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presented to the 


Dr. Helen S. Nicholson 









AUTHOR OF "SPAIN, 1479-1788," "MODERN SPAIN, 1788-1898," " PHILIP II.," 






i goo 







1. Henry the Impotent 26 

2. Ferdinand of A r agon 33 

3. La Beltraneja , . 35 

4. The Queen of Castile 38 




i- ...... 55 

2. 58 


i 65 

2. 72 

3- 77 

4. ....'... 80 

5- 85 


1. Moslem Civilisation - . . . -90 

2. The Rise of Granada .92 

3. Boabdil . ' 96 

4. Gonsalvo de Cordova 103 




1. The Genoese Adventurer ......... 107 

2. The Admiral of the Ocean ........ 114 




1. Alexander VI. 138 

2. Charles VIII. in Italy . . '.'. 142 

3. Gonsalvo de Cordova at Naples ....... 146 


1. Schemes of Empire . 153 

2. Negotiations in England 158 



THE MORISCOS . . . . . . . . . . . 181 




1. The University . 210 

2. The Complutensian Polyglot ...... . 214 







1. La Beltraneja and La Loco, ........ 237 

2. Villafafila 243 




1. Las Cuentas del Gran Capitan ....... 254 

2. Joanna at Tordesillas 259 





1. Annexation of Navarre 277 

2. Henry VIII. of England 281 

3. Death of Ferdinand ......... 184 


1. Supplementary ........... 288 

2. Carolus Rex Romanorum ......... 288 

3. The Germania of Valencia . 292 

4. The Comuneros of Castile ......... 294 




1. Christian Architecture 302 

2. Moslem Architecture 310 



1. Coinage 318 

2. Commercial Treaties j 324 


Music 335 


I. JUDICIAL TORTURE . . ...... . . 351 

II. CLUNY 353 


1. Spanish- Arab Musical Instruments of the Ninth and Tenth 

Centuries 355 

2. Musical Instruments in use in Christian Spain in the Thirteenth 

Century, from the Illuminated MS. of the Cantigas of Alfonso X., 
circa 1275 358 

3. List of Musical Instruments in common or popular use in Spain, 

according to Juan Ruiz, A rchpriest of Hita, in the middle of the 
Fourteenth Century . . . . .-..-. . . 360 


I. SPAIN, A.D. 325 

II. SPAIN, A.D. 570 

III. SPAIN, A.D. 900 

IV. SPAIN, A.D. 1135 
V. SPAIN, A. D. 1360-1492 
VI. NAVARRE, A.D. 1500 





IF Alvaro de Luna was at once the most important personage 
and the most remarkable man in the kingdom of Castile during 
the reign of John II., the king was not without more worthy 
and less masterful favourites, whose learning provoked no jealousy 
on the part of the minister. From the death of Alfonso X. 
neither science nor polite letters had been held in much esteem 
in Spain. His nephew, indeed, Don John Manuel, in his Moral 
Tales ; the archpriest of Hita, in his fantastic poetry ; Lopez 
de Ayala, in his simple Chronicle, had almost alone maintained 
the honour of Castilian letters from the days of Count Lucanor 
to the days of the Marquis of Santillana, a period of close upon 
200 years. 1 

But with John II. a new era was opened in Castile. The 
temper of the king, unlike that of his great predecessor, was 
literary rather than scientific, pedantic rather than scholarly, 
formal rather than substantial, graceful rather than profound. 
The new influence came rather from Italy than from Andalusia. 
Aragon, the refuge and the home of the Provenal troubadours 
in the thirteenth century, had stretched out her hands in the 
fourteenth century to Sicily, and in the fifteenth century to 
Naples ; 2 and long before the time of Ferdinand the Catholic, 

1 Gayangos and Ticknor, Hist, de la lileratura EspaHola (1864), Introd. , p. 6. 
(Lopez de Ayala's Rimado de Palacio must not be forgotten. It is true that the 
three writers named were, wit the author of the Poema de Jost Sent Tob, and 
Yafiez the author of the rhymed cbi^nicle of Alfonso XL, the only men who illus- 
trated literature in Spain in the fourteenth century, yet they produced work of the 
first importance. H.) 

2 According to Bruce- Whyte, Histoire des Langues Romanes (Paris, 1841), 
torn. ii. , cap. xxviii., the Castilian language was hardly affected in its development by 
the language of the Gay saber ; yet it was to some extent the Proven9al that com- 
VOL. II. 1 


who cared little for the polite letters of any nation or country, 
the kingdom of Aragon, rich with the intellectual as well as the 
material spoils of Italy, had conquered literary Castile. Yet the 
vanquished surpassed and survived the victor. The spirit of 
Italy died away in United Spain ; the language of Provence was 
forgotten ; and in another century the Castilian literature became 
the admiration of Europe, while the Castilian language was 
spoken throughout the world. 1 

As far as poetry is concerned, from the middle of the 
fourteenth century to the middle of the fifteenth century 
Aragon was far ahead of Castile. Peter the Cruel was not 
a man to cultivate polite letters. His rival at Saragossa was 
not only a poet, but a patron of poets ; and it was for him 
that Jacme or Jayme, the first of the distinguished family of 
March, compiled, in 1371, the Diccionario de Rimas. His more 
distinguished namesake, Augustin or Ausias March, the great 
light of Aragonese literature in the fifteenth century, was born 
at Valencia, probably about 1405, and lived to 1460. He wrote 
a large number of cants, or small poems, in the style of Petrarch, 
which were applauded by his contemporaries, and frequently 
printed during the sixteenth century. His friend, Jaume or 
Jayme Roig, a Valencian like himself, who survived him by 
some eighteen years (ob. 1478), and who is supposed to have 
been court physician to the high-spirited Queen Maria, the 
regent of Aragon during the continued absence of Alfonso V., 
has left a Libre de Cornells, directed chiefly against the female 
sex, and written nominally for the edification and government 
of his nephew Belthazar. 2 

pleted the Latin. Ibid. , i. , 12. As regards literature, the Provencal influence was 
indirect rather than direct in Castile. 

1 The Provencal language or dialect had certainly died out in Aragon in the 
fourteenth century. And about the middle of that century the Catalan became 
the literary language of the country. Bruce- Whyte, ubi supra, torn. ii. , 406-412. 
(This note conveys a somewhat false impression Provengal was never the language 
of the people of the Kingdom of Aragon. It was the language of literature under 
the influence of the troubadours ; and Catalan a form of Provencal was, and still 
is, the common speech of the Catalans ; but the Aragonese have always spoken 
a similar language with Castilians. H.) 

2 The philosophic basis of the works of Ausias March is insisted upon by Senor 
Menendez Pelayo, Hist, de las ideas Esteticas en Espana, i., 392-4, where will also 
be found some interesting references, and a list of the works in Spanish literature 
treating of Ausias March and his school. (The reader should be again reminded 
that the author is apt to refer to Catalans and Valencians, whose respective coun- 
tries were ruled by kings of Aragon, as if they were Aragonese. This was very far 
from being the case. March was a pure Valencian, writing in the Valencian variety 
of Catalan, and his works reflected glory on Valencia and Catalonia, but in no 
sense upon the kingdom of Aragon. H.) 

