109 ; ii- 234, 262.
Lower, John, lord, iii. 181.
Lowesk (Lowess), in the parish of Rayne,
ii. 229, 230, 232.
Ludquharne, laird of, ii. 258, 259.
Lumsden, Matthew, of Tilliecairn, ii.
48 ; iii. 203.
Lundy, John, of Lundy, i. 127.
Lundy, Mr. John, professor of huma-
nity in The King's College, i. 155 ;
ii. 6, 154, 155, 157, 228 ; iii. 225.
Lyon, James, laird of Aldbarr, i. 109 ;
ii. 5, 28, 127, 134, 228; iii. 37.
Lyon, Mr. Patrick, ii. 5.
Macdonald, Sir Donald, of Sleat, sur-
named Gorme Oig, ii. 196.
Machar, New, i. 154.
Machar, Saint, church of, at Old Aber-
deen, iii. 227, 229.
Mackaile, Matthew, ii. 4.
Mackenzie, Sir John, of Tarbott, ii. 152.
Mackenzie, Mr. Colin, iii. 247.
Mackenzie, Mr. Thomas, archdeacon of
Ross, i. 153, 155 ; ii. 5, 152.
Mackgie, Mr. James, son to Sir Patrick
Mackgie of Large, iii. 259-
Mackgie, Sir Patrick, of Large, iii. 259-
Mackgill, Mr. Patrick, ii. 5.
Mackgillivorich, Mr. Donald, ii. 29.
Mackgregor, laird of, ii. 268.
Mackgregor, Patrick, brother to the
laird of Mackgregor, ii. 268.
Mackgrigour, John, ii. 235, 236, 267 ;
iii. 71, 72. See Geare, Dow, John.
Macklellan, Mr. James, minister at Kirk-
cudbright, ii. 28.
Macklellan, Mr. John, i. 145.
Mackmath, Mr. John, minister at Chirn-
side, ii. 143.
Mackrandall, chief of the Clan Ranald
of Lochaber, iii. 164.
Madoes, St. ii. 146, 150, 163.
Maitland, Mr. Richard, minister at
Aberchirder, ii. 139 ; iii. 207, 226,
246, 247.
Makduff, Alexander, pastor of the
Scotish Church at Campvere, iii. 234.
INDEX.
321
Makgie, Mr. John, ii. 132.
Makgill, Mr. John, parson of Flisk, i. 127.
Malcolm, James, burgess of Edinburgh,
ii. 4.
Manner, laird of, iii. 182.
Marischall, Lady Mary Erskyne, coun-
tess of, iii. 160.
Marischall, William, seventh earl, i. 61,
84, 89, 108, 109, 110; ii. 214, 215,
219, 227, 229, 236, 246, 253, 259,
260, 261, 262, 269, 270, 271, 275,
278, 279, 281 ; iii. 15, 160, 161, 162,
168, 198, 201, 211, 214, 216, 226,
233, 255.
Marnan, Saint, ii. 139- See Aberchir-
der and Leochel.
Marnoch, i. 58; ii. 139- See Aber-
chirder.
Marr, John, eighth earl of, i. 68, 73, 82,
108, 110; ii. 3, 26, 27 ; iii. 8, 197.
Marr, John, ninth earl of, ii. 3.
Martin, Mr. Alexander, minister at Old
Deer, ii. 6, 29, 133.
Martin, Mr. James, minister at Peter-
head, ii. 6, 28, 133 ; iii. 38, 224.
Martin, Mr. John, ii. 97.
Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 55 ; ii. 207,
252; iii. 173.
Maule (Mauld), Patrick, of Panmure, i.
50, 109; ii. 198.
Maunderlee, hill of, i. 58.
Maxwell, James, of Innerwicke, i. 50,
109; ii- 198.
Maxwell, Dr. John, bishop of Ross, i.
4, 8, 9, 60, 168; ii. 102, 134, 170;
iii. 204.
Maxwell, Richard, sadler in Edinburgh,
i. 127, 129; iii. 182.
Maxwell, Mr. William, minister at Dun-
bar, ii. 50.
Maybole, minister at, i. 147 ; iii. 39.
Mayen, family of Abernethy of, i. 45.
M'Kenzie, Mr. Murdoch, minister at
Elgin, iii. 208.
M'Kenzie, Thomas, of Pluscardyne, ii.
215 ; iii. 38.
M'Ward, Robert, minister at Glasgow,
i. 21.
Mearns, presbytery of The, ii. 5, 160 ;
iii. 38.
Megray (Meagre), hill of, ii. 272,
274.
Meigle (Meggill), ii. 5, 160; iii. 37.
Meithlick, minister at, iii. 38.
Meldrum, Old. See Oldmeldrum.
