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HISTORY

1912

t'- -.

SOUTH AFRICA

SINCE SEPTEMBER 1795

GEORGE McCall'' THE AL, Litt.D., LL.D.

TORCIOX XS3CBKR OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIEKCES, AMSTERDAM, CORRESPOXDINO
MEMBER OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY, LOXDON*, ETC., ETC., ETC.,

FORMERLY KEEPER OF THE ARCHI^-RS OF THE CAPE COLONY', AND AT PRESENT COLONIAL

HISTORIOGRAPHER

WITH SIXTEEN MAPS AND CHARTS
IN FIVE VOLUMES

VOL. Y.

THE CAPE COLONY AND NATAL TO 1872, GRIQUALAND WEST
TO 1880, GREAT NAAIAQUALAND, DAMARALAND, TRANSKEI,
TEMBULAND, AND GRIQUALAND EAST TO 1885,
PONDOLAND AND THE PORTUGUESE
TERRITORY TO 1894

LONDON

SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Lim.

25 HIGH STEEET, BLOOMSBURY

1908

AU rights reserved

History of South Africa

The latest and most complete edition of this work
consists of : —

History and Ethnography of Africa south of the
Zambesi from the settlement of the Portuguese
at Sofala in September 1505 to the
conquest of the Cape Colony by the
British in September
In three volumes.

Volume I contains a description of the Bushmen, Hotten-
tots, and Bantu, an account of the first voyages round the Cape
of Good Hope of the Portuguese, the French, the English, and
the Dutch, and a history of the Portuguese in South Africa in
early times.

Volumes II and III contain a history of the administration
of the Dutch East India Company in South Africa, &c., &c.

History of South Africa since September
In five volumes.

Volume I contains a history of the Cape Colony from 1795
to 1828 and an account of the Zulu wars of devastation and the
formation of new Bantu communities.

Volume II contains a history of the Cape Colony from 1828
to 1846, a history of Natal from 1824 to 1845, and an account
of the proceedings of the emigrant farmers in the territory
between the Orange and Limpopo rivers from 1836 to 1847.

Volume III contains a history of the Cape Colony from
1846 to i860, of Natal from 1845 to 1857, of British Kaffraria
from 1847 to i860, and of the Orange River Sovereignty and
the Transvaal Republic from 1847 to 1^54*

Volume IV contains a history of the Orange Free State,
the South African Republic, Zululand, Basutoland, Betshuana-
land, and Matabeleland from 1854 to 1872.

Volume V is the one in the reader’s hands.

Each of these volumes is indexed and may be had separately
from the others.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER LXVII.

SIR GEORGE GREY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER, 4tH OP JULY

1860 TO 15th of august 1861.

LIEUTENANT-GElfERAL ROBERT HENRY WYNYARD, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,
ACTING ADMINISTRATOR, 15tH OP AUGUST 1861 TO
15th of JANUARY 1862.

Different position of the governor of the Cape Colony before and
after 1872. — First visit of Prince Alfred to South Africa. — Great
hunt at Hartebeest Hoek. — Commencement of the construction
of a breakwater in Table Bay. — Change of name of Port Frances
to Port Alfred. — Legalisation of English weights and measures
only in the Cape Colony. — Effort of the British settlers of
Albany to have the eastern province formed into a distinct
colony.— Commencement of the construction of a dock in Table
Bay. — Construction of lighthouses on Robben Island and in
Simon’s Bay, of a railway from Capetown to Wynberg, and a
telegraph line from East London to Simonstown. — Introduction
of Angora goats. — Unrest in Zululand. — Dealings of the Natal
government with Ketshwayo. — Panic in Natal caused by
Ketshwayo’s action. — Prompt measures adopted by Sir George
Grey. — Promotion of education by Sir George Grey. —
Establishment of a theological seminary at Stellenbosch. —
Divergent views of Sir George Grey and a very large party
in England as to the extension of British rule in South Africa. —
Departure of Sir George Grey. — Presentation by Sir George
Grey of a valuable library to the Cape Colony. — Arrival of Sir
Philip Wodehouse as governor of the Cape Colony and high
commissioner ... ... ... ... ... ... 1

History of South Africa.

CHAPTER LXYIII.

PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, ESQRE. (AFTER SEPTEMBER 1862 SIR PHILIP
wodehouse), governor and high commissioner, assumed duty
15th of JANUARY 1862, RETIRED 20tH OF MAY 1870.

Positions held by Sir Philip Wodehouse before becoming governor
of the Cape Colony. — Depression throughout the colony. —
Immigration and emigration of Europeans. — Proceedings during
the session of the Cape parliament in 1862. — Tour of the
governor through British Kaffraria. — Proceedings regarding
the Transkeian territory. — Rejection by the parliament of the
governor’s bill to annex British Kaj65*aria to the Cape Colony. —
Progress in the construction of railways. — Occupation of the
last Bushman territory in the Cape Colony. — Dealings with the
Bushmen. — Proceedings during the session of the Cape parlia-
ment in J863. — Result of a general election. — Proceedings
during the session of the Cape parliament held in Grahamstown
in 1864. — Increase of taxation. — Revenue of the Cape Colony. —
Creation of the eastern districts court. — Increase of the mail
service with England. — Distress in the colony. — Domestication
of the ostrich. — Account of British troops in South Africa. —
Particulars of the census of 1865 of the Cape Colony ... ... 21

CHAPTER LXIX.

abandonment of the transkeian TERRITORIES.

Condition of the Transkeian territories after 1858. — Succession of
magistrates at Idutywa. — Negotiations with the Tembus of Glen
Grey for an exchange of land. — Conditions under which it was
proposed to locate Europeans in the Transkeian territory. —
Dealings with Kreli. — Determination of the secretary of state
for the colonies to withdraw British dominion from the Transkei.
— Restoration of a portion of the territory to Kreli. — Renewal
of negotiations with the Tembus of Glen Grey, who obtain a
large tract of land in the Transkeij but give up nothing in
exchange. — Dealings with Nonesi. — Futile attempt to obtain
the Gaika location in exchange for ground east of the Kei. —
Location of Fingos beyond the Kei. — Policy adopted towards
the tribes and clans there.— Feud between the Tembus and the
Xosas. — European settlements in Tembuland. — War between the
Tembus and Xosas. — Account of the Fingos in the Transkei. —
Description of Griqualand East. — Dealings with Faku. —

Co7itents.

Tribes and clans between the Umtata river and Natal. —
Dealings of the Natal government with Fakn. — Proceedings of
Nehemiah Moshesh. — Location of Adam Kok’s Griquas in
Nomansland. — Ejection of Nehemiah Moshesh by the Griquas.

— Location of various Bantu clans in the remainder of the
territory. — General discord and strife ... ... ... 44

CHAPTER LXX.

SIR PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER,

{contimied).

Objections of the majority of the European inhabitants of British
Kaffraria to annexation to the Cape Colony. — Visit of Sir Philip
Wodehouse to Eang-Williamstown. — Removal of Lieutenant-
Governor Maclean to Natal. — Passing of a provisional annexation
act by the imperial parliament. — Stormy debate in the Cape
parliament. — Amalgamation of an annexation bill and an
additional representation bill. — Passing of the amalgamated
bill. — Completion of the annexation. — Statistics of British
Kafiraria at the time. — Great gale in Table Bay and loss of
many vessels. — Partial destruction of the village of SweUendam
by fire. — Distress throughout the Cape Colony. — Proceedings
of parliament in 1866. — Conflict between the governor and
the parliament. — Loss of life from an epidemic of low fever. —
Conditions of the water supply of Capetown. — Proceedings of
parliament in 1867. — Reduction in number of the British troops
in South Africa. — Failure of the governors plan for diminishing
the power of parliament. — Exhibition of the first diamond
found in South Africa. — Imports of the Cape Colony from
1862 to 1867. — Comparative trade through the different ports.

— Exports from 1862 to 1867 ... ... ... ... 70

CHAPTER LXXI.

SIR PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER,

(continued).

LIEUTENANT - GENERAL CHARLES CRAWPURD HAY, LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
ADMINISTERING THE GOVERNMENT, 20tH OF MAY TO
31st of DECEMBER 1870.

Second visit of Prince Alfred to South Africa. — Wreck of the
transport Bosphonis. — Condition of the Cape Colony in 1868.

vi History of South Africa.

— Disturbed condition of the northern border. — Principal
Korana clans there. — Appointment of a special magistrate and
enrolment of a force termed the northern border police. —
Dealings with the Bushmen. — Operations against the Korana
insurgents. — Result of the general election of 1869. — Conflict
between the governor and the parliament. — Rejection of the
governor’s measures. — Dissolution of the house of assembly
and appeal by Sir Philip Wodehouse to the country to decide
upon the future form of government. — Construction of a
railway from Port Nolloth to Ookiep by the Cape Copper
Mining Company. — Destructive fire in the Knysna, Humans-
dorp, and Uitenhage districts. — Destructive floods in the
midland districts. — Wrecks in a gale at Algoa Bay. — Result of
the governor’s appeal to the country. — Proceedings of the
Cape parliament in the session of 1870. — Particulars concern-
ing the public debt. — Retirement of Sir Philip Wodehouse as
governor of the Cape Colony. — Celebration of the fiftieth
anniversary of the arrival of the British settlers. — Opening of
the docks in Table Bay. — Purchase by the government of the
harbour works at Port Alfred. — Experiments in the cultiva-
tion of silk, flax, and cotton in the Cape Colony. — Change for
the better in the seasons ... ... ... ... 95

CHAPTER LXXII.

SIR HENRY BARKLY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER, ASSUMED DUTY
31st of DECEMBER 1870.

Arrival of Sir Henry Barkly as governor and high commissioner.
— Lengthy tour of the new governor. — Proceedings of the
Cape parliament in the session of 1871. — Divergent views of
the governor and the members of the executive council. —
Debate on the introduction of responsible government. — Pro-
ceedings regarding federation. — Passing of the responsible
government bill by the house of assembly. — Its rejection by
the legislative council. — Attitude of the various sections of
colonists towards federation. — Report of the federation com-
mission.— Creation of the district of Wodehouse. — Improvement
of the harbour of East London. — Commencement of the con-
struction of railways in the eastern province. — Price of Kaffir
labour.— Destructive flood at the village of Victoria West

114

Contents.

Vll

CHAPTER LXXIII.

SIR HENRY BARELY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER, {continued).

Attitude of different parties towards responsible government. — The
governor’s speech at the opening of parliament. — Division lists
in the house of assembly regarding responsible government. —
Passing of the responsible government bill through the legisla-
tive council. — Protest of eastern province members against the
measure. — Failure of the eastern province members to obtain
separation of the provinces or removal of the seat of govern-
ment.— Creation of the new electoral division of Wodehouse. —
Reform in the manner of electing members of the legislative
council. — Construction of a graving dock in Table Bay. —
Purchase of the existing railways by the government. — Con-
struction of new lines of railway. — Purchase of the existing
line of electric telegraph by the government, and its extension.

— Passing of the voluntary bill. — Formation of the first
responsible ministry. — Retirement of the former heads of
departments. — Particulars concerning imperial troops in South
Africa. — Disbandment of the Cape mounted rifle regiment. —
Constitution of the colonial defensive forces. — Statistics of
schools. — Rapid communication with England. — Wreck of
shipping at East London. — Imports and exports of the Cape
Colony from 1868 to 1872. — Revenue and expenditure to 1872 134

CHAPTER LXXIV.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE
RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL.

Transkei and Temhuland.

Progress of the Fingos in prosperity. — Annexation of Fingoland
and Idutywa to the Cape Colony. — Condition of the Galekas. —

Quarrel at a marriage party.— Resulting hostilities between the
Galekas and the Fingos. — Attacks by Galekas upon the colonial
police. — Particulars of the ninth Kaffir war. — Rebellion of the
Rarabe clans.— Utter defeat of the Galekas and their retreat
over the Bashee. — Occupation of Galekaland by colonial forces.

— Settlement of the territory as a dependency of the colony. —

Mode of government of the united Transkeian districts.—

Formal annexation of Galekaland. — Condition of the Tembu

viii History of Sotdk Africa,

tribe. — Murder of a Galeka woman by Gangelizwe. — Events
that resulted from the murder. — Cession of Tembuland Proper
to the Cape government. — Its division into magisterial districts.

— Rebellion of some of the clans. — Prudent conduct of Gan-
gelizwe.— Extension of authority over Emigrant Tembuland. —
Account of the Bomvanas. — Cession of Bomvanaland to the
Cape Colony by the chief Moni and his people. — Union of
Tembuland Proper, Emigrant Tembuland, and Bomvanaland
under a chief magistrate. — Insurrection in Tembuland. — Settle-
ment of the territory after the restoration of order. — Growth
of the town of Umtata. — Formal annexation to the Cape
Colony of the several districts of Tembuland. — Population of
the territory. — Death of several chiefs. — Note on the sup-
pression of the revolt of the Gaikas west of the Kei ... 154

CHAPTER LXXV.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TEREITORY BETWEEN THE
RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OP NATAL, {continued).

Griqualand East.

Appointment of a British resident in Nomansland. — Condition of the
territory at the time. — Reception of the Pondomsis as British
subjects. — Rebellion of Langalibalele in Natal. — Dealings with
Umhlonhlo and Umditshwa. — Extension of colonial authority
over the Griquas. — Dealings with Nehemiah Moshesh. — Recep-
tion of the Bacas as British subjects. — Suppression of a Griqua
revolt. — Annexation to the Cape Colony of the districts of
Maclear, Qumbu, Tsolo, Matatiele, Kokstad, Umzimkulu, and
Mount Frere, thereafter termed the chief magistracy of Griqua-
land East. — Form of government of the territory. — Rebellion
of several clans. — Murder of colonial officials. — Events at
Tsolo. — Suppression of the revolt. — Settlement of the con-
quered districts. — Formation of the new district of Mount
Fletcher. — Condition of the Xesibes. — Reception of the Xesibes
as British subjects. — Attitude of the Pondes. — Creation of the
magisterial district of Mount Ayliff. — Trouble caused by the
feud between the Pondos and the Xesibes. — Formal annexa-
tion of Mount Ayliff to the Cape Colony. — Method of ad-
ministering justice. — Growth of Kokstad. — Population of the
territory. — Necessity for the extension of civilised authority
over Transkei, Tembuland, and Griqualand East

182

Contents.

CHAPTER LXXVI.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE
RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL, {continued).

Pondoland. — I.

Backwardness of the Pondos. — Doubtful origin of the tribe. — Con-
dition of the Pondos. — Extension of British authority over Port
St. John’s. — Position of the chiefs Umqikela and Xdamasi to
each other. — Death of Ndamasi and accession of his son
Xquiliso. — Cession by Nquiliso of Port St. John’s. — Occupation
of the port by British troops. — Annexation of the port to the
Cape Colony.: — Its trade at the time. — Conduct of Umqikela
and his advisers. — Attempt to play off Natal against the Cape
Colony. — Action taken by the secretary for native affairs. —

Attack by the Pondos upon the Xesibes. — Anarchy in Pondo-
land East. — Attempt by Umqikela to open a new harbour on
his coast. — Disturbance between the Pondos and the Bacas. —

Visit of a Pondo deputation to Capetown. — Disturbance between
the Pondos and the Hlubi headman William Nota. — Arrange-
ment between the secretary for native affairs and Nquiliso. —
Dealings with Pali, chief of the Amatshezi. — Unsuccessful
mission of Mr. W. E. Stanford to Pondoland.— Constant dis-
turbances on the border. — Policy of the chiefs of Pondoland
East. — Numerous charges of dealing in witchcraft. — Rapid
increase in number of the Pondos. — Arming of the Bacas and
Xesibes by the colonial government and strengthening of the
military force on the border. — Fighting between the tribes. —

Note regarding education in Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand
East, and Pondoland ... ... ... ... ... 209

CHAPTER LXXVII.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE
RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL, {continued).

Pondoland. — II.

Ordinary life of Bantu. — Conduct of Umhlangaso. — Battle between
the Amanci and the Xesibes. — Position assumed by Umqikela.

— Action of the legislative council of Natal. — Instructions of
the secretary of state for the colonies. — Return of thefts by

History of South Africa.

and from Pondos. — Invasion of Mount Ayliflf by a Pondo army.
— Strengthening of the government forces on the border. —
Negotiations with Umqikela. — Settlement of all Pondo griev-
ances.— Death of Umqikela. — Accession of Sigcawu as para-
mount chief of the eastern Pondos. — Continuation of disorder.
— State of affairs in Western Pondoland. — Transactions of
Umhlangaso with some German visitors. — Rebellion of
Umhlangaso against Sigcawu. — Use made of British territory
by the rebels. — Friendly conduct of Sigcawu towards the
colonial authorities. — Cession of Western Pondoland by
Nquiliso to Great Britain. — Conditions of the cession. — Cession
of Eastern Pondoland by Sigcawu. — Annexation of the whole
of Pondoland to the Cape Colony. — Division of the country
into magisterial districts. — Population in 1894. — Settlement of
Umhlangaso in the district of Kokstad. — Area of Pondoland. — ■
Population of the whole territory between the river Kei and
Natal in 1904. — Note on the rate of increase of the Bantu
under European rule

CHAPTER LXXVIII.

FORMATION OF THE CROWN COLONY OF GRIQUALAND WEST.

Proclamation of British authority over the diamond fields. — The
case for Waterboer. — Bitter feeling in the republics. — Result
upon the coloured people. — Riots at the diamond fields. — Re-
solutions of a mass meeting of diggers. — Refusal of the Cape,
parliament to annex the territory. — Desire of the diggers as to
government. — Condition of the principal mine. — Sensational
robberies of diamonds. — Thefts of diamonds by black servants.
— Renewal of rioting. — Demands of the diggers. — Concessions
of the commissioners. — Action of Sir Henry Barkly. — Tenor of
proclamations issued by him. — Visit of the high commissioner
to the diamond fields. — Replacement of the triumvirate by a
single administrator. —Creation of an executive council. —
Course of the correspondence between the high commissioner
and the president of the Free State.— Serious illness of Presi-
dent Brand. — Appointment of an executive committee to act
during the president’s illness. — Action of the volksraad. —
Erection of Griqualand West into a crown colony. — Formation
of three electoral divisions. — Particulars concerning each of
these divisions. — Form of the administration. — Creation of a
legislative council. — Particulars concerning the franchise. —
Names of the first members elected. — Change of Mr. Richard
Southey’s title from administrator to lieutenant-governor. —
Measures for suppressing illicit diamond buying

256

Contents.

CHAPTER LXXIX.

ANNEXATION OF GRIQUALAND WEST TO THE CAPE COLONY.

Unpopularity of the new government, — Increased cost of obtaining
diamonds. — Seizure of arms by the Orange Free State. — Action
of Sir Henry Barkly regarding it. — Compliance under protest
of the Free State government with the demand to surrender the
arms. — Failure of the overture of the Free State to have a
boundary decided upon and beaconed off. — Encounter between
a Free State force and a party of Basuto. — Action of discon-
tented men at the diamond fields. — Despatch of a military force
from Capetown to the diamond fields. — Appointment of a com-
mission to inquire into and register claims to land. Failure of
the commission to effect its object. — Passing of a land settle-
ment ordinance. — Decision of the land court. — Retirement of
Lieutenant-Governor Southey and appointment of Major
Lanyon as administrator. — Mission of President Brand to
England. — Settlement of the dispute with the Free State. —
Passing by the Cape parliament of an act to annex Griqualand
West. — Condition of the diamond fields at the time. — Rebellion
of the Griquas, Koranas, and Betshuana in the province. —
General unrest of the southern Bantu. — Account of the ex-
pedition to Pokwane. — Account of the operations against the
insurgents in Griqualand West. — Relief of Kuruman by a force
from Kimberley. — Close of the hostilities. — Expedition to the
Batlapin and Batlaro country. — Retirement of Major Lanyon. —
Proclamation of the act incorporating Griqualand West in the
Cape Colony ... ... ... ... ... ... 281

CHAPTER LXXX.

ACCOUNT OF THE MAKOLOLO TRIBE AND OF THE HEREKO WAR OF

INDEPENDENCE.

Formation of the Makololo tribe. — Career of the chief Sebetoane. —
Account of the Bangwaketse tribe. — Death of the warrior chief
Makaba. — Account of the Bakwena tribe. — Succession of Set-
sheli to the chieftainship. — Account of the Bamangwato tribe. —
Arrival of Sebetoane on the Zambesi. — Settlement of the
Makololo there as the dominant power. — Attack by a Matabele
band. — Removal of the Makololo to Linyanti on the Tshobe
river. — Visit of the reverend Dr. Livingstone to Linyanti. —

Death of Sebetoane. — Succession of Sekeletu to the chieftain-
ship.— Second visit of Dr. Livingstone to Linyanti. — His ex-

xii History of South Africa.

ploration of the country. — His journey to St. Paul de Loanda
and back. — His journey to Kilimane. — Attempt to establish a
mission with the Makololo.— Fate of the mission party. — Death
of Sekeletu. — Total destruction of the Makololo tribe. — Rise
of the Barotsi power. — War between the Ovaherero and the
Namaqua Hottentots. — Strength of the combatants. — Par-
ticulars concerning the Hottentots. — Account of the Rhenish
mission. — First attack upon Otjimbingue. — Part taken by
Europeans in the war. — Second attack upon Otjimbingue. —
Destruction of mission stations. — Third attack upon Otjim-
bingue.— Treatment of Europeans by the petty captain Jacob
Bois. — Action of the Cape government. — Settlement of mixed
breeds in Great Namaqualand. — Final defeat of the Hottentots
at Omukaru. — Conclusion of peace. — Independence of the
Ovaherero ... ... ... ... ... ... 304

CHAPTER LXXXI.

ANNEXATION OE WALFISH BAY TO THE CAPE COLONY AND ESTABLISHMENT
OF A GERMAN PROTECTORATE IN SOUTH-WESTERN AFRICA.

Condition of the inhabitants of Great Namaqualand and Herero-
land. — Conduct of Kamaherero. — Migration of a party of
farmers from the South African Republic to the country west
of the Kalahari desert. — Alarm of the Herero chiefs. — Request
for British interference. — Resolution of the Cape parliament
in favour of annexing the territory as far north as Walfish
Bay. — Mission of Mr. Palgrave to the country. — Report of Mr.
Palgrave. — Request of the Herero chiefs for the appointment
of a British official to be their head. — Difierent attitude of
the Hottentot captains. — Second mission of Mr. Palgrave to
Hereroland. — Arrangement with Kamaherero regarding British
officials. — Condition of things in the Cape Colony. — View of
the secretary of state. — Proclamation of British sovereignty
over Walfish Bay and a small extent of territory around it. —
Annexation of this territory to the Cape Colony. — Position of
Jan Jonker Afrikaner. — Expedition for the relief of the
emigrant farmers. — Examination of the coast from Cape Frio
to Walfish Bay. — Condition of the emigrant farmers. — Appoint-
ment of a British resident at Okahandja. — Recruitment of
Berg Damaras for service in the Cape Colony. — Outbreak of
war again between the Hereros and the Hottentots. — Massacre
of Hottentots. — Recall of the British resident. — Defeat of the
Hottentots at Barmen. — Despatch of volunteers to protect
Walfish Bay. — Purchase of territory by a German merchant
from a Hottentot captain. — Communications between the

Contents.

Xlll

Prussian and British governments. — Action of the Cape
government. — Final mission of Mr. Palgrave. — Proclamation
of a German protectorate over the coast from Cape Frio to
the Orange river, excepting Waliish Bay. — Dispute regarding
the guano islands. — Subsequent extension of the German
protectorate far inland ... ... ... ... ... 326

CHAPTER LXXXII.

THE COLONY OF NATAL. 1857 TO 1872.

Succession of heads of the government. — Causes of tlie small
number of European immigrants. — Various efforts to obtain
British immigrants. — Introduction of labourers from India. —

Influx of other Asiatics. — Baneful effects upon the white
colonists. — Efibrts to promote commerce with the republics. —
Construction of harbour works. — Opening of the first railway
in South Africa. — Construction of a lighthouse on the Bluff. —

Effect of a great storm. — Progress of sugar planting. — Experi-
ments in cotton growing. — Progress of coffee planting. —
Account of other agricultural industries. — Losses of cattle by
red water. — Progress in educational institutions and courts of
law. — Enlargement of the colony. — Particulars concerning the
Bantu. — Strife between the executive and the elected members
of the council. — Alteration of the constitution. — Reckless
speculations in the colony. — Commercial disasters. — Effect of
the discovery of diamonds along the Vaal. — Ecclesiastical
matters. — Shipwrecks at the port. — Population returns. — Con-
dition of Maritzburg and Durban. — Particulars concerning the
revenue. — Amount of the public debt. — Troops and
volunteers in Natal. — Particulars concerning the imports
and exports. — Death of the Zulu chief Panda and accession
of Ketshwayo. — Preservation of peace ... ... ... 349

CHAPTER LXXXIII.

THE PORTUGUESE POSSESSIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA DURING THE NINETEENTH

CENTURY.

Condition of Portugal and of South-Eastern Africa. — Cession by a
Bantu chief of a tract of land north of the Espirito Santo. —

Whale fishing in Delagoa Bay. — Survey of the coast by
Captain Owen. — His dealings with chiefs at Delagoa Bay. —
Description of the people living there. — Advantages of Delagoa
Bay. — New names given to rivers. — Captain Owen’s report

XIV

History of South Africa.

upon Mozambique and Sofala. — His account of the slave
trade. — Visit of Commodore Nourse to Delagoa Bay. — Deal-
ings of the Portuguese with the Bantu tribes there. —
Destruction of a Portuguese force. — Grant of a monopoly
of the commerce at the bay to a whaling company. — Ravages
of hordes of Bantu fleeing from Tshaka. — Career of Swangen-
daba and the Angoni. — Great battle on the Sabi river. —
Terrible destruction of life caused by the Matshangana under
Manikusa. — Destruction of the fort at Delagoa Bay and murder
of the entire garrison. — Destruction of Inhambane, Sofala, and
Sena. — Reoccupation of Sena on condition of payment of
tribute to Manikusa. — Temporary separation of the govern-
ment of the Rivers from Mozambique. — Havoc created among
the Bantu. — Reoccupation of the Portuguese stations. — Census
of Louren90 Marques in 1878.— Account of the prazos south
of the Zambesi. — Occupation of Tshiloane and Santa Carolina.

— Particulars concerning the slave trade. — Laws regarding
commerce. — Creation of a council for the province. — Reoccu-
pation of Zumbo. — Progress of geographical knowledge. —
Journeys across the continent ... ... ... ... 373

CHAPTER LXXXIV.

THE PORTUGUESE POSSESSIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA DURING THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY, {continuedj).

Effect upon the importance of Delagoa Bay of the occupation of
the interior by Europeans. — Declaration of British sovereignty
over the islands Inyaka and Elephant. — Account of the civil
war in the Matshangana tribe. — Conduct of the chief Umzila
towards the Portuguese. — Conclusion of a treaty between the
Portuguese and the South African Republic. — Submission to
arbitration of Great Britain’s claim to the southern and
eastern shores of Delagoa Bay. — Adverse decision of the
president of the French republic. — Exploration of the Lim-
popo river from the junction of the Shashi to the sea. —
Construction of a railway from Lourengo Marques to the
interior. — Present condition of Lourengo Marques. — Founda-
tion of the town of Beira. — Particulars concerning the dispute
between Great Britain and Portugal as to the possession of
the interior. — Occupation of Rhodesia by the British South
Africa Chartered Company. — Dealings with the chief Umtasa.

— Services performed by Gouveia. — Occurrences between
British and Portuguese officials at Umtasa’s kraal. — Defeat
of Portuguese volunteers by British police. — Treaty between

Contents.

Great Britain and Portugal fixing a boundary and providing
commercial facilities. — Construction of a railway from Beira
inland. — Description of Beira. — Account of the Mozambique
Company. — Insurrection of Nyaude and his son Bonga. —
Description of Tete. — Successful war with Gungunyana. —
Condition of the country at present ... ... ... 392

List of printed books and pamphlets containing information on

South Africa in recent times ... ... ... ... 415

Chronological list of principal events in South African history ... 436

Notes on the Bushmen and their language ... ... ... 447

Index

463

CHARTS.

XV. THE TERRITORY BETWEEN THE RIVER KEI AND

NATAL facing page 255

XVI. PORTUGUESE SOUTH AFRICA . - . . 413

HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA

SINCE SEPTEMBER 1795.

CHAPTER LXVIL

SIR GEORGE GREY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER, 4TH OF
JULY 1860 TO 15th of august 1861.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL ROBERT HENRY WYNYARD, LIEUTENANT-
GOVERNOR, ACTING ADMINISTRATOR, 15tH OF AUGUST
1861 TO 15th of JANUARY 1862.

Though the second term of Sir George Grey's government of
the Cape Colony was very short, covering only thirteen
months, it was marked by some events of importance. It
could not have been otherwise when a man of his com-
manding ability was at the head of affairs. Under the
present system of government less depends upon the personal
qualifications of the governor than upon those of the prime
minister, but under the system in operation from 1854 to
1872 the governor was the controller of the administration
and the initiator of public measures of every kind. He was
the brain, the highest officials were merely the hands. Most
men, upon receiving such a stunning blow as had been dealt
to Sir George Grey by the annulling of his magnificent plans
for the unification, peace, and prosperity of the country,
would have become nerveless and apathetic; but his was a
nature that could rise unharmed by the shock. Foiled in
one direction, he could turn to another, apd still strive
earnestly and vigorously for the welfare of the community
over which he was placed and of the great realm of which
his immediate charge was but a tiny part.

2 History of the Cape Colony. [i860

It was at his suggestion that Prince Alfred, second son of
her Majesty the queen, paid his first visit to South Africa.
This was an event in which every one, white and black,
took a keen interest, it being the first occasion on which a
member of the royal family was seen in this part of the
British dominions. The prince, then a midshipman in the
steam frigate Euryalus, arrived in Simon’s Bay on the 24th
of July 1860, and in the afternoon of the next day reached
Capetown, where every possible demonstration of welcome
was made by the inhabitants as well as by the officials and
the troops in the garrison.

A short visit to Stellenbosch, the Paarl, and Drakenstein
followed, with which the prince expressed himself greatly
pleased, though at that season of the year, when the trees
and vines are leafless, those localities are not seen at their
best. The hearty reception which was accorded to the royal
visitor was sufficient to show, if such proof had been
^wanting, that the Dutch speaking colonists were as
thoroughly loyal to her Majesty the queen as any people
not of English descent could possibly be.

After this short tour in the oldest part of the colony the
prince proceeded by sea to Port- Elizabeth, and then, accom-
panied by Sir George Grey and a suitable retinue, commenced
a journey overland which ended at Port Natal. The route
followed was eastward through Grahamstown, Fort Beaufort,
and Alice, to King-Williamstown. Along this line there is
in many places very grand scenery, and everywhere some-
thing of interest can be observed. It passes through the
heart of the territory that for three quarters of a century
had been the battle ground of the white immigrants moving
up from the west and the black immigrants moving down
from the east, where no trace of the aboriginal inhabitants
was left except their paintings on the rocks and their stone
implements scattered about as they were lost or thrown
away on the veld. Every hill and valley and little plain
on that line, though then quiet and peaceful looking, had its
story of battle or slaughter in the not very distant past.

iS6o]

Szr George Grey.

The prince, who was fond of hunting, had several oppor-
tunities of shooting antelopes on the way. The nights were
somewhat cold, but the days were mild and cloudless.
August is the pleasantest month for travelling in that part
of South Africa, being usually almost rainless, and always
free from excessive heat.

From King-Williamstown the party turned to the north,
but still continued through a country of ever varying and
often grand scenery, where many warlike exploits could be
recounted as having taken place. Windvogelberg was passed,
the residence of the last Bushman who lived in the territory
for a great distance around, and from whom the mountain
has its name. Then Queenstown was reached and left
behind, and keeping onward the party arrived at Bushman’s
Hoek, where the road wound up the face of the wall that
bounds the interior plain. A steep road it was to climb, but
from the top the view stretching over a vast expanse of
country to the south amply repaid the travellers.

They were now on the great plain drained by the Orange
river and its branches, and for many days the scenery was
dull and devoid of interest. They passed through Burghers-
dorp, and kept on till Aliwal North was reached, nothing of
note occurring on the way. Here Moshesh with a large party
of Basuto met the travellers, and the old chief testified his joy
in approved Bantu manner bj^ dancing or capering about in
the road before the prince. He met with a reception that
pleased him exceedingly, as indeed did many other Bantu
chiefs during the long journey. It was highly desirable that
they and their followers, whether subjects of her Majesty or
independent, should be gratified as much as possible, and for
Prince Alfred it was no effort to make himself affable to all. On
the way between Fort Beaufort and Burghersdorp he had
visited the missionary institutions at Healdtown, Lovedale,
and Lesseyton, and expressed a warm interest in the efforts
being made for the advancement of the coloured people.

At Aliwal North the party crossed the Orange river and
entered the Free State. It did not seem to Prince Alfred or

History of the Cape Colony. [i860

to Sir George Grey, however, that they were in a foreign
country, for the people they met and by whom they were
warmly welcomed differed in no respect whatever from those
living in the British colony they had left behind. There
were many English speakers among them too, who took care
to remind their visitors that they had been abandoned by
Great Britain very much against their own will. The party
passed through Smithfield, and went on to Bloemfontein, the
seat of government.

A grand hunt had been arranged to take place at Hartebeest
Hoek, a farm belonging to Mr. Andrew Bain, about five miles
or eight kilometres from Bloemfontein. At that time, although
vast numbers of all kinds of wild animals na^tive to the country
had been destroyed for the sake of their flesh or their skins,
or in mere wantonness, an immense number still remained.
Moroko’s Barolong had been engaged for some days in
driving game, and by the time the prince arrived it was
estimated that from twenty to thirty thousand large animals
— white tailed gnus, Burchell’s zebras, hartebeests, blesboks,
bonteboks, springboks, ostriches, &c. — had been collected
together in a small area. No European prince had ever seen
such a number and variety of wild animals in one spot before,
and no one will ever have such a sight in South Africa again,
for they have nearly all been shot down years ago or have
died of imported diseases. The day of the grand hunt was
the most exciting one in the journey, although much game
had been previously seen and shot.

From Bloemfontein the journey was continued northward
to Winburg, where President Pretorius, who was returning
from a visit to the Transvaal, met the party and had an
interview with the prince and Sir George Grey. The course
here turned to the east, and lay through Harrismith to Van
Reenen’s pass in the Drakensberg, where the great plain was
left behind, and the party was once more in the midst of
wild and grand mountain scenery.

The travellers now entered the colony of Natal, but were
still at a great height above the level of the sea. They passed

iS6o]

Sir George Grey,

down through the village of Colenso, and went on to
]\Iaritzburg, visiting the falls of the Umgeni on the way. Then
the route lay through Pinetown to Durban, where the long
land journey ended. At every place of the slightest im-
portance along this extensive line there were enthusiastic
assemblages of people, gaily decorated arches, illuminations,
bonfires, and festivities, while escorts of volunteers attended
from town to town.

At Durban the Euryalus was waiting, and on board were
the Gaika chief Sandile, the reverend Tiyo Sega, and Mr.
Charles Brownlee, who had been invited to accompany the
prince to Capetown and had been taken in on her passage
up the coast. It was supposed that Sandile would be impressed
with a sense of awe on seeing the working of a ship of war,
but he did not give himself the trouble to think at all about
the matter, and took no more interest in the ship and her
engines than a little child would have done. He understood,
however, the cause of the marks of respect paid by everyone
to the prince, and realised from what he saw that somewhere
over the water there was a real living sovereign of great
power, which he had previously believed to be somewhat
mythical.

Having proceeded to Simon’s Bay, the prince landed again,
and on the 17th of September tilted the first load of stones
in the great breakwater in Table Bay. On the following'
day he laid the foundation stone of the Sailors’ Home in
Capetown, — which was opened for use on the 25th of April
1862, — and inaugurated the South African public library in
its fine new building beside the main avenue of the gardens.
This was Prince Alfred’s last public act during his first and
most memorable visit, and on the 19th of September he
embarked in the Euryalus and sailed for England.

The people of Port Frances had been anxious that the
queen’s son should inaugurate the construction of a new sea
wall at that place, and they also wished to give his name
to the mouth of the river, with a view of bringing the
harbour into greater prominence. Through pressure of time

6 History of the Cape Colony, [i86i'

the prince was unable to comply with their desires, but he
deputed Captain Tarleton, of the Euryalus, to represent him
in driving the first pile of the new pier. This was done on
the 20th of August 1860, when Port Frances was renamed
Port Alfred, a designation by which it has ever since been
known.

Before 1861 the weights and measures generally used in
the colony were those introduced by the Dutch East India
Company, though many of the English settlers bought and
sold according to those of Great Britain. This double system
often caused much confusion in accounts. In the same
village, for instance, one shopkeeper would sell calico by the
ell of twenty-seven Bhynland inches, and another by the
yard of thirty-six English inches, the inch itself being
slightly shorter in the latter case. It was evident that
uniformity would be advantageous, and it was equally so
that the same weights and measures should be used in the
Cape Colony as in every other part of the queen’s dominions.
The decimal system, which is now coming into favour on
account of its simplicity and the necessity of employing it in
dealing with foreigners, had then no advocates, as oversea
commerce was almost confined to Great Britain. It was
therefore enacted that English weights and measures should
alone be legal after the 1st of January 1861, and since that
date they have been exclusively used, with the single excep-
tion of the land measure. To have changed that in the
oldest settled districts would have introduced much con-
fusion, and hence the morgen was retained in those parts of
the colony.

The land measure, however, was not perfectly uniform in
all the grants that had been made since 1657. There was no
standard in the colony in the early days by which to rectify
a surveyor’s chain, and the other instruments employed were
far from being as delicate as those now in use. Land was
of so little value in those times, even in Capetown, that an
absolutely accurate survey was not considered indispensable,
and the work was performed in the crudest manner and in.

iS6i] Sir George Grey. 7

the shortest possible time. The unit of measurement was
supposed to be the R-hynland foot, but resurveys during
recent years have shown that in general the measure actually
employed was a little longer. Thus the oldest diagrams
seldom agree with the extent of ground mentioned in the
title deeds. Undisputed possession for thirty years, however,
fixed the boundaries permanently, so that disputes and
lawsuits were avoided.

The session of parliament which was opened by the
governor on the 26th of April 1861 was a memorable one.
The desire of a large majority of the English speaking-
colonists in the eastern districts for the establishment of a
separate and distinct government had not abated, and at this
time the question was the most prominent one in the politics
of the country. An association termed the separation league
was formed, with branches in all the important towns and
villages of the east, meetings were held wherever people
could be got together, and addresses were delivered by the
leading English politicians in favour of the measure. The
principal newspapers also lent their powerful aid, and
pamphlets were published and widely distributed. By these
means about six thousand signatures to petitions for separa-
tion were obtained, and the documents were laid before both
houses of parliament. In opposition, petitions representing
not more than one thousand individuals were presented,
but none were sent in on either side from the western
districts.

A bill was drafted to provide for the separation of the
eastern province and its establishment as a distinct colony
from the west, and on the 16th of May Mr. William Matthew
Harries moved, and Mr. Bichard Joseph Painter seconded, its
first reading in the house of assembly, which took place
accordingly. On the 27th of the same month practically the
same measure was brought forward in the legislative council
by Messrs. Henry Tucker and Charles Pote.

On the 7th of June the second reading was proposed and
seconded in the house of assembly, when an animated debate

[i86r

History of the Cape Colony.

commenced, which was continued during prolonged sittings on
that day, the 8th, 10th, and 11th, during which excitement
was high not only in parliament, hut everywhere in the
community. On one side the question was felt to be the
existence of a single strong colony or the substitution of two
weak ones, each burdened with the cost of a complete
government ; on the other the freedom of the eastern section
from the injustice in the distribution of public favours and
the restraints imposed upon it by the west. The debate was
by far the most important event of the session.

The arguments used by the advocates of the measure were
to the effect that the eastern districts were making much more
rapid strides in material prosperity than the western, but
that their interests received much less consideration from
parliament. Their public works were neglected, their rivers
were unbridged, aud their roads were well-nigh impassable,
while in the west they were all attended to, and even a great
breakwater was being constructed in Table Bay which might
prove useless. The public debt was then £564,000, of which
£400,000 had been borrowed for improvements in the
west and only £164,000 for similar purposes in the east,
though they had to pay half of the interest. Even in the
matter of compensation for losses by Kaffir raiders they could
get nothing ; but a western man with claims less strong was
awarded payment for damages sustained. The old argument
as to the necessity of a strong government near the frontier
to deal with the Xosas and Tembus had lost much of its
force since 1857, but it was not altogether forgotten, and an
endeavour was made to show that those tribes were rapidly
recovering their former strength and might soon become
formidable again. And finally the great distance from
Capetown at which the members for the eastern districts
lived prevented them from attending parliament throughout
long sessions as the western members could easily do, so that
they were often in a helpless minority when measures of
the greatest importance to them were brought forward and
disposed of.

i86i] Sir George Grey.

Oa the other side, most of these assertions were disputed,
and the excess of expenditure in the west was asserted to be
caused by the principal officials being necessarily stationed
at the seat of government. In the matter of public works,
roads, and bridges, it was unreasonable to compare newly
settled districts with others long inhabited, and it was
claimed that the east was rather favoured than neglected
in this matter. In other respects, if separation were to take
place and Grahamstown or Uitenhage were to become the seat
of government of the eastern province, the people of some
of the districts in that province would have much greater
reason to be discontented than the advocates of the measure
were then.

At the close of the debate on the fourth day the bill was
rejected by a majority of seven votes, those in favour of it
being Messrs. Aspeling, Botin an, R. M. Bowker, T. H. Bowker,
Brand, Cawood, Clough, Darnell, Franklin, Harries, Painter,
Scanlen, Slater, Stanton, and Stretch ; and those opposed to
it Messrs. Blake, Bosman, Van der Byl, Duckitt, Fairbairn,
Haupt, Hopley, Kotze, Louw, Manuel, Munnik, Prince,
Proctor, Silberbauer, Solomon, Le Sueur, Theunissen, Walter,
F. Watermeyer, P. Watermeyer, White, and Ziervogel.

In the legislative council the measure met with the same fate.

Foiled in this, the same eastern members then endeavoured
to carry a measure in favour of the removal of the seat of
government, but met with no better success. In this question
the members of the party were divided among themselves,
some favouring Uitenhage, others Grahamstown, as the capital.
It has often been observed that the Dutch speaking colonists
can unite readily in the preliminary stages of a great
movement, but that when an important measure reaches its
last stage, they are certain to quarrel and range themselves on
different sides. The observation is correct, as the history of
the colony has constantly shown. But this feature of
character is not peculiar to them, for here were the English
speaking colonists of the east, practically all of whom were
desirous of removal of the seat of government, so influenced

lo History of the Cape Colony. [iS6i

by local jealousy that they were ranged on different sides
upon the most important point in the whole question.

Finally, more in the way of pretending that they did not
accept their defeat as final than in expectation of meeting with
success, three members of the legislative council and thirteen of
the house of assembly addressed a petition to the queen,
praying that her Majesty would separate the provinces as had
been done in two instances in Australia. This, of course, as
coming from such a small minority in parliament, also proved a
failure.

During this session, which lasted from the 26th of April to
the 13th of August, one hundred and ten days, various public
works were provided for. The board of commissioners for
Table Bay was empowered to commence the construction of
a dock, according to a plan furnished by the eminent marine
engineer Sir John Coode. This was almost as necessary as
the breakwater itself to facilitate the loading and unloading of
ships, and ensure their safety. It was enormously expensive,
as it had to be excavated in rock along the shore to a depth
of seventy English feet, or 21-34 metres, a large portion of the
sides had then to be faced with blocks of granite, and an
opening to the bay to be made just within the breakwater.
The length of the dock thus excavated was to be eleven
hundred feet, or 335 28 metres, and the area of the sheet of
water enclosed by its walls was to be ten English acres. The
want of good natural harbours has always been a drawback
to the prosperity of South Africa, and must always remain so,
because the charges on shipping to make good the interest
on the cost and maintenance of such an expensive artificial
harbour as that of Table Bay must necessarily be very high.
But in the condition of the country such a work was urgently
needed, and it has since proved of the utmost advantage.
Nearly nine years were needed for the construction of the
dock, which was opened for use on the 17th of May 1870.

Provision was also made for the construction of a light-
house on Robben Island. This useful work took over three
years to carry out, for it was not until the 1st of January

iS6i] Sir George Grey, 1 1

1865 that the light was exhibited. A lighthouse in Simon’s
Bay, to replace the old lightship, had already been con-
structed, and was opened for use on the 16th of September
1861.

The Wynberg Railway Company was incorporated, with
a capital of £100,000 in ten thousand shares. Its object was
to construct a line of railway to Wynberg from the station
at Salt River on the Capetown and Wellington line. The
tirst sod was turned on the 14th of August 1862, and the
line was opened for traffic on the 19th of December 1864.
It was then leased to the Capetown Railway and Dock
Company, that owned the section between Capetown and
Salt River, so that its working could be carried on without
hindrance or difficult}?’.

An act was also passed for the construction by the Cape
of Good Hope Telegraph Company of a line of electric
telegraph from Capetown to Grahamstown. A subsidy of
£1,500 a year was to be paid to the Company for fifteen
years, for which government messages were to be sent free.
The first section of this line that was constructed was
between Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth, wffiich was
opened for use on the 2nd of January 1862. Two years
more were needed to complete the line between Port
Elizabeth and Capetown, which was opened on the 8th of
January 1864. It was then carried onward from Grahams-
town to King-Williamstown, which section was completed
and opened for use on the 1st of October 1864. A military
line had been constructed between King-Williamstown and
East London, which was opened for use in January 1861, so
that after October 1864 the eastern border of Kafifraria was
in direct communication with Capetown. The length of the
entire line was then about seven hundred and fifty miles or
twelve hundred kilometres.

A line, chiefly for the use of the naval establishment, had
previously been constructed between Capetown and Simons-
town, and was completed in April 1860. Along the
Wellington railway, as it advanced, telegraph wires were

History of the Cape Colony. [i86i

necessarily extended; bat for several years after 1864 the
colony was unable to afford any other lines than those
mentioned.

An account of the introduction of Angora goats into the
colony has already been given, but as it was at this time
that the production of mohair first became a really important
industry, some further reference to the subject seems
requisite. Various farmers acquired some of the progeny of
the he-goat belonging to Mr. Hendrik Vos and of those
belonging to Mr. Korsten, and by several of them much
care was bestowed upon the animals. Still the strain of the
common goat was so strong that the hair was shorter and
coarser than that of the pure breed, though it was sold for
eight pence a pound or Is. 5fd. a kilogramme, in England,
where it attracted considerable attention. Manufacturers
there gave assurances of a much higher price for a better
article, but for twenty years it was found impossible to
procure thoroughbred goats to breed from. When, however,
sea voyages were much reduced in length by the use of
steamships, there was a better chance of success, as the loss
by death on the way to the Cape would be greatly
diminished. Mr. Julius Mosenthal, a merchant in Port
Elizabeth, then resolved to attempt again to introduce some
pure stock.

For this purpose Mr. Adolph Mosenthal proceeded to Asia
Minor, where with the assistance of Lord Stratford de Red-
clyffe he succeeded in obtaining a number of the purest and
best of the animals required. These were shipped at a port
in the Black sea, and sent by way of the Mediterranean to
England, where they were kept some time to recover
strength. They were then forwarded to the colony, where
thirty of them arrived in the summer of 1856. The choicest
of these animals were sold to different farmers at a price of
from £80 to £90 each, and after a few seasons the number
so increased that the production of mohair of superior quality
became one of the established industries of the colony. At
a later date other merchants followed the example of Mr.

i86i] Sir George Grey, 13

Mosenthal, notably Messrs. Blaine & Co., of Port Elizabeth,
and introduced pure bred animals from Asia Minor, which
were shipped at Constantinople, so that the stock was prevented
from deteriorating.

While parliament was in session in 1861 intelligence was
received from England that Sir George Grey had been
appointed again governor of New Zealand, where the
presence of a man of the highest ability and tact in dealing
with inferior races was urgently needed, owing to the war
with the Maories. The members of both houses and the
people of South Africa, white and black alike, regarded his
presence here as equally necessary, and just at this time an
event took place in Zululand which seemed to confirm their
opinion.

Ever since the defeat and destruction of Umbulazi and his
adherents, Ketshwayo had been the actual ruler of the
Zulus, though his father Panda was still the nominal head.
The country was in a state of unrest, for many of the tribe
were at heart opposed to Ketshwayo, though they were
unable to unite and openly resist him. Such a condition of
things was a menace to the peace of Natal. In that colony
two sons of Panda had taken refuge, who were mere boys,
but whose lives would be in danger in their own country,
as they were of the faction of Umbulazi. Refugees were
continually coming over to them, who reported that the old
chief Panda was in favour of a division of the tribe among
several of his sons, in preference to the sole rule of
Ketshwayo. Sir George Grey, as high commissioner, was in
favour of this as a plan of settlement, if it could be done
with the full consent of the people and of the old chief, and
especially if some agreement could be entered into for the
greater security of human life in Zululand.

Lieutenant-Governor Scott, of Natal, however, believed that
opposition to Ketshwayo, whether direct or indirect, would
be fruitless, and in April 1861 he sent Mr. Theophilus
Shepstone to Zululand to acknowledge that chief as his
father’s heir in the name of the colonial government. In

History of the Cape Colony, [i86i

this way he thought the constant unrest might be brought to
an end and the attachment of Ketshwayo be secured.

Mr. Shepstone proceeded on his mission, and found Panda
at first indisposed to admit Ketshwayo’s claims, but still
more indisposed, and indeed physically unfit, to take an
active part in any matter. After a little conversation he
became weary, and then, to avoid further trouble, promised
to agree to whatever Mr. Shepstone should decide upon

doing.

Kegiments mustering in all from fourteen to fifteen

thousand soldiers were then summoned, and on the 16th of
May, with great ceremony, in presence of Panda and Mr.
Shepstone, heralds proclaimed Ketshwayo the lawful heir of
his father, recognised as such by the Natal government. But
then something which the Natal government had not
anticipated took place. The same heralds presented them-
selves before Mr. Shepstone, and asked in a tone of demand

that the two boys in Natal and the mother of one of them

should be surrendered to their legitimate chief. Mr. Shep-
stone replied that the white man’s government could not, and
would not, do such a thing, upon which there was much
clamour, and some offensive remarks were made, though the
envoy was never in any personal danger.

Mr. Shepstone returned to Maritzburg, and it was recognised
at once that the plan adopted in hope of securing quietness
had been a failure. Then in July came word that Ketshwayo
was massing his troops on the border, and a panic among
the colonists took place. The wing of the 85th regiment then
in garrison, with the few Cape mounted riflemen and artillery-
men in the colony, were immediately sent to guard the fords
of the Tugela, all the volunteers were called out to assist, the
open country was abandoned, and a despatch was sent with
all possible haste to the high commissioner urging him to
send immediate aid.

Sir George Grey acted with his customary promptitude.
The 59 th regiment was then under orders to return to England
as soon as the second battalion of the 11th should arrive

iS6i] Sir George Grey.

to relieve it. There were no other troops of the line in the
Cape peninsula, but these were embarked in her Majesty’s
steam frigate Narcissus, which happened to be at hand,
with so much promptitude that they landed at Durban on the
St’d of August. A naval brigade of three hundred and fifty
men was there almost as quickly. The Capetown volunteers
mounted guard in the castle and forts until September, when
the second battalion of the 11th arrived from England and
relieved them of the duty.

Under these circumstances both houses of parliament pre-
sented an address to Sir George Grey, urging him to remain
until the danger was over or the arrival of his successor, but
this he felt himself under the necessity of declining. Then,
to the relief of everyone, after a few days came intelligence
from Natal that Ketshwayo had withdrawn his regiments
from the border, declaring that they had only been sent
there on a big hunting excursion, and that nothing was more
remote from his mind than . hostilities with his white neigh-
bours. He had been practising, in fact, an experiment
common among the Bantu, of trying how far he could go
without actually committing himself. But for the colonists
in Natal such an experiment was very annoying, and if they
had been sufficiently strong it would certainly have been
resented in such a manner as to prevent its repetition.

By October everything was quiet again, and the 59th
regiment embarked for England. The naval brigade had
already returned to their ships, and the volunteers to their
ordinary occupations.

No other governor has ever done so much to promote the
education of youth in South Africa as Sir George Grey_.
The missionary institutions at Lovedale, Healdtown, Lessey-
ton, and Zonnebloem, though founded and supported' by
difierent religious bodies, could never have grown to be as
useful as they became if it had not been for his encourage-
ment and liberal assistance. The Grey Institute at Port
Elizabeth, founded in accordance with plans drawn up by
him, still perpetuates his name. By the act of parliament

1 6 History of the Cape Colony, ' [i86i

No. 6 of 1856 it was placed under the management of a
board consisting of the civil commissioner of the division as
chairman, the commissioners of the municipality, and an
equal number of members elected by subscribers to the funds
or persons paying fees of a certain amount. The institute
was then liberally endowed with land, which could be sold
or leased according to circumstances. It consisted at first
of a collegiate school and two preparatory schools.

The Grey College at Bloemfontein, which he planned and
really founded, also perpetuates his name. It was then in
the capital of a state discarded by Great Britain, but in
whose welfare the broad minded governor took the keenest
interest. With its people he felt the warmest sympathy, he
regretted to the end of his life that they had been thrown
away, and he never ceased to hold them in the highest
respect. Forty years later, when his physical strength was
gone but his mind was still as active as ever, he could say
of them : “ I have lived among many nations and in many
countries, and I may with all truth say this, that I know no
people richer in public and in private virtues than the
Boers.” *

In founding the college at Bloemfontein his object was to
show that the British government still took an interest in
the welfare ' of the people by “ the establishment of an
institution where the opportunity would be presented of en-
joying education in all those branches of knowledge by which
the youth of the Free State would be qualified for occupying
with credit official positions in the state, or for attending
European universities with advantage.” For this purpose he
contributed, in 1856, from the imperial funds at his disposal
£3,000 to be invested by trustees appointed by the synod
of the Dutch reformed church in the state, the interest to
be applied towards the salary of the rector, and £200
towards the cost of putting up a suitable building. The
cost of the roof of the building he contributed from his own

* From “ An Interview with the Right Hon. Sir George Grey,
in the Humanitarian of April 1896.

i86i] Sir George Grey.

means. The synod accepted the charge, and chose as the
first trustees President Boshof, the reverend Andrew Murray
then minister of Bloemfontein, and Mr. D. Griessel. Addi-
tional funds were raised and the college was established, but
could make very little progress before 1872, owing to the
diflSculties in which the republic was involved. Since 1872
it has been one of the leading educational institutions in
South Africa, thus fulfilling the design of its founder.

The same feeling led him to encourage the effort that was
made by the Dutch reformed church in the colony to estab-
lish a seminary for the training of young men for the
ministry. For many years this project had been discussed,
but it could never before be carried into execution. After
the middle of the century young South Africans who were
sent to Holland to be educated often returned with rational-
istic views, so that the orthodox colonists considered the
church to be in danger, and were anxious to have an insti-
tution of their own where the evangelical doctrine as
condensed in the Heidelberg catechism should be professed
and taught. In 1859 their wishes were carried into execution
by the establishment of a theological seminary at Stellen-
bosch, which was opened on the 1st of November of that
year, and has been in full working order ever since.

Sir George Grey wished to place British and colonial
settlers on the vacant ground between the Cape Colony and
Natal, which would have greatly strengthened the European
element in South Africa and have been of advantage to the
Bantu in the occupied portions. Strife between the various
tribes there was constant, and nothing but English
sovereignty supported by a strong body of white men close
at hand could put an end to it. As long as it lasted no
advance towards civilisation could be made by the people.
To give to Europeans the ground between the Kei and the
Bashee and that on the terrace at the base of the Drakensberg
would not be doing a wrong to any one, and would improve
the position of a great many. If it was annexed to British
Kaffraria, a strong colony would be formed, capable of

1 8 History of the Cape Colony, [i86i

supporting its own government without aid from the
imperial treasury,* and permanent peace would he secured.
Over the three colonies of the Cape, British Kaffraria, and
Natal, there might then be a federal government having
control in such matters as the system to be applied to the
Bantu, the armed forces required for the preservation of
order, the postal service, and the customs tariff, but leaving
all other questions to the provincial legislatures.

There are few men to-day who will dispute the wisdom
of such a measure or tbe facility with which it could have
been carried out at that time. But in England a very large
party, including statesmen of the highest intellect and the
purest patriotism, were averse to any extension of the British
dominions. They feared to incur increased responsibilities,
lest the burden upon the taxpayers should become too heavy
to be borne. In their opinion it would be far better to
develop the existing possessions than to enlarge them. Their
views are entitled to respect, though they are not those held
since the general scramble for foreign dependencies by the
leading nations of Europe has proved that an opportunity
neglected is an opportunity lost for ever.

The high commissioner was therefore unable to carry out
this plan for the benefit of South Africa. He was permitted
to assign a portion of the upper plateau to Adam Kok and
his Griquas, as will be related in another chapter, but not an
acre to a white man, and responsibility for the protection of
those Griquas or the enforcement of order among them by
the British government was distinctly ignored.

On the 15th of August 1861 Sir George Grey embarked in
her Majesty’s steamship Cossack^ and left South Africa for

* The revenue of British Kaffraria derived from Europeans was already
sufficient to meet the expenditure on their account. It was to cover the
cost of governing the Bantu that the imperial treasury was obliged to
contribute, as is shown in the following return prepared by the lieutenant-
governor. Population in 1861 : Europeans 6,705, Bantu 74,648. Bevenue
during the year : contributed by Europeans £19,949 10s. llc^., by blacks
£4,758 5s. Expenditure: on account of Europeans £18,623 18s. 4d, on
account of blacks £11,352 11s. 9d, on convicts £3,386 8s. 5c?. Exports
through East London of wool, hides, and grain to the value of £21,540.

i86i] Sir George Grey, 19

New Zealand. Before him many able men had from time to
time governed the Cape Colony, but never one who so
entirely enjoyed the confidence of every section of the
community, white and black. In this respect he stood
above even Sir Benjamin D’Urban and Sir Harry Smith,
both of whom were opposed by little cliques. He had the
power that only the greatest men possess, of reconciling and
bringing together bodies of people of confiicting views and
interests, and leading them on together in the same path of
progress. The old colonists who spoke Dutch regarded him
as highly as the new colonists who spoke English, and both
were equalled in this respect by the swarthy-skinned colonists
who spoke diflferent dialects of a language common to the
Bantu race. All recognised his great ability, his interest in
their welfare, the wisdom of the plans he had formed for the
good of South Africa. And to-day who is there that does
not admit that if the imperial government had permitted
those plans to be carried out, a vast amount of blood and
treasure would have been saved to the mother country as well
as to South Africa, and instead of the feeling of distrust
that now exists between sections of the colonists there would
be perfect harmony and good will ?

Sir George Grey was a lover of books, and had spent all
the money he could spare during his life in adding to two
superb collections which he had inherited. In these were
many exceedingly rare volumes, ancient illuminated religious
books, and works of permanent interest in many departments
of knowledge. To these he had added a great number of
unpublished manuscripts, particularly upon subjects connected
with Polynesian and Bantu customs and languages. The
value in money of the whole was about £30,000.

On the 21st of October 1861 he wrote from Auckland to
Judge Watermeyer in Capetown, announcing the presen-
tation of this collection of books and manuscripts to the
South African Public Library. Two cases of manuscripts
accompanied the letter; the books, which were then in
England, would be sent out speedily. Eight trustees were

History of the Cape Colony, [1861

appointed to receive them, and to carry out the donor’s
intentions. They were Mr. Justice Watermeyer, the attorney-
general Mr. William Porter, the astronomer royal Sir Thomas
Maclear, Advocate Johannes de Wet, and Messrs. John
Fairbairn, Charles Aiken Fairbridge, W. Tasker Smith, and
William Hiddingh.

No presentation of equal value had ever been made to
the colony before, the Dessinian collection being inferior in
every respect. In January 1862 the books, about five
thousand in number, began to arrive. They were placed in
a room by themselves, which has since been made fireproof,
and when all were received and arranged, on the 23rd of
April 1864 this section of the public library was opened for
the use of students. The eminent philologist Dr. W. Bleek
was appointed first custodian of the collection.

In front of the main entrance of the library building,
facing the botanic garden, stands a statue of Sir George
Grey, erected by the colonists in grateful remembrance of
his splendid gift. The statue was unveiled on the 10th of
November 1864.

After the departure of Sir George Grey, Lieutenant-
General Wynyard acted as administrator until the 15 th of
January 1862, when the newly appointed governor and high
commissioner, Philip Edmond Wodehouse, Esquire, arrived
from England in the mail steamer Cambrian and took the
oaths of oflSce.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, ESQRE., (AFTER SEPTEMBER 1862
SIR PHILIP WODEHOUSE), GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMIS-
SIONER, ASSUMED DUTY 15th OF JANUARY 1862,
RETIRED 20th OF MAY 1870.

It would have been diflScult for a very able man to fill
the place in public estimation that Sir George Grey had
occupied, and the new governor had no claim to ability
of any other kind than that of a conscientious plodding
official. He would have made an admirable head of a
department to carry out routine duties, but he was in-

capable of initiating any new measure of magnitude that
would be really useful. He had commenced official life at
the early age of seventeen years as a writer in the Ceylon
civil service, and had risen to be an assistant judge at
Kandy and subsequently to have charge of an extensive
district. After more than twenty years service in Ceylon,
he was appointed superintendent of British Honduras, and
in 1854 was promoted to be governor of British Guiana,
There he had succeeded fairly well, because he had no

representative institutions to deal with, and he was

autocratic by nature as well as by training. He had

not the charm of manner of his distinguished predecessor,
and was therefore unable to exercise any influence over
the Cape parliament or to acquire the affection of the Cape
people.

Added to this, at the beginning of his term of office a
series of bad seasons caused by severe drought set in, so
that agricultural operations failed all over the country,
the live stock in many places was greatly reduced by

History of the Cape Colony. [1862

starvation, and commercial depression followed as a matter
of course. At the same time the imperial government
reduced its grant in aid of the KafFrarian revenue and
pressed for a contribution from the Cape Colony towards
the maintenance of the troops, so that the financial condition
of the country was cheerless. Poverty breeds discontent,
and discontent leads to fault-finding with the governing
powers, so that the measures of Sir Philip Wodehouse
underwent sharper criticism than they would have done in
prosperous times.

Immigrants from Great Britain were still arriving under
the system described in a previous chapter. On the 5th
of February 1862 the Matilda Atheling arrived in Algoa
Bay with two hundred and sixty-nine, on the 10th of
March the John Vanner brought two hundred and thirty-
eight to Capetown, and on the 9th of June the Adelaide
brought two hundred and sixty to Port Elizabeth. These
were the last to come out. In this year £15,000 was voted
by parliament to introduce farm labourers, and £6 was
offered towards the cost of passage of every artisan, but
farm labourers were not to be obtained, and the accounts
of the condition of the colony which reached England
prevented piechanics from trying their fortunes here.
Government aid was then withdrawn, and presently, as the
depression in all branches of industry increased, a tide of
emigration began to set out. Many hundreds of those who
had been brought to South Africa at the public expense,
finding that the expectations they had entertained with
regard to this country were not likely to be realised,
removed to New Zealand and the United States.

The number that had been brought out during the last few
years was in reality greater than the colony could absorb,
and the same selection that had often before taken place
came into operation again. In early days those who were
unfit to make a living in the country were sent away by
the government, in this case they left of their own accord.
In general, the frugal and persevering among them, those

1862] Philip Edmond Wodehotcse, Esqre.

who were capable of turning their attention to a new
occupation when the one they had been engaged in failed,
those who were willing to undergo some privation for a time
in the determination to succeed in the end, remained in the
country; those who were unwilling to live in any other way
than they had been accustomed to in England, and who were
disappointed when they found that money was only to be
obtained by industry or mental ability, went elsewhere to
look for it.

From Germany and Holland for several years immigrants
had been arriving, and these remained in the country. The
Germans were all farm labourers, sent out by Messrs.
GodefFroy from Hamburg to applicants for their services
who entered into formal engagements with Mr. William
Berg, of Capetown, to employ them for at least two years
at a fixed rate of wages and to pay £12 for the passage of
each statute adult upon his or her arrival. Since 1858 about
three hundred had been introduced every year, and this
number was now reduced to one hundred and twenty.
These German immigrants, being thrifty and laborious in
a very high degree, managed to improve their circumstances
rapidly in the colony, notwithstanding the severe depression.
The Hollanders migrated without previous engagements, but
they too managed by frugality to better their condition.
About one hundred and thirty arrived in 1862 from
Amsterdam.

On the 24th of April, when parliament met, the governor
in his opening speech declared himself opposed to the
separation of the two provinces, to federation, or the
removal of the seat of government. He was in favour of
holding the sessions alternately in Capetown and Grahams-
town, and of annexing British Kafiraria to the Cape Colony,
He wished to relieve the chief justice from the duty of
presiding in the legislative council, and to permit that house
to elect its own president, to increase the number of puisne
judges to four, and to es]bablish a court in the eastern
districts to consist of two of these judges and to have a

24 History of the Cape Colony. [1S62

solicitor general attached to it. He was also in favour of
stationing an agent with the Basuto chief Moshesh.

The statement with regard to the annexation of British
Kaffraria caused much dissatisfaction to the majority of
the European residents in that province. They desired to
remain a distinct colony, and declared their fear that war
with the Xosas and Tembus would be the result of the loss
of a local administration. They wished the vacant territory
between the Kei and the Bashee to be given out to European
farmers and to be added to the province, when the revenue
would be sufficient, they believed, to maintain an effective
government with a representative council.

Five days after the opening of parliament the governor
left Capetown in the steam frigate Cossacky and proceeded
to East London to make himself acquainted with the con-
dition of affairs in British Kaffraria. After landing he
went first to Butterworth, where he learned from the special
magistrate Mr. W. B. Chalmers and the officers of the frontier
mounted police the state of the vacant territory and the
attitude of the Kaffir tribes beyond, after which he rode
hastily to King-Williamstown, and on the 5th of May had
a conference with the leading men of the province. He
informed them that he had been obliged to stop all public
works, as the revenue was insufficient to cover the expense,
and that in his opinion annexation to the Cape Colony
was the most expedient measure that could be adopted, for
the imperial government would not continue to make good
the deficiency. They urged their objections to annexation,
expressed their hope that the imperial government would
continue to protect them, and would not be convinced by
the arguments that he used. He then assured them that
annexation would not be forced upon them against their
consent, and with this promise they withdrew satisfied.

The governor proceeded next to Grahamstown, but he was
in such haste that his visit was a very short one, and on the
17th of May he embarked at Port Elizabeth in the Cossack
to return to Capetown. In less than three weeks he made

1 862] Philip Ed7nond Wodehotise, Esqre,

the journey to Butterworth and back, and acquired, as he
believed, a perfect knowledge of afiairs on the eastern
frontier.

Before the governor left England, the duke of Newcastle,
then secretary of state for the colonies, had given him
permission to allot the vacant land between the Kei and the
Bashee to European settlers, if that could be done without
stationing British troops in it for their protection, but any
increase of military expenditure was carefully to be avoided.
The governor now considered that this condition prevented
him from giving out the land while British Kaffraria
remained a separate province. It was guarded by the
frontier armed and mounted police, who were paid by the
Cape Colony, and who he believed would be withdrawn if
the territory was annexed to British Kaifraria. It could
not be incorporated in the Cape Colony, because British
Kaffraria intervened. Perhaps this view was not altogether
correct, because the protection of the province beyond the
colonial frontier was equivalent to the protection of the
colony itself, but the question whether the police would or
would not be withdrawn in the event alluded to was never
submitted to the Cape parliament, so what would have
happened remains doubtful.

On the 30th of May a bill was introduced in the house
of assembly by Mr. Rawson W. Rawson, the colonial secre-
tary, which provided for the incorporation of British Kaffraria
with the Cape Colony, the increase of the number of members
of the legislative council to nine for each province, who were
to be elected for five years and were to choose their president,
and the addition of ten members to the house of assembly,
namely one for each of the western districts Namaqualand,
Victoria West, Tulbagh, and Riversdale, and two for each of
the districts of Queenstown, King-Williamstown, and the
remainder of British Kaffraria. The members were informed
that the consent of three parties to the annexation proposed
was necessary, namely the imperial government, the Cape
parliament, and the people of British Kaffraria. If the Cape

26 History of the Cape Colony, [1862

parliament would approve of the measure, the governor
anticipated that there would be no difficulty in obtaining
the consent of the other two. The bill was so favourable to
the eastern province, on account of its giving to it equal
representation with the west in both houses of the legis-
lature, that the support of the whole of the eastern members
could be relied upon, and if only two or three western
members could be induced to vote for it, its passage through
the house of assembly would be assured.

The subject therefore became the most important matter
before parliament in the session of 1862. On the 26th of
June the colonial secretary moved the second reading of the
bill, when he based his arguments chiefly upon the disad-
vantage to the Cape Colony of having a little province on
its border independent of its control. On the same line of
reasoning any large state would be justified in absorbing a
smaller one adjoining it. Mr. Rawson was of course obliged
to support a government measure, but it was apparent to
every one that he realised the weakness of his arguments,
and his speech had no effect whatever upon those who
listened to it.

The debate was continued until the 30th, each eastern
member speaking in favour of the bill as beneficial to his
side of the colony, but ignoring the views of the Kaffrarians,
and each western opposing it as a revolutionary measure or
as one designed to throw the whole burden of military
defence against the Kaffirs upon the colony, by enabling the
imperial government to withdraw the troops stationed on the
frontier. On the 30th an amendment was moved that the
bill be read that day six months, and being put to the vote
was carried by nineteen to fourteen, the two provinces
being ranged against each other. On the western side were
Messrs. Brand, Fairbairn, Haupt, Kotze, Manuel, Molteno,
Munnik, Prince, Proctor, Silberbauer, Solomon, Tancred,
Theunissen, Walter, F. Watermeyer, P. Watermeyer, Watson,
White, and Ziervogel ; and on the eastern side Messrs.
Aspeling, R. M. Bowker, T. H. Bowker, Cawood, Clough,

1862] Philip Edniond Wode house, Esqre. 27

Franklin, Harries, Meyer, Mundy, Scanlen, Slater, Stanton,
Stretch, and Upton.

The principal measure proposed by the governor having
failed, on the 1st of July the colonial secretary brought
before the house of assembly another of hardly less im-
portance. This was the advisability of holding the sessions
of parliament alternately in Capetown and in Grahamstown.
It was easy for the western members to show that such a
scheme would entail great expense, that the absence of the
principal officials from their offices for several months would
be detrimental to the public service, and that documents
which would be constantly required by parliament when
sitting in Grahamstown could not be obtained from Capetown
without much inconvenience and loss of time. That equality
for the east required the change was the substance of the
arguments used by the speakers on the other side. On being
put to the vote, the measure was lost by seventeen against
thirteen for it.

On the 10th of July Mr. Harries brought a motion forward
in the house of assembly in favour of the separation of the
provinces, but it was defeated by seventeen votes against
fifteen. On the loth a similar motion brought forward by
Jijr. Tucker in the legislative council was lost by nine votes
to six. At this time nearly the whole of the commerce of
the republics north ^of the Orange river, as well as that of
the eastern province itself, passed through Port Elizabeth,
so that the customs duties received there were much greater
than those collected in Capetown. The eastern members
regarded these duties as part of the revenue of their province,
and argued not only that they were capable of maintaining
a government of their own, but that they did not receive
in the form of public works nearly as much as they were
entitled to.

On finding the measures that he had proposed rejected
by parliament, the governor changed his ground. On the
I7th of July he wrote to the duke of Newcastle advocating
the separation of the two provinces, and the establishing in

2 8 History of the Cape Colony. [1862

each of an administration for local purposes, with a legis-
lature consisting of a single chamber. Under this scheme
he recommended the annexation of British Kaffraria to the
eastern province. Over the two colonies to be formed he
proposed to have a federal government, with a single
legislative chamber, to have control over special matters in
which uniformity was necessary. He objected to a system
of parliamentary or what is usually termed responsible
government, and desired that the heads of departments
should continue to be appointed in England by the crown
and be subject to instructions from the governor only.

To these proposals the secretary of state replied on the
5th of November. He was in favour of the annexation of
British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony, but objected to the
separation of the provinces and the extinction of the
legislative council. He was of opinion that local councils
under superintendents appointed by the crown might be
advantageously introduced, or in other words that the existing
divisional councils might be enlarged and have increased
power conferred upon them. Upon the receipt of this
dispatch the governor abandoned the advocacy of separation,
and thereafter for a short time this subject occupied the
minds of the colonists much less than it had previously
done.

Parliament was prorogued on the 7th of August. During
the session, bills, introduced by the governor, were passed for
the construction of railways from Wellington to Worcester,
from Port Elizabeth to Grahamstown, and from a point on
the Capetown- Wellington line to Malmesbury. The intention
was that these lines should be built by companies, with a
guarantee by government of interest at the rate of six per
cent per annum on the cost, and a sub-guarantee to govern-
ment by the districts traversed of half the amount to be
made good, if any, as in the case of the Capetown and
Wellington line.

But as no satisfactory offers were made, and it seemed
unlikely that any companies would be formed in England to

1S62] Sir Philip Wodehotcse.

undertake the work, the governor decided to do nothing in
the matter until parliament should meet again. In 1863
parliament resolved that the governor should be requested to
cause surveys to be made, but that nothing more should be
done before the next session, and during many subsequent
years the financial condition of the colony was such that
neither the construction of railways nor any other large
public works could be undertaken.

The work on the Capetown and Wellington line was
progressing. On the 12th of February 1862 it was opened
for use to Eerste River, 83*6 kilometres, on the 3rd of May
to Stellenbosch, on the 18th of March 1863 to Paarl, and on
the 4th of November 1863 it was completed to Wellington
and opened for use, the total length being fifty-eight miles or
92*8 kilometres. The Salt River and Wynberg line, con-
structed by a local company, was commenced on the 14th
of August 1862, and was opened for use on the 19th of
December 1864. By it Capetown was connected with its
southern suburbs, to a distance of eight miles or nearly
thirteen kilometres; and by a horse tramway to Sea Point,
also constructed by a local company, and opened for use on
the 1st of May 1863, easy communication was had with the
seaside suburbs in the opposite direction.

An event of the year 1862 that may be mentioned, though
of little interest now, was the loss of the Union Company’s
coasting steamer Waldensian, one of the first of their fleet.
She was on her passage from Port Elizabeth to Capetown,
with a hundred and twenty-one passengers on board, among
whom were several clergymen of the Dutch reformed church
on their way to attend the synod, when at eleven o’clock
in the night of the 13th of October she struck on a reef at
Struys Point, and almost immediately broke up. There was
barely time to lower the boats and get the passengers, the
mail bags, and the crew to land, but nothing else was saved
beyond the clothing — in some instances only the night
dresses — that the unfortunate people had on or could
hurriedly grasp.

30 History of the Cape Colony, [1S62

The last scene in a lon^ tragedy, the destruction of the
aborigines of the Cape Colony, was at this time brought to
a close. The land on each side of the usually dry gully
called the Hartebeest river, being the least valuable in the
country, had not been coveted by any of the immigrant
peoples until the middle of the nineteenth century. Even
the Koranas on the banks of the Orange had not wandered
into it far from that stream, except occasionally after the
fall of rain, when a herd of cattle might be driven a short
distance southward for change of pasture. Its extent was
some three hundred or three hundred and fifty kilometres
from west to east, and from one hundred to two hundred
kilometres from north to south, according to the curves of
the Orange river. This land of prolonged droughts, where
the thermometer often ranges sixty to seventy degrees of
Fahrenheit’s scale between midday and midnight, is as much
entitled to be termed a desert as the Kalahari on the other
side of the Orange. Yet after the fall of heavy rains, which
may only occur at intervals of years, it presents the appear-
ance of a vast meadow, so luxuriant is then the growth of
the grass.

Here until about 1850 the Bushmen were left in undis-
turbed possession. Then a band of Xosas that had long
before wandered away from the banks of the Kei, some
strolling Koranas from the upper Orange, a party of freed
slaves and other coloured people from the south, and even
some Dutch colonists who had been accustomed to rove about
with their cattle, finding the land everywhere else occupied
or at least claimed, began to encroach on this dreary waste.
Which of these intruders arrived first cannot be stated, nor
does it make much difference, as all were found there in
1862. Reports having reached the government at Capetown
that the aborigines were being mercilessly exterminated by
these people, and the territory having been included in the
colony since the 17th of December 1847, the governor
directed Mr. Louis Anthing, civil commissioner and resident
magistrate of Namaqualand, to make a close inquiry into the

1862] Sir Philip Wodehotise. 31

matter, and to take any steps that he might find necessary
to restore order.

Mr. Anthing left Springbokfontein in February 1862, and
after a detour north of the Orange reached the place now
called Kenhart, on the Hartebeest river. There he com-
menced to make investigations and to take evidence, which
he continued to do in other parts until he acquired complete
information on the subject. His report to the governor is
dated 21st of April 1863, and is just the repetition of a story
as old as the intrusion of the first Hottentot and Bantu
immigrants into South Africa, No one, black, yellow, or
white, had regarded the Bushmen as having more right to
the territory than the hyenas, they had all shot down what
game there was, and when the wild animals, ostrich eggs,
honey, and grass seed failed, the Bushmen were obliged either
to steal or to starve. Many — the number could not be
estimated — had perished of hunger. Others stole the cattle
of the newcomers, and murdered people irrespective of sex
or age whenever they could. Then they were treated by all
as if they were tigers. During the preceding ten or twelve
years many hundreds had been killed, though evidence could
not be obtained as to the particular individuals who had
been engaged in shooting them down. There were then
about five hundred left.

An attempt was made to induce those savages to settle
down peaceably as graziers, and they were provided by Mr.
Anthing at the cost of government with a sufficient number
of she-goats and other breeding stock to make a commence-
ment with. But this plan succeeded .no better than on
former occasions when it had been tried by parties of
farmers. The Bushmen showed themselves incapable of
taking such a step forward as the adoption of pastoral habits,
though several of their race in other districts had for many
months at a time served European farmers faithfully as
herdsmen. The stock provided for them was soon killed and
eaten, and then the plunder of the intruders into their old
hunting grounds was the only resource left to them. Some

32 History of the Cape Colony, [1863

time afterwards a number of families were sent to a distant
part of the colony, where they were induced to take service, but
they soon escaped and returned to their old haunts.

To the question : what could be done in such a case ? a
satisfactory answer cannot be given. No force that the
colony could command would be sufficient to keep such an
extent of wilderness clear of intruders and to maintain it as
a Bushman reserve, even if such a course had been con-
sidered expedient. Cattle breeders and Bushmen cannot live
together, unless under exceptional circumstances, and those
circumstances are wanting when the cattle breeders are
Koranas or Bantu. And so the end of the matter was, as
in every instance of the kind that had previously occurred,
those Bushmen who removed preserved their lives, and those
who tried to remain passed out of sight. In this case they
had only to cross the Orange river, when the Kalahari was
before them, not more of a desert than the territory they
were compelled to abandon.

On the 16th of April 1863 parliament was opened. The
treasury was empty, and the colonists were ill disposed to
bear any increased burdens. But to carry on the adminis-
tration the governor had been compelled to borrow money,
and nothing that could be avoided was being spent on
public works, so that either retrenchment in the civil service,
taxation in some form, or a loan was unavoidable. Various
bills were introduced by the governor for the purpose of
increasing the revenue, but some were rejected, and par-
liament would only consent to raise the transfer dues on
fixed property exchanging ownership to four per cent upon
the purchase price or the value, and to increase the charges
for certain stamps and licenses. Further, to tide over the
depression, the governor was authorised to raise a loan of
£150,000 at six per cent yearly interest.

During this session Mr. J. C. Molteno endeavoured again
to increase the importance and power of parliament by
bringing forward a motion in the house of assembly in
•favour of the introduction of responsible government. The

1S63] Sir Philip Wodehouse.

time seemed opportune, for the last session had proved that
under the existing system the administrative and the

legislative powers were liable to clash in such a manner
that effective government was nearly impossible. In 1860
he had made a similar effort, which was opposed success-
fully until the country should have an opportunity to
express an opinion upon it, and at that time both the

colonial secretary and the attorney general had declared
themselves in favour of the change. The necessity for it
seemed now more urgent than at that time. On the 28th
of May therefore he moved a resolution “ that in the
opinion of this house the time has arrived when the

introduction of the principle known as responsible or
parliamentary government into the administration of this
colony is both expedient and desirable.”

On this occasion the debates were long and animate(3. .
The eastern members to a man were opposed to the

principle, as they feared that under responsible government
ail real power would be centred in the west. The imperial
government would then withdraw the troops, they main-
tained, and the coloured people, who had votes equally with
themselves, would be the prey of agitators seeking place and
regarding their party more than their country. Some of the
western members were also opposed to it for these reasons,
and on the 23rd of June, when a counteracting motion was
brought forward by Mr. Harries, and the question came to
the vote, Mr. Molteno and those who favoured his views
found themselves in a minority of eleven against nineteen.
Those who desired responsible government were Messrs.
Brand, Fairbaim, Haupt, Molteno, Munnik, Silberbauer,
Solomon, Theunissen, F. Watermeyer, P. Watermeyer, and
Dr. White ; and those who objected to it were Messrs.
Blake, B. M. Bowker, T. H. Bowker, Yan der Byl, Christie,
Clough, Darnell, Franklin, Goldmann, Harries, Kotze, Louw,
Mundy, Prince, Proctor, Slater, Scott, Tancred, and Walter.

Encouraged by his success, on the 14th of July Mr.
Harries moved : “ that the governor be requested by

34 History of the Cape Colony. [1864

respectful address to take measures for summoning the next
session of parliament to be held in the eastern province, in
virtue of the power vested in him by the sixtieth section
of the constitution ordinance.” This was carried by fifteen
votes to fourteen. On the 27th of July a similar motion
was brought forward in the legislative council. There
were five eastern members present, who, finding that the
motion would be lost, left the chamber before the voting
took place. The seven western members present then voted
unanimously against it.

On the 28th of July parliament was prorogued, when
the governor expressed his regret that his financial proposals
had not been accepted in their entirety, and announced his
intention to hold the session of the following year in
Grahamstown.

In accordance with this intimation, in February 1864 he
proceeded to the eastern province to superintend the
necessary arrangements and carry out other duties, and did
not return to Capetown until November. Some military
buildings in Grahamstown that were left vacant by a
redistribution of the troops were fitted up for the accom-
modation of parliament, and everything necessary for
holding the session was made ready at the cost of only
three or four thousand pounds. As the electric telegraph
between Capetown and Grahamstown was opened for use
on the 8th of January, it was possible for the governor to
remain at such a distance from the heads of the depart-
ments, and to conduct the administration without much
inconvenience.

A general election took place at this time, the term of
the second parliament having expired, and it was found that
the place of meeting for the next session was a factor of
considerable importance in the choice of new members.
Several of the old representatives declined to be put in
nomination again, others were rejected, and when the polling
was over no fewer than twenty^five new men were declared
duly elected to seats in the house of assembly.

1S64] Sh- Philip Wodehotise,

On the 28th of April parliament was opened. The
governor in his speech stated that the revenue of the last
year had fallen short of the expenditure by £191,613, and
that further taxation would be necessary. He had suspended
many public works early in the year, as there was no money
to carry them on. He said much concerning depredations
by the Xosas and measures required for their suppression.
But of more interest than any other information that he
gave was the announcement ' that he had lately received
authority from her Majesty’s government to create, on
account of the colony of British Katfraria, a defensive force
of irregular cavalry, and he therefore trusted before many
months were past to carry out the occupation as a part of
British Katfraria of the vacant country beyond the Kei. He
hoped, he added, that by availing himself of the services of
the new force he would be able gradually to relieve the
detachments of the Cape police then stationed beyond the
Kei, and to restore them to their duties within the colony.

All the taxing bills submitted by the governor were passed,
as the eastern members were desirous of showing some
substantial return for the favour conferred upon them.
The customs duties were increased by tvv^enty-five per cent,
to take effect from the 29th of April, so that all articles
subject to ad valorem rates thereafter paid ten per cent,
stamps and licenses were increased, duties on succession to
property were imposed, also a duty on bank notes, and the
transfer duty act was amended to make it more stringent.

The effect upon the revenue of these taxation measures
can be seen in the following table, which shows that the
increased transfer duty caused a considerable diminution in
the sale of fixed property. The great addition to the
customs duties brought the revenue from that source to
little more than it was in 1862, owing to the continued
depression in trade. In stamps and licenses the increase was
more marked. The returns for 1866 and 1867 contain the
revenue of British Kaffraria also, which will account for a
considerable portion of the increase.

Revenue of the Cape Colony,

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History of the Cape Colony,

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1S64] Sir Philip Wode house.

A court for the eastern districts was created, to consist of
two of the judges of the supreme court, who were to reside
in Grahamstown and hold sessions there. For this purpose
the number of puisne judges was increased to four. In case
of the two judges disagreeing, the case was to be referred to
the supreme court in Capetown, which consisted of the
chief justice and the other two puisne judges. There was
also liberty to appeal in civil cases from the eastern districts
court to the supreme court. The new court was provided
with a registrar, and a solicitor general was also to be
appointed in connection with it. At the beginning of the
following year, 1865, it was established, when Judge Connor
was removed from Natal to Grahamstown, and Advocate
Denyssen was appointed acting judge to fill the other seat.

In the house of assembly this session notice was given of
an intention to propose a resolution in favour of the removal
of the seat of government to Grahamstown, but it was
deferred until the western members became apprehensive
that it was being purposely delayed until they should leave
to return home. A counter motion was then brought
forward, and as the eastern members left the house before
the voting took place, it was carried unanimously.

In the legislative council the same tactics were resorted to.
Towards the close of the session, when most of the western
members had left, a motion was brought forward in favour
of the incorporation of British Kaffraria in the Cape Colony,
and was carried by five eastern votes to two western, there
being only seven members present. In the same chamber
and by the same majority of five eastern against two western
members a resolution was carried in favour of the next
session being held in the eastern province.

On the 28th of July parliament was prorogued. The
experiment of holding it in a town at a distance of four
hundred and sixty-two miles or seven hundred and forty
kilometres in a straight line from the principal offices con-
taining records and all other conveniences usually considered
indispensable was regarded by Sir Philip Wodehouse as

38 History of the Cape Colony, [1864

satisfactory, because he had been enabled by it to carry his
measures, but no other governor ever resorted to such a plan,
nor did he venture to repeat it.

In February 1864 the Union Company extended its ocean
mail service to Port .Elizabeth, which did away with the
necessity of transhipping the mails and passengers for that
port on the arrival of the steamers in Table Bay. Later in the
year an arrangement was made with the same company to
carry a mail monthly to Mauritius, in return for which a small
subsidy was to be paid. Practically this gave the Cape Colony
the advantage of two mails each month from England, one
by the Atlantic and the other by the Mediterranean and
Indian route. By the improvement and enlargement of the
steamers the passage down the Atlantic to Table Bay was
now often made in less than thirty days.

Another association in England, termed the Diamond
Steamship Company, at this time commenced running
steamers monthly to Port Elizabeth, East London, and
Natal. Its first steamer, the Eastern Province^ arrived in
Algoa Bay from Falmouth on the 26th of May 1864, after a
passage of thirty-two days and a few hours. This company
was also subsidised for carrying the mails from Falmouth,
at the rate of £50 for every day under twenty-seven on a
passage and' a proportion of the postage on letters and papers
conveyed. This gave three mails monthly from England,
but not at regular intervals, as the dates of departure of
the ships of each line were arranged without reference to
the other.

The Eastern Province, the first ship of the Diamond
Company’s fleet, had a short term of service. She was on
the passage from Port Elizabeth to Falmouth when, a little
before daylight on the 26th of June 1865 she ran ashore on
the coast close to the mouth of Ratel River, and became a
wreck. All on board got safely to land, but part of the
cargo was lost.

This company soon ceased running steamers between
England and South Africa, but for several years they kept

1S64] Sir Philip Wodehouse. 39

one or two vessels in the coasting trade between Table Bay
and Natal, calling at all the intermediate ports.

The crops gathered in the early months of 1864 were
better than those of the previous year, but agriculture was
far from flourishing, and the commercial depression was
increasing rather than diminishing. Emigration to New
Zealand and to America was going on, but there were many
artisans and labourers without the means of paying their
passages to other countries and unable to obtain employment.
Private benevolence was heavily taxed, and charitable
institutions of various kinds were established to prevent
actual starvation, but there was the danger of creating a
class of paupers by such means. At length the distress
became so great that the governor considered it necessary
to inaugurate relief works, though without parliamentary
sanction for incurring expense on this account. He selected
the Tulbagh kloof to commence with. The railway when
extended would have to pass either through this kloof or
some other in the first range of mountains, and it was
generally regarded as the best for the purpose, though to go
through it would cause a long bend in the line like the letter
U. In September 1864 the work of cutting a road fit for a
railway from the Bushman’s rock on the western side of the
range, along the gorge through which the Little Berg river
flows, into the Tulbagh basin was commenced, and soon
several hundred white men and as many blacks were engaged
on it. There were masses of rock to be cut through, re-
taining walls to be built, bridges to be constructed, and much
other hard work to be done, so that it occupied the labourers
thirteen months, and was the means of preventing a great
deal of destitution.

On the 5th of October 1864 by the death of Mr. John
Fairbaim the colony lost one of its ablest and most promi-
nent men. The mistake he had made with regard to the
Xosas in Sir Benjamin D’Urban’s time had long been
forgotten, for with experience he had seen cause to change
his views, though he never ceased to support judicious

40 History of the Cape Colony, [1864

measures for the improvement of the coloured people within
and beyond the border. His struggle with Lord Charles
Somerset for the freedom of the press, his exertions on
behalf of education, his resistance to the introduction of
convicts and the losses he sustained in consequence of the
leading part he took in that event, and his efforts to secure
representative institutions for the colony have been recorded
in these volumes. Of late years, owing to his advanced age,
he was unable to take as active a part in public life as he
had done when in full vigour, but to the last he was
regarded as one of the most consistent and energetic
advocates of responsible government. An estimable man in
private life, a good colonist in every sense of the word
passed ^way when he died.

An industry which has since attained large proportions
and added considerably to the exports of South Africa had
its origin about this time. From the earliest years of
colonisation by the Dutch it was known that the ostrich
could be tamed, and the female bird was often seen in a
domesticated state, though it was only regarded as an odd
pet, just as a tame springbok or baboon would be. The
male bird was generally avoided, as it was dangerous in the
breeding season, when it was apt to attack any person or
animal approaching it, and inflict severe wounds by striking
forward with its foot, which was armed with a formidable
nail. The beautiful plumes obtained from the wings and
tail of the ostrich had always been saleable at high prices,
but hitherto had only been collected from wild birds. These
had been shot down for the purpose, until they had become
so scarce as to be nearly extinct in the long settled parts
of the colony.

It seems never to have occurred to anyone that it would
pay to keep tame ostriches for the sake of their feathers,
until the long drought forced men to think about the
matter. The favourite home of the bird was the desert, and
it was known to thrive where nearly all other large animals
would perish. It cannot be stated with certainty who first

1865J Sir Philip Wodehouse.

made the attempt, but Mr. Von Maltitz, of Graaff Reinet, is
generally credited with it The plan adopted was to take
the chicks when only a day or two old from a wild bird’s
nest, and rear them in enclosed paddocks, until some years
later incubators were brought into use. In some parts,
where the paddocks were large, no artificial food was
needed, but in others it was required. The bird was
almost omniverous, so under any circumstances it was easily
kept For many years the profits from this industry were
greater than from any other branch of farming in South
Africa, but in course of time the number of tame ostriches
so increased that the price of plumes went down, and this
occupation fell in the matter of returns to the level of other
pastoral pursuits.

The imperial government at this time maintained five
battalions of infantry, the Cape mounted rifles, some sappers
and miners, and a few artillerymen in South Africa.

In March 1863 the second battaKon of the 13th left for
Mauritius, and in April the second battalion of the 5th
arrived from that island to replace it

In March 1863 the 96th regiment arrived to relieve the
85th, which left in May for England.

In November 1864 the first battalion of the 10th arrived
to replace the second battalion of the regiment, which
embanked in the same transports and proceeded to India.

In April 1865 the second battalion of the 11th left for
China, and was replaced by the 67th, one wing of which
arrived from China in April and the other from Mauritius
in September.

In April 1865 one wing of the 99th arrived from China,
and the remainder of the regiment arrived in September
from Mauritius.

In October 1865 the first battalion of the 9th arrived from
Europe to replace the 96th, which proceeded in that month
and the following to Bombay.

In South Africa, in January 1866 there were the second
battalion of the 5th, the first battalion of the 9th, the first

42 History of the Cape Colony, [1865

battalion of the 10th, the 67th, and the 99th regiments of
the line.

In the session of parliament of 1864 provision was made
for taking a census in the colony, which was carried into
effect in March 1865. The population was found to consist of

Europeans

181,592

Hottentots _ . - - -

81,598

Bantu

Half-breeds, Asiatics, descendants of

100,536

slaves, and other coloured people

132,655

Total number of souls - . -

496,381

They were distributed as follows:

Western Districts.

Eastern Districts.

Europeans - - 105,348

76,244

Coloured people - 130,952

183,837

The municipality of Capetown, excluding the suburbs, con-
tained 14,045 males and 14,412 females, 28,457 in all, of
whom 15,118, or rather more than half, were of European
blood.

Port Elizabeth came next in number of inhabitants. It
contained 4,628 males and 4,072 females, 8,700 in all, of
whom 6,886, or three-fourths of the whole, were Europeans.

Grahamstown followed, with 2,981 males and 2,968 females,
5,949 in all, of whom 5,265 were Europeans and only 684
were coloured servants.

The Paarl was the fourth municipality in size in the
colony. It contained 2,434 males and 2,495 females, 4,929 in
all, of whom only 1,978, or two-fifths of the whole, were
Europeans.

The eastern districts were considerably in advance of the
western in the number of horses, horned cattle, sheep, and
goats owned by the inhabitants, as is shown by the following
returns :

1S65] Sir Philip Wodehottse, 43

Wesfe)'}i Districts.

Eastern Districts.

Horses -

104,806

121,804

Mules and asses

18,803

5,476

Horned cattle

270,199

422,315

Woolled sheep

2,243,393

6,126,786

Cape sheep

■ 1,217,472

248,414

Goats

■ 1,044,508

1,392,936

Pigs

59,897

18,769

On the other hand, agriculture was much more extensively

carried on in the west

than in the east, with the single

exception of the cultivation of maize, which

was owing to

the Bantu growing that

grain extensively for their own con-

sumption. The number

of morgen of ground

cultivated for

each kind of produce was returned as follows

Western Districts.

Eastern Districts.

Wheat

72,814

22,744

Barley and rye -

22,305

5,523

Oats

29,308

17,755

Maize

1,895

21,788

Peas and beans -

3,123

1,027

Tobacco

763

171

Garden ground -

3,648

2,421

Orchards

3,335

1,427

Vines - - -

7,149 .

494

Of the chief article

of export, the western districts

produced during the preceding year 5,017,196 pounds avoir-
dupois, or 2,275,749 kilogrammes, of wool, and the eastern
districts 13,887,840 pounds, or 6,299,885 kilogrammes.

CHAPTER LXIX.

ABANDONMENT OF THE TEANSKEIAN TERRITOKIES.

The hopes that were raised throughout South Africa, and
particularly in British Kaffraria, by the governor’s speech at
the opening of parliament in 1864, that the vacant ground
beyond the Kei would at last be allotted to European
settlers, and the influence and power of the civilised race
in the country be thus increased, were doomed to be dis-
appointed. An opportunity such as can never occur again
of pushing forward the border of the white immigrants,
without doing the slightest harm to the black immigrants,
was unfortunately thrown away. Vacant land such as that
east of the Kei, adapted for agricultural and pastoral
purposes, is in South Africa like a depression surrounded
with pools of water: it must be fllled with something or it
will be overflowed. It is surprising that the Cape police
had been able to keep it open as long as they did.

The tract of land alon<y the base of the Kathlamba

mountains had never been occupied except by Bushmen, and
that between the Indwe and the Kei on one side and the
Bashee on the other had been forfeited by the paramount
Xosa chief Kreli in 1858, after his insane attempt to make
war upon the Cape Colony by throwing his whole tribe in
a famishing condition upon it. In February of that year
he and his adherents were driven over the Bashee into
Bomvanaland, and the territory was then occupied and con-
stantly patrolled by the Cape frontier armed and mounted
police. Only two small Bantu settlements were permitted
within it. One of these was the Butterworth mission
station, where some Fingos were allowed to live, and the

1S64] Abandonment of the Transkei.

other was at Idutywa (pron. Ai-dootsh-wah) near the centre
of the former Galeka country, where some people from
British Kaffraria had been located by Colonel Gawler in
August 1858.

An officer was stationed there with the title of Transkeian
special magistrate, who exercised jurisdiction over the people
and kept the government informed of what was going on.
Colonel Gawler held this appointment until September 1858,
when he was succeeded by Lieutenant George Pomeroy
Colley. Mr. \V. G. B. Shepstone succeeded Lieutenant Colley
in May 1860, and Mr. William B. Chalmers succeeded Mr.
Shepstone in September 1861. Mr. Chalmers held the
appointment from that date until the close of 1864. During
these seven years the Idutywa district was regarded as a
dependency of the crown colony of British Kaffraria, and
the special magistrates were appointed by the government
of that province. The Bantu who resided at Idutywa were
offshoots of various clans. About half of them were Fingos,
there were some Ndlambes under the petty chief Smith
Umhala, who was a great-grandson of Rarabe, and even some
Galekas.

Early in 1864 Sir Philip Wodehouse visited the
Tambookie location west of the Indwe. This was the
ground that Sir George Cathcart had allotted to the
Emigrant Tembus in 1853, the same that is now known as
the district of Glen Grey. It appeared to the governor that
it would be advantageous to obtain this ground for
Europeans if the Tembus would exchange it for a larger
tract beyond the Indwe. He spoke to the chiefs about it
in general terms, and as they seemed inclined to regard it
favourably, he instructed Mr. J. C. Warner, the government
agent in the location, to discuss the matter carefully with
them and communicate the result.

On the 8th of April Mr. Warner reported that he had held
meetings with the chiefs and leading men, and that they
had unanimously consented to remove on condition that the
boundaries of the land to be received in exchange should be

46 Abandonment of the Transkei, [1864

“ from the source of the Indwe in the Washbank range of
mountains down the eastern bank of that river to its
junction with the Kei, thence down the latter river to its
junction with the Tsomo, thence up the western bank of the
Tsomo to the waggon road at the police station, thence along
the said waggon road to the Umgwali drift below Clarke-
bury ; the northern boundary to be the Washbank and
Kathlamba mountains. That this country should be secured
to them, and only be forfeited in case of their making war
on the colony. That their independence should be
guaranteed to them as far as consistent with humanity and
the paramount authority of the queen. That their stipends
should be continued to them, that they should enjoy all the
privileges they then possessed, and that the Tambookie
agent at the time should be appointed British resident with
them.”

The chiefs thus asked for a country so many times the
size of the location which they were to give in exchange
that the governor was not disposed to accept their terms.
On the 10th of April he replied to Mr. Warner, offering “all
the territory from the source of the Tsomo in the Stormberg
down its left bank till nearly opposite the police station,
and thence east by the waggon road to the Bashee.” Under
this proposal the district between the Indwe and the Tsomo
would have been left for European occupation, and the
exchange of territory would not have been very detrimental
to the colony. The chiefs, however, rejected it, and the
negotiations then ceased for several months.

A long and unaccountable delay occurred before the.
governor made known the conditions under which grants of
land in the Transkeian territory would be made, and when
at last, on the 1st of June, the requisite notice appeared, the
terms were so burdensome that most people believed they
were designed purposely to prevent European colonisation.
In that notice farms from one thousand to three thousand
English acres in extent were offered to approved applicants,
on condition of maintaining one white man for every five

1 864] Abandofwient of the TraitskeL 47

buudred acres and the payment of yearly quitrent at the
rate of £1 for every hundred acres. The territory
was to he annexed to British Kaftraria, and was to be
defended by a body of irregular horse paid by the imperial
government for live years, after which the expense was to be
gradually reduced.

In the best part of South Africa, with a good market
close at hand, farming might pay on such terms, but on a
distant frontier, where for many years, until towns sprang
up, only cattle breeding could be carried on. Sir Philip
Wodehouse’s conditions were prohibitive. He was soon
convinced of this himself, for in August he modified them
by reducing the quitrent to fifteen shillings for every
hundred acres, and requiring only two adult males in
addition to the grantee himself on every farm of three
thousand acres, one of whom was to be a European and the
other a man approved by the governor. The Europeans
were of course to be mounted and armed at their own
expense, and to muster regularly for inspection as in British
Kafiraria. Under these conditions it was ascertained that
there would be no difficulty in filling up the vacant territory,
but they were made too late.

For some time past Kreli had gradually been recovering
importance. His followers were returning to him from the
various districts in which they had been scattered by the
terrible famine that followed the destruction of their cattle
and grain in 1856, and Bomvanaland was too small to contain
them. In February 1861 Sir Walter Currie on behalf of
the high commissioner offered him a large tract of land
beyond the Umtata, and he expressed himself willing to
occupy it, but afterwards declined acceptance on the ground
that his removal to it would inevitably lead to war with
the Pondos. His real reason was that he hoped then to
recover his former territory,, and no Bantu chief of the coast
will ever move eastward or northward if he can avoid it.
He does not say so in words, but he feels, as if instinctively,
the pressure of his race towards the setting sun.

48 Abandonment of the Transkei. [1864

In May and June 1864 a panic was created on the frontier,
owing to a report that Kreli had resolved to attack the
police and attempt to recover the land he had lost. Sir
Walter Currie, then commandant of the police, believed the
report to be well founded, and gave it as his opinion that
European settlers should not move beyond the Kei until the
chief and his people were driven over the Umtata to the
land offered to them there. Mr. Chalmers, the special
magistrate at Idutywa, did not credit the rumour, and
thought there was no cause for apprehending a disturbance
of the peace, but Sir Walter Currie’s opinion had greater
weight than his with the governor, and all the troops
available were put in readiness to meet an attack. On the
11th of June Sir Philip Wodehouse reported his appre-
hensions to the secretary of state, and at the same time Sir
Percy Douglas, who in November 1863 had succeeded
Lieutenant-General Wynyard as commander in chief of the
forces in South Africa, wrote that he believed the occupation
of the Transkeian territory by Europeans would cause
increased military expenditure by Great Britain.

Without further investigation, or ascertaining whether the
rumour concerning Kreli’s intentions had any foundation in
fact, Mr. Cardwell, then secretary of state for the colonies,
resolved to abandon the vacant territory. On the 5th of
August 1864 he informed the governor that her Majesty’s
ministers were averse to incurring the risk of additional
-charges, and that therefore “ British dominion must be
withdrawn from it, and the Kei be made the extreme
boundary.” The irregular horse that it had been intended
to raise would on this account be unnecessary, and need not
be enrolled. This retrograde movement was believed by the
vast majority of the European colonists to be more
disastrous, and to be a more severe blow to the prosperity
of South Africa, than even the abandonment of the Orange
Biver Sovereignty ten years previously.

But Sir Philip Wodehouse did not wait for these instruc-
tions. They were not even written when at the beginning

jS64] Abandonment of t lie Transkei, 49

of August he sent Sir Walter Currie to inform Kreli that
the government would take him into favour again, give
him back part of the territory he had formerly occupied,
and grant him an allowance in money of £100 a year as
long as he should conduct himself in a friendly manner.
Mr. Warner, the Tambookie agent, was directed to make
the necessary arrangements, and no time was lost in carry-
ing them out Kreli of course accepted the offer with
many expressions of thanks, and in the months of
September and October his people moved over the Bashee
into the country thereafter termed Galekaland. This district
was the seaboard portion of that which the Galekas occupied
before 1857. It extended from the Bashee to the Kei, and
from the ocean to a well defined boundary formed partly
by flowing water and partly by the great waggon road
which runs eastward past Butterworth. At present it forms
the districts of Kentani and Willowvale. On the 5th of
October Mr. CardweU wrote to Sir Philip Wodehouse,
approving of what he had done in the matter.

It was in very truth necessary that the paramount Xosa
chief should have ground allotted to him somewhere, for there
was not sufficient space in the Bomvana district for his people
to live in, as well as the proper owners, the clan then under
the aged and pacific chief Moni. Justice and prudence, to
say nothing of generosity, required this, for a half starved
and cramped up mass of barbarians is always a menace to
its neighbours. But there was plenty of vacant ground
beyond the Umtata, and Sir Walter Curriers plan of
forcing Kreli and the Galekas to remove to it would have
met the difficulty and saved a fine slip of land for occupation
by Europeans. That much was now irrecoverably lost.

In beptember 1864, when it was announced to the
colonists that no farms were to be given out beyond the
Kei, it was anticipated that different Bantu clans living west
of that river could be induced to move over, and leave the
ground they were then occupying for the use of white
people. Sir Philip Wodehouse therefore renewed his negotia-

50 Abandonment of the Transkei, [1^65

bions with the chiefs in the Tambookie location, and offered
them now the whole tract of country between the Indwe
river and that occupied by the remainder of their tribe
who were living in independence under the young chief
Gangelizwd. He had a double object in this : the acquisition
of the Glen Grey location and the strengthening of the
Tembu tribe as a counterpoise to the power of Kreli by
bringing the different sections together again. The ground
he offered was not only very much larger than that from
which he wished them to remove, but was also more fertile
and better adapted for their needs.

A lengthy correspondence ensued with Mr. Warner, who
conducted the negotiations with the Tembus, and who was
at first tolerably confident of being able to carry out the
governor’s views. Haxoti, Darala, and Gecelo, the three
most powerful chiefs in the location, consented to the pro-
posed exchange. For some months Sir Philip Wodehouse
and Mr. Richard Southey, who in July 1864* had succeeded
Mr. Rawson as colonial secretary, seemed to hope for, if not
to anticipate success, their chief fear being that Nonesi
would probably evade carrying out the plan in its entirety,
by remaining behind herself with a few adherents. There
was a strong feeling of jealousy between the old chief tainess
and Raxoti, or, as afterwards called, Matanzima, and it
seemed likely that if one went the other would not. In this
case, in February 1865 the government proposed to assign
land in the old location sufficient for their needs to Nonesi
and such of her followers as should stay with her.

In the meantime a delay was caused by the request of the
chiefs to be allowed time to gather their crops which were
then growing. This was conceded as reasonable, but after the
harvest there was no general movement. Sections of the
people crossed the Indwe, though taking care always that a
sufficient number remained behind to prevent the occupation
by any one else of the ground they were leaving. The
governor was powerless in the matter, as since British
dominion had been withdrawn from the vacant territory,

1865] Aba^idonnient of the T^'anskei, 51

what he was offering in exchange was not really his to dis-
pose of. The Tembus knew this as well as he did, and so
force could not be used either to prevent a partial migration,
or to drive the whole of them over the river. In June 1865
Mr. Warner announced that the scheme had completely
broken down, and the governor could only regret that the
announcement was true and remonstrate with the chiefs who
remained in the old location.

Mr. C. D. Griffith, then civil commissioner of Queenstown,
was directed to communicate to them that they would no
longer be recognised as having any authority, that the
ordinary colonial laws would be substituted for the Bantu
law under which the people had previously been governed,
and that the office of Tambookie agent was abolished. He
proceeded to the location, and on the 22nd of November 1865
had a meeting with Nonesi, some petty chiefs, and about
tifteen hundred men. Mr. Griffith delivered his message,
and in the usual way was thanked for what he had com-
municated. Nonesi replied that she was a child of the
government, that she had been invited after the last war by
the government itself to live in the location, and could not
understand why it was now desired she should remove.

The daughter of Faku and widow of Vusani preferred to
remain where she was the person of most consequence,
rather than be of little account in presence of Gangelizwe
and Matanzima, the sons of Umtirara, who was her child
by adoption only. The people were pleased to obtain more
land beyond the Indwe, and did not wish to relinquish any
on the colonial side. As for English law superseding theirs,
the magistrate might talk as much as he chose, but they
would keep the customs of their fathers. There are no
people on the face of the earth who can offer passive
resistance more effectually than the Bantu, and so the
Tembus kept the location and their old customs and laws
as well, while those who moved from it obtained possession
of the whole of the upper portion of Kreli’s former country,
now the districts of Xalanga and St. Mark’s.

52 Abando7iment of the Transkei, [1^65

As for Nonesi, she made herself a nuisance to the colonial
authorities, though always calling herself a child of the
government. At length her conduct became so bad that it
was necessary to remove her. In December 1868 she was put
in a waggon, and sent with a police escort to Pondoland,
where she was handed over to her brother Ndarnasi. But
her removal was not followed by the migration of the people,
though it made the enforcement of order among them less
difficult than before.

There remained a tract about twelve hundred square
miles, or three thousand square kilometres, in extent
in the centre of the territory. Sir Philip Wodehouse
hoped that in exchange for tills he might obtain the
locations west of the Kei belonging to the Gaika chiefs
Sandile, Anta, and Oba, that is the present district of Cathcart.
By his instructions Mr. Charles Brownlee, the Gaika
commissioner, held a meeting with those chiefs and their
people on the 16th of March 1865 to discuss the matter.
Mr. Brownlee offered the chiefs perfect independence over
the Kei, instead of the restraint to which they were subject
on the colonial side of the river. They would retain their
monthly allowances in money also, so that they would
lose nothing at all, and obtain a big country in exchange
for a small one. But the chiefs and their people alike
turned a deaf ear to all his proposals. Their principal
reason for doing so was an objection to move into a
district which the head of their tribe still hoped to
acquire, and thus deprive him of it ; but this was not
allowed to appear, and the governor was led to believe
that they objected to cross the Kei because “ they acknow-
ledged the benefits they had received from living in
tranquillity under British rule, and were indisposed to fall
back under the uncontrolled authority of their own chiefs.”

All hope of obtaining ground for European settlement
by means of the removal of Bantu occupiers was now of
necessity abandoned, and the governor turned next to the
Fingos, from whom nothing was anticipated in exchange.

1865] Abandonynent of the Trans kei, 53

These people were first introduced to the colony in 1835,
when some sixteen thousand of them were brought across
the Kei by Sir Benjamin D’Urban and were located in
the Peddie district. Afterwards others had been brought
over, or had migrated to the colony in families or small
parties. They had multiplied in an almost incredible manner,
there being no parallel in history of any people increasing
so rapidly in number as these Fingos have done since they
came into the colony. Their locations in Peddie soon
became overcrowded, and swarms from them were then
settled in Victoria East, in the beautiful valleys along the
Amatola range, in the Queenstown district, and even in the
Zitzikama. The same thing went on at each fresh location,
so that shortly there was a multitude of Fingos in the
border districts, pressing upon the remaining population
and clamouring for land.

Sir Philip AVodehouse offered the vacant country to these
people, and before the close of the year 1865 nearly forty
thousand of them moved into it, without, however, giving
up a square metre of land in the colony. Some of them
raised an objection at first to their settlement without
protection in a district bordering on that occupied by the
Galekas, but they were satisfied with a promise that if they
conducted themselves properly their enemies would not be
permitted to destroy them. Captain Cobbe, previously
superintendent of the Healdtown location, was stationed
with them, with the title of Fingo agent. The territory
thus allotted to the Fingos comprised the present districts
of Nqamakwe, Tsomo, and Butterworth.

All the land between the Kei and the Bashee was thus
parcelled out among rival Bantu clans, most of whose
members had previously been British subjects. The govern-
ment of the Cape Colony hoped to be able by its influence
alone to preserve order among them and prevent an outbreak
of war, but such influence had often failed before, and it
might do so again. “ In thus disposing of this territory,”
wrote Sir Philip Wodehouse to the secretary of state, “ we

54 Abandonment of the Transkei, [1S65

entirely relinquish all rights of sovereignty over it, and these
tribes will be governed by their own chiefs and their own
customs. But in accordance with their own wishes, and for
their benefit as well as for our own, each tribe will be guided
and aided by a British resident/’

This quotation shows the nature of the relationship
between the Cape Colony and the Transkeian country for
several years. There was a British resident in the person of
Mr. J. C. Warner, who was stationed at Idutywa, and who
corresponded with the government and acted generally as a
diplomatic agent. The only legal authority he possessed
was derived from a commission under the imperial act 26 and
27 Victoria, which empowered him to cause the arrest of
criminals being British subjects anywhere between the Kei
and the border of Natal, and send them to the Cape Colony
for|trial, but this did not apply to the Bantu residents. Sub-
ordinate to him were his son Mr. E. J. Warner, who had
the title of Tembu agent and who resided at South eyville,
Captain Cobbe, who was termed Fingo agent, and Mr.
William Fynn, son of the former diplomatic agent with the
Galekas, who had been for several years clerk to the special
magistrate at Idutywa, and was appointed resident with
Kreli in July 1865. This arrangement lasted until October
1869, when 'the office of British resident was abolished, and
the various agents, who had previously reported to Mr.
Warner, senior, were placed in direct correspondence with the
government in Capetown.

The territory into which the emigrant Tembus moved was
divided into four great blocks, over each of which there was
a recognised chief. One of these was Matanzima, a brother
of Gangelizwe, another was Darala, a descendant of Tembu,
but a very distant relative of the paramount chief ; the third
and fourth were Gecelo, son of Tshopo, and Stokwe, son of
Undlela, neither of whom was a Tembu by descent. These
and several others who were subordinate to them received
small yearly allowances from the Cape government according
to their rank, Matanzima, the most important of them, being

1S65J Abando7imc7it of the TraTtskei, 55

paid £52 a year after September 1867, when his grant was
increased and he was entitled a chief of the first class. They
were treated as independent rulers, however. Their people
paid no taxes to the colonial treasury, but a few European
traders and woodcutters who went into the country paid for
licenses to them. They governed their people and collected
the isizi and other dues from their subjects in the usual
Bantu way.

The Tembu agent was instructed to use his influence in
controlling the relationship between the chiefs so as to
preserve peace, but he had no other power than to recom-
mend the stoppage of the annual allowances. There were
intrigues and jealousies among them, and on one occasion,
in 1868, the feud between the old chieftainess Nonesi and
Matanzima nearly involved the country in war, but actual
hostilities were averted by the prudent management of the
agent. The Cape authorities in every instance, when applied
to, declined to interfere. Early in 1872, however, the
colonial government so far departed from its previous policy
as to send a commission to inquire into the disputes as to
boundaries and to arbitrate between the contending chiefs.
Certain lines were thereupon laid down, and were afterwards
respected by all parties.