1384.] LITERATURE. 3 

Of the various minor poets whose names are scarce re- 
membered, and whose works are assuredly forgotten, no more 
need be said than that they lived. And of the ephemeral 
verses of the refined cavaliers who vied with and patronised 
them, no more need be said than that they were written. 

After Ferdinand of Castile had brought peace to Aragon at 
the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Consistories or feasts 
of poetry were revived with much enthusiasm at Tortosa ; the 
king in person presided at the literary contests and distributed 
prizes among the successful competitors. 

In Castile already in the reign of Henry III., Alfonso Alvarez 
de Villa Sandino of Illescas had written some verses in the 
Provencal or courtly style, which were admired by his con- 
temporaries ; and a certain Francisco Imperial, of a Sevillian 
family, wrote a poem in the early days of John II. upon an 
adventure in the camp of Tamerlane, 1 which has received the 
commendation of Ticknor. 

The first notable man of letters in Castile after the death of 
Ayala, if not since the time of the archpriest of Hita, was Henry 
of Aragon, surnamed the Astrologer, and sometimes erroneously 
spoken of as Marquis of Villena, 2 a title which was borne only 
by his grandfather. Descended on his father's side from the 
royal house of Aragon, and on his mother's from the royal house 
of Castile, 3 Henry of Aragon sought fame neither as a soldier 
nor a politician ; and he was the first royal or noble student in 
Castile since the days of Alfonso X. (except Juan Manual) who 
was content with the peaceful career of a scholar and a man of 
letters. Born in 1384, his youth was spent at the court of 
Castile. In 1412 he followed his kinsman Ferdinand to Aragon, 
and lived in his most honourable company until the king's death 

1 For this adventure and for the embassies sent by Henry III. to the court of 
Bajazet and Tamerlane, see ante, vol. i., chapter xxxi. (Francisco Imperial was 
the son of a Genoese settled in Seville, and was one of the first writers to introduce 
the new influence of the Italian spirit into Spanish poetry, imitating Dante, as he 
did closely. H.) 

8 The old Marquis of Villena, the only grandee in Spain who was then entitled 
to use the title of marquis, had been invested with that dignity by the favour of 
Henry of Trastamara ; but the title was withdrawn from him, we know not why, 
by Henry III. The mistake seems to have been first made by Pellicer, and has 
been copied by Ticknor and other writers. Vide Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia 
de Espafta, i., 206. 

3 Salazar de Mendoza, Origen de las Dignidades (1618), lib. iii., cap. xii. 

In consequence of Ticknor's blunder, this Henry of Aragon, miscalled Marquis 
of Villena, had been fui ther confounded with the contemptible favourite Pacheco, 
who assumed the title of Villena some years after the death of Henry of Aragon, by 
favour of the no less contemptible Henry IV. 


only four years later, when he returned to Castile ; and, having 
obtained the petty lordship of Iniestra, near Cuenca, he passed 
the rest of his life as a poor but contented student, ever welcome 
at the court of Castile, but enjoying, for the most part, a learned 
leisure at his country retreat. He died at Madrid in 1434, 
when his line became extinct ; and his works have hardly 
sufficed to preserve his great name from oblivion. The Arte 
Cisoria, a prose treatise on carving, a curious pedantic com- 
position of no literary merit, gives an interesting picture of the 
domestic economy of the palace and the service at the royal 
table in the fifteenth century. The Arte de Trovar or Goya 
Ciencia, 1 a work of a very different character a translation 2 
of Cicero's Rhetoric, and a translation of Dante's Divina Corn- 
media 3 have all perished ; and the interest that now attaches 
to them is rather that such works were written at all, than for 
any literary merit they may have possessed. Of a translation 
of Virgil's JEneid, seven books only of very poor verse have been 
preserved. It is the man himself rather than any of his works 
that is interesting to us, as he undoubtedly was to his contem- 

A barbarous age, indeed, could see in the varied accom- 
plishments of this learned and cultivated student only the 
necromantic skill so suggestive to the popular imagination. 
Neglected as he was, and despised during his life, popular 
exaggeration speedily converted him into a magician of won- 
drous power ; the legend grew until there was nothing too wild 
to be attributed to him. He had caused himself to be cut up 
and packed in a flask with certain conjurations so as to become 
immortal ; he had rendered himself invisible with the herb 
Andromeda ; he had turned the sun blood-red with the stone 
heliotrope ; he had brought rain and tempest with a copper 
vessel ; he had divined the future with the stone chelonites ; 
he had given his shadow to the devil in the cave of San Cebrian ; 
every feat of magic was attributed to him. He became the 

1 Don Henry of Aragon was President of the Poetic Consistory of Barcelona, 
and it was in that capacity that he addressed to the Marquis of Santillana his Arte 
de Trovar, with a view of persuading him to introduce the Gaya Ciencia into 
Castile, and to adopt in his own writings the style of the Provencal poetry. 

How much higher were the aims and aspirations of the great Marquis of San- 
tillana, I endeavour to show further on. 

2 A fragment of the Arte de Trovar is printed in the Origenes de la Lengua 
Espanola, chap. v. 

3 The Divina Commedia had already been translated into Catalan by one 
Febrer in 1428. 

1440.] LITERATURE. 5 

inexhaustible theme of playwright and storyteller, and remains 
to the present day the favourite magician of the Spanish stage. 1 

A man of a very different stamp, Juan de Mena, the 
chronicler of King John II. of Castile a is remembered not only 
for his history, but for his weak, if somewhat graceful verses. 
His Laberinto, usually spoken of as the Trescienlos, from the 
number of couplets of which the poem consists, which was 
highly appreciated at the court of John II. is a poor imitation 
of the style of the all-inspiring Dante ; his Side Pecados is a 
pedantic, theological, and metaphysical Morality ; his most 
remarkable work is perhaps his Coronation the coronation on 
Mount Parnassus of the Marquis of Santillana, a eulogy on 
that distinguished Castilian, also in a style of the Divina 

Juan de Mena, an historian as well as a poet, did more 
than any of his predecessors since Alfonso X. to augment and 
enrich the poetic vocabulary of Castile. He introduced new 
words, revised old forms, and had a great and happy influence 
upon the development of the language of United Spain. But 
the most distinguished writer in Castile in the time of John II. 
was certainly Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Marquis of Santillana, 
"gloria y delicias de la corte de Castilla" . Born in 139 8, he 
assisted at the early age of seventeen at the coronation of 
Ferdinand of Aragon at Saragossa (1414), and he afterwards 
took his place at the court of John II., where he was ever an 
honoured guest. Brave in battle, wise in council, graceful in 
conversation, respected in every walk of life, he pursued his 
active career in camp and palace and castle, until after the 
celebrated battle of Olmedo in 1445 he was rewarded with the 
title of marquis, which had as yet been borne only by a single 
nobleman in Castile, the royal Henry of Villena. 