Melvill, Andrew, i. 162; ii. 98, 111;
iii. 245.
Melvill, David, bookseller in Aberdeen,
iii. 245.
Melvill, John, lord, i. 127.
Menzeis, Mr. William, ii. 29, 145.
Menzies, George, master of kirk-work
in Aberdeen, iii. 215.
Menzies, Sir Gilbert, of Pitfoddels, i.
53 ; ii. 215, 226, 233, 234, 235, 236,
255, 266 ; iii. 252.
Menzies, Sir Paul, provost of Aber-
deen, iii. 237-
Mercer, Thomas, iii. 227-
Merse, The, iii. 186.
Methven, minister at, i. 50, 147 ; ii.
145, 198.
Middleburg, i. 21 ; iii. 234.
Middleton, Mr. Alexander, regent in
The King's College, ii. 226.
Middleton, lieutenant-colonel John (af-
terwards earl of Middleton), ii. 279,
280.
Middleton, Thomas, author of the Ap-
pendix to Spottiswoode's History, i.
10 ; iii. 129, 235, 242.
Mill, Mr. Andrew, minister at Fetter-
esso, ii. 5 ; iii. 38.
Mitchell, David, bishop of Aberdeen, i.
8, 9, 124, 125 ; ii. 45, 49,51.
Mitchell, Mr. Thomas, minister at Tur-
riff, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 28, 135, 258, 26() ;
iii. 38, 203, 204, 224.
Mitchellson, Mrs., the Shee Prophetesse,
i. 131, 132.
Monaltry, laird of, ii. 261 ; iii. 126.
MoncreifF, Mr. John, ii. 97, 127.
Moncrieff, laird of, ii. 145.
Monk, general, ii. 266.
Monk, Dr. Nicholas, provost of Eaton,
and bishop of Hereford, ii. 266.
322
INDEX.
Monro, Mr. David, ii. 29.
Montague, Richard, bishop of Norwich,
ii. 78.
Montague, Mr. Walter, iii. 108.
Monteith, Robert, of Salmonet, i. 18 ;
ii. 194, 268 ; iii. 18.
Montgomery, Hugh, lord, i. 68, 127 ;
iii. 8.
Montgomery, Robert, titular archbishop
of Glasgow, i. 179; ii. 33, 111, 112,
121.
Montrose, i. 127, 167; ii. 5, 13, 21, 29,
149, 164, 184, 208, 219, 221, 222,
223; iii. 37, 182.
Montrose, James, marquis of, i. 33, 68,
82, 84, 85, 86, 96, 109, 115, 123, 151,
152; ii. 152, 205,- 209, 211, 212, 213,
214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220,
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,
235, 237, 238, 253, 255, 263, 264,
265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273,
274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281,
282 ; iii. 8, 15, 37, 57, 98, 160, 164,
165, 181, 257.
Montrose, John, third earl of, ii. 111.
Montrose, John, fourth earl of, ii. 43.
Montrose, Old, ii. 220, 221, 223.
Monyfooth, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 37.
Monymusk, minister at, iii. 241.
Moray. See Murray.
More, Mr. William, bailie of Aberdeen,
iii. 182.
Moresoun, George, burgess of Aber-
deen, ii. 219, 221 ; iii. 197.
Morphie, laird of, i. 82, 109; iii. 38.
Mortimer, Alexander, ii. 141.
Morton, William, seventh earl of, i. 73 ;
iii. 22, 132.
Mortoun, Mr., ii. 99.
Mortoun, Dr. Thomas, bishop of Dur-
ham, ii. 197.
Mosley, Dr. John, iii. 3, 4.
Mowat, Mr. Roger, advocate, iii. 72.
Moy, iii. 38, 207.
Moyll, Mr. John, in deacon's orders at
Dundee, ii. 158.
Moynes, laird of, ii. 206.
Muchalls in Mar, (Castle Fraser), the
place of, ii. 214, 215.
Muchalls, lord. See Fraser, Andrew,
second lord.
Muchalls in The Mearns, castle of, i.
88, ; ii. 270.
Muiresk, house of, iii. 253.
Munro, colonel Robert, i. 49 ; ii- 139,
204; iii. 6, 159, 160, 166, 167, 168,
169, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201,
202, 203, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214,
235, 236, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255.
Murray, bishop of. See Guthrie, John.
Murray, Sir Andrew, Lord Balvaird,
minister at Ebdy in Fife, i. 43, 109>
127.
Murray, Mr. David, ii. 29.
Murray, Sir David, iii. 113.
Murray, James, earl of, the Regent, i.
57.
Murray, James, third earl of, i. 108, 109,
110; ii. 26, 31, 234.