The main body of the tribe to which these people professed
to belong resided between the Bashee and the Umtata, and
there was now no break between its farthest eastern outposts
and the -westernmost kraal in the location at Glen Grey.
Apparently it was thus very powerful, but in reality a slight
shock would have broken it into fragments. In 1863, Qeya,
great son of Umtirara, was circumcised, when he took the
name of Gangelizwe, and assumed the government of the
Tembu tribe. On this occasion the colonial authorities, as a
mark of friendship, presented him with the sum of £50,

* Isizi means the fines paid to a chief for murder, assault, and other
offences considered criminal, as distinguished from civil, in Bantu law.
"With some tribes, as for instance the Pondos, it also means an ox paid
to the chief when the death of a man is reported by his relatives, to
console him for the loss of a subject.

56 Abandonment of the Transkeu [1866

and promised him an allowance of £52 a year. There had
long been an ill-feeling between the Tembus and the Xdsas,
and this was now increased by personal jealousy between
Gangelizwe and Sigcawu, great son of Kreli, who had also
just come of age. Between the Tembus and the Pondos on
the other side there was likewise a feud of long standing,
which now and again occasioned war. Under these circum-
stances, the influence of the late regent Joyi and the old
counsellors of Umtirara was in favour of keeping on good
terms with the colonial government.

The Tembu tribe, as has been stated before, was not a
compact body, inasmuch as many of its clans were of alien
blood. The most powerful of Gangelizwe’s vassals, indeed, —
Dalasild, head of the Amakwati clans, — was not a Tembu by
descent, and was not inclined to admit much more than the
precedence of the paramount ruler. He could bring almost
as many followers into the field as Gangelizwe could from
the kraals under his immediate government.

To strengthen himself therefore, the young chief encouraged
other alien clans to settle in his country. He specially
favoured a large Fingo clan under the chief Menziwe, who
had taken refuge in Tembuland in the time of Umtirara,
and he even induced a number of European farmers from
the Cape Colony to settle along the western bank of the
Umtata so as to form a barrier between him and the
Pondos. A similar little European community was also
formed at the Slang river on another border of his territor}^
Each of these farmers paid him rent at the rate of £6 a
year, and as some eighty families settled in his country on
the terms which he oflered, he derived a good income as well
as some protection from them. They were of course in
every respect self-governing, or rather they lived without
a government at all, as they were not subject to Bantu
law, and would not brook interference by a Bantu chief.
The arrangement was that in return for the use of a farm
or cattle run and protection from theft by his people, each
man was to pay the paramount Tembu chief £6 a year.

i8:i] Abandonment of the Transkei, 57

Their lives were always respected, but their property was
held on a precarious tenure, and they were frequently
subjected to annoyances for which they could obtain no
redress. It was a strange and unnatural position for white
men to be in.

Gangelizwe was usually an easy-going, mild-mannered man,
but he was subject to fits of ungovernable temper, when he
was prone to commit the most savage acts. In May 1866 he
took as his great wife a daughter of the Xosa chief Kreli.
The marriage was brought about by his counsellors for
political purposes, and affection bad nothing to do with it.
The treatment of this woman by her husband when he was
enraged was so brutal that in 1870 she fled from him, and
returned to her father maimed and covered with wounds.
Fearing Kreli’s vengeance, as soon as his wife left him the
Tembu chief, through Mr. E. J. Warner, applied to the high
commissioner for an officer to reside with him, and a few
months later repeated the request. Thereupon, in February
1871 Mr. E. B. Chalmers was appointed resident with
Gangelizwe, to advise him and to be the medium of
communication between him and the colonial government.

Acting by the advice of Mr. Fynn, Kreli had submitted to
the governor a complaint of the treatment of his daughter
by Gangelizwe, and Messrs. Fynn and Chalmers were
instructed to investigate the matter and report upon it.
They did so, and in March 1871 the governor pronounced
judgment, that Gangelizwe should pay to Kreli forty head
of cattle. Kreli accepted the cattle awarded to him, though
he considered the punishment altogether too slight. His
people, incensed at the outrages inflicted on their chiefs
daughter, which they regarded as insults to themselves, and
smarting under the occupation by the emigrant Tembus of a
tract of land that had once been theirs, were intent upon
revenge. Plundering commenced, followed by retaliation, and
presently the two tribes were at war.

On the 30th of September 1872 Kreli and his son Sigeawu
crossed the Bashee at the head of a large army, and invaded

58 Abandon7nent of the Transkei. [1872

Tembuland. As the Galekas advanced the Tembus fell back I
until the 6th of October, when a battle was fought in which
the Tembus were totally defeated. Gangelizwe with his 1
bodyguard fled to the Wesleyan mission station Clarkebury,
where the reverend Mr. Hargreaves was then residing. This ,
gentleman was possessed of rare courage as well as of great
influence over the people around him. He met Kreli, whose
followers were elated with victory and half mad with
excitement, and induced him to abstain from further pursuit.

Gangelizwe now offered to Mr. Chalmers to cede the whole
of his country unconditionally to the British government.
The resident asked that the offer should be made at a public
meeting, and one was called for the purpose. On the 21st
of October a number of the sub-chiefs came together, and
expressed a strong feeling in favour of the cession. Dalasild,
however, and several others were not present.

A commission, consisting of Lieutenant-Colonel Edmonstone,
of the 32nd regiment, Mr. E. A. Judge, civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of Queenstown, and Inspector J.
Murray Grant, of the frontier armed and mounted police,
was sent to the scene of disturbances, and succeeded in
inducing Kreli to suspend hostilities. When this was settled,
the commission -was informed by Gangelizwe, at a meeting
which took place on the 30th of November 1872, that his
offer of his country and his people to the British government
had been made without sufficient consideration and without
the consent of some of his principal subordinate chiefs, and
that as there was considerable opposition to its being carried
out he wished to withdraw it. As afterwards ascertained, it
was Dalasile who overruled the proposal of Gangelizwe to
follow the example of Moshesh by placing himself under
British protection.

Mr. Charles Brownlee then visited the territory occupied by
the Galekas and the Tembus. On the 20th of January 1873
he met Kreli, who had six thousand warriors with him, and
persuaded him to send four delegates to Idutywa to meet
Gangelizwe’s representatives. The Tembu chief gladly sent

iS6S] Abandonment of the Transkei. 59

the same number of delegates, and Mr. Brownlee was able
to induce them to make a formal declaration of peace, so that
quietness was restored once more along the colonial border.

The Fingos in their new settlement were not long in
discovering that Captain Cobbe, who was stationed with
them, was without any authority and could only give
advice. The governor informed the resident that “it was
essential to the successful working of the Transkeian
settlement that the British officers emploj^-ed there should be
perfectly aware that they possessed no authority in the legal
sense of the word derived from the British government,
inasmuch as her Majesty’s government had deliberately
determined to relinquish the possession of that country. The
authority of the British officers must therefore strictly
speaking be derived altogether from the chiefs and people
with whom they dwelt, and by whom any directions or advice
they might give must be carried into effect. But although
it was right that these officers should themselves correctly
appreciate their position, it by no means followed that they
should bring this circumstance prominently into notice, and
thus lower their own influence in dealing wdth the people.
Each of the tribes settled in the Transkei looked with more or
less jealousy on the others, and each desired to retain the
good-will of the British government. The leading men set
a value on the allowances they received. The individuals
composing each tribe had become alive to the beneflts of an
impartial administration, and had probably little desire to
come under the uncontrolled power of their chiefs. All
these influences would operate to sustain the authority of the
British resident, and to enable him to procure the execution
of orders given with discretion and with a due regard for
the habits and prejudices of the people.”

This system gave very little satisfaction. The Fingos, who
during their residence in the Cape Colony had made great
strides towards civilisation, were now rapidly falling back into
the habits of their ancestors. In the wars of Tshaka they had
lost most of their chiefs, so that it was much less difficult for

6o Abandonment of the Transkei. [1869

them than for other Bantu to adopt European ideas. They
were of various clans, and had no bond of union except the
government of the white man, whiie the}^ were surrounded
by enemies always ready to pounce upon and destroy them.
Their best men admitted their inability to form a government
of their own, and were desirous of some better system than
one in which the only means of coercion was the stoppage
of a paltry allowance to the head of a kraal or letting
loose the people of one village to plunder those of another.

Captain Cobbe was withdrawn in May 1869, and after a
short interval during which Mr. Charles J. Levey was in
charge of the office. Captain Matthew Blyth was appointed
Fingo agent. This officer, who was possessed of great
ability as an administrator, soon became a real chief over
the people, and arrested the downward movement among
them. They submitted willingly to the authority which he
assumed, and never thought of questioning his decisions.
Under his firm, but benevolent, administration, the Fingos
entered upon a career of great prosperity, and peace was
undisturbed in their territory.

When the office of British resident was abolished, Mr.
Thomas A. Cumming was stationed at Idutywa with the
title of superintendent. The people of that district were
refugees of various tribes, without any chief of high rank
among them. Those who did not submit to be ruled by the
superintendent were therefore in a state of anarchy for several
years.

In addition to the territory that was taken from the
Xosas in 1858 and allotted to the Galekas in 1864 and to
the emigrant Tembus and Fingos in 1865, a large extent
of unoccupied land along the base of the Drakensberg or
Kathlamba mountains was abandoned by the British govern-
ment in 1864. It was part of the territory now termed
Griqualand East, which is about seven thousand square
miles or eighteen thousand square kilometres in extent, its
boundaries being the Kathlamba range on the north-west,
Tembuland on the south-west, the dividing line being the

1S44] Abandonffunt of the Tramket, 61

head waters of the Umtata river and the watershed between
the streams which flow into the Bashee and the Umzimvubu,
Pondoland and the county of Alfred in Xatal on the south-
east, and the colony of Xatal on the north-east. Xo part
of the territory is nearer the sea than thirty miles or
forty-eight kilometres in a straight line.

The soil of Griqualand East is in general fertile and
covered with a rich carpeting of grass. Horses and homed
cattle thrive as well as in the most favoured parts of South
Africa, and the pasturage along the slopes of the Drakens-
berg is particularly well adapted for sheep. Wheat grows
in perfection, as does nearly every fruit, grain, and vegetable
of the warmer part of the temperate zone. The lowest part
of the territory, or the side nearest the sea, has an eleva-
tion of not less than nine hundred metres above the ocean,
and from this depression there is a constant upward incline
until the great mountain wall is reached. The most elevated
portions of Griqualand East are therefore so cold in winter
that no Bantu ever cared to occupy them. Europeans find
the climate as pleasant and healthy as any in the world,
though, owing probably to the air being damper, chest
diseases are more common than on the great plains of the
interior. In the summer months, when the prevailing winds
are from the ocean and when thunderstorms gather along
the mountains, the rainfall is usually considerable ; but there
are occasional seasons of drought, never, however, equalling
in duration those sometimes experienced in districts to the
westward.

British ownership of the territory was based nominally
on a cession made by the Pondo chief Faku, in reahty it
rested on the right of a civilised power to enforce order.
Faku never had any authority in it, he never would have
had a claim to a square metre of its soil if such a claim had
not been given to him by Sir Peregrine Maitland in the
treaty of 1S44. At that time hardly anything was known
by the colonial government of the political condition of the
Bantu in the valley of the Umzimvubu. Along the lower

62 Abandonment of the Transkei. [1844

course of the river the Pondo tribe was found by travellers
and missionaries, and it was assumed that the whole region
was under the jurisdiction of Faku, the paramount Pondo
chief.

Faku was not slow in perceiving the advantages to be
derived from an alliance with the Cape Colony. Tshaka
and Dingan were dead, and the terrible Zulu power had
been shattered, but he had many enemies still. A powerful
friend at a safe distance was most desirable. He therefore
accepted without hesitation the proposals made to him by
Sir Peregrine Maitland’s agents, and affixed his mark to a
treaty, in the twelfth clause of which he was acknowledged
as paramount chief of the whole region between the Umtata
and the Umzimkulu, from the Drakensberg to the sea. In
the thirteenth clause the colonial government undertook to
secure this territory to him against British subjects, but
the rights of all petty chiefs and Bantu tribes residing in
any part of it were to remain unaltered. As now known,
the population of the country between the Umtata and
the Umzimkulu at that time consisted of

{a) The Pondo tribe, occupying the banks of the
Umzimvubu for sixty or seventy kilometres upwards from
the sea. These Pondos had lived there as long as their
traditions of general events went back, which may have
been a couple of hundred years, and though Zulu armies
had swept off their stock and reduced them to great destitu-
tion, they had managed to preserve their lives by retiring
into mountain recesses and thickly - wooded ravines till the
waves of invasion rolled over. In 1844 Faku was para-
mount chief of the tribe, but practically governed only the
eastern clans, as Ndamasi, his eldest son of the right hand
house, ruled the clans on the western side of the river.
Umqikela, the eldest son of the great house and conse-
quently the heir to the paramount chieftainship, was still a
youth.

(6) The Pondomsi tribe, living eastward of the Umtata,
farther inland than the Pondos. This tribe had been

1844] Abandonment of the Tra7iskei, 63

independent as far back as its traditions went, and for many
years had occupied the same position as it did in 1844. It
was divided into two rival sections, well known in later
times as those of the chiefs Umhlonhlo and Umditshwa.

(c) The Bacas under the chief Ncapayi, who was then
acting as regent during the minority of his brother. These
people were the remnants of a northern tribe which had
suffered greatly in the wars of Tshaka, and when driven
from their own country had fled to the district they were
occupying in 1844. They had of course no hereditary right
to the ground there, but their claim to it was as good as
could be set up by anyone else.

(d) The Xesibes, the remnant of a tribe that more than a
century earlier had migrated from the northern part of the
present colony of Natal and settled in a district near that
in which they were then living east of the Umzimvubu.
Tshaka drove them beyond the Umtata, but after his death
they returned. The whole country had been in commotion,
and there was hardly a clan in it that had not been
displaced. The Xesibes, on recrossing the Umzimvubu, lived
for a time a nomadic life, but at length took possession of
a tract of land to which the Amanci clan of the Pondos had
a claim, and thus a feud was originated between them.

(e) A great number of little groups of refugees with
diflerent titles, an enumeration of which would only cause
confusion. The Pondos, owing largely to the prestige gained
by their alliance with the Cape Colon}^, have managed since
that time to incorporate most of these clans. They were
principally ofishoots of the great tribe of the Abambo, that
once occupied the northern part of Natal.

(f) Various refugee clans occupying the tract of land
between the Umtamvuna and Umzimkulu rivers. The
district in which these people lived was annexed to the
colony of Natal in 1864.

(g) A number of Bushmen roaming over the otherwise
uninhabited territory along the base of the Drakensberg or
Kathlamba.

64 Abandonment of the Transket. [1S50

Among these various tribes and clans war was perpetually ;
carried on. Somebody was always fancying the cattle or
the cornfields of somebody else, or keeping alive ancient
feuds by burning kraals and slaughtering opponents. Com-
binations among the various sections of the community were
continually changing, so that it is not only wearisome to
follow them through their quarrels, but it can serve no good
purpose to do so. The Pondos were far the most numerous of
any one party, but they could not reduce the Pondomsis, the '
Bacas, or the Xesibes to subjection. As for Faku, he gained ;
the reputation, which he kept to the day of his death, of
being a faithful ally of the British government, which being
interpreted means that he was always ready to fall upon
the Xosas and Tembus when the Cape Colony was at war j
with them, and stock his kraals with oxen and cows at their i
expense.

In one respect the Maitland treaty pressed heavily upon
the Pondo chief. The Natal government maintained that
as he was the paramount ruler of all the people living in !
the country along their south-western border, he was bound
to prevent stock-lifting by his subjects, and when the .
Bushmen of the uplands committed depredations he was
held responsible and compelled to make good the loss. In
1850 his npminal dignity cost him in this way a thousand head
of cattle, the whole spoil of a raid upon his neighbours’ ^
kraals. Naturally this irritated him, and while smarting
under the loss of his oxen he sent word to Mari tz burg that
he had not asked for the upper country, Sir Peregrine 1
Maitland had forced it upon him, and rather than be held >
accountable for the misdeeds of its inhabitants he would
prefer to see the Natal government taking possession and ;
directly ruling the people in it. •!

Upon this Mr. Walter Harding was sent to Faku’s >
residence to arrange matters with him, and on the 11th of ^
April 1850 a treaty as formal as that of 1844 was drawn up J
in writing and received the mark of the chief, by which the i
boundary between Natal and Pondoland was declared to be

i86i] Abancionvmit of the Transkei. 65

the Umtainvuna river from its mouth up to its westernmost
source, and thence a straight line continued to the Kath-
lamba mountains. This treaty was not acted upon, however,
nor was it ever ratified by the high commissioner, and
shortly after it was arranged, when the lieutenant-governor
of Natal restored six hundred of the cattle and the remem-
brance of the penalty attached to his dignity was less
distinct, the chief wished to withdraw from it ; but from
that time forward it was admitted that the twelfth clause
of the Maitland treaty could not be carried out.

Sir George Grey looked upon the tract along the base of
the Kathlamba as waste land at his disposal as the highest
authority in South Africa. After the war between the
Basuto and the Free State in 1858, he was desirous of
locating there some of the restless clans whose presence on
the Basuto frontier was a permanent hindrance to the
establishment of order. His plan was, however, frustrated
by an exceedingly clever movement of Nehemiah Moshesb,
who under his father’s directions hastened across the
Drakensberg with a few followers, and located himself on
the head waters of the Umzimvubu before the others could
be got away. Nehemiah’s presence there prevented the
settlement of his father’s opponents, who would have
established a rival Basuto power in Nomansland, as the
country below the Drakensberg had now come to be termed.
It led also to the claim which in later times the Basuto
chiefs set up to the present district of Matatiele as part of
their country. At first the most persevering eflforts were
made by Nehemiah to obtain Sir George Grey’s recognition
of his right to the land there, and when these failed, the
old chief Moshesh advanced a claim on the ground of a
cession of the district to him by Faku. But the claim was
never recognised by any British authority, and a commission
that investigated it in 1875 came to a decision adverse to
the Basuto pretensions.

Sir George Grey also proposed to remove the Griqua
captain Adam Kok from the district of Philippolis, north of

Abandonment of the Transkei. [1861

the Orange river, to a part of Nomansland. Early in 1861
he determined to pay a visit in person to the country
between the Umtata and the Umzimkulu, to make arrange-
ments .for the location of the Griquas in the uplands, and to
ascertain for himself the cause of the constant commotions
in the inhabited parts, so that he might be able to devise a
remedy. But he fell ill at King-Williamstown, and therefore
sent Sir Walter Currie in his stead. As a preliminary step
that gentleman paid a visit to Faku. The reverend Thomas
Jenkins, a Wesleyan missionary who possessed the confidence
of the Pondo chief, was present at the interview, as were
also the great counsellors of the tribe. Faku asserted his
personal desire for peace, and accused his enemies of being
the cause of the disturbances. He thought the colonial
government would be able to keep them in better order
than he could, and he therefore offered to cede the whole
country between the Drakensberg and a line which he
named, extending from the Umtata to the Umzimkulu, upon
condition of the British authorities exercising direct rule
over it.

It was a very politic ofier, this of the clever Pondo chief.
For years he had been vainly endeavouring to reduce his
enemies to subjection, and now he proposed to hand most
of them over to the colonial government to be kept quiet,
while he crushed or absorbed the rest. This is not the
light in which the proposed cession was regarded by the
British authorities, but there can be no doubt of its being
Faku’s secret view. The line would leave him more land
than he ever actually had under his control before, and it
would leave his enemies within it entirely at his mercy.
That the ofier thus made in March 1861, though considered
by the colonial government thenceforth as binding upon the
Pondos, was not acted upon at once was no fault of Faku.
Sir Walter Currie went carefully over the proposed line,
and visited the chiefs living northwest of it. He found
each of them professing a desire for peace and endeavouring
to throw the blame of the disturbances upon some of the

]

1S63] Abandonment of the Transkei, 67

others. All expressed a wish to be taken under the
protection of the colonial government, and a willingness
to receive magistrates.

It 1863 Sir Philip Wodehouse located Adam Kok’s Griquas
in that part of Nomansland east of the Umzimvubu which
is now comprised in the districts of Kokstad and Umzimkulu.
It is from them that the whole territory has since been
termed Griqualand East. The Natal government pressed its
claim to the land ceded to it by Faku in April 1850, and
a meeting was arranged between Sir Walter Currie and
Dr. Sutherland, the surveyor-general of Natal, to define
clearly the western boundary of that colony. The meeting
took place on the 1st of March 1862. Dr. Sutherland claimed
a line from the source of the Umtamvuna to the source of
the Tina, which would have taken in a large portion of
the unoccupied territory and not have left sufficient ground
on which to locate the Griquas, but to this Sir Walter Currie
would not consent. They could not come to an agreement,
and the high commissioner then ignored the Natal claim
and fijxed the boundary where it is at present.

The object of placing the Griquas there was to establish
in Nomansland a power, acting under British prestige, believed
to be sufficiently civilised to set a good example and
sufficiently strong to maintain order. But the scheme was
an utter failure, and in a few years Adam Kok was obliged
to ask that a British resident should be stationed in the
country to endeavour to keep the different sections of the
inhabitants from exterminating each other.

Kok was able to perform one service, however, in driving
Nehemiah Moshesh out of the country. That individual
lad been doing his utmost to extend Basuto influence. When
:he Griquas left Philippolis they moved into Basutoland,
where they remained nearly two years before they crossed
;he Drakensberg. Old Moshesh was desirous that Kok
should settle in Nomansland as his vassal, and as the
Mqua captain would not do so, Nehemiah was strengthened
:or the purpose of annoying him. The Basuto managed to

68 Abandonment of the Transkei. [1869

plunder the Griquas of a good many cattle, but ultimately
Nehemiah and his robber band were attacked and compelled
to recross the Drakensberg.

The wars which began in 1865 between the Basuto and the
Orange Free State drove a considerable number of people
into Nomansland. In 1867 the Monaheng clan under
Lebenya abandoned Basutoland and crossed over the
mountains into the waste country below. Another large
clan followed under Makwai, the chief of highest rank in
the house of Moshesh, when his stronghold was taken by the
Free State forces. These served as centres of attraction, to
which different small parties were subsequently drawn.
There went also over from the Wittebergen reserve, now the
district of Herschel, the Batlokwa clan under the chief
Lehana, son of the celebrated Sikonyela, the lifelong enemy
of Moshesh. In March 1869, just after the convention of
Aliwal North was arranged, Sir Philip Wodehouse crossed
over into Nomansland, taking with him from Herschel the
Hlubi chief Zibi, grandson of Umpangazita, with his clan.
Another section of the Hlubi tribe, under the chief Ludidi, a
younger brother of Langalibalele, had been resident in the
country some years. To all the recent immigrants the high
commissioner gave tracts of land along the base of the
Drakensberg. Makwai he placed under Adam Kok, and ex-
tended the Griqua district westward to the Kenigha river,
thus including in it the whole of Matatiele. Lebenya and
Zibi he placed together, giving them the ground from the
Kenigha to the Tina, without laying down any boundary
between them. The land between the Tina and the Eland’s
river he gave to Lehana.

In' January 1872 a commission, consisting of Messrs. C. D. .
Griffith, governor’s agent in Basutoland, James Ayliff, resident ,
magistrate of Wodehouse, and J. Murray Grant, inspector of t
the frontier armed and mounted police, was appointed tot
investigate the cause of the constant dissensions in Nomans-'
land and to arrange boundaries between the various tribes-
and clans.

1872] Abandofijumt of the Transhet. 69

The commission found the country in a state of almost
indescribable confusion. Everywhere traces of burnt kraals
and devastated gardens were to be seen, while there was
hardly a clan that did not regard its neighbours as its
enemies. Most of them, however, seemed weary of war and
willing to submit to a controlling power. These asked that
the Cape colonial government should assume authority over
them all, by sending magistrates into the country, in which
case they promised to pay hut tax. The chiefs who made
this request were Makaula, son of Ncapayi, of the Bacas,
Umhlonhlo, of the Pondomsis, Lehana, of the Batlokwa,
Lebenya, of the Basuto, Ludidi and Zibi, of the Hlubis, and
Jojo, of the Xesibes. The last named was on the Pondo side
of the line named by Faku, all the others were within
Xomansland. Uipditshwa held aloof from the commission.

Umqikela, who on the 29th of October 1867 had succeeded
Faku as paramount chief of the Pondos, objected to inter-
ference in the territory west of the Umzimvubu, as he
denied that any land on that side had been ceded by his
father. The commission, however, recommended that the
line described by Faku to Sir Walter Currie should be
maintained, and the colonial government decided to adhere to
it, as it had been recognised ever since 1861.

Some boundaries were laid down and some promises to
keep the peace obtained, but the commission could do little
beyond reporting the condition of affairs. The conclusion it
arrived at was embodied in a recommendation that Nomans-
j land should be brought under British authority, and that
1 magistrates should be appointed to exercise jurisdiction over
the people.

This was the condition of matters in the abandoned
territory at the close of 1872, and it shows how disastrous
to South Africa was the mistaken policy of the time. Twenty
thousand Europeans could easily have been provided with
homes on land that had been allotted to barbarians.

CHAPTER LXX.

SIR PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, GOVERNOR AND HIGH
COMMISSIONER — {continued).

With the abandonment of the Transkeian territory the
expansion of British Kaffraria was no longer possible, and its
area was too small and its European population too few in
number to maintain an independent government, still the
majority of its white inhabitants were as much opposed to its
incorporation with the Cape Colony as ever. They believed
that as a crown colony Great Britain must continue to pro-
tect them, whereas if they were absorbed by the Cape Colony
the probabilities were that the imperial troops would be
withdrawn, and now that a great number of Bantu were
massed on their border, their position was more dangerous
than before.

In September 1864 Sir Philip Wodehouse visited King-
Williamstown, when a deputation from the inhabitants
waited upon him and expressed their views to this effect.
They reminded him of his promise that they should not be
annexed without their consent, and they asked him to
endeavour to procure the establishment of a legislative
council in the province. He replied admitting his promise,
but pointing out the deficiency in the revenue and the dis-
inclination of the imperial government to make further
grants, and held out no expectation that their views would
be supported in England. A minority of the people in the
province, led by Mr.- — ^later Sir — J. Gordon Sprigg, seeing no
prospect of successful resistance and realising that a British
dependency unable to pay its civil servants, much less to
carry out any public works, was an anomaly, now declared

1864] Annexation of British Kaff^^aria, 71

in favour of annexation and an attempt to obtain responsible
^vernment for the united colony. On the 10th of
September a meeting was held at the village of Maclean,
when a memorial to the high commissioner was drawn up
and signed by one hundred and forty-five persons in favour
of incorporation with the Cape Colony.

In February 1864 the whole of the convicts in British
Kaffraria were sent to East London, where they were
employed thereafter for some time in constructing a sea wall
on the eastern side of the mouth of the Buffalo river. It was
the cheapest way of employing them, which was the principal
object in view, as the harbour works were very slightly
advanced by their labour.

In December 1864 the popular lieutenant - governor,
Lieutenant-Colonel John Maclean, was transferred to Natal,
very much to the regret of the inhabitants, European and
Bantu alike, all of whom held him in the highest esteem.
On the 24th of that month Mr. Kobert Graham, civil com-
missioner of Albany, succeeded him, with the title of
governor’s deputy.

On the 13th of July 1864 the governor informed the
secretary of state that both the colonies opposed union
because they wished the responsibility for the protection of
British Kafiraria to remain with the British government,
and he suggested that the best way to bring it about would
be by an act of the imperial parliament. This was approved
of, and on the 14th of December he forwarded the draft of
a bill for the purpose. Mr. Cardwell promised to bring it
before parliament, as he desired annexation in order that
the British treasury might be relieved of expense.

The imperial act was passed, but was only to come in
force in case the Cape parliament should refuse to annex
the little colony of its own accord. It provided that “ if
the parliament of the Cape of Good Hope makes provision
for the incorporation of British Kaffraria, which they are
hereby empowered to do, and the governor of the Cape of
Good Hope, as governor of British Kaffraria, assents to such

History of the Cape Colony, [1865

provision by an instrument under his hand and under the
seal of British Kaffraria, then from and after the date of /
such assent British Kaffraria shall become incorporated with
the Cape of Good Hope on the terms of such provision for
all purposes whatever, as if it had always formed part of
the Cape of Good Hope.” It gave four members in the
house of assembly for two new constituencies into which
British Kaffraria was to be divided, and as the members
representing the eastern province of the existing Cape
Colony believed that these would of necessity be ranged on
their side, it was regarded as a menace by the west.

Armed with this act. Sir Philip Wodehouse opened parlia-
ment in Capetown on the 27th of April 1865. In his
address he stated that the imperial authorities were stead-
fastly opposed to the extension of European occupation, but
that he hoped to obtain the Tambookie location within the
borders of the colony for settlement by farmers. As parlia-
ment in 1862 declined to sanction the annexation of British
Kaffraria, he had applied to the imperial parliament to pass
an act for that purpose, which had been done. Bills would,
however, be introduced to enable the Cape parliament to
effect the annexation itself, and also to increase the number
of representatives in both houses.

On the 16th of May the bills alluded to were brought before
the house of assembly by the colonial secretary, and were
read the first time. It was proposed in one of them to
increase the members of the legislative council to twenty-
two and of the house of assembly to sixty-two. Thereupon
Mr. Solomon gave notice of his intention to bring forward
a resolution protesting against the unconstitutional and unjust
deed of the imperial parliament in passing the annexation
act now held in terrorem over the Cape.

Accordingly on the 22nd of May he moved, and Mr.
Molteno seconded, a resolution of great length to that effect.
Mr. Kutherfoord moved, and Mr. Manuel seconded, an
amendment modifying some of the expressions, but retaining
the full sense of Mr. Solomon’s motion, and after a brief

1S65] A7incxatio7i of Bi'itisk Kaffraria,

discussion, in which the opinion was freely expressed that a
parliament in the colony was a mere deceptive sham if it
could be subjected to such “ arbitrary interference ” in a
matter of the greatest importance, on the 23rd the amendment
was carried without a division. It ended with the following
paragraphs : —

“ This house is further of opinion that the course adopted by Sir P.
E. Wodehouse in reference to the annexation and native questions
generally, as illustrated by the papers upon these subjects now before
the house, is one calculated to deprive him of that degree of the
confidence of this house and of the country, which is so essential to the
proper conduct of afiairs in a colony in which representative institutions
have been established.

“ That for these reasons, whilst giving no opinion upon the expediency
or otherwise of the incorporation of British Kaflfraria with this colony,
this house, on behalf of the people of this colony, protests, as it hereby
does protest, against this arbitrary act of the imperial parliament,
prompted, avowedly, by a desire to throw upon this colony the whole or
a largely increased portion of the expense and burden of the measures
for the military defence of the crown colony of British Kaffraria, over
which measures, as well as over the policy pursued towards the native
tribes beyond our frontier, which are entirely in the hands of her Majesty’s
high commissioner, this parliament has not exercised, and cannot exercise,
any control, and for which it is not, and ought not to be held, in any way
responsible. And this house further protests against this colony being held
responsible for any larger portion of the expense of frontier defence than
it now bears in consequence of the incorporation of British Kaffraria which
has been forced upon it. And this house protests against the fact of its
legislating on the subject being taken to imply its concurrence in that
act, or its admission that the imperial parliament was justified, under the
circumstances, to exercise its paramount authority in the way that it
has done.”

The struggle between the western and the eastern
members began with a motion to amalgamate the Kaffrarian
annexation bill and the additional representation bill brought
in by the government. The easterns naturally wished the
annexation bill to be carried, which they believed would
give them four more votes, and the additional representation
bill, which would keep the number of members of the two
provinces in the same proportion as it then was, to be
thrown out. Most of the midland members, however,
seemed more apprehensive of eastern than of western

74 History of the Cape Colony, [1865

domination, and the bills were therefore amalgamated by
twenty votes against eleven and on the 30th of May were
read for the first time in the house of assembly in that
form.

On the 2nd of June the amalgamated bill passed its
second reading by twenty -one votes to ten, but on the
29th, when it was to have come before the assembly as a
committee, the debates were so animated and the opposition
of the eastern members was so determined that the house
sat through the whole night and did not rise until eleven
o’clock in the morning of the 30th. The opposition, which
now degenerated into simple obstruction, was continued
until the 19th of July, when at last the bill reached the
committee stage.

On the 4th of August, when it came on for the third
reading, the eastern members, rather than be defeated on a
division, left the house in a body. It was therefore carried,
and on the 9th it came before the legislative council. There
the opposition was even stronger than in the assembly, and
was continued with hardly any respite until the 14th of
September, when the bill passed its third reading by seven
votes against six. The eastern members — the honourable
Messrs. Robert Godlonton, George Wood, William Cock,
Charles Pote, Samuel Cawood, and Henry Tucker — even
then did not cease their opposition. They at once handed
in a protest against the enactment of the bill, which wa&
entered on the minutes, but of course had no effect.

On the 10th of October parliament was prorogued, after
the longest and stormiest session yet known, and among
other acts assented to on behalf of the crown was the one
annexing British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony.

It provided that as soon as the governor of British
Kaffraria should pass an ordinance dividing that colony into
two electoral divisions, and should proclaim in the Gazette
the names of the members returned to the house of
assembly for those divisions, the incorporation should be
complete. For the election of members of the legislative

1 866] An7iexatio7i of British Kaff7'aria,

council, the two new divisions were to form part of the
eastern province. The supreme court of British KafFraria
was abolished, and the eastern districts court was sub-
stituted for it, but the office for the registry of deeds
remained as it was. The number of members of the
legislative council was increased to twenty-one by adding
three for the eastern and three for the western province,
and of the house of assembly to sixty-six by creating, in
addition to the two Kaffrarian divisions, the new divisions
of Aliwal North, Namaqualand, Oudtshoorn, Piketberg,
Richmond, Riversdale, Queenstown, and Victoria West, each
to return two representatives.

On the 23rd of November an ordinance was issued by
Sir Philip Wodehouse, as governor of British Kaffraria,
dividing that territory into the two magisterial and fiscal
districts of King-Williamstown and East London, each of
which was to be an electoral division. A registration of
qualified voters then took place, and courts were held for
the nomination of members of the house of assembly. On
the 5th of April 1866 the elections took place, when Mr.
Joseph Walker and Dr. James Peters were returned for
King - Williamstown, and Messrs. William Bell and Henry
Sparks for East London. In King-Williamstown only one
hundred and twenty-two voters went to the poll. On the
I7th of April a proclamation was issued by the governor
announcing the names of the members, and that all the
preliminaries required by the annexation act being now
completed, the two new districts previously forming British
Kafiraria were incorporated with the Cape Colony.

On the same day, Mr. Simeon Jacobs, the attorney-general
of British Kafiraria, was appointed solicitor - general, and
forthwith went to reside in Grahamstown. The judge, Mr.
James Coleman Fitzpatrick, was appointed a member of the
supreme court, and on the 13th of August replaced Mr.
Justice Connor as one of the judges of the eastern districts
court, Mr. Petrus Johannes Denyssen being the other. Mr.
Richard Taylor remained at King - Williamstown as civil

76 History of the Cape Colony. [1866

commissioner and resident magistrate, and Mr. Matthew
Jennings remained at East London in the same capacity.
Mr. Joseph Walker having resigned his seat, Mr. — later Sir
— Charles Abercrombie Smith in August succeeded him as
member of the house of assembly for King-Williamstown.
Dr. Peters, the other member first elected, did not trouble
himself to attend the next session, and consequently his seat
was declared vacant. Mr. — afterwards Sir — Charles Mills,
a gentleman of great ability who in later years became
agent-general for the colony in England, was then, in April
1867, elected in his stead.

A proclamation was issued on the 17th of April 1866
directing the election of the six new members of the legisla-
tive council, and Messrs. John Centlivres Chase, Dennis
Harper Kennelly, and Kichard Joseph Painter were returned
unopposed for the eastern districts, little or no interest
being taken in the matter by the Kafirarian electors.

From the commencement of 1866 the trade returns
through East London are included in those of the Cape
Colony. Previous to that time they were ; imports, 1862
£127,857, 1863 £152,377, 1864 £105,371, and 1865 £78,349 ;
exports, 1862 £43,873, 1863 £24,882, 1864 £31,141, and 1865
£28,928. The population at the time of the annexation
amounted to : Europeans 8,200, Bantu 81,000.

Wednesday the 17th of May 1865 was marked by one of
the most violent storms known in Table Bay since the
beginning of the century. A terrific gale from the north-
west set in during the night of the 16th, and increased as
the day wore on, driving enormous billows before it, and
heaping up the water in the bay. There were three
steamers — the Athens^ the JDanCy and the Briton, all
belonging to the Union Company — and twenty-five sea-going
sailing vessels at anchor at ten o’clock in the morning,
besides a large number of cargo and other boats moored
near the shore. Early in the morning some of the vessels
signalled that they needed additional cables and anchors,
and as very large sums were offered by their agents, some

1865] Sir Philip Wodehouse, 77

of those adventurous and skilful boatmen for whom Table
Bay was then famous ventured to try to convey an anchor
and cable to one of the ships, but when close alongside
their boat was swamped, and twelve men lost their lives.
The first officer of the Athens put off in a lifeboat with
four volunteers from his ship as a crew to try to rescue
the men, but when passing under the stern of the Dane
his boat was capsized and one of her crew was drowned.

! The officer and the remainder of the crew managed to
grasp ropes flung to them from the Bane^ and were hauled
on board that vessel alive.

During the day the barques Star of the West, Alacrity,
Deane, Frederick Bassil, Royal Arthur, and Royal Minstrel,
the brigs Galatea and Jane, the brigantine Maria Johanna,
the schooners Glijpper, Fernande, Figilante, Isabel, Kehr-
weider, and Benjamin Miller, the cutter Gem, and about
thirty cargo and other boats parted their cables and were
driven ashore between the castle and the mouth of Salt

River. Their crews were all rescued, but many of them

saved nothing except their lives.

Just after sunset the barque City of Peterborough parted
her cables and struck on the Sceptre reef, where the cries

of the unfortunate people on board could be heard from

the shore, but no assistance could be rendered. Captain
Wright had his wife and child with him, and there were
twelve officers and seamen on board, fifteen souls in all.
The night was so pitchy dark that the wreck could not
be seen, but for an hour or so cries were heard, and then
all was still but the roaring of the gale and the beating
of the mountain waves on the shore. In the morning
not a vestige of the wreck was to be seen, and it became
certain that all on board had perished.

The Athens, Dane, and Briton had their steam up, which
partly relieved the strain on their cables, but a little before
six o’clock in the evening, as night was setting in, the last
cable of the Athens snapped. She was to have left for
Mauritius on the following day, but none of the passengers

78 History of the Cape Colony, [1865 ^ "

' ■■■■ ■ s

had gone on board. Her first officer was in the Dane^ and ' ij ^
the second and third were on shore on leave. When her i|B
cable parted she tried to stand out to sea under full steam, »
and as long as she could be seen she was making some little j|
headway. Whether her machinery broke down, or whether 1
her fires were put out by the great seas that broke over J
her, is not known ; but about seven o’clock she struck on \
the rocks at Mouille Point. People gathered quickly on the 1
shore, but it was impossible to rescue the doomed crew. S
Their shouts were heard for more than two hours, and then f
the Athens went to pieces. Captain Smith, Dr. Curtis, and |
twenty -eight firemen, seamen, and others who formed her |
crew perished. ,|

The Dane, the Briton, and eight sailing vessels rode out 1
the gale, but most of them were badly damaged. The *
Galatea, the Jane, the Frederick Bassil, and the Gem were
got afioat again, and were repaired : all the others were
total wrecks.

The Dane was lost some months later. She left Table
Bay for Zanzibar, and at four o’clock in the afternoon of '
the 1st of December ran on a previously unknown reef about
three kilometres and a half from the shore near Cape
Recife. She broke up at once, but all on board got safely
to land.

On the 17th of May, the day of the great gale in Table
Bay, the pretty village of Swellendam was almost destroyed
by fire. About two o’clock in the afternoon a building was
seen to be alight, and as a perfect hurricane was blowing, j
the flames spread very rapidly. The public offices, the
Wesleyan chapel, the bank, the office of the Overherg
Courant, several stores, the telegraph office, and over forty
dwelling houses were burned to the ground. Towards
evening very heavy rain set in, or even more damage
would have been done.

The relief works at Tulbagh Kloof were stopped in
October 1865, as there were no funds available to carry
them on. The severe drought from which the country had

i866] Sir Philip W odchoicse,

suffered so long still continued, so that employment was not
to be had on farms, and the distressed labourers were
therefore obliged to betake themselves to the towns and
villages, where private benevolence was heavily taxed to
prevent actual starvation. The colony had passed through
periods of depression before, but never through one of such
intensity or long duration.

The pressure of hunger was felt by the Bantu as well as
by the other inhabitants, and cattle thefts increased to such
an extent that the frontier farmers were almost driven to
desperation. In the district of King-Williamstown a number
of persons formed themselves into a “ mutual protection
association,” but on the first occasion of exercising the
power which they assumed, a retaliatory raid upon the
kraal of the petty chief Umjusa, in which a little property
was destroyed and two or three individuals were slightly
hurt, several of them got into serious trouble for con-
travening the law. They were sent to Port Elizabeth for
trial, on the ground that public opinion on the frontier was
so strong in their favour that no jury would bring in a
verdict against them. At Port Elizabeth they were acquitted,
but the association was brought to an end. The leading
member of it, a man of ability who had once been an
officer in the British German legion, became in later years
a cabinet minister of the Cape Colony.

On the 6th of September 1866 parliament met in Cape-
town. The delay caused by the carrying out of the British
Kaffraria annexation act and the subsequent election of new
members for both houses had prevented its opening sooner.
The elections had largely turned upon the question of
responsible government, those who favoured that measure
being convinced that the governor’s action must have
increased the desire for the change they advocated, but the
east was still firmly opposed to it, and it was certain that
a motion for its introduction would be outvoted, so it was
not brought on. The government was in a more unfavour-
able position than it had ever been before. The highly

8o History of the Cape Colony. [1866

talented, liberal, and courteous attorney-general, Mr. William
Porter, who had on many occasions smoothed away differ-
ences by his conciliatory address, had retired from office, and
on the 20th of March 1866 had been succeeded by Mr.
William Downes Griffith, whose manners and speeches were
irritating and conducive of opposition. The session was
hardly opened when the loss of Mr. Porter began to be
felt by all parties in parliament, as well as by the
administration.

In his opening speech the governor stated that the public
expenditure during the past year had exceeded the revenue
by £94,600. He reminded the members that the outlay
had been greatly increased since 1854 by the action of
parliament, and that the tendency would necessarily be
towards still further enlargement. Since that date sixteen
new seats of magistracy had been created, the eastern
districts court and many periodical courts had been established,
prisons had been erected all over the colony, the hospitals
had been improved, the frontier police had been increased,
the educational system had been developed, telegraphs had
been subsidised, and much more had been done. The postal
department cost £17,000 a year more than it did then,
education £15,000, hospitals £14,000, police and jails £21,000,
divisional courts £18,000, and the frontier mounted police
£11,000. But since 1854 the wealth of the country, as
shown by its exports, had more than trebled, so that the
increase of expenditure was fully justified. He proposed to
borrow £200,000 for five years at six per cent annual interest,
to revise the customs duties to make them more productive,
and to levy duties on exports for five years. To relieve the
distress among the labouring classes and to prevent the
crime then so prevalent owing to that distress, he proposed
that the government should construct a railway from
Wellington to Worcester in the west, and from Port
Elizabeth towards Grahamstown in the east.

Parliament would not entertain the governor’s proposal of
a duty on exports nor sanction the construction of the >

1866] Sir Philip Wodehouse,

railways named. They passed bills to raise £250,000 on loan
to pay unsecured debts and meet the current deficiency in
the revenue, and they determined to reduce expenses to such
an extent as to equalise the revenue and the expenditure
without further taxation. The colonists, they declared, were
quite unable to bear any new imposts. Already the farmers
were crying out against the excessive taxes which they were
obliged to pay, and some of them were moving to the
republics as the only means of obtaining relief. To lay
heavier burdens upon them would merely promote emigration,
so that the revenue would be diminished instead of being
enlarged. A retrenchment committee was appointed, by the
house of assembly, which took evidence and prepared a
report in favour of abolishing several departments altogether,
and cutting down others greatly. This report was adopted,
and the governor was requested to frame the estimates for
the coming year in accordance with it.

On the 28th of December the estimates were sent in,
which showed a reduction of only a little more than £20,000
under those of the previous year. They were accompanied
by a message in which the governor announced that he was
opposed to retrenchment on the scale laid down, that he
favoured strict economy, but held that with the growth of
the colony and the advancement of its commerce and
agriculture increased institutions were necessary. The

reductions made in the estimates were chiefly in the
expenses of parliament itself and in the abolition of a
number of magistrates’ courts, which irritated the members
so greatly that they would not even discuss the matter.
Instead of doing so, they requested that an appropriation
bill for six months should be sent in, which was done on
i the following day.

' There was no possibility of reconciling the conflicting
[i views, so after supplies were voted to enable the administra-
Ij tion to be carried on for the next half year, on the 12th of
i January 1867 parliament was prorogued In the preceding
\ session a vote of censure had been passed upon the governor,

82 History of the Cape Colony, [1867

it was his turn now, and he retorted in full measure, as his
closing speech will show :

“ I have requested your attendance here this day from the conviction
that the public interests will not derive any advantage from the pro-
longation of the present session of parliament.

“It has been usual on all such occasions for the head of the govern-
ment to pass some observations on the principal occurrences of the
session, and in the name of the colony to recognise the services rendered
by the two houses of parliament. And I have carefully considered what
course I ought now to take.

‘ ‘ When the session opened, and it became my duty to put before you
the position of affairs and the policy which the government proposed
for your adoption, there was the greatest need for a calm and patient
discussion of it, and for the application of sound but vigorous remedies.
In that explanation I endeavoured, to the extent of my ability, to avoid
the use of language which would cause irritation' or annoyance in any
quarter, or could oppose obstacles to the satisfactory progress of the
business of the session. I do not now wish to conceal my regret that
the session should have proved so unproductive of good measures, and
that so very little has been done to improve our position.

“ But one of the consequences of this failure is that I shall very
shortly be obliged to request your attendance again in parliament. It
will therefore be well for us, instead of dwelling with regret on the past,
to turn our thoughts to an improvement of the future. It would be im-
possible for me at this moment to review the transactions of the session
without using arguments and giving utterance to opinions that must
inevitably be unacceptable to some of those to whom they must be
addressed. >A few months hence the recollection of these events will
be less prominent, fresh occurrences will occupy our attention, and we
may be able again to enter on our labours in charity and harmony, and
anxious, above all, that the fruits of the new session may be a full
compensation for the unprofitableness of that now closing.”

In this session Mr. Solomon again endeavoured to conduct
a bill through parliament for the abolition of state grants to
various churches in the colony, which carried with them the
appointment of the clergymen by the government. The
feeling in favour of this measure had been growing of late
years, but was not yet sufficiently strong to command a
majority in parliament. On the 11th of October, after a
lengthy but temperate discussion, the bill was thrown out
in the house of assembly by twenty - eight votes against
twenty-five.

1867]

Sir Philip Wodehotise. 83

On the 6th of October 1866 the governor met with a sore
domestic calamity in the death of Lady Wodehouse, after a'
prolonged and painful illness. Her remains were interred in
St Paul’s churchyard at Rondebosch. No other member of
his family accompanied the governor to South Africa, so that
he was now quite alone, and naturally much sympathy was
felt with him in this time of trouble.

In the year 1867 the distress in the colony reached the
most acute point that it attained at any time during the
nineteenth century. The drought continued, so that agri-
cultural operations could not be carried on to any extent,
and as a consequence commerce remained depressed. The
rough labourers, consisting almost entirely of coloured people,
who at the best of times put nothing by, were unable to
obtain employment, and were therefore in a condition of
great want. As customary in such cases, they crowded into
the towns, where they could manage to exist better than in
the country.

Early in the year it was noticed that there was an
unusual amount of sickness and a high rate of mortality in
several districts of the colony, but more especially in certain
streets in Capetown. It soon became evident that an
epidemic of low fever was passing over, in which the death
rate was fully one in five of persons attacked. Portions of
the colony where there was no want of food escaped infection,
but wherever coloured people were crowded closely together
without sufficient sustenance, as at mission stations, in the
large villages of the southwest, and in Capetown, the disease
caused great havoc. During the five months from June to
October 1867, when the fever was most prevalent, more
than a thousand persons above the average number died in
Capetown alone.

The city was divided into twelve districts, in each of
which the government maintained a medical officer and
supplied medicine free of charge. The municipality appointed
a special streetkeeper to each of these districts, whose duty
it was to see that destitute sick persons were conveyed to

[1867

84 History of the Cape Colony,

the hospitals and to enforce cleanliness. A gang of labourers
was employed to go round periodically, clear out the rooms
in the worst streets, and whitewash the walls. The bene-
volent societies united their resources, and opened soup
kitchens in different localities, where soup and bread were
distributed to those in want of food. Through these exertions
the epidemic gradually abated in violence, though it was not
thoroughly overcome before January 1868.

In their report to the government, dated 31st of March
1868, the medical committee stated that “as bearing with
importance and significance on their theory that this epidemic
fever was essentially induced by dirt and want, they desired
to record the important facts : 1st, that in the military garrison
of the town, numbering with its followers one thousand nine
hundred and sixty persons, there were but two deaths from
fever; 2nd, that in the convict barracks, with their nine
hundred occupants, there were no cases at all ; 3rd, that at
Robben Island, with its six hundred lepers, lunatics, and
paupers, with their attendants, there were but two cases of
the mildest kind; as also, that in the less populated country
parts of the Cape division, there did not appear to have
been more than eight hundred cases, with some sixty deaths,
in a population of not less than eighteen thousand people,
very many of whom were poor and badly housed and fed.”

The number of Europeans attacked was much less than of
coloured people, but as the races were in close contact with
each other the white inhabitants were by no means immune.
The medical officers, hospital attendants, and visitors of the
sick sufiered very severely, and those low grade whites who
consorted with blacks and lived with them in the filthy
outskirts of the city fared no better than their coloured
companions. At that time Capetown was poorly provided
with water, being dependent on the two old reservoirs only,
and the people who resided in the higher portions of the
city were unable, even if they had been willing, to obtain
in the protracted drought more than barely sufficient for
drinking and culinary purposes. To this circumstance, to

1S67] Sir Philip Wodehotcse. 85

some extent at least, the spread of the fever may have
been due.

In other parts of the colony the loss of life was consider-
able, but nowhere else was it so great, in proportion to the
number of inhabitants, as in Capetown.

When parliament met, after a short recess, on the 13th of
April 1867, the governor had nothing cheering to com-
municate beyond his acceptance of the decision as to
retrenchment and his willingness to give effect to it in
detail to the best of his ability. He informed the members
that in the estimates to be submitted to them he would
propose to dispense with six of the civil commissioners and
resident magistrates, besides a large number of other
officials, but that the revenue and expenditure could not be
equalised in this manner, and further taxation would there-
fore be necessary. The deficiency in the estimates would
be shown to be £59,129, and in addition to several taxing
bills of minor importance a duty upon exports according to
their value would be proposed to meet this.

The governor was not altogether without supporters in
his views, and since the last session an attempt had been
made by some of these to show that a duty on exports
would not weigh heavily upon the colonists and would
check the tendency to remove to the republics then so
prevalent. A considerable portion of the wool and skins
sent away by sea came from the republics, so that the
burden would be partly borne by people living there, and
removal from the colony would not relieve the farmers
from it. But such arguments had no efiect upon the great
body of the European inhabitants, who were firmly opposed
to the levy of any duties upon South African produce, and
who believed that the governor’s proposal, if carried out,
would merely divert the northern trade to Natal. This was
the opinion, also, of a great majority of the members of
parliament, who heard with regret that the governor
intended to bring on again a measure that had been
rejected before. It foreboded, they feared, another session

86 History of the Cape Colony, [1867

as stormy as the last, though he stated that he would spare
no pains to establish a good understanding.

“It is objected, he said, that the export duty is a tax upon wool. For
what do we now hold this country but for wool % Take away wool, and
in one locality copper, and, commercially speaking, what is left? The
cost of governing this country is heavy, on account of its great extent
and most scanty population. Year after year sheep farmers have gone
in search of wealth into regions more and more remote. You have
thought it right to follow them with posts, police, and magistracies,
which they are now most desirous of retaining. Is it unjust that wool
should pay, in some shape, for all that is done for it? If you object on
principle to an export duty, and believe that it will operate injuriously
on the wool growers, irrespectively of the actual rate, by all means adopt
other plans for obtaining the funds. We suggest this as the cheapest,
most feasible, and best adapted to our circumstances.”

Following this, the governor made a statement which, in
the distressed condition of the colony, created a feeling akin
to consternation. He said :

“You are aware that for several years it has been the determination
of the parliament and government of the united kingdom to require of
its colonial possessions a considerable contribution towards the mainten-
ance of the garrisons provided out of its own population for their
military defence, and you know that from time to time the principle
has been acted upon in most of the chief colonies. In the session
of 1865 I placed before you correspondence showing an intention to
make such a demand upon you, as well as the arguments by which in
December 1864 I had endeavoured to obtain a postponement of it. In
July following I was informed by the secretary of state that, in
deference to my opinion that a more unfavourable time could not be
selected, he had abstained from pressing the subject upon me under the
existing difficulties, but that I must distinctly understand that postpone-
ment could not be of long duration, and that the whole subject of
the military expenditure for the defence of the Cape must soon be
carefully reviewed.

“In December 1865 I privately represented to the secretary of state
how ill able the colony still was to take up any additional burden
on this account, and succeeded in obtaining a further postponement.
In October last I repeated that representation, but have been unsuc-
cessful ; and perhaps it was unreasonable to expect that her Majesty’s
government, by making such an exception in our case, should expose
themselves to just remonstrances from other colonies in whose case the
principle had been fully enforced.

“ The purport of the instructions conveyed to me is as follows : there
are in the South African command five infantry regiments, besides the

1867] Sir Philip Wodehortse. 87

Cape mounted rifles, in respect to which last I have not received any
directions. Of the five regiments, one will be immediately withdrawn,
one will be considered as allotted to Natal and St. Helena, the
remaining three will be regarded as the garrison of the Cape. And
if the terms now proposed be accepted, during 1867 no charge will be
made for any part of this force. In 1868 one regiment must be paid
for at the rate of £40 per man, in 1869 two must be paid for at the
same rate, and for the three following years payment must be made
at the Australian rate for the whole force in the colony, namely £40
for every infantry soldier and £70 for every artilleryman. In default
of any of these payments, her Majesty’s government will be at liberty
to withdraw the troops, either wholly, or to such extent as they may
judge expedient.”

After this announcement, which was felt by all the
members as requiring from the colony a sum of money
which it would be impossible under the existing circumstances
to raise, with the alternative of leaving the frontier districts
exposed to the ravages of tribes of barbarians that, much
against the will of the European inhabitants, had been
recently massed upon the border, the governor proceeded to
set forth his plan for bringing the administration and the
representatives of the people into harmony with each other.
He said :

“There is yet one other subject, but the most important of all, to which
I wish on this occasion to call your attention, and in respect to which the
remarks I am about to make, and the proposal I shall submit to you, must
be accepted as emanating from the local government, and put forth
exclusively on their responsibility. Whether the proposal find favour in
your eyes, or whether you regard it as inadmissible, I hope you will receive
it as prompted by a constant attention to your affairs and examination of
your position, as well as by the conviction that at this crisis the government
cannot consistently with its duty shrink from suggesting any measure
calculated, in its opinion, to afford relief to the colony. I refer to the
present constitution of the legislature of the colony. You will remember
that in the course of last year a proposition was publicly mooted for the
abolition of the legislative council. But I should be sorry if the proposal
I am about to make were regarded in that light, or if we could be accused
of desiring to draw a comparison between the merits of the two houses of
parliament. On the contrary, I wish you dispassionately to consider
whether one legislative chamber might not with advantage be substituted
for the two now existing. I honestly believe that in the present state of
the country, and with such a form of executive government as you now
have, the scheme of representation by means of two houses constitutes an
unnecessary burthen, pecuniary and general, on the people of the colony.

History of the Cape Colony, [1867

No argument is necessary to establish its expense, and in other respects the
weight of it is almost equally self evident. In England, a seat in the house
of commons is regarded as a mark of honourable distinction, and the right
to take part in its proceedings is an enviable privilege. In this colony, on
the contrary, members of parliament are invariably spoken of as those who
submit to heavy sacrifices for the public good. When a vacancy occurs,
discussions always arise as to the probability of inducing eligible gentlemen
to devote themselves to parliamentary business, and at the same time to
submit to exclusion from political oJffice. But it is not so much from con-
sideration of the burthen as on other grounds that I hope you will give
this proposal a patient examination. The executive government does not
now possess the means of exercising that influence over the deliberations
of parliament which is essential to good government. There is a
constant tendency to resist our recommendations, unaccompanied by
any indication in other quarters of a better general policy, still
less of a power to exercise a steady and healthy control over the
action of parliament. We have at all times opposed to us the common
propensity of mankind to find fault with those in authority, the strong
temptation to those out of office to induce a belief in their superior abilities,
unchecked by any responsibilities. We have nothing to counteract
these influences. We have no prizes to ofi'er to political talent and
ambition. The greater the numbers of the two houses and the greater
the difficulties in which the colony is placed, the stronger does the
pressure on the government become, the less support does it receive.
Possibly the introduction of responsible government might produce more
unanimity of action. If it did not, the weakness and confusion would be
greater than ever.

“Again, I do not believe there is any prospect of this colony being
governed in a manner calculated to promote the best interests of the
people, unless means can be found for allaying that most pernicious
political jealousy which divides the eastern and western provinces, and
under the influence of which a member who lends himself to the hindrance
of all useful business is held up to his constituents as meritoriously dis-
charging the functions of their representative. If this pernicious spirit
cannot be overcome, and that speedily, your condition must day by day
become worse. The public looks to the government, and very properly,
for the introduction of useful measures ; but the government itself is
paralysed by the anticipation that its measures will fall to the ground,
not so much from inherent defects as from the operation of provincial
hostility. As a remedy, separation under existing circumstances re-
commends itself less than at any former period. Removal of the seat
of government is, I apprehend, equally improbable. But the occasional
assembly of the legislature elsewhere than at Capetown is in itself very
desirable, and may, if you think fit, be rendered easy of accomplishment.
In 1864, having accidental facilities in that year for so doing, I called
the parliament together at Grahamstown ; and although I have been

1867] Sir Philip Wodehouse.

listonishcd at the personal consequences to myself, consequences which
might well deter me from making any similar attempt, I am neverthe-
foss satisfied that what was done then was right and proper, and that
Idle welfare of the colony can best be assured by concessions of that
nature, demanding the smallest sacrifice. Indeed, in making this pro-
posal, I have no wish to keep out of view the act that it includes
poncessions. I avow my desire to obtain now these most moderate con-
cessions, as the means of delivering the colony from the present
bickering, and perhaps of saving it from being at some future day
divided into two discontented and weak communities. It may even be
questioned whether the term concession can be properly applied to an
|arrangement by means of which, and at no cost, the whole colony can
fobtain that good govermnent and useful legislation which are now in a
great degree beyond its reach. Moreover, it is in the eastern districts
that the functions of government are more immediately called into
action, and that the most difficult political questions present themselves
for solution, and I have sometimes observed on the part of western
members — I hope I may say it without offence — I have observed a
disposition, when what are termed native questions have been under dis-
cussion, to abdicate their proper functions, to abstain from a careful
examination of the views or proposals of the government on their
merits, and to set aside in deference to the eastern members.

“It is now, and whatever may be its form, it must ever be, one of
the most important and at the same time most difficult duties of the
executive government, to hold a just balance between the European
and native races ; and that is, above all things, a matter in which it
most especially needs the impartial and enlightened support and control
of western members. If that control is to be wisely and beneficially
exerted, it must be guided by personal acquaintance with the matters
treated of, and with the people whose interests are at stake, an
acquaintance which can scarcely be acquired without, at least, an
occasional ^fisit to that part of the colony.

“It is manifest that the numbers of the two houses of parliament,
as now constituted, present a most formidable impediment to the attain-
ment of such advantages ; and it is for that and many other reasons
that I venture to ask you to inquire whether better arrangements may
not be made.

“ I would suggest that the colony should be divided as equally as
practicable into six electoral circles, each to return three members ; and
that to the eighteen to be thus elected should be added three officers of
the executive government.

“This proposal is incompatible with the immediate introduction of
responsible government. But with a legislature thus composed, I
believe that a sufficient degree of popular control could be exercised
over an executive formed on the present model. I think that in
each circle there would be found those competent to represent it

90 History of the Cape Colony. [1867

in parliament, and glad to find themselves distinguished by their
election. '

“With such a body there would be no difficulty in convening it, I
at either end of the colony, as the public necessities might dictate. I
Hereafter, as the colony advances in wealth, intelligence, and 1
civilisation, and when it feels itself in a position to claim parliamentary |
government, with the accompaniments properly appertaining to it, — j
and without which, to say the least, it creates much embarrassment, — !
then it will be no difficult task to restore the present representative J
bodies. What are now so highly needed are union and economy. y

“I trust that in thus submitting the proposal at the opening of your |
session, I have followed the course which is both most respectful to
yourselves and most likely to gain for it an impartial verdict. You •
are perfectly able to pronounce upon its merits, and in your hands I
must now leave it. In the hour of your country’s real need, you will
cast aside all personal considerations, and you will seek only her true
interests.”

The plan thus brought forward was similar to that
adopted some years later for the election of members of the
legislative council, with the exception of the right of three
officials appointed by the crown to hold seats. Time was
allowed for the consideration of so momentous a change, as
early in the session the colonial secretary gave notice that
he would move in the house of assembly on the 8th of June :

“That in the present condition of the colony it is desirable, with a
view to economy and the better administration of affairs, that there
should be only one legislative chamber.

“That it is further desirable that the number of parliamentary
representatives should be reduced below the present number.

“ That it is further desirable that for the election of the members of
the single legislative chamber the present electoral divisions be grouped
in six electoral circles, as under, and that each circle return three
members.

“That the governor be respectfully requested to introduce a bill
for giving effect to the preceding resolutions.

“ Circle of King-Williamstown
„ Grahamstown
„ Graaff-Reinet
„ Swellendam
„ Tulbagh
„ Capetown -

Europeans.

- 26,855

- 30,347

- 30,168

- 32,561

- 27,803

- 34,138

Coloured people.
181,613
44,016
43,283
29,748
49,010
37,654 ”

1S67] Si?' Philip Wodehotise.

Antagonism to this proposal of the governor was expressed
generally throughout the colony, and it was ascertained at
once that the members of parliament would unitedly oppose
it as an act, not only of retrogression, but of political
suicide. No one had a word to say in favour of it. The
voice of all parties was that the condition of the country
was indeed deplorable, but to add so greatly to the power
of the executive government was not the way to improve
it And so, finding that there was no possibility of carrying
the measure, or anything like it, when the time came for
bringing his proposed resolutions before the house of
assembly, Mr. Southey withdrew his notice, and another of
Sir Philip Wodehouse’s plans was shattered and gone.

At that very moment a little sparkling stone, picked up
far away on the bank of the Orange river, which M.
Heritte, the French consul, pronounced to be a diamond
which he would willingly give £500 for, was being exhibited
in Capetown ; but no one could yet foresee that the finding
of this brilliant gem by a little child was to alter the whole
aspect of affairs in South Africa and replace the deepest
depression with unwonted prosperity.

With regard to payment for the troops, both houses of
parliament regarded it as impossible. A contribution of
£10,000 a year was already being made towards that
object, and the frontier armed and mounted police, which
was really a defensive force, was maintained entirely by
the colony. They resolved therefore to appeal to the
mother country to act generously in the matter, and with
this view the following resolutions were carried in the
house of assembly:

“That the house, while recognising with sentiments of profound
gratitude the fostering care of the British government and the generous
protection afforded to the colony by the liberal employment of the
British forces and expenditure of national treasure in its behalf, learns
with great regret and anxiety that it is the intention of her Majesty’s
government to withdraw the troops at present stationed in it, unless a
sum of £40 per man be paid by the colony for their maintenance.

“The house is of opinion that this colony, while willing to do all
in its power to meet the views of the imperial government, is totally

■ i
i

History of the Cape Colony, [1867

unable to contribute towards its defence in money more than it now
does (about £100,000 per annum), and that it must therefore be left
to her Majesty’s government to act in the matter as it may deem i
just and expedient, with due regard to the peace and welfare of the ,
colony and of the native tribes within and beyond its borders. The
house considers, however, that the circumstances and situation of this,
colony, particularly in reference to the aboriginal tribes,* are peculiar
and perilous, and such as to establish a very Strong claim on the part
of the colony to the exceptional consideration and treatment of the i
imperial government.

“That these resolutions be transmitted to his Excellency the
governor by respectful address, with a view to their being forwarded
to the secretary of state for the colonies, with a request for their
favourable consideration.”

The legislative council adopted these resolutions, but
added to them a number of explanatory statements in
confirmation of their views. Sir Philip Wodehouse supported
the parliament in this matter, on the ground that it would
be inexpedient to weaken the power of the executive by
removing the garrison, and the imperial government there-
upon deferred pressing the claim, and withdrew some of
the troops gradually, but did not entirely denude the colony
of British soldiers, though payment for their services was
not made.

In this session Mr. Molteno brought on again his bill for
the introduction of responsible government, which was
rejected in the house of assembly by twenty-nine votes
against twenty -two.

* By aboriginal tribes is here meant the Bantu, who are really no more
entitled to be so termed than the descendants of the slaves in the colony
are. The Bushmen, the real aborigines of Africa south of the Zambesi,
had almost completely disappeared, and no longer gave any one a moment’s
thought. Sir Philip Wodehouse did not respect their right to territory
one whit more than the European colonists, the Hottentots, or the Bantu
had done. In giving out the land along the Drakensberg to various clans
of Bantu, he took no greater notice of its Bushman occupants than if they
had been baboons, nor would any other official in South Africa have
thought or acted differently. By no one were they regarded as having
any right except to life and liberty if they would keep out of the way,
even the poor right to the exclusive title of aborigines, with such claim
for consideration as that might give, was denied to them.

867]

Sir Philip Wodehouse.

Mr. Solomon’s bill for the withdrawal' of state support
bo the clergymen of various religious bodies was passed by
the house of assembly, hut was rejected in the legislative

council by nine votes against five.

The crovemor’s proposal to levy duties upon expor s -was
reiected! and the only additional taxation that was consented
to was a charge on persons depasturing cattle on crown
lands, a practice which was very prevalent in some parts ot
the colony, and tended to prevent people from acquiring and
settling permanently on farms. As a means of equalising
the revenue and the expenditure, retrenchment on the scale
approved of in the preceding session was abandoned, and
none of the magistracies were abolished, though other
expenses were cut down considerably. The rivalry between
the east and the west was strongly exhibited, particularly
towards the close of the session, which ended on the 16th

of August , , • ti.

The only favourable feature that was observable m the

financial condition of the country at this time was that the
exports were of somewhat greater value than the imports,
as may be seen in the following statements:

Gape Colony.

1865 - - £2,086,700

1866 - - 1,914,060

1867 - - 2,248,867

Imports of the

1862 - - £2,498,692

1863 - - 2,065,200

1864 - - 2,349,048

Trade through the different

Through Port Elizabeth -

„ Capetown

„ East London -
„ Mossel Bay

„ Port Alfred

„ Port Beaufort -

„ Simonstown

1866.

Imports. Exports.
£913,077 £1,790,375
859,707 525,722

70,528 188,342

35,135 42,530

8,630 —

582 19,374

26,401 —

ports.

1867.

Imports. Exports.
£1,210,809 £1,671,409
899,205 510,705

44,038 104,502

43,442 50,884

28,936 56,982

4,694 —

17,743 343

£1,914,060 £2,566,343 £2,248,867 £2,394,825

Exports of the Gape Colony.

History of the Cape Colony,

[1867

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CHAPTER LXXL

ism PHILIP EDMOND WODEHOUSE, GOVERNOR AND HIGH
f coiDiissiONER — (continued).

; LIEUTENANT-GENERAL CHARLES CRAUFURD HAY, LIEUTENANT-
GOVERNOR ADMINISTERING THE GOVERNMENT, 20TH OF
MAY TO 31ST of DECEMBER 1870.

In 1867 Prince Alfred, then duke of Edinburgh, paid his
second visit to South Africa. He was at the time captain
of the steam frigate Galatea, which arrived in Simon’s Bay
from England on the 15th of August. On the 24th of that
month he laid the foundation stone of a dock in Table Bay,
and on the 7th of September left in her Majesty’s steamer
Petrel to visit the Knysna, a district containing some of the
most beautiful scenery in the colony. He was accompanied
by the governor and a large staff, several of whom were accom-
modated in her Majesty’s steamer Roxoon, which accompanied
the Petrel. In the extensive forests of the Knysna some
elephants were still preserved, and a hunting excursion was
arranged, in which two were killed, one by the duke himself.
On the 2nd of October the Galatea left Simon’s Bay for
Australia.

At one o’clock in the morning of the 21st of October the
transport Bosphorus, bound to Bombay, struck on a reef
near Cape Saint Francis. The weather had been stormy,
and a heavy sea was running, so that the ship broke up
within three hours after striking. There were ninety-eight
men on board, of whom only forty reached the shore alive.
These managed to save themselves on pieces of the wreck,
but they had been obliged to cast away all their clothing,
and some of them were badly bruised.

g6 History of the Cape Colony, [1868 ;

In November the long drought from which the colony '
had suffered was broken for a short time by very heavy
rains, which in some places fell like sheets of water. The
benefit to the country was considerable, but unfortunately -
dry weather set in again and destroyed the hope that a cycle
of better seasons had commenced.

There was not much change in the condition of the colony
in 1868, but what little was perceptible was for the better.
The crops, though not very good, were more productive than
in the preceding year. The number of European mechanics
and labourers without employment in the towns was sensibly
diminished, though this arose from the removal of many to
other countries, not from an increased demand for their
services in South Africa. A fall in the price of wool in
England caused the exports to show a reduction in value
below those of 1867, but the quantity produced was greater,
and other articles were rapidly rising in importance.

In April the monthly mail to Mauritius, which gave the
Cape Colony the advantage of connection with the overland
route between England and India, was discontinued, but at
the same time the Union Steamship Company contracted to
convey two mails in a month from and to England by the
Atlantic route.

In the ' session of the Cape parliament, from the 20th of
May to the 2nd of September 1868, no business of much
importance was transacted, though some useful legislation
connected with minor matters was carried through. Mr.
Solomon’s bill for gradually abolishing state aid to certain
churches was approved in the house of assembly by a
majority of one, but was thrown out in the legislative
council by twelve votes against five.

The greater part of the northern border was at this time
in a disturbed condition, owing to depredations by Korana
clans and the inability of the other inhabitants, European
or mixed breed, successfully to oppose them. Long before
the date now reached the Koranas north of the Orange had
sunk into obscurity, as many of them had been destroyed.

iS6S] Sir Philip Wodehouse.

and those that remained were surrounded by more powerful
Bantu clans, so that they could no longer live by plunder
as they had done in the early years of the century. But
south of that river, where the population consisted only of
a few nomadic European and halfbreed graziers and a
wretched remnant of the aboriginal Bushmen, who could
hardly keep soul and body together now that the game was
destroyed, there was still a field open in which they could
prey upon others. Here then the most daring of the little
bands collected and pursued the occupation of robbers.

The territory had nominally formed part of the Cape
Colony ever since Sir Harry Smith proclaimed the Orange
the northern boundary, but in reality the wild people living
in it were free of restraint and did not even know that after
1847 their position was changed. There were no magistrates’
courts near them, and no policemen had ever been seen
there except during Hr. Anthing’s short visit. The principal
Korana clans in the territory were under four captains,
named Pof adder, Piet Booy, Carel Ruyters, and Jan Kivido,
who roamed about it and plundered anybody and everybody
of cattle whenever an opportunity arose.

To put an end to this condition of afiairs an act was
passed by the Cape parliament in 1868, providing for the
appointment of a magistrate with very large power in
criminal cases, who was to have jurisdiction in those parts
of the divisions of Xamaqualand, Calvinia, Fraserburg,
Victoria West, and Hopetown, more than twenty-five miles
(forty kilometres) from the seats of the ordinary courts. By
another act of the same date the governor was empowered
to raise a small force of mounted police for the protection
of the northern border. A commando was called out to clear
the territory of marauders, and it was anticipated that when
this was done order could easily be maintained. The
commando, however, was unable to effect anything, as the
Koranas avoided coming in contact with it.

On the 19th of October Mr. Maximilian James Jackson
was appointed special magistrate, and as soon as a company

98 History of the Cape Colony. [1869

of fifty policemen could be enrolled he proceeded to Kenhart.
There it became evident that the force at his disposal was
insufficient to cope with the difficulties before it, and soon
afterwards a hundred and fifty of the frontier armed and
mounted police, under Commandant Currie, were sent to the
disturbed territory. Mr. Jackson found a number of the
aborigines in a starving condition near Kenhart. Of late
years some individuals of this race had moved over the
Orange into the Kalahari, others had joined the Korana
marauders, many had perished, and the remainder, after the
destruction of the game, were in a condition of extreme
distress. Only one thing could be done with them, if they
were not left to die of hunger or to be shot as thieves : they
were sent to Calvinia, and were distributed with their own
consent as servants among farmers who were willing to
employ them.

In May 1869 the Korana clans under Piet Rooy and Jan
Kivido fell upon a party of half breeds, whom they plundered,
and then in cold blood murdered five of the men. Inspector
William Wright with thirty of the northern border police and
twenty halfbreed volunteers was then sent in pursuit, ar^d
on the 29th of the month overtook the marauders at De
Tuin, about five hours ride on horseback from Kenhart,
An action followed, in which the police were defeated, and
it was with difficulty that they made their escape. On the
following day, however, Sir Walter Currie with a hundred
and fifty of the frontier armed and mounted police arrived
at Kenhart.

There was a feud between Pofadder and Piet Rooy, so
the former sided with the colonial force, and the other
captains with their followers and the Bushmen who had
joined them retired to the islands in the Orange river, which
they regarded as impregnable strongholds. There, on the
7th of July they were attacked by the police, when in three
engagements between fifty and sixty Koranas were killed,
and fifteen waggons and carts, twenty-two horses, and a few
oxen and goats were recovered, and a good many women

1869] Philip Wodehoiise, 99

and ciiildren were captured, with a loss to the police of eight
men wounded.

Unfortunately the health of Sir Walter Currie broke down
under the strain of the severe exertion and exposure
incidental to such warfare, and he was obliged to desist from
pushing his success further. He engaged a force of burghers,
halfbreeds, and Koranas of Pofadder's clan, two hundred in
all, to keep the held, and with the frontier police returned to
the Xosa border. There, after some months, as his health was
completely shattered, he retired from the post he had so
ably hlled, and lingered on a mere wreck of what he had
once been until June 1872, when he died. In May 1870 he
was succeeded as commandant by Inspector James Henry
Bowker.

Mr. Jackson, who was now made inspector of
police as well as border magistrate, with the mixed
commando and the northern border police, thirty- two
horsemen and eighteen footmen when at its full
strength, which was seldom the case, continued the
operations against the marauders, and by following them up
and allowing them no opportunity to gather spoil, he
reduced them at length to a condition of extreme want. In
November 1869 he succeeded in capturing Piet Rooy and
Jan Kivido with some of their followers, and shortly after-
wards a number of others voluntarily surrendered. These,
one hundred and four men all told, were sent to Capetown
to undergo their punishment on the breakwater works, and
as many of the half-starved women and children — Korana
and Bushman — as could be collected were forwarded to the
nearest villages, where they went into service with farmers
and others. The clans of Piet Rooy and Jan Kivido were
completely broken up, and only Carel Ruyters with some of
his band remained at large. The police force was now
reduced to forty effective men, and the commando was
disbanded, with the exception of thirty or forty halfbreeds,
whose services were retained for a short time until order
was established.

lOO

History of the Cape Colony,

[1869

In November 1870 the government offered to give out farms
or rather cattle runs in the territory from five to twenty
thousand morgen in extent to approved applicants, to be held
under military tenure^ but the conditions were so onerous*
and the number of armed men to be maintained on each farm
was so large, that no one cared to accept the proposed
grants. Matters remained fairly quiet until April 1871, when
Inspector Jackson and the police having been sent to the
diamond fields, a petty Korana captain named Klaas Lukas
took advantage of the opportunity to commence a series of
robberies. Upon the return of the police, however, tranquillity
— or an approach to that condition of things — was again
restored, and was maintained for some years.

In 1869 a general election took place, when the most
prominent question before the colony was the necessity of
reducing the public expenditure to the limit of the existing
revenue, as it was held that further taxation could not be
borne. For both houses strong majorities were returned
pledged to do their utmost in this direction. Sir Philip
Wodehouse, however, was of a difierent opinion. On the
24th of June parliament assembled, when in his opening
speech he announced that the excess of expenditure over
revenue during the preceding year amounted to £91,306, that
retrenchment could not be carried further with any regard
for the efficiency of the administration, and that additional
taxation would be necessary.

On the 20th of July a government bill was introduced in
the assembly for levying a tax of three pence in the pound
on all incomes and property of the annual value of £50, to
have effect for three years. The assembly was opposed to
laying further burdens on the people, and here was a bill
introduced for the levy of an impost in an exceedingly
obnoxious form. The commonest objection to an income
tax, that it places the few at the mercy of the many, was
indeed removed by its proposed levy upon incomes as small ^
as £50, but the inquisitorial nature of the impost was ^
regarded as almost equally objectionable in a country!

lOI

1869] Sir Philip Wodehoiise.

where morality needed to be fostered and no temptation
he offered to mendacity. Under any circumstances such a
tax would have been regarded as objectionable. On this
occasion it was at once rejected, and the governor was
requested to submit proposals for retrenchment of expense.

His Excellency thereupon drew up a scheme, which was
submitted to the assembly on the 2nd of August. He
proposed to substitute for the two existing houses of
parliament a single legislative chamber, to consist of a
president appointed by the crown, three official members,
and twelve members elected for five years. The colony
was to be divided into twelve electoral circles, six in the
western province and six in the eastern, each of which was
to return one m’ember. The yearly saving by the adoption
of this scheme he estimated at £11,000. A bill to this
effect was introduced by the colonial secretary, and was read
the first time.

He proposed further to abolish fourteen civil commissioner-
ships, effecting a saving of £6,000 a year, various other
offices, which would save £7,605 a year, and to withdraw
all grants to agricultural societies, public libraries, museums,
and botanical gardens, amounting to £4,000 a year. In all
he thus proposed to effect a saving of £28,605 a year, by the
virtual destruction of the parliament, the abolition of some
of the most necessary public offices, and the withdrawal of
assistance from those institutions that mark the difference
between a barbarous and a civilised government.

On the 6th of August the colonial secretary moved the
second reading of the so-called constitution amendment bill
in the assembly. Mr. (later Sir) John Gordon Sprigg, who
had just been elected a representative of East London, and
who now made his first appearance in the Cape parliament,
moved as an amendment that it be read that day six months.
The opinion was generally expressed that an upper house
was unnecessary, as there was ample provision against hasty
legislation in the veto of the governor and of the imperial
authorities, and for this reason a number of members were

102

History of the Cape Colony, [1869

willing to allow the bill to pass the second reading and to
alter it in committee by increasing very largely the proposed
representative element ; but the great majority, under the
leadership of Mr. (later Sir) <lohn Charles Molteno, one of the
members for Beaufort West, would have nothing to do with it.
It was therefore thrown out by thirty - nine votes against
twenty-two.

On the 16th of August Mr. Molteno brought forward a
resolution, which was carried and transmitted to the governor,
to the effect that the civil establishment had overgrown the
necessities of the colony, that the salaries of the governor
and the heads of departments were too large, and that there
should be a general reduction of all salaries and a weeding
out of unnecessary officials. To this his Excellency replied,
declining the responsibility of such retrenchment and throw-
ing it upon parliament, that could reduce the estimates
submitted to it in any manner and to any extent that it
chose, and pass bills concerning the salaries fixed by the
constitution ordinance.

This caused a serious difficulty, as it was impossible for
members of parliament to judge of the usefulness of every
office and the merits of every official as well as the admini-
strative authorities could, but as government would not
perform the task, Mr. Molteno and those who supported
him were obliged to take it in hand. In the meantime, on
the 24th of August, Mr. Probart brought on a motion, “that
in the opinion of this house the constitution of the legislature
of this colony is needlessly cumbrous and costly, and that a
legislative council, to consist of not less than thirty-three or
more than sixty-six members, would meet all the require-
ments of the colony and would be better adapted than the
existing two chambers to its means and circumstances.” This,
when put to the test on the following day, was rejected by
thirty-four votes to twenty-four.

On the 7th of September the retrenchment proposals of
Mr. Molteno, reducing the administrative staff in number
and the salaries of every official from the governor down-

1869] Sir Philip Wodehotise, 103

ward, were carried in the assembly, and on the 11th were
transmitted to his Excellency.

On the 14th the governor caused new taxing bills to be
laid before the house. He proposed to levy an excise duty
of one shilling and six pence a gallon (4*54346 litres) on all
spirits distilled in the colony, a duty of two per cent on the
interest of all money invested in shares or mortgages, a
duty of one and a half per cent on the value of all produce
exported, and a duty of five shillings to twenty shillings on
every house according to its value. Thereupon the assembly
declined to impose any new taxes until the governor would
indicate what retrenchment he was willing to effect, and this
he refused to do.

Mr. Molteno then proposed to raise the ad valorem duties
on imports not specially rated from ten to twelve and a half
per cent, and as the governor would not introduce a bill to
this effect, the house of assembly passed one, which was,
however, thrown out by the legislative council.

At this stage the estimates for the first three months of
1870 were introduced by the government, and were referred
by the assembly to a select committee. On the 15th of
October the committee reported that the estimates were not
in accordance with the resolutions of the house, and they
had therefore altered them.

This brought matters to a crisis, and on the 18th of
October the governor prorogued the parliament and issued
a proclamation dissolving the house of assembly and appealing
to^the country to decide upon the future form of government.
It was necessary, he said, either to increase the power of the
executive, which he regarded as the proper course, or to adopt
responsible government, which he believed would be most
injudicious.

He followed this up by publishing, on the 12th of
November, the draft of a bill to amend the constitution. It
substituted for the two existing houses of parliament a single
legislative council, to consist of a nominated president, four
official members to be selected by the governor, and thirty-

104

History of the Cape Colony, I1S69

two elected members, sixteen for each province. The existing
electoral divisions were to be retained, except that Piketberg
was to be joined to Malmesbury. The members were to hold
their seats for five years.

The question for the colonists to decide by their votes was
thus apparently a simple one, but in reality it was complicated
by the dissension between the eastern and western provinces,
for many of the electors in the eastern districts, though
favourably disposed towards self government, were willing
to increase the power of the executive rather than subject
themselves to a ministry formed by a western parliamentary
majority.

During the session of 1869 an act was passed authorising
the Cape Copper Mining Company to construct a jetty at
Port Nolloth and a railway from that port to Onams at the
foot of the mountain range bounding the coast plain. This
was intended to facilitate the transport of copper ore over
the heavy sand flat between the mountains and the sea, a
distance of seventy-seven kilometres or forty -eight miles.
In 1871 the company was authorised to extend the line
nineteen kilometres or twelve miles farther, winding up the
mountain side to the mission station Kookfontein. And in
1873 a further extension of sixty-one kilometres or thirty-
eight miles was authorised, making the inland terminus
Ookiep, the principal copper mine in the country. The
gauge of this railway is only seven ty-six centimetres or
thirty inches, and some of the gradients in the mountain
section are very high, one place being as steep as one in
twenty. Its use is almost entirely confined to the trans-
port of ore to the sea and of provisions and other
necessaries from Port Nolloth to the mines.

In 1869 several disasters occurred in the colony. In
February a portion of the districts of Knysna, Humansdorp,
and Uitenhage was laid waste by a very destructive fire.
The country was parched by drought, when a hot wind set
in from the north and continued for some days. The dry
brushwood commenced to burn in several places simul-

■n

1S69] Sir Philip Wodehouse, 105

taneously, and the tire spread rapidly over an extensive belt
of country, destroying houses, orchards, and even live stock
as it advanced. The Knysna village was only saved by a
sudden change of the wind, which coming over the burning
district, weu> as scorchingly hot as the air from a heated
furnace. Great damage was done to the forests, which were
previously supposed to be proof against a conflagration of
this kind.

In October there were heavy floods in the midland
districts, by which much loss was caused, especially in the
highly cultivated valley of Oudtshoorn. At the town of
Beaufort West the great dam which forms a miniature lake,
and was then the most important work of its kind in the
colony, burst, and the ‘ water swept away several houses
and stores.

Algoa Bay, though exposed to southeast winds which
sometimes blow with the force of gales, had never been the
scene of such terribly disastrous shipwrecks as those which
have been recorded as occurring during winter storms in
Table Bay, but it was not free from occasional losses. On
Sunday the 16th of October 1859 six ships were driven
ashore there in a storm that during the next ten years was
commonly spoken of as the great gale. In 1869 there was
another and larger disaster. On Saturday the 18th of
September in this year thirteen sea-going vessels were lying
at anchor in the roadstead, when a gale of unusual violence
arose. Night set in, and the wind increased in strength,
while before it the sea was driven in great billows upon
the shore. Before dawn one after another ten of the vessels
parted their cables and were cast on the beach, though
happily all on board escaped with their lives. On Sunday
morning the Snake parted and struck. A crowd of
people gathered as near as they could get, but her position
was such that it was impossible to render assistance, and
nine of her crew were drowned in the attempt to reach dry
land. A steam tug, twelve cargo boats, and two anchor
boats were also driven on shore and broken to pieces. Two

io6 History of the Cape Colony, [1870

only of the sea-going vessels rode out the gale. In the

town some damage was done, particularly to the roofs of

buildings, but this was not very great, and it was speedily
repaired.

The governor’s proposal of a retrogressive change in the
constitution found no support whatever in the greater part
of the colony. Hardly anyone was willing to increase the
power of the executive, but there were many who favoured
the reduction of parliament to a single chamber by doing
away with the legislative council, which they regarded as
of little practical use. The interest taken in the elections
was keen, and no fewer than twenty-two of the late

members lost their seats and were replaced by others.

On the 25th of January parliament was opened by the
governor with a speech in which he read portions of a
despatch from the secretary of state for the colonies, giving
the view of the imperial authorities upon the situation.
Earl Granville wrote :

“It becomes necessary, therefore, to bring the executive government
and the representative legislature into harmony, either by strengthening
the influence of the government over the legislature, or by strengthening
the influence of the legislature over the government. But although I have
been anxious to give you every opportunity of giving effect to your own
views, I have never concurred with you in anticipating that you would be
able to frame and carry through the Cape parliament a measure which
would give to the government, as at present constituted, such powers as
the necessities of the case require. And if the government cannot by some
such measure be enabled to command the cooperation of the legislature, it
remains that the legislature should be enabled to ensure the cooperation
of the government, that is that responsible government should be
established in that as in other colonies of equal importance. I have con-
sidered the difficulties you point out as likely to arise when such a change
is made. But if the colonists will not allow themselves to be governed,
— and I am far from blaming them for desiring to manage their own affairs,
or from questioning their capacity to do so, which is seldom rightly
estimated till it is tried, — it follows that they must adopt the responsibility
of governing.

“ The policy, therefore, which I shall enjoin on your successor will be
that of pointmg out to the colonists that in one way or another a change
in their constitution is inevitable, and of explaining to them that her
Majesty’s government look upon the present constitution as an inadequate

iS;o] Philip Wodehousc. 107

and transitional one, which, as they are unable to administer it effectually,
they are only content to administer at the desire of the colonists, and
until a decision is arrived at as to what change should ti\ke place. If the
colony shall be ready to repose greater trust than heretofore in the crown
and its servants, and to confide to them a larger and more effectual
authority, it will be the first endeavour of the new governor to devise such
a plan for that purpose as shall be acceptable to the present legislature.
If, on the contrary, the colonists shall prefer to assume the responsibility
of managing their own aflairs, it will be his duty to consider with them, in
a spirit of cordial cooperation, the means by whicli this may be safely and
justly effected ; what shape the new system of self-government should
assume — whether of a single undivided colony, or of a colony divided into
semi-independent provinces, or of two or more distinct colonies — is a
question which the colonists will no doubt maturely consider, and in which
1 should wish to be guided by their deliberate conclusions. At present, I
think it is undesirable even to indicate an opinion upon it.”

The governor stated his own objections to responsible
government, as unsuited to a dependency, and particularly
to one with such scanty resources and such a divided
population as the Cape Colony ; and he therefore submitted
the bill that he had published, in the hope that it would
be adopted. In view of the reduction of the imperial
garrison, he recommended an enlargement of the frontier
armed and mounted police. He announced that the strictest
economy had been observed in preparing the estimates and
that retrenchment had been carried as far as could be done
with safety, but that there was still a large deficit in the
revenue, and that therefore further taxation could not be
avoided.

On the 21st of February Mr. Southey, the colonial secre-
tary, moved the second reading of the bill for altering the
constitution. Mr. Philip Watermeyer, one of the members
for Richmond, thereupon' moved, and Mr. Reitz seconded,
that it be read that day six months.

An animated debate followed, which proved that hardly
anyone favoured the bill as it stood. There were many
members, however, who were prepared to dispense with
the legislative council, and who were willing to vote for the
second reading, with the intention of altering the bill in

io8

History of the Cape Colony. [1870

committee by rejecting the oflScial element and increasing
the number of elected members. The majority, led by Mr.
Molteno, objected to this, on the ground that by doing so
the principle of the bill, that is the increasing the power
of the executive government and diminishing^ that of the
parliament, would be approved. The debate was continued
until the 24th, when the bill was thrown out by thirty-four
votes against twenty- six.

Those against it altogether were Messrs. Adams, Botha,
Bowker, P. A. Brand, van Breda, Burger, Duckitt, Gush,
Human, Key ter, Louw, Meiring, Molteno, Moodie, Pearson,
Pentz, Porter, Prince, Proctor, Reitz, van Rhyn, Scanlen,
Scheepers, Shawe, Slater, Solomon, D. Tennant, J. H.
Tennant, Theunissen, Yersfeld, de Villiers, Watermeyer, J. A.
de Wet, and Ziervogel.

Those who voted for the second reading, and who were
either prepared to accept the bill as it stood or wished to
amend it in committee, were Messrs. Ayliff, Barrington, J.
H. Brown, G. Brown, van der Byl, Clough, Darnell, Distin,
Eustace, Foster, Goold, Hemming, King, Knight, Loxton,
Manuel, Merriman, Quin, Rice, Rorke, Smith, Stigant,
Thompson, J. P. de Wet, Wollaston, and Wright. Of these,
eighteen members represented eastern province and eight
western province constituencies.

An attempt of the government to place a number of
offices on the reserved schedules, and thus to remove the
salaries attached to them from parliamentary control, met
with such determined opposition that it had to be abandoned.
Several taxing bills were introduced, but most of them were
thrown out. It was admitted by parliament, however, that
an increase of revenue was necessary, for the deficit could
no longer be made good by loans. A house duty act was
therefore passed, under which five shillings a year was to be
paid on every house under the value of £100, ten shillings
on every house from £100 to £500 in value, twenty shillings
on every house from £500 to £1,000 in value, and ten
shillings additional for every £500 or fraction of £500

iSyo] LietUenant’General Hay, 109

above £1,000. This act was to be in force for three years.
The stamp act was also amended to make it more productive.

The public debt of the colony payable in England at this
time amounted to £1,423,400, which had been contracted
for the following purposes : improvement of Table Bay
£250,000, of Port Alfred £76,500, of Port Elizabeth £58,500,
of Mossel Bay £8,000, for immigration £75,000, and to meet
deficiencies of revenue £955,400. Provision was made for
paying £50,000 of this at once, and an act was passed to
consolidate the remainder. The interest was fixed at five per
cent per annum, and an amount of £90,000 minus the
interest was to be redeemed yearly, so that the whole should
be paid off in thirty-seven years.

On the 5th of May parliament was prorogued, and on
the 20th of the same month the connection of Sir Philip
Wodehouse with South Africa came to an end. He sailed in
the mail steamer Briton for England, unregretted by the
colonists as a governor, on account of his want of tact and
opposition to the spirit of the time, though respected as an
upright and benevolent man. Of the usual addresses presented
to a governor at the close of his administration but one was
handed to him — from the bishop and clergy of the English
episcopal church, — as people did not wish to express
sentiments that they did not feel. Some time after his
return to England he was appointed governor of Bombay, and
on the 2nd of May 1872 assumed duty there. For an Indian
administrator he was admirably adapted, and in that capacity
he remained until 1877, when at the age of sixty-six years he
retired from public life.

Upon his departure from the Cape, Lieutenant-General
Charles Craufurd Hay, who since the 25th of January 1869
had held a commission as lieutenant-governor, assumed the
duty of administrator of the government, and was shortly
afterwards appointed high commissioner also. The most
important event during the seven months that he was at the
head of affairs was the dispute with the government of the
Orange Free State concerning the claim of Mr. David Arnot,

I lO

[1870

History of the Cape Colony.

in the name of the Griqua captain Nicholas Waterboer, to
the ownership of the territory in which diamonds had been
discovered, and where many thousands of diggers were
then seeking for wealth, which is fully related in another
chapter.

The ' fiftieth anniversary of the arrival of the British
settlers of 1820 was celebrated in Grahamstown with great
heartiness. Tuesday the 24th of May being the queen’s
birthday, and Thursday the 26th being ascension day, were
public holidays. Monday the 23rd and Wednesday the
25th were added by proclamation, so that the jubilee might
be observed in as becoming a manner as the importance of
the event commemorated deserved to be. These settlers,
what difficulties had they not overcome during those fifty
years in building up the prosperity of their part of the
eastern province ! The^^- had passed through three wars
with the Xosas and Tembus, in each of which a large
portion of Albany had been laid waste, they had experienced
all the vicissitudes of farming life in South Africa, —
droughts, floods, blights, cattle diseases, and other evils,
were familiar to them, — and yet at the end of half a
century they could say with pride that no other body of
men and women of equal number had ever left the shores
of England and prospered more than they. There were
processions, and feasts, and thanksgiving services in the many
churches they had built, and a very creditable show of the
products of Albany and the handiwork of Grahamstown.

A memorial tower, for which £1,400 was subscribed and
paid to a committee, was also planned, and the foundation
stone was laid with much ceremony by the honourable
Robert Godlonton. The work of construction, however, was
not carried out for several years. In 1877 the municipal
council resolved to build a handsome town hall, at a cost
of £17,000, and it was arranged that the memorial tower
should form part of the design. The building — including
the tower — was completed in 1881, and contains the
municipal offices, a large hall used for lectures, concerts.

1 1 1

1870] Lieutenant-General Hay.

and public meetings, the public library, which occupies nearlj^
half the building, and a tine art gallery.

The docks in Table Bay were so far advanced that they
could be used by shipping, and on the 17th of May 1870
they were opened by proclamation without any ceremony.
On the 21st of June the Galatea arrived in Simon’s Bay
from Ce3don, and the duke of Edinburgh,* who commanded
her, was requested to open them formally. This he did on
the 11th of July with the observances customary on such
occasions, when they were officially named the Alfred docks.
On the 14th of July the Galatea left for Australia.

In the session of 1869 provision was made by parliament
for the purchase by the government of the property of the
Kowie Harbour Improvement Company, and the transfer of
the works at Port Alfred. This was done as the only
means of preserving the piers partly constructed and of
completing them, for the company had been obliged to
cease its operations through want of funds. The govern-
ment had already contributed £76,500 towards the work.
In 1868 Sir John Coode was requested to furnish plans for
the improvement of the ports of East London, the Kowie,
and Algoa Bay, and he had sent Mr. Neate, a marine
engineer, to survey those places. Mr. Neate arrived in
November 1868, and at once commenced his work, so that
in April 1870 plans and estimates for the construction of
harbours at the three places named were received from Sir
John Coode. The government paid the debts of the Kowie
Harbour Improvement Company, amounting to £25,000, and
in return received transfer of all its rights. On the 1st of
July 1870 the company was dissolved by proclamation, and
the harbour works at Port Alfred became the property of
the colony. Since that date large sums of money have
been expended upon them, but the depth of water on the
bar has not been so much increased as to admit of the

*This was the fourth visit of his royal highness to South Africa.
The third occasion was in December 1868, when he was here for a few
days in the Galatea.

1 12 History of the Cape Colony. [1870

entrance of vessels of heavy burden, and the port is now
practically abandoned.

For some time past experiments had been made in the
eultivation of silk, flax, and cotton, and it had been confidently
anticipated by many persons that the last of these articles
would soon become a prominent item in the list of colonial
exports.

The production of silk was tried in both provinces, but
particularly at Stellenbosch. Excellent samples were obtained,
but it was found that the worms often died off suddenly, and
the returns were so small compared with the care and labour
required that the experiments were soon abandoned.

In favourable seasons flax was found to thrive well in
particular localities in the east, and several fields promised
an excellent return. But it could not be depended upon in-
general, and in small quantities it could not find purchasers.
It too was therefore abandoned after a fair trial.

Cotton was tried by many of the enterprising farmers of
the south-eastern districts. In some localities it grew luxuri-
antly, though the bolls did not always attain maturity.' In
1867 two hundred and eighteen kilogrammes or four hundred
and eighty pounds were exported, in 1868 four hundred and
ninet3^-five kilogrammes or one thousand and ninety-two
pounds, in 1869 six hundred and eighty-one kilogrammes or
one thousand five hundred and one pounds, in 1870 eight
hundred and seventy-five kilogrammes or one thousand nine
hundred and twenty-eight pounds, and in 1871 eleven
thousand three hundred and thirty-five kilogrammes or
twenty-four thousand nine hundred and ninety pounds.
Some was also used in the colony for various purposes. In
a show of cotton in King-Williamstown in 1871 one hundred
and sixty bales were exhibited, which contained thirty-one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-one kilogrammes or seventy
thousand pounds. In a show at the same place in 1872
ninety-one bales, containing fifteen thousand and fifty kilo-
grammes or thirty-three thousand one hundred and eighty-one
pounds of unginned cotton, were exhibited. It was sold by

iSjo] Lie7itena7it-Ge7ieral Hay, 113

auction, and realised from 2:id. to 2fd. a pound. In Grahams-
town at the same time (August 1872) one hundred and
seventy-two bales, containing thirty-eight thousand four
hundred and twenty - eight kilogrammes or eighty - four
thousand seven hundred and nineteen pounds, were exhibited.
This was grown chiefly in the districts of Albany and
Peddie, and thirty bales of it were ginned.

But the price of cotton at that time was so low in
England that it could only have paid colonial farmers to
produce it under the most favourable circumstances, and
labourers were almost unobtainable, owing to the high rate
of wages at the diamond fields. In the picking season the
blacks were not to be depended upon, no matter what pay
was offered, and in some instances crops were entirely, or
almost entirely, lost. The planters became discouraged,
and shortly the attempt to grow cotton for exportation
ceased.

A change in the seasons had now set in, and after the
long years of drought, varied occasionally by destructive
storms of wind and rain, the upper terraces were once more
clothed with verdure. The benefit to the country was
enormous, for not only could crops be put in the ground,
but the emaciated animals that remained alive soon became
fat and thriving. If the change in the appearance of the
grazing districts was astonishing, not less so was the change
in the spirits of those who depended for their living upon
horned cattle and sheep. To them the alteration in the
seasons turned despondency into cheerfulness, to an extent
that can only be realised in a country where long drought
makes the ground like iron and the sky like brass.

CHAPTER LXXIL

SIR HENRY BARKLY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER,
ASSUMED DUTY 31 ST OF DECEMBER 1870.

Sir Philip Wodehouse’s successor was a man of no greater
natural ability, but he was in sympathy with the aspira-
tions of the majority of the colonists, who favoured self-
government, and consequently he was more popular and
more successful. He had been governor of British Guiana,
Jamaica, Victoria, and Mauritius, and was therefore a man
of wide experience. On the 31st of December 1870 he
arrived in the mail steamer Norseman, with his lady and
a daughter, and at once took the oaths of office.

A wave of prosperity resulting from the discovery of
diamonds in great numbers and the change for the better
in the seasons had already commenced to set in, so that the
people were less discontented and less prone to faultfinding
than they had been in previous years. The revenue was
increasing rapidly, and not only was retrenchment of expen-
diture no longer regarded as imperative, but large public
works could be taken in hand.

As soon as arrangements could be made, the governor left
Capetown for a long tour, in which he visited the diamond
fields, Bloemfontein, and Basutoland, passed through Aliwal
North, Burghersdorp, and Queenstown, to King-Williamstown,
and then through Grahamstown to Port Elizabeth on his
return. He reached Capetown again in time to open
parliament on the 27th of April 1871 with a speech in
which the cheering information was given that the revenue
of 1870 had exceeded the expenditure by £35,518.

II4

iSyi] Sir Henry Barkly. 115

After referring to the condition of the diamond fields,
Basutoland, and the Transkeian territories, and recom-
mending measures for the prevention of cattle stealing by
the Xosas within the colony, the governor made the following
remarks upon the political question of the day:

“I could not but observe with regret, during my progress through
the eastern portion of the colony, the existence of a deep - rooted
feeling that their special interests were not likely to receive due con-
sideration so long as the seat of government remained fixed at Capetown.

“This feeling, as you are aware, found fresh vent a few months since
in a memorial addressed to the earl of Kimberley, as secretary of state
for the colonial department, praying that I might be instructed on my
arrival to give the subject of the removal of the seat of government to
some place in the eastern districts my immediate and impartial
consideration.*

“Accordingly, in the despatch addressed to me by his Lordship before
I started, calling my attention to some of the prominent questions with
which I should have to deal, this subject is adverted to, and a sugges-
tion thrown out that in order to obviate all ground of agitation for
such removal, the local authorities should be invested with a greater
share of legislative and administrative power ; the carefully considered
constitution of the Dominion of Canada being referred to as presenting
a model for the solution of the difficulty.

“The reference thus made must be held to imply not merely a
recommendation that the colony should be divided into federated
provinces, but that some system of responsible government should be
established in each, for it will be found from the despatch itself, which
I lay before you in extenso, that the present secretary of state for the
colonies fully adopts the views expressed by his predecessor, Earl
Granville, as to the anomalous constitution of the colonial legislature,
and considers the rejection of the proposal made by Sir Philip
Wodehouse last session for a single legislative chamber as afibrding all
the stronger reason why those who refused to acquiesce in that measure
should now support the alternative course.

“ The attempt to introduce a certain modicum only of parliamentarj"
government into this colony seems indeed to be regarded on all hands as
a failure. The experiment has now been tried for nearly seventeen years?
during the existence of nearly five different parliaments, and under the
auspices of two administrators of remarkable energy and ability, yet of
widely different temperaments ; and it has been found, so far as I can
judge, to work inharmoniously and unsatisfactorily, alike to the governino-
and to the governed.

*The memorial referred to was signed by eight hundred British settlers and
their descendants.

ii6 History of the Cape Colony, [1871

“ Be this as it may, it is clearly necessary at the present moment, if a
progressive policy is to be pursued, that the executive government should
be endowed with more extensive powers and greater liberty of action ; and
if the question, whether this should be accomplished by retracing the steps
taken in 1854, and restoring the authority of the crown, has been definitely
decided in the negative, it is not easy to perceive what other feasible course
remains open save to carry the system of parliamentary government to its
natural and legitimate consequences, by rendering the executive responsible
through the medium of its principal officers to the legislature, and thus
enabling it, so long as these retain the confidence of that body, to shape
the course of public business, and act promptly and efficiently whenever
the necessity arises, in anticipation of subsequent approval.

“ As to the formation of separate provincial governments, this might be
advantageous if combined with a strong domestic administration centrally
situated in South Africa, but it is obvious that no such system of federal
union could be maintained unless each of the states composing it were
equally independent of extraneous control. In other words, self-
government should precede federation ; and not for this reason only, but
to prevent the difficulties and risks of failure which any attempt to carry
out simultaneously two such great political changes would inevitably
entail.

“ As a matter of fact it has had priority in the case both of the North
American and Australian colonies ; nor should it be forgotten here, in
connection with the former, that Upper and Lower Canada, differing
widely as their respective populations have ever done in race, language,
and mode of thought, grew up into a strong and prosperous state, ruled for
the most part by coalition ministries long before they lately resolved
themselves in separate provinces with a view to admission into the
powerful confederacy which now constitutes the dominion.

“ You may rely upon it, however, that in recommending the application
of principles under which these great groups of colonies have made and
are making such wonderful and gratifying progress, the imperial government
are neither insensible to the obstacles which seem likely to beset the
operation of those principles here, nor desirous of driving the Cape colonists
into the adoption of institutions for the successful working of which they
feel themselves unfitted.

“ If any amendment on the present unsatisfactory mode of administration
better adapted to the peculiar circumstances of South Africa than
responsible government can be devised, or if there be any intermediate
stage in their progress towards that form of government at which the
colonists would wish for a time to halt, I am confident that whatever doubts
her Majesty’s present advisers might entertain as to the probable results
of the scheme, no opposition whatever would be offered to its receiving a
fair trial.

“ It rests, in fact, with the colonists alone at the present juncture to
judge for themselves what reforms in the constitution *shall be effected ;

iS-ji] Sir HeJiry Barkly. 117

;uid I will only add that I await the upshot of your deliberations as their
representatives, fully prepared to afibrd any assistance in my power in
carrying out the views at which the majority may see fit to arrive.”

The opinions expressed in the paragraphs quoted above
were those of the governor himself, and were at variance
with those held by the members of the executive council,
all of whom were opposed to the introduction of responsible
government. On learning the nature of the speech intended
to be made, they drew up their objections in writing, with
a view to the documents being forwarded to the imperial
authorities.

The attorney-general, Mr. W. D. Griffith, based his first
objection upon the large coloured population, who were
entitled to the franchise, and some of whom actually availed
themselves of it under the instigation of persons of European
race. That as a general rule they had not made use of
their privileges could not, he thought, be reckoned on as
a fact likely to continue. If government by parliamentary
majorities were introduced, they would very soon be taught
by interested persons that they were entitled to the
franchise, and their votes would be obtained for one
purpose or another. When they once began generally to
use their votes, it would simply be impossible to govern
them.

His next objection arose from the condition of the white
population, which he divided into two main classes, the
English immigrants and their descendants and those of
Dutch descent. The latter, who were in a large majority,
were for the most part ignorant of the English language,
and entertained strong prejudices against English institutions.
He might have added, but he did not, that the prejudices
of the former class in the opposite direction were at least
equally as strong. No alteration of the franchise, he
observed correctly, could meet the difficulties created by
these circumstances.

Then the colony was sparsely inhabited, and its people
were for the most part uneducated. As a consequence, there

[1871

1 1 8 History of the Cape Colony,

would be a scramble for office among a very few individuals
who would embrace politics as a trade, for there were
practically no men in the colony of leisure and independence.

The constitution of the two houses of parliament formed
another objection, for one was as representative as the
other, and neither had control over the other. In which
was to be the necessary majority to maintain a ministry,
and what would result if an opposing majority should exist
in the other.

The condition of the diamond fields and of Basutoland
was also to be considered. If the diamond fields were to be
annexed to the Cape Colony, that should be efiected before
a change in the form of government took place, in order
that the people there might also have a voice in deciding
the matter. The Basuto had requested to be brought
under the queen’s government, not under that of a colonial
ministry, and such a change as the one proposed would
excite great dissatisfaction in their minds, and would not
improbably be the cause of future wars.

The other members of the executive council, Mr. R.
Southey, colonial secretary, Mr. J. C. Davidson, treasurer-
general, Mr. M. Cole, auditor-general, and Mr. R. Graham,
collector of customs, drew up jointly a document in which
they expressed their opinions. They regarded any failure
that had occurred in the working of the existing form of
government as referable in great part to circumstances
which might be specified as applying much more strongly to
the proposed form of government by parliamentary majority,
such as the sparseness of the population, the preponderance
of the coloured races, want of education, diversities of race
and language among the white inhabitants, want of public
opinion, difficulties of communication, and inability of the
best informed and most competent colonists to leave their
homes and avocations to take part in public affairs without
ruin to their private interests.

They held that one cause of the unsatisfactory working
of the existing form of government was undoubtedly the

iSji] Si 7' He7i7y Barkly, 119

waut of sufficient influence by the executive upon the
representative branches of the legislature. They referred to
some of the disadvantages under which the executive had
laboured in this respect. There were two houses, of
coordinate authority, to both of which every measure had
to be submitted through all its stages, precisely as in the
imperial legislature. Their modes and forms of procedure
had in all respects been closely copied from those of the
imperial parliament. They were assembled, and sat simul-
taneously through protracted sessions. It had come to be
expected that the four members of the executive who
possessed the privilege of attending the houses, but were
never in any sense intended to be members, should, at least
some of them, give constant attendance in both houses, and
not only conduct the measures of the government, but deal
with the numerous objections and questions, and discuss the
measures introduced by the members themselves. Ministerial
and parliamentary functions had thus become imposed upon
three or four members of the colonial executive, in addition
to their ordinary and constant administrative duties, without
any provision for meeting them.

Harmonious action between the parliament and the
executive, in the conduct of the public business and legisla-
tion, had undoubtedly been impeded of late years by the
insufficiency of the revenue to meet needful expenditure,
and the contentions naturally springing from the necessary
measures for increase of taxation which the government
had from time to time been compelled to propose. It might,
however, now be hoped that the returning prosperity of the
colony and the increasing public revenue would remove this
prolific cause of painful discussion and difference.

The provision made for the representation of the executive
having been so far short of the test now applied, they
thought it could scarcely be held that the possibilities of
satisfactory government under the existing constitution had
been exhausted, or that they had even had a fair trial; for
it could not be doubted that if government by parliamentary

120

[1871

History of the Cape Colony,

majority were introduced, one of ifcs first necessities would
be a considerable numerical increase to the executive, both
in and out of parliament, and the introduction of depart-
mental responsibility. This was equally practicable with
the existing form of government, and was in their opinion
essential to the successful working of any form of repre-
sentative government.

They observed that the direction in which measures
should be taken to overcome or remove the deficiencies
which seventeen years of not altogether unsuccessful working
of the existing constitution had disclosed could not be
gathered from the previous action of the legislature ; for
while, on the one hand, it had on one occasion declined to
adopt the simple form of legislature proposed by Sir Philip
Wodehouse, it had equally, on the other hand, on several
occasions declined to adopt the principle of government by
parliamentary majority. But they submitted that, what-
ever the opinions or action of either house of parliament
from time to time might have been or might still be on
this question, the colonial legislature was not, in the actual
circumstances ^ of the country, the tribunal by which such
an issue should be decided ; and that the question should
be considered and acted upon by her Majesty’s government
upon its own responsibility in reference to the fitness or
unfitness of the colony for so momentous a change.

They then entered into details concerning the sparseness
of the population ; the numerical preponderance of the
coloured people, showing that fully two - thirds of the
inhabitants were still in a state of barbarism or semi-
barbarism, pointing out the danger of these people becoming
masters of the situation owing to the low qualification for
the franchise — the occupation of fixed property of the total
(not annual) value of £25 ; — the want of education ; • the
diversity of race, ideas, habits, and language of the European
inhabitants ; the feelings of antagonism between the white
and coloured people, particularly in the frontier districts ;
the absence of public opinion, which would lead to instability

I2I

1S71] Sir Henry Barkly,

ot* legislation and policy; the want of men possessing the
requisite qualifications to hold offices in a responsible ministry ;
and the existence of two elective houses of coordinate
functions and authority, in both of which the majority
essential to the existence of a ministry would seldom be
found.

They submitted that the facts and considerations they
had adduced showed that the colony was wholly unfit for
the proposed change in its form of government ; and further,
that the dangers to be apprehended from the premature
attempt thus to get rid of very minor diflficulties attending
the working of the constitution then in force were too
momentous to be risked upon the decision of the existing
legislature.

They deprecated any change which would reduce the
influence of the crown in the colony, which they regarded as
the chief bond by which its heterogeneous elements were
held together. To surrender this restraining influence would,
they believed, lead to disturbance and strife of races
within and without the colony, annihilate English interests,
and looking upon the colony as the chief standpoint for the
spread of peace and progress in South Africa, would
hopelessly throw back the civilisation of a large area of the
continent.

Holding these views, the members of the executive council
who were entitled to take part in debates in parliament
considered it their duty not to oppose the governor, but to
abstain from joining in discussions that might arise respecting
responsible government, and to leave the decision to the
unbiassed votes of the elected representatives of the people.

The party in the house of assembly that was in favour of
the introduction of responsible government waited until all
the eastern members had arrived before taking any action.
They were tolerably certain of success, especially as no
opposition was now to be feared from the imperial authorities,
and they desired a thorough discussion of the question on its
own merits. On the 1st of June Mr. Molteno, member for

122 History of the Cape Colony, [1871

Beaufort West, moved, and Mr. Watermeyer, member for
Richmond, seconded :

“ That this house is of opinion that the time has come when the system
of parliamentary government in this colony should be carried to its
natural and legitimate consequence, by rendering the executive responsible,
through the medium of its principal oflScers, to the legislature, and thus
enabling it, so long as these retain the confidence of that body, to shape
the course of public business. And as it may be expedient that the colony
should be divided into three or more provincial governments for the
management of their own domestic affairs, formed into a federative union,
under a general government, for the management of affairs affecting the
interests and relations of the united colony, this house is of opinion that his
Excellency the governor should be requested, by respectful address, to
appoint a commission to inquire into and report upon the expediency of
such provincial governments, with the federation thereof, and, if deemed
expedient, to inquire into and report upon the arrangements which may
be necessary for their introduction and establishment.”