His relations with the king and with Alvaro' de Luna his 
political foe for over thirty years were governed by the finest 
tact and discretion ; and while maintaining his own position and 
dignity at court, he refrained from giving offence to the favourite, 

1 Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos Espafloles, i., 582 et seq. ; Lea, History of the 
Inquisition, iii., 490, 491. A little prose treatise on the Trabajos de Hercules was 
printed in 1483, and was apparently admired by contemporary critics ; but is now 
interesting only as a bibliographical curiosity, unodelos libros mas raros que exislen. 
Gayangos and Ticknor, op. cit. , xviii. , note 33. 

"* It is extremely doubtful whether Juan de Mena wrote the Chronicle of John 
II. The most competent critics are generally agreed that he did not ; and Mr. 
Fitzmaurice Kelly inclines to the belief that the chronicle was written by Alvai 
Garcia de Santa Maria. H. 


who respected, if he did not love, the man who was too proud 
to seek to be his rival. On the fall of the constable in 1453, 
the marquis l withdrew from the court, and devoted himself 
exclusively to the pursuits of literature, until his death some five 
years afterwards, in 1458. 

During these last years, we are told, so widespread was his 
literary fame, that students came from every country in Europe 
" expressly to see him and hear him " ; and every fresh visitor 
was made welcome at his palace. 2 At this time, too, the young 
Constable of Portugal, who afterwards assumed the title of King 
of Aragon in 1 463, sent an envoy with a most respectful request 
to the marquis to be allowed to have a copy of his poems. The 
answer with which the marquis despatched the precious MS. 
contains a list of all the Spanish poets whose works were at that 
time known, and is said by Ticknor to be "the most important 
document that we possess relating to the ancient literature of 
Castile". 3 

In the poetry of the Marquis of Santillana the spirit of 
Aragon and the spirit of Italy are both perceived, but his genius 
evolved something different from either ; something in itself 
original, national, full of life and vigour, recognisable as the 
poetry of United Spain. The Serranillas, the most celebrated of 
his early poems, are to some extent influenced by the Provengal 
style. But the Italian masters, as was but natural, were after- 
wards his chief delight. He read Boccaccio and Petrarch. He 
translated large portions of Dante. He was the first to introduce 
into Castilian poetry the purely Italian form of the sonnet. But 
he was no mere imitator. The glories and beauties of the 
literature of Italy may have inspired his fancy ; but his genius 
was not Italian but Spanish. His historic poem, Las Edades del 
mundo (1426), is of no great value. His verses on the fall and 
death of Alvaro de Luna are in every respect admirable, and are 
the work of a great man, as well as of an accomplished poet. 
But in variety of interest his Comedieta de Ponza is perhaps the 
most remarkable of all his works. It was written in 1435, and 
gives an account of the great naval combat in which Alfonso of 
Aragon and his brother John of Navarre, were taken prisoners, 
and their fleet destroyed by the Duke of Milan, off Terracina, 
near the island of Ponza. The poem is written in imitation of 

1 See Pulgar, Claras varones, etc. 

2 Juan de Mena, Coronation, Prolog, (ed. 1566), fo. 260. 

3 It is printed in the collection of Sanchez, torn. i. See also Ticknor, Hist, of 
Span. Literature, vol. i. , chap. xix. 

1444.] LITERATURE. 7 

certain passages in the Inferno, especially part of canto vii. ; 
and the story is told as in a dream or vision, after the manner of 
the great Florentine. As a history the work is valuable ; as an 
imitation it is noteworthy ; but it is the dramatic form in which 
the dialogue is cast that constitutes the most interesting and 
certainly the most original feature in the poem. 

"The Dance of Death," or Danza general de los muertos, 
written in the middle of the fourteenth century, is the first 
work in the Spanish language that can be said to contain even 
the germ of the later drama. Next in order comes the Comedieta 
de Ponza, in the middle of the fifteenth century. After this, 
and imbued still more distinctly with the dramatic form and 
spirit, is the Capias de Mingo Revulgo, a pastoral dialogue of 
the latter part of the fifteenth century, in which the vices and 
bad government of Henry IV. are set forth in picturesque and 
vigorous language. The verses are attributed by most critics to 
one Rodrigo della Cota or Cotta, but by Mariana, with his usual 
inaccuracy, to the chronicler Hernando del Pulgar. 1 

Of national drama as yet there was none. Nor can we fairly 
speak of its existence until the time of Lope de Rueda, 2 whose 
first Paso is dated as late as 1544. But while students and 
critics may alike admire the complex development of the Come- 
dieta de Ponza, the most popular work of the great Marquis de 
Santillana has ever been his simple and eminently national col- 
lection of Castilian proverbs, selected by desire of John II. for 
the education of his son, afterwards the graceless Henry IV. 
As far as its immediate objects are concerned, the work must be 
pronounced a signal failure. But if the Centiloquio was disre- 
garded by Henry the Impotent, it has been the delight of many 
worthy men at home and abroad, and the work after enjoying 
a considerable amount of popularity in MS. was printed, in 
1496, under the title of one hundred Proverbios y su glosa, and 
passed through no less than ten editions in the course of the 
next century. 3 

a See Lafuente, ix., pp. 85, 86; and Ticknor, i., p. 236. 

2 According to M. Germond de Lavigne, La Comfdie Espagnole (1883) Introd. , 
p. viii. , all these early essays cannot be considered as a part of the true drama of 
Spain. Ce fat LMpe de Rueda, according to the French critic, qui crda le genre 
vtritablement national ; and the first Paso that was written by Rueda is dated 1544. 
As to the nature of these Pasos, or passages in human life, little dramas in one scene, 
and the Saynetes, or condiments (something piquant), seeG. de Lavigne, ubi supra, 
x.-xii. It was only Naharro, a successor of Rueda, who introduced anything like 
scenery into the Spanish theatre. Cf. Essai sur le Theatre Espagnol, par Louis de 
Viel-Castel (1882), 2 torn. 

3 Another and a larger collection of Spanish proverbs was compiled by Inigo 
Lopez de Mendoza, Marquis de Santillana, " d ruego del Rey Don Johan" under 


As long as the language of Castile has had a distinct exist- 
ence, the Castilian proverbs have been widely and justly cele- 
brated. And they seem to be at once wiser, wittier and more 
numerous than those of any other nation in Europe. The 
occupation of so large a portion of the Peninsula by the Arabs, 
whose language is exceedingly rich in 'proverbial expressions, is 
fairly assigned as one, though it is only one of many causes of 
this fertility ; yet, although there are still very many Spanish 
proverbs which bear about them the most unmistakable signs of 
their oriental origin, Andalusia, where that influence is naturally 
most marked, is comparatively poor in proverbs ; while Gallicia, 
where the Arabs never obtained a footing, is remarkably rich, 
and is apparently the birthplace of many of those most current 
in pure Castilian. The use of proverbs in Spain is not restricted 
to the vulgar, nor yet to the conversation of the more lettered. 
Almost eveiy writer, as well as every speaker, has taken a keen 
delight in introducing them, and it has been well said that he 
who would most fully appreciate the genius of the Spanish 
language in its native purity, and most justly judge the Spanish 
people in their characteristic simplicity and shrewdness, should 
devote special attention to the ancient proverbs of the country. 1 

Another noble Castilian writer of the time of John II. is 
Fernan Perez de Guzman, a half-brother of the Marquis of 
Santillana, and a nephew of Pedro Lopez de Ayala. He was 
born in 1400, and distinguished himself greatly at the glorious 
but undecisive battle of Higueruela in Granada in 1431. An 
object of envy to Alvaro de Luna, he chose to withdraw from 
the king's court rather than to submit himself to the favourite, 
and retiring to his estate at Batres he devoted the remainder 
of his days to literature. 