Murray, James, clerk to the general
assembly at Aberdeen in 1640, iii.
215.
Murray, Sir Patrick, of Elibank, iii. 181.
Murray, Mr. Robert, minister at Meth-
ven, i. 50, 147 ; ii. 145, 198.
Murray, the sheriff of, ii. 215.
Murray, Walter, of Levistoun, i. 127.
Murray, William, of the King's bed-
chamber, i. 50 ; ii. 198.
Murray, Sir William, of Blebo, i. 127.
Mylne, Mr. William, minister at Glass,
iii. 38.
Myrtoun, Thomas, of Cambo, iii. 113.
Nairn, ii. 6, 161.
Napier, Lord, i. 73, 108, 109, 110; ii.
27 ; iii. 81, 112, 181.
Navar, minister at, iii. 37.
Nevay, Mr. John (nephew of Mr. An-
drew Cant), iii. 250.
Newbottle, ii. 165, 166; iii. 39.
Newburn, iii. 258, 259, 260, 262, 263.
Newcastle, i. 168 ; ii. 266 ; iii. 4, 5, 159,
258, 260, 261, 263.
New Deer. See Deer, New.
INDEX.
323
Newhills, iii. 227.
New Liston, laird of, i. 127.
New Machar. See Machar, New.
New Spynie. See Spynie, New.
Newton, laird of (Dallyell), i. 109-
Newton, laird of (Gordon), ii. 215, 259-
See Culsalmond, Newton of.
Newton, laird of (Lesly), i. 127 ; ii. 151.
Nicholas, St., church of, at Aberdeen,
ii. 165 ; iii. 230.
Nickolson, Sir Thomas of Carnock, iii.
181.
Nicol, Mr. John, 145.
Nicolson, Mr. Thomas, clerk to the
general assembly, i. 172.
Nicolson, Thomas, burgess of Aber-
deen, iii. 197.
Nisbitt, Philip, ii. 144.
Nithsdale, Robert Maxwell, earl of, i.
62; ii. 196, 204, 252 ; iii. 162, 256.
Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, iii.
126, 144, 158, 187.
Norwich, ii. 48, 78, 103 ; iii. 44, 155.
Nuburne, minister at, i. 127.
Ochiltree, Andrew, second lord, ii. 1 26.
Ogilvie, Captain James, i. 18.
Ogilvie, Mr. Robert, sub-principal of
The King's College, ii. 226.
Ogilvy, Sir George, Lord Banff, i. 61 ;
ii. 211, 214, 215, 234, 255, 256, 259,
261, 263, 279; iii. 251, 252, 253,
254, 255.
Ogilvy, Sir John, of Craig, iii. 166.
Ogilvy, lady, ii. 234; iii. 165.
Ogilvy, lord, i. 62, 109 ; ii. 234 ; iii.
164, 165, 166, 252.
Ogilvy, , younger of Powery, ii.
275.
Oldmeldrum, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Oliphant, lord, ii. 231, 235.
Oneill, barony of (in Aberdeenshire),
iii. 228.
Onwerme, laird of, i. 127.
Oquendo, Don Antonio d', admiral of
Spain, iii. 84, 85.
Orbestoun, i. 27, 36, 58. See Hamilton,
Sir John.
Orkney, i. 12, 156; ii. 5, 41,47,48,
53, 96, 138, 149, 163 ; iii. 43, 89,
236, 239-
Orkney, bishop of. See Baron, Robert ;
Graham, George ; Sydserf, Thomas.
Oswell, Mr. John, ii. 29.
Oxford, ii. 194; iii. 240, 241.
Paisley, i. 18 ; ii. 57 ; iii. 202.
Panmure, laird of. See Maule.
Panter, Dr. Patrick, professor of divi-
nity, and principal of the New Col-
lege at St. Andrew's, ii. 45.
Paris, i. 18; ii. 97, 98, 215; iii. 143,
245.
Paris, university of, ii. 113, 156.
Paterson, Mr. John, minister at Foveran,
iii. 49, 224.
Paterson, Ninian, minister at Liber-
ton, iii. 229.
Paterson, Thomas, tailor in Edinburgh,
ii. 35, 50; iii. 182.
Peebles, presbytery of, i. 98, 150, 189 ;
ii. 5, 45.
Peerson, Mr. Alexander, advocate, i.
147 ; ii. 29-
Peirson, Mr. Robert, minister at Firth,
in Orkney, iii. 44.
Pembrocke, earl of, iii. 4, 11, 20, 31,
107.
Pennington, Sir John, admiral of Eng-
land, iii. 84.