In this motion two distinct subjects were referred to.
One, the introduction of responsible government, was to have
immediate effect, the other, the desirability of federation, was
merely to be inquired into and reported upon, with a view
to the possible adoption of the system at some future time.
The word federation was then commonly used to signify
the union for general purposes of several provinces with
local legislatures into which the settlement was first to be
divided, not the union under one central government of
the Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State, and the
South African Republic, unless those colonies and states
were specially mentioned. Such a change in the form of
government of the Cape Colony was advocated almost
exclusively by the descendants of the British settlers in
the eastern province ; the later English immigrants and
practically the whole of the Dutch speaking colonists either
caring little about it one way or the other or opposing it
on the ground of the increased expense that it would
necessarily entail. The position which the descendants of the
British settlers of 1820 had attained in the colony can
therefore be accurately gauged by the importance attached
to this question.

123

1S71J Sv' Heiiry Barkly,

As an amendment to Mr. Molteno’s motion, Mr. C. A.
Smith, member for Kinor-Williamstown, proposed, and Mr. J.
T. Eustace, member for Capetown, seconded :

“1. That this house, without disputing the principle that responsible
or party government is the natural consequent of representative institu-
tions, cannot shut its eyes to the fact that there exists, especially in
the eastern province, a strong feeling of opposition to its immediate
introduction into this colony.

“2. That in the opinion of this house, it is but just and expedient,
under the peculiar circumstances of this colony, that before effecting
so important and radical a change in the constitution, a competent
commission, fairly representing the entire colony, should be appointed
to consider and report upon this question in all its bearings, and
especially whether it would not be practicable and more consistent with
the wants and wishes of a large portion of the inhabitants of the
colony, that some system of federative and local government should
precede, or at least be simultaneous with, the introduction of
responsible government.

“3. That this house, therefore, by respectful address, request that
his Excellency the governor will be pleased to appoint such a com-
mission, with an instruction to terminate its labours in time to enable
action to be taken on its report during the next session of parliament.”

The debate upon the question of the introduction of
responsible government was carried on with much earnest-
ness on both sides, all the old objections being urged again
by the opponents of the measure and replied to by those
in favour of it.

There was first the important question of the coloured
population, which was double that of the European residents
in the colony. These people were entitled to the franchise
on the same terms as white men, and most of them were
absolute barbarians without any conception of what repre-
sentative government implied. They would be made the
sport of party leaders, and anything like justice or high
civilisation would become impossible. Or, if this should
not happen, the attempt to rule them by white men with
strong prejudices must result in war.

To this it was replied that the blacks would be no more
subject to party influence than they were already, and that
colonists, whose interest it was to avoid war, would be far

124 Histo7'y of the Cape Colony. [1871

more likely to govern them wisely and justly than officials
responsible only to the authorities in England.

Next, there was not a sufficient number of men in the
colony of talent and wealth to form ministries under a
system where tenure of office would be precarious.

Reply. That could not be known until it was tried. The
occasion would probably produce the men, and in any case
they would soon be trained, which they could not be in
advance.

Of the European electors there were many more of Dutch
than of English descent. Would the British settlers consent
to be ruled by a ministry chosen by a Dutch majority ?

Reply. All were colonists, and the interests of all vrere
the same. There was nothing to fear from a Dutch majority,
and it was hardly conceivable that any question should arise
in which the electors would be divided on purely racial lines.
Would the British settlers object to party government if
they were in the majority and the Dutch in the minority ?
Responsible government would be the means of bringing
them closely together and causing them to respect each
other and work in unison for the common good.

The eastern province, having fewer representatives and
being far from the seat of government, would be at the
mercy of the west.

Reply. No ministry in which the east was not fairly
represented could exist over a single session.

Responsible government would be accompanied by corrup-
tion and plunder. A ministry in office would not hesitate
to purchase support to retain its position.

Reply. There was no greater likelihood of corruption of
that kind under responsible government than under the
existing system, and at any rate the ministers, holding their
seats as long as a majority in parliament chose to support
them, would be careful not to expose themselves to be called
to account for their conduct.

The arrangement of matters relating to the Bantu in the
Transkeian territory and in Basutoland had been carried out

125

iSyi] Sir He7iry Barkly.

by tlie high commissioner under instructions from the im-
perial authorities, without reference to the colonial parliament,
and Great Britain was thus responsible for the defence of
the frontier. If responsible government was adopted, that
burden would to a certainty be thrown upon the colony.

Reply. Whether responsible government was adopted,
or whether the existing system remained in force, would make
no ditierence whatever in that respect. The imperial troops
in South Africa had already been greatly reduced in number,
and there was no hope of their being increased again. In
any case the colony would have to protect its frontiers, and
it was therefore better that the policy to be pursued towards
the Bantu in future should be directed by those upon whom
the burden of defence would fall.

Lastly, the provinces should first be separated and each
provided with a local government, when a federal adminis-
tration for general purposes might be adopted under the
responsible system.

Reply. Responsible government should first be adopted,
and then the question of separation into two, three, or more
provinces, to be followed by federation, could be more
satisfactorily settled.

Mr. (afterwards Sir) T. C. Scanlen, one of the members for
Cradock, brought forward a motion “ that it is expedient
that the colony should be divided into three or more pro-
vincial governments for the management of their own
domestic affairs,” but it was rejected.

Mr. Smith’s amendment was then put, and was lost by
thirty-two votes against twenty-five.

Mr. Molteno’s original motion was carried on the 9th of
June by thirty-one votes against twenty-six, twelve eastern
province members voting with the majority. The last clause
had, however, been modified in the hope of conciliating the
eastern members, and now read : “ And as it is expedient
that the colony should be divided into three or more
provincial governments for the management of their own
domestic afiairs, formed into a federative union under a

126 History of the Cape Colony. [1871

general government for the management of affairs affecting
the interest and relations of the united colony, this house
is of opinion that his Excellency the governor should he
requested, by respectful address, to appoint a commission to
inquire into and report upon the arrangements which may
be necessary for the introduction and establishment of such
provincial governments, with the federation thereof.”

On the following day the governor was requested to
submit a bill to effect the necessary change in the constitu-
tion, which he consented to do without any delay. Mr.
Griffith, the attorney - general, expressed a desire that he
should not be called upon to frame the bill, as he disap-
proved of the measure, so the governor applied to Mr.
Porter, the retired attorney - general, who was then one of
the members for Capetown. That gentleman drew up a
bill, which was introduced in the house of assembly and
read the first time on the 15th of June. It provided for
the creation of two new heads of departments, one to be
termed the commissioner of crown lands and public works, the
other the secretary for native affairs. The colonial secretary,
the treasurer, the attorney - general, the commissioner of
crown lands > and public works, and the secretary for native
affairs could be elected as members of either the house of
assembly or the legislative council, and could take part in
debates in both houses, but each could only vote in the one
of which he was a member. It was not to be absolutely
necessary that every one of these officials should be a
member of parliament at the time of his appointment, a
provision that was made in case there should not be in
either house an individual specially qualified for any of
the offices at the time of the formation of a ministry. The
salaries of the ministers were fixed, that of the colonial
secretary at £1,200, and that of each of the others at £1,000
a year. They were not to be entitled to pensions upon
retiring from office.

On the 30th of June Mr. Molteno moved the second
reading of the bill, and an animated debate followed, in

iSyi] Sir Henry Barkly, 127

which the same arguments for and against were used as
already given.

On the 5th of July the voting took place on an amend-
ment that the bill be read that day six months. For this
there were twenty -eight votes, and thirty -four were given
against it. The division showed the responsible government
party to be strongest comparatively in the midland districts,
to be nearly twice as strong as its opponents in the west,
and to be almost non - existent in the east. The western
districts gave twenty -one votes for it, and eleven against,
namely for responsible government Beaufort West, Malmes-
bury, Paarl, Piketberg, Victoria West, and Worcester, each
both votes ; Caledon, Clanwilliam, George, Oudtshoorn,
Riversdale, each one vote for and one against, Capetown
two votes for and two against, Stellenbosch one vote for,
the other member for this division being the speaker, the
Cape division two votes against, and Namaquaiand one vote
against, the other member for this division being absent.

The midland districts gave twelve votes for responsible
government, and ouly two against, namely for responsible
government Colesberg, Cradock, Graaff-Reinet, Richmond, and
Somerset East, each both votes ; Port Elizabeth and
Uitenhage, each one vote for and one against.

The eastern districts gave but one vote for responsible
government, and fifteen against it, namely against responsible
government Albany, Albert, Aliwal North, Fort Beaufort,
Grahamstown, and Victoria East, each both votes ; East
London and Queenstown, each one vote, the other members
for these divisions not being present; and King- Williams-
town one vote against and one vote for it.

Mr. Molteno’s motion was carried without a division, and
the bill then passed into the committee stage, when the
opponents of responsible government left the house, so that
it went through at once without any alterations of impor-
tance. On the 12th of July it passed the third reading
without a division, and on the 14th was read the first time
in the legislative council. This house had not been dis-

128 History of the Cape Co tony, [1871

solved by Sir Philip Wodehouse when he appealed to the
colony to decide upon the form of government, and its
members had not been specially returned on that issue.

The question was hotly debated, and on the 21st of Jul3^
when the bill came on for the second reading it was thrown
out by twelve votes against nine. Of the members in its
favour, seven represented the western province — the honour-
able Messrs. John Barry, Dr. F. L. C. Biccard, J. A. van
der Byl, G. J. de Korte, M. L. Neethling, J. Vintcent, and
Dr. H. White, — and two the eastern province — the honour-
able Messrs. C. L. Stretch and F. K. Te Water. Of the
twelve members opposed to it, eight represented the eastern
province — the honourable Messrs. S. Cawood, J. C. Chase,
W. Fleming, R. Godlonton, J. C. Hoole, D. K. Kennedy, P.
W. Scholtz, and G. Wood, — and four the western province —
the honourable Dr. J. M. Hiddingh, and Messrs. P. E. de
Roubaix, W. A. J. de Smidt, and H. T. Vigne.

The rejection of the bill by the legislative council was
learnt with regret by the secretary of state for the colonies,
who wrote, however, that at the same time it was satis-
factory that the measure had received so considerable an
amount of support, and he did not doubt that before
long responsible government would supersede the existing
anomalous system.

In accordance with the request of the house of assembly,
on the 24th of June the governor appointed a commission,
consisting of the honourable Robert Godlonton, Petrus
Emanuel de Roubaix, and John Centlivres Chase, members
of the legislative council, and Messrs. Jeremias Frederik
Ziervogel, John Charles Molteno, Charles Abercrombie Smith,
and John Henry de Yilliers, members of the house of
assembly, to inquire into and report upon the question of
federation, and in connection therewith :

“ 1. Whether the good government of the entire colony would not
be facilitated, and the contentment and progress of certain portions
thereof promoted, by its division into provinces, each province having
its own legislature, to legislate for local and private purposes only.

iSji] Sir Henry Barkly. 129

“2. If so, into how many provinces should the colony be divided,
and of which of the present electoral divisions, or parts of electoral
divisions, or other territories, should each province consist ?

“3. Whether the model presented by the dominion of Canada
should be followed, the constitution of the colonial parliament and
provincial legislatures, and their relative powers and functions, being in
all respects the same as provided by the imperial act of 30th Victoria,
cap. 3 ?

“4. If not, what the constitution of the provincial legislatures should
be ? Whether they should be composed of two chambers, or of one
only ? What the qualifications of electors and members respectively ?

“ 5. Vliether the colonial parliament should continue to be
convenable as provided in the constitution ordinance of 1852, and at
what towns or places the legislature of each province should meet ?

“ 6. If the distribution of legislative powers set forth in the sixth
part of the imperial act of 30th Victoria, cap. 3, be not followed, what
subjects should be specially withdrawn from the legislative power of
the provincial legislatures and reserved for the colonial parliament ?
Should the borrowing of money for the execution of public works
within any particular province be on the credit of the colony or of
the province, and what apportionment should be made of the debts
or liabilities already incurred, both for public works as well as for
general colonial purposes ?

“7. Ought the colonial parliament to possess the power of rescinding
or amending the acts of the provincial ^legislatures, especially such as
it may consider to have been passed ultra vires?

“ 8. Whether it will be necessary that the crown should be
represented in each province by some functionary resident therein ?
If so, what should be his powers and duties, and how should he be
appointed and designated ?

“9. Supposing such a functionary to be necessary, should he be
assisted by a local executive council ? If so, of whom should it be
composed ? And should its members be removable on losing the
confidence of the provincial legislature under the system commonly
called responsible government ?

“ 10. Should the governor of the colony, acting with the advice of
his executive council, have any, and if so, what power to direct the
provincial executive to adopt any measure which he may regard as
expedient for the general weKare ? Or should such governor in council
have power to rescind or amend such acts of the provincial executive
as he may consider prejudicial to the colony at large ?

“ 11. What would be the probable expenditure requisite for the
support of each provincial government, stating the estimated items in
detail ?

“ 12. What would be the probable amount of revenue at the disposal
of each provincial government ? ”

130 History of the Cape Colony. [1871

Mr. Molteno being obliged to resign on account of ill
health, Mr. William Porter, formerly attorney - general and
now member of the house of assembly for Capetown, was
appointed in his stead. The commission issued circulars to
all the divisional and municipal councils and to one hundred
and sixty - eight prominent private individuals, requesting
them to state their views; and they also took a good deal
of verbal evidence. Only sixteen out of forty-seven divisional
councils, three municipal councils out of thirty - two, and
thirty - two out of the hundred and sixty - eight private
individuals took the trouble to reply, showing that interest
in the question, especially in the western districts, was by
no means widespread ; and the opinions given were most
conflicting. The midland districts, that is the western part
of the eastern province, in which — except at Port Elizabeth
— Dutch speaking colonists were in the majority, objected
strongly to any change that would bring them under a
Grahamstown government, but were not unwilling to be
formed into a distinct province themselves. King-Williams-
town and East London also preferred to let things remain
as they were rather than form part of a province with
Grahamstown as its capital, Grahamstown objected to the
midland districts being constituted a separate government,
in short, the views and interests of every place in the east
seemed opposed to the views and interests of every other
place.

On the 23rd of March 1872 the commission sent in a
report in which they stated that they were unable to agree
among themselves or to reconcile the diflerent views expressed ;
but the majority of the members proposed for consideration
the draft of a bill by which the powers and functions of the
existing parliament should be preserved intact, and that if
divided into provinces at all, the colony should be divided
into three, each with an assembly for the control of purely
local matters. In that case each province should elect seven
members of the legislative council, and the house of assembly
should remain unchanged.

iSyi] Sir Henry Barkly, 13 1

Very little interest was taken in the matter by the general
public in the west, or even in the midland districts. The
British settlers who had been warm advocates of it, in the
hope that it would lead to the eastern province intact being
constituted a separate government, finding it impossible to
carry that measure, had no wish to press the subject further
until a more favourable opportunity should occur. It was
therefore allowed to pass out of notice in the shade of the
important change that was then taking place.

In the session of parliament in 1871 a new district on
the north-eastern border of the colony, formed of parts of the
divisions of Aliwal North, Albert, and Queenstown, to which
on the 5th of January the name Wodehouse had been
given by proclamation, was constituted a fiscal division. A
civil commissioner and resident magistrate was appointed,
and was directed to hold his court at Dordrecht, a village
founded in 1857.

An act was passed for raising by loan a sum of £100,000
at five per cent yearly interest, upon security of the colonial
revenue, to improve the harbour of East London according to
the plans of Sir John Goode, but not more than £15,000 was
to be raised in any year. Wharfage dues were to be levied
to reimburse the treasury wholly or partly for this expen-
diture. The design of the works was to narrow the mouth
of the river by means of training walls, in order to increase
the scouring force of the tide setting out and so to clear away
the bar, and an outer breakwater was to be constructed to
prevent the sand being thrown back again. While the
survey by Mr. Neate was being made, there was a heavy
fall of rain, which caused such a flood in the river that the
bar was partly washed away, and it was evident that if the
sand could be kept out a safe and commodious harbour, with
a depth of water of twenty-five feet or 7*62 metres at low
tide, would be open to shipping. In December 1871 a large
gang of convicts commenced the lengthening of the training
walls partly constructed years before, and under the direction
and superintendence of Mr. Lester, a marine engineer sent

132

History of the Cape Colony. [1871

out by Sir John Coode, the work progressed until the
harbour of East London became, what it is to-day, a place
where sailing ships and large ocean steamers can discharge
and take in cargo almost as securely and easily as in any
dock in the world.

An act was also passed to incorporate a company that
some merchants of Port Elizabeth proposed to form, with a
capital of £75,000, to construct a line of railway and
telegraph from Port Elizabeth to Uitenhage. The government
reserved the right of constructing the first seven miles, or
11*3 kilometres, from Port Elizabeth to the Zwartkops river,
as that section would form part of any trunk line that it
might thereafter be decided to lay down towards the interior.
The sum of £30,000 was voted by parliament for this purpose.
On the 9th of January 1872 the first sod of the Uitenhage
branch was turned by Sir Henry Barkly at Rawson bridge
with the usual ceremony. It had been anticipated that
Kaffir labourers could be obtained to perform the rough
work at Is. Qd. a day, and on this basis the calculations as
to cost were made. But it was found that such cheap labour
was not to be had, and even when 2s. Zd. a day was offered
the supply was insufficient. There was further much
delay in obtaining materials from England, so that progress
in both sections of the work was very slow. In 1874
parliament authorised the government to purchase the
property of the Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage railway
company, and it was only after this date that the line was
completed, though the event here recorded was the
commencement of the laying down of that network of
railways which now covers the eastern part of the Cape
Colony.

On the 11th of August parliament was prorogued, when
the governor in his closing speech expressed his regret
that the bill to amend the constitution ordinance by removing
all impediments to the system of responsible government
was refused a second reading in the legislative council,
for, irrespective of loss of time, other questions more or

iSyi] St7' Henry Barkly, 133

less dependent on such a change remained unsettled in
consequence of its postponement.

Tbe most notable instance that ever occurred in the Cape
Colony of damage caused by a sudden and violent fall of
rain took place in this year 1871. At ten o’clock in the
evening of the 27th of February most of the residents in
the village of Victoria West, unsuspicious of danger of
any kind, had retired to rest. The village, which stands
twelve hundred and fifty metres or four thousand one
hundred feet above the level of the sea, is built in a kloof,
through which flows one of the feeders of the Ongars river,
a tributary of the Orange. Suddenly the roar of rushing
water was heard, and before the people in the lower part
of the village could escape they were surrounded. A storm
cloud had burst farther up the kloof, the stream had
suddenly risen to a height unknown before, and was now
rushing onward, sweeping not only light materials, but even
huge boulders before it. The flood lasted until three o’clock
in the morning of the 28th, and when it subsided, it was
found that over thirty houses had been washed away and
sixty-two persons had been drowned.

CHAPTER LXXIIL

SIR HENRY BARKLY, GOVERNOR AND HIGH COMMISSIONER

{continued).

The question as to the future form of government occupied
the attention of the colonists during the recess between the
sessions of parliament, and the advocates of the responsible
system were steadily gaining ground. The time was par-
ticularly favourable for a calm discussion of the matter, as
the colony was enjoying greater prosperity than it had
known for many years, and so the distorted views that
always accompany depression were far from prevalent. The
British settlers and their descendants in the main were still
holding out against the introduction of parliamentary
government, not from disregard of the merits of that
system, but simply because they feared the domination of
the western people. The extreme conservative party in the
west objected to it, because they feared changes of any
kind. On the eastern border, in the midland districts, and
generally in the west a large majority of the white people
were now in favour of it. The blacks with very few
exceptions had no opinion either way, for they were
incapable of understanding what was meant by ministerial
responsibility.

^ On the 18th of April 1872 parliament assembled, when
the governor made an opening speech of great length, of
which the following were the first clauses:

“ So many questions of vital importance to the welfare of this colony
urgently require solution that I have been led to seek at an earlier
period than usual your advice and cooperation.

“Foremost amongst these questions, because at the very root of
legislation on all the others, stands that of an amendment in the

134

Sir Hem'y Barkly,

135

iS7.>]

aefective and unsatisfactory relations established between the legislature
and the executive government under the constitution act of 1854.

‘‘ When I invited you a year ago to decide, one way or the other, the
long agitated question of constitutional reform, I had been too short
a time in the colony to warrant the expression of any decided opinion
of my own as to the direction such reform ought to take.

“1 held it, indeed, for an axiom that where representative institu-
tions exist, government by parliamentary majority is the only system
under which the opposing currents of local interests and party preju-
dices can find their true level and run on in safe and proper channels ;
but I could not feel altogether free from doubt as to whether the crown
had not been induced to act prematurely in granting the boon of re-
pi'esentation to its South African subjects, and whether, consequently,
its true policy at the present juncture might not be to endeavour to
retrace the steps then taken, and regain, as far as possible, the authority
with which it had parted.

“ 2sow, however, that T have had opportunity for careful observation,
I am bound to state my conviction that there is no ground for mis-
trusting the use that the Cape colonists would make of political power ;
while, on the other hand, were demonstration wanting of their due
appreciation of political freedom, the well - sustained debates of last

session, the able controversies which have been carried on in the

columns of the colonial press, nay, the electioneering contests them-
selves to which the agitation of the question of reform has given rise,
afford the strongest proofs of the thorough fitness of the colonists to
be entrusted with the uncontrolled management of their own affairs.
Experience elsewhere leads me further to believe that whatever special
difficulties they may have to contend with in so doing will be
diminished by the promptitude of decision and unity of action incident
to responsible government, instead of being enhanced, as now, by the
uncertainty under which the executive must labour as to the views
either house of parliament will entertain on any given subject, as well

as by the suspicions to which it is always exposed of favouring one

side more than the other, or of availing itself of divisions to carry out
a policy of its own.

‘‘Even as regards the greatest difficulty of all, the remoteness of the
seat of government, and the conflict of interests thereby created between
the eastern and western districts, the jealousies engendered by which
have for so many years impeded the construction of public works in
both, and retarded in other ways the general prosperity of the colony,
I cannot but think that the evenly balanced share which each would be
soon found to command in the formation of any durable ministry,
combined with the effects of a readjustment of representation, and the
increased powers of local self-government, which would follow in the
wake of the more important constitutional change, would, ere long.

136 History of the Cape Colony. [1872

put an end to struggles of this sort, or convert them into mere
wholesome competition and harmless rivalry.

“ On these grounds, and because I can perceive no chance of making
progress with any other measure until this be settled, I shall at once
reintroduce, as I am authorised and instructed by her Majesty’s
government to do, the bill to amend the constitution in certain respects
which I transmitted to the assembly last session, in pursuance of an
address presented to me by the house.

“ With a view to avoid loss of valuable time, by limiting the issue to
points already fully discussed, the bill will be sent down in the exact
form it had assumed when thrown out on the motion for its second
reading in the legislative council.’^

Accordingly, on the 22nd of April the bill was introduced
in the house of assembly as a government measure, and was
read the first time. The attorney-general, Mr. W. D. Griffith,
was absent in Europe on leave, and Mr. Simeon Jacobs, the
solicitor-general, was acting in his stead. On the 17th of
May he moved the second reading of the bill.

Mr. J. T. Eustace moved, and Mr. C. A. Smith seconded,
that it be read that day six months.

The debate that followed covered the same ground as in
the preceding session, and was continued with great anima-
tion until the 28th, when the amendment was put to the
vote and was lost by twenty-five against thirty-five. The
original motion was carried by the same numbers reversed.

The majority in favour of responsible government consisted
of twenty-two western province and thirteen eastern province
members, namely

Mr. John Adams,

„ Rudolph P. Botha,

„ Dirk van Breda,

,, An dries G. H. van Breda,
„ James Buchanan,

„ Robert M. Bowker,

„ Jacobus A. Burger,

„ John S, Distin,

„ Jacob Duckitt,

„ Patrick Goold,

„ Johannes Z. Human,

„ Bernardus J. Key ter,

„ Pieter Kock,

member for Victoria West, Western province
,, Cradock, Eastern ,,

,, Caledon, Western „

,, Malmesbury, „ „

„ Victoria West, „ „

„ Somerset East, Eastern „

„ Graaff-Reinet, „ ,,

„ Colesberg, „ ,,

„ Malmesbury, Western ,,

„ King-W’mstown, Eastern „

„ Piketberg, Western ,,

„ Oudtshoorn, „ „

„ Richmond, Eastern ,,

1S72] Sir Henry Barkly. 137

Mr. Johannes J. Meiring, member for Worcester, Western province,

John C. Molteno,

Beaufort West, ,,

))

Hendrik L. Neethling,

Stellenbosch, „

Henry W. Pearson,

Port Elizabeth, Eastern

))

Petrus J. Pentz,

Paarl, Western

William Porter,

Capetown, „

John S. Prince,

Riversdale, , ,

) »

))

Johannes J. Proctor,

Paarl, * ,,

}•>

John Quin,

Fort Beaufort, Eastern

» »

Vincent Rice,

Beaufort West, Western

))

Thomas C. Scanlen,

Cradock, Eastern

Gideon J. H. Scheepers, '

Oudtshoorn, Western

Saul Solomon,

Capetown, , ,

5»

John G. Sprigg,

East London, Eastern

David Tennant,

Piketberg, Western

Robert Torbet,

Namaqualand, ,,

Petrus B. van Rhyn,

Clan william, ,,

John H. de Villiers,

Worcester, ,,

Philippus J. A. Watermeyer,

Richmond, Eastern

Gotlieb W. B. Wehmeyer,

George, Western

Jacobus A. de Wet,

Somerset East, Eastern

Jeremias F. Ziervogel,

Graaff-Reinet, „

The minority, or those opposed to the introduction of
responsible government, consisted of sixteen easterns and
nine westerns, namely

Mr.

Reuben AylifF,

member for Uitenhage, Eastern province,

William Ayliff,

Fort Beaufort, „

Henry F. A. Barrington,

George, Western

Thomas D. Barry,

Riversdale, „

William Bell,

Albert, Eastern

Henry W. Bidwell,

Uitenhage, „

Hendrik W, van Breda,

Caledon, Western

George Brown,

Victoria East, Eastern

George C. Clough,

Grahamstown, ,,

John T. Eustace,

Capetown, Western

Joseph Gush,

Albany, Eastern

Thomas B. Glanville,

Grahamstown ,,

Thomas A. King,

Victoria East, ,,

William Knight,

Port Elizabeth, ,,

Samuel Loxton,

Queenstown, ,,

Charles J. Manuel,

Cape district, Western

John X. Merriman,

Aliwal North, Eastern

Thomas Moodie,

Swellendam, Western

Joseph M. Orpen,

Queenstown, Eastern

5 5

138

History of the Cape Colony. [1872

Mr. John R. Ross,

„ George Slater,

„ Samuel Shawe,

„ Charles A. Smith,
„ Philip P. Stigant,
„ John S. Wright,

member for Namaqualand, Western province,

,, Albany, Eastern „

,, Clan william, Western

,, King- W’mstown, Eastern „

,, Capetown, Western ,,

„ East London, Eastern „

Only five members were absent from the house on this
occasion, three easterns representing Albert, Aliwal North,
and Colesberg, and two westerns representing the Cape
district and Swellendam.

For a form of government that is preeminently English,
eighteen Dutch speaking members and seventeen English
speaking members voted, and against it were twenty -four
English speaking and only one Dutch speaking member.

On the 3rd of June the bill was read the third time in

the assembly, and was immediately sent to the council.
During the recess pressure had been put upon two of the
members — Dr. Hiddingh and Mr. P. E. de Roubaix — by
many of their constituents, to induce them to change their
opinions, and they were now wavering. Deputations from
all parts of the province at this juncture waited upon them
with the request that they would give their votes for the
change. Petition after petition in favour of responsible
government was addressed to the council, and though a few
were sent in against it, they served only to show, as the
elections for the assembl^^- had done, that the great majority
of the people of the western province who took any interest
at all in politics were in favour of the proposed system.
Dr. Hiddingh and Mr. De Roubaix therefore changed sides
when on the 11th of June Mr. Jacobs moved that the bill
be read the second time, and Mr. Wood, seconded by Mr.
Vigne, moved that it be read that day six months.

For responsible government nine western and two eastern
members voted, namely

The honourable John Barry, Western province,

„ Dr. Francois Louis Charles Biccard, - „

„ Johannes Albertus van der Byl, - „

„ Dr. Jonas Michiel Hiddingh, - - „

1S72] Si7' Henry Barkly.

The honourable Gilles Johannes de Korte,

„ Marthinus Laurentius Neethling,

„ Petrus Emanuel de Roubaix,

„ Joseph Vintcent, . - -

„ Dr. Henry White,

Charles Lennox Stretch,

„ Frans Karel Te Water,

Against responsible government eight
western members voted, namely

The honourable Samuel Cawood, ...

„ John Centlivres Chase,

„ Henry Bailey Christian, -

„ Robert Godlonton, ...

„ James Cotterill Hoole,

,, Dennis Harper Kennelly, -

„ Pieter Wouter Scholtz,

„ George Wood, - . - -

„ Willem Anne Janssens de Smidt,

„ Henry Thomas Vigne,

When in committee the minor! tv made a strong effort
to defeat the bill, but unsuccessfully. On the 12th of
June it was read the third time, and was then reserved
by the governor for the signification of her Majesty’s
pleasure.

The eight eastern members who were in the minority did
not even yet cease their opposition. On the 17th of June
they presented to the governor a formal protest against the
introduction of responsible government, with a request that
it should be forwarded to her Majesty. The principal reasons
which they assigned were :

“Because the western province has always had the advantage of a
parliamentary majority in both houses of parliament, by means of which
the eastern province has been coerced, and representative institutions in
this colony have been rendered thereby unreal and Ulusory.

“Because, notwithstanding this perpetual majority in both houses of
parliament, the eastern province members of the legislature have been
subjected for eighteen years to great and serious disadvantages arising
from their remoteness from the seat of government, and by the conse-
quent loss and inconvenience of attending a parliament convened at a
distance of from five hundred to eight hundred miles from their
several homes.

139

- Western province,

“ n

“

))

Eastern province,
eastern and two
Eastern province,

■ 55

55
55
55
55
55
55

Western province,

^ 55

140 History of the Cape Colony. [1872

“Because the eastern province, though labouring under these great
disadvantages, contributes by far the largest amount to the general
revenue of the colony, the latest complete official returns showing
that for the year 1870 the contribution by the eastern province
exceeded that by the western by the sum of £79,301, while its
expenditure was £52,109 below that of the western province.

“Because the question of the policy of the government in respect to
the native races in this country bears with undue pressure on the
eastern province, the number being as two to one against the white
population , while they have on their immediate border more than
two hundred thousand souls, who have either been located or are
recognised by the government, but over whom the eastern province
has no control.

“Because repeated and strenuous endeavours have been made in
parliament by eastern province members, either to obtain the removal
of the seat of government to a more central locality, or the establish-
ment of local government ; but that such endeavours have been
persistently defeated by the standing majority before mentioned.

“ Because the eastern province has felt it an intolerable grievance
that its inhabitantSj while contributing the largest share of the public
revenue, and while exposed to and suffering from their contiguity to
large masses of barbarian natives, should be under the domination of
Capetown, a large proportion of the parliamentary members for the
western province being residents of that city.”

In opposition to this protest Messrs. Stretch and Te

Water, the other members of the legislative council for
the eastern province, wrote to the governor that they
entirely dissented from its contents, and were of the opinion
that the introduction of party government would be to
the interest of the whole eastern province. They pointed out
that the existing mode of election of members of the

council prevented the midland districts from returning as
many members as they were entitled to, so that the public
opinion of the whole province was not properly represented
by those who signed the protest.

The statement that the eastern province contributed more
to the general revenue than the western was also contra-
dicted by many persons, and it was pointed out that the

figures given by the protesting members were arrived at
by including in eastern province revenue the customs
duties and other charges on the whole of the goods that

iS‘j2] Sir He7iry Barkly. 14 1

passed through Port Elizabeth to the republics and diamond
fields beyond the Orange river and even to many districts
in the western province. If these amounts were deducted,
it was shown that the eastern province revenue would be
greatly below that of the west.

The eight objecting members next endeavoured to induce
the council to pass a resolution in favour of the separation
of the provinces into distinct colonies, and when that failed,
they tried to press a resolution through recommending that
the parliament should be summoned to meet in the east^
which was likewise rejected.

The inequality of representation of the two provinces
in the house of assembly was being rectified while the
constitution amendment bill was in progress in the legisla-
tive council. On the 14th of June a bill, introduced by
Mr. T. C. Scanlen, which constituted Wodehouse an electoral
division with the right of returning two members, passed
its second reading in the assembly. Now that responsible
government was assured, the western members were not
averse to increasing the voting power of the east, and this
bill passed through all its stages in both houses and had
efiect from the next general election. There were at that
time twenty thousand nine hundred and five registered
electors in the western, and fourteen thousand four hundred
and eighty-three in the eastern province.^ In allotting
thirty-four representatives to the latter as to the former,
the principle was recognised that the disadvantages of
distance from the seat of government gave a legitimate
claim for compensation.

' The inequality in the legislative council was not disturbed,
because the constitution of that body was regarded as
unsatisfactory by many persons, and an attempt was being
made to effect a change in it. Owing to the mode of
election, Capetown in the west and Grahamstown and
Port Elizabeth in the east were able to return so many

*The registration of 1873 showed 21,406 electors in the western and
18,126 in the eastern province.

142 History of the Cape Cowny. [1872

members that the country districts regarded themselves as
practically disfranchised, though in a general election, by
concentrating their votes, they could return a small number.
As a remedy a resolution was at this time carried in the
house of assembly :

That in the opinion of this house a further amendment of the con-
stitution ordinance is desirable, and that a division of the whole colony
into five or more electoral circles for the purpose of electing the
members of the legislative council would secure a more equal exercise
of their franchise to the electors, and also a better distribution of
representatives in that honourable branch of the legislature. That
therefore his Excellency the governor be requested, by respectful
address, to prepare a measure having this object to be submitted to
parliament at its next session.”

In accordance with this resolution, in the session of 1873
a bill was introduced to alter the mode of electing members
of the legislative council by dividing the colony into seven
circles instead of two provinces, each of which should return
three members, to hold their seats for ten years. In the
bill it was also proposed that the legislative council could
be dissolved without the house of assembly as the house
of assembly could be without the legislative council, or
that both could be dissolved together. This proposal was
very popular in the rural districts, but naturally met with
less favour in the towns. The bill was carried in the house
of assembly by a majority of thirty -five to sixteen, but was
rejected by the council by the casting vote of the president.
The members who opposed it spoke of it almost with
indignation, as an act of political suicide, and especially
as a proposal for the reform of one branch of the legislature
made by the other.

In 1874, however, an act was passed by which the colony
was divided into seven electoral provinces, each of which
was entitled to return three members to the legislative
council, to hold their seats for seven years. Under this
act the council could not be dissolved unless the house of
assembly was dissolved at the same time. At a general
election each elector could distribute his three votes or give

• 143

1872] Sir Henry Barkty.

all to one individual, as he might choose, thus providing
for the representation of minorities. This act made the
legislative council much more representative of the colony
as a whole than it was before, and not the least of its good
effects was the annulling of the old unnatural division into
two provinces, one of which contained within itself elements
of permanent discord.

Meanwhile, after the passing of the responsible government
act and before its approval by the queen, an agitation was
carried on in those parts of the eastern province occupied
by the British settlers, in favour of separation from the west
and a local government. The old separation league was
revived, and great meetings were held in Grahamstown and
Port Elizabeth, at which the question was represented as
one of the utmost importance. But it soon became evident
that separation could not be carried out. In the districts
that had once formed British Kadraria public opinion was
decidedly against it, and a border league was created
purposely to oppose it. The people there called to mind the
efforts made by the Grahamstown party to annex them to
the Cape Colony against their will, and they declared they
would never consent to be governed by that party. The
people of the northern and western parts of the province,
though less demonstrative, were almost as strongly opposed
to breaking up the colony, so that the scheme had to be
abandoned.

In the . session of 1872, in addition to the act intro-
ducing responsible government, various important measures
were passed.

The imperial government had offered to contribute towards
the construction of a graving dock within the enclosed
harbour in Table Bay, and it was now resolved to commence
the work, for which purpose parliament authorised the
government to raise a loan of £30,000 at five per cent
yearly interest. The negotiations with the imperial govern-
ment fell through, however, and nothing was done in the
matter until four years later, when the colonial government

144 History of the Cape Colo7ty. [1872

undertook the work at its sole charge, and carried it to
completion in 1882.

It was resolved to commence the construction of railwa3^s
on a large scale, and as a preliminary step the purchase of
the existing line from Capetown to Wellington from the
compan}^ that owned it was authorised. The price was
arranged at £780,000, which was to be paid in debentures
bearing interest at the rate of four and a half per cent per
annum, and a sinking fund was provided for their redemption.
The purchase was thereupon made, and on the first of
January 1873 the line with all the station houses, rolling
stock, and other materials connected with it became the
property of the colonial government.

It was intended to continue this line to Worcester by way
of the Tulbagh kloof, where the earthworks had been nearl}-
completed by order of Sir Philip Wodehouse, and also to
construct a line from the Zwartkops to the Bushman’s
river. Acts were passed authorising the government to take
possession of the ground necessary, and the sum of £40,000
was voted towards the cost of the former and £100,000
towards that of the latter, but it was only in 1873 that full
legal authority for the construction of these lines and the
raising of the requisite loan for the purpose was given.

A survey for a line of railway from East London to
Queenstown, with a branch to King-Williamstown, was also
authorised.

The new railways were to have a gauge of only forty-two
inches or not quite a hundred and seven centimetres. They
could be made at less cost than if the gauge was fifty-six
inches and a half or a hundred and forty-three centimetres,
as in the Capetown and Wellington line, and it was believed
that they would answer all the purposes required nearly as
well. The forty -two inches became from that time the
standard gauge, and all the lines that now cover Africa
south of the Zambesi have been constructed on it.

It was further resolved to purchase the existing line of
telegraph from the company that owned it, and the govern-

145

,$7’] Sir Htury Barkly,

ment was authorised to raise a loan of £45,000 at five per
cent yearly interest for that purpose and £25,000 additional
for the construction of a line from Fort Beaufort towards
the diamond fields. It took some time to arrange the
purchase, and it was only on the 1st of July 1873 that the
line from Capetown to King - Williamstown became the
property of the colonial government.

Every year of late a bill was brought before parliament
for withdrawing grants for the salaries of clergymen of
various churches, except to the existing recipients. Mr.
Saul Solomon introduced it regularly, except in 1869, when
^Ir. William Porter brouorht it on. In that vear it was
defeated in the house of assembly by seven votes, in 1870
it was defeated in the same house by two votes, in 1871 it
was passed in the assembly by a majority of three votes,
but was thrown out by the council, and in 1872 the
majority in the assembly rose to eleven, but the council
again rejected it by a majority of four. It was thus
growing in favour, and in 1875 it was passed by both
houses, and became the law of the colony.

On the 31st of July, after the most eventful session in its
history, parliament was prorogued.

A petition to the queen praying that her Majesty would
withhold her consent to the constitution ordinance amend-
ment bill until an appeal to the constituencies of the colony
had been made was forwarded by the governor with the
bill itself from nine members of the legislative council and
the twenty-five members of the house of assembly who had
opposed its passage through parliament. A similar petition
from the chairman of a pubKc meeting in Graham stown
also accompanied it. On the other side, an address signed
bv two members of the lecnslative council for the eastern
province and twelve members of the house of assembly for
eastern divisions was forwarded, in which it was asserted
that “ the people of that large portion of the eastern
districts which they more especially represented, but who,
under the system of election for the legislative council, could

146 History of the Cape Colony. [1872

not be represented in that council by a sufficient number of
members of their own choice in proportion to their numbers,
wealth, and standing in the colony, had long anxiously
desired to have that system of government introduced ;
that they, in concurrence with the feelings of their con-
stituents, and from their own convictions, had strenuously
supported the bill in its passage through both houses of
parliament ; and that they, as well as their constituents,
would feel greatly disappointed and aggrieved if any pro-
ceedings by the minority of the members of either house
of parliament or other persons should succeed in preventing
the confirmation of the bill by her Majesty.”

As the introduction of responsible government was in
accordance with the desire of the imperial authorities, and
was also favoured by the governor, the protests against it
were unsuccessful, and on the 9th of August Earl Kimberley
forwarded an order in council in which the constitution
ordinance amendment act was approved by her Majesty
the queen. The arrangements necessary for making the
change occupied some time after the receipt of the order,
and on the >28th of November the act was promulgated by
proclamation.

Mr. Southey was requested to form a ministry, but
declined, on the ground that he would be unable to ob-
tain sufficient parliamentary support. Mr. William Porter
was next invited, but he also desired to be excused, as he
was of advanced age and in feeble health. Mr. Molteno was
then applied to, and on the 29th of November the names of
the gentlemen whom he recommended, and who were
approved by the governor, were published in the Gazette.
They were Mr. (afterwards Sir) John Charles Molteno,
member of the house of assembly for Beaufort West, prime
minister and colonial secretary, Dr. Henry White, member of
the legislative council for the western province, treasurer of
the colony, Advocate (afterwards Sir) John Henry de
Yilliers, member of the house of assembly for Worcester,
attorney-general, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Charles Abercrombie

147

1S72] Sir Henry Barkly,

Smith, member of the house of assembly for King-Williams-

town, commissioner of crown lands and public works, and

Mr. Charles Brownlee secretary for native affairs. The last

office had been offered to Mr.' T. B. Glanville, member of

the house of assembly for Grahamstown, but his business

arrangements would not permit his acceptance of it. Mr.

Brownlee was then civil commissioner of King-Williamstown,

but he consented to retire from that post and to enter the

ministry. He was admitted by every one to be the most

competent man in the colony to deal with the Bantu.

There was a vacancy in the representation of the division

of Albert in the house of assembly, as Mr. F. H. Hopley,

one of the members, had been absent without leave during

the whole of the preceding session. Mr. Brownlee was now

put forward and returned, and on the 27th of February 1873

was gazetted as member for Albert.

^ ... *

The first responsible ministry entered into office on the

2nd of December 1872. Two of its members were from the
eastern province, and every succeeding ministry to the
present day has contained more than that number, so that
the fear of western domination expressed by some of the
eastern people in 1872 was perfectly groundless. While this
is being written a ministry is in office, every member of
which represents an eastern constituency, and there is not a
single Dutch speaking individual in it ; but no one now
attaches importance to the locality for which a minister has
been returned, so thoroughly have the old territorial dis-
tinctions been obliterated. As soon as the act was ratified
by her Majesty, in all parts of the colony the people
accepted the new form of government as established, and
prepared to act in political matters in accordance with its
principles.

Mr. (afterwards Sir) Richard Southey, the retired colonial
secretary, received an appointment at the diamond fields,
Mr. W. D. Griffith, the retired attorney-general, and Mr. J.
C. Davidson, the retired treasurer-general, were awarded
pensions, the former of £650, the latter of £700 a year.

148 History of the Cape Colony. [1872

With the introduction of responsible government the Cape
Colony came into line wibh the other great self-ruling
sections of the British empire, and for good or for evil its
future destinies were in the hands of its own people.

In 1872 there were still two battalions of imperial troops
— the 75th and the 86th, — and a wing of the 32nd, in
South Africa. In May 1867 the second battalion of the 5th
left for England, and was replaced by the second battalion
of the 20th.^‘ About the same time the first battalion of the
10th ^ and the 67th ^ left, and were replaced only by the
second battalion of the 11th.* In July 1869 the 99th left
for England, and was replaced by the 32nd. In June 1870
the second battalion of the 11th left for England and the
second battalion of the 20th for Mauritius. In May 1867
a wing of the 86th arrived in South Africa from Gibraltar
on the way to Mauritius, and was detained at Port
Elizabeth until December, when it proceeded to its destination.
The remainder of the regiment arrived in October 1868, and
was detained here owing to the prevalence of fever at
Mauritius. In July 1870 the wing that had gone to that
island returned, and was stationed in the Cape peninsula.
In August 1870 the first battalion of the 9th left for
England, and in January 1871 a wing of the 2nd battalion
of the 20th returned from Mauritius, and remained here
until December, when it left for England. In October 1871
a wing of the 32nd left for Mauritius, and the 75th arrived,
when one wing was stationed in Natal and the other in
King-Williamstown. A wing of the 32nd remained on the
eastern frontier.

Thus within five years the imperial troops in South
Africa were reduced from five battalions of infantry to two
battalions and a half. Besides these a f^w artillerymen
and engineers remained in the colony. This reduction was
less than that indicated by the secretary of state in 1867,

*I have been unable to ascertain the exact date of the arrival of
the 2nd 11th and 2nd 20th regiments or of the departure of the ist
10th and 67th regiments.

149

1872] Sir Hejiry Barkly,

but it was much regretted by the frontier colonists. In
January 1870 the British settlers sent a strong petition to
the queen against further removal of troops, and in April
of the same year the house of assembly forwarded a similar
memorial. The secretary of state in reply promised to give
the colony time to make arrangements for its own defence,
but held out no hope that British soldiers would be kept
in South Africa much longer, except to protect Natal and in
the Cape peninsula for imperial purposes.

The Cape ^lounted Rifles were disbanded in 1870. On
the 4th of June in that year the standards of the regiment
were carried by Colonel Knight and some other officers of
the disbanded corps to St. George’s cathedral in Capetown,
and were suspended therein after a religious service.

The colony maintained for the defence of its eastern
border a most efficient force of light cavalry, the frontier
armed and mounted police, then numbering twenty-one
officers, thirty-five non-commissioned officers, and five
hundred and twenty-seven privates. There were four
hundred and ninety volunteers in the various towns, and
the burghers generally were liable to be called to arms for
defensive purposes.

Education was making fair progress. There were one
hundred and sixty-six public schools in the towns and
villages, attended by European children, and three hundred
and forty-six' mission schools, attended by coloured children,
receiving aid from the government. Forty-six thousand two
hundred and forty-five children were attending these schools
at the close of the year.

Under the mail contract the Union Company was bound
to send steamships from Southampton to Table Bay and
back again twice in every month, the time allowed for a
passage being thirty-seven days. But already there was a
powerful rival line in existence, and the Castle Steamship
Company, under the energetic management of Mr. (after-
wards Sir) Donald Currie, was also sending steamers each
way fortnightly, so that practically there was a weekly mail

150 History of the Cape Colony. I1872

from and to England. The Union Company’s steamer
Danube had made the run out in twenty-five days, and a
still shorter passage had been made by the rival company’s
steamer Walmer Castle^ of two thousand five hundred tons
burden, which arrived in Table Bay twenty-four days and
six hours after leaving England. The Union Company’s
fleet consisted of nine ocean steamers from a thousand and
fifty-five to two thousand tons burden, a coaster of seven
hundred and twenty-four tons, and a reserve ship.

The need of a safe harbour at the mouth of the Buffalo
river was once more shown by the wreck of a number of
vessels there on Sunday the 26th of May 1872. At five
o’clock in the morning the steamer Quanza, of nearly a
thousand tons burden, partly laden with wool for England,
snapped her cables, and was driven ashore on the eastern
side of the mouth. It had been blowing a gale all night,
but she had neglected to get up steam, and was helpless
when her cables parted. An hour later she was followed
by the brig Sharp, which struck on the same side of the
river. At half past eight the barque Queen of May parted,
and was carried high up on the rocky shore on the western
side of the mouth. At ten o’clock the brig Elaine struck
on the eastern side, and was followed to the same shore a
little later by the brig Martha, at noon by the brig Emma,
and at half past two in the afternoon by the barque
Refuge. Only two lives were lost, but much property was
destroyed, as the Sharp, the Martha, and the Refuge were
full of inward cargo, and the Queen of May, the Elaine, and
the Emma were only partly discharged. The roadstead was
cleared of shipping.

On Monday morning a wreck was seen on the coast about
seven miles or eleven kilometres to the eastward, and the
harbour master, Captain George Walker, immediately left
with a lifeboat on a waggon to try to render assistance.
On arriving opposite the wreck it was found that she had
struck on a reef far out, and that it was impossible to get
to her with the boat. On Tuesday the German coasting

1S72] Sir Henry Barkly.

steamer Bisiiiai'ck came dowu from Natal, and on Wednes-
day morning took Captain Walker and the lifeboat from
East London to the wreck, which was found to be the Jane
Davies, a ship of eight hundred and forty-six tons burden,
from Rangoon bound to Liverpool, with a cargo of rice and
cotton. The gale had by this time abated, but the sea was
still breaking over the wreck, so that it was difficult for
the lifeboat to get alongside. This was at last managed,
however, when eighteen men and the captain’s wife and
little son were rescued. They had been lashed to the
rigging since seven o’clock on Sunday evening, when the
ship struck, and were then half dead from hunger and
exposure. Five sailors had tried to get ashore with cork
buoys, and four had succeeded, but the other perished.

The imports and exports of the colony from 1868 to
1872, the revenue for the same years, and the items of
expenditure in 1871 and 1872 are shown in the following
tiibles.

ImiJorts and Exports of the Cape Colony.

Imports. 1868.
Port Elizabeth £916,915

Capetown 806, 183

East London... 53,157
Mossel Bay ... 54,915

Port Alfred ... 30,049

Simonsto^m ... 18,456

Port Beaufort 3,915

£1,883,590

Exports.

Pt. Elizabeth £1,553,603
Capetown ... 388,110

East London 112,460

Mossel Bay 36,285

Port Alfred 116,106

Simonstown 648

Port Beaufort 8,669

£2,215,881

1869.

1870.

1871.

1872.

£1,050,041

£1,184,492

£1,457,204

£2,339,503

764,677

910,412

898,904

1,410,584

23,009

52,052

96,595

360,342

43,369

41,615

47,289

81,563

35,037

30,143

23,799

69,293

17,758

18,571

17,691

9,204

344

222

3,391

£1,933,635

£2,237,567

£2,544,873

£4,210,526

£1,457,981

£1,858,185

£2,262,704

£3,137,400

462,829

448,066

945,381

1,188,023

27,899

33,169

69,234

142,343

68,774

51,316

68,689

93,833

121,896

58,276

49,933

101,191

310

3,833

11,889

3,281

923

805

£2,139,689

£2,453,768

£3,408,635

£4,666,071

152

[1872

History of the Cape Colony,
Exytorts of the Gape Colony.

1868. 1869. 1870. 1871. 1872.

Wool £1,806,459

£1,602,528 £1,669,518 £2,191,233 £3,275,150

Hides, skins.

and horns

158,149

199,936 236,100

300,914

379,197

Copper ore ...

60,985

114,031 146,368

160,956

328,458

Ostrich feathers

57,725

70,003

87,074

150,499

158,024

Grain, flour, &c.

20,412

11,034

33,241

53,838

41,947

Dried fish ...

20,670

21,267

25,976

25,367

17,408

Preserved fruit

24,424

10,135

6,509

12,271

7,188

Wine

13,549

18,905

14,741

11,016

15,246

Horses

7,450

5,627

6,043

5,521

3,200

Ivory

7,610

13,002

13,746

9,201

23,976

Aloes

3,784

2,770

2,715

2,367

3,221

Argol

980

1,586

1,541

2,941

3,633

Diamonds

« . «

403,349

306,041

Mohair

Other S. African

43,059

58,457

produce

33,784

68,865 210,196

36,103

44,925

Total £2,215,881

£2,139,689 £2,453,768 £3,408,635 £4,666,071

Revenue of the Cape Colony.

1868. 1869.

1870.

1871.

1872.

Customs duties .

£283,024 £295,662

£341,994

£384,808

£604,413

Stamps and licenses

60,112 60,862

65,464

67,602

76,739

Land revenue

49,382 57,507

65,969

80,687

104,280

Transfer dues ....

40,804 39,123

35,239

35,667

52,540

Postage

28,430 25,479

26,480

28,398

32,441

Fines and fees

16,779 15,472

17,301

15,040

17,000

Auction duty

11,637 11,167

12,301

12,054

17,489

Bank notes duty .

4,029 3,300

3,248

4,130

7,984

Succession duty .

3,433 6,389

4,776

4,067

6,969

House tax

...

10,028

31,426

23,119

£497,630 £514,961

£582,800

£663,879

£942,974

Land sales

36,367 18,385

43,995

16,332

44,061

Rents

153 1,051

1,014

1,296

1,840

Sale of government

property

458 992

1,014

866

628

Reimbursements .

22,403 14,301

27,150

25,672

28,229

Miscellaneous ....

322 274

131

204

Interest and premiums

5,778 2,988

4,104

3,083

3,629

Special

2,445 5,235

],186

23,330

18,443

£595,556 £558,187 £661,394 £734,662 £1,039,886

153

' Sir Henry Barkly,

Ex'penditure

of the

Ga'pe Colony.

1871.

1872.

Interest -

£109,422

£106,318

Border department

70,905

' 80,686

Civil

47,674

49,154

Judicial

49,445

47,567

Police and prisons

36,341

39,123

Revenue department

31,305

30,022

Works and buildings

23,623

28,975

Conveyance of mails

29,384

28,632

Convicts -

28,091

22,281

Education - - -

20,972

21,876

Pensions -

24,550

20,888

Hospitals -

27,263

19,707

Ecclesiastical

15,489

15,376

Roads and bridges

13,251

15,244

Parliamentary

12,039

14,286

Medical -

11,251

11,340

Colonial military allowance

10,000

Transport -

8,099

7,072

Rent . - .

6,417

5,769

Other ...

137,940

76,252

£713,461

£650,568

In 1872 £259,900 of the public debt was paid from the revenue.

'Note.. — The diamonds shown as exported were only those entered at
the customs, a far larger quantity went out of the country without
its being possible to trace either their number or value.

CHAPTER LXXIV.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERKITORY
BETWEEN THE RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL.^'

Transkei and Temhuland.

The Transkeian territory was no longer of the value that it
had been when a large portion of it was unoccupied and
might have been used for European settlement, but as the
burden of defence now rested chiefly on the Cape Colony, it
became necessary to adopt measures for the prevention of
the continual strife among the Bantu tribes there, and this
resulted in bringing them all under direct control, as the
only means by which this result could be attained.

The Fingos living in the territory given to them by Sir
Philip Wodehouse and the mixed clans in the district of
Idutywa were the first that were dealt with. Under
Captain Blyth’s able management the Fingos were making
great strides in prosperity, and order was well maintained
among them. They had already laid a tax upon themselves
of £1,500 towards the establishment of an industrial institu-
tion in connection with the mission of the free church of
Scotland, which amount they subsequently increased to
£4,500. In 1874 they and the people of Idutywa of their
own free will began to pay a hut tax of ten shillings a
year.

* This chapter and the three following have been adapted from papers
prepared by me for the use of the Cape government, and published in
bluebooks of 1885 and later years. The events described as ordinary
occurrences in the life of Bantu under independent tribal governm'ent
are already becoming features of a past time, of a condition that is
disappearing under colonial rule.

154

155

1S76] Conditio7i of the Gale has.

The ministry then brought before the Cape parliament
the question of the annexation to the colony of Fingoland
and Idutywa, and in the session of 1875 a resolution
declaring the advisability of this measure was adopted by
both houses. In the following year letters patent were
issued by her IMajesty, authorising the governor to proclaim
those districts annexed to the colony after an act for that
purpose should be passed. In the session of 1877 the Cape
parliament passed the act required, but it was not until the
1st of October 1879 that it was brought into effect by the
governor’s proclamation.

The district which was restored to Kreli in 1864, and
thereafter termed Galekaland, was not annexed to the
colony. By their own desire the Galekas remained inde-
pendent, and the colonial officer stationed with them
merely performed duties similar to those of a consul,
without interfering with their government. In May 1873
Mr. William Fynn was succeeded as resident with Kreli
by Mr. James Ayliff. Mr. Ayliff was transferred to Fingo-
land as successor to Captain Blyth in March 1876, and
in November of that year Colonel J. T. Eustace assumed
the duty, the clerk, Mr. West Fynn, having acted as
resident during the interval.

At the time when Colonel Eustace became resident with
Kreli there was a general feeling of uneasiness throughout
the frontier districts of the Cape Colony. The Xosas had been
arming, and their tone and bearing indicated that a collision
was probable at no distant date. Kreli at that time had
some twelve thousand warriors at his command, without
counting those of the kindred clans west of the Kei. Maki,
his former chief counsellor, a moderate and sensible man
whose weight was always on the side of peace, had been
accused of being a sorcerer, and had been compelled to flee
to Idutywa for safety. His place was then filled by Ngubo,
commander of the Galeka army and a near relative of the
chief, whose strongest feeling was one of bitter hostility to
the white man. The tribe had increased until the territory.

156 Annexation of the TranskeL [1877

which in 1864 was ample for its requirements, was now too
small ; and jealous eyes were cast over the Fingo border.
One circumstance which weakened the Galekas, however,
was the very bad feeling that then existed between Kreli
and his cousin Mapasa, a chief of high rank and considerable
power. Mapasa was the great son of Buku, who was son
and heir of the right hand house of Kawuta. In such a
condition of affairs, the least rumour, however unfounded, is
capable of causing alarm among a people so unprotected as
the frontier colonists then were. The panic of 1876 indeed
passed away, but a general sense of insecurity remained.

On the ord of August 1877 there was a marriage party
at a Fingo kraal just within the border, and two petty
Galeka chiefs, by name Umxoli and Fihla, with a small party
of attendants crossed over to partake in the festivities. On
such occasions custom demands that every one who attends
is to be made welcome. In the evening, when all were
excited with dancing and beer drinking, a quarrel arose, no
one v/as afterwards able to tell exactly how or why. At
any rate the Galekas were ranged on one side and the
Fingos on the other, and they used their sticks so freely
that one Galeka was killed and the two chiefs were badly
bruised. The visitors were then driven over the border.

Three days later four large parties of Galekas, who had in
the meantime mustered with the intention of avenging the
insult offered to their friends, crossed into Fingoland, and
swept off the stock belonging to several kraals along the
line. Mr. Ayliff, the Fingo agent, and Colonel Eustace, the
resident with Kreli, endeavoured to prevent the disturbance
spreading, but the excitement on both sides was now so
great that all were deaf to reason. The raids of the
Galekas being continued, detachments of the frontier armed
and mounted police were sent to protect the Fingos, Colonel
Griffith, then governor’s agent in Basutoland, was hastily
summoned to take command of the colonial forces, and
volunteers were called to the front. The first battalion of
the 24th regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Glynn,

157

1877] Ninth Kajfir War.

was disposed at different defensive posts on the western side
of the Kei, to prevent a raid into the colony. Governor Sir
Eartle Frere proceeded to Butterworth, and endeavoured, but
without success, to induce Kreli to visit him and come to
some amicable arrangement. The chief professed that he
was afraid to meet the governor.

On the 23rd of September, on account of Kreli’s plain
declaration that he could not restrain his people, all at-
tempts at negotiation were abandoned, and Colonel Eustace
withdrew to the police station at Ibeka. To this time the
Galekas had constantly asserted that they were making war
upon the Fingos only, but on the 26th an army tive
thousand strong crossed the border and attacked the police
under Inspector Chalmers at Guadana. Mr. Chalmers had
eighty Europeans and fifteen hundred Fingos with him.
The carriage of his only field-piece broke down, when the
Fingos dispersed, and he was obliged to retire to Ibeka.
A sub-inspector and six privates fell in this action. On the
29th and again on the 30th the police camp at Ibeka, where
Colonel Griffith was then in command, was attacked by a
Galeka army variously estimated from six to ten thousand
strong. After severe fighting, the assailants were beaten off
with heavy loss.

By this time volunteers were arriving from different parts
of the colony, and in the first week of October Colonel
Griffith found himself in command of five hundred and eighty
police, six hundred ,and twenty volunteer cavalry, and three
hundred and seventy volunteer infantry. On the 8rd
of October Major Elliot arrived with a contingent of
Gangelizwe’s Tembus. A large Fingo force under Mr.
Ayliff was also in the field.

The chief Mapasa had in the meantime abandoned the
Galeka cause and sought protection from the colonial
government. A portion of his clan followed him, but many
of his best warriors, led by his nephew Kiva, joined
Kxeli’s army. Those who adhered to Mapasa were sent to
some vacant land west of the Kei, where it was found that

158 Annexation of the Transkei. [1877

they numbered four thousand three hundred and fifteen
individuals of all ages.

On the 9th of October the Galekas were defeated by
Colonel Griffith in an engagement at Kreli’s kraal, and on
the same day the Kafirarian volunteers under Commandant
Grey were successful in an engagement at the Springs. On
the 22nd the battle of Lusizi was fought and won by the
colonial forces, and by the end of the month the Galekas
were driven over the Bashee. In the engagements mentioned
here and in several skirmishes they had lost seven hundred
men killed. Thirteen thousand head of horned cattle,
together with a good many horses, sheep, and goats, had
been captured by the colonial forces. The Galeka army
was pursued into Pondoland, and then, as it was believed
that Kreli’s power was completely broken, Colonel Griffith
returned to Ibeka, where most of the volunteers were
disbanded and the police went into quarters.

On the 5th of October 1877, while military operations
were being carried on, a proclamation was issued by
Governor Sir Bartle Frere, in which Kreli was deposed
from all power and authority as a chief. His country was
taken from him and reserved for disposal as her Majesty
should direct, and, pending instructions from the imperial
authorities, it was to be ruled directly by officers appointed by
the government of the Cape Colony. This proclamation was
approved of by the secretary of state for the colonies in a
despatch of the 14th of November following, and was the
basis upon which the administration of Galekaland for
several years rested.

It was soon made evident that the volunteers had been
too hastily disbanded. The Galekas, though they had
suffered severe losses, were by no means disheartened, and
having placed their women, children, and cattle in safety,
they returned to renew the war. On the 2nd of December
their presence was made known by an attack upon a
detachment of police and volunteers, one hundred and
fifty-two strong, which was marching towards the Kei and

159

187S] The Ninth Kaffir W^ar.

had halted at a place called Holland’s Shop. Inspector
Bourne, who was in command, formed his men into a
hollow square flanked wnth guns, and succeeded in beating
ofl' his assailants.

In the campaign of October the imperial troops had
garrisoned the posts west of the Kei while the colonial
forces were engaged in Galekaland, but now a different
arrangement was made. Colonel Glynn, of the 24th, was
placed in command east of the Kei ; and his own regiment,
part of the 88th which was hurried up from Capetown, and
a naval brigade from her Majesty’s ship Active, took the
field under his orders. Some auxiliary corps of Fingos and
Tembus were raised, and the work of clearing the territory
of the Galekas was again commenced.

This was hardly begun when the area of disturbance was
greatly enlarged by the rising of many of the Rarabe clans
within the colonial border. On the 22nd of December the
Galeka chief Kiva crossed the Kei into the Gaika location,
and made an impassioned appeal to the people there to aid
the head of their tribe. Sandile’s followers took up arms at
once, and they were imitated by various clans in advance
until the battle ground extended as far westward as Fort
Beaufort and as far northward as Queenstown. The clan
that was regarded as the most restless of all — with which
the author of these volumes was then stationed to represent
the government — took no part, however, in the rebellion,
though its sympathies with the remainder of the tribe were
so strong that the officer in charge thought it prudent
to remove the chief and the people to a great distance
westward.

Owing to the rebellion of the Rarabes, the campaign in
Galekaland could not be carried on with as much vigour
as at first, but during December 1877 and January 1878 a
good deal of skirmishing took place, in which the Xosas
were invariably worsted. On the 7th of February 1878
the decisive battle of Kentani took place. Captain Upcher,
who was in charge of the Kentani post, had four hundred

i6o Annexation of the Transkei. [1878

and thirty - six Europeans of the imperial and colonial
services and five hundred and sixty Fingos under his
command. He was attacked by about five thousand Galekas
and Gaikas, and an engagement took place in which the
casualties on his side were only two Fingos killed and two
Europeans and seven Fingos wounded, but which cost Kreli
some three hundred of his bravest men. They rushed on
in dense masses, and were mown down by a fire from
heavy guns. Both Kreli and Sandile were present in this
engagement. The principal column was led by Xito, the
tribal priest ^ of the Galekas, who had performed certain
ceremonies which caused the warriors to believe that they
were invulnerable ; but this feeling of confidence being
destroyed, they gave way to despair. When they broke
and fied, the volunteer cavalry and the Fingos pursued and
prevented them from rallying. The battle of Kentani was
a decisive one. Kreli did not attempt any further resist-
ance, but with his remaining adherents at once crossed the
Bashee.

Galekaland thus came under the control of the colonial
government, but it was held under a different tenure from
that of Fingoland and Idutywa. The last named districts
were annexed to the colony, for though the governor’s
proclamation was not yet issued, it was only delayed by a
pressure of business of greater importance. Galekaland was
territory obtained by conquest, but not annexed to the
colony. The civil officials in the annexed territory at this
time were Mr. James Ayliff, whose title had been altered
from Fingo agent to chief magistrate of Fingoland, Mr. T.

P. Battle, who had been appointed assistant magistrate and
stationed at Butterworth in September 1877, Mr. F. P.
Gladwin, who had been appointed assistant magistrate
and stationed at Tsomo in October 1877, and Mr. T. R. j

* Witchjinder is the term commonly used by European colonists to signify
the holder of this ofiBice, but the word is not a good one. Xito’s duties
were to perform sacrifices for the tribe on important occasions, to prepare
the warriors for battle, and to smell out those who sought to inflict injury
on the chiefs house by means of witchcraft.

iSjS] Sett£€7?ie?it of the Te7nntory. i6i

Merriman, who in February 1878 had succeeded Mr. T. A.
Camming at Idutywa, with the title of magistrate.

In September 1878 the arrangements were completed
under which the government of the country between the
Kei and the Bashee was afterwards carried on. The three
districts of Idutywa, Fingoland, and Galekaland were united,
and Captain Matthew Blyth, C.M.G., formerly Fingo agent,
was appointed chief magistrate of the Transkei, as the united
territory weis afterwards termed. Fingoland was divided
into three sub-magistracies, named Nqamakwe, Tsomo, and
Butterworth. In October Mr. Gladwin was removed from
Tsomo and appointed magistrate of Nqamakwe. In
December Mr. Pattle was removed from Butterworth to
Tsomo, -and at the same time Mr. T. A. King was appointed
magistrate of Butterworth. Idutywa remained as before a
single district, of which Mr. T. R. Merriman continued to
be the magistrate.

Galekaland was divided into two districts, named Kentani
and Willowvale. The Gaikas who had not taken an open
part in the war were removed from the location west of the
Kei, which they had occupied since its assignment to them
by Sir George Cathcart, and had ground given to them in
the district of KentanL Four blocks of land, each twenty
thousand acres in extent, were laid out there for the use of
these people, who numbered at the time of their removal
one thousand and nineteen men, two thousand two hundred
and seventy-eight women, and four thousand three hundred
and sixty-seven children. Mr. Matthew B. Shaw was
appointed magistrate of this district, and assumed duty on
the 1st of October. The only legal power which he could
exercise was derived from a commission under the act 26
and 27 Victoria, cap. 35, but practically he had the same
jurisdiction as the magistrates of Nqamakwe, Butterworth,
Tsolo, and Idutywa.

The old Gaika location west of the Kei was laid out in
farms, which were sold by auction to Europeans, so that
the colony gained that tract of ground in reality by the

1 62 Annexation of the Transkei. [1880

war. It was formed into a magisterial district, and was
named Cathcart.

In the district of Willowvale a considerable number of
Galekas, who surrendered their arms and professed their
willingness to come under colonial jurisdiction, were located.
Mr. F. N. Streatfeild, C.M.G., was appointed magistrate of
this district, and assumed duty on the 2nd of January 1879.
His powers de jv/re and de facto were the same as those of
Mr: Shaw.

Some areas of land in the districts of Kentani and
Willowvale were reserved for occupation by Europeans,
but before they could be given out the pressure of the
Bantu for greater space was so strong that the project of
white settlement there had to be abandoned.

In 1879 the residents in Idutywa, Butter worth,
Nqamakwe, and Tsomo were required to surrender their
guns and assagais to the government, under the general
disarmament act which was then being enforced throughout
the colony, for which they received compensation in money.
In October 1880 many of the clans beyond the Bashee rose
in arms against the Europeans. At that time the only
military force in the Transkei consisted of three Cape
policemen stationed at Ibeka. The hostile clans were in
expectation of being joined by the Fingos, who were known
to be brooding over their disarmament, which they felt as a
grievance. The Fingos, however, saw at once that a
coalition with them, if successful, would be followed by
their own destruction, and the Christian section set an
example to the others by responding to Captain Blyth’s
call for volunteers to enrol under European officers for the
defence of the border.

On the 10th of November 1880 a hostile party made a
raid into the Fingo districts and killed Captain Blakeway
and about thirty of the Fingos under his command. On the
14th of November another raid was made, when Captain
Von Linsingen, his son, and three other Europeans were
killed. Shortly after this the colonial forces arrived at

1879J Administration of the Territory. 163

the scene of disturbance, and prevented a repetition of these
attacks. A large force of Fingos was subsequently employed
in assisting the government against the hostile clans, and in
that duty performed good service.

Though the districts of Nqamakwe, Tsomo, Butterworth,
and Idutywa were annexed to the colony, colonial law was
not carried out in them as it was on the western side of
the Kei. Under the conditions of annexation the governor
in council was empowered to draw up regulations which
should have the force of law. These regulations were to
be published in the Gazette, and in the session following
their publication be laid before parliament, which retained
the power of repealing or altering them. No acts of the
Cape parliament were to be in force unless proclaimed so
by the governor, or expressly extended to the annexed
districts in the acts themselves. The code published in 1879
was the whole body of colonial law then in existence,
except when in conflict with a number of regulations issued
at the same time. One of these regulations was that where all
parties to a civil suit were Bantu, the case could be dealt
with according to Bantu law, that is the recognised custom
of each tribe, which is not always identical with that of its
neighbours. This clause covered all cases relating to marriage
and inheritance, so that polygamy was not interfered with, nor
an attempt made to destroy the bonds which hold Bantu
society together.

The jurisdiction of the magistrates was unlimited in civil
cases, but the loser had the right of appeal to the chief
magistrate, or, after 1882, to the eastern districts court or
the supreme court, as he might choose. In criminal cases
the magistrates had large powers, but their decisions were
subject to review by the chief magistrate, and after 1882
appeals could be made to the judges of the supreme court
exactly as in the European districts of the colony. Persons
charged with the commission of crimes to which by the
colonial laws the penalty of death was attached were tried
before 1882 by a court consisting of the chief magistrate as

164 Annexation of the Transkei. [1879

president and two of the sub-magistrates, after that date by
the judges of the circuit court.

After February 1882 the Fingos voluntarily paid an
annual tax of two shillings and six pence each man for
local purposes. The fund thus created was administered by
a committee of headmen and magistrates, who met once
every three months at the office of the chief magistrate.
There were also sub-committees which met monthly at each
magistracy. The proceeds of this tax amounted to about
£800 annually, and the government contributed from the
general revenue a sum equal to that voluntarily raised.
The fund was devoted to the maintenance of a hospital at
Butter worth which received patients from all parts of the
Transkei, the construction and repair of roads, and such
other public works as the committee might determine. This
is a striking proof of the advancement in civilisation which
was being made by the Fingos under Captain Blyth’s
guidance. After 1884 the inhabitants of each of the districts
Idutywa, Kentani, and Willowvale contributed £50 yearly
towards the maintenance of the hospital.

From the time that the Cape Colony came into possession
of Galekaland by conquest, its annexation was considered
desirable, in order that the system of government might be
made legally uniform throughout the chief magistracy. In
the session of parliament in 1878 a resolution proposed by
the secretary for native affairs was agreed to : “ that in the
opinion of this house it is expedient that Galekaland should
be annexed to this colony, and that the government take
such steps as may place it in a position to introduce a bill
to effect such annexation.”

On the 9 th of January 1879 Sir Bar tie Frere, in a
despatch to the secretary of state, forwarded this resolution,
and on behalf of the colonial ministry requested that her
Majesty’s government would sanction the annexation. At
that time the imperial government was anxious to bring
about a confederation of the South African colonies and
states, similar to that of the Canadian Dominion. Sir

1S79] Action of the Imperial Government, 165

Michael Hicks Beach therefore replied that he was dis-
posed to think the present hardly a convenient time for
taking any steps for determining the future position of
Galekaland, and that it would seem preferable to wait until
the general principles of confederation could be settled by
a conference of colonial delegates. On the 19th of May
Sir Bartle Frere wrote again, strongly recommending that
the request of the Cape parliament should be complied
with, so as to enable legislation to proceed in the coming
session. The secretary of state answered that he could not
do so, as her Majesty’s government was very anxious that
all questions connected with the territories adjacent to the
Cape Colony, and not as yet actually incorporated with it,
should be considered in connection with the delimitation of
the provinces of the proposed union.

The session of 1879 thus passed by without the
possibility of an annexation act being introduced. The
correspondence with the secretary of state was, however,
continued, in despatches too numerous for each to be
referred to. On the 21st of October 1879 the governor
forwarded a minute of the ministry, in which they stated
that they deemed it of the utmost importance that the
country formerly occupied by Kreli and the Galekas should
be annexed to the colony. At last, on the 29th of January
1880, Sir Michael Hicks Beach wrote to Sir Bartle Frere
that he had advised her Majesty to issue letters patent
under the great seal authorising the colonial parliament to
proceed with the necessary legislation, and that the letters
patent would be transmitted as soon as certain assurances
were received from the colonial ministry. On the 24th of
March he wrote that he was satisfied with the assurances
which had been forwarded, but desired that the regulations
for the government of the territory should be submitted to
him before the annexation was completed. On the 3rd of
May Earl Kimberley, who had in the meantime succeeded
Sir Michael Hicks Beach, forwarded a telegram to Sir
Bartle Frere, announcing that the letters patent authorising

1 66 Annexation of the Transkei, [1885

the annexation would be transmitted as soon as they bad
been settled by the law oflScers.

In the session of 1880 an annexation act was passed by
the Cape parliament, but now another difficulty arose.
The secretary of state declined to advise her Majesty to
assent to it, owing to some confusion about the regulations
and the report of a commission then about to be appointed
to inquire into Bantu laws and customs. A change of
ministry at the Cape followed, and further delays occurred
until the act fell through by effluxion of time.

In the meantime the districts of Kentani and Willowvale
were practically in a position differing but little from the
remainder of the Transkei. The governor of the Cape
Colony held a separate commission as governor of
Galekaland and other territories similarly situated, and was
guided by the advice of the colonial ministry. The
administration of those districts was carried on through
the department of the secretary for native affairs, and
their revenue and expenditure were regulated by the
parliament just as if they were legally districts of the
colony. The. judges of the supreme court, however, had no
jurisdiction there.

In the session of 1884 the matter of annexation was
taken up again, and a resolution similar to that of 1878
was adopted by the house of assembly. This was
successful, for the necessary permission was obtained from
England, and in 1885 an act for the purpose was passed,
which was confirmed by the queen. On the 26th of
August 1885 a proclamation was issued by Governor Sir
Hercules Robinson, completing the annexation of Kentani
and Willowvale to the Cape Colony.

The population of the six districts constituting the
Transkei at this time consisted of about one hundred and
nineteen thousand Bantu and eight hundred and twenty
Europeans. The revenue derived from hut tax was about
£12,000 a year, and from all other direct sources, chiefly
fines, trading licenses, and stamps, about £4,000. Educational

1875] Conduct of Gangelizwe, 167

purposes, that is grants in aid of mission schools, absorbed
over thirty per cent of the whole revenue, and more than
the remainder was expended on public works. Thus the
Transkei was a burden upon the colonial treasury, though
some portion of the deficit was made good by customs duties
on goods sold there, and every year the difference between
income and outlay was diminishing.

In 1875 the Tembu tribe was brought into a condition of
great difficulty by the conduct of its chief. Among his
concubines there was a Galeka woman, an illegitimate niece
of Kreli, who had accompanied the great wife as an atten-
dant when she w^ent to Tembuland, and remained there ever
since. Gangelizwe in a fit of passion inflicted very severe
injuries upon this woman, and two days later ordered a
young man named Ndevu to break her skull with a kerie.
The murder was committed on the 25th of July. On the
27th the chief’s messenger reported at the residency that
the woman had been four days ill with headache and pain
in the side. On the 29th Mr. William Wright, who in
May 1873 had succeeded Mr. Chalmers as resident with
Gangelizwe, was informed that she had died. For some
months previous to the murder it was known that the
woman was undergoing brutal treatment, and once it was
rumoured that she was dead. Kreli then sent messengers
to request that she might be allowed to visit her relatives,
but the resident could not induce Gangelizwe either to
consent to this or to permit the messengers to see her.

Gangelizwe’s residence, where the murder was committed,
was in the neighbourhood of the ground occupied by the
Fingo chief Menziwe. That chief, apprehending that war
with the Galekas would be the immediate consequence^
declared publicly that he would remain neutral. This
declaration so irritated Gangelizwe that he prepared to attack
Menziwe, who thereupon fled with his people to Idutywa
and requested protection from Mr. J. H. Garner, who during
Mr. Cumming’s absence was acting there as superintendent.
On the 5th of August Menziwe’s women and cattle crossed

i68

Annexation of Tembuland, [^875

the Bashee into Idutywa, and were followed by the warriors
of the clan, six hundred in number, who were pursued to
the river’s edge by a Tembu army.

Kreli was induced on this occasion, as at the time of his
daughter’s ill treatment, to refer the matter to the Cape
government, and the residents with the two chiefs, Messrs.
J. AyliiF and W. Wright, were instructed to hold an
investigation. The inquiry took place at Idutywa, in the
presence of four representatives sent by each of the chiefs.
Umbande, son of Menziwe, who had been one of Gangelizwe’s
most confidential advisers, was the principal witness. After
taking evidence, Messrs. Ayliff and Wright found there was
no question of Gangelizwe’s guilt, whereupon the governor
infiicted upon him a fine of two hundred head of cattle and
£100 in money.

If the murdered woman had been a Tembu probably
nothing more would have been heard of the matter. But
she was a Galeka, and the people of her tribe, who were
not satisfied with Gangelizwe’s punishment, seemed resolved
to avenge her death. Commandant Bowker was therefore
instructed to' enter Tembuland with a strong body of the
frontier police, reinstate Menziwe, the Fingo chief whom
Gangelizwe had driven away, and prevent hostilities by
the Galekas. On the 14th of September the police crossed
the Bashee for this purpose with Menziwe’s clan.

Gangelizwe and his subordinate chiefs then did as they
had done once before in a time of. difficulty: they offered
to place their country and their tribe under the control of
the Cape government. On the 28th of October 1875 the
terms of the cession, as drawn up in writing by the
reverend Mr. Hargreaves on behalf of the Tembus, were
discussed with Commandant Bowker and Mr. Wright at a
meeting held at Clarkebury, at which all the chiefs of note
in Tembuland Proper, except Dalasile, were present.

The Tembus proposed that Gangelizwe and fourteen
heads of clans, who were named, should be recognised by
the colonial government as chiefs, and that salaries, the

169

1875] Negotiations with the Tenibus.

amounts of which were mentioned, should be paid to
them ; that hut tax should not be payable until 1878.;
that the boundaries of the country should remain as pre-
viously fixed ; that the chiefs should retain judicial
authority over their people, except in cases of certain
specified crimes, and subject to appeal to magistrates ;
that the government of the mission stations should not
be interfered with ; that the Fingo chief Menziwe should
be removed to a locality which was named; and that the
sale of spirituous liquors to black people should be pro-
hibited. These proposals were forwarded to the governor,
and were agreed to, with the sole exception that Gangelizwe
could not be recognised as a chief, though a salary of £200
would be paid to him yearly.

On the 10th of December another meeting of the chiefs
and people took place at Emjanyana, when Commandant
Bowker announced oflScially that the country and people
had been taken over on the above terms, and that Mr. S.
A. Probart would shortly be sent as a special commissioner
to conclude the arrangements. At this meeting proposals
were made on behalf of Dalasile to come under the Cape
government, and were agreed to by Commandant Bowker.
The conditions were that his people should not be mixed
with others, but should have a separate magistrate ; that
he should receive a salary of £100 a year ; and a few
others similar to those under which Gangelizwe’s immediate
adherents were taken over.

A few days later Mr. Probart, who was then a member
of the house of assembly, arrived in Tembuland. On the
24th of December he announced at a great meeting at
Emjanyana that the government had ratified everything
that Commandant Bowker had done. The conditions of
the cession, as proposed by the Tembu chiefs, were agreed
to, except that Gangelizwe must be deprived of all
authority ; but the commissioner added that it would
depend upon the manner in which he should conduct
himself whether at some future time he might not be

170 Annexation of Tembuland, [1376

entrusted by the government with power in his own section
of the tribe.

Dalasile was not present at this meeting, but on the 31st
Mr. Probart met him at All Saints mission, informed him
that the agreement made between him and Commandant
Bowker was ratified, and asked him if he and his people
were still of the same mind as to coming under the Cape
government. Dalasile requested to be allowed an hour for
consideration. After consultation with his counsellors, he
then explained that what he desired was that he should
come under the government himself, but retain the sole
control of his people. All complaints, he thought, should
be made to him, and the magistrate should have only joint
power of settlement. Mr. Probart explained that this was
not the meaning of the conditions agreed to, and after some
argument Dalasile promised to adhere to his original pro-
posals. That from the very first, however, this chief had
no real intention of surrendering any power is shown by
the circumstance that he never drew the salary to which he
was entitled under the conditions of cession.

In this manner Tembuland Proper became a portion of
the British dominions. The special commissioner submitted
proposals to the government for the division of the territory
into judicial districts, which were acted upon at once, and
in 1876 the four magistracies of Emjanyana, Engcobo,
Umtata, and Mqanduli were created.

In the first of these, Emjanyana, was the residence of
the former agent, Mr. Wright, and he was left there as
magistrate with the additional title and authority of chief
magistrate of Tembuland Proper.

In the second, Engcobo, was the site selected for the
oflace of the magistrate with Dalasile’s people. In April Mr.
W. E. Stanford was stationed there as magistrate.

In the third, Umtata, the seat of magistracy quickly
became the most important town in the whole territory
between the Kei and Natal. Major J. F. Boyes assumed
duty as magistrate there in the month of April.

1877] Loyalty to Gauge lizwe, 17^

The fourth district, Mqanduli, bordered on the coast. In
August the reverend Mr. John H. Scott, previously a
Wesleyan missionary, was stationed there as magistrate.

The few European farmers in the territory remained on
the same conditions as before, except that they were re-
quired to pay the annual rent to the Cape government
instead of to Gangelizwe.

It was soon discovered that the power of Gangelizwe could
not easily be set aside. The European government, the
magistrates, and some of the alien clans might ignore him,
but the clans of pure Tembu blood would not. All their
national traditions, their ideas of patriotism, their feelings
of pride, prompted them to be loyal to him. Stronger
still than any of these motives was their religion. The
belief of the Bantu is firm that the spirits of the dead
chiefs hold the destinies of the tribes in their keeping.
To renounce allegiance to the chief, the descendant and
representative of those to whose spirits they offer sacrifices
and whose wrath they dread as the greatest calamity that
can overtake them, is in the Bantu way of thinking the
most enormous of crimes. The magistrates encountered
such difficulties in governing the people, owing to their
sullen demeanour and continual complaints of the degrada-
tion to which their chief was subjected, that at the close
of 1876 it was considered necessary to restore Gangelizwe
to his former rank and to treat him as the highest Bantu
official in the country.

When the war with Kreli began in 1877, Major Henry
G. Elliot, who in August of that year succeeded Mr. Wright
as chief magistrate, called upon the Tembus to take up
arms for the government. In the district of Mqanduli,
the magistrate, Mr. Scott, succeeded in raising a force of
some strength, but in the other districts there was no
response to the call to arms. Not a single individual of
any clan under Dalasile came forward to aid the govern-
ment. Stokwe, son of Tshali, who resided in Maxongo’s
Hoek at the base of the Drakensberg, joined the enemy

172 Annexation of Tembuland, [1878

of the Europeans. He was the head of a small alien clan
called the Amavundld. All the rest of the tribe waited
for the word of Gangelizwe. Fortunately, that chief had
sufficient sagacity to see that an opportunity had occurred
for him to secure the favour of the government. He
declared himself a loyal subject of the queen, and took
the field with Major Elliot. At once, as if by magic, the
attitude of the people changed. From all sides they came
in to join their chief, and thereafter rendered valuable
assistance.

Dalasile was fined a hundred head of cattle for not com-
plying with the orders of the chief magistrate. Stokwe was
assisted by Umfanta and a body of men from the old
location in the division of Queenstown, but in March 1878
Major Elliot fell upofi him with a combined European and
Bantu force, routed him after a sharp engagement, seized
his cattle, and drove him and his adherents out of
Maxongo’s Hoek. He and Umfanta were both made
prisoners in the following month.

At the close of the war of 1877-8 the Cape government
resolved to make several important changes in the ad-
ministration of the territories beyond the Kei. The staff of
magistrates was to be increased, and the people were to be
brought more under their jurisdiction. To secure a greater
degree of uniformity in the systems of management, various
districts which had been previously under separate heads
were to be united under the same chief magistrate.

Emigrant Tembuland was divided into two judicial dis-
tricts, named Southeyville and Xalanga. Mr. Charles J.
Levey, who had previously borne the title of Tembu agent,
was thereafter termed magistrate of Southeyville, and in
July 1878 Mr. William G. Gumming assumed duty as
magistrate at Xalanga.

The honourable William Ayliff, who was then secretary
for native affairs, made a tour through the territory for the
purpose of explaining the new system to the people and
obtaining their consent to its introduction. On the 16th of

3879] Events in Emigrant Tembtila7td, 173

September 1878 he met the Emigrant Tembu chiefs
Matanzima, Darala, Gecelo, and Stokwd the son of Ndlela at
Cofinvaba, and after some discussion obtained their consent
to the payment of hut tax. He informed them that over
the ordinary magistrates there would be an officer to whom
they could appeal whenever they thought justice was not
done to them by the lower courts. The chiefs, according to
Bantu custom, thanked Mr. AylifF for the information, and
appeared to be satisfied. Their part of the country was
still only thinly occupied, though after their removal to it
from the location west of the Indwe in 1865 they had
been joined by a considerable number of Fingos, whom they
had invited to occupy land there with the object of
increasing their importance. Gecelo and Stokwd had so far
adopted European ideas that they had granted farms on
individual tenure to several of their followers.

The arrangement indicated by Mr. AylifF was carried out
by the union of Emigrant Tembuland and Tembuland
Proper under Major Elliot as chief magistrate. In December
1878 Major Elliot paid his first visit to the territory thus
added to that previously under his charge. He found the
chiefs discontented and half defiant. They told him that
they had been promised when they moved from the old
Tambookie location that they would be regarded as indepen-
dent in the country east of the Indwe, and now they were
being made subject to magistrates, much against their will.
Major Elliot replied that they had no cause to complain, for
they had not carried out their agreement with the Cape
government, but by leaving people behind in the old
location had retained for their section of the tribe
possession of that ground as well as acquiring the land
they were then occupying.*

In 1879 hut tax was first paid in the united territories
of Emigrant Tembuland and Tembuland Proper. Before
that date the Cape Colony had borne the expense of
maintaining establishments without deriving any direct
revenue from the people beyond a trifling amount as licenses

174 Annexation of Tembuland, [1877

and quitrent from the few European traders and farmers in
Tembuland Proper.

The whole territory west of the Umtata river had thus
been brought under British dominion with the exception of
the district termed Bomvanaland, which bordered on the
seacoast east of the Bashee. The Bomvanas are part of a
tribe that was dispersed in the convulsions of the early
years of the nineteenth century. Another section of the
tribe was called the Amatshezi, and resided partly in
Pondoland and partly in Tembuland. The Bomvana section,
under the chief Gambushe, grandfather of Moni, when
driven out of Pondoland applied to the Galeka chief
Kawuta to be received as a vassal clan, and was located by
him along the Bashee. Subsequently they moved deeper
into Galekaland, but in 1857 they decided not to destroy
their cattle and grain as Kreli's people were then doing,
and therefore retreated to the district in which they have
since been residing.

It was with the Bomvanas, then under the chief Moni,
that Kreli took refuge when driven from his own country
in 1858. Though they had refused to follow the Galekas
in the course which led to their dispersion, Moni and his
people were' faithful to them in their distress, and gave
them all the succour that was in their power to bestow.
In 1877 the Cape government placed a resident with Moni,
in the person of Mr. William Fynn, who assumed duty on
the 30th of June in that year. The clan was still, however,
considered as in a condition of vassalage to the Galeka
chief.

When the war of 1877 commenced, Moni announced his
intention of remaining neutral. He did not attempt to
conceal his attachment to Kreli, and stated that he would
not abandon him in any ordinary peril, but to resist the
European government was madness. When the Galekas
fled across the Bashee before Colonel Griffith, some of them
took refuge with the Pondos, but the greater number
went no farther than Bomvanaland. It became necessary

175

1878] Dealings with the Bomvanas.

therefore, as the war extended, to close this district against
the Xosas, and Major Elliot was instructed by Sir Bartle
Frere to place himself in communication with Moni and
take such further steps as the commander of the forpes
might direct.

On the 7th of January 1878 Major Elliot had an interview
at Moni’s residence with the chief and the principal men
of the Bomvana clan. Moni himself was at this time
believed to be over eighty years of age, he was blind and
too feeble to travel, but his mental faculties were perfect.
Mr. Arthur Stanford and Mr. William Fynn were present
at the interview, and acted as interpreters. Major Elliot
explained that the Bomvanas were too weak to remain
independent and neutral in such a struggle as that going
on, they were unable to prevent the Galekas from making
use of their country as a place of shelter and base of
operations, and therefore it was necessary for the Cape
government to take military occupation of it and hold it
during the war. To this no objection was made by the chiefs
as in the nature of things it was not a proposal but an
announcement.

A few days later Moni sent his son Langa and his
principal counsellors to Mr. Fynn with a request that he
would forward the following message to the governor :
“ I wish to become a British subject. I place my people
and country under the government, and I now ask the
governor to send Colonel Eustace to assist my magistrate
in making arrangements for taking over the Bomvanas.”

Colonel Eustace was accordingly directed to proceed to
Bomvanaland, and on the 28th of February 1878 he and
Major Elliot reached the chief’s residence. A meeting was
at once held, at which Moni, his sons, counsellors, sub-chiefs,
and about three hundred of his people were present. Mr.
William Fynn, the resident, acted as interpreter. Colonel
Eustace addressed the chiefs and people to the effect that he
had come at their request, that the Cape government had no
wish to deprive them of their independence, that if they

176

Annexation of Tembuland,

[1889:

became British subjects it would be of their own free will;
that they would then have to pay hut tax and receive a
magistrate, and that the chiefs would have to relinquish
nearly all their power and influence. They replied that
they wished to come under the Cape government upon the
same conditions as were agreed to in the case of the
Tembus. Colonel Eustace then accepted them formally as
British subjects. After this had been done, Moni said he
hoped yearly allowances would be granted to himself and
several other chiefs whom he named. This Colonel Eustace
promised to recommend.

Mr. Fynn, the former resident, was thereafter styled
magistrate, and exercised judicial powers. In December 1878,,
Bomvanaland, or as it was now termed the district . of
Elliotdale, was united with the other six districts,
Emjanyana, Engcobo, Umtata, Mqanduli, Sou they ville, and
Xalanga, to form the chief magistracy of Tembuland. In
1880 the Bomvanas first paid hut tax. They had as yet ^
hardly been affected, even in outward appearance, by
European civilisation. Between them and the Tembus there
had never been a friendly feeling. '

The year 1880 was one of unrest in Tembuland. In the :
early months the air was full of rumours of a combination
among the various sections of the Bantu to throw off the:
supremacy of the white man. It was impossible for thC'
magistrates to ascertain what was taking place, what plans
were being concerted, or where the explosion would likely
be felt first, but all were agreed that there were very grave,
reasons for uneasiness. In October this state of uncertainty
was brought to an end by the murder of three British
officials in a district east of the Umtata. This was the
signal for insurrection in Tembuland, and immediately
several of the clans rose in arms.

Without delay Major Elliot issued instructions to all the
magistrates in the territory to collect the Europeans and
other obedient inhabitants of their districts, and to retire^
either to Queenstown, Dordrecht, or Umtata, whichever

177

iSSi] Insurrection of Several Clans.

could be reached with greater chance of safety. Umtata
was the only place he thought of holding. In his
instructions he pointed out that nothing could cause
greater anxiety to the government, or tend more to impede
military operations, than the necessity of providing columns
for the relief of small detached positions of no strategical
importance which were not provisioned or in any other
respect prepared to stand a siege. Most of the outlying
magistracies were thereupon abandoned. Mr. Levey, who
believed that he could defend Southeyville, remained at
his post until a burgher force arrived with instructions
to rescue him and then leave the place to its fate. As
soon as this was carried out the office and residency were
plundered and burnt by a party of the insurgents.

The clans that took up arms against the government
were the Amakwati under Dalasile, occupying the district
of Engcobo, and those under Gecelo and Stokw^ the son of
Ndlela in Southeyville and Xalanga. Among these there
were no Tembus by descent except a few men who
followed Siqungati, a brother of Gangelizwe. Another
alien clan which had moved into these districts a few years
before, under the petty chief Kosana, joined the insurgents,
though Kosana himself took service with the colonial forces.
All eyes were now turned towards Gangelizwe, for upon
him alone it rested whether the insurrection should become
general or not. He decided, as before, to be faithful to
the government, and after this announcement was
strengthened by his action in attaching himself to the chief
magistrate, not a single clan joined the enemies of the
Europeans, though the sympathy of the whole people was
known to be entirely with them.

It thus became a comparatively easy matter to suppress
the insurrection. The districts occupied by the clans that
had taken up arms were swept by the colonial forces, and
by February 1881 British authority was firmly restored.
The insurgents had lost everything, had been driven out
of the territory, and were thoroughly subdued.

178

Annexation of Tembuland. [1882

In the session of 1882 the Cape parliament referred to a
select committee the question of the future occupation of
the land from which the insurgents had been driven. This
committee brought up a report recommending that the
portion of the district of Xalanga that had been occupied
by the chief Gecelo should be allotted to European farmers ;
that the consent of the imperial government should be
obtained for the issue of titles, in case annexation to the
colony should be delayed ; that the remaining lands in
Xalanga and Southeyville should be granted to Bantu irre-
spective of their tribal relationships ; that as the district of
Engcobo, in which Dalasile’s clan had resided, belonged to
the Tembu tribe, it should not be allotted to any people
without the approval of the paramount chief Gangelizwe,
but that steps should be taken to obtain his consent to its
occupation by European farmers ; and that a commission
should be appointed without delay to deal with the matter
on these lines. The house of assembly hereupon expressed
its opinion in favour of the appointment of such a
commission, and the governor carried the resolution into
effect.

The commission consisted of Messrs. J. Hemming, civil
commissioner and resident magistrate of Queenstown, J. J.
Irvine and J. L. Bradfield, members of the house of
assembly, and C. J, Bekker, justice of the peace for the
division of Wodehouse, appointed on the 17th of August,
and Messrs. J. J. Janse van Bensburg and J. Joubert,
members of the house of assembly, appointed on the 22nd
of September 1882.

In the meantime some Europeans from the border
districts of the Cape Colony went in without leave and
took possession of portions of the vacant territory, but
subsequently they made no objection to pay the govern-
ment for grazing licenses. The conflicting claims advanced
by these people and their friends, by missionary societies,
by traders, by chiefs and people, friendly, neutral, and
lately hostile, made the task of the commission an

iSSs] Arraiige^nent of DistHcts, 179

extremely difficult one. Gangelizwe was the least trouble-
some of all to deal with. He made a formal cession of the
northern part of the district of Engcobo, and sent four
of his counsellors to point out the boundary between it
and the part which he reserved for his own people. In
Xalanga and Southeyville a line was laid down between
parts intended for settlement by Europeans and by Bantu,
against which Messrs. Bekker, Van Rensburg, and Joubert
protested as giving an undue proportion to the latter, but
it was maintained, and the country below it was filled up
with Bantu of difierent tribes, in the manner recommended
by the parliamentary committee.

The land assigned for occupation by Europeans extended
along the base of the Drakensberg adjoining the division of
Wodehouse. Its whole extent, including the Slang river
settlement, which dated from 1867, was only seven hundred
and twelve square miles or one thousand eight hundred and
forty - three square kilometres, and from this must be
deducted thirty - eight square miles occupied as a Bantu
location in Maxongo’s Hoek.

The late insurgents were located chiefly in a magisterial
district called Gala, formed of parts of the former districts
of Southeyville and Xalanga. Mr. C. Levey was stationed
there as magistrate. The remainder of the district of
Southeyville, or the portion occupied by the clans under
Matanzima and Darala, was formed into a separate districts
called St. Mark’s, and in May 1881 Mr. R. W. Stanford
assumed duty there as magistrate. The three districts —
Xalanga occupied by Europeans and Gala and St. Mark’s
occupied by Bantu — were in September 1884 again formed
into two, by the partition of Gala between Xalanga and St.
Mark’s. Mr. Levey thereupon became magistrate of Xalanga.
In May 1884 Mr. R. W. Stanford was succeeded at St.
Mark’s by Mr. T. R. Merriman, who remained ' when the
district was enlarged.

In 1882 part of an abandoned tract of land along the
Umtata, on which European farmers had been located by

i8o Annexation of Tembuland. [1885

Gangelizwe before the cession of the country, was purchased
from that chief by the government, for the purpose of
providing commonage for a town which was becoming a
place of importance. The site was selected by Mr. Probart
in January 1876, near the western bank of the river of the
same name, at a height of six hundred and seventy metres
or two thousand two hundred feet above the level of the
sea. Across the river Pondoland stretches away ; and to the
northwest the Matiwane mountains, clad with forests, rise
full in view. In 1885 Umtata contained about a hundred
and fifty buildings, among which were the court house and
public offices, an English cathedral, another English church,
a Roman catholic mission church, a Wesleyan church, a high
school, a theatre, and several large stores. It was the
residence of the chief magistrate of Tembuland, and was the
most important military station east of the Kei. Exclusive
of the colonial military forces, it had then a European
population of five hundred souls.

The seven districts forming Tembuland were not formally
annexed to the Cape Colony until 1885. They were
governed exactly in the same manner as the districts of
Kentani and Willowvale in the Transkei, and precisely the
same course was followed by the Cape parliament concern-
ing them. When by the governor’s proclamation of the 26th
of August 1885 they were incorporated in the Cape Colony,
the principal difference in their position that was effected
was that the judges of the circuit and supreme courts there-
after tried important cases instead of a combined court of
magistrates with the chief magistrate as president. Bantu
law continued to be carried out in all civil cases where
only Bantu were concerned, the chiefs were allowed to try
civil and petty criminal cases, but there was a right of
appeal from their decisions to the magistrates, no spirituous
liquor could be sold by any one to a black man or woman
under penalty of a fine of £50 and disqualification to trade
thereafter in the territory, and no right of representation in
the Cape parliament was given.

1S85] Death of vaHous Chiefs, 18 1

The population of Tembuland in 1885 consisted of about
eight thousand five hundred Europeans and one hundred
and fourteen thousand Bantu. The revenue had been very
far short of the expenditure, but every year the deficiency
was becoming less. One fourth of the whole revenue was
expended for educational purposes, as the government was
cooperating with the numerous mission societies in a
supreme effort to elevate the people.

On the 30th of December 1884 the chief Gangelizwe died.
His son by his great wife — the daughter of Kreli —
Dalindyebo by name, was then only eighteen years of age.
He had been educated, though not to a very high standard,
in mission schools. In June 1884 Darala died. His great
son being a child, a regent was appointed to act during his
minority. The authority of the European government was
therefore more readily acknowledged. Dalasile, chief of the
Amakwati, still possessed much influence, but he was power-
less for harm. He lived ten years longer, and died on the
18th of May 1895.

Note. — In the account of the ninth KaflS.r war given in this chapter
no mention has been made of the military operations west of the Kei,
which were so disastrous to the Gaikas that their clans were entirely
broken up. Sandile, their head, fell in a skirmish on the 29th of May
1878. When his body was found after the action, close by lay the
corpse of Dukwana, son of Ntsikana, the leader of the Christian party
among the Gaikas, whose attachment to his chief was so strong that
he followed him to death. The once celebrated chief Siyolo was killed
in battle, and many other men of note perished in the same way. Two
sons of Sandile, a son of Makoma, the Tembu captain Gongubela who
assisted them, and many more were made prisoners, and were sent as
convicts to the breakwater works in Table Bay. So fatal was the war
to the Gaikas that even their name was almost lost when it was over.
But in this chapter I had to deal only with events east of the Kei.

CHAPTER LXXV.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITOKY BETWEEN
THE RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL — {continued).

Griqualand East,

More than a year went by after the commission that has
been mentioned as appointed to investigate the cause of the
dissensions in Nomansland and to arrange boundaries
between the various tribes and clans there completed its
labours before the government of the Cape Colony took any
further action. The war between the Galekas and Tembus,
which occurred at this time, seemed to indicate the
necessity of extending colonial influence and control in the
rear of those tribes, and was the immediate cause of the
appointment of the first European official in Nomansland.
In July 1873 Mr. Joseph M. Orpen, previously a member
of the house of assembly and an earnest advocate of the
extension of British rule over the border tribes, was
selected to fill the post of magistrate with a little party of
colonial blacks who had settled at the Gatberg and with
the clans of Lehana, Lebenya, and Zibi. He was also
appointed British resident for the whole of Nomansland.

Upon his arrival in the territory, Mr. Orpen found that
war was being carried on by the Pondo chief Ndamasi against
Umhlonhlo, and that the rival sections of the . Pondomsi
were as usual fighting with each other. The Pondos were
gaining an ascendency over their divided opponents, and
there seemed a likelihood that they would be able to crush
them all at no very distant date. Mr. Orpen immediately
organised the Fingo, Batlokwa, and Basuto clans under him
as a military force, and called upon Adam Kok for assist-

182

1873] Dealings with the Pondomsis, 183

auce. In September he visited Umhlonhlo and Umditshwa,
who both asain made overtures to be received under British
protection and promised to lay down their arms. Then,
feeling confident that the Pondos would hesitate before
coming into collision with the colonial government, he called
upon them to cease hostilities. They did so, and within a
few weeks there was peace throughout the territory.

In October the secretar}^ for native afiairs authorised Mr.
Orpen to announce to Umhlonhlo and Umditshwa that
they and their people were received as British subjects.
Makaula and Makwai had repeated their applications, but
the colonial government considered it advisable to let their
cases stand over for a while, as they were not pressing.
Formal notification of their acceptance was made to the two
Pondomsi chiefs on the 22nd of October, and information
thereof was sent to Umqikela and Ndamasi. These chiefs
objected, first to the line from the Umtata to the
Umzimvubu between Nomansland and Pondoiand, secondly
to the reception as British subjects of chiefs and. people
whom they claimed as being under their jurisdiction, and
thirdly to the appointment of British officials in Pondo
territory without their consent. But they declared that
they had every desire to remain at peace with the colonial
government, and would therefore respect the new
arrangements.

The failure of Langalibalele’s rebellion in Natal did much
to strengthen the authority of the Cape government in
Nomansland. On the 4th of November 1873 three
Europeans and two blacks were shot down by the rebels in
the Bushman’s pass in the Drakensberg. The Hlubis were
at the time removing their cattle from Natal, and it was
believed that they intended to retire to Nomansland, where
they had many relatives living under Ludidi, Langalibalele’s
brother, Zibi, Langalibalele’s second cousin, and several other
petty chiefs. It was known that there was a good under-
standing between the rebels and a great many other clans.
The danger of a general rising was therefore imminent.

184 Annexation of Griqualand East, [^^73

The Cape government with all haste sent detachments
of the frontier armed and mounted police to Basutoland
and Nomansland ; the Natal government despatched the
volunteers of that colony with Bantu auxiliaries in pursuit
of the rebels ; and Mr. Orpen, though less than four months
in Nomansland, raised a force of Batlokwa, Basuto, and
Griquas, to prevent Langalibalele from entering that
territory. As soon as it was ascertained that the Hlubis
were retiring into Basutoland, Inspector Grant with two
hundred of the police left Nomansland to cross the
mountains, and with him went Mr. Orpen and two hundred
and thirty-five picked men under Lehana and Lebenya.
But the country they had to traverse was the most rugged
in South Africa, so that they did not reach Basutoland
until after the surrender of Langalibalele.

The dispersion of the Hlubis, the confiscation of their
cattle, and the banishment of their chief followed. To all
the tribes, but particularly to those in Nomansland where the
conflicting elements were more numerous than elsewhere,
the fate of the rebels was a lesson that the Europeans
were strong enough to enforce order. The clans, though
weary of their perpetual feuds, would certainly not have
submitted to the white man’s rule for any cause except
that of respect for power. We flatter ourselves by speaking
of our greater wisdom, clemency, sense of justice, &c., but
no untutored individual of the Bantu race respects us for
any other quality than our superior strength.

After the reception of Umhlonhlo and Umditshwa as
British subjects in 1873, Mr. Orpen took up his residence
at Tsolo in the Pondomsi district, his object being to
establish the authority of the Cape government there in
something more than name. He found the chiefs Umhlonhlo
and Umditshwa altogether opposed to any interference with
their people. Though the system of government by means
of magistrates had been thoroughly explained to them and
they had applied to be received as British subjects with full
knowledge of what the effect upon themselves would be,

1874] Dealings with Adam Kok. 185

they now remonstrated against any deprivation of their
former power. Each of them was causing people to be put
to death on charges of dealing in witchcraft, or merely from
caprice. Umhlonhlo refused even to allow a census of his
people to be taken.

In this case, as in so many others, the dissensions among
the clans presented a lever to work with. Mr. Orpen
explained how easily he could bring about a combination
of opponents to crush any one who should resist him, and
how slow friends would be in coming to assist against a
power that had just punished Langalibalele so severely.
The two chiefs realised the situation, and without much ado
made a show of submission. They were both charged with
murder, tried in open court, found guilty, and fined.

The next event of importance in the territory was the
establishment of colonial authority in Adam Kok’s district.
The Griquas had moved there at the instance of her
Majesty’s high commissioner in South Africa, but they had
never received protection, or been in any way interfered
with. Adam Kok was getting old, and was without an heir.
In 1874 he had nominally some thirty-six thousand subjects,
but only four thousand one hundred were Griquas, the
remainder being aliens, Fingos, Basuto, Bacas, and others
who had settled on ground given to him by Sir Philip
Wodehouse. The demands made upon him by Mr. Orpen
for assistance, first against the Pondos, and next against
Langalibalele, showed him the anomalous position in which
he was placed. He asked that he should either be
recognised as an independent chief, or be granted the rights
and privileges of a British subject.

On the 16th of October 1874 Governor Sir Henry Barkly,
who was then making a tour through the territories, met
the Griqua chief and the members of his council at
Kokstad. Mr. Orpen, the British resident in Nomansland,
was with the governor. The question of Adam Kok’s
position was discussed, and a provisional agreement was
made for the assumption of direct authority over the

x86 Annexation of Griqualand East. [1875

country by the colonial government. The official books and
documents were transferred to Mr. Orpen by the Griqua
secretary, and the territory was added by the governor to
that already under his charge, with the understanding
that all existing institutions were to remain undisturbed
for the time being.

In February 1875 Messrs. Donald Strachan, who had
been a magistrate under Adam Kok, and G. C. Brisley,
secretary of the Griqua government, arrived in Capetown
as representatives of the Griqua chief and people, and
concluded the arrangements. Kok was to retain his title
of chief, be paid a salary of £700 per annum, and have
joint authority with a commissioner who should correspond
directly with the secretary for native affairs. The members
of the Griqua council were to receive small annuities, and
all undisputed titles to land were to be confirmed. With
these conditions all except a few lg,wless individuals were
satisfied. Mr. Thomas A. Gumming, superintendent of Idutywa,
was appointed acting commissioner, and assumed duty at
Kokstad on the 25th of March 1875. Practically he
carried on the government, as Kok left nearly everything
in his hands. > A petition against the change thus brought
about was prepared by the disaffected party, but it only
proved their weakness, for when forwarded to Capetown
it contained no more than one hundred and thirty-one
signatures. Adam Kok wrote to the colonial government,
protesting against its being considered as of any importance,
and stating that three-fourths of the signatures were those
of persons who had neither position nor property in the
country.

The territory thus added to the British dominions is that
comprised in the three districts of Umzimkulu, Kokstad, and
Matatiele. These districts were indeed formed under the
Griqua government, and the same divisions continued to be
recognised by the colonial authorities. Mr. Donald Strachan
remained magistrate of Umzimkulu, and Mr. Gumming per-
formed the same duties at Kokstad. Matatiele was left for

1876] Co7iduct of Nehemiah Moshesh, 187

a time without a magistrate. In these districts there were
besides the Griquas, the Basuto under Makwai, the Hlubis
under Ludidi, the Hlangwenis under Sidoyi, and a great
many other Bantu clans, all of whom expressed pleasure on
becoming British subjects.

On the 30th of December 1875 Adam Kok died. The
nominal dual authority then ceased, as he had no successor.
A few months later Captain Matthew Blyth was transferred
from the Transkei to be chief magistrate of the three
Griqua districts, and assumed duty in March 1876, Mr.
Camming returning to Idutywa. On his arrival at Kokstad
Captain Blyth found a rebellious spirit still existing among
some of the Griquas, but as he was accompanied by a strong
police force he had no difficulty in suppressing it. He
placed two of the disaffected men under arrest, and disarmed
the others, after which there was no open display of

sedition.

He soon found that more serious danger was to be
apprehended from the designs of Nehemiah Moshesh. That
individual in 1875 had the assurance to bring his pretensions
to the ownership of Matatiele by petition before the colonial
parliament, and one of the objects of a commission

appointed in that year was to investigate his claim. The
commission consisted of Messrs. C. D. Griffith, governor’s
agent in Basutoland, S. A. Probart, member of the house of
assembly, and T. A. Camming, acting commissioner with
Adam Kok. After a long and patient examination, these
gentlemen decided that Nehemiah had forfeited any right he
might ever have had through promises of Sir George Grey
and Sir Philip Wodehouse to allow him to remain in

Matatiele on good behaviour. Even before this decision was
known he had been holding political meetings in the

country, Mr. Orpen having permitted him again to take up
his residence in it ; and now he was endeavouring to bring
about union of the Bantu tribes in the territory, with the
evident object of throwing off European control. There
could be no such thing as contentment in the land while

1 88 Annexation of Griqualand East, [1876

such an apjitator was at liberty, and Captain Blyth therefore
had him arrested. He was subsequently tried in King-
Williamstown and acquitted, but his detention in the mean
time enabled the authorities to carry out the law and
maintain order.

To the territory under Captain Blyth’s administration was
added in March 1876 the block of land between Matatiele,
the Pondomsi country, and the Pondo boundary line, since
called the district of Mount Frere, by the acceptance of the
Bacas under Makaula as British subjects. This chief and
his counsellors had repeatedly requested to be taken over,
and their petition had been favourably reported on by the
commission of 1875. The terms under which they became
subjects were the usual ones : that in all civil and in petty
criminal complaints suitors might bring their cases before
the magistrate or the chief at their option, that there should
be an appeal from the chief to the magistrate, that
important criminal cases were to be tried by the magistrate,
that no charge of dealing in witchcraft was to be enter-
tained, that on every hut a yearly tax of ten shillings was
to be paid, and that the chief was to receive a salary of
£100 a year and his counsellors certain smaller annuities.
Captain Blyth placed Sub-Inspector John Maclean, of the
frontier armed knd mounted police, in charge of Makaula’s
people until the arrival in May 1876 of the magistrate
selected by the secretary for native affairs, Mr. J. H.
Garner, son of a missionary who had lived with them for
many years.

No clan in the whole of the territories from the Kei to
Natal afterwards gave greater satisfaction than the people
of Mount Frere. The reports from the magistrates were
uniform as to their good conduct, and on several occasions
they showed by their readiness to take the field with the
colonial forces that they appreciated the advantages of
British protection. Yet Makaula was a son of the ruthless
freebooter Ncapayi, one of the most dreaded men of his
time, so much has circumstance to do in moulding the

iSyS] Insurrection of some Griquas. 189

character of a Bantu chief. He lived to an advanced age,
and died in September 1906.

Early in 1878, while the colony was involved in war
with the Xosas, the disaffected Griquas took up arms under
Smith Pommer, a Hottentot from the Kat river, and Adam
Muis, who had at one time been an official under Adam
Kok. They were confident of receiving assistance from the
Pondos under Umqikela, and there can be little doubt that
if they had been successful at first the whole Pondo army
would have joined them. One of the leaders visited Umqi-
kela, and returned to Pommer’s camp with ninety Pondos
under command of Josiah Jenkins, an educated nephew of
the chief. It was only when Josiah saw that adherence to
the insurgent cause meant certain destruction that he and
the Pondos under him surrendered to Captain Blyth, when
an apology was made for them that they had been sent by
Umqikela to deliver Adam Muis to the chief magistrate,
but that owing to their leader’s youth and inexperience he
had blundered in carrying out his instructions.

There was at the time a troop of the Cape mounted
police at Kokstad, which was joined by a few European
volunteers, some Hlangwenis under the chief Sidoyi, and
by Makaula’s Bacas, who rendered important assistance. In
two engagements, on the 14th and 17th of April, the
insurgents were defeated, with a loss of thirty-five killed,
including Muis and Pommer. Nearly two hundred were
made prisoners, and the revolt was completely stamped out.

The districts of Umzimkulu, Kokstad, Matatiele, and
Mount Frere remained under Captain Blyth’s jurisdiction as
chief magistrate until September 1878, when he returned to
his former post in Transkei. Mr. Strachan continued to be
magistrate of Umzimkulu, and Mr. Garner of Mount Frere.
Mr. G. P. Stafibrd was stationed by Captain Blyth at
Matatiele, and performed the duty of magistrate until
August 1876, when Mr. M. W. Liefeldt was placed there.
At Kokstad the chief magistrate resided. This arrangement
was a continuation of the old order of things under Adam

190 Annexation of Griqualand East. [1878

Kok, and was in accordance with the recommendation of the
commission of 1875, which had been appointed to inquire
into the affairs of the territory. When Captain Blyth left,
Mr. C. P. Watermeyer was appointed acting chief magistrate,
and held office until the 25th of the following December.

The remainder of Nomansland, that is the territory between
the Kenigha river and Tembuland, had at this time a population
of about twenty-two thousand souls. In April 1875 Mr. Or pen
resigned his appointment as British resident, and left the
territory. His clerk, Mr. Frederick P. Gladwin, was then
instructed to act until arrangements could be made for placing
magistrates with the different clans that had been received
as British subjects.

Already one such magistrate had been appointed, to the
Gatberg, thereafter known as the district of Maclear, but he
had accidentally lost his life. Mr. J. R. Thomson was then
selected, and assumed duty in November 1875, when the
people of Lehana, Lebenya, and Zibi were first called upon
to pay hut tax. These clans were then giving little or no
trouble. In 1878 Lebenya and Zibi gave considerable
assistance against the rebel Baputi under Morosi, and the
Batlokwa of Lehana were hardly less active, though on that
occasion the chief himself was not so zealous as he might
have been.