Of his poetical compositions the most important is his Loores 

the title of Refranes que dicen las vie/as tras elfuego, ordenados par el orden del A. 
B. C. This collection, which includes no less than 800 proverbs, is printed in the 
Dialogo de las Lenguas, and may be found in the reprint of that work by Gregorio 
Mayans y Siscar (1873), pp. 149-181, 'with observations on certain proverbs. 

1 Some of the best and most characteristic of these proverbs occur in the ballads, 
as for example that admirable one, " If the pill had a pleasant taste, they wouldn't 
gild it outside," a proverb thoroughly Spanish in its shrewd sense and dry humour, 
and that more famous one which is still a popular saying in Spain, Mas Moros, mas 
ganancia, " The more the Moors, the bigger the booty," with which, according to 
the ballad, the Cid reassured Ximena when she looked with dismay from her tower 
in the Alcazar on the host assembled for the recovery of Valencia ; a proverb which, 
according to Richard P'ord, hits off the Cid to the life his boldness, his firm self- 
reliance, and his keen eye to the main chance. See Richard Ford, Introduction to 
Handbook of Spain, in any of the early editions. 

1431.] LITERATURE. 9 

de los claros Varones de Espafia, a work of historical as well as of 
literary interest, but he is best known as the author of Las Genera- 
clones y Semblanzas, consisting of thirty-four biographies in prose 
of the most distinguished personages of his day. It was written 
at various periods of the life of the author, who describes with a 
master hand and with the greatest minuteness of detail, the 
character, the personal appearance, and the physical and moral 
peculiarities of his various contemporaries. He speaks, moreover, 
with the authority of a man of birth and lineage, of the deeds 
of arms and the political and private life of the distinguished 
personages with whom he was so intimately acquainted. His 
life-like sketches are set off with many original observations and 
reflections, which stamp the writer as a man of parts and of 
judgment, in intellectual culture and in vigour of thought, not 
only, as the phrase runs, in advance of his times, but a man who 
would have been noteworthy and admirable in any age and in 
any country, and who, as he himself tells us, was very far from 
being appreciated at the court of his sovereign. 

That John II. should have dabbled in colourless scholarship, 
and protected submissive scholars, that he should have admired 
graceful language, most chiefly that he should have patronised 
the Universities of Castile these things alone show him less 
contemptible than his son Henry ; but it is not likely that solid 
merit would have been truly appreciated in his palace, or that 
vigorous and original thought would have been encouraged by 
the master who permitted him to occupy his feeble intelligence 
in the harmless patronage of books and bookmen. 

Of the distinguished literary family of the Manriques, it may 
be noticed in passing that the tragic history of the eldest born, 
Don Pedro, has supplied the plot of one of the most popular of 
modern Italian operas. The baritone, Conte di Luna, of Verdi's 
Travatore is no less a person than the great Constable of Castile, 
and Manrico the tenor represents Pedro Manrique, a poet and a 
soldier who had offended the dictator, and whose unjust execu- 
tion plunged the court into mourning in 1440. "The good 
Count of Haro," indeed obtained from his pliable sovereign a 
grant of all the honours and estate of the murdered man to his 
son Roderic of Paredes, a poet like his father, and whose younger 
brother, Gomez Manrique, maintained the literary traditions of 
his family. This Gomez, in addition to many long-forgotten 
poems, wrote some verses addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella, 
which ^were printed between 1482 and 1490. But the son of 
Roderic, George or Jorge Manrique, excelled all his predecessors 


in literary merit, and his poem on the death of his father, known 
as the Coplas de Jorge Manrique, is a work of singular merit, simple 
in language, natural and unaffected in sentiment, and one of the 
most excellent poems of its kind that are to be found in the 
entire range of Castilian literature. 1 

Nor was the reign of John II. less fruitful in works of more 
solid value and of more enduring interest. The Cronica real del 
Rey Don Juan II. extends from the death of Henry III. in 1407 
to the death of John himself in 1454. The Chronicle may cer- 
tainly not be compared with the Laberinto or the Comedieia 
with the poems of Ruiz or the Coplas of Manrique. But it is 
by no means the work of scribes and drudges. From 1429 to 
1445 the work is that of Juan de Mena, and although that poet 
was too good a courtier to speak evil of kings and privados ; 2 
and the Chronicle of the last nine years of the reign of John is 
by the still more eminent hand of Fernan Perez de Guzman, the 
author of the Generaciones y Semblanzas. The Carlos or private 
letters of Cibdareal, an adopted son of Ayala, written between 
the years 1425 and 1454, throw an additional amount of light 
on the history and manners of the reign of John II. of Castile. 3 
These letters were printed in the century in which they were 
written (1499), and again towards the end of the eighteenth 
century by Don Eugenic Llaguno y Amirola, secretary of the 
Spanish Royal Academy of History. 

The fifteenth century, too, saw the rise of the Special and 
Personal Chronicle, no less interesting and far more character- 
istic than the General or Royal Chronicle of the time. Of these 
private histories, the most noteworthy are the Passo Honroso, 
compiled by one Pero Rodriguez Velena, a detailed account of 
the celebrated tourney which took place at the bridge of Orbigo, 
near Leon, in 1434, when Don Suero de Quiuones, the flower 

1 Although the Coplas were written in 1476, or perhaps in 1477, two or three 
years after the accession of Isabella, they belong so entirely to an earlier period 
that I have included them in this chapter. See Ticknor, i. , 436. The joint reign 
of Ferdinand and Isabella, moreover, did not begin until 1479, an( ^ tne political 
action of the sovereigns, and their influence in Castile dates rather from the Cortes 
of 1480 than from any earlier period. 

^Favourites. (With regard to Juan de Mena's alleged authorship of the 
Chronicle of John II., see note on page 5. H.) 

3 He is said to have submitted his writings to the king for his criticism and 
corrections ; and the king indicated to the chronicler the mode of treatment of 
contemporary history that would be pleasing to his royal master. We do not often 
hear of such direct interference with the sources of history. Lafuente, ix., 81. 

David Garrick, no doubt, himself wrote the notices of his own appearances for 
the newspapers ; and in that way satisfied himself as well as the public ! 