Perth, i. 6, 38, 43, 47, 51, 54, 55, 65,
86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 107, 112,
114, 116, 130, 139, 163, 164, 165,
172, 181; ii. 12, 19, 39, 40, 44, 51,
52, 53, 105, 106, 115, 122, 127, 128,
130, 131, 132, 138, 139, 141, 145,
146, 167, 176, 182, 218; iii. 40, 43,
46, 47, 49, 59, 215.
Perth, earl of, i. 108, 110 ; ii. 26, 31.
Peter, Mr. John, minister at St.
Andrew's Kirktoun, in Murray, ii.
139-
Peterhead, iii. 84.
Peterhead, minister at, ii. 6, 133; iii.
38, 224.
Petry, Mr. Alexander, ii. 29-
324
INDEX.
Petrie, William, burgess of Aberdeen,
iii. 197.
Philorth, laird of, ii. 6.
Pitcaple, ii. 231.
Pitfoddels, laird of. See Menzies, Sir
Gilbert.
Pitmedden, laird of. See Setton, John.
Pittodry, laird of, ii. 282.
Pitsligo, i. 10; ii. 6, 165, 166.
Pitsligo, lord, ii. 259-
Pluscardyne, laird of. See M'Kenzie,
Thomas.
Poak, John, drummer in Aberdeen, ii.
226.
Pocklington, Dr., canon of Windsor and
prebendary of Peterborough, ii. 78.
Pollwart, minister at, ii. 39-
Pont, Mr. Robert, minister in the
church of St. Cuthbert, at Edin-
burgh, ii. 112.
Powery, laird of, ii. 275.
Porterfield, George, burgess of Glas-
gow, i. 115, 127; iii. 182.
Preston, Sir John, of Airdrv, i. 127 ;
ii. 41.
Preston, Mr. Robert, i. 127.
Preston, Salt, minister at, i. 77.
Prestoune, Little, laird of, iii. 181.
Prynne, William, iii. 52.
Rabax, Edward, printer in Aberdeen,
iii. 227, 228, 233, 235, 236, 237,
238, 245, 246.
Rafford (Raffert), minister at, ii. 6.
Rait, Mr. David, principal of The King's
College, ii. 156.
Raittie (Rattie), place of, iii. 255.
Ramsa v, Andrew, minister at Edinburgh,
i. 10* 17, 22, 44, 121, 124, 143, 147,
156, 188; ii. 26, 29, 47,58, 105, 128,
147, 181 ; iii. 216, 219, 226, 233,
251.
Ramsav, captain Andrew, ii. 279, 281,
282.
Ramsay, David, i. 59-
Ramsav, Sir Gilbert of Balmain, ii. 5,
279 ; iii. 224.
Ramsay, Mr. Thomas, ii. 29.
Rankine, Mr. John, regent in the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh, i. 52.
Rannoch (Rennach), ii. 267.
Raphoe, bishop of, iii. 232.
Rathen, kirk of, i. 58.
Rathven, iii. 227, 229-
Ravne (Raine), i. 145, 153 ; ii. 5, 230:
iii. 226, 245, 246.
Reay, Donald, lord, i. 59, 61.
Reay (Rae), master of, ii. 215.
Reid, Mr. Alexander, in Kildrummy, ii.
229.
Reid (Read), Dr. Alexander, professor
of chirurgery at London, iii. 89.
Reid (Read), Mr. Alexander, burgess of
Aberdeen, iii. 197.
Reid, Alexander, of Pitfoddels, iii.
218.
Reid, Mr. James, minister at Arbuthnot,
iii. 38.
Reid (Read), James, minister at Ban-
chory St. Ternan, iii. 89.
Reid (Reed), Mr. Robert, minister at
Banchory St. Ternan, i. 84.
Reid (Read), Mr. Thomas, secretary to
James VI., iii. 89.
Renfrew, barony of, i. 62.
Ricardtoun, laird of, i. 127 ; iii. 182.
Richelieu, cardinal, i. 18; iii. 9, 83,
84.
Rickart, David, burgess of Aberdeen,
iii. 197.
Ridfurd, Mr. John, minister at Towie,
ii. 6.
Rigg (Ridge), William, of Athenry,
burgess of Edinburgh, iii. 113, 218,
239, 240, 241.
Riress, laird of, i. 127.
Ritchie (Richy), Mr. James, clerk to
the general assembly, i. 172, 173.
Rivett. Dr. Andrew, professor in Ley-
den, i. 53.
Rupert, (Robert) Prince, iii. 83.
Robertson, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Cluny, ii. 6.
Robertson, Mr. John, minister at
Achterhouse, ii. 5, 39, 161, 162; iii.
37.
INDEX.
325
Robertson, Mr. John, minister at Saint
Johnston, ii. 145.
Robson, John Gun, ii. 266.
Rochester, dean of, i. 8, 176.