The next appointment was that of Mr. Matthew B. Shaw to
the magistracy of the country occupied by Umhlonhlo’s
people, thereafter termed the district of Qumbu. Mr. Shaw
assumed duty there in June 1876, and remained until July
1878, when he was succeeded by Mr. Hamilton Hope.

Mr. Gladwin had then only Umditshwa’s people in the
district of Tsolo to act with. In September 1877 Mr. A. R,
Welsh was appointed magistrate with that chief, who had
been giving considerable trouble. He was exceedingly jealous
of any interference with his people, but was submissive
enough in the presence of a force able to chastise him. This
was shown in an almost ludicrous manner on one occasion,
when a strong body of police happened to be near by in

I S 7 9 ] U7iion of M ag is trades. 1 9 1

Tembuland. In 1878 be furnished a contingent of eight
hundred men to assist against Stokwe, sou of Tshali, but this
was when Stokwd’s cause was seen to be hopeless.

These three districts, Maclear, Qumbu, and Tsolo, were not
subject to the authority of the chief magistrate of Griqualand
East until the close of 1878, when the consolidation of the
different territories took place. Prior to that date each of the
magistrates corresponded directly with the secretary for native
affairs, and received instructions from him. But upon the
appointment of the honourable Charles Brownlee, who
assumed duty as chief magistrate on the 25th of December
1878, the seven districts were united, and the title of
Xomansland was lost by the extension of that of Griqualand
East to the whole territory.

Thereafter the district of Kokstad was provided with a
magistrate, so as to leave the head of the territory free to
attend to more important matters than adjudicating in petty
cases. Mr. George W. Hawthorn was appointed, and assumed
duty on the 1st of January 1879.

To this period the government had been acting in Griqua-
land East without any other authority from parliament than
the allowance of the excess of expense incurred over revenue
received. In 1873 the honourable Charles Brownlee, then
secretary for native affairs, in a report upon his arrangement
of terms of peace between Kreli and Gangelizwe, recom-
mended the extension of colonial authority over the country
ceded by Faku. This report was submitted to parliament,
and a committee of the house of assembly was appointed to
consider it, but did not conclude its labours before parliament
was prorogued.

In 1875 the subject was brought by the ministry before
parliament, and a resolution was adopted by both houses,
declaring that it was “ expedient that the country situated
between the Umtata and the Umzimkulu, commonly known
as Nomansland, should be annexed to this colony, and that
the government take such preliminary steps as may place
it in a position to effect such annexation.” On the 30th of

192 Annexation of Griqualand East. [1880

June in this year the governor in his prorogation speech
announced that her Majesty’s concurrence in the annexation
of Nomansland had already been officially notified to him.

In June 1876 letters patent were issued at Westminster,
empowering the governor to proclaim the territory annexed
to the Cape Colony, after the legislature had passed the
requisite act. In 1877 an annexation act was passed by the
Cape parliament, and on the 17th of September 1879 the
measure was completed by the issue of the governor’s pro-
clamation, to have force from the 1st of the following
month.

The country thus became part of the Cape Colony, but as
its inhabitants were not sufficiently advanced in civilisation
to be admitted to the full privileges or to perform the
whole duties of burghers, it was made subject to special
legislation by the governor with the advice of the executive
council, just as Transkei and Tembuland. The proclamation
of the 17th of September 1879 provided that all the laws
then in force in the Cape Colony should become the laws
of Griqualand East, except in so far as they should be
modified by certain regulations published at the same time.
The territory was not represented in the Cape parliament,
nor vrere acts of parliament passed after September 1879
in force there unless expressly extended to it in the acts
themselves or by proclamation of the governor in council.

In the year 1880 a formidable attempt was made by
several Bantu clans in the territory to throw oflf European
supremacy. People who had come under the white man’s
control at their own urgent and often repeated request
when threatened with destruction by their enemies, as soon
as the peril was over demurred to any restraint such as
the laws of a civilised government necessarily imposed upon
them. Englishmen at home had lulled themselves into the
self-flattering delusion that these people had a high regard
for English justice and English benevolence, when in reality
it was only English power that they had any respect
for.

iSSo] Rebellion of the Basuto. 193

In April 1880 the chief magistrate of Griqualand East
began to observe that matters were becoming very un-
satisfactory. Outwardly all was as calm as ever. Chiefs
and people were loud in expressions of loyalty and declara-
tions of satisfaction. But Mr. Brownlee was too experienced
in the ways of the Bantu to trust to indications of this
kind, and when he ascertained that Basuto messengers were
stealthily passing to and fro and that the chiefs were in
close correspondence with each other, he knew that a storm
was gathering.

There was a small force of Cape mounted riflemen, as the
frontier armed and mounted police were now termed, in the
territory, but early in September it was sent to Basutoland.
After this the reports received by Mr. Brownlee became
more alarming, and he determined to visit Matatiele, where
the greatest danger of disturbance was to be apprehended.
On the 11th of September he held a meeting with the
Basuto of that magistracy, and received their repeated
assurances that no matter what their tribe beyond the
mountains might do they would ever be found loyal to the
colonial government.

The chief magistrate returned to Kokstad, and there
received intelligence of the engagement of the 13th of
September between Lerothodi and the Cape mounted rifles
at Mafeteng and that nearly the whole Basuto tribe had
risen in rebellion against the Cape Colony. Taking with
him Mr. Donald Strachan and Mr. George Hawthorn, that
gentleman’s successor as magistrate of Umzimkulu, with an
escort of twenty-five men of the Abalondolozi, Mr. Brownlee
left again for Matatiele. He reached the residency on the
30th of September, and found the Basuto, who less than
three weeks before had been talking so loyally, now arming
and singing war songs in all the locations. He endeavoured
to pacify them, but in vain. Mr. Liefeldt, the magistrate,
enrolled a hundred Hlubis and Basuto whom he believed
to be trustworthy, for the defence of the residency, but it
was soon ascertained that no dependence could be placed

194 Annexation of Griqualand East, [1880

upon the Basuto. Forty of them deserted during the night
of the 2nd of October, and joined the insurgents.

On the night of the 3rd of October it was resolved to
abandon the residency, as it was not possible to hold it,
and to remain longer would expose the little party to
certain death. Next morning Messrs. Brownlee, Strachan,
Hawthorn, and Liefeldt effected their escape, and a little
later in the day the place was surrounded by insurgents,
through whom the Hlubis were compelled to cut their way
with a loss of eleven men. By this time the whole district
of Matatiele was in revolt, the trading stations w^ere being
plundered and the mission stations destroyed. The Europeans,
after being despoiled of everything, were permitted to retire
to Kokstad.

As soon as intelligence of the Basuto insurrection reached
Maclear, the magistrate, Mr. J. R. Thomson, enrolled the
Fingos and a few colonial blacks who in 1872 had been
located in that district, and made the best preparations that
he could for the defence of his post. His position was
one of great peril, for it was anticipated that the insurgents
of Matatiele would be joined by their kinsmen in his
district.

It was then that Hamilton Hope, magistrate of Qumbu,
resolved to aid in the defence of Maclear and at the same
time secure the Pondomsis under Umhlonhlo on the
European side, or perish in the attempt. He had always
been on friendly terms with Umhlonhlo, and had treated
him with extreme consideration. The chief professed to be
attached to the magistrate, and asserted his readiness to act
in any way Mr. Hope might direct. To outward appear-
ance there was no reason to suspect him of treacherous
intentions. But Mr. Hope knew the character of the people
he had to deal with, and he had received abundant
warning of the danger he was about to incur. At that
time he could easily have escaped to Umtata. But like a
brave man and a faithful servant of the government, as
he was, he determined to risk his life in the effort to get

iSSo] Murder of Colo7iial Officials, 195

Umhlonhlo to commit himself against the enemies of the
Europeans, and thus confine the insurrection within narrow
bounds.

He arranged with Umhlonhlo to meet him with five hundred
men at a camp on the road to Maclear, to which place he
would bring all the men he could collect about the residency
and such arms and ammunition as could be obtained. His
clerk, Mr. Davis, and two young officers on the establish-
ment of the chief magistrate of Tembuland, by name Henman
and Warrene, accompanied him. Mr. Hope suggested to these
gentlemen that they had better not go, as it was sufficient
for him alone to incur the risk, but they preferred proceeding
to remaining behind and thereby betraying to Umhlonhlo
and his people that they were not implicitly trusted.

On the 2ord of October all was ready for the advance.
There had been as yet no show of enmity on one side or of
want of confidence on the other. Umhlonhlo’s men ranged
themselves in a semicircle for a war dance preparatory to
marching, and the Europeans stood by the waggons as
observers. As the dance went on, little groups of warriors
rushed out from the main body, flourishing their assagais
and pretending to stab opponents. Of a sudden one of
these groups dashed forward and struck down Messrs. Hope,
Henman, and Warrene. Mr. Davis was spared, owing to
his being the son of an old missionary with the Pondomsis
and the brother of a missionary then with the tribe. Three
or four hundred snider rifles and twenty - seven thousand
rounds of ammunition fell into Umhlonhlo’s hands by this
act of treachery, which was a signal for a rising of the clans
on both sides of the Umtata. The magistrate’s horse and
gun were given to Roqa and Umbeni, two Pondo messengers
who were present at the massacre, and they were directed
by Umhlonhlo to take them as a present to Ndabankulu,
a brother of the Pondo chief Umqikela, with an intimation
of what had been done.

Immediately after the murder of the officials Umhlonhlo
joined the rebel Basuto. Mr. Thomson, with forty European

196 Annexation of Griqualand East. [1880

volunteers from Dordrecht and one hundred and twenty
Batlokwa under Lehana, had in the mean time left Maclear,
and was advancing to meet Mr. Hope, when intelligence of
the murder reached him. He had only time to take shelter
in a trading station when he was surrounded by the enemy.
Here, though attacked repeatedly, he managed to beat his
assailants off and hold the post until the arrival of a column
of friendly Hlangwenis from Umzimkulu, under Mr. Hawthorn.
Mr. Thomson then made a stand at the Maclear residency,
where for a month he was cut off from all communication
by a host of Basuto, Pondomsi, and Tembu rebels, but when
reduced to the last extremity for food and ammunition he
was rescued by a party of volunteers from Dordrecht.

The murder by Umhlonhlo’s people took place close to a
station in charge of the reverend Stephen Adonis, a coloured
missionary. Fearing that he also might be put to death, he
sprang upon a horse with only a riem in the mouth, and
made all haste to Tsolo. Having informed Mr. Welsh, the
magistrate there, of what had occurred, he sped on to
Umtata, which post he reached that same night, and gave
warning to Major Elliot, chief magistrate of Tembuland.

There was only one building at Tsolo capable of being
defended, and that was the prison. Its walls were of stone,
and it was roofed with iron, but it was very small. Mr.
Welsh hastily loopholed it, and then the Europeans, men,
women, and children, and the black police took shelter
within it. They were not a moment too soon, for

Umditshwa’s people had already risen, and were even then

plundering and burning the trading stations in the district.
Next morning at dawn two traders, who had escaped with
only their lives, joined them, and then there were shut up
in that little building thirty Europeans, of whom only

eleven were men, and five black policemen. They had no
more than two hundred rounds of ammunition and a very
scanty supply of food. The Pondomsis, mad with war

excitement, plundered and destroyed the residency and other
buildings before their eyes. Every moment they feared

197

i88o] Extent of the Rebellion,

would be their last, though they were resolved to sell their
lives dearly. Umditshwa offered, if they would leave the
prison, to send them under escort to Umtata, but wretched
as they were they could not trust themselves in his hands.

Their only hope was in relief from Umtata. But Major
Elliot was in almost desperate straits, for many of the clans
in the territory under his charge had also risen, his sub-
mao^istracies were abandoned, he was himself in lager, and
until Gangelizwe came in he had every reason to believe
that all Tembuland was in rebellion. It was eight days
before help of any kind could be sent. At last, on Sunday
the 31st of October, when they were almost sunk in despair,
a column was seen approaching Tsolo. It was a body of
Nquiliso’s Pondos, led by the reverend James Morris, and
accompanied by six European volunteers from Umtata.
Braver men than these seven white colonists no country
need wish to have. They went with their lives in their
hands, for there was no guarantee that Nquiliso’s people
would not act as Umhlonhlo’s had done, and it was certain
that at the best these Pondos were not more than lukewarm
in rendering assistance. When the relief column reached
Tsolo, some of the rescued Europeans, from hunger, anxiety,
and the horrible discomforts of such close confinement, were
found to be delirious. All, however, were saved, and reached
Umtata without further suffering.

Thus the insurrection had spread over the four districts of
Matatiele, Maclear, Qumbu, and Tsolo. All the Basuto,
except a very few of Lebenya's followers whose conduct was
doubtful, all the Pondomsis, and about three hundred of the
Batlokwa, under Ledingwana, nephew of Lehana, rose in
arms against the Europeans. Even some of the Hlubis, to
save themselves from destruction, professed to be with the
insurgents. On the side of the colonial government there
were a score or two of destitute white men, as many
colonial blacks, and a few hundred Fingos and Batlokwa
under Lehana. To the remaining districts, Kokstad,
Umzimkulu, and Mount Frere, the rebellion did not spread,

198 Annexation of Griqualand East, [1880

with the exception that one small clan left Kokstad and
joined the insurgents.

Intelligence of the simultaneous rising of so many clans,
of the massacre by Umhlonhlo’s people, of the murder of
several traders, of the pillage and destruction of public
buildings, trading establishments, and mission stations, burst
upon the colonial government and people like a sudden
thunderclap. The difficulties encountered in Basutoland,
constantly increasing in magnitude, had previously engrossed
public attention. The regular military forces of the colony
had all been sent to meet the bands of Lerothodi and
Masupha. The government therefore called out a large
number of burghers, and as fast as they could be raised
bodies of volunteers and levies were sent to the front.

Mr. Brownlee on his side speedily had a strong force in
the field. There were a good many European farmers who
had purchased ground from the Griquas in the districts of
Kokstad and XJmzimkulu, there were traders scattered over
all the districts, and in the village of Kokstad there were a
few mechanics. From these sources a small body of
volunteers was raised. The Griquas furnished another corps.
The Bacas of Nomtsheketshe and Makaula supplied
contingents. Sidoyi, chief of a large clan of the
Hlangwenis, who had fled into the territory from Natal
twenty-three years before, gave great assistance. Another
large body that took the field on the European side was
composed of Bantu from Umzimkulu. These people consisted
principally of little groups of refugees who had lost their
hereditary chiefs, and who had settled in Umzimkulu under
Mr. Donald Strachan’s protection when he was one of Adam
Kok’s magistrates. Since that time they had regarded him
as their head, and were devoted to him personally. Mr.
Strachan had resigned the appointment of magistrate of
Umzimkulu, but at Mr, Brownlee’s request he now became
commandant-general of the auxiliary Bantu forces, and was
followed to the field by quite a formidable though undisciplined
army.

199

1S83] Suppression of the Rebellion,

The insurgents were thus attacked on both sides, and
heavy losses were inflicted upon them. The Basuto made a
very poor resistance, and soon abandoned Griqualand East
altogether and retreated over the Drakensberg to the
country occupied by the main section of 'their tribe.
Umhlonhlo’s people took their cattle into Eastern Pondoland,
where, owing to Umqikela’s friendship, they were kept
safely, and were restored when the country was again at
peace. The clan was dispersed, but eflbrts made to capture
the chief were unsuccessful until 1903. Umditshwa’s people
took their cattle into Nquiliso’s country, but when the
insurrection was quelled the Pondos refused to restore them.
They thus lost everything.

On the 14th of January 1881 Umditshwa, with two of his
sons of minor rank and six of his counsellors, surrendered.
The}^ were sent to King - Williamstown, where in the
following September they were put upon their trial before
the circuit court, when, being found guilty of rebellion, the
chief was sentenced to three years imprisonment, and his
sons and counsellors to two years hard labour. With the
surrender of Umditshwa the insurrection in Griqualand East
came to an end, as the colonial forces were then in full
possession of the territory, and after that date no resistance
was ofiered there.

The people who had risen in arms now began to give
themselves up. As fast as they surrendered they were dis-
armed and temporarily located, pending the decision of the
colonial authorities as to their final settlement. During the
years 1881, 1882, and 1883, they continued to come in from
Pondoland and other districts to which they had fled, but
most of the Basuto who had rebelled were not permitted to
return to Griqualand East.

In June 1883 a commission, consisting of Messrs. C.
Brownlee, D. Strachan, and C. P. Watermeyer, was appointed
for the purpose of settling the country that had been
occupied by the insurgents. The plan of the government
was that a reserve of twenty to twenty - five thousand

200 Annexation of Griqtialand East, [1883

morgen in extent should be laid out for occupation by
Europeans around the seats of magistracy of Qumbu and
Tsolo, the remainder of those districts being allotted to Bantu.
All who had not taken part in the insurrection in Maclear
and Matatiele were to be invited to remove to Qumbu or
Tsolo, but if they should not choose to do so they were to
have locations secured to them where they were. The
remainder of the country was to be laid out in farms and
sold to Europeans.

The commission was engaged for some months in defining
locations and settling in them the various applicants for
land. A large part of the district of Qumbu was given to
Fingos, comprising a clan under Ludidi, who moved from
Matatiele, a clan under Umtengwane, son of Ludidi, who
came from Mount Frere, a clan under Nelani, who came
also from Mount Frere, surplus population from the Izeli
valley in the division of King-Williamstown, and a clan
under the headman Maqubo. The Pondomsis had an exten-
sive location assigned to them, in which they were placed
under the headman Umzansi, a brother of Umhlonhlo.
Another tract of land was allotted to a body of Basuto
under Sofonia Moshesh. People of different tribes mixed
together were placed in locations under Jonas and Umto-
nintshe. The Wesleyan mission station Shawbury had a
large block of land assigned to its dependents. And around
the seat of magistracy some twenty thousand morgen,
the remainder of the district, were reserved for the use of
Europeans.

The district of Tsolo, with the exception of a reserve of
some twenty-three thousand morgen about the seat of magis-
tracy, was likewise entirely parcelled out among Bantu.
Here also the Fingos received large allotments. A number
of these people moved in from the district of Maclear, and
to those from the Izeli a section was assigned, bordering on
their ground in Qumbu. The late rebel Pondomsis, over
whom Mabasa, uncle of Umditshwa, was placed as headman,
received a large location. Ground was assigned to the Tolas

201

18S3] Settlement after the Rebellion,

uin-ler Bikwe, a clan which migrated from Pondoland in 1882.
Four other locations, under as many headmen, were given to
people of various clans, among whom were a good many
Pondomsis. The mission of the church of England was
provided with ground on which to reestablish its destroyed
station of Saint Augustine. And several deserving blacks
i*eceived farms from five hundred to a thousand acres in
extent as quitrent grants.

The district of Maclear was in 1882 divided into two
magisterial districts, named Maclear and Mount Fletcher.
Bantu were left by the commission almost entirely in
possession of the latter. In it was the old location of the
Hlubis under Zibi, left intact, the location of the Batlokwa
under Lehana, of which it was intended to allot a portion
to Europeans, but the design was never carried out, and as
much of Lebenya’s old location as the commission considered
was needed by those of his people who professed to have
been faithful to the colonial government.

In the district of Maclear there was a large location of
Fingos mixed with people of various clans, and several
farms occupied by coloured people, but the greater portion
of the land was retained for occupation by Europeans.
A number of quitrent farms were surveyed there and sold
by public auction even before the appointment of the
commission.

In the district of Matatiele about one fourth of the land
was laid out in locations for Bantu. These locations were
assigned to Basuto under George Moshesh, Tsita Moshesh,
and three other headmen, some of them recent refugees
from Basutoland, others individuals who at first aided the
insurgents, but subsequently joined the colonial forces when
they appeared in strength ; Baputi under Masakala, who had
also been hostile and friendly by turns ; Fingos under
several headmen ; and a section of the Hlangweni clan under
Umzongwana, son of the late chief Sidoyi. The remainder
of this district was reserved for occupation by European
farmers.

202 Annexation of Griqualand East, [1883

The removal of the Fingos from the district of Mount
Frere made room for the Bacas under Nomtsheketshe to
move in from the Rode (pronounced Kho-day) valley in
Pondoland. This did away with one of the elements of
confusion on the southern border. The Bacas and Pondos
in the Rode were continually quarrelling, and there was
such strong sympathy between the former and their kinsmen
under Makaula that there was an ever present danger of
these being drawn into conflicts which might terminate in
a general war. Nomtsheketshe was by descent of higher
rank than Makaula, but his following was much smaller.

The area of the five* districts, Maclear, Mount Fletcher,
Matatiele, Qumbu, and Tsolo, is about five thousand eight
hundred square miles or fifteen thousand and thirty -four
square kilometres. The settlement effected gave four
thousand two hundred square miles or ten thousand eight
hundred and eighty-seven square kilometres, to Bantu, and
left one thousand six hundred square miles or four
thousand one hundred and forty - seven square kilometres
for occupation by Europeans. Some of this, however, was
afterwards given to Bantu as a matter of necessity, so that
the gain was small as far as colonisation by white men
was concerned.

In addition to the eight districts of Maclear, Mount
Fletcher, Qumbu, Tsolo, Matatiele, Kokstad, Umzimkulu, and
Mount Frere, the chief magistracy of Griqualand East
covered a tract of land about two hundred and forty square
miles or six hundred and twenty-two square kilometres in
extent, termed the district of Mount Aylifi*, which was
united to it in 1878. This district was on the southern
side of the line laid down by Faku, and was consequently
part of Pondoland until the Xesibes who lived in it were
received as British subjects. It was situated between the
Rode and the head waters of the Umtamvuna river, and
had the district of Kokstad on the north and the county
of Alfred in Natal on the east. Its southern boundary was
not defined when the clan was taken over, but was under-

1878] Dealings with the Xe sites, 203

stood to be where Xesibe kraals ended and Pondo kraals
began.

It became British territory through the resistance of
Umqikela, the paramount Pondo chief, to certain demands
made upon him by the colonial government. There were
stipulations as to the surrender of criminals, the freedom of
roads, the prevention of illicit trade, and the reference of
disputes with neighbouring tribes to the mediation of the
Cape authorities, contained in the third, seventh, eighth, and
tenth clauses of the Maitland treaty of 1844, which the chief
practically refused to carry out. In consequence of this,
measures were taken to extend the authority of the colony.
Messrs. Blyth and Elliot were commissioned to settle the
Pondo difficulty, and by them the chiefs of the border clans
were invited to transfer their allegiance to the British
government, which several of them were very ready to do.

The first who responded to this invitation was the Xesibe
chief Jojo, whose clan numbered about four thousand two
hundred souls. He had frequently requested British protec-
tion against the Pondos, between whom and his people there
was a long and bitter feud. The commission of 1872 had
made the Xesibes tributary to the Pondos, upon condition
that the territory which they occupied should be left to
them intact and that the Pondos should deal with them
fairly. They complained that these terms had not been
observed, and the colonial government then interfered, basing
its right to do so upon the thirteenth clause of the Maitland
treaty of 1844. Umqikela asserted that Jojo refused to
recognise his authority, which compelled him to treat the
Xesibes as rebels. Sir Henry Barkly then required Jojo to
recognise Umqikela’s paramountcy in a formal manner, and
in November 1874 Mr. Donald Strachan accompanied the
Xesibe messengers to the Pondo chief and was a witness of
their payment to him of eight oxen and two horses as a
token of their dependence. Umqikela expressed himself
satisfied, and promised to treat the Xesibes as his vassals in
a just and liberal manner ; but the ill-feeling between the

204 Annexation of Griqualand East, [1878

two tribes was too deeply seated to be so easily eradicated,
and Mr. Strachan was hardly home when the plundering
and retaliation commenced again. From that time there was
no intermission of these disorders, while fresh appeals for
British protection were made by the Xesibes on every
suitable opportunity. On the 8th of July 1878 Jojo and
his people were accepted as subjects on the usual terms by
Messrs. Blyth and Elliot.

The next to respond was a Hlubi named William Nota,
who occupied part of the Rode valley, a narrow wedge of
land on the Pondo side of the line, between the districts
occupied by Makaula’s Bacas and Jojo's Xesibes. Nota was
a recent immigrant, and had been appointed by TJmqikela
headman over a party of Hlubis who occupied the Rode
conjointly with some Bacas under the chief Nomtsheketshe
and some straggling Xesibes. He had no complaints against
the Pondos, but had a vague desire to become a government
mom, like the rest of the Hlubis. On the 22nd of July 1878
he was accepted as a subject by the commissioners, but their
act was not confirmed by the government, and Nota was
obliged to make his peace again with Umqikela, which did
not occasion much difficulty.

Following Nota came Siyoyo, chief of the Amacwera, a
clan claiming to be a remote offshoot of the Pondomsi tribe.
He was a vassal of the Pondos with, as a matter of course,
a feud with his next neighbour, the Pondo clan under
Valelo. Siyoyo had applied in 1877 for protection, by which
he meant assistance in his quarrel. He now repeated his
desire to become a British subject, and on the 5th of
August was accepted by the commissioners. As in Nota’s
case, however, the government declined its ratification, and
Siyoyo was obliged to renew his allegiance to Umqikela by
formal submission and payment of tribute.

Shortly after this the honourable William Ayliff, who was
then secretary for native affairs, visited the country. On
the 28th of October 1878 he held a meeting with the
Xesibes under Jojo, when he announced that the government

205

1883] Dealings with the Xesibes.

had confirmed the act of the commissioners in receiving
them as subjects. Mr. Walter H. Read was at the same
time stationed with them as magistrate.

This procedure of the colonial government was felt as a
grievance by the Pondos. The feud between the two tribes
was deepened by it, and disturbances became even more
frequent than previously. In 1879 the Pondo chiefs on the
border invaded the district and devastated a large portion of
it, burning and destroying the kraals as they advanced.
They were only checked by the arrival of a force of two
thousand five hundred men, which was hastily raised in the
Umzimkulu district, and sent under Mr. Donald Strachan to
protect the Xesibes. Umqikela then disowned the acts of
the border chiefs, and promised to make good the damage
done, but failed to do so when Mr. Strachan’s army was
disbanded.

During the insurrection of 1880 the Xesibes were an
element of trouble, for as soon as the colonial forces were
withdrawn from the district the Pondos endeavoured to
worry them into open war. Instead of giving help in the
field, they were clamouring for assistance themselves. So
onerous was their protection to the government that at one
time it was in contemplation to remove them altogether, and
give them land in one of the other districts, but this plan
of settling the question was frustrated by their refusal to
migrate.

The encroachments of the Pondos at length compelled the
colonial government to lay down a line between the tribes,
and in April 1883 a commission consisting of Messrs. C.
Brownlee, D. Strachan, C. P. Watermeyer, and J. Oxley
Oxland, was appointed for that purpose. Umqikela was
invited to cooperate with the commission by sending repre-
sentatives to assist in defining a boundary, but he declined
to do so. His view of the question was tersely summed up
in a single sentence in a letter written in his name to the
commissioners by his principal adviser and secretary
Umhlangaso, who had been educated at a mission institu-

2o6 Annexation of Griqualand East: [1886

tion : “ the paramount chief refuses to recognise the right
of the Cape government to make a boundary in Pondoland
between himself and rebel subjects, and will rigidly adhere
to the boundary as defined by the commission appointed by
Sir Henry Barkly in 1872.”

The commission was therefore obliged to lay down a line
without any assistance. In doing so, it gave to the Pondos
all places of doubtful ownership and even several kraals
from which Xesibes had recently been expelled but which
were then occupied by Pondos.

The government for several years maintained a much
larger military force in Mount Ayliff than in any other
district between the Kei and Natal. Detachments of both
cavalry and infantry were stationed at the seat of magistracy
and also at a post named Fort Donald, besides which a
strong force of black police was for some time kept up.
But the Xesibes were dissatisfied at not receiving still
greater protection, though they were such a heavy burden
to the Cape Colony. They complained that when they stole
from the Pondos the magistrate punished them and com-
pelled them to restore the booty, but that when the Pondos
stole from them the government did not see that they got
redress, and Umqikela took no notice of representations
made through the European officials. They wanted, in short,
that in return for calling themselves British subjects and
paying a tax of ten shillings a year on each hut the
government should either line their border with troops and
police, or give them military aid whenever they could make
up a plausible case for retaliating on a Pondo kraal.

The district of Mount Ayliff was not formally annexed
to the Cape Colony until 1886. An act for the purpose
was passed by the parliament in that year, and, after its
approval by the queen, was proclaimed in force by the
governor on the 25th of October. Previous to that time
the supreme court exercised no jurisdiction in the district,
and all cases, criminal as well as civil, were tried by the
magistrate according to Bantu law. In the same year the

207

1S85] Population of the Territory,

Rode valley, in extent about thirty square miles or seventy-
eight square kilometres, was purchased from Umqikela and
added to the district, but was not formally annexed to the
colony until 1888.

An act passed in 1882 gave the eastern districts court
concurrent jurisdiction with the supreme court over the
annexed portions of the territories. Persons charged with
crimes punishable by death were thereafter sent for trial to
the nearest town where a session of the circuit court was
held. The magistrates had jurisdiction in all other criminal
cases, but their sentences were subject to review by the
chief magistrate. Civil cases to any amount were tried in
the magistrates’ courts, but there was an appeal to either
the chief magistrate, the eastern districts court, or the
supreme court, as the suitors might elect. In criminal cases
an appeal could also be made.

Kokstad, the residence of the chief magistrate of Griqualand
East, soon grew to be a town of considerable commercial
importance. It is situated in a broad valley on the bank of
the Umzimhlava, a tributary of the Umzimvubu. About
three miles or nearly five kilometres from the town rises
Mount Currie to the height of two thousand three hundred
and sixteen metres, or seven thousand six hundred feet
above ocean level, a grand object in the landscape. In 1885
Kokstad contained several churches, a first class public school,
a bank, and a good many stores and dwelling houses. The
purchase by Europeans from Griquas of a considerable number
of farms in the district had tended greatly to advance the
prosperity of the town.

The population of Griqualand East in 1885 consisted of
about three thousand Europeans, ninety thousand Bantu, and
three thousand five hundred Griquas and colonial blacks. As
in the other territories, the expenditure during the first
few years after its being brought under colonial rule was
considerably greater than the revenue, but was now every
year becoming more nearly equal. About £23,000 was paid
in direct taxes in 1885.

2o8 Annexation of Griqualand East. [1885

The whole territory abandoned by Sir Philip Wodehouse
under instructions from the imperial authorities, together
with a good many districts that had been occupied by Bantu
for several generations, had thus come under the government
of the Cape Colony. The three great blocks of land termed
chief magistracies — Transkei with six sub-magisterial districts,
Tembuland with seven, and Griqualand East with nine — could
more properly be termed dependencies of the colony than
parts of it. They were not represented in parliament, their
civil laws — except when Europeans were concerned — were
not those of the people living west of the Kei, there was no
possibility now of settling white men in them in sufficient
numbers to raise their Bantu occupants speedily to a state of
civilisation. That opportunity had been lost for ever. Of
what value were they then, or why were they brought under
colonial rule?

The answer is that they were taken over from sheer
necessity. There could be no security in the colony while
tribes of barbarians were almost constantly at war with each
other just beyond a fordable river border, and while many
thousands of the same race were living in the colony itself.
There was no ' other way of keeping order among them. The
danger to be apprehended from extending British authority
over them, without taking the cost in money into consideration,
was great, but the danger from leaving them to themselves
was greater. Prevented from destroying each other in war
and on charges of witchcraft, they would increase at an
amazing rate, under European rule their old tribal feuds
would be forgotten, so that one section could not be used to
keep another in submission ; but it might be hoped that as
new generations came into existence they would learn to
appreciate more and more the benefits of peace and righteous
government, and would be content to live as obedient
subjects. And so they were taken over, and the most
strenuous efforts that were possible with so small a European
element were put forth to lead them onward in civilisation
and prosperity.

CHAPTER LXXVL

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN

THE RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL (continued).

Pondoland. I.

By those well acquainted with the Xosa, Tembu, and Pondo
tribes, and therefore competent to express an opinion, the
last named has always been considered the most backward
of the three. Perhaps the condition of extreme distress to
which the Pondos were reduced in the time of Tshaka —
when they had nothing but kilts of reeds and leaves for
clothing and were long subject to famine — may have had
something to do with this, or it may have been owing to
their having had much less intercourse with Europeans, for
the three tribes were one in origin, and that at no very
distant date. There was a legend known to some of the
old men among the Pondos in the early years of the nineteenth
century that both the Tembus and the Xosas had branched
off from their stem, and this is quite within the bounds of
possibility, though it is by no means certain.

The traditions of any tribe cannot be relied upon as
accurate for events that occurred more than a century and
a half before, when those of three or four tribes can be com-
pared the time may be extended to two centuries, but
beyond that all is vague except such a statement as a
migration from a far off northern home, which is common
to every clan south of the Zambesi. Even in such a matter
as the line of descent of great chiefs, much the most im-
portant subject in the opinion of a Bantu antiquary, it is
necessary to use great caution. Take, for instance, the line
of Moshesh. Fifty years ago the Bantu antiquaries did not

209 o

210 Annexation of Pondo land, [1885

pretend to be able to trace it beyond his great grandfather,
to-day they connect him with the family of Monaheng. It
was necessary in the opinion of some one to make his name
great, and so a fictitious pedigree was composed, which soon
became accepted as correct. The same thing may have
occurred in many tribes, so that tradition unsupported by
other evidence is almost useless for historical purposes.

The most that can be said of the three tribes is that
almost to a certainty they were not in existence in the
middle of the sixteenth century, and that the Abambo were
not then in Natal. Some years later there was a perfect
whirlwind of barbarous war in the north, when tribes dis-
appeared and great areas were laid waste just as when the
Mantati horde swept bare the country along the northern
bank of the Vaal. Then, at the close of the sixteenth
century the Abambo are found in Natal, and a little later
the Pondos, the Tembus, and the Xosas are in existence
farther south. But whether the three tribes in advance
were actually part of the murderous horde that came down
from beyond the Zambesi, destroying everything in its way,
exterminating all human beings within its reach except
young girls and boys that it incorporated, or whether they
were fugitives trying to escape from the terrible Abambo, it
is impossible now to say. Only this is certain, that each of
these tribes was composed of fragments of many others
that became welded together into one in so short a time
that their former chiefs, with a single exception, must have
perished. Born in the same terrible convulsion, of the same
stock, with like careers, there was no radical difference
between them, nothing that could make the Tembus and
the Xosas superior to the Pondos, except such circumstances
as have been indicated above.

The Pondo was now the only independent tribe below
the Drakensberg range south of the Tugela. By the word
independent, however, it is not implied that the tribe con-
stituted an absolutely sovereign state such as France or
Germany, for in the nature of things a petty barbarous

211

iSyS] Position of Port St. Johns.

government could not be permitted to do whatever it
pleased, even within the limits of its own territory, in
opposition to the interests of a powerful civilised neighbour.
It was not a compact body, as not only was it divided into
two sections, but each contained many vassal clans that
could not be kept in perfect submission. The reception of
the Xesibe clan and the incorporation of Mount AylifF,
the district that they occupied, with the chief magistracy of
Griqualand East has already been related.

In the same year, 1878, another fragment of Pondoland
was added to the domain of the Cape Colony, This was at
the mouth of the Umzimvubu river, the Sao Christovao of
the Portuguese, where a harbour for shipping not of the
largest class is found in the tidal estuary, after the bar at
the entrance has been crossed. This estuary had received
the name Port St. John’s, which was not inappropriate, as
near it the galleon ^ao Joao was wrecked in 1552, the
terrible sufferings of whose passengers and crew form one
of the most tragic narratives in South African history.^

The control of Port St. John’s was considered a matter of
importance by the colonial government. Through it, if in
unfriendly hands, goods could be conveyed to the interior
without payment of customs duties, firearms and ammunition
might be supplied to all the warriors in Kaffraria. The
river divides Pondoland into two nearly equal portions, and
the Pondos alone could lay claim to the ground about its
mouth. In 1844 the chief Faku entered into a treaty with
Sir Peregrine Maitland, in the eighth clause of which he
agreed “that he would not suffer the masters or mariners
of any ships or vessels to land merchandise or to traffic
with his people in any part of his country, unless such
vessels should be furnished with a license from the colonial
government authorising them to land goods there.”

The treaty was a farce, as all similar agreements with
petty barbarous rulers at the same time proved to be, and

* See page 363 of Yol. I of my History and Ethnography of South
Africa from 1505 to 1795.

212 A nnexation of Pondoland, [1878

it was the only one of them all that had not been cancelled
by Sir Harry Smith. By accident rather than by design
this had not been done, and the document still remained in
existence, practically to be enforced or not, according to what
necessity — that is the interests of the whole community as
understood by the civilised white man’s government —
demanded.

Even during the lifetime of Faku the clause of the treaty
concerning commerce was not strictly observed. No foreign
shipmaster attempted to enter the river, but a coasting
trade was opened up by merchants in Natal, who made use
of Port St. John’s without remonstrance from the government
of the Cape Colony. On the 29th of October 1867 Faku
died, leaving Umqikela, his great son, paramount chief of
the Pondos, and Ndamasi, his son of the right hand, chief of
the clans west of the Umzimvubu. Practically Ndamasi was
almost independent. It was indeed asserted by some of his
adherents that Faku had made him actually independent by
promising that the umsila* should never be sent across to
the western side of the river. It was satisfactorily proved
that no umsila was sent from the great chief’s residence to
any clan under Ndamasi’s government for many years before
Faku’s death. On the other hand it was maintained that
this was only a personal privilege given by Faku to his
favourite son, and that it was not intended to indicate a
division of the Pondo tribe. This was the view of the case
taken by impartial men in the neighbouring tribes, and the
balance of Pondo evidence was greatly in its favour. At
any rate the paramountcy of Umqikela meant very little
more to Ndamasi than an admission that the son of the great
house was higher in rank than his elder brother.

The Pondo tribe had incorporated so many alien clans that
its division into two, or even into a dozen sections inde-

*The umsila is the messenger who carries out sentences of the chief.
The word means a tail, and the messenger is so called because he
carries as a symbol of his authority the skin of the tail of a lion or
leopard — in some tribes of an ox — stretched over a long wand.

213

1 8 78] Co7idition of the Pondo Tribe.

pendent of each other, would not cause much diflBculty.
When Faku died, Ndamasi was an old man, with the reputa-
tion of being an intelligent chief, and Umqikela was only
thirty-two years of age, a drunkard and without any capacity
as a ruler. Under these circumstances. Sir Philip Wodehouse,
who wished to secure the mouth of the Umzimvubu for the
Cape Colony, applied personally to Ndamasi for it when he
visited the country in 1869, but met with a distinct refusal.
In 1874 there were some negotiations with regard to a
cession of the port, and the Cape government was then
willing to make a considerable compensation for it, but
nothing came of the matter.

On the 29th of August 1876 Ndamasi died. He was suc-
ceeded by his son Nquiliso, who was of about the same
age as Umqikela. Nquiliso followed his father’s policy in
claiming independence of the great house in everything
except an admission of its superior rank. Owing to his
position, he was more disposed to be friendly to the Cape
Colony than was Umqikela, who asserted his rights as para-
mount chief of the Pondo tribe in language such as James
II of England might have used, and with as little inclination
as that monarch to adapt his conduct to the necessities of
his time.

In 1878 the colonial government considered it imperative
to obtain a firmer footing at Port St. John’s. Umqikela, the
chief of a tribe composed largely of alien clans ready at any
moment to transfer their allegiance to some one else, with
his authority actually ignored by a very large section of the
tribe that claimed independence under another branch of the
ruling house, could not be permitted to stand in the way of
the adoption of a policy which would afiect all South
Africa. It cannot fairly be made a charge of injustice
against the colonial government that it did not support the
pretensions of an unfriendly, incompetent, and drunken chief
to an authority which he was altogether unable to enforce.

On the 17th of July 1878 an agreement was made with
Nquiliso by Major Elliot, in which that chief ceded to the

214 ^ nnexation of Pondoland, [ i S 78

government of the Cape Colony all the sovereign rights
which he then possessed or was entitled to claim over the
waters and navigation of the Umzimvubu, as also of a
piece of land on which to erect a custom house and other
necessary buildings, such land to be paid for at a fair
valuation. He further agreed to roads being made and
maintained through the country on his side of the river
from the port to the main waggon road from the Cape
Colony to Natal. On the other part Nquiliso was acknow-
ledged as independent of Umqikela, from whose attacks he
was promised protection as long as he maintained friendly
relations with the government of the Cape of Good Hope.
This agreement was ratified by the high commissioner, and
on the 30th of September the secretary for native affairs
in person concluded it by paying to Nquiliso £1,000 for a
narrow strip of land on the western side of the river
from the sea upwards about nine miles or fourteen
kilometres and a half.

A few weeks subsequent to the arrangement between
Major Elliot and Nquiliso, General Frederick Thesiger —
afterwards Lord Chelmsford,— who on the 4th of March
1878 had succeeded Sir Arthur Cunynghame as commander
of the imperial forces in South Africa, under the governor’s
instructions proceeded from Port Natal to the mouth of the
Umzimvubu in her Majesty’s ship Active. On the 81st of
August 1878 he landed, hoisted the English flag, and pro-
claimed the eastern bank of the river British territory from
the lower ford to the sea. The general was accompanied
by Major Crealock, Captain Harrison, Assistant Commissary
General Pennell, Lieutenant Cameron of the royal engineers,
Lieutenant Davis of the royal navy, and the reverend J.
Oxley Oxland. A company of the first battalion of the
24th regiment, ten men of the royal engineers, and some
seamen were landed to witness the ceremony of hoisting
and saluting the flag. Major Elliot and five of Nquiliso’s
counsellors were also witnesses of the proceedings, though at
a distance, for they were stationed on the western bank of

187S] Occupation of Port St, Johns, 215

the river opposite the place where the ceremony was
performed.

A site was then sought for a fort. General Thesiger selected
a spot on the western bank close to the ford now known as
Davis’ drift It was about two miles or a little more than
three kilometres above the strip of land which Nquiliso had
sold, and his counsellors who were present declared that they
had no power to cede it. Major Elliot thereupon proceeded to
Nquiliso’s residence, but found the chief averse to disposing
of the site selected for the fort, as he stated he had promised
the place to those of his subjects who would lose their gardens
in the land already sold. He had no objection, however, to
its being occupied temporarily by the troops. General
Thesiger left there the company of the 24th under Captain
Harrison and the royal engineers under Lieutenant Cameron,
and they remained until August 1879, when they were relieved
by a company of the 99th regiment. The fort was named
by General Thesiger Fort Harrison. It was abandoned and
dismantled in 1882, when the Cape infantry then forming
the garrison were moved down to the mouth of the river.

At the time of hoisting the flag, the highland on the
western side of the mouth was named Mount Thesiger, and
that on the eastern side was named Mount Sullivan.

On the 4th of September 1878 the high commissioner Sir
Bartle Frere issued a proclamation in which he charged
Umqikela with knowingly harbouring criminals who had
committed murder in British territory and refusing to
deliver them for trial, sheltering an insurgent Griqua leader
for a time and then sending him home with an escort that
assisted the rebels, and general unfriendly and hostile
conduct; he declined the offer of Umqikela to pay a fine of
a thousand head of cattle ; he declared that Umqikela would
no longer be recognised as paramount chief of the Pondos,
but that subordinate chiefs would be allowed to deal directly
with the British government ; he declared further that
Umqikela would not be permitted to exercise any control^ or
authority over the navigation of the Umzimvubu, that the

2i6 Annexation of Pondo land, [1884

sovereignty over the port and tidal estuary of that river
should be vested thenceforth in her Majesty’s government,
and that officers would be appointed on behalf of that
government to control its navigation and to levy any
customs or port dues which it might be necessary to impose.
In a notice of the same date it was announced that the
customs duties would be the same as those of the Cape
Colony.

The imperial government ratified these measures. In a
despatch dated 13th of February 1879 Sir Michael Hicks
Beach conveyed to Sir Bartle Frere “the approval of her
Majesty’s government to the establishment of British
sovereignty over the port and tidal estuary of St. John’s, and
of the manner in which that measure has been carried
out.”

On the 10th of October 1881 letters patent were issued
under the great seal of the United Kingdom, empowering
the governor to issue a proclamation annexing Port St. John’s
to the Cape Colony as soon as an act for that purpose should
be passed by the Cape parliament. Just before the close of
the session of 1884 such an act was brought forward by the
ministry. It was read in the house of assembly for the first
time on the 16th of July, read the second time and considered
in committee on the l7th, and read for the third time on the
18th. In the legislative council it passed through all its
stages on the 18th of July. On the 15th of September 1884
the governor issued a proclamation completing the annexation,
since which date Port St. John’s has been part of the Cape
Colony and subject to all its laws.

The population of the annexed territory in September
1884 consisted of three hundred and eight souls, namely one
hundred and ten officers and men of the Cape infantry,
ninety-two European officials and traders with their families,
and one hundred and six Bantu servants. No ground had
then been disposed of to private individuals, but several
substantial buildings had been erected at different places.
The trade had been very small. Most of the goods imported

1 8841 Conduct of Uniqikela, 217

were brought from Natal in small coasting steamers, that
took, back hides, horns, and maize obtained from the Pondos.
The customs duties collected were in 1879 £499, in 1880
£1,745, in 1881 £1,593, in 1882 £2,251, in 1883 £2,120,
and in 1884 £1,963. Captain E. J. Whindus was appointed
resident magistrate, port captain, and shipping master in
September 1884, and a custom house officer was also stationed
there.

At this time Umqikela was provoking the colonial govern-
ment to take action against him, and jurisdiction would
have been extended over the whole of Eastern Pondoland
if the imperial authorities had not objected to the occupa-
tion of that territory. The chief, who was excessively vain,
though without much ability, was in the hands of *very
bad advisers. Foremost among these was his half-brother
Umhlangaso, who had received some education in mission
schools, and who was turning it to the worst account.
Filled with conceit as a son of Faku, this man was
instilling into Umqikela’s mind that he was an absolute
sovereign and could do whatever he chose in his own
dominions without the white man having any right to
interfere. Then there was Josiah Jenkins, his nephew, who
acted as his secretary. Josiah, when an infant, had been
given by Faku to Mrs. Jenkins, the wife of a missionary,
who adopted him and brought him up as her own son. He
spoke, read, and wrote English with as great fluency as if
he had been English born and educated in London. He
had given promise of becoming a useful man, had received
an excellent training in bookkeeping and correspondence
at Lovedale, from his earliest childhood had been accustomed
to live as a European of a good class, and was professedly
a Christian. This young man, piqued because he could not
at once occupy a position in society that a Caucasian would
need many years of patient labour to attain, had gone back
to Pondoland with an imaginary grievance, and having
failed to be recognised as eminent in an intellectual capacity,
determined to make himself known as a mischief maker.

2i8 Annexation of Pondoland, [18S4

The great waggon road from Umtata to Natal ran
generally on the Griqualand side of the boundary, but in
two places it passed through projecting points of Pondo-
land. One of these places was close to the Umtata river,
in Nquiliso’s territory, the other was the Rode, where for
about ten miles or sixteen kilometres the road was beyond
the Griqualand line. The only right that Umqikela had
to the Rode was that derived from the treaty of 1844, and
even up to 1881 no Rondos lived there. Previous to that
date it was occupied by Bacas and Hlubis. For forty years,
or ever since the Maitland treaty, the road had been kept
in order by the colonial government or by individual white
colonists, without any interference from the Pondo chiefs.
But in May 1884 some labourers who were employed by
the Cape government to repair it were interfered with by
Umqikela’s orders, and a letter was written in his name to
the chief magistrate of Griqualand East, in which he stated
that he would not allow any repairs to be made on a road
in his country unless his consent was first asked for and
obtained.

A few weeks later information was forwarded to Cape-
town that Umqikela was about to prohibit all commerce
between the Cape Colony and Pondoland, and that the
traders in his country were in a state of alarm. This
information was confirmed by a letter from Umhlangaso to
the chief magistrate of Griqualand East, dated on the 9th
of August, in which he notified that after the 15th of
October Umqikela would not allow the passage of armed
troops of the colonial government through any part of his
country, — that is, along the great waggon road, — and in
which he enclosed a proclamation by Umqikela announcing
that after the 15th of October a tax of £50 would be
levied upon every vehicle conveying merchandise entering or
leaving Pondoland from or for the Cape Colony or Port St.
John’s, that on similar vehicles from Natal a tax varying
from 10s. to 50s. would be charged, and that heavy tolls
would be levied on the main road.

219

1884] Dealings with Umqikela.

Almost simultaneously with this, intelligence was received
that the advisers of Umqikela were persuading him to try
and play off Natal against the Cape Colony, and this too
was shortly confirmed by advices from the Natal govern-
ment to the high commissioner, in which a letter from
Umhlangaso, dated on the 11th of August, was forwarded.
In this letter Umhlangaso referred to the fact that there
was no arrangement for the extradition of criminals, and
proposed a treaty with Natal, as the Pondos were very
desirous to remain on friendly terms with that colony.

Cattle lifting by the Pondos from the Bacas and the
Xesibes was being carried on at this time on a large scale,
and in a few instances these people had retaliated.

Mr. (afterwards Sir) Jacobus de Wet, who on the 13th of
May 1884 became secretary for native affairs, then paid a
visit to the country. By his directions the military posts
on the border were strengthened, and patrols were ordered
out, with strict injunctions, however, under no circumstances
to cross the boundary into Pondoland. The Bacas and
Xesibes were prohibited not alone from stealing cattle from
Pondos, but even from following the spoor of their own
cattle, when stolen, across the Pondo line. Captain O’Connor
was sent with a letter to Umqikela, explaining the object of
strengthening the posts, and expressing a strong desire that
the chief would prevent stockstealing from his side and
come to a friendly arrangement concerning other matters.

Captain O’Connor was received in a friendly manner by
Umqikela, who promised to issue orders against thieving.
On the 11th of October a letter was written by Umhlangaso
to the chief magistrate of Griqualand East, stating that
Captain O’Connor’s communication was the first one of a
friendly nature that had been received from any representa-
tive of the colonial government since 1878, that the chief
would gladly cooperate in any measure having for its object
the peace of the country, and would send strict commands to
the border chiefs to prevent stealing. In repl}^, Mr. De Wet
caused Umqikela to be informed that he had received with

2 20 Annexation of Pondoland. [1884

great satisfaction the assurances conveyed in his message,
that the government was most anxious to arrive at a proper
understanding upon all matters causing diflSculties between
them, that the Xesibes were armed, but would only be per-
mitted to act in self-defence, and that the sole object of
stationing troops on the border was to provide an efficient
police.

The prospect of a friendly settlement lasted only a few
days. On the 25th of October a Pondo army crossed the
border in the absence of the colonial forces, and attacked
the Xesibes, but was repulsed without much harm being
done on either side. On the following day the attack was
renewed, when the Pondos were beaten back with heavy
loss, very little damage being sustained by the Xesibes. The
cause assigned by the Pondos for these raids was that one
of their people, named Tamana, had been murdered by the
Xesibes on his own ground, and his cattle had been swept
off by the murderers. But it was afterwards ascertained
that the murder had not been committed by the persons
so charged, and that the cattle had been driven in another
direction.

Mr. W. E. Stanford and Captain O’Connor were then sent
to try to arrange matters with Umqikela. They were to
endeavour to obtain an acknowledgment from him of the
colonial ownership of Port St. John’s, of the right to con-
struct and maintain roads from that port inland, a recog-
nition of the boundary line between the Xesibes and the
Pondos, and, what was regarded as more important than
any of these, a pledge that no ship not provided with a
colonial certificate should be allowed to land goods or carry
on trade on the Pondo coast. They were to ascertain what
compensation he would require in return for these concessions,
and whether he would like to enter into a formal treaty
concerning them.

They found Umqikela expressing a desire for peace and
friendship, talking, in fact, in the most praiseworthy way,
but unwilling to do anything except talk. They ascertained

221

1885] Attittide of Umqikela.

that pecuniary compensation would not be received for any-
thinof. The Pondos would not renounce their claim to Port
St. John's, and they wanted the Xesibes removed and the
ground occupied by those people given to them, a most
unreasonable wish, seeing that the Xesibes were as much
entitled as the Pondos themselves to ground somewhere below
the old Griqualand East line.

While this attitude was assumed by Umqikela, or perhaps
more correctly by his advisers, the condition of Pondoland
was one of utter anarchy. The orders of the great chief
were everywhere disregarded, drunkenness was rife, and
several of the clans were at open war with each other. In
a battle between the sub-chiefs Siyoyo and Valelo, the latter
was assisted by a large force under one of Nquiliso’s brothers,
and the former was aided by some of Umqikela's immediate
followers.

Umqikela at this time attempted to open a new harbour
where entries should be free of the control of either of the
colonial governments. If this could be carried out, all eiForts
on the part of the Cape authorities to prevent munitions of
war and spirituous liquors from being supplied to the Bantu
in the different territories would be futile, and it was therefore
necessary for the colonial government to take some action in
its own defence. On the 5th of January 1885 the high
commissioner, acting under instructions from the secretary
of state for the colonies, proclaimed her Majesty’s protectorate
over the whole coast of Pondoland.

As regards the toll on the main road, some waggons
passing through the Rode were detained, and the owner was
obliged to pay under protest before they were released. The
matter was then referred to the secretary for native affairs,
who informed Umqikela that he was wilfully disturbing
the relationship which had previously existed between him
and the colonial government, and that by treaty obligations
and otherwise he was precluded from establishing tolls upon
a road made and used so long by her Majesty’s subjects. The
act, however, was not resisted by force.

222

Annexati07i of Pondoland. [1885

On the 2nd of March 1885 a small vessel named the
Evelyn Wood arrived at Port Grosvenor, as Umqikela’s
proposed landing place was termed. The Pondo counsellors
Umhlangaso and McNicholas, with a large number of
people, were waiting on the beach to see the first cargo
landed. On board the vessel was Captain Turner, the
owner of the cargo, who went on shore, and announced
that he had obtained from Umqikela a monopoly of
importing goods through Port Grosvenor. He was met by
a man named Kethman, who made exactly the same claim^
and produced documents to show that he had obtained the
right from Umqikela and had paid for it. There could
not have been a better indication of the confusion that
would have arisen from the opening of a port dn the coast
free of all control except that of an ignorant chief.
Umhlangaso and McNicholas — a white man then in the
chief’s favour — could not settle the dispute between Turner
and Rethman, so Turner returned on board the vessel and
left Port Grosvenor without attempting to land the cargo.

In June 1885 there was a serious disturbance between the
Pondos and the Bacas. Three horses were stolen from the
Tshungwana mission station, and the spoor was traced into
Pondoland. The horses were found at the kraal of Umbali,
a Pondomsi, but a sub -chief of Umqikela. Umbali stated
that he had taken them from the thieves, but this declara-
tion was not regarded as trustworthy. On the night of the
19th, the day on which the horses were recovered, eighty-
eight sheep were stolen from the station. When this was
discovered on the morning of the 20th, the Bacas raised the
war-cry and followed on the spoor, which led into Pondo-
land. On the border one of the sheep was found stabbed
to death, a circumstance which with Bantu means a
challenge to fight. The Bacas pushed on and found a
Pondo army drawn up to oppose them. Just at this time
one of the stolen sheep made its escape and ran towards
its accustomed pasture. At sight of this the Bacas charged,
and a battle ensued, in which the Pondos lost nine men

223

1SS5] Thefts of Cattle by Pondos,

aud the Bacas had three killed and three wounded. The
Pondos were beaten, and two of their kraals were burnt
by the victors.

As this battle took place on Pondo ground, Umqikela
asserted that the Bacas were the aggressors, and asked for a
commission of inquiry. The government acceded to his
request, and Messrs. J. T. Wylde and W. G. Gumming were
appointed commissioners. They met the Pondos sent by
Umqikela to represent him, and on the 29th and 81st of
August an investigation took place. The Pondo commis-
sioners were dumfounded by the evidence of one of their
own witnesses, Umbali the border chief. In trying to clear
himself of the charges made by the Bacas, he asserted that
the thefts complained of had not been committed by his
people but by Pondos living farther from the line, who had
driven the stolen cattle through his kraal. It was clearly
proved that while no efforts were made by the Pondos to
suppress cattle-lifting, there were no cases in which theft
from Pondos by Bacas had not been redressed. With this
issue of the investigation, it might be supposed that Umqikela
would have done something to prevent similar cases in future,
but nothing of the kind happened.

Early in October the chief magistrate of Griqualand East
reported that numerous stock thefts were being committed
by the Pondos from the Xesibes, and that there were several
instances of Pondos crossing the line and making gardens on
Xesibe ground. Umqikela had sent him a letter informing
him that he would take no steps to prevent thefts from the
Xesibes.

At this time a deputation from the Pondo tribe visited
Capetown, with the object of trying to obtain from the
high commissioner redress for what they regarded as
grievances. The deputation consisted of Mr. Donald Strachan
and three other Europeans, with Umhlangaso and five other
Pondos. On the 27th of October they had an interview
with the high commissioner in presence of two members of
the ministry. Their grievances were the occupation of Port

2 24 Annexation of Pondoland, [1885

St. John’s and the annexation of the Xesibe district. In
the plainest language, and over and over again, his
Excellency informed them that these questions could not
be reopened, but that in all other matters the government
was prepared to act most liberally towards them. They
continued, however, to harp upon these subjects, contended
that the government might remove the Xesibes by force and
give them the ground, and persistently declined to deal with
any other matter until these questions were settled in their
favour.

Nothing therefore came of the conference, but a little
later an arrangement was made by the secretary for native
affairs that the deputation upon its return to Pondoland
should call a meeting of the tribe and ascertain whether
the people would consent to arrange all differences, letting
the questions of the Xesibe district and Port St. John’s be
considered as finally closed. If this were agreed to, Mr.
De Wet undertook to proceed to Pondoland and deal with
Umqikela in the most liberal manner. The deputation then
left Capetown and returned home.

The arrival ' of Umhlangaso in Pondoland was the signal
for a renewal of the border disturbances. There was a
Hlubi headman named William Nota living in the Rode
from a date several years before the Pondo occupation of
that district. This man was on friendly terms with the
Bacas, which was sufficient cause to bring on him Pondo
vengeance. Some horses were stolen by Pondos from the
Bacas beyond the Rode, and when the Bacas retaliated Nota
gave the Pondos no assistance. To draw Nota’s people on,
a pretended quarrel at a beer-drinking party was arranged
by Josiah Jenkins, and the Hlubis were then attacked.
But the Pondos got more than they expected. After Nota
was harassed for several days, on the 16th of November
the Baca chief Nomtsheketshe crossed the border to his aid,
and Josiah was driven away from the Rode. Several
Pondo kraals were looted. Other forces then arrived, and in
turn Nota was obliged to flee.

1885] Dealings with Kquiliso. 225

The chief magistrate of Griqualand East caJled upon
Umqikela to cause hostilities to cease, and reminded him
that he had given a guarantee to treat Nota fairly.
To this Umqikela replied on the 21st of November that
Nota could not return to the Rode before an investigation
took place, and on the 12th of December he sent his
messenger Bulawako to say that Nota had forfeited all
right to his former place of residence. He requested that
the Hlubi headman should be removed to British territory,
as he was still holding a position on the Pondo side of the
line, or that the Bacas should be restrained from helping him
while the Pondos drove him out. And on the 28th of
November the ground which Nota had occupied in the
Rode was given to a party of Griquas in a formal document
signed by Umhlangaso for Umqikela.

At this time a solitary act of justice occuiTed on the part
of the Pondos. Three head of cattle which had been stolen
from some Xesibes were restored by the Pondo chief
Umdutshana, and the thieves were fined a goat and a sheep.

For some months apprehensions had been felt that a
coalition between Umqikela and Nquiliso was impending.
McNicholas was exerting himself to bring this about, and
there were indications that Nquiliso was less friendly to the
colonial government than he once had been. The principal
of these was that he had closed the main road from King-
Wniiamstown to Kokstad which ran through a projecting
point of his territory bordering on the Umtata river, thus
causinor all traflic to make a detour of several kilometres.
After the purchase from him of the little slip of land at the
mouth of the Umzimvubu, a road from the port towards
Umtata hatd been constructed for a short distance, but the
work had then been suspended. NquiHso now maintained
that the colonial government, having done nothing to it for
so many years, had lost its right to construct a new road
to Umtata according to the original agreement. He admitted
the right of the government to use the old road from the
port to Umtata, but not to make a new one. The old road

2 26 Annexation of Pondo land. [1885

was much longer than was necessary, and was so steep in
places that it was of little use. Another unsatisfactory
matter was the virtual protection given by the Western
Pondos to cattle thieves.

It seemed to the government a matter of much importance
to maintain a good understanding with Nquiliso, and the
secretary for native affairs therefore had a conference with
him on the eastern bank of the Umtata on the 7th of
December 1885. The chief magistrates of Tembuland and
Griqualand East were present at the meeting. Nquiliso was
attended by his counsellors and a considerable number of
people. Mr. De Wet stated that it was his earnest desire
to be on the most friendly terms with the Western Pondos,
and he felt confident that they were similarly disposed.
There was no grave subject of difference between them, but
there were some minor matters causing irritation ; these
he would mention, and they could then discuss them
amicably. He brought forward the subjects above named.

Nquiliso replied that the reason the great eastern road
running through the point of his territory had been closed
was because the redwater disease had got among his cattle
through it. For this reason also his people did not wish a
new road opened from Port St. John’s to Umtata. With
regard to giving protection to cattle thieves, he complained
that people living in colonial territory stole from him
without his obtaining any redress, and he mentioned Pali,
chief of the Amatshezi, as the great offender in this respect.
He spoke a good deal about the right of the Western
Pondos to independence of Umqikela.

The secretary for native affairs in reply brought to
Nquiliso’s notice that the redwater was already everywhere
in the country, that closing old roads or preventing new
ones being opened would not eradicate it, that although the
roads were made and kept in repair at the exclusive cost of
the Cape Colony the Pondos had as much right to use
them as British subjects had, and that steps would be taken
to compel Pali to abstain from annoying his neighbours,

1885] Condition of the Amatshezi, 227

though that chief was not altogether under colonial
authority. He wished Nquiliso and his people to consent
to the construction by the government of a road from Port
St. John’s to Umtata wherever it could be made most easily,
with a branch in the direction of Shawbury ; to sell the
few kilometres of the main road from King-Williamstown
to Kokstad which was in their territory ; and to agree to
the mutual surrender of fugitive thieves. He was asking
them for no privileges for British subjects in their territory,
he said, which he was not prepared to give to Pondos —
which in fact they already had — in the Cape Colony. He
desired them to discuss these questions among themselves
before giving a reply, and if they needed any further
explanations to ask Major Elliot for them. As for the claim
of the Western Pondos to be entirely independent of
Umqikela, the colonial government had dealt with Nquiliso
as an independent chief ever since 1878, and would continue
to do so.

Nquiliso and his people left the meeting on the best of
terms with the secretary for native affairs, and the result
was that after some negotiation through Major Elliot, they
gave their approval to the construction of the best road
that could be made from Port St. John’s to Umtata with a
branch towards Shawbury, agreed to sell the portion of the
great eastern road which was in their territory for £15, and
consented to the extradition of runaway cattle thieves.

The position of the Amatshezi chief Pali was an obstacle
to dealing with the Western Pondos in a satisfactory
manner. His clan had come down from the far north
during the time of the Zulu conquests, and had been located
by the Tembu chief Vusani on a tract of land west of the
Umtata and close to the coast. For half a century the
Amatshezi had been living there, nominally in a state of
vassalage to the Tembus, but really in a condition of
independence. When Gangelizwe ceded Tembuland, Pali
ignored the new authorities. The position which he
assumed interfered with the course of justice. Complaints

2 28 Annexation of Pondoland, [1885

of robberies committed by his people, and even of murders,
were frequently made by British subjects who believed
themselves entitled to redress by the government.

Pali was therefore required to submit. Nquiliso willingly
assisted to bring him to terms, by closing the fords of the
Umtata against him and supplying an armed force to drive
him back if he should attempt to make his escape. The
Galeka chief Kreli, who was then living on a tract of land
in Elliotdale purchased by the government from the Bomvana
chief Langa, son of Moni, and given to him as a location, did
the same on the other side. A company of the Cape mounted
rifles marched to the neighbourhood of his kraal, when Pali,
finding himself surrounded and unsupported, made his
submission to Major Elliot, chief magistrate of Tembuland.
On the 30th of May 1886 an agreement was entered into
with him, by which he admitted himself to be a British
subject. He was placed under the jurisdiction of the resident
magistrate of Mqanduli, and thereafter his people were liable
to punishment for crime. They behaved tolerably well, and
one of the standing diflSculties in the government of the
country and the maintenance of friendly relations with the
Western Pondos was surmounted by their subjection to
colonial authority.

After the conference with Nquiliso, the secretary for native
affairs proceeded on his tour. As no intimation had reached
him that the Eastern Pondos were willing to come to terms,
he concluded that it would not only be useless but a sacrifice
of self respect to visit Umqikela. To leave every avenue
open for an accommodation of the differences, however, he
caused a message to be sent to the chief that he would be
in Kokstad from the 10th to the 14th of December, and
would be prepared to receive and deal with any communi-
cations from him.

On the 9th of December 1885 Mr. De Wet met Josiah
Jenkins at Nceba. Josiah complained of the assistance
given by the Bacas to William Nota, and stated that
Umqikela’s decision was that Nota had forfeited all rights

229

1885] Mission of Mr. W. E. Stanford.

as a Pondo subject. In Umqikela’s name he asked that the
government should remove Nota from Pondo territory or
restrain the Bacas from interfering while the Pondos drove
him out. Mr. De Wet replied that he was ready to assist
in a friendly and peaceable arrangement of matters in
connection with the disturbances in the Rode, but from
what he had just heard, as well as from earlier information,
it was clear that Umqikela, without considering Nota’s
version of what had taken place, had given his decision,
and under these circumstances he did not see how he could
take part in a settlement. The government would not
remove Nota, nor could he admit that Umqikela had a right
to drive that headman and his people into colonial territory.
Any advances made by the Pondos towards a reasonable
solution of the difficulties would be promptly met by the
government.

On the 19th of December Umqikela sent a message to the
chief magistrate of Griqualand East, intimating his willing-
ness to treat on other terms than those demanded by the
deputation in Capetown, and asking that a commissioner
should be sent, as the chiefs and people were prepared to
assemble and discuss matters. Thereupon Mr. W. E.
Stanford was appointed commissioner, and Umqikela fixed
the 7th of January 1886 as the day of meeting. The first
object which the government had in view was the protection
of the boundary, and it was therefore necessary to induce
Umqikela to prevent cattle thefts by punishing the thieves.
It was necessary also to induce him to remove all restric-
tions from legitimate trade. In addition to these objects,
Mr. Stanford was instructed to endeavour to purchase the
Rode, including the main road through it, and he was
authorised to ofier £3,000 for its cession. He was
further authorised to ofier Umqikela £2,000 as compensation
for the loss of presents which he at one time received from
persons landing cargo at Port St. John’s, provided the
Pondos would acknowledge the right of the colonial govern-
ment to the port and grant the further right to construct

230 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

and maintain roads to Kokstad with necessary outspans
from any ports that might be opened in Eastern Pondoland.
Such roads were to be without tolls, and Pondos were also
to have the free use of them. Mr. Stanford was authorised
to raise his offer to £7,000 in all, rather than allow
negotiations to fall through.

Mr. Stanford was at Umqikela’s kraal on the 7th as
arranged, but was kept waiting until the 11th, when the
leading chiefs and counsellors of the tribe assembled, and
the conference commenced. It was at once evident that the
Pondos were unwilling to discuss any questions whatever
or to enter into arrangements of any kind until the govern-
ment conceded their demands with regard to the Xesibe
district and Port St. John’s. Argument on the part of
the commissioner and of Mr. Donald Strachan, continued
throughout the 12th, was of no avail. Umqikela himself
appeared willing to yield, but Umhlangaso was obstinate.
All that Mr. Stanford could effect was to obtain Umqikela’s
promise to issue orders that Pondos stealing from Bacas
were to be punished, but the chief repeated the statement
he had already made by letter, that no Xesibe stock traced
into Pondoland would be restored while the question of Jojo
and his people being taken over by the colonial government
remained unsettled.

On the 8th of February a party of Pondos fired across
the Umzimvubu at a kraal on the Mount Frere side occupied
by the headman Nomtsheketshe, and wounded a young man
named Siwene. The act was entirely unprovoked. Nomtshe-
ketshe’s people assembled and returned the fire, but though
a good deal of powder was burned on both sides, no further
damage was done.

On the same day Umhlangaso, who professed that he
had been instructed by Umqikela to investigate the cause
of the disturbances in the Rode, attacked William Xota
and drove him into Gogela’s location on the Griqualand
side of the border. Gogela’s people, Nomtsheketshe’s Bacas,
and some others went to Nota’s assistance, when the Pondos

1 886] Dealings with William Nota, 231

fell back over the boundary. The allies of Nota followed
them, and a battle took place on the Pondo side of the
line, in which some ten Pondos and fifteen Bacas were
killed. Two days later Umhlangaso wrote to the chief
magistrate that he was to keep William Nota and his
people in Griqualand East, as the Pondos did not want
him and would not have him.

For some time the policy of the Eastern Pondo chiefs
had been to drive into Griqualand East all persons who
would not fuse with their tribe. Independently of the
Bacas, the Pondomsis, the Xesibes, and the people of Alfred
county in Natal, a very large proportion of those who had
been subjected to Pondo supremacy by the treaty of 1844
were unwilling to become Pondos in reality. In recent
years great numbers of these had been accused of dealing
in witchcraft, and had fled for their lives to the already
crowded locations on the colonial side of the boundary.
This was what the Pondos desired that the Xesibes should
do. They did not want the people, but the ground which
they occupied. The Pondos were, like all Bantu tribes in
a condition of comparative peace, increasing in number so
rapidly that they desired territory to expand upon, and in
this manner they were acquiring it.

They were therefore desirous that William Nota should
be provided for by the colonial government. But the great
permanent difficulty with the European authorities was to
provide ground for their own subjects, who were increasing
at an amazing rate ; and they could not be burdened with
refugees from Pondoland. There was no vacant space on
which Nota’s people could be located, and a remonstrance
against his expulsion was therefore sent to Umqikela, though
it was deemed inexpedient to maintain him in the Rode by
force. Just previously the number of Bacas and Xesibes
to whom rifles had been issued was increased to a thousand
of each tribe, and the colonial forces on the border had
been strengthened with a view of trying to prevent the
constant disturbances.

232 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

On the 21st of March a theft of two horses by Pondos
from Xesibes led to a reprisal, upon which a Pondo army
was mustered, and the Xesibe country was invaded. The
Xesibes hastened to meet the invaders; and a skirmish took
place, in which the Pondos were repulsed with a loss of
twenty-two killed. The Xesibe loss was less, and they
followed up the fugitives and burnt several kraals.

On the 25th of March the Baca chief Makaula raised
a strong force, with which he took possession of the Rode
and restored to William Nota the ground from which he
had been expelled. He then announced his intention to
keep possession of the remainder of the Rode ; but the
secretary for native affairs required him to return to
Mount Frere, and informed him that munitions of war
had been supplied to the Bacas to defend themselves on
their own ground and not for aggressive purposes. The
government, he added, could not countenance an invasion
of Pondo territory.

Note. — That the Pondos are the most backward in civ^ilisation of all
the tribes between the river Kei and Natal is shown by their comparative
disregard of the education of their children in mission schools. In this
respect the Fingo^ are the most advanced. In 1904 there were in Transkei
245 schools, attended by 12,441 children, in Tembuland 225 schools,
attended by 7,449 children, in Griqualand East 289 schools, attended by
11,577 children, and in Pondoland only 90 schools, attended by 2,269
children. In these statistics, taken from the census returns of 1904,
European children and schools attended solely by them are included,
but their number is not very large. There is no reason why there
should not be as many children receiving the benefit of primary education
in Pondoland as in Transkei except the lack of interest on the part
of the parents.

CHAPTER LXXVIT.

ANNEXATION TO THE CAPE COLONY OF THE TERRITORY BETWEEN

THE RIVER KEI AND THE BORDER OF NATAL {continued).

Pondoland. IT.

.Such raids and skirmishes as those of which an account
is given in these chapters were ordinary occurrences in
the life of all independent Bantu tribes. They provided
that occasional excitement which people of every race
are fond of, and they served the useful purpose of keeping
up the bodily vigour and courage of the adult males. To
some extent also they were a check upon too rapid an
increase of population, though as the loss of life was
almost confined to men, in a state of society where poly-
gamy prevailed this efiect was not very marked. But
natural as such a state of things seemed to the Bantu,
it could not be regarded with complacency by the European
authorities where half the actors were British subjects, and
any accident might cause the disturbances to spread far
into British territory. It would not have been tolerated
as long as it was, had not the imperial government refused
to consent to an act apparently so high-handed as the
summary substitution of colonial authority for that of the
Pondo chief.

So matters went on as before, with an occasional lull
in cattle lifting and skirmishes, and now and again a brief
effort on the part of the Pondo ruler to accommodate
himself to the opinions of the white man. Thus on the
fith of May 1886 Umqikela issued a notice withdrawing
his order imposing duties on waggons coming from the
Oape Colony and tolls on the main road. The secretary

233

234 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

for native affairs at once informed him that this action was
' accepted as an indication of the chief’s wish to arrive at
a satisfactory and permanent settlement of the relations
between him and the colony, and that the government
trusted he would give effect to his pacific intentions by
appointing an early day for the meeting of his delegates
with representatives of the colony for the purpose of
arranging matters.

The fair prospect of an amicable settlement was, however,
almost immediately clouded by the action of TJmhlangaso,
who threatened an invasion of the Xesibe district, and
openly made preparations for war. Thereupon Lieutenant
Sampson was sent to Umqikela to inform him that “an
invasion of the Xesibe country or any other portion of
colonial territory by an organised force of Pondos would
be regarded as an open declaration of war against the
colony.” This message was delivered on the 18th of June.
As the hostile preparations and threats of Umhlangaso
continued, a large quantity of arms and ammunition was
sent to the frontier posts, and the military force in
Griqualand East was increased to three hundred and
twenty-three eflfective combatants.

On the 3rd of August four head of cattle were stolen
from a Xesibe named Rumka. The spoor was traced
towards Pondoland, and on the following day Rumka and
his friends seized in reprisal four cows and twenty-five
goats belonging to the clan of the Amanci under Qipu,
who were afterwards discovered to have been free of guilt
in the original theft. The war-cry was raised, the Xesibes
were pursued, one of them was wounded, and both Xesibes
and Amanci collected on the boundary. The magistrate of
Mount Ayliff proceeded to the scene and induced the Xesibes
to retire from the border. The Amanci, joined by the people
of Tshetsha and some others, then invaded the Xesibe
district, but were met by a well organised force and driven
back. On the border they took to flight, but were pursued
by the Xesibes, when over a hundred of them were killed.

i8S6] Pondo Diplomacy. 235

sixty-eight of the Amanci being among the number. The
conquerors burnt twenty kraals and took possession of
about two hundred head of cattle, which, however, were
restored to Qipu as soon as those taken from Rumka were
given up.

On the 19th of August Umqikela’s secretary addressed
a letter to the chief magistrate of Griqualand East, in
which he said : “ The paramount chief of Pondoland desires
me to inform you that in consequence of the invasion of
Pondoland on the 6th instant and massacre of over a
hundred of his people by an army of Bacas and Xesibes,
he must now consider the necessity of declining all further
communications with the government of the Cape Colony
or its officials pending an appeal to the high commissioner,
as according to the message of that government delivered
by Lieutenant Sampson any invasion of the Xesibe country
or any other portion of colonial territory by an organised
force of Pondos would be regarded as an open declaration
of war against the colony, an organised force of Xesibes
and Bacas having invaded Pondoland, the chief considers
the Cape government has declared war upon the Pondos.”

The difficulty was increased at this time by the action
of outside parties, which led the Pondos to believe that
the Europeans were divided among themselves. In August
a deputation from the Kokstad Political Association visited
Umqikela, with the object of obtaining the cooperation of
the Pondos in petitioning the imperial government to send
out a commission of inquiry and form a crown colony of
Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand East, Pondoland, and
Basutoland. Messrs. Passmore and Fowle, who formed the
deputation, were received in a friendly manner, but failed
in the object of their mission.

There had been some correspondence between Umqikela’s
secretary and Mr. H. Escombe, of Durban, concerning
Pondoland being taken under the protection of Natal, the
object being to play off one colony against ' the other. This
did little harm, but on the 18th of October the legislative

236 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

council of Natal adopted without a division an address to
the lieutenant-governor as follows: “The legislative council
beg respectfully to request your Excellency to take such
measures as your Excellency may deem fit for the union
of Pondoland to Natal, and that your Excellency will
inform the secretary of state for the colonies that this
colony protests against any and all proposals for the
political separation of the two countries.”

In July Umqikela had proposed to the secretary for
native affairs that the matters in dispute between the Cape
government and the Pondos should be submitted to the
decision of a board of arbitrators, and named as his repre-
sentatives Sir Theophilus Shepstone, Colonel Charles Duncan
Griffith, and Mr. John James Irvine. In reply, Mr. De
Wet desired to be informed what matters he wished to
submit to arbitration. The grievances which the Cape
government had against the Pondos were that they stole
cattle from the Xesibes and Bacas, and refused to restore them.
This matter was surely no subject for arbitration, and
should be settled by the chief. The other matters
upon which negotiations had taken place — the extension of
British sovereignty over Mount Ayliff and Port St. John’s
and the offer to purchase the Rode — were not subjects for
arbitration, and on these grounds the government declined
to entertain the proposal, but any offer made by the chief
would receive due consideration.

Sir Theophilus Shepstone was then appealed to by the
Pondos for advice, but expresssd his unwillingness to interfere
in any way without the consent of the Cape government.
The whole correspondence in connection with the matter
was then forwarded by the lieutenant - governor of Natal
to the secretary of state for the colonies, who, on the 20th
of September, wrote as follows:

“You will perceive that the so-called claims of the Pondos consist
chiefly in demands that the St. John’s river mouth territory should be
receded to them, and that the Xesibes or their country should be given
up to them. The St. John’s river mouth territory has for some years

Attack on the Xesibes.

237

1 886]

been incorporated with the Cape Colony, and by a decision of my
immediate predecessor the same course has now been taken with the
Xesibe country. The demands of the Pondos, as expressed by their
European advisers, are therefore clearly inadmissible, and nothing remains
for them but to adopt the oflers made by the Cape government and
the high commissioner that they should treat on the basis of receiving
a pecuniary solatium in consideration of what it has rightly or wrongly
been deemed necessary on grounds of policy to take from them. Indeed
I have some reason to believe, from information placed before me within
the last few days, that the Pondos and their advisers are preparing to
depart from the impracticable attitude assumed by them during the
conference at Capetown in October 1885. In these circumstances it
would only seem to retard a satisfactory solution of the pending difficulties
if the Pondos were to appear to receive encouragement from any persons
of authority outside the immediate circle of those hitherto concerned
^vith the negotiations.”

In August six head of cattle were stolen from the Bacas
by the people of the petty chief Magatyana, who refused
to restore them. The Bacas then made a reprisal, by
burning four of Magatyana’s kraals, seizing nineteen head
of cattle, and killing one Pondo.

In November the government caused a return of thefts
of cattle during the period from the 1st of November 1884
to the 31st of October 1886 to be made up as accurately
as possible by the officers on the border. They showed
that eight hundred and seventy-six head had been taken
by the Pondos from the Xesibes and Bacas, of which one
hundred and thirty-eight head had been recovered. Five
hundred and ninety-one head had been taken by the Xesibes
and Bacas from the Pondos, of which four hundred and

seventy head had been restored. The balance against the
Pondos was six hundred and seventeen head.

Humours that Umhlangaso was threatening to attack the
Xesibes had been rife for many months, but it was hoped
that the strengthening of the military posts on the border

and the issue of arms to the Bacas and Xesibes would

prevent his threats being put into execution. On the 20th
of October, however, a Pondo force at the lowest estimate
four thousand strong, in five divisions, led by Ketshwayo,

Umqikela’s eldest son, assisted by Umhlangaso and other men

238 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

of position in the tribe, invaded the Xesibe country. The
Xesibes, taken b}^ surprise, made a very feeble resistance,
their attention being mainly directed to driving their cattle
to places of safety. The attack was made so suddenly that
there was not time to bring the Cape mounted riflemen
against the invaders, who retired at five o’clock in the
afternoon, having burnt about fifty Xesibe kraals. Three
Xesibes were killed and three wounded, and twelve Pondos
were killed.

Bags containing food were found with the Pondo corpses,
indicating that the expedition had been thoroughly organised.
It was afterwards ascertained that an army of about fifteen
thousand men had been assembled at Emfundisweni, where it
was divided into two sections. One of these marched
against the Xesibes, the other was intended to operate
against the Bacas and those border clans who though
nominally Pondo vassals were known by the Pondo chiefs to
be hostile at heart. Owing to jealousy and division among
themselves, the last section had done nothing, while the first
had carried out the task assigned to it. This great army
had been collected from all the genuine Pondo kraals east of
the Umzimvubu except one large clan which was left to
watch Port St. John’s.

As soon as the intelligence reached Kokstad, the chief
magistrate of Griqualand East, taking with him all the Cape
mounted riflemen available, hastened to the Xesibe country.
He found the Xesibes somewhat dispirited, owing to the
large destruction of their huts and household effects and the
strength of the force opposed to them. The Pondos were
encamped behind some ridges well within their own
territory, and showed themselves on the 21st, but did not
approach the border again.

On the 24th of October the government directed a corps of
six hundred men to be raised in the district of Umzimkulu
to strengthen the military force in the Xesibe country, and
volunteers to be enrolled and held in readiness to move
wherever required. The secretary for native affairs, when

i886] Enrolme7it of Forces. 239

authorising this, stated that “whilst the government felt it
to be their duty to defend her Majesty’s subjects in their own
country, and to inflict by all the means at their command
the severest posvsible punishment upon the Pondos when
they invade British territory, it was their wish for the
present not to invade Pondoland.” He added that while the
reo^ular forces should therefore be forbidden to cross the
boundary, it would be dangerous to put too much strain
upon the Bacas and Xesibes, for by so doing their loyalty
might be destroyed.

It was expected every moment that the Pondos would
make another attack. According to reports, the Basuto were
about to aid the Pondos, and the Pondomsi chief Umhlonhlo
was pledged to do the same. On the other hand, several
Pondo vassal chiefs sent to assure the chief magistrate of
Griqualand East that they would not fight against the
colonial government. Tshatsha, a Pondo vassal, allied
himself with the Bacas, and William Nota’s clan was armed
on the government side.

On the 28th of October three hundred more men were
enrolled in the Umzimkulu district and sent to the Pondo-
Xesibe border. Horsemen were paid three shillings and
footmen two shillings a day, on condition that they could
be disbanded at any time on a week’s notice. All available
Cape mounted riflemen were at the same time ordered to
proceed to the scene of disturbance with as little delay as
possible. As soon as a sufficient force should be concentrated
on the border, it was the intention of the colonial government
to make a formal demand upon Umqikela to explain his
conduct in reference to the invasion of British territory by
the Pondo forces on the 20th of October, and eventually for
such reparation as might be decided upon.

On the 29th of October some three or four hundred
Xesibes made a rapid dash into Pondoland, burnt the kraals
of the chief Ntola, and killed two Pondos, with a loss to
themselves of one man wounded. On the same day a public
meeting was held at Kokstad to discuss the situation of

240 Annexation of Pondoland. [1886

affairs, when seventy Griquas offered their services to the
government, of whom fiftj^ were enrolled and sent to the
front.

By the 5th of November the government had a sufficient
force on the Pondo-Xesibe border to ensure superiority in
strength in case the Pondos should attempt another invasion,
and on that day Mr. Stanford was directed to send to
Umqikela the following message :

After many gross outrages committed by your people against persons
resident in colonial territory, notwithstanding the efforts made by the
colonial government to establish a lasting peace on the Pondo border,
you were informed in March last that your hostile acts could be tolerated
no longer, and you were then warned that any invasion of the Xesibe
country or any other part of colonial territory by an organised force
would be regarded as an open declaration of war against the colony. In
defiance of that warning your people have not only continued to commit
outrages upon the life and property of her Majesty’s subjects in colonial
territory, but acting on a preconceived plan a large organised and equipped
force of your people collected at and about the great place, and marched
under your own personal command to Emfundisweni, where the command
was transferred to, your two sons and Umhlangaso, your chief counsellor,
for the purpose of invading colonial territory. Subsequently that force
on the 20th ultimo, headed as mentioned above, deliberately and wantonly
invaded colonial territory, committed murder, and destroyed many huts
and much property. Under these circumstances the government is now
bound to call upon you to give in writing an explanation of your open
declaration of war together with such offer of reparation and proposals
for the future control of your people as you may wish to make, such
writing or written reply to be delivered to the chief magistrate of
Griqualand East at such place as he may appoint within four days from
the receipt of this message. In case of your failure so to do, or in case
your explanation, offer, and proposals be not deemed by the colonial
government to be satisfactory, you are hereby warned that upon you rest
the consequences.”

The display of force had the effect of causing several chiefs
to tender their services to the government. Dalindyebo
offered the chief magistrate of Tembuland to call out any
number of his Tembus that might be required. The Galeka
chief Kreli sent to Major Elliot to say that he was ready to
obey the orders of the government to the utmost of his power.
One chief in Western Pondoiand and four of the most power-
ful Eastern Pondo vassals sent word to say that in case

241

1 886] Defence of Urnqikela,

Pondoland should be invaded by the government forces they
would assist them. Possibly, however, some of these might
have proved untrustworthy. At the call of the resident
magistrate of Matatiele, George Moshesh joined the Aba-
londolozi* with a considerable following.

The Amanci chief Qipu sent the following message to
Umqikela : “ I shall now hand myself and people over to the
colonial government. My people and brothers have been
killed in a fight with got^ernment people brought about by
Pondo thieves who still have the cattle in their possession.
Had you come into collision with the colonial government
on some question which justified your going to war I would
have loyally supported you and fought to the last on your
side, but I cannot fight for a country governed by thieves
and in a thieves’ war.”

In his reply to Qipu, Umqikela threw upon Umhlangaso
the blame for the condition of the country ; but in his answer
to the government message delivered to him on the 7th of
November he assumed another tone. He at first asked for
an extension of the four days allowed him for consideration,
as he said that period was too short for consultation with
his sub-chiefs. The time was then extended to the 13th of
November. On the 11th his counsellors, with Umhlangaso
and the reverend Mr. Hargreaves, had a meeting at Em-
fundisweni, and on the 13th the following letter was
delivered to the chief magistrate of Griqualand East by a
deputation consisting of the counsellors Notanda and Bulawako
with six attendants, the reverend Mr. Hargreaves, and Mr.
Bowles, a trader in Pondoland :

“ In your message to me I am accused of having equipped, organised, and
collected at the great place a force to invade colonial territory. This I
deny for the following reasons : according to our custom when an army
leaves the great place to invade a foreign territory certain ceremonies
have to be gone through, which have existed for time immemorial and
are well known to both black and white. Presuming that you refer to
the attack on the 20th ultimo upon the Xesibe kraals, I can call many
white inhabitants to prove that the custom ukwelapa t was not gone

* The Protectors, the name assumed by the Bantu levies under
Commandant Donald Strachan.

+ Ukwelapa is the ceremony of preparing the army for war by the tribal
priest.

242 Annexation of Pondoland. [1886

through. How then can I personally be charged with having organised
as stated, as I did not leave the great place for some days after, and when
I heard that my son Ketshwayo had started I sent a special messenger
telling him to return. The truth is my people were uncontrollable, as they
were smarting under a defeat in which one hundred and twenty-nine of
my people the Amanci were killed by the Xesibes. I beg to assure you
of my sincere desire to maintain, as my forefathers have ever done, peace
and good will towards the Cape colonial government, and I sincerely trust
that this feeling is reciprocated.' For this reason I must ask you to consent
to an extension of time to consult with my chiefs and headmen. As I
cannot thoroughly comprehend what you mean by reparation, may I solicit
the favour of your appointing a commission to meet my subordinate chiefs
and indunas at any convenient place within a reasonable time to fully
consider all matters referred to in your communication, which will I trust
be the means of bringing about a lasting peace and of placing all matters
political and otherwise upon a satisfactory basis. I crave this indulgence
and extension of time to thoroughly consider all the points referred to in
your message, so that should my wish be granted I have no doubt the
delay will mutually be productive of good.”

This letter, though written in Umqikela’s name, was the
production of a European, as its phraseology shows. Josiah
Jenkins was not its author. But if there is sometimes a
difficulty in dealing with barbarians who are prompted by
clever white men, there is often an advantage in being able
to ascertain at once all the strong points in an adverse case.
It was so in this instance. War, according to the writer of
the letter, had not been intended by the chief, or the army
would certainly have been prepared for it in the only manner
known to the Bantu, for according to their ideas it was as
necessary that a warrior should be fortified for battle as that
he should carry weapons of offence. But the weak point on
this occasion was that the advisers of the chief had induced
him to omit the ceremony purposely to furnish him with
a plea thereafter, and dependence had been placed on
overwhelming numbers rather than on immunity from harm
by the enemy.

The government agreed to an extension of time for the
purposes indicated. On the 24th of November a great
meeting was held at Umqikela’s residence, but it was not
attended by the border chiefs. On the 29th Umqikela sent
a message to Mr. Stanford, chief magistrate of Griqualand

243

1 886] Arrangements for a Conference.

East, asking that officer to meet him or his representatives
on the 2nd of December, and it was arranged that the
conference should take place at Fort Donald in the Xesibe
district.

There were various disquieting circumstances at the time,
which prevented the government from reducing the large
force assembled on the border. Certain Europeans were
instigating the Pondos to pursue a course which could only-
end in disaster to the tribe while involving the Cape Colony
in difficulties, and their advice was listened to by some of
the chiefs. Then there was a general slaughter of the swine,
which was afterwards ascertained to have been caused by
fear of disease, but which at the time was believed by many
to be a superstitious act such as those which occur before
every war. On the 15th of November Umqikela’s eldest
son Ketshwayo — the same who commanded in the raid of
the 20th of October — died suddenly, and it was generally
supposed that his death would ‘have a disquieting effect.

On the 2nd of December Mr. Stanford was at Fort Donald,
but Umqikela did not arrive. It had been raining very
heavily, and the excuse which he sent was that his sub-chiefs
had not been able to assemble. Umhlangaso and the reverend
Mr. Hargreaves, who appeared for the chief, stated that the
Pondos were anxious to discuss all matters in dispute, and
requested Mr. Stanford to postpone the conference to the 6th
and consent to its taking place at Emfundisweni, where they
said Umqikela would meet him. Mr. Stanford agreed to the
postponement, which was inevitable ; but for obvious reasons
could not agree to Emfundisweni as the place of meeting.
He proposed Ntola’s kraal, about twenty minutes ride beyond
the border, and this the Pondo delegates agreed to.

As a chief of Umqikela’s rank could not travel in his own
country without a large following, and as it was certain that
on this occasion the Pondos would be armed and appear in
great strength, Mr. Stanford took with him all the forces on
the border, to show that while the colonial government was
desirous of peace, it was prepared for war if war must come.

244 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

The Pondo delegates were informed of the course that would
be taken, in order to protect the government against the
charge of marching an armed force into Pondoland, which
the chiefs would be sure to make in the event of a
disturbance.

In view of the negotiations which were about to take place,
Mr, Stanford was informed by the secretary for native affairs
that “ the questions of the anfaexation of the Xesibe country
and of Port St. John’s must be looked upon as closed books.”
Since 1878 that position had been maintained by both the
imperial and the colonial governments, and it could not be
receded from. The government, however, was still prepared
to carry out its former offers of a solatium with respect to
these matters, if the Pondos should be willing to arrange the
questions of raids and thefts satisfactorily.

On the 6th of December Mr. Stanford arrived at Ntola’s
kraal. Colonel Bayly selected a site for a camp for the Cape
mounted riflemen near the Kokstad side of the kraal, and
the Abalondolozi under Commandant Strachan took up
a position in the rear. A little later Umqikela’s sons Sigcawu
and Hamu, accompanied by Umhlangaso and other chiefs,
and attended by about two thousand armed followers, arrived
at the kraal. The chiefs with the reverend Mr. Hargreaves
and fifty unarmed men rode to the camp, and greeted Mr.
Stanford and Colonel Bayly. Umhlangaso expressed regret
that owing to illness Umqikela was unable to keep the
appointment he had made, and informed the chief magistrate
that he and Umqikela’s sons had been authorised to open
the discussion. Mr. Stanford inquired if they had full
authority from Umqikela to treat. Umhlangaso replied that
they had not, as it was uncertain whether Umqikela might
not still be able to be present. Mr. Stanford said that under
these circumstances he must decline to recognise them as
representatives of Umqikela, with whom the colonial govern-
ment had to deal. Umhlangaso then offered to send a
messenger tb Umqikela immediately to ask him to come at
once, or, if he was unable to travel, to authorise representa-

1 886] Conference at Ntolcts Kraal, ' 245

tives to act in his stead. Mr. Stanford agreed to this
proposal, and it was arranged that the result should be made
known on the following day.

On the 7th of December the Pondo deputies assembled in
the afternoon, when Mr. Stanford met them and inquired
what answer had been received from Umqikela. Maboza,
a counsellor, replied that the chief was very ill and would
not be able to attend. Mr. Stanford then asked if those
present were authorised to represent the great chief, and to
deal fully and decisively with the questions that required
settlement. Maboza made answer that although the chief
was ill, he was not dead, and that those present would
discuss matters, but refer the decision to Umqikela. Mr.
Stanford objected at once and finally to this scheme,
whereupon Umhlangaso spoke up saying they had full
powers.

To make sure of his position with such wily diplomatists,
Mr. Stanford stated that the colonial government had to
deal with Umqikela ; that Umqikela had promised to
attend a conference at Fort Donald, but had failed to do so ;
that he had then promised to attend at Ntola's kraal, and
had again failed to keep his engagement ; but if they were
fully empowered to act in his name, he was prepared to
proceed with the negotiations. This being assented to,
Umhlangaso asked for a statement of what the government
desired.

Mr. Stanford then commenced the discussion of the
questions at issue. He spoke of the invasion of the Xesibe
district on the 20th of October, and demanded satisfaction
for it, pointing out particularly that it was not an instance
of ordinary border disturbance, but was a premeditated and
regularly organised attack by the whole tribe. From that
matter he proceeded to the question of border control
generally, and demanded the establishment of a system
under which colonial subjects could obtain redress from
Pondos for crimes committed against them. He referred
next to the disturbances in the Rode, which resulted from

246 Annexation of Pondoland, [1886

Pondo misgovernment, and which would prove a constant
source of irritation unless some decisive remedy were applied.
And lastly, he alluded to the closing of the waggon road that
had been in use for many years and the refusal to allow its
repair.

Having heard Mr. Stanford's statements, the Pondo
representatives retired to consult together. When they had
done so, they returned, and agreed to open the road from
Port St. John’s to Kokstad and allow construction, repairs,
and outspan places wherever necessary, to establish in
conjunction with the chief magistrate of Griqualand East a
better system on the border, and to carry out, especially in
cases of theft, the provisions of their own laws with regard
to the punishment of thieves and the restoration of stolen
property or compensation for it.

The condition of the Rode was then discussed. The Pondo
representatives were willing to cede it to the Cape Colony
in exchange for land elsewhere ; but as that would mean
reopening the question of the Xesibe district, Mr. Stanford
declined to entertain it. He offered to purchase the Rode
for cash, and the representatives took the night to consider
the proposal. '

On the 8th of December the conference was renewed in
the afternoon. The matter of the Rode was the first
brought forward, but after a brief discussion it was allowed
to stand over, and the question of a solatium for the Xesibe
district and Port St. John’s was brought on. The Pondo
representatives maintained that before 1878 they had
received an amount of money from every vessel that put
into Port St. John’s, of which they had been deprived since
that date, and they therefore maintained that they had a
right to a share of the customs dues collected there. Mr.
Stanford proposed to pay them a sum of money at once,
but this they declined. They asked for £300 in perpetuity.
Mr. Stanford offered £200, and this they accepted. It was
agreed that the solatium for the Xesibe district should be
£1,000 in money, the amount being less than the govern-

1 887] Death of Umqikela. 247

ment was prepared to give in 1885, owing to the subsequent
conduct of the Pondos.

The matter of the Rode was then brought on again, and
a long discussion ensued. Mr. Stanford laid great stress
upon the invasion of the 20th of October and the expense
to which the Cape Colony had been put in sending forces
to the border. The purchase money, as finally agreed upon,
was £j600 ; and the chief magistrate of Griqualand East then,
in the name of the government, informed the Pondo repre-
sentatives that no further question would be raised regarding
the late raid. The boundary of the Rode was decided to be
the great waggon road from King-Williamstown to Kokstad
and Natal. This arrangement was reduced to writing,
Josiah Jenkins acting as secretary, and was formally signed
and witnessed. On the 10th of February 1887 it was
confirmed by Umqikela, who at the same time issued a
proclamation to that efiect in the style of a European
potentate, and it was finally ratified by Sir Hercules
Robinson as governor and high commissioner on the 12th of
March 1887.

After this settlement of the grievances which the Pondos
naturally had on account of the loss of territory once recog-
nised as theirs, matters went on better for a time. Roads
were constructed from Port St. John’s to Umtata in one
direction and to Kokstad in the other, without any
interference by the chiefs or people, and the little traffic
upon them was not disturbed. Thefts of cattle continued,
but in some instances the stolen property was restored,
though the thieves were allowed to go unpunished, so that
others were not deterred from committinsr the same offence.

In October 1887 Umqikela died. He had ruined his
strong constitution by drunkenness, and had long been in
a feeble state of health. He recognised that his end was
hastened by his own misconduct, and to his credit when
death was near he issued instructions that no one was to be
smelt out or punished for having caused it. His people
obeyed his dying command, though already one man, the

248 Annexation of Pondoland, [1888

counsellor Gabela, had been accused by a witch finder of
bringing on his sickness and had been killed. Umqikela
left no generally recognised heir. His great wife, a daughter
of the Galeka chief Kreli, had never borne a son. At a
general assembly of the tribe in August 1885 it had been
decided that the chief should name one of his inferior sons
as his heir, who was then to be adopted by the great wife,
but he had postponed doing so from time to time until it
was too late.

On the 13th of February 1888 a great meeting of the
sub-chiefs and leading men of Eastern Pondoland was held,
when Umqikela’s son Sigcawu was chosen as his successor.
The condition of things required a strong resolute ruler, and
Sigcawu was so weak that very shortly each of the inferior
chiefs did pretty much as he liked, and the country fell into
a state of anarchy. Thefts of horses, horned cattle, and sheep
from the people of Griqualand East became more frequent
than before, and no redress whatever could be obtained.
This made it almost impossible for the magistrates of the
border districts to control the people, who began openly to
say that British rule was a bad thing for them, inasmuch as
they were punished when they took cattle from the Pondos,
while the Pondos took theirs with impunity. They urged that
they should be allowed to cross the border in arms to recover
their property, and maintained stoutly that doing so would
not be commencing war, for it was war already. If the
young Pondos came across and stole oxen to show that they
were men, why should those who had become British subjects
not show that they also were men by retaliating ? The
Bacas especially were sorely irritated by a taunt of the Pondos
that soon all their horses would be gone, when they would
be compelled to ride on pigs. It was only the good sense and
authority of the chief Makaula that kept them from making
an inroad into Pondoland and trying to avenge themselves.
A strong police force was kept on the border to restrain
them, as well as to try to protect them, which was not
practicable along a line of such length.

i88S] Sche7?ies of Umhlangaso. 249

In Western Pondoland there was much less cattle lifting,
but the internal condition of the country was such that
sooner or later the British authorities would be compelled for
humanity’s sake to interfere. Nowhere else had superstition
such a hold upon the minds of the people, nowhere else was
the number of individuals put to death on charges of dealing
in witchcraft so appalling. The sub-chief Gwadiso was in
rebellion against Nquiliso, and offered to cede his people and
the ground on which he was living to the Cape Colony. The
offer was not accepted, because the government wished to
remain on good terms with Nquiliso, and therefore tried to
restore concord, but without avail. The sons of the chief were
growing up, and were acting like the sons of Eli of old, their
father having no control whatever over them. Everything
was thus tending to ruin.

At this time Umhlangaso was trying to carry out a scheme
of pitting another European power against Great Britain in
dealing with the Pondos. He encouraged some private
individuals of German birth, notably Lieutenant Nagel and a
gentleman named Einwald, to form trading establishments
in the country, and induced the chief to grant them various
concessions which would have resulted in placing not alone the
whole of the commerce but any mining industry that might
be developed entirely in their hands. He hoped through
their means also to obtain large supplies of arms and ammuni-
tion, which would enable him to set the colonial authorities
at defiance. His scheme failed, because those who obtained
the concessions received no support from their mother
country, but it showed to what lengths Umhlangaso and his
partisans were prepared to go.

Disturbances caused by feuds between different clans
were frequent, but that was the normal condition of almost
all Bantu tribes, especially of such tribes as the Pondo,
which contained a great many alien groups of people,
whose chiefs were not related to the family of the para-
mount ruler. In Western Pondoland the alien clans were
more numerous than those of pure Pondo blood. They had

250 Annexation of Pondoland, [1890

been compelled by various circumstances to become vassals
of Faku, but they had not lost their feeling of semi-inde-
pendence, nor had they forgotten ancient antipathies. The
usual way of a Bantu paramount chief in dealing with such
cases was to let the quarrelsome clans fight with each other^
but when they had gone far enough in his opinion, he fined
both of them for his benefit. They were bound to account
to him for every man killed, that is to solace him for the
loss of his subjects, usually at the rate of an ox each if
they were common people. This was the course pursued by
Sigcawu and Nquiliso, and it seemed reasonable to the Bantu
in the country, though the colonial authorities regarded it
as dangerous to the general peace, inasmuch as people on
their side of the border might easily be drawn into the
strife. Weak men too, like Sigcawu and Nquiliso, could
not always enforce the payment of the fines on such
occasions, which made matters still worse.

In 1890 internal strife differing from this in its character
broke out in Eastern Pondoland. Umhlangaso, who had
held the position of chief counsellor to Umqikela, rose in .
rebellion against Sigcawu, whose election to the paramount
chieftainship had not met with his entire approbation. An
intensely vain man, just sufficiently educated from books to
give him power for mischief, he tried first to govern the
tribe through Sigcawu, and when that failed, he rose in
revolt. Such a man can always find adherents where there
are so many factions as there were in Pondoland, and his
feud with Manundu enlisted on his side all the opponents
of that chief. But Sigcawu proved the stronger of the two,
and Umhlangaso with all his band was driven from his
ground at Inthlenzi. They took refuge in Griqualand East,
and their cattle, which were driven into the district of
Mount Aylifi*, ofiered such a temptation to the Xesibes to
make good their losses that it was next to impossible to
preserve anything like order. Sigcawu’s forces respected the
boundary line, and made no attempt to follow the rebels
across it, but the colonial authorities were unwilling to

1892] Rebellion of Umhlangaso. 251

receive the refugees and provide for them. Umhlangaso was
therefore informed that he must either return to Pondoland
and submit to Sigcawu, or be removed to Capetown.

He declined in the most emphatic terms to comply with the
first of these alternatives, and hesitated about the other with a
\dew to gain time, until, as soon as he could arrange plans
with his adherents, he suddenly recrossed the border and
reoccupied Inthlenzi. There he was again attacked by
Sigcawu, and was driven away the second time, when he
retreated across the Umtamvuna into Natal. It was now
determined that he must be removed to Capetown, whether
he would consent or not, as he could not be permitted
longer to use British territory as a base of operations

against his legitimate chief. But before this resolution
could be carried into effect, he made a dash into the
Isiseli, a district bordering on the sea and lying along the
right bank of the Umtamvuna. Here he and his adherents
were received and supported by Patekile, chief of the Imizizi
clan. The district was one well adapted for defence against

forces that could only keep the field as long as the pro-

visions each warrior carried with him lasted, and Sigcawu
tried in vain to drive him out of it. On two occasions

indeed Sigcawu’s army was defeated, but he alleged that
he could have beaten the rebels if his forces had not been
discouraged by knowing that their opponents had Natal
behind them as a refuge in time of need. So the rebellion

of Umhlangaso was not suppressed, and the fighting con-
tinued through the years 1891, 92, and 93, keeping the
whole country in a state of excitement and unrest.

This circumstance forced Sigcawu to do his utmost to
keep in favour with the colonial authorities, even had he
not otherwise been disposed to do so. In 1892 he made an r
arrangement to pay five hundred head of full grown horned
cattle in settlement of all claims against his people for theft
since December 1886, and he carried out his agreement to
that effect with every mark of good faith. In 1893 he fell
in cordially with a proposal of the colonial government to

252 Annexation of Pondoland, [1894

construct a strong barbed wire fence along the whole border
between the district of Mount Ayliff and Pondoland, and
gave permission for the sneezewood poles needed for it to be
cut in his territory. This fence was of the greatest use
thereafter in preventing thefts of cattle and disputes as to
the actual position of the boundary. Kecognised by the
British magistrates on one side and by Sigcawu and his
counsellors on the other, no one thought of questioning
whether it should not have run differently, and even when
it passed through the centre of Pondo gardens in one place
and of Xesibe gardens in another, the occupants of the ground
made no demur, but simply moved to their own side. It
was something that every one could see, and felt bound to
respect. Robbers, who would have scrupled at little else,
scrupled at cutting the wires, and never dared to break the
locks of the gates which were closed at night.

In November 1893 a private of the Cape mounted rifles,
named Carty, was murdered on the border by two boys
about sixteen years of age. There was in the act no other
object than a desire to do something daring, and the boys
did not deny the deed, but seemingly did not realise the
enormity of their crime. Sigcawu caused them to be
arrested, and handed them over to the chief magistrate of
Griqualand East to be punished. They admitted that they
were guilty of having done something that their chief did
not approve of, but otherwise for the mere murder of a
man of no consequence their consciences did not trouble
them.

At the beginning of 1894: the colonial authorities regarded
the condition of things in Pondoland as such that the
country and people must be brought at once under the
control of civilised men. They would have annexed the
territory long before, but for the objections raised by the
imperial government, which had now been removed. Accord-
ingly Major Elliot was sent as a special commissioner to
Nquiliso, with a message from the governor and high
commissioner inviting or requiring him to place himself and

1894] Final Arrangements. 253

his people under the control of the Cape government. On
the 8th of March he reached Ezinkumbeni, and found the
chief not unwilling to do as he was desired. He admitted
that anarchy was prevalent, that his sons were not so
obedient as they might be, that some of his vassals were
defiant, and that the wizards who were put to death were
very numerous. But it was necessary before such an
important matter could be settled that all the chiefs and
leading men in Western Pondoland should be called together,
and that the question should be discussed in its various
bearings.

A meeting was therefore convened, and the conclusion
arrived at was in favour of the people becoming British
subjects and their country British territory. On the 19th
of March 1894 a formal agreement to that efiect was drawn
up, signed, and witnessed at Ezinkumbeni, when Western
Pondoland ceased to be an independent state. It was
stipulated that Nquiliso should receive an allowance of
£500, Bokuleni £100, and Dumezweni £50 a year. The
same laws and regulations were to be enforced as in
Tembuland, and the same form of administration was to be
observed.

Mr. W. E. M. Stanford, chief magistrate of Griqualand
East, conveyed a similar message to Sigcawu, and the result
was identically the same. On the 17th of March 1894 the
mark of Sigcawu was attached to a deed of cession at
Emfundisweni, and Eastern Pondoland became part of the
British dominions. Sigcawu was to receive an allowance
of £700 a year.

The deeds of cession were ratified by Sir Henry Loch
as governor and high commissioner, who on the 20th of
March in a proclamation extended her Majesty’s sovereignty
over the whole of Pondoland.

On the 3rd of April a royal commission was issued, in
which the governor of the Cape Colony was appointed
governor of Pondoland. For a few months the territory
remained in this condition, though practically it was ruled

2 54 Annexation of Pondoland, [1894

by the Cape Colony acting through the secretary for native
affairs, just as Transkei, Tembuland, and Griqualand East. An
act annexing it to the Cape Colony was passed by parliament
in the session of 1894, which was approved by the queen, and
on the 25th of September was promulgated in the usual
manner by proclamation.

Western Pondoland was divided into two magisterial
districts, named Libode and Ngqeleni. On the 21st of March
Mr. A. H. Stanford was installed as resident magistrate of
the former, and on the 28th of March Mr. J. Glen Leary
became resident magistrate of the latter. These two districts
were then placed under the control of the chief magistrate
of Tembuland, in the same manner as Umtata, Mqanduli, and
the others mentioned in chapter Ixxiv. The population at
the time was estimated at two hundred Europeans — including
Cape mounted riflemen, — eighty Hottentots, and eighty
thousand Bantu.

Eastern Pondoland could not be so speedily reduced to
order. It was necessary to bring Umhlangaso to submission,
and for this purpose Captain Dalgety with three hundred
Cape mounted riflemen was sent to the Isiseli. Patekile,
chief of the Imizizi, thereupon abandoned the insurgents,
promised to make his peace with Sigcawu, and was pardoned
on condition of paying a fine of two hundred head of cattle.
As Natal was closed against them, Umhlangaso and his
adherents, under five petty chiefs, then accepted the terms
offered, and were brought out and located on a tract of land
in the district of Kokstad which was purchased by the
government for their use.

The territory was then divided into three magisterial
districts, namely Umsikaba, in which Mr. W. Power * Leary
was stationed as magistrate, Tabankulu, in which Mr. H. B.
Warner was stationed, and Bizana, which was confided to
Major Howard Sprigg. The population of these three
districts was estimated at six hundred Europeans — includ-
ing the Cape mounted riflemen, — one hundred and eighty
Hottentots and mixed breeds, and one hundred and five

TERRITORY BETWEEIS^ THE KET RTVER AND YATAE
ANNEXED TO THE CAPE COLOXY.

GEORGc. PHILIPS SON L^‘

THE LONDON GEOGRAPHICAL INSTITUTE

255

I $94] Popidation of Pondoland,

thousand Bantu. They were attached to the chief magistracy
of Griqualand East. The area of Pondoland eastern and
western is about three thousand seven hundred and thirty-
six square miles or nine thousand six hundred and eighty
square kilometres.

The whole territory from the Kei to the border of Natal
was now part of the Cape Colony. The enormous rate of
increase of the Bantu under British protection, when they
are not permitted to slaughter each other, is shown by the
census of 1904. In that year in Transkei, Tembuland,
Griqualand East, and Pondoland, including Port St. John’s,
there were sixteen thousand seven hundred and seventy-
seven Europeans and eight hundred and seventeen thousand
eight hundred and sixty-seven Bantu and other coloured
people.

Note. — There are indications that the rate of increase of the Bantu
will not be so high in the future, owing to several circumstances. 1. Chest
diseases are more prevalent now than in earlier times. 2. As areas become
overcrowded, many young men are compelled to leave them and seek service
as labourers for Europeans until they earn sufficient to make a fair beginning
at their own homes, there being no longer ground available on which swarms
can settle. 3. Acquirement of new wants, and as a consequence increase
of care. 4. A system of giving credit by traders, under which the larger
number of the men are involved in debt and difficulties. 5. The system of
education in the great majority of the schools, under which many youths of
both sexes are taught solely from books, and are really incapacitated from
earning a living by honest industry, thus becoming discontented and often
morose. The whole may perhaps be summed up as the change that the
Bantu are undergoing in becoming adapted to their new environment.

CHAPTER LXXVIII.

FOKMATION OF THE CROWN COLONY OF GRIQUALAND WEST.

On the 21st o£ October 1871 the territory claimed by Mr.
Arnot for the Griqua captain Nicholas Waterboer, containing
the diamond fields, was proclaimed by Governor Sir Henry
Barkly part of the British dominions, and the opportunity
of uniting the different colonies and states of South Africa
in a peaceable and friendly manner was unfortunately
thrown away. Every man in the Free State believed that
an act of great injustice had been committed, and the great
majority of the Dutch speaking people in the Cape Colony
and Natal were of the same opinion. Of the English
speaking colopists, very few were found to defend the act,
though the feeling was general that the Free State govern-
ment was not strong enough to maintain order in case of
disturbances by the people who were coming from Europe
and America by thousands to seek wealth at the fields.

But, whatever opinion in South Africa may have been
as to the right of Waterboer to the territory north of the
Modder river in which the diamond fields were situated, the
authorities in England certainly believed that he had such right,
and the documents in their possession on the subject must have
seemed to them conclusive on that point. Of the real
history of the Griquas they knew nothing, and consequently
could not see the absurdity of Mr. Arnot’s claim on behalf
of the petty elected captain Nicholas Waterboer to a vast
extent of territory far from the residence of the little
community of under six hundred souls, all told, that he
presided over, which territory his people had never occupied,
and to which they had no hereditary right or title other

256

257

1872] Reply to the Free State Protest.

than an agreement between two intruding captains dividing
all the land from the desert to the Caledon river between
them.

The protest of the Orange Free State has been given in a
previous chapter, the following is Mr. Arnot’s case, as drawn
up by the colonial secretary,. Mr. Richard Southey, in
opposition to it, and transmitted to England : —

“ The volksraad of the Orange Free State, in its protest
published on the 19th day of December 1871, asserts that infringe-
ment has been made upon its territorial rights and that the treaty
subsisting between it and her Majesty’s government has been
violated by her Majesty’s acceptance of the allegiance of the chief
Nicholas Waterboer and the Griqua people, and by the governor of
this colony having by proclamation of the 27th of October 1871
notified that acceptance and proclaimed as British territory a certain
tract of country south of the Vaal river, for a long series of years
governed by the Orange Free State and the property of and
inhabited by Free State subjects.

“ In support of this assertion they allege

“ 1st. That by a proclamation issued on the 3rd of February
1848 by Sir H. G. W. Smith, then her Majesty’s high com-
missioner, the sovereignty of her Majesty was established over all
the country lying between the Orange and Vaal rivers and the
Drakensberg range of mountains, and that by a subsequent
proclamation this country was divided into four magistracies or
districts, named respectively Griqualand, Winburg, Vaal River,
and Caledon river, each having its seat of magistracy at a named
spot, and that the supremacy of her Majesty was then established
over all people whether white or coloured living within those limits,
and the world, to which the protest is addressed, is informed that
these magisterial districts included the whole territory between the
two rivers and the mountains above named, and it is implied that
the magistrates exercised jurisdiction over all the inhabitants of
whatever nation or colour, under and by virtue of her Ma-jesty’s
commission.