1472.] LITERATURE. 11 

and cream of contemporary chivalry, kept the lists for thirty 
days, while seventy-six lances were broken by seventy-eight of 
the knights-errant of the time that the protagonist might be 
freed from a fantastic vow to the lady of his knightly affections. 1 

Another of these special histories is the Seguro de Tordesillas, 
by the good Count of Haro, Pedro Hernandez de Velasco, which 
gives an account of the conference at Tordesillas in 1439, be- 
tween the king, Alvaro de Luna, and the independent nobles 
of Castile. For to so low a pitch had sunk the royal power and 
the public faith in the kingdom, that as a condition precedent 
to the assembling of the conference, it was necessary to find an 
honest man, in whom all parties could confide, and who should 
be invested for the nonce with the authority of king and con- 
stable over the noble partisans of the contending factions, whose 
plighted word was trusted by no man in Spain. The honest 
man was Pedro Hernandez de Velasco, the good Count of Haro, 
And the seguro or assurance that was given by his high character, 
and the armed force with which he was entrusted, that the 
visitors would not be kidnapped on their journey, nor the con- 
veners knocked on the head in their palace, suggested the 
singular title that was adopted for the record of a yet more 
singular event. 2 

The Claros varones de Castillo,, by Hernando del Pulgar, is in 
every way superior to the same writer's Chronicle of the Catho- 
lic kings ; and although by no means comparable with the 
Generaciones y Semblanzas, of which it is avowedly an imitation, it 
is not only useful to every student of contemporary history, but 
many of the lives are models of terse biographical composition. 3 

1 An abstract of the Passo Honroso is given by Lafuente in his history (vol. ix. , 
pp. 98-118), with the names of the sixty-eight knights-errant who took part in it. 
This curious record of contemporary manners was printed in the sixteenth century, 
and republished by the Keal Acad. de Hist, in 1783. See Ticknor, Hist. Lit., i., 
c. x. ; Lafuente, ix., pp. 63-66, and note; Zurita, Ann. Arag., xiv., 22; Don 
Quixote, part i., cap. xlix. 

2 The Seguro de Tordesillas was printed for the first time at Milan in 1611 ; 
again at Madrid in 1784. The anonymous chronicle of Pero Nino (printed in part 
by Llaguno, Madrid, 1783), an author who flourished in the reign of Henry III., 
the Chronicle of Alvaro de Luna, first printed at Milan in 1546, and afterwards at 
Madrid in 1784, the work of an unknown hand, have both been more than once 
referred to in the course of this history. See especially vol. i. , pp. . (The 
craze for writing these personal chronicles, at the end of the fifteenth century be- 
came as great in ipain as the similar fashion of writing personal memoirs was in 
France 200 years afterwards. The craze in Spain was absurdly satirised by Charles 
V.'s famous jester, Francesillo de Zuniga, in his burlesque " Cronica ". H.) 

3 The Claros Varones include Henry IV., the Admiral Don Fadrique, the 
Count of Haro, the Marquis of Santillana, Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Pacheco, 
Grand Master of Santiago, Count of Vallandrado, Count of Cifuentes, Duke of 


Among the remaining prose writers who flourished at the 
court of John II. of Castile was Juan de Lucena, whose Vita 
beata is an imitation of that popular mediaeval work, the Conso- 
lation oj Philosophy of Boethius ; Alfonso de la Torre, whose 
Vision delectable is a pedantic allegory on the subject of human 
learning ; and Diego Rodriguez de Almela, whose Valerio de las 
historias, a didactic treatise upon the virtues and vices of succeed- 
ing ages, was completed in the year 1472. 1 

Infantazgo, Count of Alvadeliste, Count of Plasencia, Count of Medinaceli, 
Manrique, Count of Paredes ; Garcilaso dela Vega, Juan de Saya Vedra, Rodrigo 
de Narvaez, the Cardinals Torquemada and Carbajal, Archbishops Carrillo and 
Fonseca, and the Bishops of Burgos, Soria, Avila and Cordova. 

1 There is a very fair account of the state of literature, both sacred and secular, 
in Spain at the end of the fifteenth century, in McCrie's Hist, of the Reformation 
in Spain (Blackwood, 1829), chap. ii. 

A few words upon the literature of the Spanish Jews will be found in my 
chapters upon the Jews in Spain, post, chapter xliii. 

The reader may also consult Amador de los Rios, Estudios historicos politico! 
y literarios sobre los Judios de Espana, a work which has been well translated into 
French by M. Magnabal, an author whose version of Ticknor's Spanish Literature 
(Paris, 1864) is also well deserving of study. 





WITH Sancho VI. of Navarre, who died in 1234, 1 the male line 
of Sancho Inigez, the founder of the monarchy, had come to an 
end, and Thibault, Count of Champagne, and nephew of the 
last of the Sanchos, had been elected king in his room. This 
Thibault, and his son who succeeded him in 1253 as Thibault 
II., spent the greater part of their lives in Palestine. The 
former died at Rome (1253), the latter in Sicily (1270), each one 
on his return from the Crusades. Henry, the brother of the 
second Thibault, reigned but four years, and dying in 1274, left 
Navarre to his daughter Jeanne, who was married (1284) to 
Philip the Fair, eldest son of Philip the Bold, who succeeded, at 
his father's death in the following year (1285) as Philip IV. of 
France. Jeanne died in 1305, when her son, Louis Hutin, 
immediately became King of Navarre ; and succeeded, on his 
father's death in 1313, to the French throne. His brothers 
Philip V. and Charles IV. reigned as kings of France and Navarre, 
until, on the death of Charles in 1328 without male issue, the 
crown of France passed to his cousin, Philip of Valois, while that 
of Navarre was inherited by his sister Jeanne, daughter of Lewis 
Hutin, who was recognised by the States assembled at Pamplona 
in 1328 ; and who reigned, in spite of the opposition of Philip 
of Valois, from 1328 to 1349, as Jeanne II. of Navarre. By her 
husband Philip, Count of Evreux, she left a numerous family, 
the eldest of whom succeeded as Charles, universally known as 
the Bad, the friend of Peter the Cruel, the ally of Edward the 
Black Prince, the boldest and most unscrupulous adventurer of 
a bold unscrupulous age, and a thorn in the side of his French 
neighbours during his reign of nearly forty years (1349-1387). 
His daring assassination of the Constable of France in his castle 

1 Ante, vol. i., chap, xx., p. 213, and chap, xxiv., p. 252. 




This complicated succession will be made clear by the 
following Table : 

JEANNE, Queen of Navarre, m. 1284, Philip the Fair, King of France. 
1274-1305. | 1285-1314. 

Louis (Hutin) King of France (1314), and of 
Navarre (1305). ob. 1316. 

Philip V., King of France and of Navarre 

Jeanne = Philip, Count Charles IV., King of France and of 



Navarre, 1322-1328. ob. s. p. 

Charles II. the Bad, King of Navarre 


Charles III. the Noble, King of Navarre 


BLANCHE, m. 1419, John II. of Aragon, 

Queen of Navarre, 

King of Navarre, 

Charles, Prince of Viana, Blanche, Eleanor = Gaston 

murdered in 1461. poisoned in 1464. 1469-1479 

ob. s. p. ob. s. p. 

de Foix. 
ob. 1472. 