Rollock, Mr. Andrew, minister at Dunse,
ii. 146.
Rollock, Mr. Hary, minister at Edin-
burgh, i. 4, 5, 10, 17, 22, 115, 119,
121, 122, 124, 131, 132; ii. 28, 140,
181.
Ronnaldsaye, South, minister at, iii.
44.
Ross, i. 61, 86, 153, 155; ii. 53, 140,
152, 163, 218 ; iii. 159, 221, 228, 253.
Ross, Dr. Alexander, minister at Aber-
deen, i. 9, 10, 83 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 209,
235, 244.
Ross, Dr. Alexander, chaplain to King
Charles I., and master of the free
school of Southampton, iii. 209.
Ross, archdeacon of. See Makenzie,
Thomas.
Ross, bishop of, i. 4, 8, 60, 61, 168, 171 ;
ii. 95, 102, 134, 136, 149 ; iii. 15, 63,
83, 204, 230, 235, 237. See Maxwell,
Dr. John.
Ross, Mr. Gilbert, ii. 29.
Ross, Mr. Gilbert, reader in Old Aber-
deen, ii. 226.
Ross, Mr. James, minister at Strachan,
iii. 209-
Ross, Mr. John, minister at Birse, iii.
199, 200, 226, 245.
Rothes, earl of, i. 27, 33, 34, 49, 68,
109, 123, 124,* 140, 141, 155, 159,
169, 174, 187, 188, 192; ii. 28, 31,
35, 38, 96, 102, 151 ; iii. 8, 11, 22,
51, 57, 98, 181.
Rothes, minister at, iii. 208.
Rothiemay, i. 44, 45.
Rothiemay, laird of, i. 53.
Rothiemay, minister at, ii. 283 ; iii. 204,
205, 206, 207, 208, 228.
Rothsay, presbytery of, i. 153, 156.
Row, Mr. John, minister at Carnock, i.
147 ; ii. 127, 134.
Roxburgh, earl of, i. 11, 17, 27, 28, 29,
31, 73, 108, 110, 144 ; ii. 26, 66.
2
Roxburgh, Jane Drummond, countess
of, i. 29.
Rubislaw, laird of, i. 57.
Rucheid, James, bailie of Edinburgh,
i. 13.
Rutherfoord, John, provost of Jedburgh,
iii. 182.
Rutherfoord, Mr. Samuel, minister at
Anwoth, ii. 28, 29, 58, 97, 100, 108,
109, 169, 170; iii. 229, 230, 238,
250.
Ruthven, general, i. 109; iii. 77, 86,
87, 98, 99, 105, 125, 126, 127, 140,
159, 181, 186, 200.
Sage, bishop, i. 10 ; ii. 109-
Salisbury, earl of, iii. 11, 107.
Sallagh, laird of, ii. 266, 278, 281.
Salmonet. See Monteith.
Salton, laird of, i. 52.
Sammedoose. See Madoes, St.
Sancroft, Dr. William, archbishop of
Canterbury, iii. 240.
Sanders, Mr. James, precentor in Glas-
gow, ii. 147.
Sanderson, George, in Aberdeen, iii.
215.
Sandilands, Mr. James, advocate, com-
missary of Aberdeen, i. 126, 140, 145,
146 ; ii. 154 ; iii. 49, 50.
Sandilands, Mr. Thomas, commissary of
Aberdeen, i. 140, 145, 146, 172, 173 ;
iii. 227.
Sarum, bishop of, i. 33 ; iii. 126.
Scoone, lord, ii. 44.
Scot, Sir John, of Scotstarvet, iii. 147,
181, 236.
Scotstarvet, laird of, iii. 147, 181, 236.
Scott, James, burgess of Montrose, iii.
182.
Scott, William, of Ardross, i. 127-
Scott, Mr. William, minister at Cowper,
i. 127.
Scott, Sir William, ii. 96.
Scott, William, pilot at Aberdeen, iii.
130, 131, 168.
Scrimgeor, constable of Dundee, vis-
count of Dudhope, i. 62.
326
INDEX.
Scrimgeor, lieutenant David, son to the
viscount of Dudhope, iii. 86, 127.
Scrimgeor, Mr. Henry, a minister, ii.
151.
Scrogie, Dr. Alexander, minister at Old
Aberdeen, i. 9, 83 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 129,
220, 226, 227, 228, 229-
Scrogie, Mr. Alexander, regent in The
King's College, ii. 226 ; iii. 228, 229.
Scrogie, William, bishop of Argyll, ii.
229.
Seaforth, earl of, i. 109; ii. 234, 262,
264; iii. 218, 226.
Seaton, lord, ii. 240.
Seaton, William, of Shethinn, ii. 273 ;
iii. 38, 252.