“ 2nd. That in 1854 her Majesty’s sovereignty was withdrawn
from the country, and that Sir George Russell Clerk, acting as
her Majesty’s special commissioner, transferred the government
over the whole of it to certain white inhabitants, who formed
themselves into a republic and named it the Orange Free State.

258 History of Griqualand West, [1872

“ 3rd. That a portion of the territory of the Orange Free State
so transferred by Sir G. R. Clerk has been seized by her Majesty
on behalf of Waterboer and his Griquas, and the Orange Free State
deprived thereby of its sovereign rights therein.

“ And they allege further that by the convention between Sir
G. R. Clerk and certain white inhabitants of the country the latter
secured for themselves the following advantages : ‘ The British
government has no alliance whatever with any native chiefs or
tribes to the northward of the Orange river with the exception of
the Griqua chief Captain Adam Kok, and her Majesty’s government
has no wish or intention to enter hereafter into any treaties which
may be injurious or prejudicial to the interests of the Orange Free
State government ; ’ besides this a free import of ammunition from
the Cape Colony was at the same time guaranteed.

“And that notwithstanding this stipulation by which the com-
paratively few white inhabitants secured for themselves these
advantages, which had been rendered necessary because they were
surrounded by powerful tribes which had become their enemies in
consequence of wars waged upon those tribes by the British
government, that government disregarded the stipulation and
entered into engagements with native chiefs and tribes north of
the Orange rivOr, without the consent and approval of the govern-
ment of the Orange Free State ; and on one occasion, when that
state was at war with the Basutos, set aside the agreement
respecting ammunition, and stopped the free import thereof from
this colony.

“ The foregoing appears to form the substance of the charges
preferred by the Free State government against her Majesty’s
government, and of the arguments put forward by the former in
support of its charges. The protest is so diffuse and contradictory
as to render it a matter of some difficulty to reply to its statements
seriatim or with due conciseness.

“ In one part of the protest it is asserted that the government
of the whole of the territory over which her Majesty’s sovereignty
had been proclaimed in 1848 was in 1854 handed over to the few
white inhabitants, who formed it into a republic and named the
same the Orange Free State. In another part it is alleged that
the native tribes by which the white people were surrounded had
been made the enemies of the latter by wars waged upon them by
the British government. Again, in a third place, it is stated that
in 1865 the Free State, compelled by the reiterated violations

259

1872] Reply to the Free State Protest.

of treaties, the neglect to fulfil solemn promises, the incessant
robberies and presumptuous proceedings of the Basuto nation,
girded on its sword and declared war against that nation. In 1866
a peace was concluded with the Basuto nation and a new treaty
signed, whereby that nation ceded a tract of country by way of
indemnification for war expenses. That treaty was not respected,
but was wantonly broken, and the Free State was once more
forced to take up arms.

“ These assertions are, it will be seen, irreconcilable with each
other. The Basutos possessed and occupied a very large portion
of the territory between the Orange river, the Vaal river, and the
Drakensberg, the whole of which (according to the protest) was
taken possession of by the British government in 1848, divided into
four districts presided over by magistrates, and in 1854 handed
over to the white inhabitants ; yet the same protest alludes to those
natives as the Basuto nation, and to treaties entered into between
the Free State and the Basuto nation, as well as a tract of country
ceded to the Free State by that nation (which tract was altogether,
as indeed was the whole country, occupied by the Basuto nation
within the limits which the protest assigns to British dominion
ceded to the white inhabitants and forming the Orange Free State),
and it further makes mention of wars waged against these natives
by the British government ; all which statements are totally
inconsistent with the idea previously set forth that the natives
were in the first place British subjects ruled over by British
magistrates, and subsequently subjects of the Orange Free State
government and their territories included within the boundaries
of that state.

“In order to form a just opinion upon the subject and to
ascertain precisely in regard to territory what was possessed by
the British government in 1854 and what was handed over to the
white inhabitants who formed themselves into a republic denomi-
nated the Orange Free State, it is desirable briefly to notice the
occurrences prior to that date, referring to official documents in
support of the facts that will be adduced and the view of the case
which will be maintained in this comment upon the volksraad’s
protest, namely that the British government in 1854 had no
territorial possessions between the Orange and Vaal rivers and
the Drakensberg except such as had been acquired by treaty
agreements from the native tribes, and that it handed over to
the white inhabitants no more than the territory so acquired.

26o History of Griqualand West, [1872

(Here follows a correct account of the action of Sir Peregrine
Maitland, Sir Harry Smith, and Sir George Clerk, which need not be
given, as it has appeared in another volume).

“ In further proof of the admission by the Free State government
that the lands claimed by Waterboer between the Vaal river and the
line from Eamah to Platberg were at the time of the convention
with Sir G. E. Clerk beyond the limits of the territory which the
white inhabitants at that time possessed, it may be mentioned that
from 1854 to 1858 lands within those limits were professedly
alienated both by grant and sale by a Griqua named Cornelius Kok,
who is represented by the Free State government itself to have
been an independent territorial chief ; but this is denied by
Waterboer, who states that although the said C. Kok was at one
time a petty officer under his government, he had been removed
from office for misconduct long before the land transactions in
question, and had at no time had the power to dispose of the
Griqua territory.

“ These facts conclusively establish the position which was laid
down in an earlier part of this memorandum, namely that the
British government had not acquired and did not possess lands
within the boundary claimed by Waterboer, and that it only ceded
or purported to cede to the white inhabitants those lands which it
did possess. The question then arises, what is the boundary of
Waterboer’s territory on the side of the Orange Free State? and
that boundary, as already stated, was defined by treaty between the
two branches of the Griqua nation in 1838, to run from Eamah
on the Orange river northwards to Platberg. The Free State
government disputes this line, and declares as a boundary between
Griqualand West and that state a certain other line denominated
the Vetberg line, which, instead of running as the former line, runs
parallel to the course of the Vaal river, cuts at right angles to it,
and gives to the Free State a very extensive tract of country claimed
by Waterboer as belonging to his territory. Waterboer has always
been willing and anxious to settle the question of right to the tract
of land in question by arbitration, but could never obtain the
consent of the Free State government to submit its claim to such
an ordeal. And the British government, in notifiying to that of
the Free State its accession to the prayer of Waterboer and his
people to be received as British subjects, intimated its willingness
to allow the question of boundary to be still the subject of
decision by arbitration, and that offer is still open.

26i

1872] Reply to the Free State Protest,

(Here follows a statement concerning the Basuto wars and
matters relating only to the Griquas of Adam Kok, which it is
not necessary to give).

“As regards the charge that the convention of 1854 had been
infringed by the action taken by the British government in pro-
hibiting the free transit of ammunition, although solemnly bound
by an article of that convention to allow it, it should be observed
that the stipulation of that convention on this subject stands as
follows, namely : ‘ The Orange River government shall have

freedom to purchase their supplies of ammunition in any British
colony or possession in South Africa, subject to the laws provided
for the regulation of the sale and transit of ammunition in such
colonies and possessions.^ The laws and regulations referred to
in this article provide that air persons desiring to purchase arms
and ammunition must before doing so obtain permits from certain
officers in the district in which the purchase is to be made ; and
no ammunition beyond a limited quantity can be conveyed from
one part of the colony to another, or beyond the boundaries of
the colony, unless the person conveying it provide himself with
a similar official permission.

“The object for which these laws were enacted was to prevent
arms and ammunition from getting into the hands of those who
it might be thought would be likely to make use of the same in
a way adverse to the interests of the colony.

“ At the commencement of the last war between the Orange Free
State and the Basutos, the governor of this colony, Sir P. E.
Wodehouse, issued a proclamation commanding all British subjects
to abstain from taking part in that war on either side, and in fact
to observe a strict neutrality. During the progress of the war it
was reported in the newspaper published at Bloemfontein, the seat
of the Free State government, that an officer of that government
was in communication with British subjects and endeavouring to
induce them to raise levies within the colony to take part with
the Free State against the Basutos, holding out the inducement
that aU stock or other property which they might succeed in taking
from the Basutos should be retained by them as compensation for
their services, and the same paper stated that this conduct on the
part of the Free State officer was approved of by his government.
Upon the governor of this colony becoming aware of this trans-
action, he addressed a friendly remonstrance thereon to the
president of the Free State.

262 History of Griquatand West, [1872

“Correspondence ensued and was continued during several months,
in the course of which the governor warned the Free State
government that if it persisted in its endeavour to induce British
subjects from this colony to become freebooters on its side against
the Basutos, it would become his duty to consider whether he
would be justified in permitting this colony to continue the supply
of ammunition for carrying on such a war. This correspondence
on the Free State part being unsatisfactory to his Excellency, he
directed the officers who were by law authorised to grant permits
for the purchase of arms and ammunition to discontinue until the
receipt of further orders their issue in favour of the Free State
government.

“ From a consideration of the foregoing remarks, it will be
perceived :

“ 1st. That the allegations of the Free State volksraad, as
contained in the protest under review, are based upon an entirely
erroneous construction of the actual history of the country, as the
large tract of country to the south of the Vaal river which the
volksraad claims as having been for a long course of years governed
by the Orange Free State and the property of and inhabited by
Free State subjects was beyond question prior to the issue of Sir
H. Smith’s proclamation the property of the Griquas of Griqualand
West, did not by force of that proclamation cease to be their
property, and has never at any subsequent date been alienated by
their government.

“ 2ndly. That her Majesty’s special commissioner Sir George
Clerk, in ceding to the white inhabitants the lands to the north of
the Orange river which belonged to the British government, did
not cede or profess to cede any portion of the territory of the
chief Waterboer, and that the government of the Orange Free
State at the beginning and during the earlier part of its existence
well understood that the term sovereignty under British rule and
the term Orange Free State under the rule of the republic did
not comprise the territories of the native tribes by which the
white inhabitants were surrounded, and

“ 3rdly. That the temporary refusal of permits to the Free
State . government for the purchase of supplies of ammunition
arose from special circumstances which in the judgment of the
governor of this colony rendered it imperative upon him to take
immediate measures to prevent the misuse of the privilege in
question.

I $7 2] Reply to the Free State Protest, 263

“ lu conclusion, it may be added that much of the land in
dispute was at the date of Sir Henry Barkly’s proclamation the
property of and held by British subjects and subjects of other
European states, and had never at any previous time been the
property of subjects of the Orange Free State, and that the attempt
on the part of the Free State government to assume rule and
jurisdiction over that tract of country must be held to have been
a usurpation of the rights of an independent native government
too weak to resist that usurpation by force of arms. The know-
ledge of this and of the yet more extensive act of encroachment
which the governments of the Orange Free State and the South
African Republic were adopting measures to accomplish, by which
a large portion of the territories of the Griquas and other natives,
within which a great and increasing number of British subjects were
located, was to have been appropriated by those states, compelled
the government of this colony to interfere to prevent the said
British subjects from becoming parties to aggressions on native
tribes with whom this government had ever been on the most
friendly terms.

“ The right to possession or occupation on the part of the Free
State has from the first been denied by the chief TVaterboer, and
that chief has throughout the dispute endeavoured to induce the
Free State to consent to a settlement by means of a fair and
honourable arbitration. The Free State government has, however,
persistently declined to submit its asserted rights to the ordeal
of any practicable arbitration, and the endeavours of the colonial
government, which has constantly urged upon the Free State the
propriety of settling the matters in dispute in the manner proposed
by Waterboer, have hitherto been without effect.”

In this document the real point at issue — the ownership
of the land between the Yaal and Modder rivers by
Waterboer’s clan at any time — is almost ignored, and no
attempt to prove such ownership is made, for Mr. Arnot
knew that it must have failed. His own words at a later
date concerning the transaction were: “I had not a single
trump card in my hand, but I won the game.” The
secretary of state for the colonies could not know this,
however, and with documents such as the above before him,
he must be held blameless for sanctioning a transaction that
no one now attempts to defend except on the plea that it

264 History of Griqualand West. [1872

was necessary for the predominant power in South Africa
to assume the government of the diamond fields.

It is not from public documents that the bitter feeling
can be ascertained which was caused in the republics by the
taking possession of the territory as a cession from
Waterboer and the subsequent adjustment of the boundary
to make it enclose the diamond mines. There are other
sources of information from which writers in the distant
future will be able to draw. The author of these volumes
was in an excellent position for learning the sentiments of
both the Dutch and the English speaking residents north of
the Orange, and is convinced that to this transaction more
than to any other is due the feeling of suspicion of English
policy mingled with enmity towards it, which for the next
thirty years was entertained by many residents on secluded
farms in the republics.*

*The leading article in the Diamond News of the 30th of December
1871 was written by me, but discontent was then rife at the fields, and
it would have been wrong to use a single word that would inflame
passion of any kind. The article was a retrospect of the year, and
was as follows : — '

In a few short hours the year of grace 1871 will be numbered with
its predecessors among the past, and another year with its hopes and
expectations will have dawned upon us. The now dying year is one
that must ever stand prominent in the history of South Africa as one
in which a great industry was developed and most important political
changes were effected. At its commencement the dry diggings were
indeed known to exist, and were being partially worked, but the great
bulk of the diamond seeking community was then settled along the
banks of the Vaal river. Pniel was in what was termed disputed
territory, but Dutoitspan was generally considered to be a long way
on the Free State side of any line that Waterboer could reasonably
claim. When in the early part of the year violent possession of
Bultfontein was taken by a large party of diggers, the colonial press
justified the course adopted by the Free State government in assembling
a commando for the dispersion of the raiders and the preservation of
order. Soon afterwards the farms composing Dutoitspan were formally
opened for digging purposes by the then recognised government of the
country, and people from all parts began to flock hither, lured by the
extraordinary value of the finds made by a few fortunate individuals.
Simple but effective machinery for maintaining order and administering
justice was speedily introduced, and in a few weeks arose a great hive

Events at the Dia7nond Fields,

1872]

265

Even President Brand, the peacemaker, the ardent promoter
of friendly feeling between Dutch and English in South Africa,
the man whose motto was alles zal regt komen, all will come
right in time, was stung to the quick by it, and in a letter
to Mr. Hamelberg, dated 22nd of November 1871, made

of industry in the very heart of a wilderness. Then came the most
important discovery since the first finding of diamonds in South Africa.
The Colesberg Kopje, or New Rush of Be Beer’s, with its marvellous
wealth, was opened, and created an excitement never before witnessed
in this part of the world. The rapidity with which fortunes were
made by the proprietors of claims there astonished and dazzled even
the least enterprising burghers, and from the Cape Colony, Natal, the
Orange Free State, the Transvaal Republic, and even from distant
Europe and America fortune seekers came crowding in. In a very
short, time the river diggings were all but deserted. People at a
distance could not or would not believe that this kopje was very small
and every inch of it occupied. They read in the papers of immense
sums being realised in a few days or weeks, — perhaps by some friend
or acquaintance, — and where others did so well they imagined they
would stand an equal chance. They came flockiug in by thousands,
most of them to be disappointed in their great expectations, but many
to acquire wealth. In the meantime a town had arisen, not a town of
tents only, but one in which large iron and wooden buildings lined the
sides of the streets, and Dutoitspan, in addition to being the centre of
diamond digging operations, had become the great depot of commerce
for the interior. Its rise had been nearly as marvellous and as rapid
as the erection of the palace by the slave of the lamp, but it rests on
more solid foundations, and there is little doubt but that it will
continue to thrive and prosper.

The next event of importance was the recent change of government
by the assumption of British authority over the dry diggings, now in-
cluded in Griqualand West. Considering that the new government
came into operation unpreparedly and without any force on the spot
to carry out its decrees, its brief administration has been a difficult
and unsatisfactory one. But there can be no doubt that in course of
time it will acquire strength, and that ere long life and property will be
as safe here as in any part of her Majesty’s dominions.

The want of sanitary arrangements, or rather the want of power
on the part of the authorities to carry out sanitary regulations,
combined with the exposure and privations to which diggers are in the
nature of things subjected, added to the heat of the weather and the
prevalence of sand storms, have together caused a good deal of sickness
since the commencement of summer, but the death rate has not been
nearly so high as is usually reported in the Cape Colony. It

266 History of Griqualand West. [1872

use of expressions strangely at variance with all his other
correspondence and his language before and since. He
deplored the weakness of the Free State, and wished for an
ample supply of the best rifles and ammunition, with some
mitrailleuses and other field pieces, which would have to be
imported through Delagoa Bay, Portugal was too weak
to oppose Great Britain, he would therefore like to see the
United States of America, Germany, or even Kussia get
a footing at Delagoa Bay. It was but a temporary outburst
of resentment that caused him to write in this strain, but that
such a man as President Brand should even for a single
hour have been moved so strongly shows how the uneducated
farmers must have felt. Far the bitterest language that was
used, however, was by Englishmen of high principle, who
were wroth on seeing their flag made use of to cover such
an act. If it had been necessary they would have set up a
government of the fields without hesitation or scruple
themselves, and have then handed it over to the empire ;
but to take the ground under the pretext that it was ceded
by a man who no one believed had a shadow of a claim to
it was something they were utterly ashamed of.

Meantime things were not working at all smoothly at
the diamond fields. Under the Free State administration
the difference between civilised and uncivilised men had
been recognised, and the latter were subjected to certain
restraints necessary for the well-being of the whole com-
munity. They were prohibited from roaming about after
nine o’clock in the evening, they were not allowed to buy
or sell diamonds, they were not permitted to purchase in-
probably never in any week exceeded fifteen per cent per annum of the
population, and it has lately very materially diminished. Yet something
like a panic was in the early part of the present month the order of the
day, and a large proportion of the diggers deserted the camps with the
intention of not returning until cool weather shall again set in.

The new year will open upon us with brilliant prospects, but in these
days of marvels who can say what it may or may not bring forth. At
any rate the energy which these diamond fields have infused
into the formerly sluggish blood of South Africa cannot fail to carry
on the march of improvement upon which we have entered.

iSyi] Discontent at the Diamond Fields. 267

toxicating liquor without an order in writing from their
employers. These regulations had been judiciously enforced,
wdth the result that order had been fairly well preserved.
Now all this was changed. The naked barbarian had
exactly the same rights as the most refined European, and
ha,d no more restraint upon his actions. He at once yielded
to the temptation of strong drink, stole diamonds which he
was now able to sell, and created disturbances throughout
the night that turned the camp in which he lived into a
pandemonium. He became insolent, worked as much or as
little as he chose, and often was unfit for any labour at all.

Representations to this efiect were made by the diggers
to the executive committee, but to no purpose. The three
gentlemen composing the committee were powerless to do
anything except to carry out the instructions of the high
commissioner in Capetown, and he had to be cautious not
to do anything that might ofiend people in England who
were constantly asserting that the blacks were oppressed in
the republics and ought to be as free as the Europeans.

As therefore nothing was done to remedy the evil com-
plained of, the diggers in exasperation took the law into
their own hands. On the 17th of December 1871 a large
number of men assembled and proceeded to burn down four
low class canteens at the New Rush — now Kimberley — and
three others at Old De Beer’s. The proprietors of these
canteens had been selling brandy in large quantities to
coloured servants who were becoming utterly depraved, and
it was morally certain, though it could not be legally proved,
that they had been purchasing diamonds stolen by the
blacks. The diggers destroyed everything on the premises,
but abstained from removing or making use of a single article
themselves.

Following this, on the 29th of December a mass meeting
was held on the market square at Dutoitspan, when a
number of resolutions were passed condemning the existing
order of things, and it was unanimously agreed that a
protest should be drawn up and signed against the ignoring

268 History of Griqualand West. [1^72

by the government of the committee of management and
the old regulations, the charge of ten shillings a month by
the proprietors of the farms for tent stands, the liberty
granted to blacks to hold diamond claims, the sale of intoxi-
cating liquor to blacks, the purchase or sale of diamonds
by blacks, and the placing of barbarians on an equality
with civilised men.

Some steps were then taken by the high commissioner to
improve the condition of things, but they were altogether
inadequate, and it was evident that nothing of importance
could be done until the meeting of the Cape parliament,
when the future position of the diamond fields would be
decided. On the 18th of April 1872 parliament assembled
in Capetown, and a bill for the annexation of Griqualand
West — as Mr. Arnot had named the territory — to the Cape
Colony was introduced by the government in the house
of assembly.

On the 5th of June Mr. Southey moved the second reading.
Mr. Solomon moved, and Mr. Molteno seconded, as an
amendment :

“ That, pending the settlement of the disputes between the govern-
ment of Great Britain and the government of the Orange Free State on
tho.. subject of the boundaries of West Griqualand, which now happily
appears to be near at hand, and in the absence of all information of the
number and position of its population, — information on which, as well as
on other points connected therewith, has been asked for by respectful
address to the governor, — the house feels that it would be inexpedient
to enter this session upon the consideration of any measure for the
annexation of that territory to this colony, as it would be impossible for
the house to decide with any confidence as to what political representa-
tion ought to be given to its inhabitants in the parliament of the colony,
and on the other questions which would have to be decided simul-
taneously with its annexation to the colony.”

Mr. Merriman moved as a further amendment “ that the
bill be read a second time on this day six months.” He
spoke strongly in favour of the Free State view, and
declared his belief that Waterboer had no right whatever
to the ground. Mr. Watermeyer seconded this amendment.
He said he desired to see a united South Africa, and there-

269

1872] Proceedings in the Cape Parliament,

fore would do nothing to rouse the hostility of the Orange
Free State. He referred to the numerous petitions that had
been sent in against the bill as evidence that public opinion
was opposed to it.

The treasurer-general thought the house by its action in
1871 was pledged to support the bill. Mr. Glanville
supported it because he thought the colony would act more
tenderly than the imperial government towards the Free
State, and he desired to see the union of the different
communities. The rule of the diamond fields by the Free
State he thought would be bad, by the South African
Republic would be worse, and by an independent digger
republic worst of all. To that it might come if the Cape
Colony declined to annex the territory.

Mr. King supported the bill. He believed that if the Free
State kept the territory that state would be ruled by the
diamond fields, not the diamond fields by it. He was
entirely of Mr. Glanville’s opinion as to the degrees of bad
government, and he considered the house pledged by its
resolution of 1871 to annex the territory and then endeavour
to make some arrangement with the Free State satisfactory
to both parties.

Mr. De Villiers supported Mr. Solomon’s amendment. He
regretted the resolution of the preceding year, but considered
the house was not pledged to annex the territory while the
boundary was in dispute. He referred to a recent survey of
the line from Ramah via David’s Graf to Platberg, which
showed the diamond fields to be beyond or on the eastern
' side of it, and asked what position the colony would be in
if after annexation arbitrators were to award the whole of
the fields to the Free State or say the twentieth part to
Waterboer. Responsible government was near at hand, and
the federation of the different communities was much spoken
of. He thought the Free State would have been willing to
enter into a federal union if things had remained as they
were until recently, but certainly would not be if the bill
before the house were passed.

270

History of Griqualand West, [1872

Mr. Manuel would vote for Mr. Merriman’s amendment,
and regretted the resolution of the preceding year. Mr.
Tennant would do the same.

Messrs. Sprigg, Reuben AylifF, and Stigant were in favour
of Mr. Solomon’s amendment.

The debate was continued throughout the sitting on the
6th of June. Messrs. Knight, Van Rhyn, Wehmeyer, and
Or pen supported Mr. Merriman’s amendment, Messrs. Wright
and Goold supported that of Mr. Solomon, and only Mr.
Pearson argued on the same line as Mr. Glanville. Mr.
Shawe then moved another amendment, which Mr. Rice
seconded, omitting some words in Mr. Solomon’s and making
it read:

“That, pending the settlement of the disputes between the govern-
ment of Great Britain and the government of the Orange Free State
on the subject of the boundaries of West Griqualand, and in the absence
of all information of the number and position of its population, —
information on which, as well as on other points connected therewith,
has been asked for by respectful address to the governor, — the house
feels that it would be inexpedient to enter upon the consideration of
any measure for the annexation of that territory to this colony, as it
would be impossible for the house to decide, with any confidence, as
to what political representation ought to be given to its inhabitants
in the parliament of the colony, and on the other questions which would
have to be decided simultaneously with its annexation to the colony.’’

Mr. Solomon thereupon withdrew his amendment in
favour of Mr. Shawe’s, and Messrs. Quin and Adams spoke
in support of it.

Messrs. Louw, Prince, and Buchanan announced their
intention to support Mr. Merriman’s amendment, and only
Messrs. Loxton and Clough spoke in favour of passing
the bill.

On the 7th Mr. Smith moved a new amendment:

“That the house, while adhering to the resolution adopted last
session on the subject of the annexation of Griqualand West, considers
that under existing circumstances it is not expedient during the
present session to adopt any measure for the annexation of the territory
to the colony, and its representation in parliament.”

The debate so far showed that only five members would
vote for the bill and twenty-four would reject it. Mr.

1872] Progress of Diamond Mining, 271

Bowker now spoke in favour of Mr. Merriman’s amendment,
and the governor, seeing such an overwhelming majority
against the measure, instructed the colonial secretary to
withdraw the bill without putting it to the vote.

At the diamond fields the failure of the governor’s plans
was regarded with satisfaction, for the majority of the
English speaking diggers desired a local representative
government, and objected to being ruled from a place so
distant as Capetown. Their aspirations in this respect were
natural, and it was undeniable that laws adapted for an
agricultural and pastoral people such as those of the Cape
Colony were not in all cases suitable for a mining com-
munity. But the condition of Griqualand West was such
that representative government there was almost out of
the question. Already the enormous quantity of diamonds
found had caused a great reduction in their value, and with
the falling in of the roads across the Colesberg kopje, the
principal mine, the expense of working was considerably
increased.

The excavations there were now from fifty to eighty feet
or 15*24 to 24*38 metres deep, and from the margin of the
crater to the claims below ropes were stretched, along which
the ground was drawn up in buckets. Many of the claims
were subdivided into quarters or even eighths, and some of
these small sections were worked on shares, the owner
receiving one half of the gross proceeds. More black
labourers were required than formerly, and that class of
the population had increased, while the Europeans were
diminishing in number. Men who had no ground of their
own or who were unsuccessful as diggers were in a state of
poverty, a condition of things which induced lawlessness, if
not actual crime.

A robbery of a somewhat sensational character took place
at this time. In the evening of the 9th of May 1872 a
respectable looking man named John William Harding went
to the post office at the Colesberg kopje, and seeing no one
inside, inserted his arm through the delivery window and

272 History of Griqualand West. [187 2-

removed a bag from the counter in which were letters con-
taining two thousand three hundred and eighty-one diamonds^
weighing six pounds avoirdupois or 2*722 kilogrammes.
When the theft was discovered a search was instituted, but
no trace of the missing bag was found. On the 4th of June
Harding was arrested in a hotel in Capetown on a charge of
theft of money from a fellow passenger from England about
three months before. His luggage was on board the steam-
ship Syriaj in which he had taken his passage to England,
and when it was examined for removal by the police two
thousand three hundred and forty-seven diamonds and about
£1,000 in coin, notes, &c., were discovered. The barrel of a
rifle was filled with diamonds. On his trial on the 15th of
July Harding confessed the crime, and gave such information
as enabled the police to recover the letters, which he had
concealed but not destroyed, so that restitution of the
diamonds to their owners was made easy. He was sentenced
to five years imprisonment with hard labour.

Shortly afterwards another sensational robbery took place,
of a great number of diamonds from a postbag that had
dropped — or perhaps been thrown — from the mail waggon on
the way to Capetown. In this instance the thief was caught
by a disguised detective, and the diamonds were recovered.
These cases naturally caused excitement at the time, but
were far from producing such irritation as was occasioned
by the thefts of diamonds by black servants from their
employers. Owing to these the diggers were in a state of
actual exasperation. A number of low class whites from the
worst streets in London had found their way to the fields,
and had organised a regular system of robbery. After
October 1871 black men could hold claims in the mines,
and diamonds found by Kaffir servants could easily be
transferred to them and afterwards sold openly, or they
could be sold secretly to some unscrupulous European
directly or through the agency of a third person. On the
30th of May 1872 a proclamation had been issued by Sir
Henry Barkly forbidding the sale or purchase of uncut

1872] Riots at the Diamond Mines. 273

diamonds by unauthorised persons under a penalty of three
times their value, and in default of payment, imprisonment
with or without hard labour [for any period not exceeding
two years. This proclamation, however, had no effect in
checking the robberies.

In July the general discontent culminated in serious riots.
On the 16th of that month an Indian at Colesberg Kopje
was detected in the act of purchasing stolen diamonds from
some black servants, when at once a number of diggers
assembled, and after handling him very roughly, would have
hanged him, had not the resident magistrate, Mr. R. W. H.
Giddy, induced them to desist and allow him to be taken
to prison. Meantime the crowd had been constantly in-
creasing, and now set about burning down the tents and
destroying the stock in trade of low class canteen keepers
who were suspected of illicit diamond buying. Next day
the excitement rose higher, and in the evening a great mob
recommenced the destruction of tents and property of sus-
pected persons, the police being unable to prevent these
lawless acts, though they managed to arrest four of the
leaders, who were committed to prison.

On the 18th Mr. Giddy, who had succeeded Mr. Bowker
as commissioner, appealed to the diggers to assist him in
maintaining order, and a good many enrolled themselves as
special constables. Two of those arrested on the 17th were
released from prison on bail of £1,000 each, and in the
evening a great crowd assembled in front of the magistrate’s
house and demanded the liberation of the other two. Mr.
Giddy offered to comply if bail was forthcoming, which was
immediately offered, and so no further rioting occurred.

On the 19th Messrs. Campbell and Thompson arrived from
Klipdrift, and a series of conferences took place afterwards
between the three commissioners and a committee of eleven
persons representing the digging ’community. The committee
desired

“1. That the commissioners suspend from this date all licenses and
the granting of all renewal of licenses to coloured persons to search for
diamonds, or to buy, sell, or otherwise deal in diamonds.

2 74 History of Griqitaland West, [1872

“ 2. That the resident magistrate be empowered to inflict summary
justice on all ofifenders, and that the jurisdiction in civil cases be
extended to £500 at the option of the plaintiff.

“3. That the commissioners at once organise an eflicient detective
and police force.

“4. That the seat of government be removed from Klipdrift t© the
New Rush.

“5. That all revenue collected in this territory shall be retained for
the purpose of defraying the expenses of administering the government
of the territory.

“6. That the rules hereunto annexed shall, within as short a time
as possible, be sanctioned and proclaimed law, the same to apply to
the whole of the districts of Griqualand.

Buies.

“1. That no Kaffir or other coloured person be entitled to hold a
license to search for diamonds.

“2. That no Kaffir or other coloured person shall be entitled to hold
a license to buy, sell, or otherwise deal in diamonds.

“3. That any person who shall be convicted before a magistrate of
having purchased a diamond or diamonds from any native shall receive
publicly fifty lashes, and his property shall be confiscated, the proceeds
to be applied to forming a fund for rewards to persons who give informa-
tion which leads v to the detection and conviction of an offender, and any
surplus money accruing shall be at the disposal of the representatives
of the diggers.

“4. That any person who shall be convicted before a magistrate of
having induced, or endeavoured to induce, any native servant to steal
diamonds from his master shall receive fifty lashes and be imprisoned for
a term not less than two years with hard labour.

“5. That every employer of native labourers shall enter into a written
contract of service with each servant before an officer to be appointed
to attest the same, whose duty it shall be to register such contract and
give to each contracting party a ticket thereof, under the provisions of
the seamen’s registration act.

“ 6. That on the discharge of each servant it shall be the duty of
his master to endorse on the ticket of service the fact of such discharge
and the date thereof, under a penalty of £5 sterling.

“7. That no unemployed native labourer shall be permitted within
the camp beyond forty-eight hours after discharge, and any native found
so offending shall be liable to be apprehended, and when brought before
the magistrate, should he refuse to engage his services, or should he not
then procure a master, he shall be treated and punished in a similar
manner as by the English vagrant act.

“8. Every employer of native labourers and all constables and other
officers of the law shall at all times have the right, without warrant
under the hand of a magistrate, to search the persons and habitations of

1872] Concessions of the Com^nissioners, 275

such native labourers, and in the event of any diamonds or other
precious stones being found in their possession for which they cannot
satisfactorily account, they shall be dealt with according to law, and any
money or other property they may possess shall become the property
of the government.

“9. It shall be the duty of the police to patrol the country sur-
rounding the camps, with a view of apprehending absconding servants,
and any servant found without his proper certificate of discharge shall
be liable to be apprehended and dealt with according to law.

“10. All diamonds found in the possession of any native labourer
shall in the absence of proof to the contrary be deemed to be the
property of, and handed over to his present master should he be in
service, and if otherwise to his last employer, who shall pay a sum equal
to ten per cent of the value thereof to the apprehending officer.

“ 11. That no person shall be permitted to sell wines, spirituous, or
other intoxicating drinks to any native servant, under a penalty of con-
fiscation of his property and imprisonment for a term of not less than
three calendar months.

“12. That no canteen keeper shall be allowed to receive any diamond
or diamonds in payment or part payment, in pledge or pawn, for liquors,
under a penalty of not less than two years’ imprisonment and confiscation
of his property.”

On the 22nd the commissioners replied to these requests.
They wrote

“ 1. As to the suggestion that the issuing of licenses to natives or
other coloured persons to search for or deal in diamonds should be sus-
pended pending the signification of his Excellency’s pleasure thereon,
the commissioners will direct that licenses to natives or other coloured
persons to search for or deal in diamonds shall be suspended on
Wednesday next, and shall thenceforth be issued or renewed only upon
production to the inspector of claims, or to the distributor of stamps
respectively, of a certificate of character and fitness, either from the
diggers’ conunittee or, in a digging where there is no such committee,
from a board of seven bona fide white claimholders to be elected by
white claimholders for that purpose.

“2. In answer to the proposal for increasing the power of magistrates,
the commissioners will empower magistrates to punish the theft of
diamonds, either by any number of lashes not exceeding fifty, or by
imprisonment with hard labour for any period not exceeding six months ;
as also to hear and decide civil causes wherein the value of the matter
in dispute does not exceed £100, without prejudice to the right of any
suitor to bring his action in the first instance in the high court or in
any circuit court, should he elect to do so, in any case where the sum
sued for is beyond the ordinary jurisdiction of the magistrate’s court.

276

History of Griqualand West. [1872

“3. The commissioners have to inform the committee that the
organisation of a special police for the diamond fields has been already
commenced.

“4. The question of removing the seat of government to the New
Rush is one which must be left entirely to the consideration of his
Excellency.

“5. The appropriation of a part of the revenue collected upon the
diamond fields to adjusting the amounts advanced and expended out of
the colonial revenue for the purpose of government here does not appear
to be a matter of which any just complaint can be made.

“6. In reference to the rules submitted to the commissioners, they
have to reply as follows :

“ Rules 1 and 2 are disposed of by the reply to clause 1 of this
memorial.

“ 3. Approved, with the following modification, namely, that any person
who shall be convicted before a resident magistrate of having purchased
or received in pledge or pawn a diamond or diamonds from any native
other than a claimholder or licensed dealer shall be liable to a fine
not exceeding £100 sterling, or to imprisonment with or without hard
labour for any period not exceeding six months.

“4. Approved, with the following modification, namely, that any
person who shall be convicted before a resident magistrate of having
induced, or endeavoured to induce, any native servant to steal a diamond
or diamonds from his master shall be punished with any number of
lashes not exceeding fifty, or with imprisonment with or without hard
labour for any period not exceeding twelve months.

“5, 6, 7, 8. The commissioners have already sent for his Excellency’s
approval a complete scheme of registration of servants, pending which the
civil commissioner has approved a set of rules upon the same subject
forwarded to him by the committee, and the same will be brought into
operation.

“9. The definition of the means to be adopted by the police for the
performance of their duties rests with the officer in command.

“10. Approved.

“11. Is covered by government notice number three of 1871.

“ 12. Approved, with the following modifications, namely, that no
canteen keeper shall be allowed to receive any diamond or diamonds on
pledge or pawn, or in payment or part payment of any liquor, under a
penalty, upon conviction in a magistrate’s court, of a fine not exceeding
£50, or imprisonment with or without hard labour for any period not
exceeding six months.”

Mr. Thompson objected to the first clause, suspending
existing licenses to coloured people, but the committee
insisted upon it as necessary, and on the 23rd Messrs.
Campbell and Giddy issued a proclamation enforcing it from

1872] Issue of New Regulations. 277

the following day. Upon this being published, the diggers
expressed themselves satisfied, and order was restored.

When information of what had occurred reached Sir
Henry Barkly, he at once expressed disapproval of the
proclamation issued by Messrs. Campbell and Giddy and of
several of the rules that they had agreed to. On the 10th
of August he issued three proclamations, which did not
indeed make any essential changes in the recently intro-
duced regulations, but in which distinctions founded on
colour were obliterated. Thus it was made illegal for any
person to be registered as a claimholder without a certificate
from a magistrate, or a justice of the peace specially
authorised for the purpose, that he was of good character
and a fit and proper person to be so registered. Canteen
keepers were prohibited from dealing in diamonds. A registry
of servants was created, with stringent regulations and
heavy penalties for infringement of the clauses. Masters were
empowered to search their servants, without procuring
warrants, and if diamonds were found upon them or in
their quarters, they were made subject to imprisonment with
or without hard labour for any period not exceeding twelve
months, or to fifty lashes, or to both imprisonment and
lashes. The jurisdiction of magistrates in civil cases was
increased, so that they could hear and decide suits of the
value of £500 on promissory notes or other documents, and
of £250 on oral evidence.

As soon as he could leave Capetown, Sir Henry Barkly
proceeded to the diamond fields, and reached Dutoitspan on
the 7th of September. He was received with expressions
of loyalty by most of the diggers, and at a public dinner in
his honour at the Coles berg kopje was loudly cheered when
he announced his intention of recommending the imperial
authorities to erect Griqualand West into a crown colony,
with a constitution similar to that of Natal.

As the administration of the government by a triumvirate,
two of whom resided at Klipdrift and the other at the
Colesberg kopje, and who held different opinions on many

278 History of Griqualand West. [1873

matters, was an entire failure, Mr. Kichard Southey was
appointed sole administrator. Mr. John Campbell was trans-
ferred to Capetown as resident magistrate, and an executive
council was created, of which Mr. Southey was to be chairman,
and Mr. John Blades Currey, who at the same time was
appointed government secretary, Mr. J. C. Thompson, and
Mr. R. W. H. Giddy were to be members. On the 9th of
January 1873 Mr. Southey arrived at the diamond fields,
took up his residence at the Colesberg kopje, and the new
form of government was inaugurated. It was regarded as
merely temporary until her Majesty’s ministers should decide
what was to be done novr that the Cape Colony refused to
. incorporate the territory while its eastern boundary was in
dispute with the Orange Free State.

The correspondence between the high commissioner and
the president was continuous, and for a time it seemed as
if an agreement between them would be concluded that the
matter in dispute should be left to the decision of local
arbitrators with a final referee in Europe to be nominated
by one of the foreign ambassadors in England, but in
August President Brand was taken very seriously ill and
was compelled to desist from exertion of any kind. On the
31st of that month Mr. F. K. Hohne, the government secretary
of the Orange Free State, assumed duty as acting president
until the volksraad should meet. That body on the 4th
of October appointed a commission consisting of Messrs.
W. W. Collins, F. P. Schnehage, and G. J. Dutoit to carry
on the government from the 21st of that month until Mr.
Brand should recover, and it was not before the 16th of
June 1873 that the president was able to resume duty. The
volksraad refused to agree to a stipulation made by the high
commissioner that the deed of submission to arbitration
should be so drawn up as to exclude all references to the
convention of the 23rd of February 1854, and so the long
correspondence ended in nothing.

A reply to the document drawn up in Mr. Southey’s name
on the 25th of April was approved of and published, in

279

1873] Erection into a Crown Colony,

which the case of the Free State was again given, and an
official letter from Mr. Southey himself when he was private
secretary to Governor Sir Harry Smith was quoted in refu-
tation of the most important statement now put forward,
really by Mr. Arnot, on the opposing side. It is not
necessary to give this reply, because all the events referred
to in it have been recorded in previous chapters.

As nothing else could be done, the imperial authorities
followed the counsel of Sir Henry Barkly, and erected
Griqualand West into a crown colony. The letters patent
effecting this were promulgated on the 17th of July 1873.
The territory was formed into three electoral divisions,
named Kimberley, Barkly, and Hay. In the division of
Kimberley were the diamond fields on the farms Bultfontein,
Dorstfontein, and Vooruitzigt, a circle with a radius of two
miles or 3'2 kilometres enclosing the mines Bultfontein,
Dutoitspan, Old De Beer’s, and the Colesberg kopje or
New Rush. The camp at the Colesberg kopje now took
the name of Kimberley, and was made the seat of govern-
ment. There were two or three hundred good pastoral
farms in this division. In the division of Barkly were the
diggings along the Vaal river and the agricultural and
pastoral lands along the Hart and the Vaal, occupied chiefly
by Koranas and Betshuana. The village at Klipdrift
remained the seat of magistracy, but was renamed Barkly.
The division of Hay covered the remainder, or southern and
western portion, of the territory, and was occupied by the
Griquas with a few , Koranas and Betshuana. Griquatown
became the seat of magistracy of this division.

The administration was vested in the high commissioner
as governor of the province, or in his absence in a lieu-
tenant-governor, appointed by the crown, and assisted by an
executive council consisting of the secretary to government,
the attorney - general, and the treasurer, of which the
lieutenant-governor was president.

A legislative council was created, to consist of four official
and four elected members. The official members were those

28o History of Griqttaland West, [1874

composing the executive council. The division of Kimberley
was to return two members to the legislative council, and
Barkly and Hay were each to return one. The governor,
or in his absence the lieutenant-governor, was to preside in
the council, and had a casting vote if other votes were
equal. The council was to meet once every year, but it
could be convened, prorogued, or dissolved, at the pleasure
of the governor. The elected members were to retain their
seats for three years, unless the council should be dissolved
during that time, or unless they should accept office under
government, in which case they were obliged to resign, but
were eligible for reelection. If a member should resign
his seat and no successor be elected within three months,
the governor was empowered to fill the vacancy.

Every male British subject, over twenty-one years of
age and unconvicted of crim'e, was entitled to be registered
as a voter, upon payment of a fee ©f two shillings, provided
that he had occupied for six months a building of the value
of £25, or had been a registered claimholder, or had been
in receipt of a salary not less than at the rate of £100 a
year or £50 with board and lodging. Any registered voter
who should receive a requisition from twenty- five others
was eligible as a candidate for a seat in the council.

The members elected in 1873 were Dr. P. H. J. Graham
and Mr. Henry Green for Kimberley, Advocate Davison for
Barkly, and Mr. David Arnot for Hay. In January 1874
the legislative council met for the first time. Mr. Southey,
who now bore the title of lieutenant-governor, presided.
Ordinances were passed, increasing the license to purchase
diamonds to £50 a year, prohibiting trade in diamonds any-
where except in licensed offices, compelling dealers to keep
registers in which all purchases should be minutely recorded,
under penalty of a fine of £50 or three months imprisonment,
and prohibiting any one from having more than ten claims
registered in his name. It was now hoped that illicit dealing
would be checked, and a few wealthy men or companies be
prevented from getting possession of the mines.

CHAPTER LXXIX.

ANNEXATION OF GRIQUALAND WEST TO THE CAPE COLONY.

The new government gave no more satisfaction than the
one it superseded. Mr. Southey had long and varied ex-
perience in office work, and was unquestionably an able
man, but it cannot be said that he possessed the tact
necessary for the office he filled at the diamond fields. He
was an ultra conservative, whose ideas of government were
not those of the mass of the diggers, consequently he never
became popular. Then the policy of the administration was
directed by the high commissioner, and he had merely to
carry out instructions, so that he cannot justly be blamed
for much that went wrong.

Various departments were created after the model of
older colonies, which made the administration expensive, and
its maintenance pressed heavily upon the diggers. They
complained that the elective element in the council was so
small that they were practically unrepresented. The farms
on which the mines were situated had been purchased by
speculators from their original owners, and disputes with
the new proprietors kept the camps in a constant state of
excitement. The council attempted to limit the proprietors*
power of charging whatever rents they chose, but the
ordinance was disallowed by the imperial authorities as
being an infringement of rights. At length this difficulty
was solved, as far as the principal mine was concerned, by
the government purchasing the farm Vooruitzigt for £100,000,
and selling the building stands which before had been held
on lease.

281

282 History of Griqualand West, [1872

As the crater deepened at Kimberley, the cost of digging
increased. Powerful pumping machinery was required to
keep the claims free of water, and frequently a landslip
would take place, or a great fall of reef, which could only
he removed at a cost of thousands of pounds. And all this
time diamonds were declining in value. From two to three
million pounds worth a year were still sent out of the
province, hut the quantity required to represent that sum
was increasing year by year at an alarming rate. Heavy
taxation, under these circumstances, was loudly complained
of. But the diggers complained even more of the absence
of adequate protection for property, of the want of sympathy
on the part of the principal oflBcers of government, and of
the manner in which public affairs were conducted. It
seemed to them as if the interests of the country were
uncared for, while every petty document was docketed and
carefully tied with red tape.

Another difficulty, distinct from the ownership of the
ground, had arisen with the Orange Free State. The Bantu
tribes far and near were arming with guns obtained at the
diamond fields, and the European residents in both the
republics were consequently in a state of alarm and were
doing all they could to suppress the forbidden traffic within
their own borders. On two occasions the Free State officials
had seized waggons conveying firearms through the district
of Jacobsdal without license, and had confiscated the
contraband articles. On the 12th of December 1872 they
made another seizure, of three waggons laden with guns
and ammunition, the property of British subjects, on the
way to the diamond fields. The seizure took place on the
farm Magersfontein, a name written large in history now,
but then hardly known beyond the immediate neighbourhood.
The farm was owned by Mr. M. Combrink, and was held
under a title granted by Major Warden when the country
was a British possession. It was believed in the Free State
to be on the eastern side of the boundary of Griqualand
West as proclaimed by Sir Henry Barkly, but Mr. F. H. S.

1873] Deinaiid of the High 'Commissioner, 283

Orpen, the surveyor-general of the province, had recently
sketched a line which placed it considerably west of the
border.

A good deal of correspondence followed between the
executive committee of the Orange Free State and the high
commissioner, in which the former affirmed that they had
consistently respected the boundary as proclaimed, though
they continued to protest against the cession by Waterboer,
and that they had only received a copy of Mr. Orpen’s
sketch on the 8 th of January 1873 and disputed its
accuracy. The high commissioner stated that he would
maintain the line sketched by Mr. Orpen, and that as
Magersfontein was therefore in Griqualand West, the Free
State in seizing the three waggons had attacked Great
Britain and insulted the British flag.

On the 27th of January 1873 Mr. Currey, the govern-
ment secretary of Griqualand West, arrived in Bloemfontein,
and handed to the executive committee a demand from the
high commissioner, dated on the 11th' of the month, that
the three waggons should be restored and £600 be paid as
damages to their owners within one hundred hours from the
time of receiving the missive, and further that a full
apology be made for what had occurred. Upon receipt of
this demand the committee called the executive council
together, and the question what was to be done was
earnestly debated. All the members realised that a refusal
to comply with the high commissioners demand would be
followed by war and the loss of independence, but some of
them preferred even this to what they regarded as the
humiliation of doing what was required. Messrs. Collins,
Schnehage, and Prinsloo voted for refusal. But others were
in favour of a more moderate course, and thought the best
thing that could be done would be to surrender the
waggons and pay the £600 under protest, while declining to
make an apology. For this line of action Messrs. Hohne,
Truter, Dutoit, Steyn, and Venter voted. On the 30tb of
January, therefore, Mr. Currey was informed that the

284 History of Griqualand West. [1873

money and the waggons with their lading intact were given
up under protest, and a proposal was made to Sir Henry
Barkly that a commission should be appointed to settle the
boundary line and place beacons along it, in order to avoid
future complications.

The volksraad was called together in extraordinary
session on the 18th of February, and though the debate
took place with closed doors, it was known that feeling ran
very high. The action of the executive committee and
council was, however, approved of, and the session closed
on the 21st.

Sir Henry Barkly accepted the proposal of a commission
to lay down a boundary, and nominated Judge Barry, of
Griqualand West, as the member on the British side. He
then asked the Free State government to draw up the
requisite deed of submission, and transferred all further
correspondence on the subject to Lieutenant - Governor
Southey. The Free State nominated Attorney- General
Buchanan, of the South African Republic, as its repre-
sentative, and all parties agreed to accept Sir Sidney Smith
Bell, chief justice of the Cape Colony, as final umpire. On
the 8th of May 1873 the volksraad in its ordinary session
requested Messrs. Klynveld, Vels, and F. K. Hohne to draw
up a deed of submission, and appointed Advocate Vels to act
as its solicitor in the matter.

But after all no settlement was arrived at. On the 26th
of May the government secretary of the Orange Free State
forwarded to Kimberley a deed of submission, in which the
gentlemen named were empowered to fix the position of
Ramah, David’s Graf, and Platberg, and to lay down
straight lines between those points ; but to this Mr. Southey
replied on the 6th of June objecting, as he desired that the
three places or terminal points of lines should be laid down
within very narrow limits in the deed of submission itself,
in other words that the possibility not only of Magers-
fontein but of the diamond fields being declared outside of
Griqualand West might be guarded against. To such a deed

Skirmish with some Basuto.

1873]

of submission, which the Free State maintained would really
give its case away, it refused to consent, and so nothing
could be done in the matter.

The above, though the most pressing diflSculty, was not the
only one at this time. The Free State tried to prevent
Bantu from openly carrying arms on its soil, and went to the
expense of enrolling a small force of police for the purpose.
Some individual blacks were arrested, and their weapons
were confiscated. Then a number of Molapo’s Basuto
resolved to march together, and to cross the state as rapidly
as possible, in expectation of being able to reach their own
country before a sufficient force could be got together to
oppose them. But Inspector Van Ryneveld of the Free
State police heard of their having crossed the border, and
with his own men and twenty-five farmers who assembled
hastily he rode to Mooimeisjesfontein and took post there
on the 17th of January 1873 as the Basuto band was
approaching. Seventy fine stalwart barbarians, all but one
with a gun on his shoulder, marched along until suddenly
confronted by the Europeans who ordered them to halt. They
were then called upon to surrender their weapons, and
were informed that they must go to Boshof to answer to
the charge of setting the law at defiance. Without hesita-
tion, they refused to give up their guns, and produced their
passes from the diamond fields which showed that they had
purchased the weapons honestly. Inspector Van Ryneveld
informed them that the documents were of no value in the
Free State, but they still persisted in refusing to surrender
their guns.

Whether the Free State force or the Basuto fired the first
shot is uncertain, for each asserted afterwards that the other
did ; but this is not of much importance. The white men
were there to enforce the law, and were determined to do it.
The black men were there to break the law, and were
equally resolved to do it. Each believed itself to have right
on its side. The ground admitted of both parties taking
shelter, consequently the firing had so little effect that the only

286 History of Griqualand West, [1874

casualties were two Basuto killed and two wounded. Night
came on, and in the darkness the blacks made their way
back to Dutoitspan, where they reported what had occurred.
They were British subjects, and the high commissioner, as
he was unquestionably justified in doing, demanded a thorough
investigation into the whole matter. To this the Free State
made no objection, but the tone of Sir Henry Barkly’s
correspondence was such that the existing irritation was
greatly increased by it.

At the diamond fields the discontent of the European
residents who were not in thriving circumstances was
constantly increasing, and the Free State government might
have been pleased at being relieved of the difficulty of
maintaining order there if it had been treated with more
consideration. A sensible, practical people, whose first wish
was to avoid turmoil and strife, the farmers in the republic
fully realised the advantage to them of the excellent market
afibrded by the diamond mines, and it would not have been
difficult to induce them to come to some friendly arrange-
ment under which everything that British interests demanded
might have been secured, and the way prepared for the
eventual unification of South Africa, if a far-seeing, bene-
volent, and courteous statesman such as Sir George Grey
had been her Majesty’s representative here at the time. Sir
Henry Barkly’s dislike of “ the boers,” his highhanded,
almost contemptuous manner of dealing with the republican
governments, proved an effectual barrier against anything like
harmony or confidence.

At Kimberley and Dutoitspan complaints, some frivolous,
others well founded, were brought against the administration
during 1873 and 1874, chief among them being the
prevalence of illicit diamond buying, owing to the laws
making no distinction of colour or race. At length a
number of men banded together in what they termed a
mutual protection association, went about armed, and drilled
openly under the direction of military leaders, some of whom
were known to be disaffected towards English rule and

1875] Seditious Proceedings, 287

boasted of being Fenians. What the ultimate object of this
association may have been is uncertain. Open rebellion
would have been an act of such extreme folly that few of
the members can have intended to go so far, and probably
their object was merely to gain notoriety. But when
hundreds of excited men meet together with arms in their
hands, and no force is present to restrain them, insurrection
is easily drifted into. The police of Kimberley were directed
to seize a quantity oE ammunition and rifles known to be
on the premises of one of the disaffected men, but to do it
as quietly as possible. They did as they were directed, and
not only seized the material of war but arrested the owner
of the premises and conveyed him to prison. Immediately
the alarm was sounded, when his associates hastily assembled,
marched in a body to the magistrate’s office, and demanded
the release of the prisoner, Mr. Giddy was a man of tact,
and managed to prevent a riot without acceding to the
demand, but passion continued to run high, and the
lieutenant-governor, believing his authority to be in danger,
represented to the high commissioner that he was unable to
preserve order.

Sir Henry Barkly then considered it necessary to send a
body of imperial troops to the diamond fields. General Sir
Arthur Cunynghame, who was then commander in chief of
the forces in South Africa, directed it in person. It
consisted, exclusive of officers, of two hundred and ninety
men of the 24th regiment, forty of whom were mounted to
serve as cavalry, and twenty-five artillerymen with two
Armstrong guns. It was accompanied by a long train of
mule waggons, and marched from the terminus of the
railway at Wellington through Beaufort West and Hopetown
to Kimberley, where it arrived on the 30th of June 1875.
The orderly portion of the community welcomed the troops
after their long march, and no open exhibition of disloyalty
was made when on the following morning the leaders of the
mutual protection association were arrested and committed
to prison. They were put upon their trial for sedition, but

288 History of Griqualand West, [1872

the jury refused to convict them, so they were set free.
They thought it well, however, to leave the province, and
with their departure quietness was restored.

A very important matter for the consideration of the
government was the settlement of disputes regarding the
ownership of land in different parts of the province away
from the mining areas. There were claims resting on grants
from petty Betshuana and Korana captains, from Cornelis
Kok, and from Nicholas Waterboer after Mr. Arnot became
his advocate, and often these overlapped. Then there were
the grants of farms made by the Sovereignty government,
thirty-three in number, which could not be disputed,
and some of those made by the Free State government,
which could be disputed if Waterboer’s claim was good.

In March 1872 a commission, consisting of Mr. Francis
H. S. Orpen, civil commissioner of Hay and surveyor-
general of the province, Mr. P. L. Buyskes, sheriff, and Mr.
Thomas Holden Bowker, a gentleman who had assisted in
locating the grantees in the division of Queenstown, was
appointed to receive, examine, inquire into, and register claims
to land in the province, and also to ascertain and report for
the governor’s information what land should, in their
opinion, be set apart for the use and occupation of the
coloured inhabitants and for public purposes, such as sites for
villages, &c. The first meeting of this commission was
held on the 6 th of May, and it was the only one Mr. Orpen
ever attended, as his other occupations left him no time
for this duty.

As soon as Messrs. Buyskes and Bowker entered upon
the task they found themselves confronted with a difficulty
that they did not know how to overcome. It became
evident to them that Waterboer’s claim was altogether
fictitious as far as the greater part of the province was
concerned, and they could not therefore recognise and
register grants of land made in his name. Mr. Arnot’s
claims were the first that came before them. That gentle-
man submitted grants from Waterboer to himself of the

1875] Appointment of a Land Court. 289

farm Eskdale, in Albania, on which he resided, fourteen
thousand morgen or twenty-nine thousand English acres in
extent, a block of thirty-seven farms, each containing three
thousand morgen or six thousand three hundred and fifty
acres, on the eastern side of the Vaal, a similar block on the
western side of that river, and a lot twelve acres in extent
at the proposed village of Douglas, all in freehold, and five
agricultural allotments at Douglas, each five acres in extent,
at a yearly quitrent of £1 for each, altogether very nearly
half a million acres of ground. These they declined to admit
and register, unless by positive order from the governor
to do so, which was not given.. Then, after investigation,
they felt themselves under the neccessity of admitting claims
founded on grants by Cornelis Kok, which was equivalent
to an admission that the Free State case was well founded.
The commission did not complete its work, as Mr. Bowker
made use of some offensive expressions concerning what he
termed a “big land swindle,” when he was displaced, and
the attempt to settle the exceedingly complicated question
came to an end for the time.

But as everything away from the mines was at a stand-
still, and must remain so until this matter was arranged,
the governor issued instructions that an ordinance should be
passed, under the provisions of which a land court could be
established. This was not desired on the spot, and difficulty
after difficulty was placed in the way until Sir Henry
Barkly proceeded to Kimberley and presided in person in
the legislative council, when a land settlement ordinance was
passed. The governor Was determined that a thorough
investigation should now be made, which is sufficient proof
that down to 1875 he had been deceived by the specious
statements made on behalf of Waterboer. When the
ordinance was passed he appointed Advocate Stockemstrom,
a man of the highest character, judge of the land court,
to investigate and determine all claims.

It would not be possible to go more deeply into Griqua
history than the land court did as day after day and week

290 History of G^'iqualand West, [1876

after week documentary and printed testimony was produced
and the evidence of all the old people that could be found
was patiently listened to and compared. There were men
and women still living who as boys and girls had crossed
the Orange with the first Griqua emigrants from the Cape
Colony, and there were men of other tribes who could
corroborate or dispute their testimony. All that could be
done by Waterboers advocates was done, but it failed,
for the evidence was overwhelming and indisputable that
neither he nor his people ever had any right or property
whatever in the territory north of the Modder and east of the
Vaal, in which the diamond fields were situated. The captain
was found to be half imbecile, to be ignorant of much that
had transpired, and, as he himself stated, to have seen only
with Mr. Arnot’s eyes and to have heard only with Mr.
Arnot’s ears. The judge w^as obliged to decide in accordance
with justice, and the grants made in Waterboer’s name in
that part of the territory north of the Modder river were
thrown out.

In August 1875 Lieutenant-Governor Southey and the
secretary, Mr.' John Blades Currey, retired from oflSce, and
after a short interval during which the recorder, Mr. Jacob
Dirk Barry, acted as local head of the government. Major
William Owen Lanyon was appointed administrator. At the
same time Colonel Crossman was sent as a special commis-
sioner to examine into and report upon all matters connected
with the revenue, expenditure, and liability of the province,
with the result that considerable retrenchment in the cost
of administration was effected.

Owiug to the boundary of Griqualand West being extended
by a survey conducted by Mr. Ford, which placed Davids
Graf nearly as far eastward as the village of Jacobsdal, and
moved the terminal point Platberg much higher up the Vaal,
thus taking more farms from the Free State, on the 11th of
February 1876 the volksraad in extraordinary session
empowered President Brand to proceed to London and confer
with the authorities there on the subject. On the 13th of

291

1876] Arrangejuent with the Free State,

March the president left Bloemfontein, and on his way
throuc^h the Cape Colony read in the Griqualand West
newspapers the judgment of the land court just delivered,
which showed Waterboer’s claim to be baseless. This
decision, the president recognised, as coming from a British
court and being based upon overwhelming evidence, must
greatly strengthen his case. On his arrival in England
he was courteously received by Earl Carnarvon, who was
then secretary of state for the colonies. But restoration
of the territory was regarded as impossible, as vested
interests had grown up, the European inhabitants had
become almost exclusively British, and it seemed necessary
that the predominant power in South Africa should be in
possession of the diamond fields. As that could not be
done, after several interviews and a good deal of correspon-
dence, a proposal was made by Sir Donald Currie, whose
assistance in the negotiations had been requested, which
was agreed to by Earl Carnarvon and President Brand :
to restore a few farms that could be cut out of the
border without affecting the diamond fields, and to pay to
the republic £90,000 as a solatium, with £15,000 more
in case of a railway being constructed within five years.

On the 13th of July 1876 an agreement to this effect was
concluded, subject to its ratification by the volksraad. The
president returned to South Africa, and called the volksraad
together in extraordinary session on the 7th of December,
when he laid the whole circumstances before the members
and expressed himself strongly in favour of the arrangement
as restoring harmony and friendship with the British govern-
ment and people. But the discussion which followed shows
that it was only owing to his personal influence that the
agreement was ratified on the 11th of December, and many
of the members declared that a sense of what they believed
to be the injustice done remained as strong in their minds
as ever.

No one at this time, except Mr. Aruot, seems to have
realised the importance to the British possessions of securing

292 History of Griqualand West. [1877

this territory as a way to the interior of the continent. Its
value was believed to consist in its diamond mines, and
neither Earl Carnarvon nor any other British minister of the
day desired to possess a hectare of territory beyond it. The
Keate award had thrown a great part of the country to the
north into the utmost confusion, and it would have been an
act of mercy to the Bantu there to have extended British
authority over it, but the imperial government had no desire
to do anything of the kind. “ Wait a bit,” said Mr. Arnot,
“ they will have to do it.” It is but fair to him to say that
he was at this time the most advanced imperialist in South
Africa, really caring less for his own interests — despite
appearances — than for the extension of British rule. He
regarded the republics with intense hatred, and thought any
means justifiable that would humiliate and eventually destroj^-
them. His unscrupulousness was not inferior to that of
Frederick the Great of Prussia, and he rather prided himself
upon it than denied it. To him, favoured by exceptional
circumstances such as seldom occur, is due the acquisition of
Griqualand West and the manner in which it was brought
about.

The dispute with the Free State being now settled, the
parliament of the Cape Colony felt itself at liberty to take
steps for the annexation of the province, and in the session
which opened on the 25th of May and closed on the 8th of
August 1877 Mr. Molteno, the prime minister, brought in a
bill for the purpose. He had gone to England at the desire
of the pailiarnent to try to assist Earl Carnarvon in arranging
matters with the Free State, and had there agreed to relieve
the imperial authorities of responsibility for the province by
incorporating it in the Cape Colony. By the bill the province
as a whole was to return one member to the legislative
council, and for the purpose of representation in the house
of assembly was to be formed into two electoral divisions,
Kimberley and Barkly, each division to return two members.
The high court of Griqualand, presided over by a judge
termed the recorder, was to be retained, and to stand in the

293

1877] Passing of an Annexation Act.

same relation to the supreme court of the Cape Colony as
the court of the eastern districts. The supreme court was
made to consist of a chief justice and five puisne judges,
instead of four as previously, the additional judge being the
recorder of Griqualand. The registry of deeds was also to
be retained.

On the 6th of June the second reading of the bill was
moved by Mr. Molteno in the house of assembly. He stated
that it was in accordance with an arrangement made by him
with the secretary of state for the colonies, but did not give
any particulars as to the condition of the province.

Mr. Richard Southey, who then represented Grahamstown
in the assembly, objected on the ground that the people of
the province had not been consulted and that no information
on its finances had been supplied. He was very feebly
supported, however, and after a short discussion the bill
was passed without a division.

On the 4th of July the house went into committee, when
Mr. J. Paterson, supported by Mr. Southey, endeavoured
to secure three members for the province in the legislative
council, and Mr. C. A. Fairbridge, supported by Mr. T.
Barry, endeavoured to secure two. Mr. J. G. Sprigg was
also in favour of a larger number of representatives than
the bill provided, but the clause as it stood was conOrmed
by twenty-nine votes to twenty -five. There was hardly any
other objection made, and as some two thousand residents
in the province petitioned for annexation and no petitions
were received against it, the bill easily went through both
houses, the third reading in the legislative council taking
place on the 27th of July. In April of the following year
it received the royal assent, but, owing to a change of
ministry in the Cape Colony, it was not proclaimed in force
until three years later.

The diamond fields had by this time lost a very large
proportion of their former population. Individual diggers
could no longer work claims successfully, and companies
were rapidly taking their place. This movement was

294 History of Griqtialand West, [1878

accelerated by an ordinance passed by the local council in
November 1876, rescinding the one which prevented any
individual or company from holding more than ten claims.
All the rough work was now performed by black labourers,
and it was estimated that in the whole province there were
not more than from six to seven thousand white people,
with perhaps four times that number of blacks. The
penalties against illicit diamond buying were greatly in-
creased by an ordinance passed in 1877, but the crime
was as rife as ever, though from the changed conditions in
mining riots no longer took place.

By another act passed in the session of 1877 the debt of
the province, which then amounted to £175,000, was taken
over by the Cape government. The items were £90,000
to the Orange Free State for the settlement of all disputes
as to boundaries, £20,000 to the imperial government to
repay the cost of the transport of the troops in 1875, and
£65,000 for money borrowed.

Small as the number of Europeans had become, the
majority of them objected to the loss of autonomy, and
desired to retain a local government under a federal system.
The scheme seems absurd now, the disproportion between
the Cape Colony and Griqualand West being enormous ; but
Earl Carnarvon, who was desirous of bringing about the
federation of all the colonies and states in South Africa,
favoured it as a commencement and as opening a door for
more important communities to enter. Therefore, though he
was anxious to get rid of responsibility for Griqualand West,
he did not press the Cape government to enforce the annexa-
tion act passed by the parliament until the question of
confederation should be settled.

In 1878 the province was disturbed by a rebellion of the
Griquas, Koranas, and Betshuana who occupied the western
and northern portions of it. The Griquas had consented to
Mr. Arnot’s proposals in earlier years with a shadowy idea
of some benefit that would accrue to them, they could not
tell in what way or form, if they would become British

295

187S] Insurrection of Griquas and others,

subjects. They had waited seven years, and now found
themselves paupers. Under the government of Waterboer
they could not sell the land on which they lived : as soon as
the}^ became British subjects the restriction was removed,
and speculators went in who obtained their ground for the
merest trifle. They had foolishly thought they could acquire
other land by simply moving to some unoccupied spot and
asking the government for it, and now they found that
privilege had ceased. Thoughtless and improvident, they had
succumbed to the temptations placed in their way by
traders, had got into debt, and been deprived of their move-
able property by judgments in the magistrate’s court. The
protection afforded in former times by the very insecurity
in which they lived, which prevented traders from giving
them credit, was gone, the reign of law had set in, and
the Griquas became impoverished under it. The captain
Nicholas Waterboer was allowed an annuity of £1,000
for life, but he had become addicted to the use of strong
drink, and with so much money at his disposal was often
in a miserable condition.

The Batlapin and Batlaro had been sullen and discontented
ever since the issue of the proclamation that made them
British subjects under the pretence that they were living
in Waterboer’s country. Many of them, among others a
large section of the clan under the Christian chief Jantje,
son of Mothibi, whose kraal was at Likhatlong, had moved
out of the province, declaring they would rather leave their
homes than abide by any arrangement regarding them made
by a petty Griqua captain with whom they had no con-
nection. Jantje took up his residence at a place named
Manyiding, not far from Kuruman mission station, where
those of his people who accompanied him built a new kraal.
The open country between the Vaal river and the northern
boundary of Griqualand West was now treated as crown
land, and the Betshuana and Koranas could no longer move
about in it and settle down wherever and whenever they
chose. At the same time, it is true that the government had

296 History of Griqualand West. [1878

acted liberally by all these people, and had set apart no
less than a million acres of ground as locations for their
exclusive use.

Apart from any special causes for discontent, there was
at this time a feeling of unrest among many of the coloured
tribes in South Africa. The Xosas were at war with the
Cape Colony, and their emissaries were busy trying to
induce other tribes to join in a general rising against the
Europeans. One of them, a man educated at a mission
school too, was particularly active in Griqualand West.
The accounts of Xosa successes that were put in circulation
were perfectly ridiculous, still they were believed by the
ignorant blacks who sympathised with the opponents of
the white man. On the northern border of the Cape Colony
the Koranas were again causing trouble, and these people
were in close contact with the inhabitants of the lower part
of the province.

Then nearly every black man in the country had now a gun
in his possession. When nothing else would induce the
Bantu to work at the diamond fields, the prospect of getting
guns did, and they were acquired there in great numbers.
In the hands of an untrained barbarian a gun is perhaps
no more destructive a weapon than an assagai or a battle-
axe, but it certainly makes him more inclined to war. And
the coloured inhabitants of Griqualand West had for many
years been accustomed to their use, some of them had been
expert hunters, and one with another they were as well
trained as the recent European colonists.

In January a band of volunteers one hundred and twenty
strong, called the Diamond Fields Horse, left Kimberley
under command of Colonel Charles Warren, to assist the
Cape Colony in the war with the Xosas, and performed
excellent service after their arrival at the Kei. Just after
they left, the Batlapin chief Botlasitsi, son of Gasibone>
whose kraal was at Pokwane, just beyond the border, was
called upon to pay five hundred head of cattle for causing
a disturbance. Some Europeans had obtained farms in his

iSyS] Insurrectio7i of Griquas and others. 297

neighbourhood, within the border, and he had taken their
cattle and threatened them with forcible expulsion if they
would not withdraw of their own accord. He would not
admit that Waterboer had any right to give away land
along the Hart river. He refused to pay the cattle
demanded, so Major Lanyon raised a force of two hundred
white men and a number of blacks, and on the 21st of
January 1878 left Kimberley to punish him. On the 24th
the expedition arrived at Pokwane, and found the Batlapin
apparently prepared to resist. Major Lanyon made ready
to attack, but just as he was about to close in Botlasitsi’s
men abandoned the place and fled, leaving their cattle behind
them. The expedition then took possession of six hundred
and fifty head, and returned to Kimberley.

On the 21st of April Mr. H. B. Roper, magistrate of Hay,
reported that disturbances had occurred at Prieska, south of
the Orange river, and that the Koranas and Betshuana in
his neighbourhood had risen in arms. Major Lanyon im-
mediately called for volunteers, and on the 24th left
Kimberley for Koegas at the head of seventy men, increased
to two hundred and twenty on the march. Upon his arrival
at Koegas he opened communications with Donker Malgas,
who was the principal leader of the insurgents, and
demanded that they should lay down their arms at once.
This was refused, and Major Lanyon therefore prepared to
attack them in the Langebergen. He had hardly set out
from Koegas for this purpose, however, when he fell into
an ambush, and several volleys were poured into his force
by the insurgents, by which one man was killed and several
were wounded. He then fell back to Koegas, where he
formed a camp, and sent to Kimberley for reinforcements
and guns.

This temporary repulse encouraged the Griquas to rise.
They laid siege to Griquatown, where the few white people
living in the district had taken refuge, who were deter-
mined to hold the place to the last extremity. They
managed to convey intelligence of their danger to Major

2gS History of Griqualand West, [1878

Lanyon, and two hundred men were at once sent from
Koegas to their relief, on whose approach the rebels retired,
but on the 21st of Ma}^ they were encountered at Jackals-
fontein, near Griquatown, when twenty-five or thirty of
them were killed and the others dispersed.

On the 31st of May at Daniel’s Kuil, in another part of
the province, an Englishman named John Burness, who held
a commission as justice of the peace, his wife, and his
brother James Burness were attacked and murdered by a
party of insurgents.

The force under Major Lanyon at Koegas was constaYitl3r
being increased by the arrival of volunteers, and some field
guns had been obtained, so on the 5th of June Donker
Malgas’s stronghold in the Langeberg was attacked, and
after severe fighting was taken. Fifty- two rebels were killed,
but the others managed to escape. On this occasion some
two thousand sheep and goats and a few horned cattle were
captured. Six days later the insurgents were again attacked
at a place close by which they had fortified roughly, and
were again driven away with heavy loss. Major Lanyon,
believing that the rebels would not make another stand,
now returned to Kimberley, leaving, as he thought, the pur-
suit and capture of the fugitives to Colonel Warren and
Captain Loftus Rolleston, who had returned to the province
with the diamond tields horse.

On the 9th of June Colonel Warren attacked a party of
rebels at Withuis Kloof in the Campbell mountains, killed
thirty-one of them, and captured a good many cattle. On
the 15th, 18th, and 22nd of June there were engagements
with the insurgents in different parts of the province, in
each of which they were defeated and suffered heavy loss.
In the last of these Captain George Back with thirty men
of the border police surprised a band making a raid from
the islands in the Orange river, killed twenty-five of them,
and made thirty-eight prisoners.

About seven hundred volunteers, police, and others were
now in the field, so ultimate success was felt to be certain,

299

iSyS] Insurrection of GHguas and others.

and it was considered expedient to send an expedition for
the relief of Kurunian mission station, which was threatened
with destruction by the Batlapin and Batlaro.

When the Burness family were murdered at Daniel’s Kuil,
the white people at Kuruman realised that they also were
in dani^er. The brothers Burness were known to have

always treated the blacks with exceptional kindness, and to
have liad so much confidence in the Batlapin living near
them that they remained at their dwelling when all the
other Europeans in the distiict retired to Barkly or
Kimberley for safety. As they had been murdered by the
people they trusted, the residents at Kuruman might expect
the same fate. Some of the converts informed the mission-
aries that the chiefs had resolved to kill all the Europeans
they could lay hold of, so the traders and other white
people at the place took refuge in the Moffat institution
building, and sent a message to Kimberley informing the
administrator of the position they were in. That their fears
were not groundless was proved by the fact that the Batlaro
under the chief Morwe, aided by the Batlapin under
Botlasitsi and Luka, son of Jantje, plundered the station,
though they did not attack the building in which the white
men were prepared to defend themselves.

The advance party of the relief expedition, under
Commandant Ford, crossed the border on the 6th of July,
and about ten miles or sixteen kilometres beyond found a
strong body of Batlapin warriors occupying a hill. These
they dispersed, but at a loss to themselves of five men
killed and the same number wounded. On the following
day a body of Luka’s and Morwe’s men was dispersed, when
twenty of them were killed. On the 9th Commandant Ford
reached Kuruman, and a few days later was followed by
Colonel Warren and Major Lanyon, each with a band of
volunteers. The clans that had been threatening Kuruman
withdrew to Gomaperi, twenty-five miles or forty kilometres
distant, where they were attacked on the 16th of July and
defeated with a loss of nearly fifty men.

300 History of Griqualand West, [1878

The official returns to this date show that on the
European side since the commencement of hostilities twenty-
three men were killed and thirty wounded, not a large
number compared with the loss of the opposing party.

It was now resolved to attack the hostile clans who were
occupying Litakong or Lithako, the Lattakoo of Campbell
and other travellers in the early years of the century, a
place about six miles or 9’6 kilometres from the mission
station Motito. Owing to the rough stone walls from which
the place has its name, that were built by some clan whose
existence has long been forgotten, the position was a strong
one for defence, and the Batlapin and Batlaro had done what
they could to improve it. On the 24th of July it was
taken by storm, with a loss of three Englishmen and two
Zulus killed on the side of the attacking party, and of
over a hundred on the side of the defenders. The spoil
that fell into the hands of the victors was considerable,
consisting of about three thousand head of cattle, sixty-seven
waggons, a number of new karosses, and a quantity of
ostrich feathers.

It was supposed that the hostile Batlapin and Batlaro
were by this time sufficiently humbled, and that Kuruman
was safe, still it was thought prudent not to retire hastily.
On the 9th of August a resident of Kuruman, named
William Chapman, who imprudently strolled to some distance,
was murdered, which was taken as evidence that matters
had not settled down. The volunteers therefore remained
until the middle of August, when they set their faces
homeward, and on the I9tli Colonel Warren and Major
Lanyon reached Kimberley again.

During their absence there had not been much disturbance
in the province. Towards morning of the 30th of June a
band of Griquas and Batlapin attacked the hamlet of
Campbell, but were kept at bay till sunrise, when they
were easily put to flight. On the 18th of July a respect-
able trader named Francis Thompson was murdered at
Corn forth Hill, one of his sons was assaulted and wounded

301

1878] C/ose of the Insurrection,

in an atrocious manner, and his store was plundered and
burned. Twent3"-five men were subsequently arrested and
charged with this crime, but it was impossible to prove
their guilt, and they were acquitted.

Colonel Warren with a strong patrol now proceeded
through the province in search of the insurgents still under
arms, but found none until the 11th of October, when the
remnants of the Griqua and other clans were encountered
at Mokolokwe’s stronghold in the Langebergen. There was
fighting for several days, during which one white man was
killed, but the place was cleared at length, and the wretched
conflict within the province was over. Until the end of
the month, however, the volunteers were kept busy patrolling
and making prisoners of noted rebels, so that some four
hundred men were finally placed in confinement at
Kimberley.

On the loth of November a general amnesty was pro-
claimed by Major Lanyon, from which were excepted only
rebels who had been in receipt of government pay, the
leading insurgents, and those suspected of having committed
murder. The whole of the blacks were disarmed, and then
the prisoners were gradually set at liberty, until none
remained in confinement except four of the ringleaders and
those who were suspected of being the actual murderers of
Messrs. Burness and Thompson.

To overawe the clans between the northern border of
Griqualand West and the Molopo river, some of whom had
been openly hostile and all of whom were believed to have
sympathised with the insurgents, Colonel Warren with a
baud of volunteers marched through the country, and visited
every kraal of importance in it. On his approach Botlasitsi
with some of his followers fled to Taung, where the Batlapin
chief Mankoroane gave him shelter. Colonel Warren de-
manded his deliver}^ and after some pressure, on the 25th of
November Mankoroane surrendered him, his sons, and his
brothers, who were sent to Kimberley and confined there as
prisoners of state. Ail the chiefs in the territory professed

302 History of Griqualand West. [1879

submission and offered to become British subjects, so the
expedition, having nothing more to do, returned to Kimberley,
where it arrived on the 1st of January 1879.

The disturbance had been quelled by local forces, with the
aid of only three or four imperial officers, but the cost to
the province had been £101,841.

In March 1879 Major Lanyon was removed to a more
important office, and his successors only held acting appoint-
ments. The last of these was Mr. James Rose lanes, who
assumed duty in December 1879.

On the 31st of July 1879 a debate on the delay in pro-
claiming the annexation act of 1877 took place in the house
of assembly of the Cape Colony. Many members were of
opinion that it should either be repealed or promulgated at
once, rather than be kept in suspense any longer. The debt
of the province had increased greatly since it was passed,
and its financial arrangements, they thought, should be
brought under the control of parliament without further
delay if the territory was to be annexed at all. The prime
minister, however, gained time b}^ announcing his intention
of visiting the province and ascertaining the condition of
things there by personal observation. He was in favour of
confederation, as opposed to unification of the different South
African communities.

In October of the same year he and Attorney - General
Upington proceeded to Kimberley, where the majority of the
residents were found opposed to annexation, though not
violently so. A subject that occupied their attention more
fully was that of railway communication with the seaboard,
which the prime minister informed them could not be
considered until the other was settled.

In 1880 the confederation proposals of Earl Carnarvon
were subjects of the past, the Cape Colony and the Orange
Free State would have nothing to do with them, and there
was no reason any longer to defer putting the annexation act
of 1877 in force. Still the elected members of the legislative
council of Griqualand West raised their voices against it. In

303

i88o] Annexaiion to the Cape Colony.

June 1880 the matter was discussed, when Dr. J. W»
Matthews, one of the members for Kimberley, moved, and
Mr. J. Paddon, member for Barkly, seconded :

“ That in the opinion of this council the annexation by proclamation or
otherwise of the province of Griqualand West to the Cape Colony would
be detrimental to the best interests of the province and opposed to the
wishes of the inhabitants.’’

Upon which the attorney-general moved and the treasurer
seconded :

“ That in the absence of any public expression of opinion on the subject it
is presumptuous and unreasonable to ask this council to commit itself to
the terms of the resolution, which is based upon the assumption that
such opinion has been expressed.”

The official and the elected members were equal in number,
so the voting for each resolution was the same, but the last
was carried by the casting vote of the chairman.

The council met for the last time on the 30th of September.

On the 15th of October 1880 a proclamation was issued
at Capetown by Sir George Cumine Strahan, who was then
acting as administrator of the government, giving effect from
that day to the act No. 39 of 1877, providing for the
annexation of Griqualand West to the Cape Colony.

CHAPTER LXXX.

ACCOUNT OF THE MA.KOLOLO TRIBE AND OF THE HERERO WAR
OF INDEPENDENCE.

Of the great military tribes that had devastated South
Africa, one — the Makololo — had now ceased to exist. After
the defeat of the Mantati horde by the Griquas at Lithako
on the 26 h of June 1823, the murderous host broke into
fragments, one of which was under a young chief named
Sebetoand, a Mokwena* by birth, who had raised himself by
his ability from a humble position after his immediate
retainers had been driven by Umpangazita from the banks
of the Sand river, His followers were at that time
termed the B,apatsa, but being joined by other sections of
the shattered horde, principally Bafokeng and Bapiri, who
were of the same family group — the Bakwena, — the united
hand took the name of Makololo, and commenced a career
of conquest on its own account.

Sebetoane first measured his strength with the Bangwaketse,
whose principal kraal was then as now at Kanye, north of
the Molopo. This tribe was at the summit of its fame and
power, its able and warlike chief Makaba had made his name
dreaded far and near, and by his defeat of the entire Mantati
horde before its encounter with the Griquas, had apparently
placed himself beyond fear of another attack. His warriors
were well trained and armed, and placed unbounded con-
fidence in their hitherto successful head. But Sebetoand was
more than his equal in strategy, and managed to draw the

* Sebetoan^ and his original followers spoke the dialect of the Bakwena
and claimed to belong to that group of tribes, but they certainly had a
large admixture of Makalanga blood in their veins, though how it was
acquired cannot now be ascertained.

304

305

Account of the Makololo tribe,

Bangwaketse into an engagement in an unfavourable position,
where they were defeated and a great number of their best,
men were slain. Among those who fell was their renowned
chief, who died on the field of battle, as became a warrior
of his reputation.

Then Sebetoane withdrew, taking much spoil with him,,
and the Bangwaketse came together again and built a new
kraal close by their old one. Their chief, Gasiyitsiwe by
name, a grandson of Makaba, was a little boy, and two
regents in succession governed the tribe during his minority.
When the second of these was their head the Matabele
occupied the territory to the eastward, and Moselekatse
sent a small army against him. He made a very feeble
resistance, for the spirit of the tribe was lost when Makaba
died. His cattle were taken, many of his people fell under
the stabbing assagai, and he with the survivors fled for their
lives to the desert, where the remnants of the other
Betshuana tribes were seeking shelter. There, half -starved
and homeless, they were obliged to remain until the
emigrant farmers drove Moselekatse away to the north.
Then the Bangwaketse under Gasiyitsiwe returned to Kanye,
but the tribe was now small and feeble, and it has never
since recovered its former strength.

Sebetoane’s followers were still more like a rabble than
the disciplined body they afterwards became, but he was
gradually introducing order among them. There was so
^ little left to plunder in the south that his people were often
reduced to great distress, and after wandering about for a
few months subsequent to the battle near Kanye, he set
his face towards the north. The nearest tribe in that
direction was the Bakwena of recent times, that is the
section of the widespread Bakwena family that still retained
the ancient name. This tribe had recently undergone a
revolution of an unusual kind. Its chief, Mokwas^ld by
name, was a man of more depraved character even than an
ordinary barbarian, and being as weak as he was dissolute

had made himself so unpopular that some of his subjects

3o6 Account of the Makololo tribe.

conspired against him, put him to death, and raised one of
his distant relatives to be their ruler, his son Setsheli being
a young lad at the time.

The legitimist party desired that their new head should
act only as regent until Setsheli should grow up, but the
other section would not consent to this arrangement, so a
division of the tribe would probably have taken place, with
civil war as its result, if the Makololo had not just then
arrived in the neighbourhood. The legitimists sent mes-
sengers secretly to Sebetoane to appeal to him as a
Mokwena himself to aid them in raising Setsheli to the
chieftainship which was his by right of birth. Sebetoan^
consented, and a definite plan was arranged. The Makololo
surrounded the Bakwena kraal at midnight, entered it at
dawn, and with the assistance of the legitimists overcame
and put to death the new chief and his partisans. Setsheli
was proclaimed chief, and Sebetoane withdrew without
plundering or further molesting the people.

The Bakwena tribe suffered terribly from the Matabele.
Its cattle were captured, its kraals ‘were pillaged and burnt,
and much the larger number of its men, women, and children
were killed. Some of its boys and girls were incorporated
in Moselekatse’s bands, and a miserable remnant with the
chief barely escaped extermination by taking refuge in the
desert. There many died of thirst and starvation, and when
at length relief came by the arrival of the emigrant farmers
and the flight of the Matabele, only a small band was left
of the once large tribe.

The Makololo continued their journey northward, and
next attacked the Bamangwato, who were not in a condition
to offer much resistance. Khari, the most renowned of all
their chiefs before the present ruler Khama, had recently
fallen in battle with a Baroswi clan that he was endeavour-
ing to subdue, and with him so many men were killed that
the tribe was reduced to helplessness. Sekhomi, a son of
Khari, but not by the great wife, then became chief. He
was very young, and consequently without experience, so

Account of the Makololo tribe. 307

that when the Makololo arrived he and his people were
practically at their mercy. They helped themselves to the
cattle and the best of the girls and boys, and then left,
taking Sekhomi a prisoner with them. Some months later
he was either liberated or permitted to escape, and the
scattered Bamangwato gathered again around him and built
a kraal at Shoshong, in a strong but otherwise not very
good position among their hills.

Thence to the Zambesi the Makololo cut their way
through the tribes that were found on their line of march.
The carnage must have been great, but it is impossible now
to ascertain more than the general outlines of the events
that took place. Like all other Bantu conquerors, Sebetoane
spared boys and girls of the people he otherwise destroyed,
and incorporated them in his own tribe, though in a servile
condition. His warriors were now under strict discipline,
and the rabble with which he set out had become a veritable
army. The Baroswi,' broken up into little independent
parties, could offer no resistance worth mentioning, and
the Makololo, after bringing them under subjection, crossed
the Zambesi with the help of Batonga boatmen whom they
impressed, and went down its bank to the principal settle-
ments of those people, which were very numerous below the
great fall. The Batonga tried to resist, but were defeated
and slaughtered in great numbers, and vast herds of cattle
fell into the hands of the victors. Then the Makololo settled
in a large and fertile valley north of the great river.

Here the tribe prospered greatly, and was able to maintain
its position as the ruling people in that part of the interior of
the continent. Its exactions from its subjects were very heavy,
but none of the conquered tribes or clans dared to resist
the will or disobey the commands of Sebetoand. So great
was his power and influence that the subject people, though
vastly outnumbering the band that accompanied him to the
north, were obliged to learn the dialect that he spoke, so
that many years later, after the Makololo had disappeared
from the face of the earth, the French missionaries who

3o8 Account of the Makololo tribe,

established themselves with the Barotsi found that nearly
every member of that great tribe was conversant with
Sesuto. This was of such advantage to them, owing to
their having a perfect knowledge of that dialect themselves
and to the bible and much religious literature having
already been printed in it, that they could only regard the
Makololo conquest as designed by God to open the way
for Christian teaching in one of the most benighted regions
in Africa.

When the Matabele fled to the north from the emigrant
farmers, Moselekatse sent an army against the Makololo,
that captured many of their cattle. These they succeeded in
recovering, and they managed to force the Matabele soldiers
to retreat, but Sebetoand realised that in the open country
where he was then living he would be unable to withstand
a second attack, which would probably be made by a much
more powerful force than the one he had driven away. It
thus became necessary to seek another home, and the locality
was indicated by a man who professed to have intercourse
with the spirit world and whose words were regarded by
the chief and his people as inspired. This man, Tlapane by
name, warned Sebetoane against moving eastward, the
direction which the chief was inclined to favour, and pointed
to the south-west as the course he should take. He added
that the people there should be spared, as they would be
Sebetoan^’s future subjects.

Accordingly search was made for a locality that could easily
be defended, and one was found among the swamps
bordering on the Tshobe river. To it the chief and his
principal warriors at once removed with their women and
children. They retained control over their subjects north
of the Zambesi, and a few Makololo still remained there,
but from this time forward the seat of government was on
the Tshobe, south of the great river, and the principal
military bands were stationed there. The inhabitants to a
great distance around were brought under subjection, but
Sebetoand respected their lives and usually their property.

Account of the Makololo tribe. 309

and they were treated with such kindness that they
speedily became attached to their new master. These people,
who lived on swampy ground and under a burning sun,
were much blacker in colour than the original Makololo.
They consumed great quantities of fish, which abounded in
the rivers and lakelets of the country.

In 1849 the reverend Dr. Livingstone with Messrs. Oswell
and Murray explored the country northward from Kolobeng,
then the residence of the Bakwena chief Setsheli, as far as
Lake Ngami, which they reached on the 1st of August of
that year. There they were informed of the wide extent
of Sebetoane’s power, and they were desirous of visiting
him, but were then unable to proceed farther. In 1850
another attempt was made from Kolobeng, as a base, but
was unsuccessful, as fever attacked so many of the party
at the lake that they were obliged to return.

In 1851, however. Dr. Livingstone and Mr. Oswell reached
Sebetoane’s residence, and were received in a friendly
manner by the chief and his people. The country along the
Tshobe river, where the principal kraals were situated, was
so unhealthy that Europeans could not remain there long,
and Dr. Livingstone, who had his family with him, thought
it imprudent then to look for a better site where a mission
might be established. On a short excursion the Zambesi
was discovered, in the centre of the continent, and much
information concerning the other rivers of that region was
gathered.

Sebetoane died while Dr. Livingstone and Mr. Oswell
were at his residence, which was called Linyanti. The
missionary had been with him long enough to acquire his
confidence, and had consequently come to be regarded by
the people with the greatest respect. Coming from
Kolobeng and having resided for a long time with Setsheli,
whom Sebetoane had raised to the chieftainship of the
Bakwena, were circumstances in his favour. His attachment
to the people with whom he had been living, and of whom
he spoke in terms of praise, made him seem to the Makololo

310 Account of the Makololo tribe,

almost as if he was a Mokwena himself. His position being
thus assured, he resolved to proceed to Capetown, to send
his family to England, and to return to the Tshobe to
explore the country and ascertain whether a healthier site
than Linyanti could not be found, to w’-hich the principal
section of the tribe could be removed, and where mission-
aries might settle and endeavour to christianise and improve
the people.

Sebetoane had no son by his great wife, and desired that
his daughter Mamotshisane, who was a woman of vigour,
should succeed him as head of the tribe. For some years
before his death he caused her to be treated as a great chief,
she was addressed and spoken of as a man, her principal
male favourite was termed her wife, and she was even
encouraged to select v/hatever young men she chose as
companions, just as a chief selects young women. But
Mamotshisane disliked this kind of life, and soon after her
father died she gave the chieftainship to her half brother
Sekeletu, who was then a lad of only sixteen or seventeen
years of age. Thereupon dissensions broke out in the tribe,
but with the death in 1853 of the principal agitator, Mpepe
by name, who was made prisoner and stabbed with an
assagai, these ceased, and Sekeletu became the undisputed
ruler of the Makololo.

On the 23rd of May 1853 Dr. Livingstone arrived at
Linyanti again. Sekeletu had caused most of the men who
had been his father’s favourites to be put to death, as he
was jealous of their influence, and his right to the chieftain-
ship was doubtful on account of his mother having been a
mere concubine. His disposition was weak, and he possessed
none of his father’s abilities. He was therefore glad to
place himself under the guidance of the strong-minded white
man, who bore such love for him and his people as to leave
wife and children and home, and travel for months through
the desert to visit and benefit them. There were two main
objects in the missionary’s view. One was the search for
a healthy district, the other the opening a road to either the

Journeys of Dr, Livingstone, 31 1

western or the eastern coast, along which ivory and other
produce might be transported and needful supplies of
European goods be brought more easily than from the
distant shore of the Cape Colony. Accompanied by the chief,
he explored the country in canoes for a considerable distance
along the great waterways, but without finding as healthy
a site as he was in search of for a mission station. The
other design was then followed up. Sekeletu was capable
of appreciating the advantages of trade, and so Dr.
Livingstone was furnished with carriers and ivory and food,
which enabled him to make his celebrated journey from
Linyanti to St. Paul de Loanda and back, 11th of November
1853 to 1st of September 1855.

It was evident that a road so long and so difficult as this
had proved could be of little use, and thus the energetic
explorer was hardly back at Linyanti when he began making
preparations for a journey to the eastern shore. Supplies
of such things as he most needed had been sent up by
waggon from Kuruman, and were found by him carefully
preserved by the Makololo. Allowing himself only two
months rest, on the 3rd of November 1855 he left Lin^^anti
with a large party of carriers, furnished as before by
Sekeletu, and on the 12th of July 1856 reached the village
of Kilimane. He was the first European that ever crossed
the African continent north of the Cape Colony, and it is
from his connection with the Makololo and the assistance
which they gave him that the name of the tribe has become
widely known.

Leaving his Makololo attendants under the care of the
Portuguese officials at Tete, Dr. Livingstone proceeded to
England to report what he had done and to obtain assistance
in establishing missions in the interior of the country. He
promised to return and conduct the men back to their own
country, and they had such confidence in him that they
made no objection to his leaving them for a time.

Linyanti was in such a fever-stricken locality that the
Bapatsa who cut their way from the Sand river to the

312 Account of the Makololo tribe,

Zambesi, and who had been bred in a healthy land, had
almost died out, and the tribe now consisted largely of
incorporated captives. Dr. Livingstone had obtained a
promise from Sekeletu that he would return to the much
healthier site north of the Zambesi where his father had
once resided, and the London Society, relying upon his
keeping his engagement, resolved to send out missionaries to
occupy the new field far in the interior of the continent.

For this purpose the reverend Holloway Helmore, who had
been engaged in evangelistic work at Likatlong, on the Vaal
river, for seventeen years, was selected as leader, and the
reverend Messrs. John Mackenzie and Roger Price, two
young men fresh from home, were appointed his associates
in the work. It was arranged that the missiori party should
proceed by the road along the eastern border of the Kalahari
to Linyanti, where Dr. Livingstone would meet them,
introduce them to the chief, and persuade him to move
without delay.

In July 1859 Messrs. Helmore and Piice left Kuruman
in waggons drawn by oxen, and commenced the long journey
northward. They were accompanied by their wives, four
children of Mr. Helmore, one child of Mr. Price, and a number
of Betshuana assistants and servants. Mr. Mackenzie was
to follow in 1860 with supplies for the mission party. The
journey was one of much suffering from want of water, but
in February 1860 Linyanti was reached without any loss of
life. Here disaster awaited them such as is seldom experienced
even by the most devoted of those courageous men and women
who hazard everything in the attempt to carry the gospel to
the heathen in the dark places of the earth.

Dr. Livingstone had not arrived, and they found the
Makololo very unfriendly and suspicious of the conduct of
white men, on account of never having heard what had
become of their countrymen who had accompanied him to the
eastern coast in 1855. On being informed that those men
had been left at Tete while the doctor visited England, and
might be expected back very soon, they would not believe it.

3^3

Sufferings of a Missionary party,

Sekeletu was reported to be away hunting, though in fact he
was at home. On the third day after their arrival the chief
visited their encampment with a large retinue, and made them
a present of a quantity of millet beer, which Mr. Price and
the black people of the country afterwards believed to have
been poisoned. He had previously sent them an ox for
slaughter, however, and as the blacks believed that this also
was poisoned, it is not quite certain whether the illness with
which the whole party was shortly afterwards attacked was
not in reality a natural malady, though Mr. Price affirmed
that the symptoms were entirely unlike those of African
fever. Be that as it may, the missionaries with their families
and Betshuana servants were stricken with illness, while
there was very little sickness of any kind among the Makololo
at the time.

Mr. and Mrs. Helmore, two of their children, Mr. Price’s
infant child, and three of the Betshuana died ; and the
survivors were so enfeebled that they could hardly move
about. Mr. Price then resolved to leave Linyanti and return
to the healthy country in the south, but when he was
ready to set out — in June — Sekeletu took from him the two
best waggons and nearly all his clothing and stores of every
kind, leaving him very ill provided for the journey. The
heartless chief also directed the Bushman guides to lead him
into a place infested by the tsetse, so that nearly all his
cattle perished.

Soon after leaving Linyanti Mrs. Price died, and the
sorely afflicted missionary, finding it hopeless to get much
farther south, proceeded as best he could to the country of
the Batawana on the margin of Lake Ngami, where he was
kindly received by the chief Letshulatebe. While he was
there, in August, Dr. Livingstone with his brother and Dr.
Kirk reached the interior from Tete, and at the first
Makololo outpost near the Victoria falls learned what had
occurred, but it was then too late to make any further
arrangements. He had been detained a long time exploring
the Shire river' and the lower Zambesi by the faulty con-

314 Account of the Makololo tribe.

struction of a small steamer he had brought from England,
so that he could not reach Linyanti as soon as Mr. Helmore
had anticipated. Only a few of the Makololo who left that
place in November 1855 returned with him. Many had
died, and others had formed new connections at Tete and
its neighbourhood and preferred remaining where they were
then living.

In May 1860 Mr. Mackenzie left Kuruman with his wife
and child for the purpose of conveying supplies and joining
his associates, who he hoped were then settled with the
Makololo in the comparative!}^ healthy district north of
the Zambesi. On the way he heard accounts of what had
happened, but discredited them, and went on till he reached
the Zouga river. Meantime some Batawana informed Mr.
Price that a white man was travelling slowly northward,
and he immediately proceeded up the river in a canoe lent
to him by Letshulatebe, arriving at the place of crossing
just as Mr. Mackenzie was approaching it. His story was
soon told, and the waggons were then turned in the
direction of the lake, where Mr. Helmore’s two little children
had been left under the care of a wife of the friendly chief.
From this place the survivors of the party returned to
Southern Betshuanaland, and thus ended the attempt to
establish a mission with the Makololo.

Towards the close of 1863 Sekeletu, who was afflicted
with leprosy and who was so weak a ruler that his people
despised him, was strangled by assassins employed by his
leading vassals. The conspirators then seized his cattle and
other property, which they divided among themselves. Upon
this a chieftain named Mpololo, who was a son of a sister of
Sebetoane and who resided north of the Zambesi, raised a
strong force and fell upon the rebels, whom he exterminated
with every member of their families and all their adherents.
Mpololo then became chief of the remainder of the tribe, but
he was so ferocious as a ruler that a section of the people
in utter despair attempted to resist him, and civil war broke
out.

Extinction of the Makololo, 315

Many of the best warriors fell in this strife, others when
defeated tied to distant tribes, some even to their old enemies
the Matabele. One band that made its way to the Batawana
fell into an ambush, when every man was put to death by
Letshulatebe’s order, only the women and children being
spared and adopted. Then the subject tribes, that had long
been suffering under the tyranny of the Makololo, seeing an
opportunity to escape from thraldom, suddenly rose upon
their conquerors. Among them were the Barotsi, who have
since become in their turn a conquering and ruling people,
and who were then led by Sepopa,* son of a chief that
Sebetoane had crushed. It was not merely a rebellion, it
was a strife of extermination. When it was over the
Makololo as a distinct tribe had disappeared from the face
of the earth. The men had all fallen under the assagai or
battleaxe, the young women and the children were among
the spoil of the victors. This happened in 1865, and now
the very name of the tribe that once caused such terror is
almost forgotten in the land they ruled over.

Another large Bantu tribe residing in South Africa in a
condition of independence of European control was the
Ovaherero, with its offshoot the Ovambanderu commonly
known to Europeans as the Cattle Damaras, who occupied
the territory between the western coast north of Waldsh
Bay and the Kalahari desert. Between this tribe and the
Hottentots south of the Swakop (or Zwachoub) river war
had been carried on from the time of its entry into the
country until 1840, sometimes one party, sometimes the other,
getting the upper hand for a short time. Neither Ovaherero
nor Hottentots, however, formed a solid body, and not
unfrequently a Hottentot clan was found fighting on the
Herero side and a Herero clan on the Hottentot side.

* Sepopa was almost as cruel as Mpololo, or Mpororo as called by some
of his subjects, had been. He was murdered by his own leading men
early in 1877, and then two claimants quarrelled for the chieftainship of
the resuscitated Barotsi tribe. The successful competitor was Robosi,
who under his present name Lewanika is favourably known in England
as well in South Africa.

3i6 Accotmt of the Namaquas,

In 1840 the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu, numbering
together some eighty thousand souls all told, were thoroughly
beaten by the Hottentot captain Jonker Afrikaner and his
allies, and were reduced to a state of servitude. There were
in the same territory some thirty thousand Ghou Damup
or Berg Damaras and about three thousand Bushmen, but
these tried merely to keep out of the way of every one
else, and took no part whatever in the general affairs of
the country. Their actions are of little more importance to
the historian, in fact, than those of the antelopes they
hunted, though to the ethnologist the people themselves
afford an interesting study.

The Hottentots were not all descendants of the branch of
their race that remained behind in Great Namaqualand when
the main body crossed the Orange river and spread along
the coast of the present Cape Colony, many of them were
recent immigrants. The proclamation of the earl of Caledon
on the 1st of November 1809, by which chieftainship was
abolished and every one within the colony was made subject
to the colonial laws, was resented by a few of the little
bands that clung to their independence, and these moved
north of the Orange to avoid its operation. Among them
was a remnant of the Gei||Khauas, who claimed that their
head was a lineal descendant of the chiefs who governed the
whole Hottentot people before they crossed the Kunene and
broke up into numerous tribes. This claim was admitted
by some of the others who best preserved the traditions of
their race, and who paid a certain amount of deference to
the chief of the Gei|lKhauas, though they did not consider
themselves as in any way subject to his authority. Amraal,
chief of this clan, died at a very advanced age early in 1865,
and was succeeded by his son Lambert, who was then an
old man. A few years later he died, when his son Andries
Lambert, who afterwards gained notoriety as a daring robber,
became chief. These people lived at a place called Gobabis,
in territory that had been occupied by the Ovambanderu
before the conquest of that tribe by the Hottentots.

Accoiint of the Nama^uas. 317

Among the recent immigrants were also the followers of
Jonker Afrikaner, son of the notorious freebooter, of whom
an account has been given in previous chapters. This clan
was much the strongest of all in a military point of view,
thouofh its numerical strength was less than that of several
of the others, notably than that of an immigrant band under
a man named Moses Witbooi. Jonker’s residence was called
Schmelen’s Hope, but is now much better known by its
Herero name Okahandja. It was situated in territory once
occupied by Hereros, from whom it had been taken. There
was a little band under a leader named Jacobus Izaak, and
another under the captain David Christian. The last of
these was the remnant of the iAmaqua tribe, that at the
close of the seventeenth century lived on the coast between
the Berg river and the Olifants. At a later date it moved
northward to the bank of the Orange, and at the beginning
of the nineteenth century occupied the territory about
Pella. In 1814 the reverend Mr. Schmelen induced the
clan, then numbering about three hundred souls, to migrate
with him farther to the north, and it was with them
that he founded the mission station Bethany in Great
Namaqualand.

Altogether in 1860 there were five distinct ‘ clans of
immigrant Hottentots in Great Namaqualand, numbering
among them some seven thousand souls. There were also
ten clans, independent of each other, of Hottentots properly
termed Namaquas, who were descended from the band
left behind when the remainder of their race moved over
the Orange. These combined were supposed to number
about twelve or thirteen thousand souls.

All of these people had been under instruction by mis-
sionaries, the Wesleyan and London societies having sent
agents to labour among them in the early years of the
century. These had been replaced by agents of the Rhenish
society, and many of the people had become converts to
Christianity. They had proved very intractable and self-
willed, however, and were prone to engage in hostilities

3 1 8 Missions of the Rhenish Society,

under the flimsiest pretexts. From traders they had obtained
an ample supply of firearms and ammunition, and as they
were in possession of horses they were more than a match
for ten times their number of Hereros. The temptation
offered by the large herds of cattle owned by the last named
people had been too great for the Hottentots to resist, and
they had conquered the black tribes, deprived them of their
property, and reduced them to a condition of abject servitude.
If the Hereros had not been so numerous, and there had
been no white men to give them counsel, in course of time
they must have become like the Ghou Damup. At the
beginning of the year 1863 the Hottentots were thus lords
of the land and of the Bantu living on it, just as their
ancestors at some former time had been, when the first
black intruders came down from the north and were
enslaved.

Where it was possible among the Ovaherero also the
Rhenish society had established missions, which were pro-
ductive of much benefit to that people. Previously a purely
pastoral tribe, they had been tauglit to make gardens and to
grow corn. The beds of the Swakop and other periodical
rivers are in some places of great width, and are perfectly
flat. Only' at long intervals is there running water in them,
but it was found that on these flats there was generally
moisture near the surface, and that gardens could be made
there to great advantage.

The principal station of the Rhenish society was named
Otjimbingue. It was founded in 1844, at the junction of
the Swakop with one of its northern tributaries, about one
hundred and six miles or one hundred and seventy kilo-
metres east - north - east of Walfish Bay. Prospectors for
minerals made this place their centre, it was the depot of a
trade in ivory and ostrich feathers worth £40,000 a year, and
was the head-quarters of the European hunters in the country.
The next station in importance had been Okahandja,
Jonker Afrikaner’s residence, about ninety kilometres
farther to the north-east, but the chief bad compelled the

1863] The Merer 0 War of Independence. 319

missionary to leave. There were ten others scattered
about the country.

In 1863 the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu attempted once
more to resist their oppressors. On this occasion they were
assisted by a section of the red nation that had become
independent of the main branch of that* tribe of Namaqua
Hottentots, and that was then under a captain named
Abraham Zwartbooi, whose kraal was at Rehoboth. Jonker
Afrikaner was now dead, and his son Christian Afrikaner had
succeeded him.

The principal Herero chief, Kamaherero by name, and
his people were reduced to the condition of herdsmen of
Christian Afrikaner’s cattle, but had managed to obtain some
^uns and ammunition, which provoked the wrath of their
master. Whether they were in danger of losing their lives
in a general massacre on this account, as they afterwards
asserted and the Hottentots denied, is doubtful ; at any
rate they suddenly fled with the cattle in their charge,
and sought shelter at Otjimbingue. Thereupon Christian
Afrikaner, with the assistance of the main branch of the
clan called the red nation, then under the chief Cornelis
Oasib, attacked Otjimbingue, 17th of June 1863. The
Hereros defended themselves with courage, and after several
hours hard fighting the Hottentots were beaten back, leaving
some two hundred dead on the ground, among whom was
their leader. This was the first encounter in what has since
been known as the Herero war of independence.

Christian was succeeded as head of his clan by his brother
Jan Jonker Afrikaner, a much abler man, who set about
procuring allies with the hope of maintaining the position
that his father had filled. But the Bondelzwarts and other
clans of Southern Namaqualand declined assistance, and
announced their intention of remaining neutral ; and even
the northern clan under Abraham Zwartbooi, though a section
of the red nation which was allied with him, not only
refused its aid, but actually joined the Hereros against
him.

320 The Herero War of Independence, [1865

Most of the European traders and hunters in the country-
resolved to preserve strict neutrality in the war, unless they
were molested themselves, but a few of them allowed their
sympathy with the party fighting for freedom to overcome
the dictates of prudence.

In March 1864 Mr. Frederick Green headed a band of
fifteen hundred Hereros who attacked Jan Jonker’s kraal,
killed several of his people, including his wife and daughter,
burned twenty-two of his waggons, and seized four thousand
head of cattle and over a thousand kilogrammes of gun-
powder. But they did not succeed in humbling their enemy,
who speedily rallied and followed them up for some distance
when thej^ retired.

In June 1864 the celebrated Swedish traveller and
naturalist Mr. Charles John Andersson had one of his legs
badly wounded in an engagement when leading a band of
Hereros.

The Ovaherero and Ovambanderu in former years had
been broken up into many clans independent of each other.
The stronirer of these had preyed upon the weaker, according
to the orthodox Bantu custom, and feuds had arisen, which
tended to make matters worse. But now, when it was a
question whether they should become free or remain slaves
to the Hottentots, the missionaries were able to induce them
all to unite in a loose manner, and they elected Kamaherero,
captain of the largest clan, as their head, with the title of
paramount chief.

Having obtained assistance from every Hottentot clan
in the northern part of Great Namaqualand except the one
under Abraham Zwartbooi, and even pressed a number of
Ghou Dam up or Berg Damaras into his service, on the 3rd
of September 1865 Jan Jonker attacked Otjimbingue again.
His force was in three divisions, one of which was composed
of horsemen, the other two of ox riders and men on foot.
The Hereros were prepared for resistance, and met him with
such determination that he was routed with the loss of all
his pack oxen and what in a European army would be

321

1867] The Herero War of Independe^ice .

termed commissariat stores. Only three Herero men were
killed, but a good many were wounded, and eighty women
that were cut off when trying to get to a place of safety
were all put to death by the merciless Hottentots. These
left on the ground between fifty and sixty dead or dying
men, and they had many wounded whom they carried away
with them.

Most of the European prospectors, hunters, and traders
had left the country, as they saw no prospect of a speedy
return of peace, but the missionaries remained at their posts.
They were now to suffer in common with all the others.
The first of their stations that was broken up was the one
at Gobabis, the kraal of the captain Lambert, son of old
Ainraal who had just died. The missionary family was
driven from the place by the people they had been trying to
improve, and property valued by the Rhenish society at
£2,000 was plundered and destroyed. The next one to be
attacked was Rehoboth, the residence of Abraham Zwartbooi,
who was an ally of the Hereros. The mission at this place
was under the care of the reverend Mr. Kleinschmidt, a
very able and zealous man, who had laboured there for a
quarter of a century. It too was broken up, a number of
women and children were barbarously burned to death,
about £500 worth of mission property was carried off, and
Mr. Kleinschmidt himself died from the hardship he under-
went after being driven away. Abraham Zwartbooi and
his people were obliged to flee, but they had a tract of land
given to them by the Hereros much farther north, at a
place named the Bokberg, where they settled and made a
new home. In the following year, 1866, the stations Gibeon
and Hoachanas were destroyed, many of the people residing
there were killed, and mission property to the value of
£500 was lost. The station New Barmen also was plundered,
though not entirely broken up.

On the 13th of December 1867 Otjimbingue was attacked
once more by Jan Jonker’s Hottentots. They surprised the
place at early dawn, but the Hereros sprang from their

322 The Herero War of Independence, [i86S

mats and offered such a vigorous resistance that the
attacking party could not obtain possession of the place^
though they continued firing into it all day, and only
retreated after nightfall. Their enemies accused them of
using poisoned bullets, but this may not have been true.
Thirty Hereros were killed, and as many more were
wounded, some of whom died of their injuries.

After retreating from Otjirabingue, the Hottentots divided
into two bands, and fell upon the little posts named
Anawood and Salem. These places they took possession of
and plundered, but while those at Anawood were feasting
on the spoil, utterly regardless of the danger they were in„
during the night of the 21st they were surrounded by a
Herero army. At dawn on the 22nd the Hereros opened
fire on them, when they charged in a body through tho
ring and escaped. They were pursued for about sixteen
kilometres or ten miles, and a good many were killed.

Kamaherero, the principal chief, fearing another attack
upon Otjimbingue, now abandoned that place, and retired
with his people to Okahandja, from which locality Jan
Jonker had been obliged to withdraw. Otjimbingue was for
a time almost deserted, — in July 1868 there were only
twenty or thirty persons, including children and the reverend
Dr. C. H. Hahn, residing there, — but a few years later it
was reoccupied and recovered its former importance.

In May 1868 a petty captain named Jacob Bois, whose
territory lay along the coast, and who had a following of
only three or four hundred souls, attacked a party of white
men — Messrs. William Coates Palgrave, Frederick Green, and
Robert Lewis — with a number of servants, who were on
their way from the interior to Walfish Bay. An English-
man named Kennedy was killed, and the waggons with
their contents and all the oxen were seized. Messrs.
Palgrave, Green, and Lewis being well mounted, managed
to save themselves by flight, and succeeded in reaching
Sandwich Harbour, where they found a vessel which brought
them to Capetown.

1 868] The Herero War of Independence, 323

On the 23rd of the same month Bois fell upon the
Rhenish mission station Scheppmansdorp, close to Walfish
Bay. The lives of the reverend F. S. Eickhardt and his
family were spared, and they were permitted to make their
way as best they could to Sandwich Harbour, but the station
was plundered and the missionary’s cattle were driven off.
On the following morning the band made its appearance at
Walfish Bay, where one white man was killed. The others
saved their lives by going on board a schooner that was at
anchor in the bay, and sailed in her to Capetown. A fishing
establishment and the buildings in which goods and provisions
were stored by the traders and missionaries before being sent
inland were plundered and destroyed. The Hottentots tried
to justify these acts of Jacob Bois and the destruction of
the various stations on the ground that European traders
were assisting the Hereros against them, and that the
sympathy of the Rhenish missionaries was notoriously with
their opponents, if indeed they did not furnish their enemies
with material aid.

Her Majesty’s ship Petrel was at once sent up from
Simon’s Bay, but when she arrived in Walfish Bay not a
soul was to be seen. The country to some distance beyond
Scheppmansdorp was searched, without any one being found,
so after remaining there three weeks the man - of - war
returned to her station.

The Cape government then sent Mr. Piers, postmaster-general
of the colony, to Great Namaqualand, to endeavour to induce
some of the other Hottentot communities to compel Jacob
Bois to abstain from attacking and robbing Europeans again,
as it was impossible to inflict any punishment upon him.
All that Mr. Piers could do was to persuade the captain
David Christian, of Bethany, to use his influence with his
sub-chief Bois in favour of order, and with this meagre
result of his mission, in December 1868 he returned to
Capetown.

In 1868 a party of mixed breeds from the Cape Colony,
under the leadership of a man named Hermanns van Wj^k,

324 The Herero War of Independence , [1870

migrated to Great Namaqualand, and in 1870 settled at
Kehoboth with the consent of Abraham Zwartbooi, Kama-
herero, and other chiefs. The influence of these people was
exerted for the maintenance of peace and good order, so
that the country benefited by their presence, though they
were subjected to such losses by theft of their cattle that
they could not advance in prosperity.

In 1868 the Hereros were successful in several engage-
ments, and their good fortune continued until a crowning
victor}^ was obtained in a battle fought at Omukaru, about
ten kilometres from Okahandja. In this engagement the
Hottentots put forth their whole strength, but were routed
with a loss of over two hundred of tReir best men killed,
while the Hereros who fell numbered only seventy. The
Hottentots now abandoned all hope of success, and were
ready to make peace on any terms.