Gaston de Foix, Prince of Viana, 
ob. 1470. 

Francois Phoebus, 
1479-1483, ob. s. p. 

Katharine = Jean 
1483-1517. d'Albret. 

Henry = Margaret of Valois, sister of 


Francis I. of France. 

Jeanne d'Albret = Antoine de Bourbon. 

HENRY IV., King of France (1589), and of Navarre (1572). 
By Edict of July, 1607, French Navarre was permanently united to France. 

1441.] NAVARRE. 15 

of L'Aigle, near Rouen ; his own capture at the castle of the 
Dauphin ; his long imprisonment in the fortress of Arleux in 
Cambresis ; his chivalrous rescue, after the English victory at 
Poictiers (1356), by a little band of Navarrese nobles ; and the 
various turns of fortune in a life of intrigue and turmoil all 
these things would form the theme of an historical romance, 
which, as far as I know, has never been selected by any of the 
great writers of modern times. 1 

This Charles the Bad, a worthy compeer of Peter the Cruel, 
was succeeded by his son Charles III., surnamed the Noble, a 
title which, by some freak of heredity, he appears to have fairly 
merited. His reign was long and pacific (1387-1425), and he 
was succeeded by his daughter Blanche, who had married the 
second son of Ferdinand of Castile the chosen king of the 
people of Aragon Don John, Duke of Peuafiel and King of 
Sicily, afterwards John II. of Aragon. 

From very early days down to 1404 the kingdom of Navarre 
consisted of six meritidades or divisions each under the govern- 
ment of a merino, or judicial and executive chief Pamplona, 
Estella, Tudela, Sanguesa and Ultrapuertos or St. Jean Pied de 
Port. In J404 a seventh, Olite, was added. In 1512, all but 
the merindad of St. Jean Pied de Port were conquered by Ferdi- 
nand the Catholic, and annexed to Spain ; and the merindad of 
St. Jean Pied de Port became Basse or French Navarre, until 
under Henry IV. it was permanently united with France, and 
the limits of the ancient kingdom were forgotten. 2 

1 Prosper Me"rim6e, in his brilliant sketch of Peter the Cruel Vie de Don 
Pedre I. de Castille has naturally much to say of Charles the Bad ; but the lead- 
ing authority for his life is the Mfmoires pour servir d Chistoire de Charles II. de 
Navarre (le mauvais), par M. Secousse, one vol., 410 (Paris, 1758); and the 
supplementary Receuil des Pieces sur les troubles excites en France par Charles II. 
(le mauvais), published before the principal work (Paris, 1755), one vol., 410. 

2 As far as can now be ascertained, Navarre from the twelfth to the sixteenth 
century was bounded on the west by the Pays de Labour, on the south by Spanish 
territory, on the east by the Pays de Soule, which was at one time tributary to 
Navarre, and on the north by Be'arn. See La Greze, i. , 9, Histoire de Navarre, 
1881, two vols. The northernmost town was La Bastide Clairence, near Bayonne. 
Mauteon, the capital of the dependent viscounty of la Soule, was also counted as a 
Navarrese town. La Greze, torn. i. , p. 16. 

The accompanying map is the result of some research, and may be useful to 
reader and student. See also Fr. Michel, Le Pays Basque (Paris, 1857); A. de 
Belsance, Hist, des Basques (Bayonne, 1847) ; Joseph de Moret, /nvestigaciones 
Historicas ; Moret and Aleson, Anales del Reyno de llavarra, seven vols., fo. 1766 ; 
and Diccionario de los Fueros del Reino de Navarra, y de las leyes vigentes , by Jos6 
Yanguas y Miranda (San Sebastian, 1828), p. 433; and the Adiciones, id., id., 
1829, p. 116. 

See also Appendix I., "The Basques ". 


To construct or reconstruct the map of the ancient kingdom 
of Navarre is necessary for any one who would understand the 
history of the country. And yet so rapidly do the landmarks 
even of European kingdoms become obliterated, that it is to- 
day a task of no inconsiderable difficulty to ascertain the limits 
and the area of the kingdom, even as it existed in the compara- 
tively recent time of John of Aragon. It is pretty clear, however, 
that the southern or Spanish boundaries were those of the 
modern province of Pamplona, while the limits of the kingdom 
north of the Pyrenees are probably to be found in those of the 
modern Arrondissement of Mauleon. The district to the west 
of Basse Navarre or that part of the kingdom north of the 
Pyrenees is now known as the pays de Labour, a deceptive and 
misleading spelling of the old Labourd or Labord, probably the 
border district on the coast ; for strange to say, the kingdom of 
Navarre existed and flourished, as it did for many hundred years, 
not only without a port, but without a yard of territory on the 
neighbouring seaboard. The district to the east, or la Soule, 
was for a long time dependent upon, if not actually part of 
Navarre, under the government of a semi-independent viscount, 
who resided at the town of Mauleon. 

The capital of the entire kingdom was always Pamplona. 
But after the conquest of the southern Provinces by Spain, in 
1512, St. Jean Pied de Port, at the foot of the pass commanding 
the principal road across the Pyrenees by Roncesvalles, became 
the capital of what was left of Navarre. The inhabitants of the 
mountains to the north as well as to the south were undoubtedly 
Basques ; though Navarre was very far from including within 
its limits the whole of the Basque population, which occupied 
the provinces of Guipuzcoa, Alava, Biscay, and a great part of 
the Asturias, which were never included in the dominions of the 
kings at Pamplona. 

From the recognition of Queen Jeanne in 1328 to the death 
of Queen Blanche in 1441, Navarre was politically independent. 
Yet during the greater part of the dictatorship of Alvaro de 
Luna, the affairs of the country were constantly involved with 
those of Castile ; while throughout the entire public life of John 
II. of Aragon, the little kingdom was the chosen centre of 
intrigue on the part of the various rulers of France, of Castile, 
of Aragon and of Naples. Although in the first instance it was 
the folly of the queen-mother of Navarre, and the ambitious 
policy of the Constable of Castile, that brought trouble to the 
court of Pamplona, it is John of Aragon, whether as prince or 

1441.] NAVARRE. 17 

viceroy, or as king, that is the protagonist in the doleful drama 
that was played in Spain during the latter half of the fifteenth 
century. That restless sovereign, who had been recalled from 
Sicily on his father's death in 1416, by the jealousy of his elder 
brother Alfonso V., had consoled himself for the loss of a Nea- 
t politan wife by a politic marriage with the heiress of Navarre ; 
O and pending his acquisition of the material advantages of the 
alliance, he devoted himself to the prosecution of endless in- 
trigues in Castile. Nor did the death of his father-in-law at 
Pamplona withdraw him at once from such congenial employ- 
ment, nor induce him to proceed to Navarre and take his place 
at the side of his wife's throne. For full three years Queen 
Blanche administered the kingdom that she had inherited from 
her father, without help or hindrance from her husband. At 
length, in 1428, in consequence of the final triumph of Alvaro 
de Luna, John was compelled to withdraw from Castile ; and 
he took advantage of the unwonted repose to cause himself and 
his wife to be solemnly crowned King and Queen of Navarre. 
Their first born son, Charles, was on the same occasion solemnly 
recognised as the successor of his mother in her ancestral king- 
dom ; and in emulation of the Princes of Wales, of Asturias, and 
of Gerona, their heir to the crown of Navarre was invested with 
the hereditary title of Prince of Viana. 