Seatoun, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Bantf, iii. 38.
Sedan, University of, iii. 210, 245.
Setton, John, of Pitmedden, ii. 229, 278,
281, 282.
Sharp, Mr. George, minister at Fyvie,
ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Shelms (Selmys), family of, ii. 156.
Shepherd, Mr. Andrew, a minister, ii.
152.
Shethinn, laird of. See Seaton, William.
Shields (Shels), iii. 261.
Shippman, captain, iii. 99.
Sibbald, Dr. James, minister at Aber-
deen, i. 9, 83, 154 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 129,
226, 228, 229, 230, 244.
Sibbald, Mr. James, minister at Ben-
holme, ii. 5, 127.
Simpson, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Laurencekirk, ii. 5 ; iii. 38.
Simpson, Mr. Patrick, ii. 134.
Simpson, Mr. William, ii. 29.
Sinclair, lord, ii. 39, 147.
Skeine, Mr. Robert, minister at Forbes,
iii. 38.
Skene, ii. 229-
Skene, James, of Rubislaw, i. 57.
Skene, James, of That Ilk, i. 58 ; ii.
6, 260.
Skene, loch of, i. 58.
Skinner, John, presbyter at Longside,
ii. 98.
Skinner, Mr. Lawrence, minister at Na-
var, iii. 37.
Sleat, laird of, ii. 196.
Slingsby, captain, iii. 99-
Smart, Mr. John, minister at Wick, ii.
152.
Smith, John, bailie of Edinburgh, i. 13 ;
iii. 239.
Smyth, Mr. Andrew, ii. 39.
Smyth, John, burgess of Edinburgh, i.
127, 129; iii. 113, 182.
Somerville, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Dolphinton, ii. 97 ; iii. 39-
Southesk, earl of, i. 17, 18, 62, 73, 108,
109, 110, 144, 151, 152; ii. 27, 31,
66; iii. 126, 127, 128, 140, 153.
Southesk, river of, ii. 221.
Spalding, John, commissary clerk of
Aberdeen, his History of the Troubles
quoted, i. 5, 19, 34, 45, 61, 70,
82, 84, 85, 96, 97, 122, 155 ; ii. 5,
133, 134, 135, 139, 155, 162, 197,
210, 214, 216, 220, 225, 226, 227,
228, 229, 231, 233, 234, 235, 238,
239, 246, 249, 260, 261, 262, 263,
264, 265, 267, 268, 278, 280, 281,
282; iii. 17, 22, 25, 72, 85, 92, 96,
99, 128, 130, 160, 162, 164, 165,
166, 167, 168, 189, 197, 198, 199,
200, 201, 204, 209, 211, 212, 213,
214, 216, 218, 226, 227, 228, 229,
230, 232, 233, 235, 240, 244, 245,
251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 264.
Spang, William, minister at Campvere,
i. 21, 90, 168; ii. 26, 49, 59, 61, 68,
78, 83, 106, 107, 118, 128, 136, 143,
151, 153, 155, 163, 164, 195, 198,
203, 219, 250, 267, 278; iii. 3, 7,
8, 18, 78, 81, 100, 257, 258.
Spence, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Birney, iii. 38.
Spey, river of, ii. 218, 262, 263, 264,
267.
Spottiswoode, John, archbishop of St.
Andrew's, i. 8, 10, 20, 126, 139,
146, 168 ; ii. 41, 42, 43, 44, 98, 100,
110; iii. 44, 90, 91, 129, 142, 235,
242. See Andrew's, St., archbishop of.
INDEX.
327
Spottiswoode, Mr. John, superintendent
of Lothian, ii. 109.
Spottiswoode, Sir Robert, lord presi-
dent of the Court of Session, i. 74,
75; iii. 91.
Spynie, castle of, ii. 139 ; iii. 205,
213.
Spynie, laird of, iii. 231.
Spynie, New, minister at, iii. 207-
Stalker (Stacker), James, servant to
the Lord Fraser, ii. 258.
Sterthemius, Enoch, preacher at Mid-
dleburg, iii. 234.
Steuart of Pardovan, his Collections, ii.
85.
Steward, Sir Archibald, of Blackhall,
i. 109; ii. 48. See Blackhall, laird
of.
Steward, Francis, son to the earl of
Both well, i. 21.
Steward, James, provost of Glasgow,
i. 119.
Steward, Sir Lewis, advocate, i. 144,
152 ; iii. 72, 126, 140.
Steward, Mr. Walter, ii. 29.
Steward, Mr. Walter, minister at South
Ronnaldsaye, iii. 44.
Steward, William, i. 119-
Steward, Mr. William, ii. 138.