On the 27th of May 1870, through the agency of the
Europeans in the country and some of the best disposed
of the southern Hottentot captains, upon whom Sir Philip
Wodehouse had exercised his influence, a meeting of the
paramount chief Kamaherero, Aponda, chief of the
Ovarabanderu, and Jan Jonker Afrikaner took place at
New Barmen, when a cessation of hostilities was agreed to
and an assembly of all the chiefs on both sides was arranged
to be held on the 23rd of September^ to conclude a formal
treaty of peace and friendship. On that day there came
together at Okahandja Abraham Zwartbooi, captain of the
Namaqua clan at the Bokberg, and twenty -two chiefs of
the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu on one side, and Jan
Jonker, captain of the Afrikaner clan of Hottentots, on the
other. Twenty heads of Herero clans were absent, and of
the Hottentot chiefs who had taken a leading part in the
war, Barnabas, who had succeeded Cornelis Oasib as captain
of the red nation, Karel Hendrik, captain of the Veldschoen-
dragers, and Andries Lambert, captain of the Gei|lKhauas,
did not put in an appearance. The three Hottentot chiefs
David Christian, of Bethany, Jacobus Izaak, of Beersheba,

1870] The Herero War of Independence, 325

and David Witbooi, of Gibeon, who professed to be neutral,
were present by invitation of both parties to confirm the
peace that was to be made.

A formal treaty was drawn up by the reverend Dr. C. H.
Hahn, and after some discussion the terms were agreed to
by those present. It provided for the maintenance of a
sincere peace, the perfect independence of the Hereros, the
security of the roads, the safety of travellers, and the
liberation of all Herero dependents among the Namaquas.
So humiliated was Jan Jonker that in a clause of the treaty
he accepted as a loan from the Herero chiefs the place
Windhoek for himself and his people to live on with a
Rhenish missionary. The document was signed on the 23rd
of September 1870 by the chiefs present, and was witnessed
by three missionaries and the so-called neutral chiefs. It
was accepted by the belligerent captains who were absent
as binding also upon them, and so peace was restored to the
country for a time.

CHAPTER LXXXL

ANNEXATION OF WALFISH BAY TO THE CAPE COLONY AND
ESTABLISHMENT OF A GERMAN PROTECTORATE IN
SOUTH-WESTERN AFRICA.

It soon became evident that the peace concluded in 1870 was
not a final settlement of the relationship to each other of the
different races in Great Namaqualand and Hereroland. Jan
Jonker Afrikaner was smarting under the indignity of
holding ground merely by permission of his former servant,
and was doing everything in his power to bring about a
coalition of all the Hottentot clans in order to renew
hostilities. The great herds of cattle that the Hereros had
once owned were no longer to be seen in the country. The
waste of animal life by the Hottentots after they took
possession of those herds had been enormous, and then the
lung sickness had broken out and carried off a large

proportion of what was left. Still the number that remained
was considerable, and now that the Hereros had them again
in possession they were beginning to increase, for they were
carefully tended and a cow or a heifer was seldom
slaughtered. The Hottentots were in such a state of
poverty as to be almost reckless, and needed only a fair
pretence to renew the war, in hope of improving their

condition, which in the opinion of many of them could

hardly be made worse by defeat.

The half-breeds under Hermanns van Wyk at Rehoboth,
being more industrious and more frugal than the other

inhabitants, had acquired some property, and as they were
living in amity with the Hereros and refused to enter into

326

1873] Migration of Farmers, 327

Jan Jonker's schemes, the Hottentots were plundering them
mercilessly in hope of driving them away.

The Hereros were breaking up into a number of little
clans again, independent of each other, and some of them
hostile to the main branch. Apart from the tendency to
disintegration common to all pastoral tribes, the conduct
of Kamaherero had much to do with this. Without ability
or prudence, he was striving to make himself a despot, and
was treating the other chiefs in a contemptuous manner.
He went so far as to order them all to put out their fires
and light them again from his, an act of acknowledgement
of their dependence upon him which many of them refused
to perform. With the pastures of the whole country north
of the Swakop at his disposal, he caused his cattle to be
driven to Windhoek to feed, as if purposely to taunt Jan
Jonker and provoke him to seize them and thus renew
the war.

In 1872 the missionaries, seeing the danger the country
was in, induced Kamaherero and Aponda to attach their
marks to a letter to Governor Sir Henry Barkly, asking for
advice. They did no,t solicit British protection, but it was
inferred that they would not object to the appointment of
an English officer who would exercise a considerable amount
of control over them. Nothing, however, was done by the
high commissioner at this time in the matter.

In the following year an event that would be regarded
as extraordinary in any country except South Africa took
place. A number of farmers in the South African Republic
decided to migrate to some other locality, rather than
remain in a land whose president did not hold orthodox
religious views. With their families and eflfects the first or
leading party of these strong willed people moved away
in great waggons drawn by oxen, and crossed the northern
part of the Kalahari into a country bordering on that
occupied by ti»e Hereros. The flocks and herds that were
driven on with them dwindled in the desert from want of
water and food, and so terrible were their own sufterings

328 Condition of Hereroland. [1874

that their line of march was a line of i^raves of their dead.
But still they went on, for when these men once resolve
upon a course they do not swerve from it.

And so the survivors reached the hunting grounds west
of the desert, and found not indeed such a country as they
cared to settle in permanently, but one in which they could
rest for a time till their cattle should recover and their
friends behind should join them, when they would resume
their journey in search of a home. This they found at last
in Portuguese territory far away in the north-west, but in
the meantime they moved about for several years on the
border of Hereroland. The only permanent inhabitants there
previously were a few Bushmen, but Europeans, Hottentots^
and Bantu alike used it occasionally for hunting in.

The presence of the migrating farmers in their neighbour-
hood and the report that many more were coming caused
much alarm to the Herero chiefs. Accustomed themselves
to disregard the rights of the weak, they looked upon it as
only natural that men stronger than they were should
select the best pastures and take possession by force. How
were they to prevent this? was the question which they
asked themselves and requested their European friends to
advise them how to answer. The only solution seemed to
be to call in the aid of the Cape government, and so

on the 21st of June 1874 a letter bearing the marks of

Kamaherero and two other chiefs was sent to Sir Henry
Barkly, begging for the interference of the British govern-
ment. It was really the production, and expressed the

views, of Messrs. S. A. Mumford and Frederick Green, though
those gentlemen signed it merely as witnesses. At the

same time letters and petitions were forwarded by various
traders and travellers in the territory, complaining of the
lawlessness of many of the people and asking for protection
against violence. To make matters worse, coloured rovers
of predatory habits were moving into Great Namaqualand
from the country to the eastward, so that an intolerable
condition of things was arising beyond the colonial border.

1876] First Mission of Mr, Palgrave, 329

It was therefore from force of circumstances, not from
any wish to acquire comparatively valueless territory, and
thereby to incur expense and increase responsibility, that Mr.
Molteno’s ministry proposed to establish British authority
alonof the coast. In the session of 1875 a resolution was
submitted by the government, and was adopted by parlia-
ment, that it was desirable to extend the limits of the
colony to Waltish Bay and such tract of country inland as
might be deemed expedient and approved of by her Majesty,
and that preliminary steps should be taken for placing the
government in a position to bring in a bill for the
annexation of the territory indicated to the Cape Colony.

To carry this resolution into effect, it was necessary to
obtain an unbiassed account of the condition of the country,
the views of the various chiefs, the prospect of obtaining a
revenue that would meet or partly meet the cost of adminis-
tration, and any other information of value that could be
gathered. For this purpose, on the 16th of March 1876 Mr.
William Coates Palgrave was appointed a special commissioner,
and on the 10th of April he left Capetown to carry out the
duties with which he was entrusted. Landing at Walfish
Bay on the 25th of April, he commenced a tour through the
country that occupied his time until the end of the year,
of which he sent in a long and interesting report. His
description of Walfish Bay and the country around it which
subsequently became British territory will show the graphic
power of his pen :

“Walfish Bay is formed by a low-lying promontory of sand, called
Pelican Point, about seven miles (11*3 kilometres) in length, but of
inconsiderable breadth. The entrance to the bay is its northern
extremity, and its shape is nearly that of a horse shoe. Northerly winds
are light in those latitudes, and as the bay is well sheltered from all
other, it has the reputation of being very safe for every class of vessel,
although those of large tonnage may not anchor within three-quarters of
a mile (1,207 metres) of the beach at that part of the bay opposite to
which the stores have been erected.

“But a more dreary scene than the coast about Walfish Bay can
scarcely be imagined. There are no adjacent mountains to relieve its
monotonous character, and no vegetation to enliven it. Low sand dunes

330

Description of Walfish Bay, [1876

form a sort of fringe to the coast and oppose to the transport of the
country the greatest obstacle. Through these sand dunes no permanent
way has ever been attempted, partly because they are ever shifting
and partly because the only practicable road to the plain beyond is
for nearly four miles (6*4 kilometres) along the bed of the Kuisip, a
periodical river which, although seldom in flood, has at times the
force of a mountain torrent, when it would destroy the best road
which considering the circumstances of the country could have been
made.

“ Another grievous obstacle to transport is the total absence of
pasture and water in the immediate neighbourhood of the bay, though
it must be explained that within a radius of ten miles (16 kilometres)
some small patches of a short prickly grass are to be found here and
there struggling with the wastes of sand, as well as a few reedy oases,
the presence of these latter being usually indicative of water, which
is however unfortunately brak and causes diarrhoea amongst the cattle
unused to drinking it, whilst the sparsely scattered vegetation is not,
either in quantity or quality, sufficient to sustain the poor beasts over
that arduous part of their journey to and from the finer pasture of the
settled interior.

“The natives living at Walfish Bay are a portion of a tribe called
Topnaars, a branch of the Namaqua nation. They were once of
importance, but have gradually deteriorated until they are now perhaps
the most degenerate members of a rapidly degenerating family. Those
of them who live at Walfish Bay do not number more than from one
hundred and fifty to two hundred souls. They have been led to choose
this arid coast, partly on account of an edible gourd-like fruit called
the naras, which grows all along that shore in great abundance, and
on account of the facilities offered for the capturing of fish driven into
the lagoon at the bottom of the harbour by the sharks which abound
in the deeper waters ; and partly too because of the remuneration they
can from time to time obtain for their labour in carrying from the
beach to the warehouses cargoes landed by the coasters from the
Cape.

“ The white population of Walfish Bay, consisting usually of not more
than five or six persons, was at the time of my arrival augmented (to
twenty-three souls) by the presence of some hunters and up-country
traders who had come down for supplies. The stores are wood and iron
buildings erected on an artificial mound of sand bags, and are rather
depots of merchandise for the up-country trade than what is ordinarily
meant by stores. They are but four in number, and of these but two
are of any size ; one belongs to the Missions Handels Achtien
Gesellschaft, the other to Messrs. Eriksson & Co., a Swedish house.
These two firms do between them more than half of the trade of
Damaraland, and are likewise employed as landing and forwarding
agents for the other establishments.”

331

1876] First Amission of Mr, Palgrave,

Leaving the bay, Mr. Palgrave travelled for an hour in an
ox-waggon over the low flat, which at very high tides is
covered by the sea, and then reached the fringe of sand
dunes. The only way of passing through them was along
the sandy bed of the Kuisip, which had not contained any
running water for nine years. On each side the undulating
dunes rose in billowy waves from a metre and a half to
fifteen metres in height, over which the creeping naras plants
spread themselves, while along the river course stunted
tamarisk trees grew abundantl3^ For twenty-two hours the
oxen drew the waggon through the sand, and then it was
necessary to outspan and send the exhausted animals to the
Swakop, seven miles (11*2 kilometres) distant, to get water
and grass.

After reaching the bed of the Swakop travelling was
much easier, and at every stage water at no great distance
from the surface, and grass were to be had for the cattle.
The sand belt, which extends along, the whole coast and
upon which rain seldom falls, does not reach inland more
than about forty miles or sixty-four kilometres, and beyond
it the country rapidly improves and becomes fit for pastoral
purposes.

The presence of the farmers on the border had the effect of
solidifying the Herero tribe again, and as Mr. Palgrave pro-
ceeded on his journey he found the chiefs of the clans
expressing submission to Karaaherero as paramount over
them all. Wherever he went he was well received, for
every one felt the need of protection. Several preliminary
meetings took place, at which the advantage of being guided
by a friendly European was talked over, and finally it was
resolved that a general assembly of the chiefs and leading
men of the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu should be held at
Okahandja, when an arrangement with the commissioner
would be made. The discussions at this meeting showed that
the chiefs were unwilling to part with their authorit}’’ over
the people, but were quite ready to receive a European officer
as their nominal head and guide.

332 First Mission of Mr, Palgrave. [1876

On the 9th of September a letter was drawn up and
addressed to Sir Henry Barkly, in which his Excellency
was requested “ to send some one to rule them and to be the
head of their country, and as they did not wish at first to

have one who was a stranger to them, they prayed

that Mr. Palgrave might be sent to manage their afiairs,

and they promised to give him all the help in their power.

They wanted him to have authority in all cases in which
other people than their own were concerned in any way, and
they promised not to vscreen their own people from justice,
but willingly to assist in carrying out the law and maintain-
ing order in their country. They promised to set on one
side a part of their country for the use of their government,
and if more' money was required for its maintenance than
could be obtained from the ground set aside, they promised
to collect from amongst themselves a sufficient amount for
the purpose. They also asked that his Excellency would
everywhere make it known that the sea boundary of their
country was in his possession, and that they had given him
the right to such ground as might be required for its protec-
tion, as well as for the building of towns and villages in the
vicinity of all landing places.” This letter received the
marks of Kamaherero, twenty-eight chiefs of clans, and
thirty counsellors and leading men, and it was witnessed by
six Europeans who were present at the meeting.

As now arranged with Mr. Palgrave, a tract of land with
defined boundaries was reserved for the exclusive use of the
Ovaherero and Ovambanderu, being the whole area that
they then occupied and much to spare, and the remainder
of the unoccupied territory beyond their border was placed
at the disposal of the colonial government. After allowing for
what was valueless and for reserves for Abraham Zwartbooi’s
Namaquas and the Berg Damaras, Mr. Palgrave estimated
that sufficient would remain for at least four hundred cattle
runs, where the pasture was excellent, but where in most
instances it would be necessary to construct dams to conserve
water. These cattle runs could be allotted to Europeans,

333

1876] First Mission of Mr. Palgrave.

and he believed would readily be taken up. A moderate
quitrent upon them, with trading and hunting licenses
and a small tax upon the blacks, would bring in sufficient
revenue, he thought, to cover the cost of such a simple
administration as was needed.

The part of the country placed at the disposal of the
government included the Kaoko, a healthy elevated tract
of land, which was well covered with nutritious grass, and
which was capable, if occupied by Europeans, of supplying
four or five thousand oxen every year for sale. There were
indications of copper ore all over it, and the Ovambo were
known to obtain supplies of that metal from Bushmen at
Otav^ some distance east of it, where there were enormous
deposits of surpassing richness.

Having completed his task with the Hereros, who were
unanimous in their desire for British protection, and whose
attitude throughout had been most satisfactory, Mr. Palgrave
proceeded next in a southerly direction to ascertain the views
of the Namaquas. These people had not the same cause to
look about for aid, because there was not the slightest fear
of the migrating farmers desiring to settle in any part of
the sterile territory which they occupied. There the waste
of sand dunes extends farther back from the coast than it
does north of the Kuisip, and between it and the Kalahari,
except in a few localities of limited size, the pasture lands
are not such as graziers would covet. The contour of the
country is different. In Hereroland the rivers, when they
flow, run from east to west, and enter the Atlantic. In
Great Namaqualand the drainage is from north to south,
and the outlet of water, when there is any, is into the
Orange river.

The little clan of Gei||Khauas at Gobabis and the clan
calling itself the young red nation, under Abraham Zwartbooi
at Bokberg, were differently situated from the others. The
latter of these necessarily followed the lead of the Hereros,
and the former, from its isolated position in the north-west,
was at the mercy of any strong party coming down from

334 First Mission of Mr, Palgrave, [1876

Lake Ngami. These Gei||Khauas had suffered very severely
in the war of 1863-70, and had recently lost many of their
number from small-pox. The elan was now only one third
as strong as it was when the old chief Amraal died, and it
had a very evil reputation with the traders, who could only
reach the lake country from Walfish Bay by the way of
Gobabis. They complained that either their waggons were
plundered by the Gei||Khauas, or the}^- were compelled to
sell goods on credit with no prospect of payment, and were
insulted and abused as well. The captain, Andries Lambert,
and six of his principal men wrote on the 17th of April to
Mr. Palgrave, asking to be received as British subjects, but
when he requested them to explain their conduct to the traders
they did not reply, and so no further notice was taken of
them.

At Windhoek the commissioner met Jan Jonker Afrikaner
and the captain of Beersheba, Jacobus Izaak, who was
decidedly opposed to interference of any kind by the
colonial government. No other arrangement could be made
than for a general assembly of all the Namaqua captains at
Beersheba on the 20th of November, to discuss the condition
of the country. At the time appointed the captains were
not there, so the meeting was postponed to the 27th. On
that day the commissioner met Jacobus Izaak, of Beersheba,
David Christian, of Bethany, Moses Witbooi, of Gibeon, two
sub-captains, and three missionaries. Neither Jan Jonker
Afrikaner nor Barnabas, chief of the red nation, was there,
nor was William Christian, captain of the Bondelzwarts.
Nothing whatever resulted from this conference, but at
another meeting on the 29th the captains agreed to protect
traders from robbery and violence. With no other result
than this from his meetings with the Namaqua captains,
Mr. Palgrave continued his journey in great discomfort from
extreme heat, scarcity of water, and want of grass, till he
crossed the Orange river into the colony.

In letters received from Jan Jonker Afrikaner, dated 12th
of November, Jacobus Izaak, dated 9th of December,

335

1877] Sec mid Mission of Mr, Palgrave.

William Christian, dated 22nd of December 1876, and David
Christian, dated 16th of March 1877, those captains declared
their willingness to receive a British resident in the country,
who should have control over strangers, but who should not
interfere in any way with their government of their own
people, or have any right to dispose of land. They did not
offer to contribute anything towards the support of such an
officer, nor did they express any strong desire for his
presence among them. It was evident that they preferred
to be left alone.

Of the other inhabitants of the territory he had visited,
the Ghou Damup and the Bushmen knew nothing of what
was going on and cared for nothing but food and to be left
alone to live in their own way. The European traders and
hunters in Hereroland sent in an address, dated 11th of
December 1876, asking for British authority to be extended
over the country. They were thirty-eight in number, of
whom fifteen bore English names.

Upon Mr. Palgrave’s return to Capetown the government
took the matter into consideiation and resolved to send him
back to complete the preliminary arrangements with the
Hereros. Accordingly in September 1877 he was again in
the country, but found that during his short absence a
change had taken place in the opinions of many of the
people, notably in that of Kamaherero himself. They had
begun to think that the colonial government might have
some evil designs in view, and to regard as somewhat
mythical the existence of the strong armed force that might
be necessary to protect them. That was after all the real
object of their wishes, protection from enemies, with liberty
to do themselves whatever they chose. Some of the
Namaqua captains openly asserted that they would have
nothing to do with the white man’s government, as if they
did they would lose their land, and Kamaherero had come
to believe that perhaps they might be right. So suspicious
was he that at first he refused to allow trading licenses to
be issued, because if Europeans paid any taxes at all, he

33^ Eaid Carnarvon s Instructions, [1878

said they would make that a pretext for claiming the
countr}^

Though Mr. Palgrave’s personal influence with the Hereros
was very strong, it was with some difficulty that he induced
the chief to alter his decision, and it was evident that he
did so reluctantly. It was then arranged that an English
magistrate with a staff of assistants should be stationed at
Okahandja, that the expense should be partly met by the
issue of trading licenses, and that Kamaherero should con-
tribute two hundred oxen and four hundred sheep yearly
to make up the remainder. His object in consenting to
this was to recover by English aid the paramount chieftain-
ship over many of the clans that at this time again were
ignoring his authority. Having arranged this and some other
matters of less importance, and made another tour through
the country, in February 1879 the special commissioner
returned to Capetown and sent in his report.

Things were different now in the colony from what they
had been a year before. Towards the close of 1877 the
ninth war with the Xosas commenced, which had the effect
of deterring the ministry that came into power shortly
afterwards and the people alike from undertaking any
responsibilities in connection with tribes beyond the northern
border that' could be avoided. It was considered advisable
merely to take possession of Walfish Bay, and to proclaim
a protectorate over the coast, without establishing as com-
plete an administration as in the territories east of the Kei,
no other authority being exercised over the Hereros than
such moral pressure as could be brought to bear upon them
by a diplomatic agent. The view entertained by the
secretary of state for the colonies was communicated to
Governor Sir Bartle Frere in a despatch dated 23rd of
January 1878, and was consequently acted upon. Earl
Carnarvon wrote as follows :

“ The conditions at the present time existing in those districts appear
to point unmistakably to their union with the British communities of
South Africa in the future, and it is of high importance not only to
prevent any circumstances arising which could impede such a course,

Earl Carnarvon s Instructions.

337

1878]

but also to take such steps as may be necessary in preparation for the
event. I have, therefore, as you are aware, approved of the steps taken
in this direction in consequence of the resolution of the Cape parliament
in 1875 and which were preparatory to the annexation of Walfish
Biiy.

“ But the scheme which is sketched in your despatch is so extensive
that I hesitate, especially under the existing circumstances of South
Africa, to commit myself to an approval of it at the present moment.
It is true that the formal annexation is not recommended of the vast
regions specified, but I can by no means feel assured that a protectorate
if established would entail upon South Africa and this country a degree
of responsibility substantially less. It is evident from Mr. Palgrave’s
report that grave elements of discord exist among the native tribes,
which may in the future, as they have in the past, produce destructive
wars, and though no doubt by the appointment of commissioners of tried
ability and courage much might be done to obviate such disorders, it
cannot be affirmed that their efibrts would of necessity be successful,
while if they should be unsuccessful the government exercising the
protectorate would find itself pressed to take active measures to restore
peace, and thereby to assume a task which would be a severe strain upon
its resources.

“Recent events on the borders of the Cape Colony and elsewhere
have shown that the British communities of South Africa have at the
present time native questions before them, the satisfactory settlement of
which will tax all their energies, that the principles of native govern-
ment have not as yet been finally determined, and that properly
qualified officers for native administration are by no means easy to
obtain. I cannot therefore think that the burden of native government
in South Africa should, at the present moment, be materially increased.

“With regard however to Walfish Bay itself it appears to me that
other considerations prevail. I learn from the observations of the
colonial secretary in parliament in 1875 that there is already a very
considerable trade from the colony in that direction. This trade may be
reasonably expected to take larger dimensions ; there are British
residents on the spot, and practically no great number of natives ; the
harbour is good, and as I am informed the only safe one within a
long distance ; while finally there is an anxious desire on the part of
the colony that possession of it should be taken, and that thus the
only door of entrance to very large regions in which the colony is
materially interested should be placed in the custody of Great Britain.
For these reasons therefore I think that the step which has long been
in contemplation should now be taken, and that the British flag should
be hoisted in Walfish Bay ; but that for the present at least no jurisdiction
should be exercised beyond the shores of the bay itself.

“It would also be necessary upon this step being taken that provision
should be made for the exercise of magisterial powers on the spot. You

33^ Annexation of Walfish Bay. [1878

will be able to advise how this can be best done, and whether there is-
any British resident to whom such powers could be entrusted, or whether
provision should be made for periodical visits by some one charged with
magisterial authority. You will however understand that any expense in
this respect must be borne by the colonial government.”

In accordance with this decision her Majesty’s ship
Industry was sent to Walfish Bay, and there on the 12th
of March 1878 possession was formally taken by her
commander for the British crown. In the proclamation
which he issued on the occasion the boundaries of the territory
thus annexed to the British dominions were declared to be
“ on the south a line from a point on the coast fifteen miles
(24 kilometres) south of Pelican Point to Scheppmansdorp ;
on the east a line from Scheppmansdorp to the Rooibank,
including the plateau, and then to ten miles (16 kilometres)
inland from the mouth of the Swakop river ; on the north
the last ten miles of the course of the Swakop river; and on
the west the Atlantic ocean.” The area thus enclosed is in
extent about four hundred square miles or a little over a
thousand square kilometres. Its sole value consisted in its
position, as it never can produce anything for exportation
or for the support of human life.

The proceeding was ratified by her Majesty, and on the
14th of December of the same year letters patent were issued
under the great seal empowering the governor to issue a
proclamation annexing the bay and territory to the Cape
Colony as soon as the Cape parliament should pass an act for
the purpose. Practically it was now under the control of
the Cape government, for Major D. Erskine, who had
previously been colonial secretary of Natal, and who on the
1st of June 1878 was appointed resident at Walfish Bay,
received his instructions from the secretary for native
affairs in Capetown and sent his reports to that minister.
So matters continued until the necessary act was passed
by the Cape parliament in the session of 1884, and a
proclamation was issued by Governor Sir Hercules Robinson
on the 7th of August of that year, annexing the territory
under the name of Walfish Bay to the Cape Colony,

,879] Relief of Distressed Farme7's. 339

making it subject to the colonial laws, and constituting it a
inaodsterial district.

Shortly after the incorporation of Walfish Bay in the
British dominions, an application was made to the colonial
government for assistance and protection by Jan Jonker
Afrikaner, who was then in an extremely wretched plight.
All his plans to unite the various sections of the Hottentot
race in the country under his own leadership had failed,
a number of disaffected Koranas and Griquas in the Cape
Colony that he had hoped would join him had not done so,
and Kamaherero had stationed parties of men with cattle
all around him, so that he had neither pasture nor hunting
grounds. His people were half starved and in the most abject
poverty. So the man who before the success of the Herero
revolt was the richest and most powerful ruler between the
Kunene and the Orange, in hope of obtaining relief from
the Herero pressure, on the 6th of January 1879 addressed
a letter to Sir Bartle Frere, requesting to be taken over
with his people as British subjects. The letter bore in
addition to his own the signatures of fifteen of his leading
men and of the missionary at Windhoek, the reverend J. G.
Schroeder. No notice was taken of it for more than a year,
as the circumstances under which it was written were
known in Capetown, but on the 12th of March 1880 a
reply was forwarded to him declining the proposal.

The farmers who had migrated from the South African
Republic were at this time encamped near the south-western
border of Ovamboland, and it was reported in the Cape
Colony that they had lost all their cattle and eflfects and
were in a condition of dire distress. Their number was
unknown, as was everything connected with their actual
circumstances and intentions, except that they had under-
gone great sufiering and that many had died. A committee
was therefore elected by those benevolent persons in Cape-
town who sympathised with their countrymen in trouble,
and subscriptions were collected for the purpose of sending
them relief. A schooner named the Christina was chartered

340 Examination of the Coast. [1879

and laden with provisions and other necessaries, some horses
and mules were put on board, and two gentlemen named
Joubert and Haybittle were engaged to proceed in the
vessel up the coast to a point called Fort Rock, where it
was believed a landing could be effected and the migrating
farmers be communicated with.

In September 1879 both houses of the Cape parliament
passed resolutions requesting the government to adopt
measures for the relief of those people, and as a consequence
the imperial authorities directed her Majesty’s ship Swallow
to accompany the Christina and render all the assistance
possible. Mr. Palgrave was instructed to proceed in the
Swallow j taking with him two capable men, six horses and
mules, a travelling cart, saddles, and a quantity of stores,
to cooperate with Messrs. Joubert and Haybittle.

On the 24th of September 1879 the Swallow left Table
Bay. She called at Walfish Bay to take on board some
Hottentot interpreters and to obtain the latest information
concerning the distressed people, which was to the effect that
they were no longer in a condition urgently requiring
assistance. On the 2nd of October she left Walfish Bay,
but upon arrival at Fort Rock it was found impossible to
land on account of the heavy surf, so after various attempts
made during the next six days, she proceeded to examine
the coast northward to Cape Frio, and the Christina
remained behind to watch the surf. The search for a
landing place, though most carefully made, was unsuccessful,
so at Cape Frio the Swallow put about. Keeping close to
the shore on her way southward, and sending out her boats
wherever any opening appeared in the line of surf caused
by the rollers that even in the calmest weather broke with
terrific force on the land, anchoring before dark and
resuming the examination at daylight, she found not a
single place where the expedition could disembark until she
reached Walfish Bay again, on the 17th of October. The
shifting sand hills also, that formed a continuous line a
short distance inland, would have prevented access to the

i8So] Appointment of a British Resident. 341

country beyond them if a landing could have been effected.
It was believed that if certain winds were blowing boats
could reach the shore at Cape Cross, but that was mere
chance, and could not be waited for.^

The Christina discharged her cargo at Walfish Bay, and
the members of the expedition returned to Capetown, except
Mr. Haybittle, who made his way overland to the farmers
camp. They numbered in all three hundred and three souls,
but forty-nine others had left the main body and become
hunters and traders. They had in their possession seventy
waggons, but only three hundred and twenty oxen, from
three to four hundred cows, and a few goats. As long as
game was to be had they lived upon it and milk, but after
all the wild animals within reach had been killed the}^
suffered much from want of food. Then they made gardens,
which gave large returns, especially of pumpkins, so that
though they were in distress, they were not in danger of
actual starvation. Having waggons and twenty spans of
oxen, they were now able to draw upon the supplies at
Walfish Bay ; and not long afterwards they crossed the
Kunene and settled in Portuguese territory.

Mr. Palgrave had made an arrangement with Kamaherero
that an English magistrate should be stationed at Okahandja,
and to keep faith with the chief a gentleman named Manning
was appointed to fill the post temporarily. He, however,
exceeded his powers by taking judicial cognisance of certain
cases, and was therefore speedily recalled. On the 8th of
January 1880 Major Benjamin D’Urban Musgrave was

* This is the spot where Diogo Cam erected a cross in 1485 to mark
the southern termination of his discovery. The cross was still standing
in 1879. Unfortunately the records of the Portuguese explorer’s voyage
are so scanty that it is impossible to ascertain the condition of the
place at that time, and it is quite possible that he may have been able
to land with the greatest ease. Owing to the tremendous swell setting
in on a sandy shore, changes are constantly taking place along that
coast, and in our own times more than one safe harbour enclosed by
a sand spit like that at Walfish Bay has been reported by trustworthy
persons to have been found, which when sought for a few years later has
entirely disappeared.

342 Third Mission of Mr. Palgrave. [1880

appointed British resident, with instructions “hot to exercise
any magisterial functions, but to use whatever moral influ-
ence he might possess or acquire to discourage barbarism,
repress crime, promote civilisation and order, and specially to
protect the interests of her Majesty’s subjects in Damaraland
(Hereroland).” He was further “to keep the government
fully informed of the moral, social, and material condition of
the people and of the relations subsisting between them and
the neighbouring tribes, and to furnish information upon all
subjects affecting the interests of the colony.” He was thus
to be nothing more than a diplomatic agent or a consul.

Mr. Palgrave was at the same time appointed “commissioner
to the tribes north of the Orange river,” and was instructed
to “return to Damaraland, and continue there his duties as
such.” He was to introduce Major Musgrave to Kamaherero
and his people as the agent of the colonial government at
Okahandja. He was “as far as practicable to make Walfish
Bay his head-quarters, so that, in addition to his other duties,
he might be able to take charge of that territory, administer
its government, if found desirable, and until other arrange-
ments could be made, collect customs there and perform all
the functions of a magistrate, and prevent the introduction
of firearms and ammunition unless the importers were
furnished with a permit from the colonial government.”
He was also to “direct his attention towards obtaining a
supply of labour by inducing Berg Damaras to go to the
colony for the purpose of entering into contracts of service
with the government or with private individuals or
companies.”

On the 11th of March Major Musgrave was formally
introduced to Kamaherero, and took up his residence at
Okahandja, but his position from the first was of little
account. Mr. Palgrave too found hardly any other sphere
of usefulness open to him than to act as a labour agent.
The Ghou Damup or Berg Damaras were in a state of
famine, and whenever they were caught stealing a sheep for
food, or were even suspected of having an intention to do

343

iS8o] Massacre of Hottentots.

so, were put to death by both Hereros and Namaquas with
no more compunction than if they were vermin. The com-
missioner got a number of them together, and sent them by
sea to Capetown, where they were given out in service, but
were not found capable of performing any kind of labour
requiring the smallest amount of manual dexterity or skill.

The northern Herero clans, who had disowned the para-
mount authority of Kamaherero, were at this time in a
state of anarchy, and the Gei||Khauas at Gobabis had become
little better than a band of robbers, so that on two borders
neither life nor property was safe. A strong will, with
physical force to support it, was needed in the territory, and
there was nothing in its stead but the moral influence of two
English agents upon suspicious and barbarous chiefs.

For ten years there was peace between the Hereros and
the Namaquas, but there never was a friendly feeling on
either side. In 1880 war recommenced. The immediate
cause was the visit of about thirty Hereros to a Hottentot
kraal to seek for a missing cow, which was not found, but
three Hottentots were made prisoners and taken away. The
friends of the prisoners at other kraals hastily assembled,
followed the retiring party, and overtook it. The Hereros
fired upon their pursuers, and were fired upon in return,
when eleven of them fell and the others took to flight. The
Hottentots pursued them, killed ten men, and seized about
fifteen hundred head of cattle at the nearest Herero posts.

Upon learning this, Kamaherero gave orders that every
Hottentot, whether man, woman, or child, that could be
found was to be put to death. At Okahandja, his own
residence, over twenty were murdered before daylight of the
23rd of August, and during that day a general massacre
occurred at other places. At New Barmen twenty were killed.
In some localities the order was interpreted to include Berg
Damaras also, and a large number of these perished. It is
impossible to say how many Hottentots fell, as the accounts
are conflicting, but the whole number cannot have been
larger than from one hundred and fifty to two hundred. In

344 Renewal of War. [1880

one place four, at another five, and so on, is the most that
was recorded by the Europeans in the country at the time.

A Herero army was at once sent to surround Windhoek
and destroy every one there, but Jan Jonker and his people
had notice of its approach in time, and escaped in the night.
He was pursued, but defended himself with such bravery
that he succeeded in reaching Rehoboth with a loss of only
six killed, while of his pursuers twenty fell.

During the next seven or eight weeks preparations for
active hostilities were pushed on by both parties. The
atrocities committed by the Hereros were so revolting that
the whole of the Namaqua clans, with the exception of the
Bondelz warts under William Christian, joined in opposing
them. Abraham Zwartbooi and his people were among the
most active adherents of their cause. The mixed breeds at
Rehoboth tried to remain neutral, but when six of them
and a European were murdered by the Hereros while
hunting, they too joined the Namaquas.

As soon as intelligence that war had broken out reached
Capetown the colonial government recalled Mr. Palgrave,
and directed Major Musgrave to remove from Okahandja to
Walfish Bay and prevent the supply of munitions of war
of any kind to either of the combatants, so as to preserve
the strictest neutrality. At the beginning of November
these instructions were carried out.

On the 10th of November the whole Namaqua force with
the half breeds attacked New Barmen and got possession of the
place, but during the following night a Herero army arrived,
and in the early morning of the 11th drove them away
with a loss of six half breeds and fifty-nine Namaquas killed,
among whom was David Christian, the captain of Bethany.
The victors made booty of their waggons, oxen, provisions,
and everything else they had taken with them.

The attacks and forays on both sides continued after this
at short intervals, without either party gaining a decided
advantage, but it would be wearisome, and could serve no
good purpose, to give a detailed account of them. The

18S3] German Scttle7neut at A7ig7'a Peqiiena, 345

Topnaars, who were British subjects, joined Abraham
Zwartbooi, and the Hereros threatened to attack Walfish
Bay in revenge, while the resident there was apprehensive
that the Hottentots might come upon him and plunder the
stores to obtain the ammunition in them. In January 1882
a party of volunteers under Captain E. J. Whindus was
sent from Capetown in her Majesty’s ship Wrangler to
protect the place, and the reverend Dr. C. H. Hahn, of the
Rhenish mission, was commissioned by the governor to
accompany him to endeavour to bring about peace. He
succeeded in doing so between the halfbreeds and the
Hereros and in obtaining promises from some of the captains,
which resulted in a meeting of their representatives at
Rehoboth on the 13th of June 1882, after his return to
Capetown, and the conclusion of an agreement to cease
hostilities between Kamaherero and the southern Hottentot
captains. Jan Jonker Afrikaner and Abraham Zwartbooi,
however, declined to attend the meeting, and so the wretched
guerilla warfare went on as before.

In 1883 Mr. F. A. E. Luderitz, a merchant of Bremen,
established a trading station at Angra Pequena, and on the
1st of May of that year purchased a small tract of land round
the bay from Joseph Fredericks, who had succeeded David
Christian as captain of Bethany, for two hundred rifles and
£100 in money, and on the 2Dth of August he completed
the purchase of another and much larger tract of land from
the same captain for sixty rifles and £600.

In 1868 there had been some correspondence between the
Prussian and British governments concerning the protection
of the Rhenish missionaries and the trading association
connected with that mission in Hereroland and Great
Namaqualand, but nothing came of the matter then, and the
peace concluded in 1870 did away with the necessity for
action. Mr. Luderitz now applied to his government for
protection, and communications were opened between the
German authorities and the foreign office in London on the
subject, though nothing was said or written that could lead

34^ Fourth Mission of Mr, Palgrave. [1884

to the supposition that Germany had any design of taking
possession of the whole country. The time, however, had
arrived when there was a general scramble for those parts
of Africa not already under European rule, and even upon
this, next to the Sahara for colonising purposes the least
valuable district in the continent, Germany had cast a
covetous eye.

The Cape Colony had for several years been desirous of
annexing the coast line, not for anything to be derived from
the country behind it, but simply to prevent unauthorised
trading that might interfere with the customs regulations.
The expense — in which term was included not only the
maintenance of the necessary officials, but the charges
incidental to the responsibilities of every kind that would
be incurred — was the only difficulty, and this prevented
the imperial government from giving its sanction until the
correspondence with Germany cornmenced. Then the secre-
tary of state for the colonies signified his consent if the Cape
government would undertake to bear the whole cost.

This was agreed to, and on the 16th of July 1884 a resolu-
tion was passed by the house of assembly “that it was
expedient to provide for the annexation to this colony of
the coast line between Walfish Bay and the mouth of the

Orange river and between Walfish Bay and- the southern

boundary of the Portuguese possessions.” On the 18th
of the same month this resolution was passed by the
leofislative council also.

Meantime Mr. W. C. Palgrave had been sent again to Great
Namaqualand and Hereroland to ascertain whether the

various chiefs and clans there were still desirous of coming
under British sovereignty; whether, in that case, they were
willing to contribute towards the cost of a simple govern-
mental establishment and a police force to protect and
preserve order -among them; and further, to ascertain the
exact condition of afiairs in the country, the amount that
might be raised annually from trading licenses, and generally
anything else of importance to be known. Mr. Palgrave

18S4J Proclaf7iations of a German Protectorate, 347

proceeded to various parts of the territory, with Mr. Peter
de Smidt as his secretary, and received the assurances of
the leading chiefs that they were not only desirous, but
anxious, to place themselves under British rule as a means
of restoring and preserving peace ; and he devised a plan
by which, as he thought, the cost of government could be
met ; but he had not concluded his task when he was
recalled, as the action of the German government had made
his mission useless.

At this time British subjects held concessions from Herero
and Namaqua chiefs of greater value than that which
Mr. Luderitz had obtained from Joseph Fredericks, the
captain of Bethany. Notably, Mr. Daniel De Pass, of London,
and Captain John Spence, of Capetown, had acquired
extensive rights at Sandwich Harbour and along the coast
below Angra Pequena, as well as the lease of what was
called the Pomona mine, where they had expended much
capital. The establishments along the coast for catching
and drying fish were owned in Capetown, and part of the
trade was conducted by Englishmen. The hunting grounds
had been almost cleared of game. On the other hand the
missionaries were Germans, except in the far north of the
territory, where in 1869 a mission had been established by
the Finnish evangelical society. Part of the little trade
that was left, now that ivory and ostrich feathers were no
longer to be had, was also in German hands.

On the 7th of August 1884 by order of the emperor
Wilhelm I Captain Sobering of the corvette Elizabeth hoisted
the German flag at Angra Pequena and proclaimed a pro-
tectorate over the coast and a belt of land along it twenty
geographical miles in width from the Orange river to the
'26 th degree of south latitude, and a day or two later
Captain Von Raven, of the German gunboat Wolfy hoisted
his flag and issued at Sandwich Harbour and Cape Frio a
similar proclamation respecting the coast from the 26th
degree of latitude northward to Cape Frio, excepting the
British territory at Walfish Bay.

34^ Extent of the German Territory, [1884

On the 15th of August the German consul in Capetown
informed the government of the first of these acts, and
soon the full significance of the occurrence — that another
factor had been introduced into South African afiairs — came
to be realised. The first diflSculty was in connection with
the twelve guano islands ofi* the coast. Mr. Luderitz laid
claim to them as being within cannon shot of the mainland,
and he wanted the British subjects who leased them from
the Cape government expelled. They were the most valuable
asset of the country, if mineral wealth should not be found.
The act of 1873 by which they had been annexed to the
colony ^ was regarded in England as informal, but it had
been rectified by an act approved of on the 6th of July
1874, which was based on authority derived from letters
patent issued by her Majesty on the 27th of February 1867,
and since that date they had been as much a part of the
colony as Robben Island at the entrance to Table Bay. The
German government did not contest this fact, and so the
twelve islands on the coast and Walfish Bay with the little
territory around it remain under the British fiag and parts
of the Cape Colony, and all the remainder of the country
from the Orange river in the south to the Portuguese
possessions in the north, and from the Atlantic ocean on
the west to the twentieth meridian from Greenwich on the
east, with an additional tract in the shape of a rectangle on
the north-east, which makes the Zambesi its border there,
in course of time became a dependency of the German
empire.

*See Vol. II, page 236.

CHAPTER LXXXIL

THE COLONY OF NATAL, 1857 TO 1872.

JOHN SCOTT, ESQRE., LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, RETIRED SlST OF

DECEMBER 1864.

LIEUTENANT - COLONEL JOHN MACLEAN, C.B., LIEUTENANT-
GOVERNOR, ASSUMED DUTY 31 ST OF DECEMBER 1864,
LEFT NATAL ON LEAVE OWING TO ILL
HEALTH 26tH OF JULY 1865, AND
SHORTLY AFTERWARDS DIED.

LIEUTENANT' COLONEL JOHN WELLESLEY THOMAS, C.B., ACTING
ADMINISTRATOR, FROM 26tH OF JULY TO 26TH OF
AUGUST 1865.

LIEUTENANT - COLONEL JOHN JARVIS BISSET, OF THE CAPE
MOUNTED RIFLES, ACTING ADMINISTRATOR, FROM 26TH
OF AUGUST 1865 TO 24TH OF MAY 1867.

ROBERT WILLIAM KEATE, ESQRE., LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR,
ASSUMED DUTY 24TH OF MAY 1867, RETIRED 19TH
OF JULY 1872.

ANTHONY MUSGRAVE, ESQRE., C.M.G., LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,
ASSUMED DUTY 19TH OF JULY 1872.

The progress of Natal from 1857 to 1872 was as rapid as
could reasonably have been expected *of a colony which did
not attract European settlers in large numbers. The swarms
of Bantu upon its soil deterred those who were leaving
Great Britain for other lands from selecting it as a suitable
place in which to endeavour to make new homes, as it was
feared that neither life nor property would be safe in
presence of such a host of barbarians. The resources of the
government also were too slender to do much in the way
of assisting immigrants, either by providing free passages

349

350 History of Natal, [1860-

or offering employment on large public works. People
resident in the colony could indeed get out relatives and
friends from Great Britain by guaranteeing to repay within
twelve months to the government £10 towards the cost of
passage of each statute adult, but the number thus introduced
was very small. From 1857 to the close of 1864 it
amounted only to one thousand seven hundred and three
individuals, and during the next four years it averaged less
than a hundred a year, when it ceased altogether.

Great hopes were entertained that large numbers of
settlers would be introduced by an association termed the
Natal Land and Colonisation Company, which was formed
in England in December 1860, with a capital of £225,000 in
£10 shares. This company had acquired from speculators
who took part in its formation two hundred and fifty
thousand acres of land in the colony at 11s. OcZ. an acre,
payable in shares, and it professed to have in view the
settlement of Europeans upon its property. But it never
did anything to promote colonisation. On the contrary, it
commenced its operations by leasing ground to Bantu, and
finding that method of realising large dividends answer, it
continued the system until any attempt to disturb its tenants
would have been dangerous. A few years later it was
receiving as' much as twenty-eight shillings on an average as
yearly rental from the proprietor of each hut upon its estates.
And this method of making money, so detrimental to the
interests of the colony, was followed by many other large
landowners, until Natal became like a huge Bantu location
with a few centres of European industry in it.

In accordance with proposals made by an immigration
board, in 1865 the legislative council adopted a scheme of
encouraging immigrants, under which tracts of land in the
southern part of the colony suitable for agricultural purposes
were to be laid out in plots varying in size from fifty to one
hundred and fifty acres, passages were to be given to selected
persons on payment of £5 for each statute adult, who should
receive an order for ground to the value of £10, but not a

1 866] hiclucements to E7iglish Ivwiigrants. 351

title to it until after two years occupation. As crown lands
after July 1858 could be sold in freehold only at an upset
price of four shillings an acre, this was equivalent to an offer
of fifty acres free for each adult in a family. Further, crown
lands were to be offered on lease at fourpence an acre for
seven years, with the right of purchase at ten shillings an
acre, subject to occupation and improvement. Dr. Robert
James Mann, superintendent of education, was detached for
special service for two years, and was sent to England to
endeavour to procure settlers under this scheme.

Mr. Cardwell, who was then secretary of state for the
colonies, disapproved of the plan, however, on the ground
that none but persons of the labouring class would be
attracted by it, and for them, in his opinion, there was no
room in Natal. Already out of eleven and a half millions of
acres in the colony, over seven millions had been granted to
individuals, while only thirty - eight thousand acres were
cultivated, 'and the whole European population amounted
to little over sixteen thousand souls. He suggested the
imposition of a land tax, which would cause speculators to
sell, and thus attract immigrants with capital as cultivators.
But on the 6th of July 1866 the earl of Carnarvon succeeded
Mr. Cardwell at the colonial office, and very shortly after-
wards he consented to Dr. Mann making an effort to procure
settlers on the following conditions :

Blocks of land suitable for agriculture were to be selected
and laid out in plots of two hundred acres each, which were
to have a good road along them. Every alternate plot was
then to be offered as a free gift to a family possessed of
capital to the amount of £500, but the title would not be
given until after two years continuous occupation. The
grantee was to have the right of purchasing the vacant
plot adjoining his own at any time within five years at
ten shillings an acre. Tracts of land suitable for pastoral
purposes only were to be laid out in plots of fifteen hundred
acres each, and offered on leases of five years at two pence
an acre, with the right of purchase of a small area within

352 History of NataL [1867

the boundaries. And to suit people of verj^ limited means,
plots fifty acres in size, with a right to the use of a
commonage, were to be offered as free grants to agriculturists
who could pay £5 towards the cost of passage of each
statute adult in their families and give proof of their ability
to maintain themselves for six months.

Under these conditions Dr. ^ann endeavoured to obtain
a suitable class of emigrants from Great Britain, but met
with very little success. Already the number of agricul-
turists in England had greatly diminished, owing to the
repeal of the corn laws, and those who remained showed no
inclination to remove to a country occupied mainly by
barbarians. Townspeople could have been had, but these
were not needed, as they would be consumers, not producers
of anything that could find a market.

A few families from Great Britain, a rather larger number
from the Cape Colony, and some little parties from different
European countries, however, migrated to Natal at this time.
A band of settlers, ninety individuals in all, had been sent
from Holland by the Netherlands Emigration Company, and
in September 1858 had been located at a place which they
called New Gelderland, a few kilometres north of the
Umvoti river. Being under the direction of an able and
enterprising ' man, Mr. T. W. Colenbrander by name, the
majority of these people had been successful in making
comfortable homes, and this being reported in Europe
attracted some notice. They turned their attention chiefly
to cane growing, and in 1872 the largest sugar mill in the
colony was on their estate.

In 1869 and 1870 the diamond fields along the lower
course of the Vaal, then recently discovered, attracted many
of the inhabitants of Natal, and at this time and for several
years to come the number of Europeans who abandoned the
colony was in excess of those who entered it. Among
them was a young man whose name has become famous
throughout the world, — Cecil John Rhodes, — who had for
jsome time been farming unsuccessfully.

iSsj] Introduction of Coolies. 353

But if European immigration was small, people of
another race were beginning to make their appearance in
Natal, people who were destined in later years to eject
the white man from many occupations and to alter the
whole conditions of life in the colony. Owing to the
precarious supply of rough field labour afforded by the
Bantu, sugar, coffee, and cotton planting could not be
carried on with any prospect of success, and as early as
1856 the legislative council approved of the introduction
of coolies from Hindostan and requested the lieutenant-
governor to make regulations regarding them. No one
appears to have foreseen that these people would ever be
anything but rough labourers, and no objection was there-
fore made to the measure. It was supposed indeed that
they would be desirous of returning to India when their
term of service had expired, so that their temporary
presence could do no possible harm.

Indians were therefore brought over at the public expense
in the first instance, the planters to whom they were allotted
as labourers binding themselves to repay to the government
within a stated time the cost of their passages. The men
were to receive wages at the rate of 10s. a month for the
first year of service, 11s. a month the second year, and 12s. a
month the third year ; they were to be comfortably lodged,
to be provided with proper medical attendance when ill, and
to be supplied with rations consisting of a pound and a half
(680’38 grammes) of rice or two pounds (907T8 grammes) of
stamped maize a day, besides two pounds of dholl, two pounds
of salted fish, one pound of ghee or oil, and one pound of salt
a month. Females and boys under ten years of age were to
receive half rations, and were to be at liberty to make what
terms they could with the employers of the heads of their
families. Upon the expiration of their terms of service they
were to be provided with free return, passages to India.
Cheaper labour than this could hardly have been desired.

Various enactments were made in the following years
concerning the introduction of coolies. In 1859 a law was

354

History of Natal. [1870

passed which prohibited labourers being brought from the
East, except from British India, without a special license from
the lieutenant-governor, under penalty of a fine of £50 or
three months imprisonment, and the persons so attempted to
be brought in were to be sent back at the cost of the owner,
agent, or master of the ship. But beyond this no attempt
was made to prevent Natal from becoming an Asiatic
settlement.

All coolies introduced were required to be transferred by
the master of the ship to an officer entitled the protector of
immigrants, whose duty it was to see that they were treated
according to the regulations.

In 1864 the council resolved to raise a loan of £100,000 at
six per cent interest per annum, for the purpose of intro-
ducing coolies. One third of the passage money was to be
paid by government. The term of assignment to planters was
extended from three to five years, and the rate of wages
was fixed at 14s. a month for the fourth year and 15s. a
month for the fifth.

Before the close of 1865 nearly six thousand coolies had
been introduced, and as yet no evil effects were felt from
their presence. The demand for European skilled labour
had increased, as overseers, engineers, and mechanics were
required on the plantations ; and those Indians who preferred
to remain in the colony after the expiration of their term of
service, rather than return to their native country, had
accepted employment as domestics or labourers. Colonists
who had experienced the want of reliable servants were
therefore not only willing but anxious that more should be
introduced, and that some of them should remain in Natal
permanentl3^

This feeling gained ground until 1870, when a law was
enacted that every coolie should be entitled to a free passage
back to India after ten years residence in the colony, five
years of which must have been passed as a contracted
labourer, but if he did not care to return he could have
crown land to the value of the passage. Most of the coast

355

1 867] Ej^ects of India^i hmnigration,

lands south of Durban were then occupied by Bantu, and
the best of those north of the port were possessed by
Europeans, or Natal might have become an Indian colony
under the operation of this law.

The indentured Indians were followed by others of the
trading class, who came from different parts of Southern
Asia as free immigrants, and who could not then be
excluded, although from the first it was recognised that
they were a menace to the Europeans.

Gradually — almost imperceptibly — these people and the
coolies, who had no interest in returning to Hindostan, but
a very strong interest in remaining in the pleasant country
that afforded them the means of obtaining a comfortable
livelihood, got into their hands almost all the easy occu-
pations that in the early days it was hoped white men
would have secured. Europeans with the ordinary standard
of living could not compete as petty traders, as market
gardeners, or in light mechanical pursuits with men who
could thrive on a fifth part of the same returns, and were
thus compelled to abandon the field. The elimination of
this class of persons gave a preponderance to those who
benefited for the time being by coolie labour, and who were
content to resign the hope of Natal becoming a European
settlement or the wish that she should advance in a line
with the other great communities in South Africa. The
security of the colony was affected, for the Indians contribute
nothing to its defence. It is thus a land of planters using
chiefly imported coloured labour, and of conveyancers of
goods to and from the interior.

To secure as much as possible of the trade of the territories
beyond the Drakensberg became -now the first object of the
government and the people. The customs duties on goods
imported from oversea were made considerably lower than
those of the Cape Colony, being after the 1st of July 1867
only six per cent of the declared value of all articles not
admitted free or specially classified. Strenuous efforts were
made to improve the entrance to the harbour, by the

356 History of Natal, [1867

construction of piers that it was hoped would cause the
removal of the bar. Unfortunately much money was wasted
in this undertaking, though the first plan adopted was a
good one, as has been proved in recent times. While it was
being carried out, however, another, very dissimilar, which
had been designed by Captain Vetch, of the harbour depart-
ment of the admiralty, was substituted, and the earlier work
was abandoned. Money was raised by the government on
loan for twenty-three years at six per cent interest per
annum, as a first charge upon the revenue of the colony,
and was expended upon a pier that afterwards proved
useless.

To convey goods from the landing place at the Point to
Durban over the heavy sand that intervened, in June 1859
a local company was incorporated with a capital of £10,000,
and the first railroad in South Africa was constructed. In
1860 it was opened for traffic. In 1865 the government
resolved to construct a line from some quarries on the
Umgeni river to a junction on the Durban-Point railway,
and to extend the latter to the harbour works, chiefly for
the conveyance of stone. This railway was opened for
traffic on the 28rd of January 1867. For convenience in
working it was leased to the Natal Railway Company, and
was controlled by that association.

In 1864? the construction of a lighthouse on the Bluff was
resolved upon by the government. An iron tower 24*69
metres in height, was erected, and a revolving light was first
exhibited from it on the 1st of January 1867.

Roads fit for traffic by bullock waggons were made to
the borders of the two republics, and bridges were con-
structed over several of the rivers. Unfortunately, during
a great flood which occurred at the end of August 1868
most of these bridges were washed away, and much damage
was otherwise done. From four o’clock in the afternoon
of the 28th to six o’clock in the morning of the 31st of that
month twelve and three quarters inches, or 32*36 centimetres,
of rain fell at Maritzburg and sixteen inches and a half, or

1863] Productio7i of Sugar, Cotton, and Coffee, 357

41*88 centimetres, at Durban, so that the rivers rolled down
in raiojhty floods, sweeping everything away before them.

Sugar planting had now become the principal industry
along tlie coast north of Durban. With experience it had
been ascertained that the situations selected by the first
cultivators were not by any means the most suitable for
the growth of the canes, but large areas of land well
adapted for the purpose bad been brought under cultivation.
There had been many failures in this industry, owing to
want of sufficient capital and experience, but new planters
throve upon the wrecks of the old. In 1872 there were six
thousand two hundred and eighty acres of ground under
cane, and the sugar produced amounted to 8,795,000
kilogrammes or eight thousand six hundred and thirty-
eight tons avoirdupois. There were then eighty-three steam
factories for crushing cane and making sugar in the colony.

The civil war in the United States of America caused a
great scarcity of cotton in England and a consequent rise
in the price of that article, which induced many persons in
Natal to turn their attention again to its production,
especially as Indian labour was now available. In 1861
it was taken in hand, and found to grow well even in
some situations on the second terrace from the coast. But
in addition to the occasional destruction of crops by drought,
floods, frost, hail, and high winds — to all of which Natal is
subject, though losses from such causes are not more
frequent there than in England itself — the charges for
carriage to Europe were then excessively high and the
cotton plant was attacked by insects to such an extent that
the industry never proved profitable, and after efforts
extending over several years its cultivation was abandoned.

In 1863 coffee, which had long been grown in Natal,
though not to any large extent, suddenly became a favourite
article of production, and many plantations on a considerable
scale were laid out. It was subject to the same drawbacks
as cotton, except from insects, but for many years it throve,
and came to be regarded as a permanent product of the

35^ History of Natal. [1872

colony. In 1872 there were three thousand seven hundred
acres of ground laid out as coffee plantations, and the crop
of that year amounted to 763,864 kilogrammes or one
million six hundred and eighty thousand five hundred
pounds, when ready for the market.

Wheat, though it grows well in various parts of the high
terraces, never was cultivated to a large extent. It could
not be conveyed to the lower country at a price that would
enable it to compete with sea-borne grain from America or
Australia, and consequently the bread used in Durban and
along the coast was made of imported flour. In 1872 there
were only nineteen hundred acres of land in Natal producing
wheat. The colonists found maize more profitable. It was
easily cultivated, the returns were large, and it supplied
the most suitable food for coloured servants and for fattening
hogs. It could often be purchased at a cheap rate from the
Bantu in the locations, but this source of supply was not
depended upon. In 1872 the colonists had over sixteen
thousand five hundred acres of ground planted with maize.
Oats and barley were cultivated to a considerable extent,
solely as food for horses. The variety and quality of
vegetables and fruit grown in the gardens and orchards
wherever Eurppeans lived were not excelled in any country
of the world.

In 1871 a very destructive disease, termed red water, made
its appearance among the horned cattle on the coast lands,
and soon spread over the colony, almost paralysing for a
time the transport of goods to the interior and causing great
loss to the farmers.

During this period great progress was made in promoting
education and in perfecting judicial institutions.

A high school and a common school were established in
Maritzburg and in Durban, supported by the government,
and schools of a less pretentious character, aided by public
funds, were scattered over the colony. In 1872 besides the
four purely government schools, there were seventy -six
schools in Natal receiving aid from the treasury.

359

1S65] Enlarge77ient of the Colo7ty,

The recorder’s court had been abolished, and by an
ordinance passed in July 1857 a supreme court was estab-
lished, consistinjr of a chief justice and two puisne judges,
of whom two formed a quorum. One of the judges went
periodically on circuit, as in the Cape Colony. The supreme
court held its sessions at Maritzburg, with open doors, and
the proceedings were conducted solely in the English
language. It was provided with a master, a registrar, and
a sheriff'. Criminal cases were tried by one judge and a
jury of nine men, the agreement of two-thirds of whom
was necessary to convict. In civil cases, if the plaintiff or
the defendant desired it, one judge and a jury could decide
the matter. When cases of a value of over £20 were tried
before the circuit court without a jury, there was an appeal
to the supreme court ; and in cases of great importance
there was an appeal from the supreme court to the privy
council in England.

On the 2nd of December 1862 the Klip River county
was divided into two magisterial divisions : Ladysmith and
Newcastle. In 1872 there were eleven resident magistrates
carrying out justice within the colony.

In one respect there was retrogression to a slight extent.
In June 1857 the ordinance of 1854 to establish county
councils was repealed, as it was found that the European
population was too scanty to maintain them efficiently.

The colony had been enlarged on the south by the addition
of the land between the Umzimkulu and Umtamvuna
rivers. Averse as the imperial government was at this period
to any extension of its responsibilities in South Africa, the
condition of this district was such that the measure could
: not be avoided. The Pondo chief Faku had been unable to
reduce the clans there to subjection, and protested that he
ought not to be held responsible for their conduct in
accordance with the treaty that had been entered into
with him.

On the 9th of December 1863 letters patent were drawn
up at Westminster empowering the lieutenant-governor to

360 History of NataL [1865

issue a proclamation annexing it. In 1865 the surveyor-
general was directed in concert with Sir Walter Currie,
commandant of the frontier armed and mounted police of
the Cape Colony, to inspect the territory and lay down a
convenient boundary. These gentlemen fixed upon a line
commencing at the junction of the Ibisi river with the
Umzimkulu and running thence to the nearest point of the
ridge forming the watershed between the Ibisi and Umzim-
kulwana, thence along that ridge to the Ingele range, along
the summit of that range to a large beacon which they
erected at its western extremity, and thence straight to the
nearest source of the Umtamvuna. On the 7th of September
1865 this boundary was proclaimed, and on the 13th of the
same month the annexation was legally completed, though
it was not until the 1st of January 1866 that the British
flag was formally hoisted, and the residents in the territory
— thereafter termed the county of Alfred — were informed
that they were British subjects. They were so numerous
in it that there was no vacant ground for European settlers.
By this annexation the area of the colony was increased to
18,750 square miles, or 48,000 square kilometres.*

The Bantu at this period gave very little trouble. In June
1859 an ordinance was issued which prohibited the sale or
gift of a gun or ammunition to any of them, under penalty
of a fine not exceeding £50 and imprisonment with or
without hard labour for any period not longer than two
years. Under the same penalty every one of them was
prohibited from possessing a gun or ammunition without
the written permission of the lieutenant-governor. Charges
of infringement of this ordinance could be tried in any
magistrate’s court, so that offenders could hardly escape
punishment. By an ordinance of 1863 the sale of intoxi-

* Natal is now, in 1907, nearly double that size. By the annexation of
Zululand and the territory to the southern Portuguese boundary over
ten thousand square miles or twenty-five thousand nine hundred and
twenty-one square kilometres were added to it, and by the incorporation
of the district of Vryheid it gained another seven thousand square miles
or eighteen thousand one hundred and forty-five square kilometres

1865] Treatment of the Bantu. 361

eating liquor to them was prohibited under penalty of a
fine of £10 or three months imprisonment for each ofience,
\vhich removed another source of danger.

On the 27th of April 1864 letters patent were issued at
Westminster, by which the Bantu locations in Natal were
placed under the permanent charge of a trust consisting of
the lieutenant-governor and the executive council for the
time being, who were to control everything connected with
the ground for the benefit of the Bantu alone, so that it
could not fall into the hands of Europeans. The locations,
together with grants to mission societies for the use of black
people, covered rather more than two million three hundred
thousand acres of land. The locations were reserved entirely
for the use of Bantu who lived in their old tribal manner
under their own hereditary chiefs, over whom the lieutenant-
governor since 1851 had occupied the position of supreme
chief. In this capacity he exercised the right of calling out
labourers for public works, issuing orders for this purpose to
the respective chiefs, and fixing the number of men each one
was to supply. This was in full accordance with Bantu
custom, and only differed from ancient practice in that the
labourers were now paid wages, though not at a high rate.

The right of calling out labourers from the locations for
public works, especially for making roads, was one of the
causes of the Bantu preferring to live on vacant crown
lands or on ground hired from Europeans, where they
would be free from this liability. Other causes operated
in the same direction, and at the present day (1907) two
hundred and sixty-six thousand Bantu are found on the
forty-two locations and the mission reserves, and four
hundred and twenty-one thousand on private property. A
law made as far back as 1855 to prevent these people
settling without leave on vacant land belonging either to
the crown or to private individuals could not be enforced,
and another law made in 1871 in which tenants on private
land were dealt with remained also partly inoperative. The
pressure of such an enormous mass of barbarians as had

3^2 History of Natal. [1865

been allowed to enter and settle in Natal was so great that
the few white colonists were almost helpless before it.

The Bantu were not subject to European law, but under
the influence of Christian missionaries some individuals
among them had adopted civilised habits, and the number
was constantly increasing. In 1872 there were nearly forty
mission stations maintained by various societies within the
borders of the colony, and the result of so much instruction,
though not so great as might have been wished for, was
plainly perceptible. A question thus arose as to the
political position which those Bantu who had adopted a
civilised mode of life should occupy. It was settled in
such a manner as to encourage individuals to abandon the
habits of barbarians, while avoiding the danger of giving
political privileges to persons with only a thin veneer of
civilisation.

Any black who was living as a monogamist in an orderly
manner according to European ideas could petition to be
exempted from Bantu law, and to be registered as subject
to the colonial law alone. In 1865 it was enacted that any
male black resident in Natal for twelve years and exempt
from Bantu law for seven years, and who should procure
a certificate from three electors of European origin, endorsed
by a justice of the peace or the magistrate of the county in
which he should be residing, testifying that they had known
him for two years, that he was a well-disposed subject, and
had never been convicted of felony, should, if he possessed
the other ordinary qualifications, be entitled to petition the
lieutenant-governor for a certificate enabling him to be
registered as a voter.

Under this system a good many Bantu in course of time
became exempt at their own request from the operation of
the laws of their people, and the number who became en-
titled to the franchise was very small indeed, never
exceeding half a dozen. Mixed breeds, however, and any
other coloured people except pure Bantu and Indians, if
they possessed the same property qualification as Europeans,

1869J Difficulties of Retre^ichment. 363

were entitled to the franchise, so that the electorate was
never purely white colonial.

Mr. Keate’s term of administration was marked by con-
tinual strife between the elected members of the council
and the executive. For several years prior to 1865 the
colony was supposed to be in a dourishing condition, and
expensive civil establishments were created. The lieutenant-
governor’s salary, which had been originally only £800 a
year, was raised to £2,500, and the other officials also
obtained considerable increases. Subsequently, the colonists
considered it necessary to reduce the expenditure ; but the
elected members of the council and the executive could
never agree as to the manner in which retrenchment should
be effected. The council claimed control over the revenue,
and refused to adopt the estimates submitted by the
government. Then occurred disputes and wranglings of
no ordinary kind. Money which was voted for public
works and other purposes was taken by the lieutenant-
governor to pay the oflBcials. The council argued that
salaries had been raised when everything bore high prices,
and as the cost of living was now reduced and the colony
was in distress, it was only fair that the officials should
receive less pay. Mr. Keate objected to retrenchment on
a large scale, and did not even affect to feel sympathy with
the people.

In 1869 the council requested the imperial authorities to
allow six more elected members to be added to it, and to
deprive the official members of the right of voting, limiting
them to debate only. The expenditure was then in excess
of the revenue, and to rectify this it was proposed to require
the Bantu to contribute yearly at an average rate of four
shillings each, to reduce the lieutenant-governor’s salary to
£1,800 a year, to amalgamate the offices of colonial secretary
and secretary for native affairs, to reduce the salaries of
those officers holding seats in the council by £100 per
annum each, to reduce the salaries and pensions of the
judges, and to effect retrenchment in various other ways.

364

History of Natal. [1869

These proposals were forwarded by Mr. Keate to the
secretary of state for the colonies, who refused to sanction
them, on the ground that the circumstances of Natal did
not warrant a diminution of the power of the crown in the
legislative body. “So long as her Majesty’s troops remain in
the colony,” he wrote, “the home government must retain its
control over the taxation and government of the natives and
of all that falls under the head of native policy ; and ex-
perience shows that this cannot be done without retaining
an effectual control over all policy, whether European or
native.” But to make the acts of the executive government
more popular, the lieutenant-governor was empowered to
appoint to the executive council two of the elected members
of the legislature, to hold their seats until the dissolution
or other termination of the council from which they were
selected.

The opposition was rather increased than diminished when
this became known. The lieutenant-governor then dissolved
the council and appealed to the people. With one exception,
the same members were returned. But already the signs of
prosperity resulting from the discovery of diamonds along
the lower Vaal river were becoming visible, and the necessity
for retrenchment was less urgent than before. The appoint-
ment by Mr. Keate of a commission to inquire into the
adequacy of the civil service was accepted as an act of
conciliation, and gradually matters became smoother. In
1871 the commission recommended the abolition of certain
offices to which salaries amounting in all to upwards of
£5,000 were attached, and the rearrangement of other
salaries by which a yearly saving of £3,000 more would
be effected. This retrenchment, however, was not carried
out, and with the issue of a supplementary charter in 1872
the contentions between the executive and the legislature
were renewed.

This charter was brought out by Mr. Anthony Musgrave,
who took the oaths of office as lieutenant-governor on the
19th of July 1872. In it the salaries of the principal officers

Commercial Crisis,

365

1865]

were fixed and placed beyond the control of the council,
and the power of that body was in other respects clearly
defined. The elected members objected to it, on the ground
that by removing a large portion of the expenditure beyond
their control, rights were annulled which, had been conferred
upon them by the charter itself. In this view, it was not
a supplementary charter, but a revocation of the charter. So
there was much contention during the next few years.

After 1857 Natal became the scene of extensive specula-
tions of a hazardous nature. Money was plentiful, for in
rapid succession came branches of the Standard bank of
British South Africa and of the London and South African
bank, the Commercial and Agricultural bank of Natal,
incorporated in August 1862 with a capital of £50,000, and
the Colonial bank of Natal, founded in February 1862 and
incorporated in September 1864 with a capital of £50,000,
besides the old Natal bank, which in 1864 was empowered
to increase its then existing capital of £120,000 to half a
million. Private agencies were also engaged in the invest-
ment of English capital. A system prevailed of dealing on
credit and by means of notes of hand which the banks
readily discounted. Many sugar planters in particular
borrowed large sums of money at exorbitant rates of
interest, which they afterwards found themselves unable to
pay. The great excess of imports over exports at this time
shows the reckless manner in which the colonists were
speculating, even after making full allowance for the capital
expended in building up industries and improving estates.

A crisis came in 1865. One after another, planters failed
and houses of business surrendered or compromised, until
merchants in Great Britain became alarmed and stopped
further supplies. Numbers of mechanics who had been
attracted to the colony were thrown out of employment,
poverty and distress stared many in the face, and the name
of Natal sank low in the estimation of the commercial world.
But the great crash paved the way for the introduction of a
better and safer method of conducting business. Henceforth

366 History of Natal, [1868

credit was not so easily obtained without sufficient security,
and when trade rallied again after a time, it was unaccom-
panied by the wild speculation of former days. The colony
had passed the period of thoughtless extravagance, and was
entering upon a term of vigorous, honest life.

The discovery of the diamond fields was an event of great
importance to Natal. It opened a new and excellent market
where high prices were obtained for all kinds of produce, and
enabled the merchants to extend their trade in imported
articles. Many of them established branches at the fields,
where they competed successfully with others who imported
their goods through Algoa Bay or East London. Natal sugar,
coffee, arrowroot, jams, and tobacco could of course be sold at
a good profit cheaper than similar articles brought through
the Cape Colony, on which duty had been paid. Trains of
waggons laden with produce crossed over the Drakensberg
and through the Free State to the diamond fields, and took
back money, thus giving an impetus to legitimate enterprise,
both planting and commercial.

The want of a railroad from the port inland was recog-
nised by the colonists, and plans for constructing one were
frequently discussed in the council as well as by the press
and people, iDut nothing definite was at this time agreed
upon. In 1863 a line of electric telegraph had been opened
between Durban and Maritzburg.

At this time Natal attracted the attention of the outside
world more perhaps by ecclesiastical than by commercial
transactions. In this little colony and among these few
thousand Europeans a case arose on the issue of which
depended the future relationship between the crown, the
established church of England, and the episcopal churches in
all the British possessions oversea. The right reverend Dr.
Colenso had been distinguished ever since his arrival by a
very warm attachment to the Bantu, combined with an
untiring zeal for their improvement and an eloquent
advocac}" of what he regarded as their rights. As a colonial
bishop, an author of numerous books in various branches of

36/

1869] Ecclesiastical Strife.

mathematics, and a champion of the black tribes living in
South-Eastern Africa, Dr. Colenso was known throughout
the English speaking countries of the world.

He was to be yet more widely known by the publication
of a work of biblical criticism, which he found time to write
amidst such varied occupations as few men are capable of
undertaking. The book was at once condemned as here-
tical by those Christians everywhere who termed themselves
orthodox. Its author was called upon to retract the opinions
he had expressed, and, upon his declining to do so, he was
summoned by the metropolitan bishop of Capetown to appear
before a court composed of all the South African bishops, to
be tried on the charge of heresy.

Dr. Colenso then showed that a knowledge of law must
be classed with his other attainments. Taking his stand
upon the letters patent of the queen, he ignored the authority
of the court of bishops, and when he was pronounced guilty
of heresy and sentenced to be deposed, he declined to abide
by the judgment. The highest tribunal in England, to which
an appeal was made, maintained him in his position. The
colonial churches were declared to be nothing more than
voluntary associations, bound by no law to the established
church of England, and in them no person could be com-
pelled to yield obedience to another, unless a formal
agreement to that effect had been made. The bishop of
Natal was therefore not subject to the ecclesiastical juris-
diction of any man or body of men, and as long as his
partisans chose to recognise him he could not be deprived
of his office.

In Natal itself a party seceded from Dr. Colenso, and
elected as their bishop Dr. W. K. Macrorie, who was con-
secrated on the 25th of January 1869 in the cathedral
church of Capetown, by the bishops of Capetown, Grahams-
town, St. Helena, and the Orange Free State, and took the
title of bishop of Maritzburg. His adherents styled them-
selves members of the church of the province of South
Africa, in contradistinction to the adherents of the bishop

368 History of Natal. [1872

of Natal, who termed themselves members of the church of
England. The property acquired before the disruption
remained in the hands of Bishop Colenso, by decision of the
civil courts, while Bishop Macrorie was mainly supported
by English societies and foreign sympathisers.

In September 1869 an ordinance was passed, under which
no clergymen of any denomination, excepting those already
in receipt of salaries from the treasury, were thereafter to
be paid by the state, though the grants in aid then existing
were to be continued until the death or removal of' their
recipients.

On the 30th of July 1872 there were eight vessels at
anchor in the roadstead at Port Natal, when a gale set in,
and the barque Grace Peile was driven from her anchors
and wrecked on the back beach. On the 31st the barque
Trinculo went ashore at the same place, and after night-
fall the schooners Princess Alice and Breidahlik followed.
No lives were lost, nor was much merchandise destroyed,
as the wrecks, imbedded in sand, did not break up. The
other four vessels rode out the gale.

The population of Natal in 1872 consisted of about 17,500
Europeans, 300,000 Bantu, and 5,800 Indians. No census
had been taken, so that these figures cannot be given as
absolutely correct.

Maritzburg, the capital, contained 3,250 Europeans, 1,500
Bantu, and 100 Indians. It had three banks and three
cathedrals — Roman catholic, church of England, and church
of the province of South Africa, — ten other churches, and
several public buildings. An excellent supply of water ran
in open furrows along its streets, which were shaded with
trees that gave it a charming appearance.

Durban, the seaport, contained 3,500 Europeans, 1,900
Bantu, and 900 Indians. It possessed no fewer than
fifteen churches of various denominations, four banks, several
insurance ofiices and agencies, and, like Maritzburg, was the
centre of numerous institutions, literary, commercial, and
philanthropic.

1872] Revenue and Imports. 369

The public revenue fluctuated considerably between 1857
and 1872, but was now steadily rising. In 1872 it amounted
to £157,601, of which the Bantu contributed — including a
small share of the customs — something over one fourth. The
items from which it was derived were : —

Customs duties - £81,915

Hut- tax of 7s. on each hut 27,656

Fees on marriages of Bantu, £5 each, &c. - - 10,468

Excise duties 7,807

Quitrents 6,497

Postal receipts 6,296

Transfer dues 5,385

Fines and fees of office ------ 4,613

Port dues 2,012

Stamps 2,114

Auction dues 1,409

Miscellaneous 1,429

Total £157,601

The public debt of the colony in 1872 was £263,000, of
which £163,000 had been borrowed for the construction of
harbour works.

The imperial government maintained a wing of a regiment
in Natal, and the colonists furnished a most efiicient body
of volunteers. In 1872 there were five corps of volunteer
cavalry, numbering together 417 men, and three corps of
volunteer infantry, numbering 195 men.

The imports from the 1st of January 1857 to the 31st of
December 1861 amounted in value to £1,834,974, from the 1st
of January 1862 to the 31st of December 1866 to £2,232,999,
from the 1st of January 1867 to the 31st of December 1871
to £1,869,314, and during the year 1872 to £825,252. Eighty-
four per cent of the imports came from the United Kingdom,
thirteen per cent from other British possessions, and only
three per cent from foreign countries.

During the five years from the 1st of January 1857 to
the 31st of December 1861 there were exported, according to
the value declared at the customs : —

2 A

370

History of Natal.

[1872

Ivory £111,431

Sheep’s wool - 105,913

Butfcer 79,325

Hides, skins, horns, and bones - - . . 75,805

Sugar and molasses 64,866

Beans, peas, maize, and millet - - - - 3,687

Arrowroot - 3,371

Ostrich feathers 1,930

All other articles, and imports exported - - 99,719

Total during five years £546,047

During the five years from the 1st of January 1862
to the 31st of December 1866 : —

Sheep’s wool £286,858

Sugar and molasses - - - - - - 284,663

Ivory 119,876

Butter - 39,744

Ostrich feathers 38,957

Hides, skins, horns, and bones . - - . 35,640

Beans, maize, and other farm produce - - - 24,156

Arrowroot 12,873

Cotton 11,329

Live animals, chiefly horses 4,488

Bacon, hams, salted meat, tallow, and lard - - 2,381

Pepper 1,557

Specimens of natural history - - - - 848

Curiosities and karosses 831

Bum 706

Fruit 396

Cofiee 6

Total South African produce £865,309
Imports exported 52,407

£917,716

Or African produce at the rate of £173,062 a year.

During the five years from the 1st of January 1867 t
31st of December 1871 : —

£599,898
571,757

Sugar and molasses
Sheep’s wool

Carried forward £1,171,655

1872] Value of Exports, 371

Brought forward £1,171,655
Hides, skins, horns, and bones - . - - 256,682

Ivory 51,674

Diamonds - - 40,773

Ostrich feathers 38,061

Butter 35,418

Bacon, hams, salted meat, tallow, and lard - - 31,250

Beans, maize, and other farm produce - - 29,316

Arrowroot 27,878

Cotton 22,290

Coffee 21,144

Live animals, chiefly horses 10,333

Rum 6,246

Pepper 2,168

Curiosities and karosses 1,555

Fruit 1,347

Aloes 1,277

Specimens of natural history .... 1,214

Raw gold 370

Angora hair 168

Total South African produce £1,750,819
Imports exported 56,151

£1,805,970

Or African produce at the rate of £350,164 a year.

During the year 1872 : —

Sheep’s wool £264,496

Sugar and molasses 163,978

Hides, skins, horns, and bones . - . _ 337,629

Diamcmds 10,884

Ostrich feathers - . 9,745

Ivory - ' - ....... 9^392

Coffee 8,616

Cotton 6,050

Arrowroot - - - - - - - - 5,647

Butter - - 5,178

Bacon, salted meat, tallow, and lard - - - 1,420

Live animals, chiefly horses - - - - _ 1,387

Rum 1^227

Carried forward £605,648

372 History of NataL [1872

Brought forward £605,548
Beans, maize, and other farm produce - - - 981

Raw gold - 925

Aloes 532

Angora hair 422

Pepper 313

Specimens of natural history - - - - 283

Fruit _ . . 250

Curiosities and karosses ----- 161

Total South African produce £609,424
Imports exported 13,373

£622,797

Sixty -nine per cent of the exports were sent to the United
Kingdom, twenty-nine per cent to other British possessions^
chiefly the Cape Colony and Mauritius, and only two per
cent to foreign countries.

Towards the close of the year 1872 the old Zulu chief
Panda died, and was succeeded by his son Ketshwayo.
Panda had always preserved peace with Natal as well as
with the South African Republic, but many persons were
doubtful whether Ketshwayo, who was a far more aspiring
man, would act in the same manner. After the great
slaughter which followed his victory over his brother
Umbulazi on the 2nd of December 1856, several thousands
of his opponents managed to make their way across the
Tugela, and were given shelter by the authorities there.
Among them was one of his own half-brothers, named
Umkunku, a man of very little note, however, who had even
been permitted to purchase land in the colony and settle on
it with his followers. It was now feared by many persons
that Ketshwayo might try to make a quarrel for the purpose
of taking revenge for the protection given to his opponents,
but he conducted himself in such a manner as soon to allay
all fear of war, and the colonists were then able to pursue
their ordinary avocations in quietness.

CHAPTER LXXXIII.

THE PORTUGUESE POSSESSIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA DURING THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY.

The condition of Portugal from the time of the departure
of the recent Dom Joao to Brazil until 1855, when Pedro V
ascended the throne as a constitutional monarch, was such
that very little attention could be given to her African
possessions. War succeeded war, revolution followed revolu-
tion, councils of regency appeared and disappeared, democrats
and aristocrats rose in turn and fell, all was chaos and
confusion. This is the least interesting period of the history
of the mother country, and it would be the least interesting
period in the history of South-Eastern Africa also if the
wars among the Bantu had not been more destructive than
ever before. A rapid glance at the principal events that
took place is therefore all that is necessary.

While the war with France continued French cruisers
and privateers preyed upon the coasting trade until it was
nearly annihilated. The stations were garrisoned with blacks,
who were so poorly and so irregularly paid that they were
often in revolt against their officers. Even Fort Sao
Sebastiao at Mozambique seldom contained more than fifty
or sixty European and milled breed soldiers, who were aided
by three or four hundred negroes. The walls of this fort
were badly in need of repair, and the guns mounted upon
them were old and almost useless. The governor was now,
as a measure of policy, made independent of the viceroy at
Goa, that he might have more freedom of action and greater
responsibility. Along the Zambesi strife and disorder were
constant, and in 1807 the principal officer there lost his life
at the hands of the Bantu.

373

374 'The Portuguese Possessions, [1817

During the first half of the century the slave trade was
almost the only source of revenue. Vessels badly fitted
out and crowded with negroes to their utmost capacity
sailed from Kilimane and the other ports for Brazil, often
arriving at their destination with less than a third of the
number taken on board. Some of these vessels put into
Table Bay in distress, with hardly any provisions or water
left, for their owners calculated from the outset upon
obtaining supplies there and thus being able to transport
more slaves. For a time this plan succeeded, as humanity
forbade the vessels being sent away without food ; but when
it was ascertained that this was depended upon as a means
of furthering the traflfic, all assistance was refused. The
passage had then to be made without a break, so the vessels
left with fewer slaves and more provisions. The horrors of
these voyages, especially when any accident happened or
when sickness broke out, can hardly be overdrawn.

Events at Delagoa Bay at this period began to assume
greater importance than in earlier years. On the 5th of
April 1805 Jose Antonio Caldas, who was then captain of
the fort at Louren90 Marques, obtained from a Bantu chief
a deed of cession to Portugal of a considerable tract of land
north of the Espirito Santo, which that chief had wrested
from its previous owner. But the weakness of the garrison
and the circumstances of the time were such that no real
cession was intended, and the relation of the two parties to
each other remained as it had been before.

The English and Americans evidently made whale fishing
pay, so in 1817 the Portuguese formed a company to carry
on the same pursuit, and commenced operations at Delagoa
Bay. But the effort was not attended with much success,
for there were too many officials in proportion to the number
of seamen, and they did not display the same activity as
their competitors. Their jealousy of the English and
Americans, though only natural under the circumstances, led
them whenever an opportunity occurred to illtreat subjects of
the Bantu chiefs who had dealings with their rivals, until

375

1823] Transactions of Captain Owen,

such animosity was aroused that on the 29th of June 1818
the superintendent of the fishery, Joao Pereira de Sousa
Caldas, lost his life in a quarrel.

Tow^ards the close of 1822 an English exploring and
surveying expedition, under Captain William FitzWilliam
Owen, of the royal navy, entered Delagoa Bay. It was
provided with credentials from the government at Lisbon to
the Portuguese officials on the coast, in which they were
required to render all the assistance in their power, as the
object was purely scientific. But when Captain Owen
requested protection for his boats’ people while they were
surveying the rivers, he was informed by the commandant of
the fort that the Bantu were not subject to the Portuguese
government, and that he must depend upon his own resources.
That was the true condition of matters at the time. Accord-
ingly the English officers acted thereafter as if Portuguese
sovereignty did not extend beyond the range of the guns
of the fort, and when Mayeta, the chief of the tribe along
the Tembe river, was understood as offering to cede his
country to Great Britain, Captain Owen accepted the cession.
A document to that effect was drawn up and formally
signed and witnessed on the 8th of March 1823.

A close examination of this paper and of the reports con-
cerning it show, however, that the object of the chief was
something very different from what appears on the surface.
Tshaka had then commenced his murderous career in the
country to the south, and various hordes fleeing from his
armies had made their appearance on the shores of Delagoa
Bay, where they were causing great havoc among the earlier
inhabitants. It was protection from them that Mayeta
desired, not subjection of himself and his followers to
foreign authority. Captain Owen described the invaders,
whom he termed Vatwahs, as a martial people of free air
and noble carriage, marked by piercing very large holes in
the lobes of their ears. They were clothed with the skins
of animals, lived chiefly on animal food, used oval shields
of oxhide large enough to cover their bodies, and carried

37^ The Portuguese Possessions,

from three to six assagais and a stabbing spear. One night
a band of them attacked an English surveying party that
was encamped in tents, so he had more than a casual
acquaintance with them.

The Batonga inhabitants of the country around the bay he
described as a timid race, armed with assagais and spears,
and sometimes carrying a small shield. Many of them wore
hardly any clothing at all, but some were dressed in calico
obtained from the Portuguese and others in woollen garments
bartered from whalers. They possessed horned cattle, goats,
and barnyard poultry, and had in their gardens rice, maize,
millet, sweet potatoes, onions, cabbages, pumpkins, pineapples,
bananas, and other foreign and indigenous fruits. Most of
these vegetables and fruits had been introduced by Euro-
peans, and were cultivated by the Bantu not only for their
own use, but for disposal to the crews of whalers. Through-
out the country beads were used as coin : four hens could be
had for a penny’s worth, and the labour of a man for a day
cost the same. With beads and calico these people bartered
from others ivory and ambergris, which they disposed of to
Europeans at a large profit. Captain Owen estimated the
population of the shores of the bay south of the Manisa
river at one hundred thousand souls.

Into the territory of these timid agricultural and com-
mercial people, the ferocious Vatwahs, kinsmen of the Zulus,
had come like lions into a herd of antelopes, and no wonder
they sought protectors. The Portuguese in the fort did not,
and could not, help them, they even purchased from the
invaders the spoil gathered in murderous raids. One large
body of the Vatwahs was then encamped at a distance of
only fifty or sixty kilometres, so the need was urgent. This
was the cause of the chief of Tembe affixing his mark to
the document that purported to be a deed of cession of his
country to the king of England. One of his men who had
served in a whaler and who could speak a little broken
English advised him to make the application, and he followed
the counsel. But that he did not realise what he was doing

377

1823] Trafisactions of Captain Owen,

is certain, and this deed of cession was of no greater value,
honestly considered, than the one covering the same ground
made to the Portuguese in November 1794. The document
was purely European in word and spirit, and contained
clauses that no Bantu chief in South Africa was capable
of understanding.

On the same da}'’ that it was signed, 8th of March 1823,
the British flag was hoisted on the bank of the Tembe river,
and was saluted with twenty-one guns. As soon as possible
thereafter notice was given to the captain of the Portuguese
fort that the tribe had become British subjects, but no
authority of any kind was ever exercised over them, nor
was the least protection against their enemies given to them.
They were left as before to themselves, and in the terrible
wave of war that soon afterwards rolled over their land
they were almost exterminated by Swangendaba and
Manikusa without the British government even knowing
what was taking place.

On the 23rd of August 1823, Makasane, chief of the tribe
occupying the territory between the Maputa river and the
sea, that is the same tract of land that had once belonged
to the friendly ruler Garcia de Sa, affixed his mark to a
document by which he placed himself and his country under
the protection of Great Britain. Captain Owen’s object in
obtaining this declaration was to secure for England the two
islands Inyaka and Elephant, which were regarded as more
healthy stations than any on the mainland, and behind
which there was good anchorage for ships. He wrote that
he considered Delagoa Bay a place of considerable political
and commercial importance. It was the only good harbour
on the coast south of Mozambique, over which it had many
advantages, as it was easy of access at all seasons of the
year, was free of such currents as would obstruct navigation,
and had a better country behind it. It was the door for
commerce to the vast interior, was the base of a valuable
whale fishery, and commanded intercourse with the entire
seaboard of Madagascar at all seasons of the year. From it

37 S The Portuguese Possessions, [1823

British sovereignty might be extended southward to embrace
Natal and the whole of the coast. In the possession of a
foreign power it could be made ruinous to the Cape Colony
and to the commerce of India, either in peace or war. In
peace it could be made a depot for eastern productions, and
in war one of the best ports in the world whence hostile
expeditions might issue at pleasure. These were the reasons
assigned by Captain Owen for taking the preliminary steps
to make the south-eastern shore of the bay an English
dependency. But no force was left for Makasane’s pro-
tection, and beyond the existence of the formal document
there was nothing to show that Great Britain had obtained
a foothold there.

Some of the names of the rivers were changed by this
expedition into English ones. Thus the Manisa became the
King George's, but the old designation of that stream near
its mouth survives until to-day, and the new one is now
seldom used, while the upper course is always known as the
Komati. The Da Lagoa or Lourengo Marques became the
Dundas, but recently the Bantu name Umbelosi has driven
all the others out. The estuary called the Espirito Santo
was changed into the English river, and is still frequently
so termed.

In October 1823 Captain Owen sent from Mozambique a
report to the admiralty ofl&ce upon the condition of Eastern
Africa at the time. He stated that there were then in that
harbour seven vessels taking in slaves for Rio Janeiro, one of
them, of six hundred tons burden, being intended to carry
twelve hundred. Not fewer than twenty - five thousand
slaves were exported from Mozambique annually. From
Kilimane sixteen vessels had taken during the preceding year
ten thousand slaves. Between Inhambane and Brazil there
was also direct communication, but from that port the number
sent away was not so large. At Delagoa Bay the traffic was
still less. The cost of a slave to the Portuguese at Kilimane,
Inhambane, and Delagoa Bay was rarely more than two or
three dollars, and they were sold to the owners of the

379

1823] T7'ansactio7is of Captam OzveTz,

ships at from twenty to thirty dollars each. These owners
considered that the}^ made a good voyage if a third of the
number embarked reached Rio Janeiro, where they brought
from one hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars each.
Sometimes half were saved, when the gain became a strong
motive for more extensive speculation.

Sofala, he reported, was the most miserable of all the
Portuguese establishments on the coast except Louren90
Marques : it could not even furnish a boat to assist one of
his ships when aground. Strangers everywhere visiting
the stations for purposes of trade were subject to wanton
indignity and exaction. At Mozambique an English vessel,
even in distress, was obliged to pay five per cent of the
value of any goods it might be necessary to land, and
twenty-five per cent on everything that was sold. Inham-
bane was the most thriving of all the settlements, owing to
the exceptional ability of its captain, who encouraged
industry in the free blacks by his example, counsel, and
manner of administration.

Except along the lower Zambesi the Portuguese had then
no dominion or authority beyond the limits of their forts
and factories. At Sofala, however, they professed to have
recently conquered with fifty men the whole of the old

Kiteve country as far as Manika, though when he was

there he found them almost shut up in their establishment
by tribes at war with them, and along the Zambesi it was
feared that some hostile chiefs might destroy the villages of
Sena and Tete.

Mozambique was in such a critical state that the governor

found it necessary to reside within the fort. He had not

more than twelve or fourteen European soldiers, and only
eight oflScers on whom he could rely, mostly very young
men. In the market nothing except slaves was exposed for
sale, and it was with much difficulty that any other pro-
visions than rice and shellfish could be procured. Most of
the traders were Arabs so-called and Banyans. In short, the
whole country from Delagoa Bay northward presented a

380 The Porhtguese Possessions. [1823

lamentable picture of decay and ruin, owin^ to the indolence
and incapacity of those who claimed to be its possessors.

Captain Owen recommended that the treaty which per-
mitted the Portuguese to carry on the slave trade in their
dominions between Cape Delgado and Delagoa Bay should
not be construed to include independent Bantu territory
within those limits.* Nowhere south or north of the Zambesi
had they any dominion whatever beyond the muzzles of their
guns. In most parts, indeed, they were even excluded by
the Bantu. Great Britain could make treaties with the

*The following are the clauses of the treaties limiting the extent of
territory in which the Portuguese could carry on the slave trade : —

Article X.

His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal being fully
convinced of the Injustice and Impolicy of the Slave Trade, and of the
great disadvantages which arise from the necessity of introducing and
continually renewing a Foreign and Factitious Population for the
purpose of Labour and Industry within His South American Dominions,
has resolved to co-operate with His Britannic Majesty in the cause of
Humanity and Justice by adopting the most efficacious means for
bringing about a gradual abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the
whole of His Dominions. And actuated by this Principle His Royal
Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal engages that His Subjects
shall not be permitted to carry on the Slave Trade on any part of the
Coast of Africa not actually belonging to His Royal Highness’s Dominions,
in which that Trade has been discontinued and abandoned by the
Powers and States of Europe, which formerly traded there, reserving
however to His Own Subjects the Right of purchasing and trading in
Slaves within the African Dominions of the Crown of Portugal. — Treaty
of 19th February 1810.

Article 11.

The Territories in which the Traffic in Slaves continues to be per-
mitted, under the Treaty of the Twenty second of January one
Thousand Eight Hundred and fifteen, to the Subjects of His most
Faithful Majesty, are the following : 1st. The Territories possessed
by the Crown of Portugal upon the Coast of Africa to the South of
the Equator, that is to say, upon the Eastern Coast of Africa, the
Territory laying between Cape Delgado and the Bay of Louren^o
Marques, and upon the Western Coast, all that which is situated
from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Degree of South Latitude. — Treaty
of 28th July 1817.

1823] Conduct of so7ne Batonga Chiefs, 381.

independent chiefs which would destroy the slave trade, or
she could establish factories for commerce where she could
undersell the Portuguese and starve them out. Or, as
Delagoa Bay must be considered as of great importance to
the Cape Colony, an arrangement might be made with the
Portuguese government that it should withdraw its claims
to all territory south of Inhambane and abolish the slave
trade farther north, conditionally upon Great Britain
abstaining from entering into any relations with the chiefs
beyond Cape Correntes.

Probably a neutral party would have drawn a less gloomy
picture of the condition of South-Eastern Africa at this time,
and would have disputed Great Britain’s right to do what
Captain Owen recommended, but there can be no question
as to the weakness of the Portuguese government or the
extent of the slave trade.

On the 3rd of November 1823 Commodore Joseph Nourse,
who was then in command of the British naval force on
the Cape station, arrived in Delagoa Bay in the Andromache,
An English trading vessel named the Orange Grove was
lying at anchor there at the time. Commodore Nourse
obtained from the captain of the fort a promise to abstain
from interference with Bantu trading with the English, but
after the departure of the two ships he took a different
course. The reverend Mr. Threlfall, a Wesleyan missionary
who had gone to the bay with Captain Owen, and who
remained there until 1824, when he returned in ill health
to Capetown in the whaler Nereid, reported that immedi-
ately after the departure of the Andromache and the
Orange Grove the Portuguese captain showed a disposition
to subjugate the Bantu states, and threatened the chiefs
with immediate war if they would not accede to his terms.
In December he caused the Portuguese flag to be hoisted
in Tembe, and appointed three soldiers to guard it. About
the same time an oflBcial of the chief of Maputa ceded the
south-eastern territory to the Portuguese, but the chief
refused to confirm the cession, upon which the captain sent

3^2 The Portuguese Possessions, [1823

a company of soldiers and a large number of enlisted blacks
of another tribe against him. Makasane obtained assistance
from the chief of Tembe, but was defeated with a loss of
many killed, and his followers then dispersed.

A good deal of skirmishing among the various tribes
followed, until the Portuguese and their allies were destroyed
by an act of treachery rather than of war. One of the chiefs
sent a present to the captain with a message that it was
intended as giving his consent to the arrangement proposed,
and invited him to come to the territory and hoist the
Portuguese Hag. The captain, Lupe de Cardenas by name,
fell into the snare laid for him. With all the officers of the
garrison except Lieutenant Teixeira who was sick, forty -five
soldiers, and most of his Bantu allies, he was proceeding to
the place arranged for hoisting the flag with due ceremony,
when he fell into an ambuscade and the whole party,
excepting three soldiers and a few of the allies, perished
under the assagai. Those who escaped fled to the fort,
which was at once besieged, but the attacking party was
induced to withdraw by presents of beads. Internecine
strife among the various tribes followed, and this alone
saved the Portuguese establishment from entire annihilation.

This account, however, is not quite in accordance with the
official documents on the other side. According to them
the chiefs who had affixed their marks to the English docu-
ments signed a counter declaration, to the effect that they
were subjects of the king of Portugal, as their fathers from
time immemorial had been. The captain Lupe de Cardenas
with a junior officer and thirty-nine black soldiers then
proceeded to hoist the Portuguese flag on the banks of the
Tembe river, whereupon Mayeta, the chief who was asserted
to be a subject of Portugal as his ancestors had always been,
attacked the party, killed Cardenas and twenty-six of his
men, and obliged the ensign and the remaining thirteen
blacks to surrender and submit to his mercy.

In this precarious manner the fort or trading station
continued to be held until 1833, without authority of any

1824] Devastating Wars a7)i07ig Bantu. 383

kind over the neighbouring Bantu clans being exercised.
It was just the other way, for tlie tenure under which the
Portuguese occupied the ground on which they lived was
one of sufferance on condition of friendly behaviour towards
the strongest of their neighbours. They were there at the
mercy of the barbarians.

With the object of trying to keep strangers away, on the
13th of November 1824 a royal charter was issued in which
an exclusive monopoly of the commerce of the bay was
granted to the Fishing Company, as it was supposed its
agents would show a good deal of energy in the matter.
This charter remained in force until January 1835, when
the company was dissolved.

For some years the country round Delagoa Bay had been
devastated by war of an exceptionally ferocious character.

First a little band of warriors under a leader named
Ngokweni broke away from Tshaka, and passed through it
on their way to the Zambesi, where they settled on a large
island in the river near Sena. They did some damage on
their march, but they were too few in number to cause
devastation on an extensive scale.

They were followed by a much larger horde, under the
chief Swangendaba, who fled from the border of the district
now called Swaziland. This ferocious horde in its flight to
the north created great havoc among the feeble tribes, who
were incapable of resisting it. It moved about the country
between Delagoa Bay and the Zambesi nearly two years,
breaking up and almost exterminating many of the Batonga,
Baroswi, and Makalanga clans, and setting at defiance the
Portuguese in their stations along the coast. At length the
Angoni, as this devastating host was afterwards called, were
routed in a great battle on the bank of the Sabi river by
a still stronger body of refugees from the south, under the
chief Manikusa. Swangendaba then retreated northward,
crossed the Zambesi, and settled on the western shore of
Lake Nyassa, where the Angoni became a scourge to all
their neighbours. Upon the death of Swangendaba he was

384 The Portuguese Possessions, [1833

succeeded by his son Mpezini, who was chief of the tribe
when in 1875 missionaries of the Free church of Scotland
founded the station Livingstonia. The Angoni were then
masters of a wide extent of country, and were still pursuing
the career of marauders.

Far more destructive than the Angoni to the inhabitants
of the coast north of Delagoa Bay was the fierce tribe now
known as the Matshangana, because their occupation of the
territory was permanent. This tribe was com[)osed of a
number of refugees from various clans, who fled from the
shore of St. Lucia Bay to avoid contact with the Zulu
stabbing assagai. These refugees were welded into one body
by the chief Manikusa, afterwards generally called Sotsha-
ngana, from whom the tribe took its name. Among the
less highly disciplined people living north of St. Lucia Bay
the Matshangana spread dreadful havoc. Many of the clans
were exterminated, and others were reduced to the most
abject condition, all their property being seized, and their
serviceable children of both sexes being taken away to swell
the ranks of their conquerors.

On the 22nd of October 1833 a strong body of warriors
of the Matshangana tribe appeared before the fort on the
Espirito Santo. They were provided with no other weapons
than short-handled stabbing assagais, so they could not efifect
an entrance, but during the night of the 27th the captain
Dionysio Antonio Ribeiro, seeing an opportunity to escape,
evacuated the place, and with his men retired to the island
Shefina, which lies close to the coast. On the following day
the Matshangana destroyed the fort, and then pursued the
Portuguese to the island and captured them all. The
prisoners were brought back to their ruined habitation, and
were there put to death.

Manikusa then for the second time devastated the territory
from Delagoa Bay to the Zambesi, and destroyed the clans
within it, the descendants of the tribes that three centuries
earlier had been governed by the Sedanda, the Kiteve, and
the Tshikanga, as well as the various divisions of the

1836] Destruction of the Portuguese Stations, 385

Batonga south of the Sabi and of the Mashona, who were
comparatively recent immigrants.

The captain of Inhambane was so rash as to attempt to
assist a friendly clan against Manikusa. Inhambane had
then about twenty-five Portuguese residents, all told, and the
garrison of the little fort Sao Joao da Boa Vista consisted
of about a hundred negroes. The village contained a church
dedicated to our Lady of the Conception, and a few houses
built in the European st3de, though none of great size, as
the station was inferior in importance to those on the
Zambesi. The result of the interference with Manikusa by
the captain of Imhambane was the plunder of the village
and the slaughter of the captain himself and all the
inhabitants except ten individuals who managed to escape,
3rd of November 1834.

Sofala had sunk to be a place of very little note. Its
fort had fallen into decay, and its best houses were built of
mud. Still it had a captain and a garrison of negroes. In
1836 it was attacked by the Matshangana, when the fort
managed to bold out, but all else was plundered and destro^^ed.
The military commandant, Jos^ Marques da Costa, then
collected the friendly Bantu in the neighbourhood, and with
them and his negroes ventured to give the enemy battle,
with the result that every individual of his force perished.

Sena contained ten houses built in the European style,
one church, and a small fort. A number of Bantu huts
stood close by. There were not more than twenty white
inhabitants, including three military officers and a priest,
and in 1830 these had been obliged to abandon the place
temporarily on account of a famine. There were fifty or sixty
mixed breeds and sixty blacks called soldiers, but they
were very little in advance of the barbarians around them.
The Matshangana attacked the place, and after killing
fifty-four of the Portuguese and mixed breeds, drove the
remaining inhabitants of the village to the islands in the
Zambesi. An arrangement was then made that the traders
should pay to the chief of the conquering horde a certain

2 B

386 The Portuguese Possessions.

quantity of merchandise yearly, and on this condition they
were allowed to return.

The government at Lisbon was unable to supply a com-
petent force to protect the stations while the Matshangana
were in the first fiush of their victorious career, and could
devise no other expedient than to make the government of
the Rivers independent of that of Mozambique. In 1834
Josd Gregorio Pegado was appointed military governor of
Mozambique, and Isidro Manuel de Carrezedo was sent to
the Rivers to do the best he could without any interference.
He could do nothing, as has been seen, for military force was
what was needed, and with his failure the former system of
government was reverted to.

The havoc created among the Bantu between the Zambesi
and the Limpopo by the Matshangana on the south, the
Makololo on the north-west, and the Matabele on the west,
was very great. Many of the ancient clans were quite
exterminated, and of those that remain in existence few
occupy the same ground that their ancestors did. In the
years 1852 and 1853 especially they were scattered and
destroyed with no more compunction than if they had been
vermin. The Portuguese stations were reoccupied within a
few years, but they were held with diflficulty. In 1849 the
captain of Inhambane was killed, as was his successor, in
1850. In these years Louren^o Marques and Sofala were
attacked, and narrowly escaped destruction the second time.
Louren90 Marques, indeed, was held under the most pre-
carious of tenures until quite recently. In 1868 it was
attacked by a tribe in the neighbourhood that was assisted
by a European renegade, and was only saved by the bravery
of the captain Jose Augusto de Sa e Simas. As late as 1878
there were only four hundred and fifty-eight Europeans,
Asiatics, and mulattos combined living there. Of these, two
hundred and ninety-five were men, thirty-two were women,
and one hundred and thirty-one were children. Ninety-three
Portuguese, twenty-eight ‘Europeans of other nationalities,
sixty - six mulattos, and eighty - three Asiatics professed

The Slave Trade. 387

Cliiistianity, and one hundred and thirty-three Indians
and fifty-five others did not.

The prazos south of the Zambesi were of course nearly all
overrun, and on the 22nd of December 1854 a decree was
issued by the government in Lisbon abolishing the system.
The decree was not enforced, however, by the local authori-
ties, except that the method of inheritance was no longer
observed, and a few prazos held by individuals who
arrogated to themselves the rights of feudal lords and who
regarded their people as mere serfs, continued in existence.

There is a little island called Tshiloane off the coast about
sixty-four kilometres south of Sofala. It is nearly divided
into two by a sluggish creek, and is not at all an attractive
place, but it has a fairly good harbour, and it is secure
against ravages by Bantu from the mainland. Some of the
half breeds and others who lived among the blacks in the
neighbourhood of the ancient gold port removed to this
island, and since 1862 a military force has been stationed
there to protect them. A lighthouse has also been built on
Tshingani Point on the island, though the commerce of the
place is very small.

In 1855 some of the refugees from the mainland went to
reside on the island of Santa Carolina, one of the Bazaruta
group, and a small garrison was stationed there as an
evidence that the Portuguese were the owners.

On the 10th of December 1836 a decree was issued by
the government at Lisbon abolishing trafiic in slaves
throughout the Portuguese dominions. But so far from its
coming into force in Eastern Africa, the marquis of
Aracaty, who was then governor of Mozambique, issued a
proclamation on the 11th of November 1837 suspending its
operation, on the plea of absolute necessity. This led to
correspondence with the British government, which had then
emancipated the slaves everywhere within its own dominions
and was exerting itself to the utmost to induce foreign
nations to follow its example. But the trafiic continued, and
when after a time in accordance with treaty arrangements

388 The Portuguese Possessions,

British cruisers were stationed on the coast to endeavour to
suppress it, they could generally be evaded by the slave
vessels getting away from one port while they were watching
another. It has only been in our own times that this traffic
has ceased.

The law regarding commerce by strangers was now greatly
modified.* In 1811 it was made legal to import goods of
foreign manufacture, provided they were carried in Portuguese
vessels manned to the extent of three-fourths of the crew by
Portuguese subjects. But restrictive laws, except where a
government is very strong, invariably foster illicit traffic, and
it was so in this instance. Foreigners could not be kept
away. Seeing this, in 1853 the government at Lisbon wisely
adopted a system under which a revenue from strangers
would be obtained, while smuggling was made too unpro-
fitable, compared with the risk, to be carried on. Under
this system Portuguese goods imported into Eastern Africa
in Portuguese ships were charged four per cent of their value
as customs duty, foreign goods imported in Portuguese ships
were charged eight per cent, and foreign goods imported in
foreign ships twelve per cent. Articles exported in Portuguese
ships to Portuguese ports were charged one per cent of their
value, in Portuguese ships to foreign ports three per cent,

* According to treaty British subjects nominally had rights of trade in
Eastern Africa, except in certain reserved articles ; but as these included
gold, ivory, and, of course, slaves, they were practically prohibited from
purchasing anything else than provisions. The following is the text of the
article referring to East Africa in the treaty of commerce between Great
Britain and Portugal :

Article XXIV.

All Trade with the Portuguese Possessions situated on the
Eastern Coast of the Continent of Africa (in Articles not included in
the Exclusive Contracts possessed by the Crown of Portugal) which may
have been formerly allowed to the Subjects of the Great Britain, is
confirmed, and secured to them now and for ever, in the same Manner as
the Trade which has hitherto been permitted to Portuguese Subjects in the
Ports and Seas of Asia is confirmed and secured to them by Virtue of the
Sixth Article of the Present Treaty. — Treaty of 19th February 1810.

1862] Reoccupation of Zumbo. 389

and in foreign ships to foreign ports five per cent. This
cannot be regarded as an unreasonable tariff for that time,
and though it has been modified of recent years, Portuguese
goods still have the advantage of differential duties in their
favour.

In 1856 the farce was enacted of creating a council for
the province of Mozambique, consisting of thirteen members,
in which Tete was allotted two representatives, and Sena,
Sofala, Inhambane, and Louren9o Marques each one. At
the same time the term of office of the heads of the stations
was extended from three to five years, in order to obtain
the advantage of experience. Ten years later, on the 1st
of December 1866, a more practical decree was issued,
which established improved courts of justice, both inferior
and superior, in Eastern Africa.

Beyond Tete the whole country to the westward had long
been lost to the Portuguese, and with it of course the
station that had once been regarded as the most important
for the commerce of the interior and the conversion of the
Bantu. This was Zumbo, on the northern bank of the
Zambesi, nearly two hundred and fifty English miles or
four hundred kilometres by the stream upward from Tete.
Projects for the reoccupation of this post had frequently
been discussed, but nothing could be done before 1862, when
Albino Manuel Pacheco hoisted the Portuguese flag there
once more. The ruins of the ancient church and of the
house once inhabited by the captain marked the site of the
station. But Zumbo, though reoccupied, has never attained
its former importance, and only five or six Europeans have
since resided there at a time. Its principal value to the
Portuguese has been that it gave them a right, acknowledged
by Great Britain, to the territory along the river bank that
distance westward, and secured for them a boundary line
including it when the interior of the continent was divided
between different claimants a few years ago.

The most interesting event during this period is the pro-
gress of geographical knowledge concerning South Africa,

390 The Portuguese Possessions,

and for this the world is mainly indebted to an intrepid
Scotch missionary. The honour of accomplishing the
journey across Africa for the first time, however, is due to
two black traders named Pedro Joao Baptista and Amaro
Josd, who were in the employment of Lieutenant-Colonel
Francisco Honorato da Costa, director of the fair of Mucary
in the district of Pungo Andongo. These men were
entrusted with a letter to the captain of Tete, and left
Muropue in Angola on the 22nd of May 1806. One of them,
Pedro Joao Baptista, was sufficiently well educated to be
able to keep a sort of journal, but they had no instruments
of any kind with them, nor were they competent to make
observations. On the 2nd of February 1811, four years and
eight months after setting out, they delivered the letter at
Tete, and in May of the same year left on their return
journey. They reached Loanda again safely, and thus
accomplished the feat of crossing the continent in both
directions. Some knowledge of the interior far north of
the Zambesi was gathered from these intrepid travellers, but
no information whatever concerning the country or the
people to the south.

On the 1st of June 1831 a large expedition left Tete to
follow up Dr. Lacerdas exploration to the west coast. Major
Jos4 Maria Correia Monteiro was in command. Captain
Antonio Candido Pedroso Gamitto was next in authority
and also journalist, and there were no fewer than four
hundred and twenty blacks in different capacities. But
the difficulties encountered were so great that from the
kraal of Kazembe the expedition turned back, after despatch-
ing a letter to the governor of Angola by some trustworthy
black traders of the party. The letter was dated 10th of
March 1832, and was delivered on the 25th of April 1839.
Thus it was not by Europeans, but by blacks, that this
transit of the continent was effected.

On the next occasion it was performed by three Arab
traders from Zanzibar, who, finding themselves far in the
interior in want of merchandise, pushed on to the nearest

Exploration by Dr, Livings t07ie, 391

coast, and reached Ben^uela on the 3rd of May 1852. The
governor of Angola offered a million reis and the honorary
title of captain to any one who would return to Zanzibar
with the traders, and describe the route between the two
coasts. A resident of Angola named Antonio Francisco
Ferreira da Silva Porto accepted the offer, but after
travelling a hundred and seven days he could go no farther,
and therefore turned back. He sent some of his people on,
however, who reached Mozambique safely on the 12th of
November 1854.

It was reserved for the reverend Dr. David Livingstone
to be the first white man to cross Africa from coast to coast,
and to be also the first to give reliable information upon
the interior of the country south of the upper course of the
Zambesi. This famous explorer proceeded northward from
the Cape of Good Hope along the healthy highlands of the
interior to Linyanti, the residence of the paramount ruler of
the Makololo tribe, about midway between the two oceans.
With this place as a base of supply, more than half the
difficulty of crossing the continent was done away with. To
that point a waggon road was open from the south, and
everything needed for the journey was collected there with
little difficulty. On the 11th of November 1853 he left the
Makololo kraal, and on the 31st of May 1854 arrived safely
at Loanda in Angola. After resting there nearly four
months, on the 20th of September Dr. Livingstone set out
to return, but the journey back could not be accomplished
in less than a year. Leaving Linyanti again on the 3rd of
November 1855, he followed the Zambesi down to the sea,
discovering on the way the magnificent Victoria fall. After
touching at Tete, where he left most of his attendants to
await his return from England, he arrived at Kilimane on
the 20th of May 1856.

Since that time the continent has frequently been crossed,
and soon the various details of its features were known, and
full information ^ was obtained concerning the tribes that
occupy it.

CHAPTER LX XXIV.

THE PORTUGUESE POSSESSIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA DURING THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY {continued).

After 1838, when the emigrant farmers from the Cape
Colony began to settle on the highlands of the interior
between the Vaal and Limpopo rivers, the southern part
of the territory claimed by the Portuguese along the eastern
coast acquired a value it never had before. The excellent
harbour at the mouth of the Espirito Santo in Delagoa Bay
was the nearest port to the newly occupied territory, and
eflPorts were repeatedly made to open a road to it. These
did not succeed for many years, owing to the prevalence of
fever near the coast and to the intermediate belt of land
being infested with the tsetse fly, but the position of the
bay made it certain that in time all the difficulties of
establishing communication through it between the South
African Republic and the outer world would be overcome.

In 1852 the independence of the farmers north of the Vaal
was acknowledged by Great Britain, and the importance of
the bay was realised in England, where the documents
obtained by Captain Owen in 1823 were not forgotten^
though no action beyond a little correspondence between
the authorities at London and Lisbon had ever been taken
upon them. Matters were left in abeyance, however, until
the 5th of November 1861, when Captain Bickford,
commanding her Majesty’s ship Narcissus^ planted the
British hag on the islands Inyaka and Elephant, which he
proclaimed British territory, and together with the adjoining
roadstead he declared to be annexed to the colony of Natal.
This action was protested against by the Portuguese, and a
long correspondence between the two governments ensued.

392

1862] Arrangeymnt with Umzila, 393

Captain Bickford had hardly set sail when a man, who
was destined to occupy a prominent position thereafter in
South-Eastern Africa made his appearance at the Portuguese
fort on the Espirito Santo. His name was Urazila. He was
a son of the recently deceased chief Manikusa, and having
incurred the jealousy of his father he had been obliged to
dee and for some time had been living as a refugee in the
South African Republic. Upon the death of Manikusa, his
great son Maweva succeeded as chief of the Matshangana,
but a strong party favoured Umzila, who was older than his
brother and much the abler man of the two.