Navarre, however, had no attractions for the restless and 
ambitious John. Castile was closed to him by the unbroken 
power of Alvaro de Luna. But Italy was an ever-fruitful field 
of strife and sedition ; and to Italy accordingly he directed his 
steps, to assist his elder brother, Alfonso, in his struggle for the 
crown of Naples. Queen Blanche administered the affairs of 
her kingdom wisely and well during the continued absence of 
her husband, until her death in 1441, when her son Charles 
succeeded, as of right, to the crown, and, as of necessity, to the 
government of Navarre. But in deference to his mother's last 
wishes, he forbore to assume the title of king, until he should 
have obtained the formal consent of his absent father ; and he 
styled himself in the meanwhile, Prince of Viana, Lieutenant- 
Governor of the kingdom of Navarre. 

It was somewhat doubtful, under the terms of the marriage 
treaty, if John the widower, or Charles the eldest son, was to 
reign, in case of the death of Blanche before her husband. But 
John, once more occupied with his intrigues in Castile, took no 
thought for his son nor for the affairs of Navarre. His party had 
obtained a momentary triumph over the Constable Alvaro de 

VOL. II. 2 


Luna, and in the absence of the favourite, who had been driven 
from the court, Don Fadrique Henriquez, Admiral of Castile, had 
become the most powerful man in the kingdom. A marriage 
between John and Joanna, the admiral's only daughter, was 
contrived in the interests of the faction ; a marriage disastrous 
to the children of Blanche, and to the peace of Navarre. Nor 
did the alliance, fraught as it was with the most momentous 
consequences to Spain, bring honour or profit to John of Aragon. 
Alvaro de Luna was almost immediately afterwards restored to 
power. The confederation was defeated at Olmedo ; Don Henry 
was slain in battle ; Don John, wounded, and forced to fly the 
country, found shelter with his new wife in his son's ancestral 
kingdom of Navarre. 

Dona Juana Henriquez was clever, beautiful and ambitious, 
but she was unscrupulous, arrogant and domineering. Like 
a true parvenu she was more imperious than any born princess. 
And she threw herself at once into the intrigues and dissen- 
sions, the family strife and civil warfare that went by the name 
of politics in mediaeval Spain. The condition of Castile under 
John II. and Alvaro de Luna was sufficiently deplorable. 
Aragon, under a judicious regent, was more tranquil ; but 
Navarre was distracted by the dissensions of two powerful 
parties, who, like the more celebrated Montagues and Capulets, 
fought from the mere habit of fighting, and disturbed the 
Commonwealth with their endless and meaningless strife. The 
leader of one faction was the Marshal of the kingdom, Don 
Pedro, Lord of Agramont ; of the other, the Constable and 
Grand Prior, Don John of Beaumont. 1 John of Aragon, return- 

1 The great officers of State and public functionaries of NAVARRE were 
i, THE KING ; 2, the Viceroy or governor of the kingdom ; 3, Alferez or grand 
standard-bearer, from the Arabic, al Feriz = a knight ; 4, Constable of the kingdom ; 
5, Marshal of the kingdom ; 6, Mesnadero, "fellow commoner" of the king ; 7, 
Sayon, collector-general ; 8, Procureur du roi ; 9, Portero, collector of revenue ; 
10, Serjeant-at-arms , with custody of the mace ; n, Almirante, admiral, not of 
fleet, as Navarre had no seaport; but etymologically. Admiral (Middle Eng., 
amiral, and O. Fr. , amiral) has nothing to do with the sea. It is the Arabic Amir, 
with a Latin termination alis ; see Dozy and Engelmann, Glossaire, sub-tit. Al- 
mirante. 12, Sheriff; 13, Recibidor, local receiver of taxes ; 14, Merino, adminis- 
trator and chief justice of each one of the five provinces or merindades ; 15, Alcalde, 
local judge, Arabic Cddi ; 16, Alcaide, governor of fortress or fortified town, 
Arabic, Caid ; 17, Consul, municipal judge and magistrate; 18, Jurados, justices 
of the peace; 19, Prebost, provost?; 20, Alguazil, policeman, Arab al IVazir ; 
21, Bayle, bailiff; 22, Zalmenida ? M. la Greze queries this word ; but I have no 
doubt that it is Zalmedina ; Arab, Sahib '1 Medina, civil governor of a town ; 23, 
Bocero, advocate the mouth-man, who was forbidden to be prolix or long in his 
speeches ; 24, Notaries, who had to pass an examination ; 25, Ushers ; 26, Doctors, 
whose fees were fixed by law ; 27, Apothecaries. 

See La Greze, Hist, de Navarre (1881, vol. ii.), where will also be found a 

1452.] NAVARRE. 19 

ing with his new wife, could find nothing better to do than to 
deprive the young King Charles of his rightful heritage. All 
Navarre was roused to indignation. Yet inasmuch as the 
Beaumonts had first ranged themselves on the side of Charles of 
Viana, the Agramonts could do no otherwise than espouse the 
cause of John of Aragon. And Navarre, long vexed by petty 
factions, became a prey to civil war. 

John II. of Castile, with his son Henry, Prince of Asturias, 1 
glad of the opportunity of vexing their ever-troublesome neigh- 
bours, came to the assistance of Charles, while the bold Juana 
Henriquez hurried to Estella, which she fortified and defended 
against all the attacks of the allies. On the journey from 
Castile to Navarre she halted for a few days at the little town 
of Sos, in Aragon, where she gave birth (10th March, 1452) to 
a son, who, begotten amid confusion and turmoil, born amid 
discord and disgrace and the strife of three divided provinces, 
lived to bring domestic peace and national glory to United 
Spain, as Ferdinand, the husband of Isabella. 

Meanwhile, the Castilian invasion brought no relief to 
Charles of Navarre, and no honour to his allies. John of 
Aragon pressed forward towards Pamplona, and at Aibar, not 
far from the capital, the army of the father was brought face 
to face with the army of the son. The position was so common 
in the Peninsula that it hardly calls for special notice. Charles, 
ever reasonable and pacific, desired to treat. But the im- 
petuosity of his soldiers would brook no delay. The armies 
engaged in battle ; the father was successful ; and the son was 
sent into captivity in the castle of Monroy. 2 Released at 
length from his imprisonment, by the interference of the Cortes, he 
failed to find, or even to promote, the peace which he so sincerely 
desired. The irrepressible strife and jealousy of the factions 
rendered his presence in Navarre a continuous source of trouble, 
and after his unruly supporters had suffered another defeat at 
Estella, he prudently withdrew from the country, and sought refuge 
at the court of his uncle, Alfonso of Aragon, at Naples (1456). 3 

most admirable account of the Fueros and Laws of Navarre : civil, feudal, ecclesi- 
astical, military ; as well as of the nature and functions of royalty and of all the 
great officers of state. 