Stewart, captain James, of Bothwell-
muir. See Arran, earl of.
Stewart, captain, of Dunbarton, ii. 210.
Stewart, Sir James, of Killeith, ii. 126.
Stirling, i. 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38,
42, 82 ; ii. Ill, 134, 252; iii. 81,
113, 197, 215, 221, 222, 223.
Stirling, castle of, iii. 73, 117, 176.
Stirling, earl of, iii. 78. See Alexan-
der, Sir William.
Stirling, Sir George, of Keir, ii. 97,
100; iii. 57, 113, 181.
Stonehyve, ii. 261, 269, 270, 271, 272,
273, 275.
Stormont, Mungo, viscount of, i. 127;
ii. 44.
Strachan ( Strath qhuan), Mr. Alexander,
minister at Chapel of The Garioch,
iii. 226.
Strachan, Mr. Andrew, minister at Tul-
lynessle, ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Strachan, Mr. Andrew, regent in King's
College, iii. 128, 129, 210, 232, 235,
242.
Strachan, Mr. William, minister at
Meithlick, iii. 38.
Stradawin, or Stradowne. See Strath-
avin.
Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, earl of,
i. 56; ii. 196, 203, 204, 205, 252;
iii. 84, 107, 133, 146, 158, 163,
164, 169, 182, 258, 260.
Straloch, laird of. See Gordon, Ro-
bert, of.
Strang, Dr. John, principal of the Uni-
versity of Glasgow, i. 119, 156, 169,
170; ii. 5 ; iii. 50.
Stranraer, minister at, ii. 28.
Strath Avin (Stradowne), i. 61 ; ii. 261.
Strath Bogie, i. 86; ii. 211, 214, 216,
224, 230, 231, 235, 236, 237, 238,
254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 262,
267, 275, 276, 279, 280; iii. 72,
196, 201, 202, 210, 211, 212, 213.
214, 251, 253, 254.
Strath Bogie, presbytery of, i. 86 : ii. 5,
6, 139, 161 ; iii. 38, 89, 205', 206,
207, 208, 226.
Strath Dee (Stradee), ii. 261.
Strath Erne (Stranern), i. 62.
Strath Isla (Stryla), in Banffshire, iii.
235.
Strath Naver (Stranever), i. 61 ; iii. 254.
Strath Spey (Straspey), ii. 262.
Stromness, iii. 44.
Suckling, Sir John, iii. 260.
Sutherland, John, earl of, i. 43, 109,
127; ii. 266; iii. 224.
Sworde, James, burgess of St. An-
drew's, ii. 163; iii. 182.
Sydserf, Thomas, bishop of Galloway,
i. 12, 21 ; ii. 29, 47, 97, 98 ; iii. 235,
241.
Symmer, Mr. George, minister at Meg-
gill, ii. 5, 29, 145 ; iii. 37.
Tarbett, laird of, ii. 152, 215.
328
INDEX.
Tay, the river, ii. 157.
Taylor, Bishop Jeremy, quoted, iii. 91.
Tellingus, Gulielmus, minister at Mid-
dleburg, iii. 234.
Teviot, earl of, ii. 4.
Thoirs (Thores), Mr. Thomas, minister
at Udny, i. 145 ; ii. 5.
Thomson, Mr. Alexander, minister at
Edinburgh, i. 124.
Thomson, Sir Thomas, of Duddistoune,
i. 22 ; iii. 127.
Tilen (Tilenus), Daniel, professor of
theology at Sedan, i. 20 ; iii. 245,
246.
Tillifour, ii. 133.
Tod, Mr. Robert, minister at Rothes,
iii. 208.
Tollo-hill (Tulloch-hill), iii. 161.
Tolqhwone, laird of. See Forbes, Wal-
ter, of.
Torry, ii. 226.
Towie (Kinbettock), ii. 6.
Towie-Barclay, ii. 6, 39, 258, 259 ; iii.
224.
Towie-Barclay, Broadefoord of, ii. 212,
215.
Tranent, minister at, ii. 130.
Traquair, John, earl of, i. 12, 14, 17,
22, 23, 24, 27, 31, 62, 63, 66, 68,
73, 108, 110, 144, 150, 189; ii. 26,
31, 208 ; iii. 26, 31, 37, 39, 45, 48,
54, 58, 59, 63, 64, 66, 67, 78, 81,
82, 83, 101, 106, 108, 111, 114,
116, 117, 120, 136, 137, 154, 181,
184, 225.
Treeve, Castle of, iii. 162,
Trumpe, Martin Harperson Van, ad-
miral of Holland, iii. 84, 85.
Tuam, archbishopric of, i. 4.
Tullibardin, earl of, i. 108, 109, 110;
ii. 26, 31, 266.