On the 1st of December 1861 Umzila applied to Onofre
Louren90 d’Andrada, captain of the fort on the Espirito Santo,
for assistance against his brother. Manikusa, his father, had
been a terrible scourge to the Portuguese, and Maweva, his
brother, bade fair to be equally hostile. He, on the contrary,
offered to recognise the sovereignty of the king of Portugal,
and to cede all the land up to the Manisa river, in return
for military assistance. The captain Andrada was not in a
position to give much help. His whole force could not have
stood five minutes in the open field against the weakest of
Maweva’s regiments, but he recognised that a crisis had come,
and that if Umzila was unsuccessful, the Portuguese possession
of any part of the coast south of the Zambesi river would be
at an end. What Umzila needed also was not so much men
as arms and ammunition, and he could spare a few antiquated
firelocks and a quantity of gunpowder.

An arrangement was therefore entered into, and on the
2nd of December 1861 the cession of the territory — though it
was not yet in the giver’s possession— was formally made.
Ail the assistance that was possible was then afforded to
Umzila. The war between the brothers lasted many months,
but at length in two battles fought on the banks of the
Manisa on the 17th and the 20th of August 1862 Maweva’s
adherents were utterly defeated. He was fortunate enough
to make his escape, and fled to Swaziland, where he was
given shelter. Thereafter for many years he made occasional

394 Portuguese Possessions,

raids into the territory he had lost, but never succeeded in
gathering together a body of adherents strong enough to
enable him to meet his brother again in the field.

Umzila thus became undisputed chief of the Matshangana
tribe, and until his death in 1884 ruled over nearly all the
Bantu in that large expanse of territory marked in the
maps as Gazaland, extending from the Zambesi river on the
north to the Manisa on the south, and from the fringe of
the great interior plain down to the shore of the Indian sea.
Throughout his life he remembered the assistance that had
been given to him by the Portuguese, but did not always
refrain from hostile actions towards them, and certainly
never regarded himself as their subject. To control a tribe
as powerful as his, the means to compel obedience to
authority must be ever present, no matter what fiag is
supposed to wave over the territory, and the Portuguese at
that time had no force in South-Eastern Africa that could
command respect.

They were, however, beginning to improve their position,
which had already passed its lowest point of depression. A
favourable turn in their affairs was taking place in the
lower Zambesi valley, as will presently be related, and on
tlie Espirito Santo a much stronger and better fort than the
one pieviously existing was constructed in 1864, which was
strengthened three years afterwards by the addition of four
small batteries. A few houses were built on the adjoining
ground, and thereafter the site came to be generally called
Louren9o Marques.

On the 29th of July 1869 a commercial treaty was con-
cluded between the governments of Portugal and of the
South African Republic, and in it a boundary line between
them was fixed commencing from the parallel of 26° 30'
south latitude.

Such a treaty could not be regarded with indifference by
the British government, whose interests in South Africa were
likely to be seriously affected by it. Accordingly the claim
to the southern and eastern shore of Delagoa Bay, based on

1874] Arbitration respecting Delagoa Bay.

395

the documents obtained by Captain Owen, attracted greater
attention, but naturally the Portuguese government refused
to acknowledge it. Arbitration was then decided upon, and
on the 25th of September 1872 a protocol was signed at
Lisbon, by which the contending parties agreed to submit
their respective claims to the decision of the president of
the French republic.

The case for Portugal was well worked out, though many
mere suppositions were made, to appear as incontrovertible
facts, and numerous papers were put in which could easily
have been proved to be of no weight whatever. Their records
and ancient histories were searched, and everything that
favoured their claim was brought forward, while all that
opposed it was carefully held back. Among their documents
was a treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, in which
the territories of the latter on the East African coast were
declared to extend from Cape Delgado to the bay of
Louren9o Marques, which they reasonably interpreted as
including that bay. Real effective occupation of any part
of the country beyond the precincts of their fort they could
not prove, nor could they show the exercise of substantial
control over any of the Bantu clans living in the vicinity.
But their discovery of the bay, their commercial dealings
with the tribes on its shores, the cessions on paper made to
them, and what more has been related in these volumes,
they fully proved.

The English case was less carefully prepared. It could not
have been brought to appear as good as that of the Portuguese,
but by a careful search in the archives of the Cape Colony
and in printed and manuscript volumes in the library of the
British museum, it might have been considerably strength-
ened. An attempt was made to show that the bay of
Louren^o Marques mentioned in the treaty put in by the
Portuguese really meant the estuary of the Tembe, Umbelosi,
and Matola, that is the Espirito Santo or English river,
and not the large sheet of water of which this is only a very
small part, but such an interpretation was easily proved to

39^ 'The Portuguese Possessions.

be incorrect. Some of the documents relied upon by the
other side were explained away, but the fact that the territory
in dispute had for centuries been within the sphere of
influence of the Portuguese— -though at irregular intervals
and to a very limited extent only— could not be disturbed.
If the Portuguese claim to the southern and eastern shores of
the bay was weak, the English claim was weaker still

On the 24th of July 1875 Marshal Macmahon, president of
the French republic, issued his award, which gave to Portugal
the territory as far south as the parallel of latitude of
26° 30' from the ocean to the Lebombo mountains. That
included the territory of Tembe, defined as bounded on
the north by the Espirito Santo or English river and the
Louren90 Marques, Dundas, or Umbel osi river, on the west
by the Lebombo mountains, and on the south and the east
by the river Maputa and the shore of Delagoa Bay. In it
was also comprised the territory of the Maputa, between the
Maputa river and the sea, including the Inyaka peninsula
and the islands Inyaka and Elephant.

The Portuguese had been in possession of stations on the
East African coast for more than three centuries and a half,
and believed themselves entitled to the whole of the interior
of the continent south of the Zambesi, yet so little did they
know of even its geographical features that they were
unacquainted with the course of the Limpopo river beyond
a day’s sail in boats above its mouth. As far as can be
traced, not an individual of that nation had ever been upon
its banks at any part where it is not navigable. In 1870
for the first time its whole course was traced from the
junction of the Shashi to the sea.

On the 6th of July of that year. Captain Elton, of the
London and Limpopo Mining Company, left the Tati with
the object of ascertaining if a road could not be opened
from that place to Delagoa Bay. He proceeded first in an
east-south-easterly direction to the junction of the Shashi
and the Limpopo, which he reached on the 30th. He had
taken a boat with him, which he now launched on the main

Treaty with the South A fine an Republic. 397

stream, at this point nearly two hundred metres in width.
On the 1st of August he commenced the descent of the river,
and managed to continue on it for nearly a hundred miles
or a hundred and sixty-one kilometres, though he met with
several accidents caused by rapids. Then he reached a
magnificent fall, at the margin of the plateau, wliere he
narrowly escaped destruction, but managed to run the boat
on shore in time.

From the falls the journey was necessarily continued on
foot, but by dint of great exertion on his own part and on
that of the men with him on the 29th of August the junction
of the Lipalule and the Limpopo was reached, up to which
point the river had been explored from its mouth by Mr.
St. Vincent Erskine. At the junction of the Lipalule,
Captain Elton left the Limpopo, and directed his course in
a straight line to Louren90 Marques, where he took passage
for Natal. From a commercial point of view his journey
was a failure, but it resulted in a great improvement of
the map of South Africa.

Various schemes for the construction of a railway between
Louren9o Marques and the capital of the South African
Republic had been projected before the publication of the
award which secured the seaboard to Portugal, but all had
fallen through. On the 11th of December 1875, less than
five months after that event, a treaty was entered into
between the governments of the two countries, which pro-
vided for the free interchange of the products of the soil
and industry of the republic and the Portuguese possessions,
for the importation free of customs duties through the port
of Louren9o Marques of a great many articles destined for
the republic and for the importation of all other articles thus
destined upon payment of duty at the rate of three to six
per cent of their value, as also for the construction of a rail-
way from the harbour inland. Owing to political events in
South Africa this treaty could not be carried into effect for
some years, but it was revived and ratified again on the 7th
of October 1882.

398 The Portuguese Possessions,

On the 14th of December 1883 the Portuguese government
granted a concession for the construction of a railway about
eighty-three kilometres in length, from Lourenyo Marques to
Komati Poort, on the western boundary. The subsidy
offered was ample, still it was only in March 1887 that a
company was formed in London to carry out the work. In
November 1888 the line was opened to a point which was
believed to be on the Portuguese boundary, though soon
afterwards it was ascertained to be some distance short, and
then, as it could not be completed within the stipulated time,
the government took advantage of the opportunity and on
the 24th of June 1889 confiscated the railway. This led to
interference by Great Britain and the United States on
behalf of the shareholders, but after much negotiation the
Portuguese authorities retained the line, and the amount of
compensation to be awarded to the company was referred
for decision to three Swiss lawyers. These gentlemen did
not issue their award until March 1900, when they adjudged
the Portuguese government to pay £941,511, less than half
of what the claimants considered themselves entitled to.

Meantime on the republican side a railway was being
constructed from the Portuguese border at Komati Poort
towards the heart of the country. In July 1895 this was
completed and joined to the southern line through the
Orange Free State and the Cape Colony, so that there is
now unbroken communication between Capetown and
Louren90 Marques. A large proportion of the commerce of
the territory between the Yaal and the Limpopo finds its
way to Delagoa Bay, and with the development of the gold
fields during recent years, the traflfic is as much as the line
can carry.

Lourengo Marques has thus become a place of considerable
importance. A town of some size has sprung up, and is
rapidly growing, though the death rate is exceedingly high.
It is believed, however, that with the drainage of a great
marsh adjoining it the place will become less unhealthy.
The means of landing and shipping goods with facility

399

Condition of the Interior,

are being provided, and a lighthouse at the entrance to the
harbour has been built. The residents of the town are of
various nationalities, a large proportion being English and
Germans. There is no commerce of any consequence with
the surrounding territory, which is, as of old, in possession
of Bantu clans, the existence of Louren9o Marques as a town
being due solely and entirely to the transit of merchandise
and passengers between the shipping and the railway to
the interior. Yet it is to-day much the most important
place in the Portuguese possessions in South-Eastern Africa.

Next to it comes Beira, a town unknown a quarter of a
century . ago, and which sprang into being as the ocean
terminus of a road from a settlement — not Portuguese — in
the interior. Beira is at the mouth of the Pungwe river,
not far north of Sofala. It has an excellent harbour,
capacious, with good depth of water, and easy of access.
The Arabs had once a small settlement there, but the
Portuguese never occupied the place in olden times, and
when the Asiatics retired, it fell into such decay that for
more than three centuries it was almost forgotten.

Owing to negotiations with Germany and France relative
to the partitioning of the continent, in 1887 Portugal
advanced a claim to the whole territory between Angola and
Mozambique down to the South African Republic, but Great
Britain immediately announced that her sovereignty would
not be recognised in places not occupied by a sufficient force
to maintain order. There were no Portuguese at all at that
time on the highlands north of the Limpopo, nor had a
single individual of that nation, as far as is known, even
visited the clans there within the preceding century. The
Matabele chief Moselekatse had conquered the greater part of
the country in 1838 and subsequent years, had slaughtered
most of its inhabitants, and ruled over the others with a
ferocity unknown except among African tribes. The border
of the Matabele raids on one side was the border of the
Matshangana raids on the other, and Lobengula, son and
successor of Moselekatse, was the recognised lord of the

400 The Portuguese Possessions.

interior plateau from the Limpopo to the Zambesi, ac-
knowledging or pretending to acknowledge no superior-
Gungunyana, son of Umzila and grandson of Manikusa, was
the real lord of nearly all the territory between the edge of
the interior plateau and the sea, and though the Portuguese
claimed him as a subject, he was to all intents and purposes
independent of control.

This condition of things was indisputable, yet the intense
jealousy of many Portuguese was aroused when early in 1888
an agreement was made by a British commissioner with
Lobengula, in which that chief bound himself to refrain
from entering into correspondence or concluding a treaty
with any other state or power, and the territory governed
by him was declared to be within the British sphere of
influence. That they had never occupied the country, and
never could occupy it, was not taken into consideration, it
was the background of a line of coast which their navigators
had first discovered and along which they had military and
trading stations, and that was sufficient in their opinion to
justify their claim to it.

Negotiations were opened between the governments of
Great Britain and Portugal, but while they were proceeding
subjects of both countries were busy securing rights from
Bantu rulers. Two Portuguese — Colonel Joaquim Carlos
Paiva d’Andrada and Lieutenant Cordon — with some black
troops visited various petty chiefs, and induced them to
accept flags and in some instances to allow a few of the
so-called soldiers to be stationed at their kraals. At the
same time several energetic Englishmen obtained from the
Matabele chief various concessions, which were united in
the hands of one strong company, to which on the 29th
of October 1889 a royal charter was granted.

In August 1890 an agreement was entered into by the
governments of Great Britain and Portugal, in which the
eastern limits of the British South Africa Chartered Com-
pany’s territory were defined, but it was not ratified by the
Cortes, though it served as a basis for a temporary under-

1890] Position of Umtasa. 401

standing between all the parties whose interests or whose
passions were involved. At this time a strong body of men,
fitted out by the Chartered Company, was on the way from
the Cape Colony to the northern territory, and on the 11th
of September 1890 reached the site of the present town of
Salisbury, where the British flag was formally hoisted and
the country taken in possession in the name of the queen.

On the way up the pioneer expedition had constructed
forts at Tuli, Victoria, and Charter. From Charter the
company’s administrator, Mr. Archibald Colquhoun, with Mr.
Frederick Courteney Selous and a small escort, travelled
eastward to the kraal of Umtasa, the principal chief of the
Manika country. With this chief, on the 14th of September,
an arrangement was made, by which he placed himself under
the protection of the British South Africa Company, to whom
he granted a concession of mineral and other rights in his
country. He declared that he was not, and never had been,
under subjection or vassalage to the Portuguese government,
but that a trading station had with his consent been
established by the Mozambique Company in 1888 at a place
called Andrada in the Masikesi district, some thirty-two
kilometres to the south-east, and he knew that an agent of
this company — Joao de Bezende by name — was residing
there. A policeman and a black interpreter were left with
Umtasa to represent the British South Africa Company, and
Mr. Colquhoun then rejoined the pioneers at Salisbury.

Mr. Selous rode over to Masikesi to visit the Portuguese
station, and on the way met two officers with a party of
black attendants, who were bearers of a protest against the
arrangement just made with Umtasa, and who claimed a vast
extent of territory to the westward as being in the
dominions of their sovereign. In that territory not a
single Portuguese was then resident, and there were not ten
individuals of that nation in the whole of Manika.

That they had a special claim upon the allegiance of
Umtasa, resting chiefly upon the position in which he stood
to a man named Gouveia, was afterwards brought forward.

402 The Portuguese Possessions, [1890

This Gouveia, or Manuel Antonio de Sousa as he was called
by the Portuguese, was a native of Goa who had settled in
Africa shortly after the middle of the century. He was a
man of considerable force of character, and had performed
services of great importance for the crown. Having obtained
a prazo, he armed and trained his dependents upon it, and
then acted like a powerful feudal lord in mediaeval times in
Europe, being in matters affecting his retainers and in dis-
putes with his neighbours almost, if not quite, independent,
though in everything else acknowledging the supremacy of
the Portuguese government.

He went to the aid of the people of Sena, drove away
their Matshangana oppressors, and released them from the
ignominy of paying tribute. He recovered much of the
territory that had formerly been prazos and that had been
overrun by the subjects of Manikusa. Services so eminent
were warmly acknowledged by the governor - general at
Mozambique and by the authorities in Lisbon, and Gouveia
was appointed chief captain of a great district and had the
honorary title of colonel conferred upon him. For twenty
years the body of men that he commanded, consisting
entirely of his black dependents, was almost the only
military force employed by the Portuguese in South-Eastern
Africa at a distance from their stations. Under these
circumstances war could not be conducted as if the com-
batants were European soldiers, and Gouveia’s reputation
among his neighbours was rather that of a daring and
successful freebooter than of an official of a civilised
government.

In 1873 the chief of the largest clan in Manika died, and
there was a quarrel concerning the succession. One of the
claimants was Umtasa, but he was defeated in battle and
driven away. This was just such an opportunity as Gouveia
was wont to take advantage of, so he went to the aid of
Umtasa, whom he succeeded in establishing firmly in the
chieftainship as a vassal of his own. At the same time,
however, Umtasa necessarily became a dependent of Umzila,

1890] Position of Umtasa, 403

who was paramount over all the Bantu in that region.
Thus he had two overlords, which meant that two indi-
viduals more powerful than himself claimed and exercised the
right of levying tribute from him and his people at any
time. And as both of these overlords were regarded as
Portuguese subjects, it followed that he also was in the
same position.

In addition to this he had been invested with the office of
chief by the commandant of Sena, and had received the
appointment of sergeant-major of Manika. Further, in
February 1888 Colonel D’Andrada had hoisted the Portuguese
flag at his kraal, and had left the flag in his keeping. On
all these grounds, the Portuguese authorities claimed Umtasa
as a subject and the district occupied by his people as part
of the dominions of their crown.

Tlie British South Africa Company’s officers, on the other
hand, declined to take any notice of the Portuguese claim,
because it was evident Umtasa himself did not recognise it,
and because those who made it had no means of maintaininsr
order or protecting life and property, the essential duties of
sovereignty. They did not admit that Gouveia’s followers
constituted a force such as a civilised government had a
right to employ.

In October a report reached Salisbury that Colonel
D’Andrada and Gouveia with a band of followers were on
the way from the east towards Umtasa’s kraal. Mr. Colqu-
houn at once sent a few policemen to support the chief, and
soon afterwards increased the number to thirty and directed
Captain Patrick William Forbes to take command. Captain
Forbes arrived at Umtasa’s kraal on the 5th of November,
and formed a temporary camp at a short distance from it.
He then sent a messenger to Masikesi, where Colonel
D’Andrada and Gouveia then were, with a protest against
their proceeding farther with an armed force.

Colonel D’Andrada had no wish to precipitate matters. He
was a highly educated and amiable man, who had resided
ten or twelve years in South Africa, where he had held

404 The Portuguese Possessions. [1890

various offices under the government, besides being the
occupant of a prazo at the mouth of the Zambesi. He
knew perfectly well that any force which he and Gouveia
could bring into the field would be unable to meet the
British South Africa Company’s police in battle. Besides he
was a director of the Mozambique Company, and his interests
were all on the side of peace. But he was also a Portuguese
colonel of artillery, and his pride and patriotism revolted
against being turned away from a place that he had more
than once visited before, and that he regarded as Portuguese
territory. His ostensible mission was to open a road to the
interior from the head navigable water of the Pungwe and
to arrange matters in connection with the exploitation of
some mines, in the interests of his company. He resolved
therefore to proceed on his journey. On the 8th of November
Gouveia arrived at Umtasa’s kraal, and was followed shortly
afterwards by Colonel D’Andrada and Joao de Rezende, whon
their whole following amounted to between two and three
hundred men, including palanquin-bearers, carriers, and
personal attendants.

Captain Forbes now resolved upon decisive action. On the
14th of November with twelve troopers of his police he
entered Umtasa’s kraal, and arrested Gouveia and the two
Portuguese gentlemen, who had just retired from an interview
with the chief. The blacks looked on with approbation, and
were ready to assist if that had been necessary. Gouveia’s
men were encamped under some trees several hundred metres
away, where they were surprised by the remainder of the
British police, and were disarmed before they could make any
arrangement for resistance. De Rezende was permitted to
return to Masikesi, but Colonel D’Andrada and Gouveia were
sent as prisoners to Salisbury, and left that place under
escort for Capetown. At Tuli, on the way, they met Dr.
L. S. Jameson going up to assume the administration of
the British Chartered Company’s territory, and by him
were released from further restraint. From Capetown
Gouveia proceeded to Mozambique by steamer, and Colonel

1S91] Defeat of Portuguese Volunteers, 405

D’Andrada took passage to Portugal to lay the matter before
his government.

After the arrest of their leader and the seizure of their
arms, Gouveia’s men fled homeward, and to prevent the
Mozambique Company’s trading station at Andrada in
Masikesi from being plundered, Captain Forbes placed a
temporary guard there. He then proceeded to visit various
chiefs living between the Busi and Pungwe rivers,
with whom he entered into friendly arrangements, his object
being to secure a road to the coast at Beira, a place which
the Mozambique Company had recently made use of as a
harbour.

There was great excitement in Portugal when intelligence
of the events at Umtasa’s kraal reached that country. Bands
of students pressed forward as volunteers to defend the
honour of their flag, and were sent with all haste to Beira.
It seemed as if the ancient spirit of the people of the little
kingdom had revived, and that they were ready to proceed
to the last extremity in an attempt to get nominal possession
of a territory that could be of no use whatever to them.
The government, however, was not so far carried away with
the prevailing excitement as to cease negotiations for a
friendly settlement with the British authorities.

Upon the arrival of the first party of volunteers at Beira,
they were sent forward with some negroes from Angola, under
command of Major Cardas Xavier, to occupy Andrada. They
arrived at that station on the 5th of May 1891. Not far
distant was a camp of the British South Africa Company’s
police, fifty-three in number, commanded by Captain Heyman.
On the 11th of May a Portuguese force, consisting of
about a hundred Europeans and three or four hundred
Angola blacks, was sent out to make a reconnaissance, and
at two in the afternoon fell in with the English pickets, who
retired upon the camp. The Portuguese followed, and an
action was brought on, which resulted in their total defeat,
with a heavy loss in killed and wounded. There were no
casualties on the British side. Umtasa and his followers

4o6 The Portuguese Possessions, [1891

watched the engagement from the top of a hill out of range
of the shot, and expressed great satisfaction with the result,
though probably they would have done the same if the
position of the combatants had been reversed.

The whole Portuguese force now fled precipitately to the
seacoast, abandoning Andrada, which the British Chartered
Company’s men occupied on the following day. They found
there some stores, of which they took possession as lawful
spoil of war, but the most valuable part of the booty con-
sisted of eleven machine guns that had been left behind.

Meantime the negotiations between the two governments
in Europe had been brought nearly to a close, and when
intelligence of the collision arrived, they were quickly
completed. On the 11th of June 1891 a treaty was signed
at Lisbon, in which the boundary between the British and
Portuguese possessions south of the Zambesi was declared to
be a line starting from a point opposite the mouth of the
river Aroangwa or Loangwa, running directly southward as
far as the sixteenth parallel of south latitude, following that
parallel to its intersection with the thirty-first degree of
longitude east of Greenwich, thence running eastward direct
to the point where the river Mazoe is intersected by the
thirty-third degree of longitude east of Greenwich, following
that degree southward to its intersection by the parallel of
south latitude of 18° 80', thence following the upper part of
the eastern slope of the Manika plateau southward to the
centre of the main channel of the Sabi, following that
channel to its confluence with the Lunte, and thence striking
direct to the north-eastern point of the frontier of the South
African Republic. It was agreed that in tracing the frontier
along the slope of the plateau, no territory west of longitude
32* 30' east of Greenwich should be comprised in the Portu-
guese sphere, and no territory east of longitude 33° east of
Greenwich should be comprised in the British sphere, except
that the line should, if necessary, be deflected so as to leave
Umtasa’s kraal in the British sphere and Masikesi in the
Portuguese sphere.

407

1891] Treaty defining Boundaries,

The treaty provided further that in the event of either of
the powers proposing to part with any territory south of the
Zambesi assigned to its sphere of influence, the other should
have a preferential right to the territory in question, or any
portion of it, upon similar terms.

It provided for the transit of goods across the Portuguese
territory during the following twenty-five years upon pay-
ment of a duty not exceeding three per cent of their value,
for the free navigation of the Zambesi, for the construction
of lines of telegraph, and for facilitating transit of persons
and goods of every description over the waterways of the
various rivers and over the landways which supply means of
communication where the rivers are not navigable.

A very important clause provided for the immediate
survey and speedy construction of a railroad between the
British sphere of influence and the navigable water of the
Pungwe river, and for encouraging commerce by that route.

And now, for the first time, the Portuguese territory in
South Africa was properly defined on all sides, and was
secured from invasion by tribes beyond its border. It
contained as great an area as its owners could by any
possibility make beneficial use of, and as many Bantu as
they had sulficient power to control. It would not have
been to their advantage if the boundary had been laid down
farther westward. They could not colonise any of the land
beyond it, and without colonisation on a large scale an
addition of territory would have implied nothing more than
additional expense and additional responsibility. Now, with
ample scope for their commercial enterprise, with an assured
revenue, and with two flourishing seaports — Louren^o
Marques and Beira — in their possession, their prospects were
brighter than ever before. This they owed to the settle-
ment of other Europeans on the highlands away from the
coast, and their pride, which was wounded by seeing the
vast interior of the continent in other hands, might be
soothed by the reflection. In accordance with the terms of
the treaty, a railroad was constructed between Beira and

4o8 The Portuguese Possessions. [1899

Salisbury, through Umtali, the British town nearest the
border. The capital was furnished by the British South
Africa and Mozambique companies, the former contributing
rather more than the latter. Since it was opened for use
a railway has been constructed from Salisbury to the border
of the Cape Colony, where it joins the great northern line
with branches from Capetown, Port Elizabeth, and East
London, so that there is now unbroken communication
between Beira and those places. Beira is built on a tongue
of sand extending into the Pungwe river. The site is the
healthiest on that part of the coast, but the flat country
stretching away behind is a hotbed of fever. The town
has advanced with rapid strides, and is now a place of
considerable importance.

The whole of Portuguese South Africa between the Zam-
besi and Sabi rivers, except the district of which Tete is the
centre, is now ruled by the Mozambique Company. This
company was formed in 1888 as a mining corporation, the
acquisition of the gold-fields of Manika being the inducement
to the shareholders to subscribe the capital. On the 11th
of February 1891, however, the company obtained a royal
charter, which conferred upon it large administrative powers.
The charter was followed on the 30th of July by a royal
decree, and on the 28th of December of the same year by
the publication of statutes, which documents combined form
the present constitution. The company has a monopoly of
all mineral and commercial rights, which it may lease in
detail to associations or individuals, it is under an obliga-
tion to introduce a limited number of colonists, and it has
taxing and governing powers subject to the supreme
authorities at Lisbon.

The chief official of the Mozambique Company in the
territory between the Zambesi and Sabi rivers has the title
of governor, and resides at Beira. The country is divided
into districts, over each of which a commissioner, subor-
dinate to the governor, presides. The officers who administer
justice are appointed by the supreme government, and are

1S99] Condition of the Co7mtry, 409

not subject to the Chartered Company, but to the governor-
general at Mozambique. There are courts at Beira, Sena,
Andrada, Sofala, Tshiloane, Gouveia, and Tshupanga. Sena
and Sofala have not recovered their old importance, small as
that was, and are now insignificant places compared with
Beira. Andrada and Tshiloane have been described. Gouveia
and Tshupanga, recently the centres of prazos, can hardly yet
be dio:nified with the name of hamlets. The last-named —
Tshupanga — on the southern bank of the Zambesi, is well
known to English readers as the burial place of Mrs.
Livingstone, wife of the celebrated explorer, and of Mr.
Kilpatrick, a member of the surveying expedition under
Captain Owen. Jt is one of the most beautiful localities
in a land that abounds with charming scenery, but the
deadly fever must for ever prevent it from becoming a
place of note.

The old system of giving out great tracts of country as
prazos has been abolished, unless the whole territory be
regarded as one great prazo in possession of the Chartered
Mozambique Company. By that company unoccupied
ground is now allotted for agricultural purposes on quit-
rent tenure, but no area larger than five thousand English
acres can be held by any individual or association. Occupa-
tion of ground and mining are open to people of all
nationalities, upon condition of their submission to the
laws of the country.

The tract of land between the Limpopo and Manisa rivers,
from the inland border to the sea, is held by another com-
pany under a concession from the crown, dated 16th of
November 1893, but nothing of consequence has yet been
done to develop its resources.

Inhambane, the port of the territory between the Limpopo
and the Sabi, has made some progress of late years, though
as it is dependent upon trade with the Bantu only, it is
far less important than either Louren9o Marques or Beira.
The village consists of a church and a few houses and
shops.

4^0 The Portuguese Possessions,

There remains the territory of which Tete is the seat of
government, between the Zambesi and the Anglo-Portuguese
border west of the Mozambique Company’s district. Early
in the nineteenth century the greater number of the prazos
there were almost denuded of people, so many were sent
away as slaves to Brazil. Washing for gold ceased, and the
larger part of the territory reverted to the condition in which
it was when white people first saw it. The village of Tete
sank to be a mere depot of the ivory trade.

Thus long before 1844 Portuguese influence had been
declining, and in that year it was completely lost by the
insurrection of a Goanese half-breed named Joaquim Jos^ da
Cruz, commonly called Nyaude, who was the holder of an
extensive prazo. This man armed and trained some four
hundred black dependents, and then built a strong stockade
at the confluence of the Luenya with the Zambesi, from
which he exacted tribute upon all commerce passing up
and down. Two of the neighbouring chiefs were induced
by the authorities of Tete to attack him, but were repulsed,
and their people were exterminated by him as a warning to
others.

Nyaude then sent a division of his force, under his son
Bonga, or as called by the Portuguese Antonio Vicente da
Cruz, against Tete, when the village was plundered and
most of the buildings burned. The church and a few houses
were spared, and the fort, into which the inhabitants retired,
was not taken. In the following year, 1854, two hundred
men were sent from Lisbon to suppress the revolt, but after
suffering from hunger, fever, and other forms of misery,
they were defeated by Bonga, and those who remained alive
were obliged to retreat.

In 1855 an amnesty was offered to Nyaude, but he
declined to accept it, and continued his career of robbery.
The unfortunate inhabitants of Tete were reduced to great
distress, but nothing could be done to relieve them, and no
shadow of Portuguese authority remained beyond the range
of the guns of the fort.

Insurrection of Bonga, 4 1 1

A few years later Nyaude died, and was succeeded by his
son Bonga. Efforts were made to conciliate the new chief,
who was appointed sergeant - major of Masangano, but he
would not desist from plundering far and near, nor submit
to control of any kind. Early in 1867 he massacred a
number of people, and then a force eight hundred strong
was raised at Mozambique and sent against him. On the
6th of August this force, when close to the stockade, Was
attacked by the robber captain, and was defeated with
great slaughter. Two other expeditions sent against him in
the same year also failed.

In 1869 Portugal made another effort to recover her
authority. A hundred artillerymen and four hundred
fusileers, well equipped with war material, were sent from
Lisbon, and were joined by three hundred and fifty soldiers
from Goa and as many Africans as could be enlisted and
armed along the Zambesi. But the campaign was so badly
conducted that the men were suffering from want of food
before they reached the scene of action, and the military
movements were carried on with the utmost vacillation and
want of skill. Bonga’s stockade was bombarded with
artillery for three days without a breach being effected, and
the army was so unskilfully distributed that the best section
of it was surprised and annihilated by the rebel. The
failure of the expedition was complete, and those who
escaped slaughter were few.

From that time until 1888 Bonga’s power — the power of
an audacious and merciless ruffian — was supreme. Then
Gouveia took the matter in hand, and not the least of the
services which he performed for his government was the
capture of the stockade and the destruction or dispersion
of the robber band. Arrangements with various chiefs
along the river followed, and Portuguese influence was
again restored.

Tete has been rebuilt, and now contains the church which
was spared when the village was plundered by Bonga and
from twenty to thirty stone houses of European pattern.

412 The Portuguese Possessions, [1899

roofed with red tiles. It is protected by a small garrison of
black troops with white officers, who occupy a quadrangular
fort overlooking the river. The European residents, officials
included, do not number more than twenty-five or thirty,
for the commerce of the place is small. A Bantu town of
ordinary huts stands close behind the European quarter.
The government of Tete, as of all the Portuguese stations in
South Africa except those under the administration of the
Chartered Company, is military in form, and subordinate to
the general authority at Mozambique. The Jesuits have
recently established a mission among the Bantu here, and
also at a station a few kilometres distant. There are
extensive coal fields in the neighbourhood, and it is possible
that, owing to them, the village may some day become a
thriving place.

Throughout the whole territory from the Zambesi to
Louren^o Marques difficulties in controlling the Bantu have
been experienced, but Portugal has opened her eyes to the
fact that it is necessary to employ other and better forces
than convicts and uncivilised negroes, and she has succeeded
in establishing her authority fairly well. In a war with a
chief named Makombi in 1892 Gouveia lost his life, but his
opponents were subsequently vanquished. Then Umdungazwe,
or Gungunyana as called by the Portuguese, son and
successor of Umzila, gave a great deal of trouble. He
assumed an attitude of independence, and demanded that
tribute should be paid to him by the Portuguese. This led
to war in 1894, but after several engagements in which his
army was defeated, on the 28th of December 1895 he was
surprised by Captain Mousinho d’ Albuquerque at Tshaimite
while sacrificing to the spirit of his grandfather Manikusa,
and was made a prisoner. Captain D’Albuquerque had
made a very daring march with only fifty Portuguese
soldiers from the camp Languene on the Limpopo, and had
been joined on the way by a couple of thousand blacks who
were enemies of the Matshangana. The surprise was so
complete that no resistance was offered. Gungunyana was

1899] Condition of the Country. 413

taken to Louren^o Marques, and sent thence in a steamship *
to Lisbon, where he was confined in a fort. Since that
event the peace of the country has not been seriousl3^
disturbed.

Lines of English and German steamships connect the
various harbours with Europe by way of the Red sea, and
with the British settlements of Natal and the Cape Colony.
The commerce of the territory has made rapid progress.
Unfortunately a large proportion of it is in the hands of
Indian traders, a class of people who do not contribute to
the strength of the country, nor improve it in any way. But
in all other respects the prospects of Portuguese South
Africa seem brighter now at the close of the nineteenth
century than at any previous time since Pedro d’Anaya
built the first fort on the river bank of Sofala,

* She put into Table Bay on the passage, where through the courtesy
of her otiBcers the author of this volume was accorded an interview of
some length with the prisoner, and learnt from him many particulars
concerning the history of his tribe. He and his family were exceedingly
well treated on board the Africa. After a short confinement in Portugal
Gungunyana was sent to one of the possessions on the west coast, where
he was set at large, and where he remained till his death in December
1906.

LIST OF PRINTED BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS CONTAININO
• INFORMATION ON SOUTH AFRICA IN RECENT TIMES.

I regret that I am unable to give as complete a list of books on South
African subjects published since 1860 as 1 did of those relating to this
country before 1795 in the third volume of my Hisimy and Ethnography
of Africa south of the Zambesi from 1505 to 1795 and of those published
between 1795 and 1860 as can be found in the third volume of this History
of South Africa since 1795. I have not been able to replace the whole of
my books destroyed by fire in 1892, and I hgive now hardly any iu a Bantu
,dialect. During my absence in Europe from 1896 to 1905 many of my
books got astray, and I have not even attempted to collect all those
published since 1898. The following list therefore is imperfect, but it may
be of assistance to those who are interested in the matter.

Aardrijkskunde en Geschiedenis van den Oranje Vrijstaat, voor schoolgebruilc.
Crown octavo, 109 pages, published at Utrecht in 1884.

A Expedicao da Zambesia em 1869. A pamphlet of 48 pages, printed at
Nova Goa in 1870.

A Journal of the Bishop’s Visitation Tour through the Cape Colony in 1848.
Foolscap octavo, 87 pages, published at London in 1852. (Bound with the
journal of a similar tour in 1850.)

Anderson, Andrew A. : Twenty -Jive Years in a Waggon. Sport and Travel
in So^ith Africa. Demi octavo, 435 pages, published at London in 1888.

Andersson, Charles John : Lake Ngami, or . Explorations and Discoveries
during four years’ Wanderings in the Wilds of South-Western Africa.
Imperial octavo, 546 pages, published at London in 1856.

de Andrada, J. Paiva : Manica, being a Report addressed to the Minister
of Marine and the Colonies of Portuyal. A crown octavo pamphlet of 63
- pages, published at London in 1891.

Amot, Hon. David and Francis H. S. Orpen : The Land Question of
Griqualand West. Royal octavo, 351 pages, published at Capetown in 1875.

Atcherley, Rowland J., Ph.D. : A Trip to Boerlandy oi' a YeaPs Travel^
Sport, and Gold-digging in the Transvaal and Colony of Natal. Demi
octavo, 277 pages, published at London in 1879.

Aubertin, J. J. : Six Months in Cape Colony and Natal. Crown octavo,
279 pages, published at London in 1886.

415

4i6 History of Sotith Africa.

Aylward, Alfred : Transvaal of To-day. Demi octavo, 440 pages,

published at Edinburgh and London in 1878.

Baines, Thomas : Explorations in South- West Africa^ being an Account of
a Journey in the years 1861 and 1862 from Walvisch Bay on the Western
Coast to Lake Ngami and the Victoria Falls. Demi octavo, 548 pages,
published at London in 1864.

Baines, Thomas : The Gold Regions of South-Eastern Africa. Royal
octavo, 211 pages, published at London and Port Elizabeth in 1877.

Baldwin, William Charles : African Hunting from Natal to the
Zambesi from 1852 to 1860. Demi octavo, 451 pages, pub shed at
London in 1863.

Barkley, Mrs. : Among Boers and Basutos. Crown octavo, 270 pages,
London, 1893.

Baynes, C. R. : Notes and Reflections during a Ramble in the East.
Demi octavo, 279 pages, published at London in 1843. (^Sixty-one pages
are devoted to the Cape.)

Bellairs, Kenneth ffarington : The Witwatersrandt Goldfields : a Trip to
Johannesburg and back. A demi octavo pamphlet of 59 pages, published
at London in 1889.

Bent, J. Theodore ; The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland^ being a record
of excavation and exploration in 1891. Crown octavo, 427 pages,
published at London in 1896.

Bertin, G., M.R.A.S. : The Bushmen and their Language. Demi
octavo, 31 pages, reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.,
Volume XV.

Bertrand, Alfred : The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambezia.
Royal octavo, 324 pages, published at London in 1899.

Bigelow, Pultney ; White Man’s Africa. Crown octavo, 299 pages,
London and New York, 1900.

Bigelow, Poultney : An Pays des Boers. Crown octavo, 316 pages,
published at Paris in 1901.

Bleek, W. H. I., Ph.D. : A Comparative Grammar of South African
Languages. Parts I and II, together 322 pages, demi octavo, London
and Capetown, Part I 1862, Part II 1869.

Bleek, W. H. I., Ph.D. : Reynard the Fox in South Africa, or
Hottentot Fables and Tales. Crown octavo, 125 pages, Loudon, 1864.

Blink, Dr. H. : Aardrijkskunde van Zuid-Afrika. Demi octavo, 90
pages, published at Amsterdam in 1889.

Bluebooks on Native Affairs, published yearly after 1874.

Boissevain, Charles : The Struggle of the Dutch Republics. A demi
octavo pamphlet of 93 pages, published at Amsterdam in 1900.

List of Books, 417

Bonwick, James : Climate and Health in South Afi'ica, Crown octavo,
126 pages, published at London in 1880.

Bourne, H. R. Fox : Th^ Story of our Colonies, with sketches o
their present condition. Crown octavo, 411 pages, published at London
in 1859.

Bovill, Rev. John H. : Natives under the Transvacd Flay. Crown
octavo, 82 pages, published at London in 1900.

Boyle, Frederick : To the Cape for Diamonds. Demi octavo, 434 pages,
published at London in 1873.

Brink, Melt J. : Crappiye Stories en Andere Versies in Kaaps Hollands.
Crown octavo, 141 pages, published at Capetown in 1893.

British Bide in South Africa : a collection of official documents and
other correspondence. Demi octavo, 220 pages, published at Capetown
in 1868.

Brown, A. Samler and G. Gordon : The Guide to South Africa.
Published annually by the Castle Mail Packets Company since 1892.

Brown, Rev. John : English and Secwarui Vocabidary. Demi octavo,
291 pages, published at London in 1876.

Brown, William Harvey : On the South African Frontier : the Adven-
tures and Observations of an American in MasJwnaland and Matabeleland.
Demi octavo, 430 pages, London, 1899.

Brownlee, W. T. : Beminiscences of Kafir Life and History, by the
late Hon. Charles Brownlee. Demi octavo, 403 pages, Lovedale, 1896.

Bryce, James : Impressions of South Africa. Demi octavo, 604 pages,
published at London in 1897.

Bryden, H. A. : Kloof and Karroo: Sport, Legend, and Natural
History in Cape Colony. Demi octavo, 435 pages, published at London
in 1889.

Bud-M ‘Belle, I.: Kafir Scholar's Companion. Demi octavo, 204 pages,
published at Lovedale in 1903.

Burton, A. R. E., F.R.G.S. : Cape Colony to-day. An Illustrated
Handbook. Crown quarto, 315 pages, Capetown, 1907.

Cape of Good Hope Census of 1891. A large foolscap volume.

Cape of Good Hope Government and Legislature considered. Demi octavo,
303 pages, published at London in 1851.

Campbell, Colin Turing ; British South Africa, a History of the Colony
of the Cape of Good Hope from its Conquest in 1795 to the Settlement of
Albany by the British Emigration of 1819. Demi octavo, 222 pages,
London, 1897.

Carter, Thomas Fortescue : A Narrative of the Boer War. Demi octavo,
574 pages, published at London in 1899.

2 D

41 8 History of Sotith Africa.

Cecil Rhodes : a Biography and Appreciation. By Imperialist. With
Personal Reminiscences, by Dr. Jameson. Crown octavo, 413 pages,
London, 1897.

Chadwick, J. Cooper : Three Years with Lohengula, and Experiences
in South Africa. Crown octavo, 160 pages, London, 1894.

Chalmers, Rev. John A. : Tiyo Soga, a Page of South African Mission
Work. Crown octavo, 488 pages, Edinburgh, 1877.

Chapman, Captain Charles : A Voyage from Southampton to
Capetown, . . . two thousand miles Journey through Kaffirland, Ac., Ac.,
Ac. Demi octavo, 218 pages, published at London in 1872.

Chesson, F. W. : The Dutch Republics of South Africa. Demi octavo,
63 pages, published at London in 1871.

Chesson, F. W. : The War in Zululand : a brief review of Sir Bartle
Frere’s policy. A demi octavo pamphlet of 26 pages, published at London
in 1879.

Christol, Frederic : Au Sud de ' VAfrique. Small octavo, 308 pages,
published at Paris in 1897.

Clairmonte, E. : The Africander, a plain tale of colonial life. Demi
octavo, 272 pages, published at London in 1896.

Clark, G. B. : British Policy towards the Boers. A demi octavo pamphlet
of 39 pages, published at London in 1881.

Cole, Alfred W. : The Cape and the Kafirs, or Notes of Five Years*
Residence in South Africa. Crown octavo, 319 pages, published at
London in 1852.

Colenso, Miss F. E. (Atherton Wylde) : My Chief and I, or six months
in Natal after the Langalibalele outbreak. Demi octavo, 327 pages,
published at London in 1880.

Colenso, Frances E. and Lieut. -Colonel Edward Durnford: History of
the Zulu War and its Origin. Crown octavo, 445 pages, published at
London in 1881.

Colenso, Frances Ellen : The Ruin of Zululand : an Account of British
Doings in Ziduland since the Invasion of 1879. Demi octavo, two volumes,
published at London in 1885.

Colquhoun, Archibald R. : Matabeleland, the War, and our Position in
South Africa. Crown octavo, 167 pages, published at London in 1893.

Correspondence between Sir M. Hicks-Beach, Bart., Secretary of State for
the Colonies, and. the Transvaal Delegates. A demi octavo pamphlet of 58
pages, published at London in 1881.

Corvo, Joao de Andrade : Estudos sobre as Provincias Ultramarinas.
Four demi octavo volumes, published at Lisbon, 1883-1887.

List of Books. 419

do Castilho, Augusto : 0 Distrito de Lourengo Marques no presente e no
futuro. Crown octavo, 232 pages, published at Lisbon in 1882.

Cousins, Rev. H. T., Ph.D. : Tiyo Soga^ the model Kafir missionary.
Crown octavo, 160 pages, published at London in 1897.

Crisp, Rev. William, B.D., Archdeacon of Bloemfontein : The Bechuana
of South Africa. Crown octavo, 60 pages, London, 1896.

Cunynghame, General Sir Arthur Thurlow, G. C. B. : My Command in
South Africa. 1874-1S7S. Comprising experiences of travel in the
colonies of South Africa and the independen states. Demi octavo, 376
pages, published at London in 1879.

David Malan: een verhaal uit den Grooten Trek. Crown octavo, 180
pages, published at Amsterdam and Capetown, date not given.

Davis, Rev. William J. : A Grammar of the Kafir Language. Demi
octavo, 191 pages, published at London in 1872.

Dohne, Rev. J. L. : A Zulu- Kafir Di iionary. Royal octavo, 460
pages, published at Capetown in 1857.

Dower, Rev. William : The Early Annals of Kokstad and Griqualand
East. Demi octavo, 129 pages. Port Elizabeth, 1902.

Doyle, A. Conan : The War in South Africa^ its cause and conduct.
A demi octavo pamphlet of 156 pages, published at London in 1902.

Dreyer, A. : Geschiedenis van de Gemeente Swellendam. Crown octavo,
73 pages, published at Capetowm in 1899.

Duplessis, C. N. J. : The Transvaal Boer speaking for himself. A
crown octavo pamphlet of 120 pages, published at London in 1899.

Dutoit, S. J. : Sambesia, of Salomons Goudmijnen hezocM. Demi
octavo, 217 pages, published at Paarl in 1895.

van Duyl, A. G. C. : Een Afrikander. Demi octavo, 71 pages,
published at Amsterdam in 1883.

Ellis, Major A. B. : South African Sketches. Crown octavo, 256 pages,
published at London in 1887.

Farrelly, M. J., LL.D. : The Settlement after the War in South
Africa. Demi octavo, 321 pages, published at London in 1900.

Farrer, J. A. : Zululand and the Zulus. Foolscap octavo, 151 pages,
published at London (third edition) in 1879.

Fitzpatrick, J. P. : The Transvaal from within. Demi octavo, 461
pages, published at London in 1899.

Fleming, Rev. Francis, M.A. ; Kaffraria and its Inhabitants. Crown
octavo, 144 pages, published at London in 1853.

Fleming, Rev. Francis, M.A. : Southern Africa^ a Geography and
Natural History of the Country, Colonies, and Inhabitants from the Cape
of Good Hope to Angola. Crown octavo, 487 pages, published at
London in 1856.

420 History of South Africa,

Folk-Lore Journal. Edited by the Working Committee of the South
African Folk-lore Society (practically Miss L. C. Lloyd). Capetown
and London, 1879 and 1880.

Forssman, O. W. A. ; A Guide for Agriculturists and CapitalistSj
Speculators^ Miners, &c., wishing to invest money profitably in the
Transvaal Republic, South Africa. A demi octavo pamphlet of 41
pages, published at Capetown in 1872.

Fritsch, Gustav, Med. Dr.: Die Eingeborenen Siid- Afrika’s Ethno-
graphisch und Anatomisch beschrieben. Quarto, 528 pages + tables and
plates, Breslau, 1872.

Froude, James Anthony, M.A. : Two Lectures on South Africa.
Royal octavo, 85 pages, published at London in 1880.

Gereformeerd Maandblad, published at Capetown. Beginning with
May 1892.

Gibson, John : A Manual of the Geography of British South Africa.
Crown octavo, 76 pages, published at Port Elizabeth in 1852.

Gillmore, Parker : The Hunter’s Arcadia. Demi octavo, 300 pages,
published at London in 1886.

Glanville, E. : The South African Goldfields. Crown octavo, 128
pages, London, 1888.

Godlonton, R. and Edward Irving : A Narrative of the Kaffir War of
1850-51. Demi octavo, 310 pages, published at London in 1851. (Left
incomplete.)

Go van. Rev. William : Memorials of the Missionary Career of the Rev.
James Laing, Missionary of the Free Church of Scotland in Kaff'raria.
Crown octavo, 364 pages, published at Glasgow in 1875.

Green, John : The Kat River Settlement in 1851. Demi octavo, 200
pages, published at Grahamstown in 1853.

Greswell, William, M.A. : Our South African Empire. Two crown
octavo volumes, published at London in 1885.

Grout, Rev. Lewis : A Grammar of the Zulu Language. Demi octavo,
484 pages, published at London and Natal in 1859.

Haggard, H. Rider : Cetywayo and his White Neighbours. Demi
octavo, 294 pages, London, 1882.

Hahn, Theophilus, Ph.D. : Tsuni-\\Goam, the Supreme Being of the
Khoi-Khoi. Demi octavo, 154 pages, published at London and Capetown
in 1881.

Hall, Henry, R.E.D. : Manual of South African Geography. Foolscap
octavo, 190 pages, published at Capetown in 1859.

Hall, R. N. and W. G. Neal ; The Ancient Ruins of Rhodesia. Demi
octavo, 452 pages, published at London in 1904.

421

List of Books,

Hall, R. N : (^rtai Zimbabwe^ an account of two years’ examination work
in 190:2-4 on behalf of the Government of Bhodesia. Demi octavo, 503
pages, published at London in 1905.

Hamilton, Charles, F.A.S.L. : Sketches of Life and Sport in South-
Eastern Africa. Crown octavo, 268 pages, London, 1870.

Hendry, Hamish : Majuba^ Bronkerspruit, IngogOy Lang’s Neky and
Krugersdoip. Crown octavo, 173 pages, published at London in 1900.

Hillier, Alfred P., B.A., M.D. : Raid and Reform^ by a Pretoria
Prisoner y with two Essays on the Antiquity of Man in South Africa.
Demi octavo, 156 pages, published at London in 1898.

Hillier, Alfred, B.A., M.D. : South A rican Sii^dies. Crown ccta'vo
314 pages, published at London in 1900.

Hobson, J. A. ; The War in So^ith Africa, its causes and effects. Crown
octavo, 330 ptoges, published at London in 1900.

Hofmeyr, Adrian : The Story of my Captivity during the Transvaal War,
1S99-1900. Crown octavo, 302 pages, published at London in 1900.

Hofmeyr, Eerw. Stefanus : Twintig Jaren in Zoutpansberg. Demi octavo,
322 pages, published at Capetown in 1890.

Hofmeyr, N. J. : Kijkjes in onze Geschiedenis, een Leesboek voor School
en Huisgezin. Small octavo, 168 pages, published at Amsterdam and
Capetown in 1893.

Hofmeyr, N. J. : De Afrikaner-Boer en de Jameson Inval. Small octavo,
504 pages, published at Amsterdam and Capetown in 1896,

Holub, Dr. Emil : Seven Years in South Africa : Travels, Researches,
and Hunting Adventures between the Diamond Fields and the Zambesi
(1872 79). English translation by Ellen E. Frewer, two demi octavo
volumes, London, 1881.

Hudson, M. B. : A Feature in South African Frontier Life, based upon
the wanderings of a Frontier Family, but embracing a complete record of the
Kafir War of 1850-1851. (In verse). Crown octavo, 270 pages, published
at Port Elizabeth in 1852.

Indaba, a periodical in the Xosa language published at Lovedale from
August 1862 to February 1865, bound in one octavo volume.

Interview between Her Majesty’s High Commissioner Sir Bartle Frere and
the Deputatioji from the Boer Committee at the Burgher Camp, April,
1879. A demi octavo pamphlet of 60 pages.

Jacottet, E. : Contes Populaires des Bassoutoe. Small octavo, 315 pages,
published at Paris in 1895.

Jeppe, Fred. : Transvaal Book Almanac and Directory. Commencing
with 1877.

422 History of South Africa,

Jeppe, Fred. : De Locale Wetten der Zuid Afrikaansche Bepuhlieh.
1849-1885. Uitgegeven voor rekening der Z. A. Bepuhliek. Royal octavo,
1,629 pages, published at Pretoria in 1887.

Johnston, James, M.D. : Beality versus Bomance in South Central
Africa. Quarto, 353 pages, London, 1893.

Junod, Henri A. : Les Chants et les Contes des Ba-Bonga de la Bate de
Delagoa. Crown octavo, 327 pages, published at Lausanne in 1897.

Junod, Henri A. : Les Ba-Bonga^ etude ethnographique sur les Indigenes
de la Baie de Delagoa. Demi octavo, 500 pages, published at Neuchatel
in 1898.

Keane, Professor A. H. : The Boer States: Land and People. Crown
octavo, 307 pages, London, 1900.

Keane, Professor A. H., P.R.G.S. : The Gold of Ophir, whence brought
and by whom. Crown octavo, 244 pages, London, 1901.

Kerr, Walter Montagu : The Far Interior y a Narrative of Travel and
Adventure from the Cape of Good Hope across the Zambesi to the Lake
Begions of Central Africa. Two demi octavo volumes, published at
London in 1886.

Kidd, Dudley : The Essential Kafir. Demi octavo, 436 pages, profusely
illustrated, published at London in 1904.

Kilpin, Ernest F., C.M.G. : The Cape of Good Hope Civil Service
List. Published yearly at Capetown since 1886;

King, Captain W. R. : Campaigning in Kafiirlandy or Scenes and
Adventures in the Kajfir War of 1851-2. Crown octavo, 339 pages,
published at London in 1853.

Kinloch, Charles Walter : The Cape of Good Hope and the Kajfir question.
Demi octavo, 66 pages, published at Capetown in 1856.

Knight-Bruce, Bishop G. W. H. : Memories of Mashonaland. Demi
octavo, 242 pages, published at London and Kew York in 1895.

Kock, Antonio Frangois : Verdragen der Zuid- Afrikaansche Bepuhlieh
Compilatie van TractateUy ConventieSy enz. Royal octavo, 152 pages,
published at Pretoria in 1897.

Kolbe, Rev. F. W. : An EnglisKHerero Dictionaryy with an Introduction
to the Study of Herero and Bantu in general. Crown octavo, 624 pages,
published at Capetown in 1883.

Kolbe, Rev. F. W. : A Language Study based on Bantu. Demi octavo,
106 pages, published at London in 1888.

Kotz4, J. G. : De Locale Wetten en Volksraads-Besluiten der Zuid-
Afrikaansche Bepubliek. 1886-1887. Royal octavo, 205 pages, published
at Pretoria in 1888

List of Books. 423

Laing, Major D. Tyrie : TKq Mcitdhele Rebellion 1896. With the
Belmgice Field Force. Crown octavo, 327 pages, London, no date.

Leclercq, J ules : A travers RAfrique Australe. Crown octavo , 312
pages, Paris, 1895.

Leesboek over Geschiedenis voor de Scholen in de Zuid - Afrikaansche
Republiek. Denii octavo, 316 pages, published at Amsterdam in 1892.

Leibbrandt, H. C. V. : The Rebellion of 1815 generally known as
Slachter’s Nek. Demi octavo, 979 pages, published at Capetown in 1902.

Le Transvaal et la Chartered. Small octavo, 368 pages, published at
Paris in 1897.

Leyland, J. (Naturalist) : Adventures in the far Interior of South Africa.
Crown octavo, 283 pages, London, 1866. '

Lindley, Captain Augustus ; After Ophir, a search for the South
African Gold Fields. Quarto, 312 pages, published at London, date
not given, probably 1870.

Lindley, Captain Augustus : Adamantia^ the Truth about the South
African Diamond Fields. Demi octavo, 423 pages, published at London
in 1873.

Little, James Stanley : South Africa^ a Sketch Book of Men, Manners,
and Facts. Two demi octavo volumes, London, 1884.

Little, Rev. W. J. Knox: Sketches and Studies in South Africa. Royal
octavo, 328 pages, published at London in 1900.

Livingstone, Rev. Dr. David, and Charles : Narrative of an Expedition
to the Zambesi and its Tributaries. Demi octavo, 608 pages, London, 1865.

van der Loo, C. J. : De Geschiedenis der Zuid- Afrikaansche Republiek
aan het Volk verteld. A pamphlet of 198 pages, published at Zwolle in
1896.

Lovedale Past and Present. Demi octavo, 665 pages, published at
Lovedale in 1887.

Lucas, Thomas J. : Camp Life and Sport in South Africa. Demi octavo,
258 pages, published at London in 1878.

Lucas, Thomas J. : The Zulus and the British Frontiers. Demi octavo,
387 pages, published at London in 1879.

Ludlow, Captain W. R. : Zululand and Cetewayo. Crown octavo, 219
pages, London, second edition 1882.

Lyall, C. H. : Twenty years in Khamals Country and pioneering among
the Batauana of Lake Ngami, told in the letters of the Rev. J. D. Hepburn.
Demi octavo, 410 pages, published at London in 1895.

Macintosh, C. W. : CoUlard of the Zambesi, the Lives of Frangois and
Christina CoUlard, of the Paris Missionary Society, in So^ith and Central
Africa. Demi octavo, 503 pages, London, 1907.

424 History of South Africa,

Maciver, David Randall, M.A., D.Sc. : Mediceval Bhodesia. Large
quarto, 121 pages, profusely illustrated, published at London in 1906.

Mackay, Wallis : Th,e Prisoner of Chiloane, or With the Portuguese in
South-East Africa. Small quarto, 184 pages, published at London in 1890.

Macdonald, Rev. James: Light in Africa. Demi octavo, 263 pages,
London, 1890.

Macgregor, J. C., Assistant Commissioner, Leribe, (compiler) : Basuto
Traditions. Demi octavo, 67 pages, Capetown, 1905.

Mackenzie, Rev. John : Ten Years north of the Orange river, a story
of everyday Life and Work among the South African tribes from 1859 to
1869. Crown octavo, 523 pages, published at Edinburgh in 1871.

Mackenzie, Rev. John : Austral Africa, losing it or ruling it, being
Incidents and Experiences in Bechuanaland, Cape Colony, and England.
Two demi octavo volumes, published at London in 1887.

Mackenzie, William : Sketches of Travel in Southern Africa. Crown
octavo, 66 pages, published at Edinburgh in 1824.

Macnab, Frances : On Veldt and Farm in Bechuanaland, Cape Colony,
the Transvaal, and Natal. Crown octavo, 318 pages, published at London
and New York in 1897.

Mahan, Captain A. T. : The Story of the War in South Africa, 1899-1900.
Demi octavo, 322 pages, published at London in 1900.

Martin, Annie : Home Life on an Ostrich Farm. Crown octavo, 288
pages, published at London in 1890.

Martin, Minnie : Basutoland, its Legends and Customs. Crown octavo,
182 pages, published at London in 1903.

Martineau, John : The Life and Correspondence of the Bight Hon. Sir
Bartle Frere, Bart., G.C.B., F.B.S., etc. Two large demi octavo volumes,
published at London in 1895.

Mathers, E. P. : Zambezia, England’s El Dorado in Africa. Royal octavo,
480 pages, published at London in 1891.

Matthews, J. W., M.D. : Incioadi Tami, or Twenty Year^ Personal
Experience in South Africa. Demi octavo, 542 pages, published at New
York in 1887.

Maydon, J. G. : French’s Cavalry Campaign. Crown octavo, 198 pages,
published at London in 19C2.

M‘Kay, James : Beminiscences of the last Kafir War. Crown octavo,
206 pages, published at Grahamstown in 1871.

M‘Kenzie, Fred. A.: Paul Kruger: his Life Story. Crown octavo,
120 pages, published at London in 1899.

M‘Leod, Lyons : Travels in Eastern Africa, with the Narrative of a
Besidence in Mozambique. Two crown octavo volumes, published at
London in 1860.

List of Books, 425

Merriman, Ven. Archdeacon : T/ie Kajit\ tlie Hottentot^ and the Frontier
Farmer. Foolscap octavo, 200 pages, published at London in 1853.

Methley, James Erasmus ; The New Colony of Port Natalf with
Information for Emigrants. Crown octavo, 90 pages, London, second
edition 1850.

Methuen, A. M. S. : Peace or War in South Africa. Crown octavo,
284 pages, published at London in 1901.

Mitford, Bertram ; Through the Zulu Coxmtry^ its Battlefields and its
People. Demi octavo, 332 pages, x>ublished at London in 1883.

Mohr, Edw’ard : To the Victoi'ia Falls of the Zambesi. Translated
from German by N. d’ Anvers. Demi octavo, 462 pages, London, 1876.

Moffat, Rev. John S. : The Lives of Pobert and Mary Moffat. Demi
octavo, 468 pages, published at London in 1886.

Molteno, Percy Alport, M.A., LL.B. : A Federal South Africa,
Crow’ll octavo, 260 pages, published at London in 1896.

Molteno, Percy Alport, M.A., LL.B. : The Life and Times of Sir Joh'n
Charles Molteno, K.G.M.G., First Premier of Cape Colony. Two
large demi octavo volumes, published at London in 1900.

Molyneux, Major-General "W. C. F. ; Campaigning in South Africa
and Egypt. Demi octavo, 287 pages, published at London in 1896.

Monteiro, Rose : Delagoa Bay : its Natives and Natural History.
Crown octavo, 274 pages, London, 1891.

Moodie, Duncan Campbell Francis : The History of the Battles and
Adventures of the British, the Boers, and the Zidus in Southern Africa.
Two crown octavo volumes, published at Capetown in 1888.

Muller, Dr. Hendrik P. N. : Land und Leute zwischen Zambesi und
Limpopo. A demi octavo pamphlet of 165 pages, published at Giessen
in 1894.

Muller, Dr. Hendrik P. H. : Oude Tyden in den Oranje Vrijstaat.
Royal octavo, 383 pages, published at Leiden in 1907.

Munro, Surgeon-General : Becords of Service and Campaigning m
many lands. Two crown octavo volumes, published at London in 1887.

Murray, Hugh, and others : Narrative of Discovery and Adventure in
Africa from the earliest ages to the present time. Foolscap octavo, 472
pages, published at London (third edition) in 1840.

Nachtigal, Rev. A. : Die dltere Heiden-mission in Sud AfriJca. Demi
octavo, 90 pages, published at Berlin in 1891.

Natal, 1846-1851, a Chapter in s^ipplement of Historical Record. By
an old Inhabitant. A pamphlet of 27 pages, published at Pietermaritzburg
in 1891.

426 History of South Africa.

Natal OrdinanceSy LawSy and ProdamationSy compiled and edited under
the authority and by the sanction of his Excellency the lieutenant-governor
and the honorable the legislative councily by Charles Fitzwilliam Cadiz,
B.A., one of the judges of the supreme court, and Robert Lyon, late
librarian of the legislative council. Vol. 1 1845-1870 and Vol. II 1870-
1879, together 1,627 pages, royal octavo, Pietermaritzburg, 1879 and 1880.

das Neves, D. Fernandes : A Hunting Expedition to the Transvaal.
Translated from Portuguese by Mariana Monteiro. Crown octavo, 280
pages, London, 1879.

Nicholson, G. : Fifty Years in South Africa. Crown octavo, 273
pages, London, 1898.

Nixon, John : The Complete Story of the Transvaal. Demi octavo,
392 pages, published at London in 1885.

'Noble, John: Descriptive Handbook of the Gape Colony. Crown octavo,
318 pages, published at London and Capetown in 1875.

Norbury, Fleet-Surgeon Henry F. : The Naval Brigade in South
Africa during the years 1877-78-79. Crown octavo, 317 pages, published
at London in 1880.

Norris-Newman, Charles L. : With the Boers in the Transvaal and
Orange Free State in 1880 A. Demi octavo, 403 pages, published at
London in 1882.

Notulen der Verrigtingen van den Hoog Edelen Volksraad van den
Oranje Vrij Staat. Commencing on the 28th of March 1854.

Ojficial Reports on Native Questions. A number of these bound in a
royal octavo volume.

Ogden, H. J. : The War against the Dutch Republics in South Africa.
Quarto, 344 pages, published at Manchester in 1901.

de Oliveira, Del6m Jos^ : A Provincia de Mogambique e 0 Bonga. A
pamphlet of 42 pages, published at Coimbra in 1879.

Onder de VierMeur ; een Verhaal uit den tijd van den Jameson- Inval.
Grown octavo, 288 pages, published at Amsterdam and Capetown in
1899.

van Oordt, J. F., B.A. : Pa-id Kruger en de Opkomst der Zuid-
Afrikaansche Republiek. Large quarto, 904 pages, published at Amster-
dam and Capetown in 1898.

van Oordt, J. F., B.A. : The Origin of the Bantu. Royal octavo,
97 pages, Capetown, 1907.

van Oordt, J. W. G., Ph.D. : Slagtersnek, een bladzijde uit de
Voorgeschiedenis der Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek. Royal octavo, 140
pages, published at Amsterdam and Pretoria in 1897.

Palgrave, W. Coates : Report on Damaraland and Great Namaqualand
in 1876. Royal octavo, 162 pages, published at Capetown in 1877.

427

List of Books.

Parr, Captain Henry Hallam : A Sketch of the Kafir and Zulu Wars.,
Giuidana to Isandhhcana. Crown octavo, 283 pages, published at
London in 1880.

Passarge, Prof. Dr. S. : Die Baschmtinner der Kalahari, Royal
octavo, 144 pages, Berlin, 1907.

Paul Kru^ei^s afkomst en familie, benevens verscheidene zeldzame Port-
retten en Afbeelditvgen. Royal octavo, 48 pages, published at Pretoria in
1904.

Perris, G. H. : Blood and Gold in Soxith Africa, an answer to Dr.
Conan Doyle. An octavo pamphlet of 79 pages, published at London in
1902.

Pratt, Edwin A. : Leading Points in South African History. Demi
octavo, 384 pages, published at London in 1900.

Prior, James : Voyage along the Eastern Coast of Africa, to
Mosambique, Johanna, Quiloa, dec., in the Nisus frigate. Demi octavo,
114 pages, published at London in 1819.

Prior, James: Voyage in the Indian Seas in the Nisus frigate, to the
Cape of Good Hope, dec., during the years 1810 and 1811. Demi
octavo, 114 pages, published at London in 1820.

Purvis, William Frederick, and Leonard Vivian Biggs : South Africa
its People, Progress, and Problems. Crown octavo, 302 pages, published at
London in 1896.

Rae, Rev. Colin : Malaboch, or Notes from my Diary on the Boer
Campaign of 1894 against the Chief Malaboch. Demi octavo, 267 pages,
published at London and Capetown in 1898.

Ralph, Julian : Towards Pretoria, a Record of the War between Briton
and Boer to the hoisthig of the British fiag at Bloemfontein. Crown
octavo, 381 pages, published at London in 1900.

Rankin, Daniel J. : The Zambesi Basin and Nyassaland. Crown
octavo, 283 pages, published at London in 1893.

Recollections of a Visit to British Kaffra/ria. Author’s name not
given, but evidently a clergyman of the church of England. Foolscap
octavo, 160 pages, London, 1866.

van Rees, W. A. : Naar de Transvaal. A pamphlet of 42 pages,
published at Amsterdam in 1876.

Rees, William Lee : The Life and Times of Sir George Grey, K.G.B,
Demi octavo, 628 pages, published at London, no date.

Reitz, F. W. : Vijftig uitgesogte Afrikaanse Gedigte. Demi octavo, 189
pages, published at Capetown in 1888.

Reitz, F. W. : A Century of Wrong. Demi octavo, 175 pages,
published at London in 1900,

428 History of South Africa,

Report and Evidence of the Commission on Native Laws and Customs of
the Basuto. Royal octavo, 68 pages, Capetown, 1873.

Report and Proceedings of the Temhula/nd Commission. A thick
foolscap folio volume, published at Capetown in 1883.

Report of the Select Committee on Native Affairs. Royal octavo, 183
pages, Capetown, 1874.

Ricards, Right Rev. Dr. : The Catholic Church and the Kaffir. Crown
octavo, 127 pages, London, 1880.

Ridsdale, Rev. Benjamin : Scenes and Adventures in Great Namaqua-
land. Crown octavo, 293 pages, London, 1883.

Ritchie, J. Ewing : Brighter South Africa, or Life at the Cape and
Natal. Crown octavo, 232 pages, published at London in 1892.

Ritchie, Leitch : A Sketch of the life of Thomas Pringle, 149 pages,
and Pringle's Poetical Works, 219 pages. Royal octavo, published at
London in 1838.

Robertson, John : Six Years on the Road, dr Reminiscences of Colonial
Life, Scenes, and Incidents. Crown octavo, 96 pages, published at
Capetown in 1856.

Robertson, John M. : The Truth about the War: an open letter to Dr,
A. Conan Doyle. A pamphlet of 48 pages, published at London in 1902.

Robertson, J. S. : Life of Dr. David Livingstone. Crown octavo, 320
pages, published at London in 1882. ^

Robinson, Commander Chas. N., R.N., (editor) : A Pictorial History
of South Africa and the Transvaal. Royal octavo, 122 pages, London,
third edition 1900.

Roche, Harriet A. : On Trek in the Transvaal, or Over Berg and Veldt
m South Africa. Crown octavo, 367 pages, London, 1878.

Schiissler, F. : Zuid Afrika populair geschetst. Demi octavo, 170
pages, published at Amsterdam in 1878.

Selections from the Writings of the late E. B. Watermeyer, with a Brief
Sketch of his Life. Demi octavo, 303 pages, published at Capetown in
1877.

Selous, Frederick Courteney : Travel and Adventure in South-East
Africa, being the Narrative of the last eleven years spent by the Author on
the Zambesi and its Tributaries, with an Account of the Colonisation of
Mashunaland and the Progress of the Gold Industry in that Country.
Royal octavo, 503 pages, published at London in 1893.

Selous, Frederick Courteney : Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia. Royal
octavo, 317 pages, published at London in 1896.

Shaw, John, M.D. : The Festering Sore in South Africa, as viewed by
a Surgeon, and the Cry of the Children as he hears it. A crown octavo
pamphlet of 59 pages, published at London in 1901.

List of Books. 429

Sid well, Henry B., B.A. : The Story of South Africa. Foolscap
octavo, 150 pages, published at Capetown in 1889.

Smith, Andrew, M.A. : A Contribution to South African Materia
Mcdica^ chiefly from Plants in use among the Natives. A derai octavo
pamphlet of 164 pages, published at Lovedale (second edition) in 1888.

Smith, Ronald, (editor) : The Great Gold Lands of South Africa.
Crown octavo, 296 pages, London, 1891.

. Smith, Rev. Thomley : South Africa delineated., or Sketches historical
and descriptive of its Tribes and Missions and of the British colonies of the
Cape and Port Natal. Crown octavo, 216 pages, London, 1850.

Staats Almanak voor de Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. 1897. Royal
octavo, 376 pages. Published at Pretoria.

Stanford, Sir Robert : Loyalty and its Reward, or Justice verms Law
at the Cape of Good Hope hi the nineteenth century. Royal octavo, 254
pages, published at Capetown in 1859.

Stanlej’, Henry M. : Through South Africa. Crown octavo, 140 pages,
published at London in 1898.

Stathara, F. Reginald : Blacks, Boers, and British. Crown octavo, 271
pages, published at London in 1881.

Statham, F. Reginald ; South Africa as it is. Derai octavo, 311
pages, published at London in 1897.

Statham, F. Reginald : Paid Kruger and. his Times. Demi octavo,
312 pages, published at London in 1898.

Statute Law of the Gape of Good Hope, comprising the Placaats,
Proclamations, and Ordinances enacted before the establishment of the
Colonial Parliament and still wholly or in part in force. Royal octavo,
1,204 pages, published at Capetown in 1862.

Statutes of the Cape of Good Hope passed by the Parliament since the
first session in 1854. Bound in large volumes.

Sternberg, Count : My Experiences of the Boer War. Demi octavo,
310 pages, published at London in 1901.

Stewart, James, D.D., M.D. : Lovedede, South Africa, illustrated by
ffty views from photographs. Demi quarto, 110 pages, published at
Edinburgh in 1894.

Stewart, James, D.D., M.D. ; Dawn in the Dark Continent, or Africa
and its Missions. Demi octavo, 400 pages, published at Edinburgh
and London in 1903.

Strashei'm, Rev. P., representative of the Dutch reformed church
in Rhodesia and Gazaland : Ln the Land of Cecil Rhodes. Crown octavo,
122 pages, Capetown, 1896.

Streatfeild, Frank N. : Kafirland: a ten months' Campaign. Crown
octavo, 320 pages, published at London in 1879.

430

History of South Africa,

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., L.L.D. : Chronicles of Cape Commanders.
Royal octavo, 428 pages, published at Capetown in 1882. (Now
included in Volume II of my History and Ethnography of South
Africa from 1505 to 1795.)

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., L.L.D. : South Africa (Story of the Nations
Series). Crown octavo, 480 pages, published at London (fifth edition)
in 1900.

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., L.L.D. : Progress of South Africa (Nineteenth
Century Series). Demi octavo, 524 pages, published at London, Toronto,
and Philadelphia in 1901.

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., LLD. : The Portuguese in South Africa. Demi
octavo, 340 pages, published at London in 1806. (Now included in the
first volume of my History and Ethnography of South Africa from 1505
to 1795.)

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., L.L.D. : A Fragment of Basuto History.
Foolscap octavo, 188 pages, published at Capetown in 1886. Also
Boers and Bantu, similar to the above, issued at the same time. (Both
now included in my History of South Africa since 1795.

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., L.L.D. (compiled by): Proclamations, Notices,
and Regulations in force in the Native Territories of. the Cape Colony on
the 20th of July 1896. Royal octavo, 354 pages, published at Capetown
in 1896.

Theal, G. M., Litt.D., LL.D. The following were prepared by me
for the government of the Cape Colony : Korte Geschied,enis van Zuid-
Afrika van i486 tot I8I4. Voor School-gehruik. Demi octavo, 278
pages, Capetown, 1890. Korte Geschiedenis van Zuid-Afrika van i486
tot 1835. Demi octavo, 365 pages, ’s Gravenhage, 1891. Geschiedenis
van Zuid-Afrika. Demi octavo, 507 pages, ’s Gravenhage, 1897. A
Short History of South Africa from i486 to 1826 for the use of schools.
Demi octavo, 252 pages, Capetown, 1890. Primer of South African
History. Small quarto, illustrated, 171 pages. The Hague, 1892. The
same in Dutch also. Primer of South African History. Crown octavo,
139 pages, London, (third edition) 1896.

The Cape and its People and other Essays by South African Writers.
Edited by Roderick Noble. Crown octavo, 408 pages, Capetown, 1896.

The Argus Annual and South African Directory. Yearly since 1875.

The Boer War 1899-1900, from the Ultimatum to the Occupation of
Bloemfontein. Quarto, 316 pages, published at London in 1900.

The British case against the Boer Republics. A demi octavo pamphlet
of 36 pages, published at London in 1901.

The Cape Rlustrated Magazine‘s Published monthly at Capetown after
September 1890.

431

List of Books.

The Memoirs of Paul Kruger, fenir times President of the South African
Bepnhlic, told by himself. Two demi octavo volumes, published at
London in 1902.

The Progress of His Boyal Highness, Prince Alfred Ernest Albert
through the Cape Colony, British Kaffraria, the Orange Free State, and
Natal in the year 1860. An illustrated quarto volume of 187 pages,
published at Capetown in 1861.

The South African Commercial Advertiser. The leading articles and
some of the other contents issued in octavo volumes. I have those
from 1837 to 1848.

The Transvaal Boers : a Historical Sketch, by Africanus. A crown
octavo pamphlet of 158 pages, published at London in 1899.

Thomas, Rev. Thomas Morgan, of the London Missionary Society :
Eleven Years in Central South Africa. Demi octavo, 418 pages,
London, 1872.

Treaties entered into by Governors of the Colony of the Cape of
Good Hope and other British Authorities with Native Chieftains and
others beyond the Border of the Colony between the years 1803 and

1854. A royal octavo volume issued at Capetown in 1857.

Thomson, William Rodger : Poems, Essays, and Sketches. Edited by
IMr. John Noble. A crown octavo volume, issued at Capetown in 1868.

Tindall, Rev. Henry : Two Lectures on Great Namaqualand and its
Inhabitants. A demi octavo pamphlet of 47 pages, published at
Capetown in 1856.

Torrend, J., S.J. : A Comparative Grammar of the South African
Bantu Languages. Large quarto, 336 pages, published at London in
1891.

Three Months’ Visitation by the Bishop of Capetown in the autumn of

1855. Foolscap octavo, 156 pages, published at London in 1856.

Trollope, Anthony : South Africa. Crown octavo, 389 pages, published
at London in 1879.

Tromp, Theod. M. : Herinneringen uit Zuid - Afrika ten tijde der
annexatie van de Transvaal. Crown octavo, 381 pages, published at
Leiden in 1879.

Trotter, Mrs. A. P. : Old Cape Colony, a Chronicle of her Men and
Houses. Demi octavo, 320 pages, published at London in 1903.

Tudhope, Hon. John : The Voortrekkers of South Africa. Demi octavo,
54 pages, published at Durban in 1891.

Tusschen Berg en Zee : een Verhaal uit den Strijd der Boeren in Natal
van 1838-1841. Crown octavo, 207 pages, published at Amsterdam and
Capetown.

432 History of South Africa,

de Villiers, John : The Transvaal. A crown octavo pamphlet of 88
pages, published at London in 1896.

Vijn, Cornelius : Cetshwayo’s Dutchman^ being the Private Journal of
a White Trader in Zulidand during the British Invasion. Translated
from the Dutch and edited with preface and notes by the Right Rev.

J. W. Colenso, D.D., Bishop of Natal. Crown octavo, 213 pages,
London, 1880.

Yoigt, J. C., M.D. : Fifty Years of the History of the Bepuhlic in South
Africa. (1795-1845). Two demi octavo volumes, published at London
in 1899.

de Waal, D. C. : With Rhodes in Mashonaland. Crown octavo, 351
pages, published at London in 1896.

Ward, Harriet : Past and Future Emigration, or the Book of the Gape.
Crown octavo, 379 pages, published at London in 1849.

Watson, Robert Spence : The History of English Rule and Policy in
South Africa. A pamphlet of 32 pages, published at Newcastle in 1879.

Weale, J. P. Mansel : The Truth about the Portuguese in Africa.
Crown octavo, 196 pages, London, 1891.

de Wet, Christiaan Rudolf : Three Years War (October 1899-June
1902). Demi octavo, 520 pages, published at London in 1902.

de Wet, J., LL.D. : Beknopte Geschiedenis van de Nederduitsche

Hervormde Kerk aan de Kaap de Goede Hoop, sedert de stichting der

Volkplanting in 1652 tot I8O4. Demi octavo, 138 pages, published at
Capetown in 1888.

Whiteside, Rev. J. : A new Geography of South Africa. Crown octavo,
70 pages, published at Capetown in 1892.

Whiteside, Rev. J. : A new School History of South Africa. Crown
octavo, 107 pages, published at Capetown in 1894.

Widdicombe, Rev. John, Rector of St. Saviour’s, Thlotse Heights,
and Canon of Bloemfontein : Fourteen Years in Basutoland : a Sketch of
African Mission Life. Crown octavo, 310 pages, London, 1891.

Wilmot, Hon. A. : Geography of South Africa for the use of higher

classes in schools. Foolscap octavo, 106 pages, published at Capetown
in 1880.

Wilmot, Hon. A. : The Story of the Expansion of Southern Africa.
Demi octavo, 290 pages, published at London in 1894.

Wilmot, Hon. A. : Monomotapa {Rhodesia), its Monuments and its
History from the mo^t ancient times to the present century. Crown
octavo, 283 pages, published at London in 1896.

Wilmot, Hon. A. : The Life and Times of Sir Richard Southey,

K. C.M.G., Ac. Demi octavo, 439 pages, London and Capetown, 1904.

433

List of Books.

Wills, W. A., and L. T. Collingridge : TJie Downfall of Lobengula :
thf cause^ history, and effect of the Matabeli War. Quarto, 335 pages,
published at London in 1894.

Winsloe, Colonel R. W. C. : Siege of Potchefstroom. A crown octavo
pamphlet of 42 pages, published at London in 1883.

Wood, Joseph Garbett : Through Matabeleland : the Record of a Ten
Months’ Trip in an Ox -wagon through Mashonaland and Matabeleland.
Crown octavo, 198 pages, London, 1893.

Worsfold, W. Basil : A History of South Africa. Foolscap octavo,
199 pages, published at London in 1891.

Worsfold, W. Basil : South Africa, a study in colonial administration
ai\d development. Crown octavo, 278 pages, published at London in
1895.

Worsfold, W. Basil : The Story of South Africa. Foolscap octavo,
175 pages. Published at London (after 1897), no date given.

Young, Robert : Trophies from African Heathenism. Crown octavo,
230 pages, published at London in 1892.

Zulu Izaya, that is Proverbs or out-of-the-way Sayings of the Zulus,
collected, translated, and interpi'eied by a Zulu missiona/ry. A demi octavo
pamphlet of 31 pages, published at Durban and London in 1880.

I am also acquainted with the following volumes, though
they are not in my collection: —

Amery, L. G. (editor) : The Times History of the War in South Africa.
Five large volumes published in London between 1900 and 1907, and more
to follow

Andersson, Charles John: The Okavango River: a Narrative of Travel,
Exploration, and Adventure. Demi octavo, 364 pages, published at London
in 1861.

Blore, W. L. : Statistics of the Cape Colony. Demi octavo, 160 pages
published at Capetown in 1871.

Bryant, Rev. Alfred T., missionary in Zululand and Natal: A Zulu-
E^iglish Dictionary, with notes on pronunciation, a revised orthography, and
derivations and cognate words from many languages y including also a
vocabulary of hlonipa words, tribal-names, etc., a synopsis of Zulu grammar,
and a concise history of the Zulu people from the most ancient times. A royal
octavo volume of 889 pages, printed at the Marianhill mission press,
Pinetown, Natal, and published at London and Natal in 1905. In this
elaborate work, which can hardly be praised too highly, a few differences
will be found in the details from the account given by me of the career of
Tshaka, and a very great difference regarding the probable mode of the

434

History of South Africa,

entrance of the Bantu into Africa. Mr. Bryant believes with some others
that this continent was once connected with the Malayan peninsula and the
Eastern archipelago by continuous land, from which the negro and Bantu
tribes migrated westward ; that Lemuria, as this supposed land has been
termed, afterwards subsided, and is now covered by the Indian ocean ; and
that the Bantu, thus separated from their eastern kindred, are true
aborigines. I dare not express an opinion as to when black people first
appeared in Africa, but I can see no reason why they should not have
entered the continent at its north-eastern extremity. As to the Bantu
being aborigines of Africa south of the Zambesi, I am certain they are not.

I do not rely upon their traditions alone, though those of every tribe refer
to a migration from the north ; but to evidence which is indisputable that
most of the tribes now in existence are immigrants of a very recent date.
Further, the fact that Bushman rock paintings and quantities of stone
implements showing no signs of age are found together with ancient relics in
all parts of the country except a limited area in Mashonaland is of itself
sufficient proof that the Bantu have not been here long, for they and
Bushmen cannot exist side by side for any length of time. Some particulars
in my early history of the Abatetwa, given on page 66 of the first volume of
Sistory and Ethnography of Africa south of the Zambesi from 1505 to 1795,
are at variance with Mr. Bryant’s genealogical tables, and he is more likely
to be correct in this matter than I was. I gave my authority for what I
wrote on this subject, and intimated that it was not to be thoroughly
depended upon. Further, the principal differences between Mr. Bryant
and myself are in the chronological order of events in the career of Tshaka.
I had my information from a great number of sources, among which were
many men who had taken part in the wars of devastation, for my inquiries
were commenced among the Fingos in Kaffraria in 1861 and were continuous
thereafter until 1896. I found the same difficulty then that Mr. Bryant
has since experienced, that of reconciling different statements apparently of
equal authority. But I was fortunately able by independent means to fix
the dates of some of the principal events, so that my arrangement is as
accurate as in the nature of things it can be made. After all, whether
tribe A was destroyed before tribe B, or vice versa, does not make much
difference now, when it is certain that both were destroyed in the same year,
though naturally one likes to be absolutely correct even in such a matter.
I wish to speak with the greatest respect of this work of Mr. Bryant, which
shows an enormous amount of research and labour, and I am pleased to
find that his narrative of the Zulu wars and their origin is in all essential
matters in agreement with my own.

Butler, Lieut. -General Sir William F., K.C.B. : The Life of Sir Pomeroy
Colley, Demi octavo, 431 pages, published at London in 1899.

Cecil Rhodes: a Biography and Appreciation, By Imperialist. With
Personal Reminiscences, By Dr. Jameson. Crown octavo, 413 pages,
published at London in 1897.

435

List of Books,

Cens^is of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope^ 190 Jf : General Report

irith Annexures. Foolscap folio, 772 pages, published at Capetown in 1905.

Davison, Charles F.: The Case of the Boers in the Transvaal. A demi
octavo pamphlet of 30 pages, published at London in 1881.

Dormer, Francis J. : Vengeance as a Policy in Afrikanderland, a Plea for
a New Departure. Demi octavo, 244 pages, published at London in 1901.

Fletcher-Vane, Francis P. : Pax Britannica in South Africa. Demi
octavo, 389 pages, published at London in 1905.

Fruiu, Dr. Robert : A Word from Holland on the Transvaal question. An
octavo pamphlet of 16 pages, published at Utrecht in 1881.

Garrett, F. E.: In Afrikanderland and the land of Ophir. Crown quarto,
96 pages, published at London in 1891.

Gooch, W. D. : The Stone Age of South Africa. Demi octavo, 60 pages,
published at London in 1881.

Hensman, Howard : A History of Rhodesia. Crown octavo, 381 pages,
published at Edinburgh and London in 1900.

Jeppe, Carl : The Kaleidoscopic Transvaal. Demi octavo, 266 pages,
published at Capetown in 1906.

Leyds, \V. J., LL.D.; The first Annexation of the Transvaal. Demi octavo,
378 pages, published at London in 1906.

Mackenzie, Anne (editor) : Mission Life among the Zulus, a Memoir of
Henrietta, wife of the Rev. R. Robertson, S.P.G. Crown octavo, 244 pages,
published at London in 1875.

Maugham, R. C. F. : Poi'tuguese East Africa : the History, Scenery, and
Gi'eat Game of Manica. and Sofala. Demi octavo, 340 pages, published at
London in 1906.

South African Native Affairs Commission. Report, with Annexu/res and
Appendices. Five thick foolscap folio volumes, published at Capetown in
1903 to 1905.

The late Right Honourable Cecil John Rhodes : a Chronicle of the Funeral
Ceremonies. A large quarto volume, published at Capetown in 1905.

Wirgman, Rev. A. Theodore, B.D., D.C.L.: The History of the English
Church and People in South Africa. Crown octavo, 277 pages, published at
London in 1895.

Young, Robert B., M.A., B.Sc., F.R.S.E., F.G.S., Professor of Geology
and Mineralogy at the Transvaal University College, Johannesburg : The
Life and Works of George William Stow, South African Geologist. Crown
octavo, 123 pages, London and Capetown, 1908.

Younghusband, Captain Francis, C.I.E. : South Africa of To-day. Demi
octavo, 177 pages, published at London in 1898.

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST

PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY.

943

Magoudi in his great work describes the country of Sofala as occupied
by Bantu.

1485

The Portuguese explorer Diogo Cam reaches Cape Cross, where he
erects a pillar.

1487

Bartholomeu Dias passes the Cape of Good Hope and reaches the mouth
of the Infante river, probably the one now termed the Fish.

1498

Vasco da Gama, having sailed round South Africa, reaches Calicut in
India.

1503

Table Bay is first visited by a European ship (under Antonio de
Saldanha).

1505

Occupation of Sofala by the Portuguese, the beginning of European
settlement in Africa south of the Zambesi.

1507

A French corsair passes the Cape of Good Hope.

1510

Slaughter by Hottentots on the shore of Table Bay of Dom Francisco
d’Almeida, recently viceroy of India, with eleven officers of high rank
and fifty-three other Portuguese.

1531

Establishment by the Portuguese of a trading outpost at Sena on the
Zambesi.

1544

Examination of Delagoa Bay by Louren9o Marques, and commencement
of occasional visits to that place by the Portuguese for purposes of trade.

1560

Arrival in South Africa of the first missionaries of the Company of
Jesus.

436

Chronological List of Events,

437

1509-1575

Disastrous expedition under Francisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandes
Homem to obtain possession of gold and silver mines in South Africa.

1570

Appearance on the left bank of the Zambesi of the advance guard of
an immense horde of Bantu invaders from the north.

1572

Erection of Fort Sao Margal at Sena by Francisco Barreto.

1580

Sir Francis Drake passes the Cape of Good Hope on his passage round
the world.

Commencement of the Dominican missions in South Africa.

1580-1593

Dreadful ravages in the valley of the Zambesi committed by the horde
of Bantu invaders from the north. The tribes called the Abambo, con-
nected with this horde, make their way to the south-eastern coast and
settle in Natal and Zululand.

1591

English ships first touch at a South African port.

1593

Wreck of the Santo Alberto a short distance west of the mouth of the
XJmtata river, and journey of her crew to Delagoa Bay.

1595

Dutch ships first visit South Africa on the passage to India.

1601

Table, Mossel, Flesh, and Fish bays receive from the Dutch their
present names.

1602

Formation of the Dutch East India Company.

1609-1626

Fruitless search by the Portuguese for silver mines south of the
Zambesi.

1629

First election of a monomotapa by the Portuguese, being the commence-
ment of the disintegration of the largest of the Makalanga tribes.

1631

First election of a tshikanga by the Portuguese.

1644

Commencement of the slave trade between South - Eastern Africa and
Brazil.

1652

Befreshment station founded in Table Valley by the Dutch East India
Company.

1655

Introduction of the vine into the Cape settlement.

438

History of Sout/i Africa,

1657

First occupation of land by farmers in the Cape settlement.

1659-1660

First war between Cape colonists and Hottentots.

1668

Commencement of a struggle of two centuries duration between the
European immigrants and the aboriginal Bushmen.

1672

Purchase of territory by the Dutch East India Company from Hottentot
captains.

1673-1677

Second war between Cape colonists and Hottentots.

1679

Occupation of Stellenbosch by Dutch colonists.

1685

Discovery of copper mines in Little Namaqualand.

1686

Settlement of Drakenstein by Dutch colonists.

1688

Arrival of Huguenot settlers at the Cape.

1700

Occupation of the Tulbagh basin by Cape colonists.

1713

First outbreak of small-pox in the Capo settlement, accompanied by
great destruction of Hottentots.

1721-1730

Undisturbed possession of Delagoa Bay by the Dutch East India
Company.

1730

Commencement of the permanent occupation of Inhambane by the
Portuguese.

1742

First use of Simon’s Bay as a winter port.

1746

Foundation of the village of Swellendam.

1755

Second destructive outbreak of small-pox in the Cape Colony.

1760

Expulsion of the Jesuits from South-Eastern Africa.

1775

Removal of the Dominicans from South-Eastern Africa.

1779-1781

First war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

439

Chronological List of Events,

1780

Adoption of the Fish river as the eastern boundary of the Cape Colony.

1781

Capture by an English fleet of a number of richly laden Dutch ships in
Saldanha Bay.

1786

Foundation of the village of Graaff-Reinet.

!l787

Commencement of the permanent occupation of Louren90 Marques by
the Portuguese.

1789-1793

Second war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

1792

Commencement of the Moravian missions in South Africa.

1795

Rebellion of the farmers of Graafi'-Reinet and Swellendam against the
Dutch East India Company.

Conquest of the Cape Colony by a British force.

1796

Surrender of nine Dutch ships of war in Saldanha Bay to an English
fleet.

1799

Commencement of the London Society’s missions in South Africa.

1799-1803

Third war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

1803

Restoration of the Cape Colony to Holland.

1804

Foundation of the village of Uitenhage.

1806

Second conquest of the Cape Colony by Great Britain.

1809

Abolition of Hottentot chieftainship in the Cape Colony.

1812

Fourth Iwar between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

Foundation of Grahams town.

1814

Formal cession of the Cape Colony to Great Britain by the prince
sovereign of the Netherlands.

1818-1819

Fifth war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

1820

Arrival in the Cape Colony of a large body of British settlers.

440

History of South Africa,

1821-1828

Awfully destructive wars among the Bantu of South Africa, usually
known as the wars of Tshaka.

1824

Opening for use of the first lighthouse on the South African coast.
Occupation of Thaba Bosigo by Moshesh, the commencement of the
. formation of the present Basuto tribe.

Settlement of several English adventurers at Port Natal.

1825

Establishment of a council to assist the governor of the Cape Colony.
Redemption of the paper money of the Cape Colony at the rate of one
shilling and sixpence for a rixdollar.

First appearance of a steamship in Table Bay.

1828

Introduction in the Cape Colony of the present system of courts of justice.
Issue of the fiftieth ordinance, placing all free coloured people in the Cape
Colony on a political level with Europeans.

1829

Issue of an ordinance securing the freedom of the press in the Cape
Colony.

Opening of the South African college in Capetown.

1830

Settlement of the Matabele in the Marikwa valley.

1833

Extermination of the Portuguese at Lourengo Marques by the
Matshangana.

1834

Establishment of a nominated legislative council in the Cape Colony.
Emancipation of the slaves in the Cape Colony.

Destruction of the Portuguese settlement at Inhambane by the
Matshangana.

1834-1835

Sixth war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

1835

Foundation of the town of Durban.

1836

Commencement of a great emigration of farmers from the Cape Colony.
Massacre of a number of emigrant farmers by the Matabele.

Destruction of Sofala by the Matshangana.

1837

Introduction of municipal institutions in the Cape Colony.

Opening of the first bank unconnected with the government in the
Cape Colony.

Reoccupation of Delagoa Bay by the Portuguese.

Chronological List of Events. 441

Defeat of the Matabele by the emigrant farmers at Mosega and on the
Marikwa, and flight of the whole Matabele tribe to the territory north of
the Limpopo.

Foundation of the village of Winburg.

1838

Dreadful massacres of emigrant farmers by the Zulus.

Defeat by the Zulus of a commando of farmers under Hqndrik
Potgieter and Pieter Uys and of an army of Natal blacks led by
Englishmen.

Foundation of the tow'n of Potchefstroom.

1(> December. Crushing defeat of the Zulus on the Blood river by a
commando under Andries Pretorius.

1839

Foundation of the city of Pietermaritzburg.

1840

Defeat of Dingan by rebels and installation by the emigrant farmers of
Panda as chief of the Zulus in vassalage to them.

1840-1841

Establishment of numerous high schools in the Cape Colony.

1842

Occupation of Port Natal by a British force.

Conflict with the emigrant farmers and siege of the British c^mp.

Relief of the British garrison.

1843

Submission of the volksraad of Natal to the British government.

Creation of Griqua and Basuto treaty states.

1844

Incorporation of Natal in the British dominions as a dependency of the
Cape Colony.

Creation of a Pondo treaty state.

1846-1847

Seventh war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe assisted by
the Emigrant Tembus.

1846-1851

Introduction by the government of over four thousand British immigrants
into the Cape Colony.

1847

Extension of the northern boundary of the Cape Colony to the Orange
river, and of the eastern boundary to the Keiskama, Tyumie, Klipplaats,
Zwart Kei, Klaas Smit’s, and Kraai rivers.

Incorporation in the British dominions of the territory between the
eastern boundary of the Cape Colony and the Kei river, under the name
British Kaffraria.

Foundation of the town of East London.

Commencement of sugar planting in Natal.

442 History of South Africa.

1848

Introduction of a nominated legislative council in Natal.

Abolition of the Griqua and B^asuto treaty states by Sir Harry Smith.
Inclusion, of the territory between the Orange and Vaal rivers in the
British dominions, under the title of the Orange River Sovereignty.

Defeat of the disaffected emigrant farmers by Sir Harry Smith at
Boomplaats.

1848-1850

Successful opposition of the Cape colonists to the introduction of convicts
from Great Britain.

1849

Delimitation of the reserves for Bantu and other coloured people
between the Orange and Vaal rivers.

1849- 1851

Settlement of four thousand five hundred British immigrants in Natal.

1850- 1853

Eighth war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe assisted by
the Emigrant Tembus and many Hottentots.

• 1851

' Defeat of Major Donovan at Viervoet.

1852

Acknowledgment by Great Britain of the independence of the
emigrant farmers north of the Vaal river.

Success of the Basuto in the battle of Berea, and retirement of Sir
George Cathcart with the British troops from the Orange River Sovereignty.

Defeat of Setsheli’s Bakwena near Kolobeng by a commando of emigrant
farmers.

Commencement of copper mining in Little Namaqualand.

Wreck of the steam transport Birkenhead.

1853

Grant by Great Britain of a very liberal constitution to the Cape Colony.

Foundation of Queenstown in territory taken from the Emigrant Tembus.

1854

Abandonment of the Orange River Sovereignty by Great Britain,
and establishment of the Orange Free State.

First meeting of the Cape parliament.

Introduction of lung sickness among horned cattle in South Africa.

Destruction of the Batlou at Makapan’s Poort by the emigrant farmers
north of the Vaal river.

1855

Foundation of the town of Pretoria.

1856

Grant of a constitution by Great Britain to Natal, under which a
legislative council of twelve elected and four official members is created.

Chronological List of Events. 443

Great battle on the Tugela between Ketshwayo and Umbulazi, and
entire destruction of the latter and his adherents.

Commencement of Indian immigration into Natal.

1856-1857

Destruction of all their cattle and corn by the Xosa and part of the
Tembu tribe, followed by terrible suffering and loss of life from starvation.

1856-1861

Immigration into South Africa of a considerable number of children
from Holland,

1857

Settlement in British Kaffraria of over two thousand men of the British
German legion.

Commencement of the ‘Union Steamship Company’s mail service between
England and South Africa.

Adoption of a constitution for the South African Republic by some of the
emigrant farmers north of the Vaal.

Secession of Zoutpansberg and Lydenburg from the South African
Republic.

Unsuccessful attempt of the South African Republic to coerce the Orange
Free State into union.

1858

First war between the Orange Free State and the Basuto tribe.

Incorporation of Zoutpansberg in the South African Republic.

1858-1859

Settlement in British Kaflfraria of two thousand three hundred German
agricultural immigrants.

1858- 1862

Introduction into the Cape Colony by means of state aid of several
thousand British immigrants.

1859

Occupation of waste land in British Kaffraria by European farmers.

Commencement of the construction of railways in the Cape Colony.

Introduction of the oidium into the vineyards of the Cape Colony.

Federation of the different communities in South Africa disapproved by
the imperial government, and recall of Sir George Grey for advocating it.

1859- 1860

Introduction of a considerable number of German agricultural immigrants
into the Cape Colony.

1860

Commencement of the construction of harbour works in Table Bay.

Union of the republic of Lydenburg with the South African
Republic.

1860- 1864

Civil strife in the South African Republic.

444 History of South Africa.

1861

Purchase of Griqua territory by the Orange Free ^State, and removal
of Adam Kok and his people.

1863

Settlement in Griqualand East of Adam Kok’s people.

1863-1870

The Herero war of independence.

1864

Abandonment by the British government of the vacant territory
between the river Kei and Natal.

Completion of the line of electric telegraph between Capetown and
East London.

1865

Annexation of British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony.

Annexation to Natal of the territory between the Umzimkulu ^and
Umtamvuna rivers.

Extermination of the Makololo tribe.

1865-1866

Second war between the Orange Free State and the Basuto tribe.

1865-1868

War between the South African Republic and the Bavenda tribes.

1867

Discovery of diamonds in South Africa.

Discovery by Carl Mauch of ancient gold mines north of the Limpopo.

1867-1868

Third war between the Orange Free State and the Basuto tribe.

1868

Commencement of modern gold mining in South Africa.

Adoption of the Basuto tribe as British subjects.

1869

War with the Koranas on the northern border of the Cape Colony_^

Destructive fire in the Knysna, Humansdorp, and Uitenhage [districts.

1870

Opening of the docks in Table Bay.

1871

Annexation of Basutoland to the Cape Colony.

Arbitration at Bloemhof resulting in the Keate award.

Opening of the Kimberley diamond mine.

Annexation of the territory termed Griqualand West to the 'British
dominions.

First treaty between Portugal and the South African Republic.

1872

Introduction of responsible government in the Cape Colony.

Chronological List of Events. 445

Commencement of the construction of railways in the eastern part of
the Caj>e Colony.

Commencement of the Ethiopian movement in South Africa.

1873

Establishment of Griqualand West as a crown colony.

Rebellion of Langalibalele and the Hlubis in Natal.

1874

Division of the Cape Colony into seven circles instead of two provinces
for the purpose of electing members of the legislative council.

1875

Southern boundary of Portuguese East Africa fixed by decision of
Marshal Macmahon.

Cessation of state support of clergymen in the Cape Colony.

1877

Incorporation of the South African Republic in the British dominions.

1877-1878

Ninth war between the Cape Colony and the Xosa tribe.

1879

Annexation to the Cape Colony of Griqualand East, Fingoland, and
the district of Idutywa.

Conquest of Zululand by British forces.

1880

Annexation of Griqualand West to the Cape Colony.

1880-1881

War between the Cape Colony and the Basuto tribe.

Insurrection of many clans in Tembuland and Griqualand East.

1881

Partial independence restored to the South African Republic.

1884

Annexation to the Cape Colony of Port St. John’s and Walfish Bay.
Assumption by Germany of a protectorate of Great Namaqualand and
Hereroland, excepting only Walfish Bay and the Guano islands off the
coast.

Nearly perfect independence recovered by the South African Republic.

1885

Annexation to the Cape Colony of Tembuland and the districts of
Kentani and Willowvale.

Incorporation of the territory south of the Molopo river in the British
dominions under the name of British Betshuanaland.

1886

Annexation to the Cape Colony of the district of Mount Ayliff.
Opening of extensive gold fields in the South African Republic.

1887

Incorporation of Zululand in the British dominions.

44^ History of South Africa.

1889

Formation of the British South Africa Chartered Company.

1890

Occupation of Mashonaland by the British South Africa Chartered
Company.

]891

Boundary line between the British and Portuguese possessions in
South Africa fixed by treaty.

Formation of the Chartered Mozambique Company.

1893

Introduction of responsible government in Natal.

Defeat of the Matabele and occupation af Matabeleland by the British
South Africa Company.

1894

Annexation of Pondoland to the Cape Coll^iny.

1895

Completion of a railway from Capetown to LoureiiQo Marques with
numerous connecting lines.

Annexation of British Betshuanaland to the Cape Colony.

British protectorate over Amatongaland proclaimed.

NOTES ON THE BUSHMEN AND THEIR
LANGUAGE.

If one of the ancient palaeolithic cave dwellers of Europe could make his
appearance there again in flesh and blood, what an interest would be
taken in him ! He would be regarded as being able to throw a flood
of light upon the early existence of man, and from all sides students and
members of scientific societies would gather round him to learn all that
he could teach. In point of fact he could tell them nothing, even if they
could understand his speech. He could not explain the dim religious
thoughts, or rather apprehensions of fear from something vague outside
himself, that passed through his brain, nor give reliable information of
any kind upon the past of his race, where they came from, or when or
how they had their origin. His conversation would be limited to narratives
of the game he had killed, or the girl he had won by sending an arrow
through a rival’s heart as he lay sleeping, or how his brother had been
bewitched by an enemy and had died, or how somebody had been turned
into a wild animal and was still spell-bound and only to be seen in his
proper form by those whose eyes had been cleansed by charms.

Only in the evening, when he was surfeited with the flesh of some huge
animal he had slain, and when weary of the dance he reclined by the fire
and admired the patterns made with ochre and soot and grease on his
otherwise naked body, he would tell some story of insects or birds or
beasts that he had heard from his mother when he was a child, and,
though he did not know this, had really been as it were stereotyped long
centuries before, and was even in those ancient days told in almost
identically the same words by people living far away towards the morning
dawn and others as far away towards the setting sun. The students and
savants would listen, and wonder how a full grown man, though a pigmy,
with a fairly well shaped head but for the great prognathism of the jaws,
could delight in such absurd stories and really believe in the truth of
many of them. They would soon realise that he could tell them nothing
of what they wanted to know, that though he was not an idiot, his
reasoning power and his credulity were those of a little child. They
would observe that his passions were those of an adult, that his physical
strength was great, that he could distinguish objects clearly at a distance
that they could only see with a good field-glass, that he could outrun
with ease the fleetest of their athletes, and yet that his thoughts were
no more lofty than those of the dullest peasant’s infant boy.

447

44 8 ' History of South Africa,

But the palasolithic savage restored to life, though he could tell nothing
of importance concerning the history or origin or religion of his race,
would still be an object of exceeding interest. He could be studied as
a workman engaged in the manufacture of timepieces studies the mechan-
ism of a clock, and a very great deal relating to the history of man could
be learned in this manner from him. He could not explain the structure
of his language, but his words, or the uncouth sounds that issued from
his throat and teeth and lips which correspond to words among civilised
men, could be taken down and analysed, their meaning could be gradually
gathered, the grammatical form in which they were put together to
represent ideas could be solved, and a link in the chain of language from
its origin to that of the most cultured individual of the present day would
be obtained. For this painted savage, disgusting in his habits, almost
hideous in his appearance, represented a stage of human existence
through which our own ancestors must at one time have passed. That
time may have been exceedingly remote, but we cannot get rid of the
fact that this repulsive being, who ate and enjoyed the taste of carrion,
and who never cleansed even the intestine of an animal before he
devoured it, was a blood relative of our own, and that we ought to take
greater interest in him than in any animal of the brute creation.

The European colonists in South Africa have had the palaeolithic man,
just as he roamed over Europe in times long preceding the dawn of
history, living in flesh and blood before their eyes. They were indeed
far more familiar with his presence than they desired to be, for he was
not at all what might be termed a respectable neighbour. That he was
identical with the dwarfish cave dwellers of Europe, no one who has
examined the splendid collection of ancient stone implements in the
anthropological' department of the museum in Brussels and compared
those specimens of primitive man’s industry and skill with similar col-
lections of Bushman tools and implements in South Africa, and who
has further compared the etchings of animals on bones found in Europe
with the etchings of animals on rocks found in South Africa, of which
there is now an excellent collection in the museum in Capetown, can
for a moment doubt. In Europe there were at least two distinct races
of palaeolithic man. One was dwarfish in size and lived in caves, and
was almost to a certainty very closely allied to African Bushmen. That
race may have spread out from some unknown region in Asia, and while
one swarm entered what is now Europe another swarm passed into the
continent of Africa. The section in Europe at an early age was destroyed
by more powerful invaders : the section in Africa, not entirely destroyed
in the same way even in the central region, where it took refuge in the
depths of immense forests, remained intact in a very large portion of
the continent south of the Zambesi until long after the arrival of the
first European settlers.

It was an unimprovable race, incapable of adopting the habits of
other people much higher in culture than itself, though it could amalga-

Notes on the Bushmen.

449

mate with those only sliglitly in advance. Before the arrival of the
Hottentots and Bantu in parts of South Africa, it was not in contact
with any other branches of the human species, and hence it remained at
its own low level, the level of palaeolithic man in Europe, without making
much advance of any kind during the long long time it occupied the secluded
extremity of the continent. When the Europeans arrived therefore an
opportunity was afforded of becoming intimately acquainted with the
condition and language of one of the lowest, if not the very lowest, of all
the races on the face of the earth, and of making the information gained
known to the civilised part of mankind.

That opportunity was not taken advantage of. The white settlers
were entirely occupied with making a living, and regarded the Bushmen
simply as robbers, just as the Hottentots and Bantu did. Then down
to our own times the savage wanderers were generally considered to be
outcast Hottentots, even Dr. Bleek himself when he began his researches
believing that they had separated from a common ancestral stock only
a few centuries back. There were exceptions to this statement, notably
Dr. Henry Lichtenstein, but they were few in number. Further, there
were no men of sufficient education and inclination wealthy enough to
afford the time requisite to conduct the necessary researches. When at
length, under the auspices of the late Sir Bartle Frere, a philosophical
association came into existence, its pecuniary resources were too limited
to render any aid, even in the matter of printing, and it must be added
that its sympathy did not extend to this question. In the words of its
secretary addressed to the writer of these volumes, regarding the publica-
tion of some documents upon the first intercourse of Europeans and
Bushmen, “the subject was too large to engage its support, and was one
that ought properly to be undertaken by the government.” For the
student of any subject that does not promise pecuniary benefit, a frailer
reed to lean upon for continuous assistance than a colonial administration
under responsible government can hardly be found. What one prime
minister regards as of high importance his successor may treat with
the utmost disdain,* and just when the preliminary work has been done
and encouragement and assistance are most needed, the man who rests
his hopes and expectations upon support from the government is liable
to see, instead of that, money expended in preventing him from making
any further advance.

These are the reasons why long and close research in any department
of science has hitherto been attended with such difficulty in South Africa
that very few individuals indeed have devoted themselves to it. The
most prominent of these individuals was the late Dr. W. H. I. Bleek, a
man of great learning, patience, and industry, who in 1862 received the
appointment of custodian of the Grey Library in Capetown. In that

*As witness Dr. Jameson’s treatment of researches initiated by the late Mr.
C. J. Rhodes. This may be regarded as an extreme case, but others might be
mentioned.

450

Histoiy of South Africa,

capacity he had much to do, but he found time out of office hours to
carry on the philological studies for which he had been specially trained,
and in which pursuit he was an enthusiast, though his judgment was
clear and even cold. At first his only opportunity of acquiring any
acquaintance with the Bushman language was by visiting Robben Island
and picking up a few words and short phrases from prisoners there, but
after some years the government was liberal enough to place from time
to time a number of Bushman families under his charge, mostly the near
relatives of men who were prisoners at the breakwater convict station ;
and to his surprise Dr. Bleek found that he was in contact, not with
degraded Hottentots or even with people closely allied to Hottentots, but
with representatives of a truly primitive race. From that moment he
devoted his attention almost entirely to the study of the habits, folklore,
and particularly the language of the Bushmen, for their race was almost
extinct, and he realised that in a very few years such researches would be
no longer possible. In this study he was warmly assisted by his sister-
in-law, Miss L. C. Lloyd, who was fortunate in possessing a very sharp
ear, and who was soon able to distinguish the different clicks, smacking
of the lips, and guttural sounds that form so large a portion of Bushman
speech.

A mass of material was collected, but was not ready for publication
when, to the great loss of students throughout the world, the death of Dr.
Bleek on the 17th of August 1875 put an end to his devoted and most useful
labour. His Comparative Grammar of South African Languages is, and
must always remain, a standard work, though it too was left incomplete
and contains very little upon the Bushman tongue.

Miss L. C. Lloyd was then engaged to take charge of the Grey Library
until a competent successor to Dr. Bleek could be obtained, and she resolved
to continue the Bushman researches out of office hours and gather as much
material as she could, before arranging for publication. In all South
Africa there was no one so well qualified for the task as she. Not a few
European children on farms in the interior had in earlier times
learned to utter the strange sounds which constitute Bushman speech,
and could converse freely with the savages, but none of these had ever
been able to commit their knowledge to writing and it had died with them.
Miss Lloyd was acquainted with two dialects, was accustomed to take
down the sentences as they came from the lips of the speakers and was
therefore familiar with the various symbols used to represent the different
sounds, and had the great advantage of having been trained to the work
by so able a teacher as her deceased brother-in-law. While she was
proceeding with her task with all possible care and diligence, she was
informed that the government had appointed a man of very erratic habits
custodian of the Grey Library, with the title of Colonial Philologist ; but
she was assisted to continue her Bushman researches some years longer.

In addition to what was in manuscript at the time of Dr. Bleek’s death,
she collected a mass of materials upon the mythology, legends, fables.

Notes on the Btirshmen.

451

poetry, liistory, customs, and superstitions of the Bushmen, in two dialects,
covering 5,707 half pages of small quarto books, and then proceeded to
Europe with her papers with a view of obtaining competent philological
assistance in preparing the work of her brother-in-law and herself for
the press. Much of it she had already translated into English. But most
unfortunately her health broke down so completely that it was only as a
confirmed invalid that she was able to write a little, and so the result of
all the labour of her brother-in-law and herself is as yet unavailable for
the use of others.

The Colonial Philologist did very little towards increasing the knowledge
of the world concerning the Bushmen, and after a short time he resigned
his oflice to become manager of a wine farm. No successor was appointed,
and now the time has nearly or quite gone by for the study of Bushman
speech. The few individuals of the race that remain have either adopted
the language of their neighbours, as those in Central Africa seem to have
done, or they have been compelled to use so many foreign words and
phrases that the idiom is too corrupt to be of any scientific value as far
as the vocabulary goes.

A knowledge of the mode of putting words together to express ideas,
or the grammatical structure, is however of even greater importance than
a knowledge of the words themselves used singly, and it may still be
possible to obtain that. What an immense advantage it would be to have
a. single page of Bushman phrases, with English translations attached to
them ! At present students have not even that.

This is the general state of knowledge at the present time regarding
the language of palaeolithic man in South Africa, but some information
can be gathered from the writings of travellers, and especially from articles
by Dr. Bleek in different magazines not now accessible without a good
deal of search.

The first that may be mentioned in this connection is Dr. Henry
Lichtenstein, who had a good opportunity in 1804 and 1805 to pick up
information from Bushmen of the great plain south of the Orange river.
He made use of a competent interpreter, and was well qualified for the
work. He, however, used no symbols except figures to denote the clicks,
and did not distinguish the differences between several of these sounds.
He gives a list of words in Korana and in Bushman, showing the great
difference between the two vocabularies. This is what he says :

“ Among all the Hottentot dialects, none is so rough and wild, and
differs so much from the rest, as that of the Bosjesmans ; so that it is
scarcely understood by any of the other tribes. It is, in the first place,
much poorer in sounds : many sounds, which may be expressed by our
letters, in the Gonaaqua, the Coran, and the Namaaqua languages, are
either totally wanting among them, or very rarely occur. Pure vowels are
seldom to be heard ; but the cluck and the diphthongs are much more
frequent. The cluck, in particular, seems the most completely at home
among them : scarcely a word occurs without it. The gurgling in the throat

452

History of South Africa,

is much deeper, and hence ensue the most disagreeable nasal tones. The
speech ends with a sort of singing sound, which dies away by degrees, and
is often some seconds before it wholly ceases.”

One

VOCABULARY.

Coran

... t’ ^ko-ei ...

Bushman
t’ ^ko-ai

Two

t’ ^koam

t’ 2kuh

Three

t’ ^norra

They are entirely

Four

hakka

destitute of the

A man ...

kohn

other numerals,
t’ ikubi

The head

minnong...

t’ ^naa

The eye

muhm

...

t’ ^saguh

The nose

t’ ’geub ...

t’ ^nuhntu

The mouth

t’ ^kchamma

tub

The tongue

tamma ...

...

t’ linn

The leg

t’ ^nuh ...

t’ ^koah

The foot

t’ ^keib ...

. ..

t’ ^noah

Father

aboob

Mother

eijoos

choa

Brother

t’ ^kaam . . .

t’ ^kang

A child

t’ ikob ...

t’ ’kat’ ikoang

A bow

kehaab ...

t’ ^hau

An arrow >

t’ ®koab ...

t’ ignoa

A lion

...

chamma ...

t’ ^kaang

A dog ...

arrieb m. arries

t’ ikSing

An eland

t’ ^kaunam

t’ isah

A springbuck '

t’ huuns ...

oai

A bird

t’ ^karinde

...

t’ skanni

The sun

...

sorohb . . .

...

t’ ^koara

The moon

t’ ^khaam

...

t’ ^kaukaruh

Fire

t’ ^aib

...

t’ sjih

Water :.

...

t’ ^kamma

...

t’ ^kohaa

A tree

heikoa ...

...

t’ ihuh

Bay

...

sorokoa ...

...

t’ ^gaa

Night

...

t’ ^kaib ...

...

t’ ^kaankuh

Flesh

. . .

t’ ^koob ...

...

Honey

...

dariings ...

...

t’ ^kaau

Warm ...

...

t’ ^koang

...

tant’ 3jih

Cold

...

t’ 2goaub

...

tissariti

White

...

t’ ^chatih

...

t’ ^ko-eita

...

tire

...

aa or mm

Thou

...

saats

...

You

...

sakaan ...

...

ii-u

To eat

...

uhng

...

haa

Notes on the Bushmen.

453

Coran

Bushman

To sleep

t’ ^kchom

t’ “ko-ing

To stand

• ••

maa

t’ ^khee

To run ...

• • •

t’ ^ku-iih

t’ ^koachi

Whence come you ? ...

• ••

Hamt’ ^kuhb saat

goacha

Achang t’ ^aintidi

What is your name ? ...

• • •

Ham-ti sa unna

Achang aa taide

I am thirsty

t’ ”kaare t’ ^kang

Mm t’ ’koang

’keunja

Give me meat

t’ -koob maa

Ake aa

The above is only a small part of the vocabulary given by Dr.
Lichtenstein, but it would serve no useful purpose to copy the remainder.
Though showing the difference in words between a Hottentot and
a Bushman dialect, it does not afford the means for ascertaining the
structure of either language.

The reverend Thomas Arbousset, of the French mission in Basuto-
land, has also given a vocabulary, seven pages in length, but unfortunately
he confuses Hottentots with Bushmen, and his list contains many words
adopted even from Sesuto. It was prepared about the year 1837. In his
vocabulary he does not attempt to introduce any symbols whatever to
represent the clicks, so that to the philological student it is valueless.
His remarks upon the language, as he heard it spoken, are, however, to
the point. He says :

“ Their language is harsh, broken, full of monosyllables, which are
uttered with strong aspirations from the chest, and a guttural articula-
tion as disagreeable as it is difficult, x x x It is not without reason that it
has been said of them that they cluck like turkeys, x x x The clucks are
especially found at the recurrence of a letter which is of harsh guttural
pronunciation, x x X As this horrible aspiration recurs incessantly in
the mouth of the Bushmen, one is inclined to say that they bark rather
than speak.”

Some other extracts from the writings of missionaries and travellers
might be given, but they would convey no greater knowledge of the
Bushman language than the above, which was the highest mark reached
when the late Dr. Bleek commenced his labours. In 1857, after he had
been about two years in South Africa, he wrote as follows in an article
in the Monthly Magazine:

“ It is curious to notice that the Bushman tongue apparently agrees
most, of all the Hottentot dialects, with that of the Cape, and next to it,
with that of the Korannas, — the latter being, in many respects, the
connecting link between the Cape dialect and that of the Namaquas, in
which the fullest and most original form of the Hottentot language has
been preserved. But we must not forget here, that what materials for
a knowledge of the Bushman tongue are at hand are as yet limited to
vocabularies of one dialect, viz. that of the district of the Winterveldt,

454

History of South Africa.

from the vicinity of Colesberg and Burgliersdorp. Other Bushman
dialects may be widely different, nor is it impossible that many so-called
Bushmen are of quite different origin. However this may be, these
Bushmen from the Winterveldt have decidedly been distinct from the
Hottentots, as a nation, for many centuries ; for their language presents
more than dialectical differences from that of the Hottentots. There are,
indeed, many Bushman words similar to those in use among the Hottentots,
— and in the general features of their structure both languages agree
together. But the grammatical forms which my vocabularies of the
Bushman tongue contain are peculiar, — and also the construction of
sentences appears to be different from that of the Hottentot language.”

Before 1869 a great stride forward was made, for in The Cape and its
People, published in that year, appeared an article from Dr. Bleek’s pen
dealing with the Bushman language from a scientific point of view, and
which is of such value that a large portion of it must be given here. He
says :

“The additional information which I have been able to collect (un-
satisfactory as it is in extent) has impressed upon my mind this truth,
that the Bushmen have been separate from their neighbours, the
Hottentots, for at least many thousands of years, x x x The task of
taking doAvn as exactly as possible the sounds of this language was, of
course, a great difficulty, for as many as six different clicks, formed either
by the tongue or the lips, can at the least be distinguished here.
When endeavouring to give the right mark for each click, I have no doubt
frequently erred, as my ear is not very acute nor accustomed to dis-
tinguish these sounds ; but as the clicks and other different sounds are
not contained in the grammatical portions of the words, my observations
on the structure of the language are not affected by this deficiency.

“ To show that the Bushman language, as far as we are acquainted
with it, is entirely different from the other tongues of South Africa, we
will briefiy glance at the structure of them all. The South African
languages, with the exception of the Bushman, all belong to one of two
families. One of these great families of language is that called the Bantu,
which contains Kafir, Setshuana, etc. x x The other family — that of
sex - denoting languages — is represented in South Africa by one member
only, the Hottentot, the dialects of which do not differ essentially from
each other.

“ The Hottentot and Bantu languages have one very essential feature
of their structure in common. In both, as a rule, each noun originally
consists of two portions, one of which we will call the stem, and the
other the representative element. The latter is a part of the noun which
is also used to represent the whole noun, and in this manner either
appears as a pronoun, or combines with other parts of speech, which
•are thereby referred to the noun. For example x x x.

“ These examples are sufficient to show the peculiar structure of the
Zulu language, in which the nouns are divided into thirteen classes, by

jVoies OH the Bushmen.

455

being formed with tliirteen distinct prefixes, which are also used to
represent their respective nouns. The structure of all South African
languages, excepting Hottentot and Bushman, is essentially the same as
that of Kafir and Zulu, with regjtrd to this concord and the classification
of the nouns. The Hottentot language also possesses the same method
of representing a whole noun by one of its parts ; but in Hottentot the
lepresentative portion is not at the beginning of the noun (as prefix),
but at the end (as suffix). Thus x x x x .

“There are in this manner eight different representative elements in
Hottentot, as there are thirteen in Kafir, and sixteen in some of the
languages akin to Kafir, x x x We have not been able to discover
any trace in Bushman of such a system of representation of the nouns ;
and we cannot but conclude that it does not exist in this language. This
may be explained in two different ways. Either the Bushman language
never possessed the faculty of thus representing a noun by one of its
parts, or, at least, had not a regular set of representative elements or
pronouns, and has not developed a classification of the nouns dependent
upon their forms of concord. If so (and there is no certain proof against
such an assumption), the Bushman would belong to a very low order of
language, — a stage in which no true pronouns {i.e. representatives of the
nouns) were developed. But it may also be that Bushman, like many
other languages descended from those in which the nouns were originally
divided on the basis of this system of representing a noun by one of its
parts, has lost this characteristic entirely, x x x It may have
descended from a language possessing a rich system of concords based
upon the representation of each noun by one of its parts. Such a system
may have dwindled away (a process of which we have so many examples),
and all traces of its existence may thus have disappeared. This is
possible, — but priirnd facie not so probable as the reverse proposition,
that the Bushman language belongs to a lower stage of development,
in which neither true pronouns, nor grammatical classes (or genders) of
nouns, had any existence.

“The only instances which I have met with of anythmg like forms
of concord in Bushman are the adjectives small and large., which, in this
language, have different forms for the singular and plural respectively.
Thus |eri is the singular of the adjective indicating small, and the
plural ; %uiya is the singular for the word for large, and %uita the plural ;
Ikuken e !oai gan |eri one veldschoen is small, |!kul|ku e !u gan |en the
tveo vddschoens are small, l|kuka gan ||u iuiya the veldschoen is large, ||ku||ku
e !u gan jju Juita the tico veldschoens are large, i^inui yan tuiya the seaemo
is large, Jnui e +oaya yan l|u ^uita the many seacoics are large, x x x
We should lay more stress upon this grammatical peculiarity, and con-
clude that we could discern in it the remnant of a former system of
concords, if it were not that, as yet, it has only been observed in the
sentences taken down from the mouth of one informant, who was not
a pure Bushman. Yet it is difiicult to see how he could have introduced

45 6 History of South Africa,

this grammatical feature into the language, as the Hottentot construction
is by no means identical in this instance.

Many nouns in Bushman vary in their terminations according to
their position or use. Thus veldschoen may be ykuki, llkuka, or
llkuken. Our knowledge of this language is not yet sujBQciently
advanced to enable us to discern the exact value of these endings ;
but it does not appear that they have anything to do with the
concord, or even clearly with the distinction of singular and plural.
X X X X As the Bushman nouns do not appear to possess any
representative parts, the singular and plural cannot, of course, be dis-
tinguished by the mutual correspondence of such parts. The mode in
which singular and plural are distinguished from each other in the Bushman
language is far more primitive, viz. by reduplication of the first portion of
each noun. Thus | num is heard, and | nu | num heard^s, llnii ear, l|nul|nuntu
ears, jjnoa foot, linoaynoa feet, tu mouth, tutu mouths, llkun wing, llkollkun
wings, ku arm, kukun arms, +koa leg, ikoatkoaken legs. In some of the
latter nouns it appears as if the ending n, en, or ken were, besides the
reduplication, a distinguishing mark of the plural ; but as this ending
sometimes certainly also occurs in the singular, it would be rash to consider
it as the indicator of the plural. The reduplication, on the contrary, has
as yet only been observed in the plural of nouns. This particular
employment of the process of reduplication for the purpose of forming
plurals is, as far as I am aware, peculiar to the Bushman language.
X X X X

“ Next to the plural, the feature as yet most clearly perceived with
regard to Bushman nouns is the formation of the genitive, x x x x
In Bushman the genitive particle is suffixed to the noun, but as there is
no sort of concord by which the noun in the genitive can be referred by
a representative element to the noun which it defines, the noun in the
genitive can only precede the other noun. The suffixed genitive particle
is perfectly difiTerent in Bushman and Hottentot, the Bushman particle
being ka, ga, ya, or a ; e.g. Ilka is lion, and ||ka ga an lion’s flesh, sa ga an

eland’s flesh, Ilka ga !nu lion’s foot, i.e, lion’s traces. This Bushman

genitive particle may, like the corresponding one in Hottentot, be also
totally omitted. In fact, the cases of such omission appear to be more
frequent than those in which the genitive particle is employed, e.g. Ilka Jkui
lion tail, koro Jkui jacJial tail, toi Jkui ostrich tail. The difference in the
form of the suffixed genitive particle in Hottentot and Bushman is as

significant as the difference in the use of the prefixed genitive particles of

in English and de in French. Although the former is identical in
meaning with the French particle, the difference in its form shows at what
a distance English grammar stands, genealogically speaking, from that
of the Romance languages.

“ One other point of great and conclusive dissimilarity between Bushman
and other South African languages is discernible in the forms of the so-
called personal pronouns. They are, as far as we know them, n I, a thou ,

Notes on the Bnshmen.

457

ha /i>', i wc, u you. Of the numerals, the second, !ku or hi, at

least offers no resemblance either to the same numeral in the Bantu
languages, or in Hottentot ; and beyond two every higher number is +oaya
altliough the Bushman may indicate with his fingers to some extent
the exact number, e.^. toaya, showing four fingers, i.e. as many as four,
will indicate four, and +oaya, showing seven fingers, seven.

“ In this deficiency of higher numerals the Bushman race appears to be
even more primitive than the Australian tribes, which generally have
distinct names for the numerals as far as three or four. But the exceedingly
ancient character of the Bushman language appears to be in no way better
vindicated than by their very curious phonetic system. It is customary
to class Hottentot and Bushman together under the category of clicking
languages ; and, to a certain extent, this is correct. But in the frequency
of these strange sounds, in the number bf their varieties, and in the
range of organs which are employed in their pronunciation, the Bushman
tongue by far exceeds the Hottentot language. In Bushman, clicks are
not merely produced by the tongue, but also by the lips. There can be
no question that among the sounds of human language clicks are those
which it requires the greatest effort to produce. The study of the history
of language shows us that the further the speech of a people develops, the
more it throws off such sounds as impede the pronunciation or render it
more difficult. Those languages, therefore, in which the sounds are easiest
of utterance are the farthest removed from the primitive phonetic systems
of human speech, whilst those which abound in uncouth and almost un-
pronounceable sounds must be presumed to have better retained their
ancient phonetic features.”

The above extracts contain all that is known with certainty to-day,
and, unless by some exceeding good fortune Miss Lloyd’s papers are
published, possibly all that will eA^er be known, of the manner in which
paleolithic man in South Africa put together sounds to express his
ideas. From an English translation of some Bushman tales published
in the Folklore Journal, and taken over by me in these notes, it can be
seen that the wild people had the power of expressing action in the
present, past, and future time, and could even convey ideas in a potential
form, but how their verbs were conjugated — a point of such importance
in the history of the growth of language, — the various shades of meaning
that they could convey, the method of formation of a passive voice, and
so much more that could be learned from a few sheets of those Bushman
texts with literal translations, must remain unknown, as it is greatly to
be feared that it is too late now to ascertain these particulars. To find
out what is needed, it would first be necessary to search for any
individuals who may still speak their oAvn language in an uncorrupted
form, and then to spend many years in acquiring a mastery of their
tongue.

As late as 1873 Dr. Bleek intimated in an article in the Cape 3fonthly
Magazine that he had not even then completely acquired all the

45^ History of South Africa.

information that he needed. His words were : “ the present attempt
thoroughly to master the Bushman language has been dictated by
purely scientific motives.’’ And in classifying the languages of South
Africa he says : “ Three kinds of native languages are spoken within
the borders of this colony : — 1, Kafir, belonging to the great family of
Prefix-pronominal languages, which fill almost the whole of South Africa,
and extend to the north-west at least as far as Sierra Leone ; 2,

Hottentot, the only known South African member of the very extensive
Sex-denoting family which has spread itself over North Africa, Europe,
and a great part of Asia ; 3, Bushman, relationship unknown as yet,
presenting outward features of the so-called genderless (or, as Max Muller
calls it, Turanian) class, if related to Hottentot, so exceedingly meta-
morphosed as to be more different from it than English is from Latin ;
yet very primitive in its uncouth sounds and in certain structural features,
whilst many others are evidently the result of processes of contraction,
and of strong grammatical and phonetical changes, the explanation of
which leads us back far into the former history of this original
language.”

In 1875 Hr. Bleek drew up a report for the information of the Cape
parliament, which shows what an enormous amount of work had then
been done. The total quantity of Bushman literature collected covered
7,200 half pages, and was contained in eighty-four volumes. “A large
portion of these Bushman texts,” he wrote, “ has been translated with the
aid of the narrators. From almost the whole of my own translated texts,
the words have already been entered into a Bushman-English Dictionary,
which now contains more than 11,000 entries, and from which, as well
as from my older Dictionary, an Index or English-Bushman Dictionary
(comprising already about 10,000 entries) has been compiled. One of
the stories, that of the Mantis turning himself into a hartebeest, has
been prepared for publication (as a first small text-book of the Bushman
language), to be accompanied by a translation and vocabulary. But
the want of the necessary type, and of means to procure it, has hitherto
prevented the printing of any texts in Bushman.”

The stories of which a synopsis is given cover the field of mythology,
fables, legends, poetry, personal history, &c., but no copies in the
original are given.

This was the state of the work at the time of Dr. Bleek’s death : a
great deal of material collected, but nothing except what has been
mentioned above placed before students or general readers. What
Miss Lloyd performed has already been stated. In 1889 she published
in London A Short Account of further Bushman Material collected, and
with that, which contains nothing in the original, the progress of a work
which promised so much information upon palaeolithic man came to a
perfect standstill.

Notes on the B^isJwien.

459

In the Folklore Joimuil of May 1880 Miss L. C. Lloyd published the
following stories, being the literal translation of two taken down by her
from the dictation of a Bushman named | han+kass’o.

The Son of the Wind.

The wind (the narrator explains the Son of the Wind is here meant)
was formerly still. And he rolled (a ball) to !na-ka-ti. He exclaimed,
“ Oh !na-ka-ti ! there it goes ! ” And !na-ka-ti exclaimed, “ Oh comrade !
there it goes ! ” because !na-ka-ti did not know his (the other one’s) name.
Therefore !na-ka-ti said, “ Oh comrade ! there it goes ! ” He who was
the wind, he was the one who said, “ Oh !na-ka-ti ! there it goes.”

Therefore Ina-ka-ti went to question his mother about the other one’s
name. He exclaimed, “Oh! Our mother! Utter for me yonder
comrade’s name ; for comrade utters my name ; I do not utter comrade’s
name. I would also utter comrade’s name when I am rolling (a ball) to
him. For I do not utter comrade’s name ; I would also utter his name when
I roll a ball to him.” Therefore his mother exclaimed, “ I will not utter
to thee comrade’s name. For thou shalt wait, that father may first
strongly shelter the hut ; and then I will utter for thee comrade’s name.
And thou shalt, when I have uttered for thee comrade’s name, thou must,
when I am the one who has uttered for thee comrade’s name, thou must
scamper away, thou must run home, that thou mayst come into the hut,
whilst thou feelest that the wind would blow thee away.”

Therefore the child went away ; they (the two children) went to roll
(the ball) there. Therefore he (!na-ka-ti) again went to his mother, he
again went to question his mother about the other one’s name. And his
mother exclaimed, “ J erriten- !kuan- !kuan it is; !gau- !gaubu-ti it is. He is
J erriten- Ikuan- !kuan ; he is !gau-!gaubu-ti, he is | erriten- !kuan-lkuan.”

Therefore !na-ka-ti went away. He went to roll (the ball) there, while
he did not utter the other one’s name, because he felt that his mother
was the one who had thus spoken to him. She said, “Thou must not,
at first, utter comrade’s name. Thou must, at first, be silent, even if
comrade be the one who is uttering thy name. Therefore thou shalt,
when thou hast uttered comrade’s name, thou must run home, whilst
thou feelest that the wind would blow thee away.”

Therefore Ina-ka-ti went away. They went to roll (the ball) there,
while the other was the one who uttered his (!na-ka-ti’s) name ; while he
felt that he (Ina-ka-ti) intended that his father might first finish sheltering
the hut, and (when) he beheld that his father sat down, then he would,
afterwards, utter the other one’s name, when he saw that his father had
finished sheltering the hut.

Therefore, when he beheld that his father finished sheltering the hut,
then he exclaimed, “There it goes! Oh [ erriten- Ikuan- Ikuan ! there it
goes I Oh Igau- Igaubu-ti I there it goes I ’’ And he scampered away, he
ran home ; while the other one began to lean over, and the other one fell

460

History of Soiith A f idea.

down. He lay kicking (violently) upon the flat ground. Therefore the
people’s huts vanished away ; the wind blew away their (sheltering)
bushes, together with the huts, while the people could not see for the
dust. Therefore, his (the wind’s) mother came out of the hut (i.e. of the
wind’s hut) ; his mother came to raise him up ; his mother grasping (him),
set him on his feet. And he was unwilling, (and) wanted to lie still.
His mother, taking hold (of him), set him upright. Therefore, the wind
became still ; while the wind had, at first, while it lay, made the dust
rise. Therefore, we who are Bushmen, we are wont to say, “The wind
seems to have lain down, for it does not gently blow (=it blows very
strongly). For, when it stands (upright), then it is wont to be still, if it
stands ; for it seems to have lain down, when it feels like this. Its knee
is that which makes a noise, if it lies down, for its knee does make a
noise. I had wished that it might be gently blowing for us, that we
might go out ; that we might ascend yonder (hill), that we might look at
yonder (dry) river-bed behind (the hill). For we have driven away the
springbok from this place. Therefore, the springbok have gone to yonder
(dry) river-bed, behind (the hill). For we have not a little shot springbok
here (i.e. at this place) ; for we have shot, letting the sun set, at the
springbok here.

The Wind.

The wind was formerly a person. He became a feathered thing (i.e. a
bird). And he flew, while he no longer walked as formerly ; for he flew,
and he dwelt in the mountain (that is, in a mountain hole). Therefore
he flew. He was formerl}^ a person. Therefore he formerly rolled (a
ball) ; he shot ; while he felt that he was a person. He became a
feathered thing ; and then he flew, and he inhabited a mountain hole.
And he was coming out of it, he flew about, and he returns home to
it. And he comes to sleep in it ; and he early awakes (and) goes out
of it ; he flies away ; again he flies away. And he again returns home,
while he feels that he has sought food. And he eats, about, about,
about, about, he again returns home. And he, again, comes to sleep
in it (that is, in his hole).

The following description of the Bushmen, given by a Zulu to the
reverend Canon Callaway, and published by him in his Nursery Tales,
Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus, is an excellent representation of
the feeling of all Bantu towards the primitive people :

The Deeadfulness of the Abatwa.

They are dreaded by men ; they are not dreadful for the greatness of
their bodies, nor for appearing to be men ; no, there is no appearance

Notes on the Bushmen.

461

of manliness ; and greatness there is none ; they are little things, which
go under the grass. And a man goes looking in front of him, thinking,
“If there come a man or a wild beast, I shall see.” And, forsooth, an
Umutwa is there under the grass ; and the man feels when he is already
pierced by an arrow ; he looks, but does not see the man who shot it.
It is this, then, that takes away the strength ; for they will die without
seeing the man with whom they will fight. On that account, then, the
country of the Abatwa is dreadful ; for men do not see the man with
whom they are going to fight. The Abatwa are fleas, which are unseen
whence they come ; yet they teaze a man ; they rule over him, they
exalt themselves over him, until he is unable to sleep, being unable to
lie down, and unable to quiet his heart ; for the flea is small ; the hand
of a man is large ; it is necessary that it should lay hold of something
which can be felt. Just so are the Abatwa ; their strength is like that
of the fleas, which have the mastery in the night, and the Abatwa have
the mastery through high grass, for it conceals them ; they are not seen.
That then is the power with which the Abatwa conquer men, concealment,
they laying wait for men ; they see them for their part, but they are not
seen.

The bow with which they shoot beast or man does not kill by itself
alone ; it kills because the point of their arrow is smeared with poison,
in order that as soon as it enters, it may cause much blood to flow ;
blood runs from the whole body, and the man dies forthwith. But that
poison of theirs, many kinds of it are known to hunters of the elephant.
That then is the dreadfulness of the Abatwa, on account of which they
are dreaded.

The Colour of the Bushmen.

The colour of the Bushmen seems to indicate that it was acquired for
a purpose of the greatest utility to them. On the arid plains and bare
mountain sides they w’ere invisible at a short distance, so closely did
the tint of their skin resemble that of the dried-up soil. Even their
scantily covered scalps were of advantage to them in this respect. After
rains when high grass sprang up, through which they could creep
covered with a few tufts, or in a bushy country where they could adopt
disguises, their colour would be a matter of little importance, but on
the great plains of South Africa it meant a very great deal, for it enabled
them by keeping to leeward and making use of anthills or boulders or
shrubs to stalk their prey until within distance of their arrows. Is it
not reasonable to suppose that the same guiding mind which coloured
so many of the lower animals in accordance with their environment
should have exerted its beneficent power in aid of savage man in the
same way ? In the far distant time when the ancestors of the Bushmen

462

History of South A frica,

made their first appearance in South Africa they may not have been of
the same colour as they were when Europeans first saw them. People
so similar to them in nearly all other respects — for instance the Semang
of the Malay peninsula, — that it is impossible to doubt that they are of
the same race, are much darker skinned and their heads are more thickly
covered with spiral hair. But even in South Africa, as the traveller
Burchell observed in the early years of the nineteenth century, the
Bushmen north of the Orange were differently coloured from those south
of that river, though each section had the tint best suited to its sur-
roundings. This cannot be accidental. Of course when clothing came
to be worn by primitive man such changes were useless, and consequently
ceased to take place.

SYNOPTICAL INDEX.

Abraham Zwartbooi, chief of a section of the red nation : assists the
Hereros in their war of independence, 319 ; further mention of, 332,
333, 344, and 345

Adam Kok : in 1863 is located with his Griquas in part of I^omansland,
67 ; drives Nehemiah Moshesh out of the territory, 67 and 68 ; in
his old age finds himself in a difficult position, 185 ; in October
1874 surrenders his authority to the government of the Cape Colony,
186 ; on the 30th of December 1875 dies, 187
Agriculture : extent of ground used for in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43
d’ Albuquerque, Captain Mousinho : in December 1895 by a daring march
captures the chief Gungunyana, 412
Alfred County : in 1865 is annexed to Natal, 360

Algoa Bay : account of shipwrecks in October 1859 and September 1869
at, 105

I Amaqua tribe of Hottentots ; .particulars concerning, 317
Amatshezi clan of Bantu: account of the, 174
Amraal, chief of the GeillKhauas : in 1865 dies, 316
Anarchy in Eastern Pondoland : account of, 221

Andersson, Mr. C. J. : assists the Hereros in their war of independence,
and is severely wounded, 320

d’Andrada, Colonel Joaquim Carlos Paiva : transactions in 1890 of, 400,
403, and 404

d’Andrada, Onofre Louren§o, commandant of the Portuguese fort at
Lourengo Marques : in 1862 assists Umzila against his rival and in
return obtains a cession of territory, 393
Andries Lambert, chief of the GeillKhauas : particulars concerning, 316,
324, and 334

Angoni horde of Bantu : career of the, 383

Angora goats : particulars concerning the introduction into the Cape
Colony of, 12

Annexation of British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony : particulars con-
cerning, 23 to 26, 28, 37, and 70 to 75
Annexation of the diamond fields to the British dominions : eflect upon
the blacks of, 267

Anniversary of the arrival of the British settlers in the Cape Colony :
in May 1870 the fiftieth is celebrated in Grahamstown, 110

463

464

History of South Africa.

Anta, Gaika chief : mention oh, 52

Anthing, Mr. Louis : is sent by the Cape government as a special
commissioner to the territory along the Hartebeest river, 30 ; in
April 3863 sends in a report dealing with the Bushmen, 31
Aponda, chief of the Ovambanderu : mention of, 324 and 327
Arbitration between Great Britain and Portugal concerning the owner-
ship of Delagoa Bay : account of, 395 and 396
Arnot, Mr. David : in 1873 is elected representative of Hay in the
legislative council of Griqualand West, 280 ; claims extensive tracts
of land granted to him as private property by Nicholas Waterboer,
288 and 289 ; is the most advanced imperialist in South Africa, 292
Athens, Union Company’s steamer : on the 17th of May 1865 is lost in
Table Bay with all on board, 77 and 78
Ayliff, Mr. James : in January 1872 visits Nomansland on a commission,
68 and 69 ; in May 1873 becomes resident with Kreli, 155 ; in
March 1876 becomes agent in Fingoland, ib.

Ayliff, Hon. William, secretary for native affairs : in September 1878
obtains the consent of the Emigrant Tembu chiefs to come under
the authority of the Cape Colony, 173

Baca tribe of Bantu : account of the, 63 ; good conduct of the section
under the chief Makaula, 188 ; in 1878 they assist the Cape govern-
ment during the Griqua insurrection, 189 ; and in 1880 during the
rebellion of various tribes, 198
Bakwena tribe of Bantu : account of the, 305 and 306
Bamangwato tribe of Bantu : account of the, 306 and 307
Bangwaketse tribe of Bantu : account of the, 304 and 305
Bank notes duty : in 1864 is first imposed in the Cape Colony, 35
Banks in Natal : particulars concerning, 365

Bantu : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 42 ; characteristics of,
51 ; normal condition of in a state of independence, 64, 69, and
233 ; checks upon the great natural increase of, 255 ; particulars
concerning those in Natal, 360 et seq.

Baptista, Pedro Joao, a black trader : in 1806-11 crosses the continent
from Angola to Tete, 390

Barkly, Sir Henry : on the 31st of December 1870 assumes duty as
governor of the Cape Colony and high commissioner, 114 ; situations
previously held by, ib. ; early in 1871 visits the diamond fields,
Bloemfontein, Basutoland, and the eastern province, ib. ; on the 27th
of April 1871 opens the Cape parliament with a speech in favour of
responsible government and federation, 115 ; deals unceremoniously
with the Orange Free State, 284 and 286
Barkly West, village of : in July 1873 receives its present name, 279
Barnabas, successor of Cornelis Oasib, chief of the red nation : mention
of, 324 and 334

Synoptical Index, 465

Baroswi or Barotsi, the : are brought under subjection by Sebetoan^,
307 ; in 1865 a large section establishes its independence by the
extermination of the Makololo, 315

Batonga along the Zambesi : are brought under subjection by Sebetoan^,
307

Batonga at Delagoa Bay ; description of, 376

Beaufort West, town of : in October 1869 sustains much damage from
heavy floods, 105

Beii*a, seaport : description of, 399 ; condition of in 1899, 408
Berg Damaras or Ghou Damup : mention of, 316, 320, 332, 335, 342,
and 343

Bickford, Captain, R.N. ; in November 1861 proclaims the islands
Inyaka and Elephant in Delagoa Bay British territory and annexed
to Natal, 392

Bizana, district of : in 1894 is formed, 254

Blakeway, Captain : in November 1880 is killed in Fingoland, 162
Bleek, Dr. W. : is the first custodian of the Grey library in Cape-
town, 20

Blyth, Captain Matthew : in 1869 is appointed Fingo agent, and speedily
acquires great power over the people, 60 ; in March 1876 becomes
chief magistrate of the districts of Matatiele, Kokstad, and Umzim-
kulu, 187 ; also of Mount Frere, 188 ; in September 1878 is
appointed chief magistrate of Transkei, 161 and 189
Bomvanaland : in December 1878 is united to the chief magistracy of
Tembuland, 176

Bomvanas, the : account of, 174
Bondelzwarts, Hottentot clan : mention of, 319

Bonga, a resident of the bank of the Zambesi ; rebels against Portuguese
authority and for many years successfully resists the forces sent against
him, 411 ; in 1853 plunders and partly destroys Tete, 410 ; but in
1888 is subdued by Gouveia, 411

Books upon South Africa published during recent years : list of, 415
Bo^honis, transport : on the 21st of October 1867 is wrecked near Cape
Saint Francis, 95

Botlasitsi, son of Gasibone, Batlapin chief : in 1878 is at 'W^ar with
Griqualand West, 296 and 297 ; in November of that year is made
a prisoner and confined at Kimberley, 301
Boundary of Portuguese South Africa, 406

Bowker, James Henry : in May 1870 succeeds Sir Walter Currie as
commandant of the Cape frontier armed and mounted police, 99
Bowker, Thomas Holden : in 1872 is a member of the Griqualand West
land commission, 288 and 289

Boyes, Major J. F. : in April 1876 becomes magistrate of Umtata, 170
Brand, J. H., president of the Orange Free State : is temporarily
irritated by the annexation of the diamond fields to the British
dominions, 265 and 266 ; in 1876 visits England to confer with the

466

History of South Africa.

imperial authorities, 291 ; and accepts an offer made by Earl
Carnarvon to settle the dispute regarding Griqualand West, ib.

Breakwater in Table Bay : in September 1860 its construction is
commenced, 5 '

Brisley, G. C. : as a representative of Adam Kok arranges in February 1875
for the transfer of the Griquas to the rule of the Cape Colony, 186

British Kaffraria : population, revenue, expenditure, and exports in 1861
of, 18 ; in 1865 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 75 ; imports and
exports of from 1862 to 1865, 76 ; population in 1865 of, ib. See
Annexation

British settlers : celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the arrival in
the Cape Colony of, 110

British South Africa Chartered Company : on the 29th of October 1889
is established, 400

Brownlee, Mr, Charles : on the 16th of March 1865 holds an important
meeting with the Gaika chiefs, 52 ; in November 1872 becomes secretary
for native affairs in the Cape Colony under responsible government,
147 ; in January 1873 visits the Transkei and brings about peace

. ' between the Tembus and Xosas, 58 and 59 ; in December 1878
becomes chief magistrate of Griqualand East, 191 ; in October 1880
narrowly escapes from Matatiele at the beginning of the Basuto>
rebellion, 194

Burness, Messrs. ; in May 1878 are murdered by insurgents at Daniel’s
Kuil, 298

Bushmen : disappear utterly from the country between Grahamstown and
King-Williamstown, 2 ; in 1844 are the only inhabitants of the
territory along the base of the Drakensberg, 63 ; have as their last
retreat in the Cape Colony the territory along the Hartebeest river,
30 ; which is invaded by people of various races, who destroy many
of them, 30 and 31 ; an attempt is made by the government to
establish those who are left as graziers, but it fails, 31 ; subsequent
career of these people, 32 and 98 ; note on, 92 ; further mention of,
64, 97, 99, 316, 328, 333, and 335 ; notes on their language,
&c., 447

Butterworth, district of : in September 1877 is formed, 160 ; as part of
Fingoland in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 155

Butterworth mission station : particulars concerning, 44

Buyskes, P. L., sheriff of Griqualand West : in 1872 is a member of the
land commission, 288

Cala, district of : in May 1881 is formed, but in September 1884 is
partitioned between Xalanga and St. Mark’s, 179

Caldas, Joao Pereira de Sousa : in June 1818 is killed in a quarrel with
Bantu at Delagoa Bay, 375

Caldas, Jos^ Antonio, captain of the fort at Louren^o Marques : in 1805
obtains from a Bantu chief a cession of a large tract of land, 374

Synoptical Index.

467

Cape Cross : note on, 341

Cape mounted rifles : in 1870 the regiment is disbanded, 149

Cape of Good Hope Telegraph Company : particulars concerning, 11

Capg parliament ; proceedings during the session of 1861, 7 to 11 ; during
the session of 1862, 23 to 28 ; during the session of 1863, 32 to 34 ;
during the session of 1864, 35 to 37 ; during tlie session of 1865, 72
to 74 ; during the session of 1866, 79 to 82 ; during the session of
1867, 85 to 93 ; during the session of 1868, 96 ; during the session
of 1869, 100 to 103 ; during the session of 1870, 106 to 109 ; during
the session of 1871, 115 to 128 ; during the session of 1872, 134 to
145 and 268 to 271 ; increase in 1865 of the number of members of
both houses, 75 ; in 1875 declares it desirable to annex the western
coast as far as Walfish Bay, 329 ; in the session of 1884 passes an
act to annex Walfish Bay to the colony, 338 ; and at the same time
approves of the annexation to the colony of the coast line of Hereroland
and Great Namaqualand, 346

Capetown : population in 1865, 42 ; in 1867 is ravaged by fever, 83 and
84

de Cardenas, Lupe, captain of the fort at Lourengo Marques: in 1823 is
murdered by Bantu and nearly his whole force perishes, 382

Cardwell, Right Hon. Mr., secretary of state for the colonies : in August
1864 resolves to withdraw British dominion from the Transkeian
territories, 48

Carel Ruji>ers, Korana captain : account of, 97

Carnarvon, Earl : on the 6th of J uly 1866 succeeds Mr. Cardwell as
secretary of state for the colonies, 351 ; in 1876 arranges the long
dispute with the Orange Free State concerning the diamond fields,
291 ; in January 1878 makes known the views of the imperial
government regarding Hereroland and Great Namaqualand, 336
to 338

Carty, a policeman : is murdered on the Pondo border, 252

Castle Steamship Company : particulars concerning, 149

Cathcart, district of : in 1878 is formed of the Gaika location west of
the Kei, from which the former inhabitants have been removed, 161
and 162

Cattle Damaras : see Hereros

Cattle lifting along the eastern Pondo border : mention of, 219, 220,
222, 223, 224, 232, and 234

Cattle thefts by and from Pondos : return of, 237

Census of the Cape Colony taken in March 1865 : particulars concerning,
42 and 43

Chalmers, Mr. E. B. : in February 1871 is appointed resident with
Gangelizwe, 57 and 58

Chalmers, Mr. William B. : from September 1861 to the end of 1864 is
special magistrate at Idutywa, 45

Chapman, William : in August 1878 is murdered at Kuruman, 300

468

History of South Africa.

Ohristian Afrikaner : succeeds his father Jonker as captain of a
Hottentot clan, 319 ; in June 1863 attacks Otjimbingue, and is
fw^killed^in the action, 319

Chronological list of the principal events in South African history, 436
of Feterhorough, barque : on the 17th of May 1865 is lost in Table
Bay with all on board, 77

Cobbe, Captain : in 1865 is stationed with the Fingos in the Transkeiari
territory, 53 ; further mention of, 59 ; in May 1869 is withdrawn,

CoflFee planting in Natal : particulars concerning, 357
Cole, Mr. E. M., auditor-general : in 1871 signs a memorandum in
antagonism to the introduction of respqnsible government in the
Cape Colony, 118

Colenbrander, Mr. T. W. : is the head of the Dutch settlement at New
Gelderland in Natal, 352

Colenso, Right Rev. Dr., bishop of Natal : particulars of the celebrated
case of, 366 and 367

Colley, Lieutenant George Pomeroy : from September 1858 to May 1860
is special magistrate at Idutywa, 45

Colquhoun, Mr. Archibald : is the first administrator of Mashonaland,
401 ; further mention of, 403

Combat between the Pondos and Bacas in J une 1885 : account of, 222
and 223

Commerce at Delagoa Bay in 1823 ; description of, 376
Commercial crisis in Natal in 1865 : particulars concerning, 365
Constitution amendment bill (introduction of responsible government) :
particulars concerning its adoption by the house of assembly and
rejection by the legislative council of the Cape Colony in 1871, 126 ;
in April 1872 is again brought before the Cape parliament, 136 ; and
in J une is passed by both houses, 139 ; in August is approved by
the queen, 146 ; and on the 28th of November is promulgated by
proclamation, ib.

Coode, Sir John, marine engineer : designs the harbour works in Table
Bay, 10; in 1870 furnishes plans for the improvement of East
London, Port Alfred, and Algoa Bay, 111
Cornells Oasib, chief of the red nation : mention of, 319
da Costa, Jose Marques, captain of Sofala : in 1836 is killed in battle
with the Matshangaria, 385

Cotton : experiments in the cultivation of in the Cape Colony, 112 ;

quantities exported from 1867 to 1871, ib.

Cotton growing in Natal : particulars concerning, 357
County councils in Natal : in 1857 are abolished, 359
Courts of justice in Natal : particulars concerning, 359
da Cruz, Antonio Vicente : see Bonga
da Cruz, Joaquim Jose : see Nyaude

Camming, Mr. Thomas A. : in October 1869 is appointed superintendent

Synoptical htdex, 469

at Idutywa, 60 ; in March 1875 becomes magistrate at Kokstad, 186 ;
in March 1876 returns to Idutywa, 187

Cumming, Mr. William G. : in July 1878 becomes magistrate of
Xalanga, 172

Cunynghame, General Sir Arthur: in 1875 accompanies a military force
sent to the diamond fields to restore order, 287

Currie, Sir Donald : in 1886 assists very matmlally in the arrangement
of matters between Great Britain and the Orange Free State, 291

Currie, Sir Walter, commandant of the frontier armed and mounted police :
mention of, 47, 48, and 49 ; in March 1861 visits the Pondo chief
Faku, who offers to cede Nomansland to the Cape Colony, 66 ; in
March 1862 visits Nomansland to try to arrange the south-western
boundary of Natal, 67 ; in 1865 assists in laying down that
boundary, 360 ; in 1869 with ^ne hundred and fifty men of the
police is sent to the northern border to conduct operations against
the Koranas, 98 ; where his health breaks down, so that he is
obliged to retire, 99 ; in June 1872 dies, ib.

Customs duties : in 1864 those in the Cape Colony are increased to ten
per cent ad valorem, 35 ; particulars of those in Natal, 355 ; and
of those at Portuguese ports on the eastern coast after 1853, 388

Dalasile, head of the Amakwati clans of the Tembu tribe : particulars
concerning, 56 and 58 ; in December 1875 agrees to become a
British subject, 169 and 170 ; in 1878 is fined a hundred head of
cattle for disobedience, 172 ; in 1880 rises in rebellion, but is driven
from his territory and thoroughly subdued, 177 ,* in May 1895
dies, 181

Dalindyebo : in December 1884 succeeds his father Gangelizwe as chief
of the Tembus, 181 ; in November 1886 offers to assist the
Europeans against the Pondos, 240

Da^^€, Union Company’s steamship : on the 1st of December 1865 is
wrecked near Cape Recife, 78

Darala, Tembu chief : particulars concerning, 50 and 54 ; in September
1878 consents to come under the authority of the Cape Colony, 173 ;
in June 1884 dies, 181

David Christian, captain of the [Amaqua, an immigrant Hottentot clan
living at Bethany in Great Namaqualand : mention of, 317, 324,
and 334 ; on the 11th of November 1880 is killed in battle at New
Barmen, 344

Davidson, Mr. J. C., treasurer-general : in 1871 signs a memorandum
in antagonism to the introduction of responsible government in the
Cape Colony, 118 ; in December 1872, upon the introduction of
responsible government, retires on pension, 147

David Witbooi, captain of the Hottentot clan at Gibeon ; mention of,
325

Defensive force of the Cape Colony in 1872 : particulars concerning, 149

470 History of South Africa,

Delagoa Bay : condition of the Bantu on its shores in 1823, 375 ; is
considered by Captain Owen as of much importance to Great
Britain, 377 and 381 ; in October 1833 the Portuguese fort is
destroyed by the Matshangana and the whole garrison is murdered,
384

Delagoa Bay arbitration case : account of, 395 and 396
De Pass, Mr. Daniel : acquires extensive concessions in Great
Namaqualand, 347

Diamond : account of the first found in South Africa, 91
Diamond digging in 1871 : account of, 264 to 266

Diamond Fields Horse : perform excellent service in 1878 in the war
between the Xosas and the Cape Colony, 296
Diamond”mines ; condition in 1877 of, 293

Diamonds : sensational thefts of in 1872, 271 and 272 ; value of exports
of, 282

Diamond Steamship Company ; particulars concerning, 38
Disarmament act : in 1879 is enforced in Idutywa, Butterworth,
Nqamakwe, and Tsolo, 162

Distress in the Cape Colony ; in 1867 reaches an acute point, 83
Dock in Table Bay : particulars concerning, 10 ; on the 17th of May
1870 is opened for use. 111

Donker Malgas : in 1878 is a leader of the insurgents in Griqualand
West, 297 ; on the 5th of June of that year his stronghold in the
Langebergen is taken by storm, 298

Dordrecht, village of : in 1857 is founded, 131 ; in 1871 becomes the
seat of magistracy of the district of Wodehouse, ib.

Douglas, Sir Percy : in November 1863 succeeds Dieutenant-General
Wynyard as, commander - in - chief of the British forces in South
Africa, 48

Drought : effects of, 21

Dukwana, son of Ntsikana : is killed in the rebellion of 1878, 181
Durban : description of in 1872, 368

Eastern districts court of the Cape Colony : in 1865 is established, 37 ;
after 1882 has jurisdiction in the annexed districts east of the
Kei, 207

Eastern Province, Diamond Company’s steamship : on the 26th of June
1865 is wrecked near the mouth of Ratel River, 38
East London : particulars concerning the improvement of the harbour of,
131 ; on the 26th of May 1872 in a gale seven vessels are wrecked
at, 150

Education in the Cape Colony : progress of, 149
Education in Natal : particulars concerning, 358
Einwald, Herr, a German in Pondoland : mention of, 249
Electors : number of in each province of the Cape Colony in 1872 and
in 1873, 141

Sy floptical hidex. 471

Electric telegraph : in 1863 is opened between Durban and Maritzburg,
366

Elliot, Major Henry G. : in August 1877 becomes chief magistrate of
Tembuland Proper, 171 \ in March 1894 conducts the negotiations
for the cession of Western Pondoland to Great Britain, 252 and 253

Elliot dale, district of : in March 1878 is formed, 176 ; in August 1885
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

Elton, Captain : in 1870 explores the central course of the Limpopo
river, 396 and 397

Emigrant Tembuland ; in 1878 is divided into two districts, Southey-
vUle and Xalanga, 172 ; which are joined to the chief magistracy
of Tembuland Proper, 173

Emigration of white people from the Cape Colony : particulars con-
cerning, 22, 39, and 96

Emjanyana, district of : in March 1876 is formed, 170 ; in August
1885 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

Engcobo, district of : in March 1876 is formed, 170 ; in 1882 part of
the district is cut off for occupation by Europeans, 179 ; in August
1885 it is annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

English weights and measures : since the 1st of January 1861 have alone
been legal in the Cape Colony, 6

Erskine, Major D. : in June 1878 is appointed resident at Walfish
Bay, 338

European farmers in Tembuland : account of, 56

European immigrants into Natal ; particulars concerning, 350, 351, and
352

Europeans : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 42

Eustace, Colonel J. T. : in November 1876 becomes resident with Kreli,
155 ; in September 1877, owing to the outbreak of war, withdraws
from the post, 157

Expenditure : of British Kaffraria in 1861, 18 ; of the Cape Colony,
comparison between 1854 and 1866, 80 ; of the Cape Colony, items
of in 1871 and 1872, 153

Exports : of British Kaffraria through East London in 1861, 18 ; of
British Kaffraria through East London from 1862 to 1865, 76 ; of
the Cape Colony from 1862 to 1867, 94 ; of the Cape Colony from
1868 to 1872, 151 and 152 ; of Natal from 1857 to 1872, 370 and 371

Fairbaim, Mr, John ; on the 5th of October 1864 dies, 39

Faku, paramount Pondo chief ; particulars concerning, 61, 62, 66, and
359 ; dealings of the Natal government with, 64 and 65 ; on the
29th of October 1867 dies, 69 and 212

Federation; in June 1871 a commission is appointed by the governor
of the Cape Colony to inquire into and report upon, 128 ; in March
1872 the commission sends in a report, 130 ; after which the
question ceases to engage public attention, 131

472 History of South Africa.

Fever ; in 1867 causes great loss of life in the Cape Colony, 83J and 84
Fihla, petty Galeka chief ; in August 1877 is bruised in a quarrel at a
Fingo wedding, which leads to the ninth Kaffir war, 156
Fingoland : in September 1878 is divided into three magisterial district®
named Nqamakwe, Tsomo, and Butterworth, 161 ; in October 187^
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 155

Fingos ; increase in number very rapidly, 53 ; in 1865 have a great
tract of land beyond the Kei given to them, ib. ; prosper greatly
under the guidance of Captain Blyth, 60, 154, and 164
Finnish evangelical society : in 1869 establishes a mission with the
Ovambo, 347

Flax : experiments in the cultivation of in the Cape Colony, 112
Forbes, Captain Patrick William : in November 1890 takes decisive
action against the Portuguese at Umtasa’s kraal, 403, 404, and 405
Fort Sao Sebastiao : state of in the early years of the nineteenth
century, 373

Frontier armed and mounted police of the Cape Colony : strength of ip.
1872, 149

Fynn, Mr. William : in July 1865 is stationed as resident with Kreli,
54 ; mention of, 57 ; in June 1877 becomes resident with Moni, 174 ;
in March 1878 becomes magistrate of Bomvanaland, 176

Gabela, Pondo counsellor : is put to death for causing the illness of his
chief, 248

Gaikas, the : in 1878 are removed to the district of Kentani, east of the
Kei, 161

Galekaland : in February 1878 is brought by conquest under the Cape
government, 160 ; in September 1878 is divided into the two
districts of Kentani and Willowvale, 161
Galekas, the : in February 1858 are driven over the Bashee into
Bomvanaland, 44 ; in 1864 are permitted to return to the present
districts of Kentani and Willowvale, 49 ; in February 1878 are again
driven over the Bashee, 160. See Kreli, Ninth Kaffir war, and
Willowvale

Gambushe, Bomvana chief : is received as a vassal by the Galeka chief
Elawuta, 174

Game : abundance of in 1860 in the Orange Free State, 4
Gangelizwe, paramount Tembu chief : particulars concerning, 51, 55, and
56 ; in May 1866 takes as his great wife a daughter of the Xosa
chief Kreli, 57 ; who suffers brutal treatment from him, ib. ,* Kreli
complains to the governor, who fines Gangelizwe forty head of
cattle, ib. ; but the Xosas are dissatisfied, and war between the
tribes follows, ib. ; on the 6th of October 1872 the Tembus are
defeated in a battle, when Gangelizwe flees to Clarkebury, 58 ; he
then offers his country to the British government, ib. ; but when a
commissioner is sent to conclude the arrangement he withdraws the

47S

Synoptical Index,

offer, ib. ; in January 1873 formally concludes peace with Kreli, 59 \
in July 1875 causes a Galeka woman, one of his concubines, to be
murdered, 167 ; on Kreli’s referring the matter to the colonial
government, an investigation takes place, and Gangelizwe is fined
two hundred head of cattle and £100 in money, 168 ; as the Galekas
are not satisfied with this punishment and seem resolved to be
avenged, Gangelizwe and his subordinate chiefs again offer to come
under the colonial government, ib. ; the offer is accepted, and in
December 1875 the main branch of the Tembu tribe become British
subjects, 169 ; it is announced, however, that Gangelizwe cannot be
recognised as a chief, ib. ; but as his people will not ignore him
and become sullen and disaffected, at the close of 1876 he is
restored to his former rank, 171 ; in the war of 1877-8 he renders
good service to the Cape Colony, 172 ; in the insurrection of 1880
again renders good service, 177 ; in 1882 cedes a portion of the
district of Engcobo for occupation by Europeans, 179 ; in 1882 sells
to the government land for a commonage for the town of Umtata,
180 ; in December 1884 dies, 181

Garner, Mr. J. H. : in May 1876 becomes magistrate of Mount Frere, 188
Garrison of the Cape Colony : —

85th regiment, in May 1863 leaves for England, 41
59th regiment, in October 1861 leaves for England, 15
Second battalion of the 13th regiment, in March 1863 leaves for
Mauritius, 41

Second battalion of the 10th regiment, in November 1864 leaves for
India, 41

Second battalion of the 11th regiment, in September 1861 arrives
from England, 15 ; in April 1865 leaves for China, 41 ; in July
1866 returns to South Africa, 148; in June 1870 leaves for
England, ib.

96th regiment, in IMarch 1863 arrives, 41 ; in October and November
1865 leaves for India, 41

Second battalion of the 5th regiment, in April 1863 arrives from
Mauritius, 41 ; in May 1867 leaves for England, 148
First battalion of the 10th regiment, in November 1864 arrives,
41 ; in March 1868 leaves, 148

99th regiment, in April and September 1865 arrives, 41 ; in July

1865 leaves for England, 148

67th regiment, in April and September 1865 arrives, 41 ; in July

1866 leaves, 148

First battalion of the 9th regiment, in October 1865 arrives, 41 ;

in August 1870 leaves for England, 148
Second battalion of the 20th regiment, in May 1867 arrives, 148 ; in
June 1870 leaves for Mauritius, ib. ; in January 1871 one wing
returns from Mauritius, and in December of the same year
leaves for England, ib.

474 History of South Africa.

86th regiment, in May 1867 one wing arrives from Gibraltar, and
in December of the same year proceeds to Mauritius, 148 ; in
October 1868 the other wing arrives, and in July 1870 the first
one returns from Mauritius, ib.

32nd regiment, in July 1869 arrives ; in October 1871 one wing
leaves for Mauritius, 148
75th regiment, in October 1871 arrives, 148

In December 1872 the 75th, the 86th, and one wing of the 32nd
are in South Africa, 148

Gasiyitsiwe : succeeds his grandfather Makaba as chief of the
Bangwaketse, 305

Gawler, Colonel : in August and September 1858 is special magistrate
at Idutywa, 45

Gecelo, son of Tshopo, vassal Tembu chief : particulars concerning, 50
and 54 ; in September 1878 consents to come under colonial
authority, 173 ; in 1880 rises in rebellion, but is driven from his
territory and thoroughly subdued, 177

GeillKhauas, Hottentot tribe : particulars concerning, 316, 333, 334, and
343

George Moshesh : conduct of, 241

Germany : in August 1884 takes possession of the coast of Great
Namaqualand and Hereroland, 347 ; and shortly acquires an
immense extent of territory to the eastward, 348

Ghou Damup : see Berg Damaras

Gibeon, Rhenish mission station ; in 1866 is destroyed, 321

Gladwin, Mr. F. P. : in October 1877 is appointed assistant magistrate
at Tsomo, 160 ; in October 1878 becomes magistrate of Nqamakwe,
161

Glen Grey : efforts of Sir Philip Wodehouse to obtain for European
colonisation, 45 and 50

Glynn, Colonel, of the 24th regiment : after December 1877 commands
the forces east of the Kei to the end of the ninth Kaffir war,
159

Goats : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43

Gobabis : the Rhenish mission station at is plundered and destroyed by
the GeillKhauas under Lambert, 321

Godlonton, Hon. Robert : proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 74,
128, and 139 ; in 1871 is a member of the federation commission,
128

Gomaperi : action of the 16th of July 1878 between the Hereros and
Hottentots at, 299

Gouveia : performs important services for the Portuguese government in
South Africa, 402 and 411 ; transactions in 1890 of, 403 and 404 ;
in 1892 is killed in battle with the chief Makombi, 412

Graham, Mr. Robert : on the 24th of December 1864 becomes governor’s
deputy in British Kaffraria, 71 ; as collector of customs and a

475

Synoptical Index.

member of the executive council in 1871 signs a memorandum in
antagonism to the introduction of responsible government in the
Cape Colony, 118

Grahamstown : in 1864 the session of the Cape parliament is held in,
35 ; population in 1865, 42 ; a town hall including a memorial
tower of the British settlers is erected in, 110
Grant, J. Murray : in January 1872 visits Nomansland on a commission,
68 and 69

Graving dock in Table Bay : in 1882 is completed, 143
Green, Mr. Frederick : assists the Hereros in their war of independence,
320 ; in May 1868 narroAvly escapes being killed by Hottentots,
322

Grey college at Bloemfontein : particulars concerning, 16 and 17
Grey institute at Port Elizabeth : particulars concerning, 15 and 16
Grey library : particulars concerning, 19 and 20

Grey, Sir George: from July 1860 to August 1861 is governor of the
Cape Colony for the second time, 1 ; accompanies Prince Alfred on
a tour through South Africa, 2 to 5 ; in July 1861 sends all the
troops in Capetown to Natal, where an attack by Ketshwayo is
feared, 15 ; on the fifteenth of August 1861 leaves South Africa to
assume the government of New Zealand, 18; presents a valuable
library to the Cape Colony, 19 and 20
Griffith, Mr. Charles Duncan : on the 22nd of November 1865 holds an
important meeting with the Tembus in Glen Grey, 51 ; in January
1872 visits Nomansland on a commission, 68 and 69 ; commands
the colonial forces until December 1877 during the ninth Kaffir
war, 156, 157, 158, and 174

Griffith, Mr. William Downes : on the 20th of March 1866 becomes
attorney-general of the Cape Colony, 80 ; in 1871 draws up a
memorandum in antagonism to the introduction of responsible
government in the Cape Colony, 117 ; is excused from drawing up
the constitution amendment act in 1871, as he does not approve
of it, 126 ; in December 1872, upon the introduction of responsible
government, retires on pension, 147

Griqualand East : area of, 60 ; description of, ib. ; is formed into a chief
magistracy in December 1878 by the union of the districts of
Maclear, Qumbu, Tsolo, Matatiele, Kokstad, Umzimkulu, Mount
Frere, and Mount Ayliff, 191 ; laws and regulations of, 192 ;
rebellion in 1880 of various clans in, 192 to 199 ; mode of
administering justice in, 207 ; population in 1885, 207 ; revenue in
1885, ib. ; statistics of education in 1904, 232
Griqualand West : on the 21st of October 1871 is annexed to the British
dominions, 256 ; in July 1873 is erected into a crown colony, 279 ;
it is divided into the electoral districts of Kimberley, Barkly, and
Hay, ib ; in 1877 the Cape parliament passes an act annexing it,
292 ; in 1878 the Griquas, Koranas, and Betshuana residing in it

47 6 History of South Africa.

rebel, 294 to 302 ; public debt of in 1877, 294 ; in October 1880 the
annexation is completed, 303

Griqualand West land court : in 1875 is appointed, 289 ; proceedings of,
290

Griquas of Nicholas Waterboer : cause of their rebellion in 1878, 294
and 295

Gungunyana : in 1884 succeeds his father Umzila as chief of the Ma-
tshangana, 400 ; in 1894 sets the Portuguese government at defiance,
412 ; but in December 1895 is made a prisoner and is banished to
Portugal, ib. ; in December 1906 dies, 413
Guns : are sold freely to blacks at the diamond fields, 282 and 296 ; a
large number are seized by the Free State authorities at Magers-
fontein, 282 ; the republican government is compelled by Sir Henry
Barkly to restore them and to pay damages for the seizure, 283 and
284

Gwadiso, Pondo chief : conduct of, 249

Hahn, Rev. Dr. C. H., Rhenish missionary : in 1868 is almost alone at
Otjimbingue, 322 ; in September 1870 draws up the treaty of peace
between the Hereros and the Hottentots, 325 ; in 1882 induces
some of the clans in Hereroland and Great Namaqualand to make
peace, 345

Harbour works at Natal ; particulars concerning, 356
Harding, John William ; sensational theft of diamonds by, 271 and 272
Harding, Mr. Walter ; on the 11th of April 1850 on behalf of the Natal
government concludes a treaty with the Pondo chief Faku, 64
Hargreaves, Rev. Mr. : in 1872 acts as a peacemaker between the Xosa
and Tembu tribes, 58 ; in October 1875 draws up the proposals of
the Tembus to cede their country to the Cape government, 168 ;
further mention of, 241

Harries, Mr. William Matthew ; is the leader in the Cape parliament in
the effort to separate the two provinces of the Cape Colony, 7 and 27
Hartebeest Hoek, farm of Mr. Andrew Bain near Bloemfontein : account
of Prince Alfred’s hunt at, 4
Hartebeest River, territory drained by : description of, 30
Hawthorn, Mr. George W. : in January 1879 becomes magistrate of
Kokstad, 191 ; in October 1880 narrowly escapes from Matatiele at
the beginning of the Basuto rebellion, 194
Hay, Lieutenant-General Charles Craufurd : from the 20th of May to the
31st of December 1870 is head of the Cape government, 109
Heads of the Cape government : succession of.

Sir George Grey, governor and high commissioner, 4th July 1860 to
15th August 1861 ;

Lieutenant-General Robert Henry Wynyard, acting governor, 15th
August 1861 to 15th January 1862 ;

Sir Philip Edmond Wodehouse, governor and high Commissioner,,
15th January 1862 to 20th May 1870 ;

Synoptical Index, 477

Lieutenant - General Charles Craufurd Hay, acting governor, 20th
May to 31st December 1870 ;

Sir Henry Barkly, governor and high commissioner, 31st December
1870

Helmore, Rev. Holloway : in 1859 leads a mission party to Linyanti, and
dies there with his wife and two of his children, 312 and 313
Henman, Mr. : on the 23rd of October 1880 is murdered by the Pondonjsis,'
195

Hereros, the : in 1840 are reduced to servitude by the Hottentots under
Jonker Afrikaner, 316 ; in 1863 attempt to regain their independ-
ence, 319 ; at Omukaru gain a decisive victory over the Hottentots,
324 ; and in September 1870 peace is concluded between the
belligerents, 325 ; in 1880 war with the Hottentots recommences,
343

Hermanns van Wyk, leader of a party of mixed breeds : in 1870 settles
at Rehoboth in Great Namaqualand, 323
Heyman, Captain, of the British South Africa Company’s police : in May
1891 defeats a Portuguese force near Andrada, 405
Hoachanas, Rhenish mission station : in 1866 is destroyed, 321
Hohne, Mr. F. K. : in September 1872 acts as president of the Orange
Free State, 278

Hope, Mr. Hamilton : in July 1878 becomes magistrate of Qumbu, 190 ;
acts bravely on the outbreak of rebellion, 194 ; on the 23rd of October
1880 is murdered by the Pondomsis, 195
Homed cattle : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43
Horses : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43
Hospital at Butterworth : particulars concerning, 164
Hottentots : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 42
Hottentots in Great Namaqualand : particulars concerning, 317 and 318
House duty act : in 1870 is passed by the Cape parliament, 108
Idutywa, district of : in August 1858 a settlement of Bantu under a
British magistrate is formed at, 45 ; until the end of 1864 it is re-
garded as a dependency of the crown colony of British KaflFraria,
45 ; in October 1879 it is annexed to the Cape Colony, 155
Illicit diamond buying : particulars concerning, 272 to 277, 280, 286, and
294

Immigrants from Great Britain : in 1862 continue to arrive in the Cape
Colony, 22

Immigration into the Cape Colony from Germany and Holland :
particulars concerning, 23

Imports of British Kaffraria : from 1862 to 1865, 76
Imports of the Cape Colony : from 1862 to 1867, 93 ; from 1868 to 1872,
151

Imports of Natal : from 1857 to 1872, 369

Income tax ; rejection in 1869 by the Cape parliament of a proposal by
the governor to levy, 100

478

History of South Africa.

Indian immigrants in Natal ; particulars concerning, 353 et seq.

Inhambane : condition of in 1823, 379 ; condition of in 1834, 385 ; is^
destroyed by the Matshangana, ib. ; condition of in 1899, 409
Innes, Mr. James Rose : is the last acting administrator of Griqualand
West, 302

Insurrection in Tembuland in 1880 : account of, 177
Isizi : meaning of the word, 55

Jackalsfontein, near Griquatown : skirmish on the 21st of May 1878 at,^,.
298

Jackson, Mr. Maximilian James: in October 1868 is appointed special
magistrate of the northern border, 97 ; after Sir Walter Currie’s re-
tirement conducts the operations against the insurgent Koranas, 99
Jacob Bois, Hottentot captain : in May 1868 attacks Englishmen near
Walfish Bay and does much damage there, 322 and 323
Jacobus Izaak, captain of an immigrant Hottentot clan living at Beer-
sheba in Great Namaqualand : mention of, 317, 324, and 334
Jameson, Dr. L. S. : is administrator of the British South Africa Com-
pany’s territory, 404

Jane Davies, the : on the 26th of May 1872 is wrecked on the coast near
East London, 150

Jan Jonker Afrikaner : in June 1863 succeeds his brother Christian as
captain of a Hottentot clan, 319 ; in September 1865 attacks Otjim-
bingue, 320 ; at Omukaru sustains a crushing defeat from the
Hererosj 324 ; on the 23rd of September 1870 concludes peace on
humiliating terms, 325 ; tries to bring about a coalition of Hottentot
clans to renew the war, 326 ; but does not succeed in that object,
339 ; further mention of, 334, 345, and 354
Jan Kivido, Korana captain ; account of, 97 ; in 1869 is at war with the
Cape Colony, 98 ; in November 1869 is captured and sent as a
prisoner to Capetown, 99

Jantje, son of Mothibi, Batlapin chief : on the annexation of Griqua-
land West to the British dominions moves from Likhatlong to
Manyiding, 295

Jenkins, Rev. Thomas : mention of, 66

Jo jo, chief of the Xesibes : account of, 203 ; in January 1872 asks to be
taken under the authority of the Cape Colony, 69 ; in July 1878
is received as a British subject, 204

Jonker Afrikaner, Hottentot chief : in 1840 reduces the Herero tribe
to servitude, 316 ; particulars concerning, 317
Jose Amaro, a black trader : in 1806-11 crosses the continent from
Angola to Tete, 390

Joseph Fredericks : succeeds David Christian as captain of the Hotten-
tot clan at Bethany in Great Namaqualand, 345 ; in 1883 sells
territory to the German merchant Luderitz, ib.

Josiah Jenkins, an educated nephew of the Pondo chief Umqikela ; acts
as the chief’s secretary and gives him bad advice, 217, 228, and

479

Synoptical Index.

229 ; during the insurrection of 1878 endeavours to assist the
Griquas, 189 ; in November 1885 plans an attack upon William
Nota, 224

Journeys across the African continent: account of, 390 and 391
Kaffir labour : cost of in 1872, 132

Kamaherero : in 1864 is elected paramount chief of the Ovaherero and
Ovambanderu clans, 320 ; conducts himself in a despotic and irri-
tating manner, 327 ; in June 1874 applies to Sir Henry Barkly for
assistance, 328 ; in August 1880 issues orders for a general massacre
of Hottentots, 343 ; further particulars concerning, 331, 332, 335,
336, 339, 341, 342, and 343 ; in June 1882 makes peace with the
southern Hottentot clans, 345
Kaoko, the : description of, 333

Kanye : is the chief kraal of the Bangwaketse tribe, 305
Karel Hendrik, captain of the Veldschoendragers : mention of, 324
Keate, Lieutenant-Governor : is almost constantly at variance with the
legislative council of Natal, 363 and 364
Kentani, district of : in September 1878 is formed, 161 ; in August 1885
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 166

Ketshwayo, son of the Zulu chief Panda : particulars concerning, 13 ;
in May 1861 is acknowledged by the Natal government as lawful
heir to the chieftainship, 14 ; in July 1861 causes a panic in Natal
by massing his troops on the border, ib. ; but a few weeks later
withdraws his regiments and declares he has no hostile intentions,
15 ; after his father’s death in 1872 conducts himself peaceably
towards Natal, 372

Khari, chief of the Bamangwato : is killed in battle with a Baroswi
clan, 306

Kimberley diamond mine : description of in 1872, 271
Kimberley, town of : in July 1873 receives its present name, 279
King, Mr T. A. : in December 1878 becomes magistrate of Butterworth,
161

Kiva, Galeka chief : on the 22nd of December 1877 crosses the Kei and
appeals to the Gaikas for aid, which results in their rebellion, 159
Klaas Lukas, Korana captain : in 1871 commits depredations on the
northern border, 100

Kleinschmidt, Rev. Mr., Rhenish missionary; is driven from his station
and dies of hardship, 321

Knysna : in 1867 is visited by Prince Alfred, 95 ; in February 1869
sustains great damage from fire, 104 and 105
Kokstad, district of ; in March 1875 is added to the British dominions,
186; in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 192
Kokstad, town of : description of in 1885, 207

Korana clans on the northern border of the Cape Colony : account of,
30 and 96 et seq.

4^0 History of South Africa.

Kowie Harbour Improvement Company : in July 1870 is dissolved, 111
Kreli, paramount Xosa chief : in February 1858 is driven over the
Bashee into Bomvanaland, 44 ; gradually recovers importance, 47 ;
is offered a large tract of land beyond the Umtata, ib. ; which he
declines to accept, ib. ; in May and June 1864 a panic is created on
the colonial frontier by a rumour that he intends to attack the
police, 48 ; in August 1884 has a portion of the territory between
the Kei and the Bashee restored to him, 49 ; in 1875 refers to the
colonial government a charge of murder of a Galeka woman by
Gangelizwe, 168 ; carries on war with Gangelizwe, 57 and 58 ; in

1876 has about twelve thousand warriors at his command, 155 ;
declines to meet Governor Sir Bartle Frere at Butterworth in
September 1877 to try to prevent war, 157 ; on the 5th of October

1877 is proclaimed by Sir Bartle Frere deposed from all power and
authority as a chief, and his country is taken from him, 158 ; on
the 7th of February 1878 is present at the battle of Kentani, 160 ;
has a location assigned to him in the district of EUiotdale, 228; in
November 1886 offers to assist the government against the Pondos, 240

Kuisip River : description of, 331

Kuruman mission station : in 1878 is plundered and threatened with
destruction by the Batlapin and Batlaro, 299 ; is relieved by a
volunteer force from Kimberley, ib.

Lake Ngami : in 1849 is discovered by the reverend Dr. Livingstone
with Messrs. Oswell and Murray, 309
Land commission of Griqualand West : account of, 288 and 289
Land measure of the Cape Colony : particulars concerning, 6 and 7
Langalibalele : rebellion of in Natal, 183 and 184

Lanyon, Major William Owen : in 1875 becomes administrator of Griqua-
land West, 290 ; in March 1879 is removed to the Transvaal, 302
Leary, Mr. J. Glen ; in March 1894 becomes magistrate of Ngqeleni, 254
Leary, Mr. W. Power : in 1894 becomes magistrate of Umsikaba, 254
Lebenya, Basuto chief : in 1867 moves into Nomansland, 68; where in
1869 he has a location assigned to him by Sir Philip Wodehouse,
ib. ; in January 1872 asks to be taken under the authority of the
Cape Colony, 69 ; in October 1880 goes into rebellion, 197 ; is
obliged to abandon Matatiele and retreat to Basutoland, 199 ; after
the suppression of the rebellion he is not allowed to return, ib.
Legislative council of the Cape Colony : particulars concerning, 141 ; in
1874 the colony is divided into seven provinces for the election of
members of, 142

Legislative council of Griqualand West : constitution of, 279 and 280 ;

on the 30th of September 1880 meets for the last time, 303
Lehana, Batlokua chief : in 1869 has a location in Nomansland assigned
to him by Sir Philip Wodehouse, 68; in January 1872 asks to be
taken under the authority of the Cape Colony, 69

Synoptical Index, 481

Letshulatebe, chief of the Batawana : in 1860 treats a distressed
missionary party very kindly, 313

Levey, Mr. Charles J. : in 1869 acts for a short time as Fingo agent,
60 ; in July 1878 becomes magistrate of Southey ville, 172
Lewanika : in 1877 becomes chief of the Barotsi tribe, 315
Leuds, Mr, Robert : in May 1868 narrowly escapes being killed by
Hottentots, 322

Libode, district of : in March 1894 is formed, 254

Liefeldt, Mr. M, W, : in August 1876 becomes magistrate of Matatiele,
189 ; in October 1880 narrowly escapes from Matatiele at the
beginning of the Basuto rebellion, 194
Lighthouse in Simon’s Bay : on the 16th of September 1861 is opened
for use, 11

Lighthouse on Robben Island ; on the 1st of January 1865 is opened
for use, 10

Lighthouse on the Bluff of Natal : in January 1867 is opened for use, 356
Limpopo River ; in 1870 is traced for the first time by Captain Elton
along its central course, 396 and 397
von Linsingen, Captain : in November 1880 with four other Europeans
is killed in Fingoland, 162
Lithako : action of the 24th of July 1878 at, 300

Livingstone, Rev. Dr. : in 1849 discovers Lake Ngami, 309 ; in 1851
visits Linyanti and discovers the Zambesi river in the centre of
the continent, ib. ; in May 1853 visits Linyanti the second time,
310 j between November 1853 and September 1855 travels to St.
Paul de Loanda and back to Linyanti, and from November 1855 to
July 1856 from Linyanti to Kilimane, 311 : in August 1860 reaches
Linyanti again from the eastern coast, 313 ; is the first European
to cross Africa from coast to coast, 391
Lobengula, chief of the Matabele : mention of, 399 and 400
Locations for Bantu in Natal : particulars concerning, 361 ; area of, ib.
Lourenco Marques : population of in 1878, 386 ; condition of in 1899,
398 and 399

Luderitz, Mr. F. A. E. : in 1883 establishes a trading station at Angra
Pequena, 345 ; in May 1883 purchases a small tract of land round
the bay from Joseph Fredericks, captain of Bethany, 345 ; in August
purchases a much larger tract from the same captain, ib. ; applies
to the German government for protection, ib. ; claims the guano
islands off the coast, but unsuccessfully, 348
Ludidi, Hlubi chief ; in 1869 has a location in Nomansland assigned to
him by Sir Philip Wodehouse, 68; in January 1872 asks to be
taken under the authority of the Cape Colony, 69 ; after the
rebellion of 1880 is located in the district of Qumbu, 200

Mackenzie, Rev. John: in 1860 at Lake Ngami rescues the survivors of
the ill-fated Makololo mission, 314

2 H

4^2 History of South AfHca.

Maclean, Lieutenant-Colonel J ohn : in December 1864 is transferred from
British Kaffraria to I^atal, 71

Maclear, district of : in November 1875 is formed, 190 ; in October 1879
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 192 ; settlement of after the
rebellion of 1880, 201

Macmahon, Marshal, president of the French republic : as arbitrator in
1875 awards Delagoa Bay to the Portuguese, 396

Macrorie, Rev. Dr. W. K. : in January 1869 is consecrated bishop of
Maritzburg, 367

Magatyana, petty Pondo chief : quarrel of the Bacas with, 237

Magersfontein ; seizure of guns and ammunition by the Free State
authorities at, 282

Mail service with England : in 1864 begins to be conducted twice a
month by different routes, 38 ; in April 1868 is established
bimonthly by the Atlantic route, 96

Maize growing in Natal : particulars concerning, 358

Makaba, chief of the Bangwaketse : is killed in battle with the
Makololo, 305

Makasane, chief of a Batonga tribe : in August 1823 cedes to Great
Britain a large tract of land at Delagoa Bay, 377 ; further mention
of, 382

Makaula, Baca chief: in January 1872 asks to be taken under the
authority of the Cape Colony, 69; in March 1876 is received as
a British subject, 188 ; conducts himself well, 248 ; in September
1906 dies, 189

Maki, chief counsellor of Kreli : is accused of being a sorcerer, and is
obliged to flee to Idutywa for safety, 155

Makololo mission': disastrous fate of, 312 to 314

Makololo tribe : account of the, 304 to 315 ; in 1865 is utterly
exterminated, 315

Makombi : in 1892 rebels against the Portuguese, but is vanquished,
412

Makwai, Basuto chief : in 1867 moves into Nomansland, 68 ; where in
1869 he has a location assigned to him by Sir Philip Wodehouse,
ib. ; in October 1880 goes into rebellion, 197 ; is obliged to abandon
Matatiele and retreat to Basutoland, 199 ; after the suppression of
the rebellion he is not allowed to return, ib.

Mamotshisane, daughter of Sebetoane : by her father’s wish becomes at
his death head of the Makololo tribe, but gives the chieftainship to
her half-brother Sekeletu, 310

Manikusa, chief of the Matshangana : career of, 377, 384, 385, and 386

Mann, Dr. R. J., superintendent of education in Natal: in 1865 is sent
to England to endeavour to procure immigrants, 351 ; but meets
with very little success, 352

Mapasa, great son of Buku : in 1876 is not on good terms with his
cousin Kreli, 156 ; at the commencement of the war of 1877

Syiioptical Index. 483

abandons Kreli and with a portion of his clan is removed by the
colonial government to a location west of the Kei, 157
IVIaritzburg : description of in 1872, 368

Mashonaland : in 1890 is occupied by the British South Africa Chartered
Company, 401

Massacre of Hottentots by Hereros in August 1880 : account of, 343
Matanzima, Tembu chief : particulars concerning, 54 and 55 ; in
September 1878 consents to come under the Cape government,
173

Matatiele, district of ; in March 1875 is added to the British dominions,
186 ; in October 1879 it is annexed to the Cape Colony, 192 ;
settlement of after the rebellion of 1880, 201
Matshangana tribe : career of the, 384, 385, 386, 393, 394, 400, 402, and
412

Maweva, son of Manikusa, chief of the Matshangana tribe : in 1862
contests for the chieftainship with his brother Umzila, but is
defeated and obliged to flee, 393

Mayeta, chief of a Batonga tribe : in March 1823 cedes to Great
Britain a tract of land along the Tembe river, 375 ; further
mention of, 382

Menziwe, Fingo chief in Tembuland : particulars concerning, 56 ; in
August 1875 flees with his clan from Tembuland to Idutywa, 167 ;
is restored to his former residence by the colonial police, 168
Merriman, Mr. J. X. : proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 108,
137, and 268

Merriman, Mr, T. R. : in February 1878 becomes magistrate of Idutyw^a,
161

Migration of farmers from the South African Republic to the western
coast : account of, 327, 328, 339, 340, and 341
Mokwasele, chief of the Bakwena tribe : is killed by some of his
subjects, 305

Molteno, Mr. J. C. : is the leader in the Cape parliament of the party
in favour of responsible government, 32, 33, 72, 92, 102, 103, 108,
121, 125, 126, 137, 268, 292, and 329 ; on the 29th of November
1872 becomes the first prime minister of the Cape Colony under
responsible government, 146

^ Moni, Bomvana chief : particulars concerning, 49 ; aids the Galekas in
their distress, 174 ; in the war of 1877-8 is neutral, 174 ; in January
1878 asks to be received as a British subject, 175 ; in February an
arrangement to this eflTect is concluded, 176
Monteiro, Major Jose Maria Correia : travels of, 390

Mooimeisjesfontein : skirmish between the Free State police and a party
of Basuto at, 285

Morris, Rev. James : in October 1880 leads a force to the relief of
Europeans in great danger at Tsolo, 197
Moselekatse, chief of the Matabele : nearly exterminates the Bang-

484

History of South Africa,

waketse tribe, 305 ; and also the Bakwena, 306 ; after his flight
from the emigrant farmers attacks the Makololo, 308 ; further
mention of, 399

Mosenthal Brothers, of Port Elizabeth : are successful in obtaining pure
Angora goats for breeding purposes in the Cape Colony, 12
Moses Witbooi, captain of an immigrant Hottentot clan in Great Nama-
qualand : mention of, 317 and 334

Moshesh, chief of the Basuto tribe : in 1860 meets Prince Alfred at
Aliwal North, 3 ; has had a fictitious pedigree given to him
recently, 209

Mount AyliflF, district of : in 1878 becomes part of the British
dominions, 202 ; when it is united to the chief magistracy of
Griqualand East, ib. ; in 1879 it is invaded by the Pondos and a
large portion of it is laid waste, 205 ; in April 1883 its boundaries
are defined by a commission, 205 and 206 ; on the 25th of October
1884 a Pondo army invades the district, but on the following day
is beaten back with heavy loss, 220 ; in March 1886 it is again
invaded by the Pondos, who are repulsed with loss, 232 ; on the
4th of August of the same year still another invasion takes place,
with the same result, 234 ; and in the following October it is once
more invaded by a strong Pondo army, 238 ; in October 1886 it is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 206 ; is defended by a large military
force, ib. ; in December 1886 the Eastern Pondos agree to accept a
solatium for its loss, 246

Mount Fletcher, district of : in 1882 is formed of part of the former
district of Maclear, 201

Mount Frere, district of : in March 1876 becomes part of the British
dominions, 188 ; in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 192
Mozambique Company : particulars concerning, 408 and 409
Mpezini : succeeds his father Swangendaba as chief of the Angoni, 384
Mpololo ; succeeds Sekeletu as chief of the Makololo, 314
Mqanduli, district of : in March 1876 is formed, 171 ; in August 1885
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

Musgrave, Major Benjamin D’Urban ; in January 1880 is appointed
British resident at Okahandja, 341 ; in November 1880 is withdrawn:
and is stationed at Walfish Bay, 344
Mutual protection association of King-Williamstown ; account of, 79

Nagel, Lieutenant, a German in Pondoland : mention of, 249
Namaquas : in 1880 renew the war with the Hereros, 343
Naras, edible fruit : abounds at Walfish Bay, 330 and 331
Natal, colony of :

area in 1866, 360 ; in 1907, ib.

attempts to obtain British immigrants, 350 seg;,

banking institutions, 365

Bantu locations, 361

Synoptical Index.

485

coffee planting, 357
commercial crisis of 1865, 365
construction of a line of telegraph, 366
cotton growing, 357
courts of justice, 359
customs duties, 355
definition of the new boundary, 360
ecclesiastical strife, 366 and 367
erection of a lighthouse on the Bluff, 356
exports from 1857 to 1872, 370 and 371
extension of the colony to the Umtamvuna river, 359
friction between Lieutenant - Governor Keate and the legislative
council, 363 and 364
harbour works, 356
imports from 1857 to 1872, 369
introduction of Indians, 353

list of the heads of government from 1857 to 1872, 349.
outbreak of redwater among cattle in 1871, 358
particulars concerning the Bantu in, 360 ei
population in 1872, 368
production of wheat, maize, etc., 358
public debt in 1872, 369

rebellion of the Hlubi chief Langalibalele in 1873, 183 and 184

revenue, 369

schools, 358

sugar planting, 357

supplementary charter of 1872, 364

the first railway, 356

the great flood of August 1868, 356

trade with the diamond fields, 366

volunteers in 1872, 369

western boundary as fixed in 1862 by the high commissioner, 67

Isatal Land and Colonisation Company : particulars concerning, 350

Isatal Legislative Council : on the 18th of October 1886 the legislative
council passes a resolution in favour of the union of Pondoland with
the colony, 236

Kcapayi, Baca chief : particulars concerning, 63

INdamasi, right hand son* of the Pondo chief Faku : particulars concerning,
62 ; in 1867 claims to be independent of his brother Umqikela in
Western Pondoland, 212 ; in 1869 refuses to cede Port St. John’s to
Sir Philip Wodehouse, 213 ; in October 1873 objects to certain acts
of the colonial government, 183 ; on the 29th of August 1876 dies,
213

Kehemiah Moshesh : proceedings of in Nomansland (now Griqualand
East), 65, 67, and 08 ; conduct of, and dealings with in 1875 and
1876, 187 and 188

486 History of South Africa.

New Barmen, Rhenish mission station ; in 1866 is plundered, 321 ; on
the 10th of November 1880 is attacked by the Hottentots, who are
driven back on the following day, 344

New Gelderland, in Natal : account of the settlement of, 352

Ngokweni, Bantu chief : account of, 383

Ngqeleni, district of : in March 1894 is formed, 254

Ngubo, an enemy of Europeans : becomes chief counsellor of Kreli,
155

Ninth Kaffir war : on the 3rd of August 1877 two petty Galeka chiefs are
badly bruised in a quarrel at a Fingo wedding, 156 ; three days after-
wards four large parties of Galekas cross the border and sweep off
the stock from several Fingo kraals, ib. ; some detachments of the
frontier armed and mounted police are sent to protect the Fingos,
ib. ; on the 26th of September 1877 a strong Galeka force attacks
and defeats the police at Guadana, 157 ; on the 29th and again on
the 30th this force attacks the police camp at Ibeka, but on both
occasions is beaten off, ib. ; volunteers from the Cape Colony proceed
to the front, and large Fingo and Tembu contingents take the field,
ib. ; on the 9th of October the Galekas are defeated in two engage-
ments, 158 ; on the 22nd of the same month the battle of Lusizi
is w’^on by the colonial forces, ib. ; the Galeka army is pursued to
Pondoland, and then in the belief that the war is over the volunteers
are disbanded, ib. ; the Galekas, however, having placed their women,
children, and cattle in safety, return and renew the war, ib. ; on the
2nd of December they attack a colonial force at Holland’s Shop, but
are beaten off, 158 ; the 24th regiment, part of the 88th, and a naval
brigade are then sent across the Kei, and Colonel Glynn, of the
24th, is placed in command, 159 ; most of the Rarabe clans west of
the Kei now rise to assist the Galekas, ib. ; a good deal of skirmishing
takes place east of the Kei, in which the Galekas are invariably
worsted, ib. ; on the 7th of February 1878 the decisive battle of
Kentani is fought, when the Galekas are defeated, and immediately
afterwards give up the contest, abandon their territory, and cross
over the Bashee, 159 and 160

Nomansland : in December 1878 the name is exchanged for Griqualand
East, 191

Nomtsheketshe, Baca chief ; in 1882 is located in the district of Mount
Frere, 202

Nonesi, Tembu chief tainess : particulars concerning, 50, 51, 52, and 55

Northern border magistrate : in 1868 is first appointed, 97

Northern border police : in 1868 is first enrolled, 97

Nqamakwe, district of : in September 1878 is formed, 161 ; as part of
Fingoland in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 155

Nquiliso, son of Ndamasi : on the 29th of August 1876 succeeds his
father as chief of Western Pondoland, 213; on the 17th of July
1878 cedes Port St. John’s to the government of the Cape Colony,

Symoptical Index. 48 7

213 and 214 ; in the rebellion of 1880 assists the Europeans, 197 ; in
March 1894 cedes Western Pondoland to Great Britain, 253

Isyaude : in 1844 revolts against Portuguese rule and establishes himself
as a freebooter on the Zambesi, 410

Oba, Gaika chief : mention of, 52

Omukaru : decisive battle between the Hereros and Hottentots at, 324

Orpen, Mr. Joseph M. ; in July 1873 is appointed British resident in
Nomansland, 182 ; takes an active part in the suppression of the
rebellion of Langalibalele, 184 ; establishes the authority of the
Cape government over the Pondomsis, 185 ; in October 1874 has
Adam Kok’s territory added to his charge, 186 ; in April 1875
resigns and leaves the territory, 190

Ostriches : are domesticated in the Cape Colony, 40 and 41

Otave copper deposits : mention of, 333

Otjimbingue, Rhenish mission station : description of, 318 ; on the 17th
of June 1863 is attacked by the Hottentots under Christian Afri-
kaner, 319 ; in September 1865 is attacked by the Hottentots under
Jan Jonker Afrikaner, 320 ; in December 1867 is again attacked by
Jan Jonker Afrikaner, 321 ; after which the chief Kamaherero
removes to Okahandja, and the station for some time is almost
deserted, 322

Oudtshoorn : in October 1869 sustains much damage from heavy floods,
105

Ovaherero : see Hereros

Ovambanderu : see Hereros

Owen, Captain William Fitzwilliam, of the royal navy : towards the
* close of 1822 visits Delagoa Bay, 375 ; in March 1823 obtains from a
Bantu chief a cession of land along the Tembe river, 375 \ and in
August of the same year obtains a much larger cession, 377 ; in
October 1823 reports upon the condition of South-Eastern Africa, 378

Paarl, town of : population in 1865, 42

Palgrave, Mr. William Coates : in May 1868 narrowly escapes being
killed by Hottentots, 322 ; in 187 6 is sent as a special commissioner
to the Hereros and !Namaquas, 329 ; makes extensive investigations,
330 to 334 ; in 1877 is again sent to Hereroland, 335 ; and in
February 1879 sends in a report of what he has done, 336 ; in
September and October 1879 accompanies an expedition sent to
relieve a party of distressed farmers, 340 ; in January 1880 is
appointed commissioner to the tribes north of the Orange river, 342 ;
on the outbreak of war in August 1880 is recalled, 344 ; in 1884 is
sent for the fourth time on a mission to Hereroland and Great
Namaqualand, 346

Pali, chief of the Amatshezi : in 1885 causes trouble by stealing cattle
from the Western Pondos, 226 ; is nominally a vassal of the Tembu

4^8 History of South Africa.

tribe, but in reality is independent, 227 : a combined European and
Bantu force is sent against him, when he submits, and on the 30th
of May 1886 is received as a British subject and placed under
the jurisdiction of the resident magistrate of Mqanduli, 228
Panda, chief of the Zulus : particulars concerning, 13 and 14 ; in 1872
dies, 372

Patekile, chief of the Imizizi : assists Umhlangaso in his rebellion against
Sigcawu, 251 ; in 1894 submits to a colonial force, and is fined two
hundred head of cattle, 254

Pattle, Mr. T. P. : in September 1877 is appointed assistant magistrate
at Butterworth, 160 ; in December 1878 becomes magistrate of
Tsomo, 161

Piet Booy, Korana captain ; account of, 97 ; in 1869 is at war with the
Cape Colony, 98 ; in November 1869 is captured and sent to
Capetown as a prisoner, 99

Pofadder, Korana captain : account of, 97 ; in 1869 aids the colonial
forces against the other Korana captains, 98
Pondoland ; on the 5th of January 1885 a British protectorate over the
whole coast is proclaimed by the high commissioner, 221 ; in March
1894 becomes part of the British dominions, 253 ; in September
1894 is annexed bo the Cape Colony, 254 ; population of in 1894,
254 ; area of, 255 ; statistics of education in 1904, 232
Pondo tribe : particulars concerning, 62, 63, and 64 ; cannot now be
traced to its origin, 210 ; but was certainly formed of fragments of
many others welded together some time about the beginning of the
seventeenth century, ib. ; is more backward in civilisation than
either the Xosa or the Tembu, 209 ; in 1878 is in a state of
disruption, 211

Pondomsi tribe : account of, 62 and 63 ; see Umditshwa and Umhlonhlo
Population : of British Kaffraria in 1861, 18 ; of Western Pondoland in
1894, 254 ; of Eastern Pondoland in 1894, 254 ; of the whole
territory between the river Kei and Natal in 1904, 255
Port Alfred : in August 1860 receives its present name, 6 ; in 1870 the
harbour works are transferred to the government, 111
Port Elizabeth : position of in 1862, 27 ; population in 1865, 42
Porter, Mr. William : on the 20th of March 1866 retires from the office
of attorney - general of the Cape Colony, 80 ; in 1871 frames the
constitution amendment act, 126 ; in the same year is a member of
the federation commission, 130 ; proceedings in parliament of, 137 and
145 ; declines to form a ministry under responsible government, 146
Port Frances : in August 1866 is renamed Port Alfred, 6
Port Grosvenor, a landing place on the coast of Eastern Pondoland : on
the 2nd of March 1885 is the scene of an event that closes it to
trade, 222

Port St. John’s : is situated at the mouth of the Umzimvubu river, 211 ;
its control is therefore regarded by the colonial government as a

Synoptical Index, 489

matter of importance, ib. ; during Faku’s lifetime it is frequented
by traders from Natal, 212 ; on the 17th of July 1870 it is ceded
by the chief Nqiiiliso to the government of the Cape Colony, 213
and 214 ; on the 31st of August the British flag is formally hoisted
by General Thesiger, and a garrison is stationed at Davis’ drift, 214
and 215 ; on the 15th of September 1884 is annexed to the Cape
Colony, 216 ; population of at the time, ib. ; trade of, and customs
duties collected at, 217 ; in December 1886 the Eastern Pondos
agree to receive a solatium for its loss, 246

Portuguese Chartered Fishing Company ; from 1824 to 1835 has a
monopoly of the commerce of Delagoa Bay, 383

Portuguese South Africa : condition of in 1899, 413

Prazos south of the Zambesi : condition of, 387

Pretorius, M. W., president of the Orange Free State : in 1860 has an
interview with Prince Alfred at Winburg, 4

Price, Rev. Roger : in 1859 proceeds to Linyanti as a missionary, loses
his wife and child by death, and with great difflculty gets away,
312 to 314

Prince Alfred : in 1860 visits South Africa for the first time, 2 ; makes
a tour overland from Port Elizabeth to Durban, 2 to 5 ; on the 17th
of September 1860 tilts the first load of stone in the great break-
water in Table Bay, 5 ; on the following day lays the foundation
stone of the Sailors’ Horae in Capetown and inaugurates the public
library in its new building, 5 ; in 1867 visits South Africa the
second time, 95 ; in 1868 the third time, 111 ; and in 1870 the
fourth time, ib.

Probart, IMr. S. A. : in December 1875 visits Tembuland as special
commissioner, 169; in January 1876 selects a site for a town to be
called Umtata, 182

Protectorate over the coast of Pondoland ; on the 5th of January 1885
is proclaimed by the high commissioner, 221

Public debt of the Cape Colony : particulars concerning, 109

Public debt of Natal in 1872, 369

Qeya : see Gangelizwe

Qipu, chief of the Amanci : conduct of, 241

Qumbu, district of : in June 1876 is formed, 190 ; in October 1879 is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 192 ; settlement of after the rebellion
of 1880, 200

Railways in the Cape Colony : in May 1862 the line is opened from
Capetown to Stellenbosch, 29 ; in March 1863 to Paarl, ib. ; in
November 1863 to Wellington, ib. ; in December 1864 to Wynberg,
11 and 29 ; particulars concerning the line from Port Nolloth to
Ookiep, 104 ; in January 1872 a line from Port Elizabeth to
Uitenhage is commenced by a Company, 132 ; in 1874 it is purchased

490 Histoiy of SotUh Africa,

by the government and completed, ib. ; in January 1873 the line
from Capetown to Wellington is purchased by the government, 144 ;
in 1873 extensions are authorised from Wellington to Worcester and
from the Zwartkops to the Bushman’s river, also a survey from
East London to Queenstown, 144
Kailway in Natal ; particulars concerning the first, 356
Railway from Louren9o Marques to the border of the South African
Republic : particulars concerning, 398
Railway from Beira inland, 407 and 408
Railways ; general extension of, 398

von Raven, Captain : in August 1884 by order of the German emperor
proclaims a German protectorate over the coast of Hereroland, 347
Raxoti (afterwards called Matanzima) Tembu chief : particulars con-
cerning, 50

Read, Mr. Walter H. : in October 1878 becomes magistrate of Mount
Ayliff, 205

Rebellion of the Griquas, Koranas, and Betshuana in Griqualand West
in 1878 : account of, 294 to 302

Reduction of the garrison of the Cape Colony : particulars concerning,
87, 91, 92, and 148

Redwater : in 1871 causes great destruction of cattle in Natal, 358
Rehoboth ; the Rhenish mission station at is plundered and destroyed,
321

Relief works : in 1864 are opened at Tulbagh Kloof, 39
Removal of the seat of government from Capetown to some place in the
eastern province : efforts to bring about, 9, 37, and 141
Reply to the Free State protest against the annexation of Griqualand
West to the British dominions, 257

Responsible government : efforts to introduce in the Cape Colony, 32
and 33 ; debate in 1871 in the Cape parliament concerning the
introduction of, 123 et seg. ; in 1872 is introduced in the Cape
Colony, 146. See Constitution.

Revenue of British Kaffraria : in 1861, 18

Revenue of the Cape Colony : from 1862 to 1867, 36 ; from 1868 to
1872, 152

Revenue of Natal in 1872, 369

Revolt of Griquas in 1878 under Smith Pommer and Adam Muis ;
account of, 189

de Rezende, Joao, agent of the Mozambique Company at Andrada :
mention of, 401 and 404

Rhenish missions in Great Namaqualand and Hereroland : particulars
concerning, 317 to 319 and 321
Rhodes,. Cecil John : mention of, 352

Ribeiro, Dionisio Antonio, captain of the fort at Louren90 Marques :
in October 1833 is murdered by the Matshangana and his whole
force perishes, 384

491

Synoptical Index.

Riots at the diamond fields : account of, 267, 273, 286, and 287

Robosi : see Lewanika

Rode valley : in December 1886 is purchased from Umqikela by the
Cape government, 207 and 247

Sailors’ Home in Capetown : on the 18th of September 1860 the
foundation stone is laid by Prince Alfred, 5 ; on the 25th of April
1862 it is opened for use, ib.

Sandile, Gaika chief : accompanies Prince Alfred in the -Earyalus from
Durban to Capetown, 5 ; mention of, 52 ; in December 1877 rises
in rebellion against the colonial government, 159 ; on the 7th of
February 1878 is present at the battle of Kentani,. 160 ; on the
29th of May 1878 is killed in a skirmish, 181

Santa Carolina, island of ; is occupied by the Portuguese, 387

Scanlen, Mr. Thomas C. ; proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 137
and 141

Scheppmansdorp, Rhenish mission station : in May 1868 is plundered
by Hottentots, 323

Schering, Captain : on the 7th of August 1884 by order of the German
emperor proclaims a German protectorate over the coast of Great
Namaqualand, 347

Schmelen, Rev. Mr. : in 1814 founds the mission station Bethany in
Great Namaqualand, 317

Schools in the Cape Colony in 1872 : particulars concerning, 149

Schools in Natal ; particulars concerning, 358

Scott, Rev. John H. : in August 1876 becomes magistrate of Mqanduli,
171

Sea Snal:^^ the : on the 19th of September 1869 is wrecked in Algoa
Bay, 105

Sebetoane, chief of the Makololo tribe : account of, 304 to 309 ;
obliges the people he has subdued to learn the dialect that he
speaks, 307 and 308 ; to protect himself from the Matabele settles
among the swamps along the river Tshobe, 308 ; where in 1851 he
is visited by the Rev. Dr. Livingstone, 309 ; in 1851 dies, ib.

Sekeletu : in 1852 becomes chief of the Makololo tribe, 310 ; assists
the reverend Dr. Livingstone to make his journeys to the western
and the eastern coast of Africa, 311 ; treats a mission party in a
cruel manner, 313 ; in 1863 is murdered, 314

Sekhomi, son of Khari : on his father’s death becomes chief of the
Bamangwato, 306 ; is made a prisoner by the Makololo, but after
a time escapes, and gathers the remnant of his tribe together at
Shoshong, 307

Selous, Frederick Courteney : mention of, 401

Sena, condition of, 385 ; is seized by the Matshangana, ib. ; but some
of the Portuguese inhabitants who fled are allowed to return on
condition of paying yearly tribute, ib. ; condition of in 1899, 409

492

History of South Africa,

Separation league : particulars concerning, 7

Separation of the eastern province from the western, and its establish-
ment as a distinct colony : efforts to bring about, 7 to 9, 10, 27»
and 141

Sepopa : is the leader of the Barotsi in their war of independence,
315 ; in 1877 he is murdered, ib.

Sessions of the Cape parliament, alternate in the west and the east ;

particulars concerning, 27, 34, and 37
Setsheli, son of Mokwasele ; is raised to the chieftainship of the
Bakwena by Sebetoane, 306

Settlement of the districts of Maclear, Qumbu, Tsolo, and Matatiele
after the rebellion of 1880, 199 to 202
Shaw, Mr. Matthew B. : in June 1876 becomes magistrate of Qumbu,
190 ; on the 1st of October 1878 becomes magistrate of Kentani
Sheep : number of in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43

Shepstone, Mr. Theophilus : in 1861 visits Zululand as agent of the
Natal government, and recognises Ketshwayo as lawful heir of Panda,
14 ; (Sir Theophilus) in 1886 declines to interfere in Pondo affairs
without the consent of the Cape government, 236
Shepstone, Mr. W. G. B. : from May 1860 to September 1861 is special
magistrate at Idutywa, 45

Sidoyi, Hlangweni chief ; in 1878 assists the Cape government during
the Griqua insurrection, 189 ; and again in the rebellion of 1880,
198

Sigcawu, son of Kreli ; particulars concerning, 56

Sigcawu, son of Umqikela ; in February 1888 is chosen to succeed his
father as chief of the Eastern Pondos, 248 ; tries to keep in
favour with the Cape colonial government, 251 ; in March 1894
cedes Eastern Pondoland to Great Britain, 253
Silk : experiments in the production of in the Cape Colony, 112
Siyolo, chief of a clan of the Imidushane ; in the rebellion of 1878
is killed, 181

Siyoyo, chief of the Amacwera : dealings with, 204
Slang river settlement : account of, 56

Slave trade from Portuguese South Africa : particulars concerning, 374,
378, 379, 387, 388, and 410

Smith, Mr. Charles A. : in 1871 is a member of the federation
commission, 128 ; proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 138 ; in
November 1872 becomes commissioner of crown lands and public
works under responsible government, 147
Sofala : condition of in 1823, 379 ; condition of in 1836, 385 ; is
destroyed by the Matshangana, ib. ; condition of in 1899, 409
Soga, Bev. Tiyo : accompanies Prince Alfred in the Euryalus from
Durban to Capetown, 5

Solomon, Mr. Saul : proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 72, 73, 82,,
92, 96, 108, 137, 145, 268, and 270

493

Synoptical Index,

Sotshaiigana, Bantu chief : see Matsliangana tribe

de Sousa, Manuel Antonio : see Gouveia

Southey, Mr. Richard : in July 1864 succeeds Mr. Rawson as colonial
secretary, 50; in 1871 signs a memorandum in antagonism to the
introduction of responsible government in the Cape Colony, 118 ;
declines to form a ministry under responsible government, 146 ;
draws up a reply to the Free State protest against the annexation
of Griqualand West to the British dominions, 257 ; in January 1873
becomes administrator of Griqualand West, 147 and 278 ; after July
has the title of lieutenant-governor, 280 ; in August 1875 retires
from office, 290

Southey ville, district of : in July 1878 is formed, 172 ; in 1880 the office
and residency are destroyed by rebels, 177 ; in May 1881 the greater
part is formed into a new district named St. Mark’s, and the
remainder is added to Cala, 179

Spence, Captain John : acquires extensive concessions in Great
Namaqualand, 347

Sprigg, Major Howard : in 1894 becomes magistrate of Bizana, 254

Sprigg, Mr. (later Sir) J. Gordon : in 1864 is the leader of the party in
British Kaffraria in favour of annexation to the Cape Colony, 70;
proceedings in the Cape parliament of, 101, 137, 270, 293, and 302

Stanford, Mr. A. H. : in March 1894 becomes magistrate of Libode
254

Stanford, Mr. R. W. : in May 1881 becomes magistrate at St. Mark’s,
179

Stanford, Mr. Walter E. : in April 1876 becomes magistrate of Engcobo,
170 ; in November and December 1886 conducts negotiations with
Umqikela, 240 d, seq. ; in March 1894 conducts the negotiations
for the cession of Eastern Pondoland to Great Britain, 253

Statue of Sir George Grey in Capetown : on the 10th of November
1864 is unveiled, 20

St Mark’s, district of: in May 1881 is formed, 179; in August 1885
is annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

Stockenstrom, Advocate : in 1875 is appointed judge of the land court
of Griqualand West, 289 ; is compelled to throw out grants by
Nicholas Waterboer, 290

-Stokwe, son of Ndlela, vassal Tembu chief : particulars concerning, 54 ;
in September 1878 consents to come under colonial authority, 173 ;
in 1880 rises in rebellion, but is driven from his territory and
thoroughly subdued, 177

Stokwe, son of Tshali, chief of the Amavundffi : in 1877 joins the
Galekas in war against the Europeans, 171 ; is driven from his
location and made a prisoner, 172

Strachan, Mr. Donald : is magistrate at Umzimkulu, 186 ; as a repre-
sentative of Adam Kok arranges in February 1875 for the transfer
of the Griquas to colonial rule, 186; in October 1880 narrowly

494

History of South Africa,

escapes from Matatiele at the beginning of the Basuto rebellion,
194 ; in 1879 with a large force of Bantu assists the Xesibes
against the Pondos, 205 ; during the rebellion of 1880 commands a
large body of Bantu warriors devoted to him, 198 ; further mention
of, 244

Streatfeild, Mr. F. N., C. M. G. ; in January 1879 becomes magistrate
of Willowvale, 162

Succession duty : in 1864 is first imposed in the Cape Colony, 35
Sugar planting in Natal : account of, 357
Supreme court of Natal ; constitution of, 359

Sutherland, Dr., surveyor - general of Natal : in March 1862 visits
Nomansland to try to arrange a boundary with Sir Walter Currie,

Swakop River : description of, 318 and 331

Swallow, her Majesty’s ship : in October 1879 examines the coast of
Hereroland, 340

Swangendaba, chief of the Angoni : career of, 377 and 383
Swellendam, village of ; on the 17th of May 1865 is nearly destroyed
by fire, 78

Tabankulu, district ofi in 1894 is formed, 254
Tambookie location west of the Indwe : see Glen Grey
Telegraph, electric : since the 1st of October 1864 has been open
between East London and Simonstown, 11 ; in 1873 this line is
purchased by the government and a line from Fort Beaufort to
the diamond fields is commenced, 144 and 145
Tembuland, chief magistracy of : in December 1878 is finally formed,
176 ; mode of government of, 180 ; population in 1885 of, 181 ;
maintenance of schools in, ib. ; statistics of education in 1904, 232
Tembuland commission of 1882 ; particulars concerning, 178
Tembu tribe : particulars concerning, 56 ; in December 1875 the main
branch become British subjects, 169

Terms of cession of Tembuland Proper to the colonial government, 168
and 169

Territory between the river Kei and the border of Natal : particulars
concerning, 25 and 35 ; is abandoned by the British government,
44 et seq.

Tete : in 1853 is plundered and partly destroyed by the rebel Bonga,
■ 410 ; condition of in 1899, 411 and 412
Theological seminary (of the Dutch reformed church) at Stellenbosch :

on the 1st of November 1859 is opened for use, 17
Thesiger, General Frederick, later Lord Chelmsford : on the 4th of
March 1878 succeeds Sir Arthur Cunynghame as commander of the
imperial forces in South Africa, 214 ; on the 31st of August 1878
hoists the British flag at Port St. John’s, ib. ; selects a site for a
fort, and leaves a garrison there, 215

Symoptical Index. 495

Thompson, Mr. Francis: in July 1878 is murdered at Cornforth Hill,
300

Thomson, Mr. J. R. : in November 1875 becomes magistrate of Maclear,
190 ; during the rebellion in 1880 defends his post gallantly, 194
to 196

Threlfall, Rev. Mr. : gives an account of occurrences at Delagoa Bay
in 1823, 381

Topnaars, Hottentot clan at Walfish Bay : account of, 330 and 344

Tradition : among Bantu cannot be relied upon beyond two centuries
at most, 209

Transfer dues in the Cape Colony : in 1863 are raised to four per
cent of the value of land sold, 32

Transkei, chief magistracy of : in September 1878 is formed by the
union of Idutywa, Fingoland, and Galekaland, 161 ; laws and
regulations in force in, 163 ; power of jurisdiction of the magis-
trates and judges, 163 and 164 ; population in 1885, 166 ; revenue
in 1885, ib. ; expenditure in 1885 on schools in, 167 ; statistics of
education in 1904, 232

Treaties between Great Britain and Portugal : concerning the slave
trade, 380 ; concerning commerce, 388 ; defining the boundary of
Portuguese South Africa, 406

Treaties between the South African Republic and Portugal ; the one of
July 1869, 394 ; the one of December 1875, 397

Tshiloane, island of : is occupied by the Portuguese, 387

Tshupanga : description of, 409

Tsolo, district of : in June 1876 is formed, 190 ; in October 1879 is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 192 ; in October 1880 the residency
is destroyed, 196 ; settlement of after the rebellion of 1880, 200

Tsomo, district of : in October 1877 is formed, 160 ; as part of
Fingoland in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 155

Ukwelapa : custom of, 241

Umditshwa, Pondomsi chief : particulars concerning, 63 ; in October 1873
at his own request is received as a British subject, 183 ; in October

1880 goes into rebellion, 196 ; loses everything, and in January

1881 is obliged to surrender, 199 ; he is tried and sentenced to
imprisonment for three years, ib.

Umdungazwe : see Gungunyana

Umfanta, petty chief in Glen Grey : joins the Galekas in the war of
1877-8, but is made a prisoner, 172

Umhlangaso, son of Faku : is a very bad adviser of the chief
Umqikela, 205, 217, 218, 219, 222, 224, 225, 230, and 234; in
October 1886 with a strong force invades the Xesibe country, 237 ;
in December 1886 conducts negotiations on behalf of Umqikela,
244 et seq. ; tries to pit Germans against British in Eastern
Pondoland, 249 ; in 1890 rebels against Sigcawu, 250 ; is driven

496

History of South Africa.

into Griqualand East, ib. ; returns to Pondoland, but is again
driven out, when he takes refuge in Natal, 251 ; once more
. returns to Pondoland, and occupies a strong position in the Isiseli,
ib. ; in 1894 surrenders to a colonial force, and is located in the
Kokstad district, 264

Umhlonhlo, Pondomsi chief : particulars concerning, 63 ; in January
1872 asks to be taken under the authority of the Cape Colony,
69 ; in October 1873 at his own request is received as a British
subject, 183; in October 1880 murders his magistrate and goes into
rebellion, 195 ; saves his cattle by confiding them to the care of
Umqikela, but is driven from Qumbu, though he escapes capture
until 1903, 199

TJmkunku, son of the Zulu chief Panda : is a refugee living in Natal, 372
Umqikela, great son of Faku : on the 29th of October 1867 succeeds his
father as nominal paramount chief of the Pondos, 69 and 212 ; is
autocratic by disposition, 213 ; in October 1873 objects to certain
acts of the Cape government, 183 ; conducts himself in an
unfriendly manner towards the Cape Colony, 203, 205, 215, 217, 218,
219, 221, 222, 223, 225, and 230 ; by a proclamation by Sir Bartle
Frere on the 4th of September 1878 is no longer to be regarded as
paramount chief of the Pondos, 215 ; in October 1887 dies, 247
Umsikaba, district of : in 1894 is formed, 254
Umsila : meaning of the word, 212

Umtamvuna River : in 1865 becomes the southern boundary of Natal, 360
Umtasa, principal chief of Manika : in September 1880 places himself
under the protection of the British South Africa Company, 401 :
particulars concerning, 402, 403, and 405
Umtata, district ^of : in March 1876 is formed, 170 ; in August 1885 is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 180
Umtata, town of : condition in 1885 of, 180

Umxoli, petty Galeka chief : in August 1877 is bruised in a quarrel at a
Fingo wedding, which leads to the ninth Kaffir war, 156
Umzila, chief of the Matshangana : career of, 393 and 394
Umzimkulu, district of : in March 1875 is added to the British dominions,
186 ; in October 1879 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 192
Union Steamship Company : particulars concerning, 149

Vatwahs : description of, 375 and 376

Victoria West, village of : in February 1871 is greatly damaged by a
sudden flood, when sixty-two lives are lost, 133
de Villiers, Mr. (later Sir Henry) : in 1871 is a member of the
federation commission, 128 ; proceedings in parliament of, 137 ; in
November 1872 becomes attorney-general of the Cape Colony under
responsible government, 146

Voluntary bill : in 1875 is passed by both houses of the Cape
parliament and becomes law, 145

Synoptical Index, 497

Vooruitzigt, farm on which the Kimberley diamond mine is situated ; is
purchased by the Cape government, 281

fValdensianj the : on the 13th of October 1862 is wrecked at Struys
Point, 29

VValfish Bay : description of, 329 ; in May 1868 all buildings at this
place are plundered and destroyed by Hottentots, 323 ; in March
1878 is proclaimed part of the British dominions, 338 ; in August
1884 is formally annexed to the Cape Colony, ib,

Warner, Mr. E. J. : in 1865 is stationed at Southeyville with the title
of Tembu agent, 54 and 57

Warner, Mr. J. C. : government agent at Glen Grey ; transactions of in
connection with the removal of the Emigrant Tembus, 45, 46, 50,
and 51 ; in 1865 is stationed at Idutywa with the title of British
resident, 54 ; in October 1869 is withdrawn, when the oflS.ce is
abolished, ib.

Warner, Mr. H. B. : in 1894 becomes magistrate of Tabankulu, 254

Warren, Colonel Charles : commands the volunteers in the suppression
of the Griqualand West rebellion, 296, 298, 299, and 301

Warrene, Mr. : on the 23rd of October 1880 is murdered by the
Pondomsis, 195

Waterboer, Nicholas, Griqua captain : particulars concerning, 288, 290,
and 295

Weights and measures : see English

Welsh, Mr. A. R. : in September 1877 is appointed magistrate at Tsolo,
190 ; at the commencement of the rebellion of 1880 is beleagured
by the Pondomsis, 196 and 197

de W'et, Mr. (afterwards Sir Jacobus) : on the 13th of May 1884 becomes
secretary for native aflfairs in the Cape Colony, 219 ; makes strenuous
eflforts to arrange matters amicably with the Pondos, 219, 220, 224,
226, 227, 228, and 229

Whale fishery : in 1817 is commenced by the Portuguese at Delagoa
Bay, 374

Wheat growing in Natal : particulars concerning, 358

Whindus, Captain E. J. : in January 1882 is sent from Capetown with
a party of volunteers to Walfish Bay to protect the stores there,
345 ; in September 1884 is appointed resident magistrate at Port
St. John’s, 217

White, Dr. Henry : in November 1872 becomes treasurer of the Cape
Colony under responsible government, 146

William Christian, captain of the Bondelz warts clan of Hottentots ;
mention of, 334 and 344

William Nota, Hlubi headman : dealings with, 204 ; is treated as an
enemy by the Pondos in November 1885, and is driven from the
Rode, 224 ; further particulars concerning, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232,
and 239

49^ History of South Africa,

Willowvale, district of ; in September 1878 is formed, 161 ; in August
1885 is annexed to the Cape Colony, 166 ; is settled by Galekas
willing to come under colonial jurisdiction, 162
Windvogelberg : is named after its last Bushman occupant, 3
Witchcraft : great numbers of people are obliged to flee from Pondoland
on account of being accused of dealing in, 231
Withuis Kloof : action of the 9th of June 1878 at, 298
Wodehouse, district of : in 1871 is formed, 131 ; in 1872 is constituted
an electoral division, 141

Wodehouse, Lady : on the 6th of October 1866 dies, 83
Wodehouse, Sir Philip : on the 15th of January 1862 takes the oaths of
ofl&ce as governor of the Cape Colony and high commissioner, 20 ;
positions previously held by, 21 ; in 1862 visits British Kaffraria,
24 ; reverses his first policy, 27 and 28 ; from February to
November 1864 resides in the eastern province, 34 ; in 1869 locates
a number of Bantu clans in Nomansland, 68 ; is in conflict with the
parliament, 100 ; on the 20th of May 1870 leaves South Africa, 109 ;
subsequent career of, ib.

Wool : quantity produced in 1865 in the Cape Colony, 43
Wrecks, account of : of the Waldensian in October 1862, 29 ; of a
number of ships in Table Bay in a great gale on the 17th of May
1865, 76 to 78; of the Eastern Promnce in June 1865, 38; of the
Dane in December 1865, 78 ; of the Bosphorus in October 1867, 95 ;
of shipping in Algoa Bay in October 1859 and September 1869, 105 ;
of seven vessels at East London in May 1872, 150 ; of the Jam
Davies on the 26th of May 1872 near East London, ,ib. ; in July
1872 of four vessels at Natal, 368

Wright, Mr. William : in May 1873 becomes resident with Gangelizwe,
167 ; in March 1876 becomes magistrate at Emjanyana and chief
magistrate of Tembuland Proper, 170
van Wyk, Hermanns : mention of, 326
Wynberg Railway Company : particulars concerning, 11

Xalanga, district of : in July 1878 is formed, 172 ; in August 1885 is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 180

Xavier, Major Cardas : in May 1891 commands Portuguese volunteers
at Andrada, 405

Xesibe clan : account of, 63 ; feud between the Pondos and, 237 et seq.
Xito, Galeka tribal priest : duties of, 160 ; leads the principal Xosa
column at the battle of Kentani, ib.

Zibi, Hlubi chief ; in 1869 has a location in Nomansland assigned to
him by Sir Philip Wodehouse, 68; in January 1872 asks to be
taken under the authority of the Cape Colony, 69
Zumbo : in 1862 is reoccupied by the Portuguese, 389

Cowan 6^ Co., Limited, Printers, Perth.

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