Tullidaff, Mr. Thomas, minister at Fo-
veran, iii. 49.
Tulloch, Mr. Patrick, minister at Forres,
iii. 38.
Tullynessle, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Turnbull, George, a member of the So-
ciety of Jesus, iii. 89, 90, 236, 237.
Turriff, i. 85, 86; ii. 158, 210, 211,
212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 255,
256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 263, 264;
iii. 254.
Turriff, minister at. See Mitchell, Mr.
Thomas.
Turriff, presbytery of, ii. 6, 158, 161 ;
iii. 38.
Tweed, river, iii. 6, 7, 257.
Tyne, river, iii. 258, 263.
Tynemouth, iii. 260.
Tynemouth, castle of, iii. 261.
Udny, Alexander, of Auchterellon, iii.
199.
Udny, kirk of, ii. 264.
Udny, minister at, i. 145 ; ii. 5.
Urquhart, Patrick, of Lethinty, iii. 201.
Urquhart, Sir Thomas, sheriff of Cro-
marty, i. 61 ; iii. 210, 230, 232, 237,
241.
Urquhart, Walter, of Cromby, ii. 259,
263 ; iii. 252.
Vaiss, Mr. James, minister at Croy, iii.
38.
Vane, Sir Hary, iii. 11, 147.
Verney, Sir Edward, knight marshal of
England, iii. 10, 22.
Vigeans, St., minister at, iii. 37.
Walcheren (Walker), Isle of, i. 37 ;
iii. 234.
Wallace, captain James, iii. 211.
Wardhouse, Dame Elizabeth Gordon,
lady of, i. 153 ; ii. 133, 134.
Wardhouse, laird of, ii. 134.
Wardlaw (Wartlaw). See Kirkhill.
Warnesius. See Barnesius, John.
Warristoun, lord. See Johnston, Sir
Archibald.
Water, North, ii. 223.
Watertoun, laird of, ii. 259.
Watson, Mr. John, ii. 5.
Waughton, laird of. See Hepburn, Sir
Patrick.
Wedderburn, Mr. Alexander, advocate,
i. 147; iii. 182.
INDEX.
329
Wedderburn, David, rector of the Gram-
mar School of Aberdeen, iii. 246.
Wedderburn, Dr. James, bishop of
Dunblane, i. 4 ; ii. 136, 146.
Wedderburn, laird of. See Hume, Sir
David.
Wedderburn, Mr. William, minister at
Oldmeldrum. ii. 6 ; iii. 38.
Weemes, Mr. Matthew, ii. 101.
Wemyss (Weems), earl of, i. 9? 109,
123; ii. 102, 147.
Wemyss, minister at, i. 20 ; ii. 46.
Westergarthie, in Sutherland, ii. 266.
Westminster, iii. 90.
Weymes, Mr. John, minister in the
presbytery of Brechin, iii. 37.
Weymes, Mr. John, minister at Rothes,
iii. 38.
Whitehall, Palace of, i. 141 ; ii. 176,
202; iii. 78, 99, 106, 111, 147.
Whiteford, Dr. Walter, bishop of
Brechin, i. 34; ii. 100, 101.
Whyte, Dr. Francis, bishop of Ely, ii. 78.
Wick (Wike), minister at, ii. 152.
Wigtoun, earl of, i. 22, 73, 108, 110;
ii. 26, 27, 151 ; iii. 181.
Wilkie, Mr., ii. 99-
Wilkie, Mr. Thomas, ii. 28, 146.
Winchester, bishop of, ii. 82, 100 ; iii.
91.
Winrham (Winerhame), Mr. George, ii.
95.
Winrham (Winerhame), Mr. Robert,
depute-clerk of the general assembly,
i. 172.
Winton (Wenton), earl of, i. 73 ; ii.
41, 240.
Wishart, Mr. George, ii. 145.
Wishart, Dr. George, of St. Andrew's,
(afterwards bishop of Edinburgh), ii.
152.
Wood, Mr. Andrew, minister at Mony-
footh, ii. 5, 39 ; iii. 37.
Wood, Sir Henry, of Bonnytoune, iii.
57.
Wright, Mr. Edward, ii. 29, 58.
Wyndybancke, secretary, iii. 147.
Yester, lord, i. 150 ; ii. 39 ; iii. 81.
York, ii. 194, 195, 196, 208, 225, 240,
246, 248, 250; iii. 10, 153, 214,
257, 258, 260, 263, 264.
Young, Mr. John, minister at Keig.
ii. 6.
THE END.
PRINTED AT THE ABERDEEN CONSTITUTIONAL OFFICE,
BY WILLIAM BENNETT.
BW5420.G66v.3
History of Scots affairs from MDCXXXVII
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