1 Although Henry had lately repudiated his wife Blanche of Navarre, the sister 
of Charles of Viana, on the ground of enchantment, producing impotence. A copy 
of the sentence of divorce is printed in vol. xl. of the Documentos Jneditos, p. 444 
et seq. , where the delicate question is treated in the fullest detail. 

2 See Documentos Ineditos, etc. , torn. xl. , pp. 484 and 499. 

3 Charles, on his release from captivity, travelled from Navarre to Naples by 
way of Paris, where he was hospitably received and warmly welcomed by Charles 


Alfonso received him with the utmost kindness, and used 
all his endeavours at once to promote a reconciliation between 
the young prince and his father, and to obtain the recognition 
of his undoubted rights to the crown of Navarre. But all the 
diplomacy of the magnanimous King of Naples was unequal 
to abate the envy of John and his new wife ; and Alfonso was 
compelled to resort to more vigorous action. A threat to with- 
draw the government or lieutenancy of the kingdom of 
Aragon from his brother, and to assist his nephew, if need be, 
by force of arms, had already determined John to recognise his 
son as King of Navarre, when the death of Alfonso in 1458 
left the young prince at the mercy of his unscrupulous father. 

John, already King of Sicily and tyrant of Navarre, inherited 
all his brother's dominions in Aragon, with such rights as he 
possessed over Corsica and Sardinia. Naples was left to 
Ferdinand, the legitimised son of his father Alfonso. There 
was no longer a king of the Two Sicilies. 

A powerful party in Italy, unwilling to accept the rule of 
the bastard, offered the throne of Naples to the Prince of Viana. 
The virtues and the misfortunes of Charles had endeared him 
to many friends at the Italian court ; and it would have been 
but natural in a son of John of Aragon to compensate himself 
for his loss of Navarre by a bold struggle for Naples. But 
Charles, apparently, had more of his mother than of his father 
in his composition ; and he gave renewed proofs of his discre- 
tion, of his modesty, and of his gratitude, by firmly declining 
to disturb the succession that had been ordained by his bene- 
factor. With no possessions of his own, and unwilling to vex 
his neighbours by claims upon those of his cousin, he prudently 
retired into a modest exile in Sicily. A gentle and accom- 
plished prince, a student, a poet, a musician, and a troubadour, 
he preferred the solace of verse-making to the vexations of 
politics, and he devoted his enforced leisure to the translation 
of the Ethics of Aristotle and the composition of a history of 
Navarre. 1 The Sicilians gave a practical proof of their appre- 
ciation of his character and his conduct by the grant of an 
annual pension or allowance of 25,000 florins. And the prince 
was well-content to live a retired and studious life in the 
Benedictine Monastery of San Placido, near Messina. Yet 

VII., the King of France, and his more celebrated son, who soon after succeeded 
him as Louis XI. ; and at Rome he found the Spanish Pope Calixtus III., who 
treated him with marked distinction. 

1 Quintana, Vida de Espafioles celebres. 

1460.] NAVARRE. 21 

even there the jealousy of his father could not suffer him to 
live in peace. Compelled by royal orders to quit Sicily, and 
betake himself to Majorca, Charles, after the despatch of a 
most humble and submissive letter to his father, passed over 
to Barcelona ; and having been received by the king and queen 
with some show of affection, he was almost immediately after- 
wards thrown into prison at Lerida (2nd December, 1460). 
The Cortes of Catalonia was at the time actually sitting at 
Lerida, and the estates of Aragon at Fraga ; and both these 
august assemblies immediately sent their protest against the 
treacherous and arbitrary action of the king. 1 The Catalans, 
indeed, like rich and generous traders as they were, supple- 
mented their protest with an offer of 100,000 florins for the 
prince's liberty. The king refused the bribe, and disregarded 
the protests. Charles remained in confinement. 2 

But the Catalans were not accustomed to overlook the mis- 
conduct of their princes, or their disregard of the protests of 
their Parliament ; and the transfer of Charles to a more rigorous 
imprisonment in the inaccessible fortress of Morella in the 
kingdom of Valencia, led to a popular outbreak and the armed 
intervention of the Commons of the realm. John was driven 
out of Lerida, and afterwards out of Fraga ; and was compelled 
not only to release his son, but to accept terms of pacification 
from the bold citizens of Barcelona, which he never intended 
to fulfil, and which, therefore, he was at no pains to modify. 
The king, indeed, acknowledged his eldest son, according to 
the treaty of June, 1461, to be the heir to his crown and 
possessions ; and he appointed him, as had been stipulated, to 
the office of Lieutenant-General of Catalonia. But within three 
months he removed him from his offices and his expectations by 
the simple and familiar expedient of poison (23rd September, 
1461). 3 

1 The justiciary, for once, does not appear to have done his duty. Vide ante, 
chap. xxiv. (I may remark that the Justiciary of Aragon had no locus standi, as 
Lerida is in the principality of Catalonia and not in the kingdom of Aragon. 

2 Some interesting letters and papers connected with Navarre, Charles of 
Viana, Gaston de Foix, and John of Aragon, will be found in volume xl., of the 
Documentos Jneditos, pp. 434-573, and a copy of the Confederation de amistad 
between Henry of Castile and John of Navarre, 2oth May, 1457, in vol. xli. of the 
same publication, p. 23 et sea. 

3 De pura desesperacion y angustia de espiritu y del turbacion del aninio . . . 
murid, says Zurita, iii. , 97. The cause was no doubt sufficient ; the more so as he 
had at the moment been tricked in the matter of a treaty, or rather two treaties 
a true and a false between his father, Louis XL, and Henry IV. of Castile, with 


The step-brother of this gentle victim the child who had 
been born to Juana Henriquez amid the strife of battle at Sos, 
was now nearly ten years of age. And this young Prince 
Ferdinand, promoted by the zeal of his parents to the position 
of an elder son, was formally recognised by the States of 
Aragon at Calatayud, within a fortnight after the death of 
Charles of Viana ; and was soon afterwards permitted to take 
the accustomed oaths to maintain the laws and privileges of 
Catalonia in the more important city of Barcelona. 

The next step in his career of fortune was the removal of 
his sister, Blanche of Navarre. And in this he was served 
not only by his loving father, but by his father's uncertain 
ally, Louis XL ; for by one of the articles of a treaty of peace 
and amity between France and Aragon, which was signed at 
Olite in April, 146'2, and confirmed at Salvatierra on the 3rd 
of May following, it was provided that the Princess Blanche 
was to be handed over by her father to the tender mercies of 
her youngest sister Eleanor, and her brother-in-law, Gaston de 
Foix. Banishment in such a case was but a diplomatic pre- 
liminary to execution. From the convent of Roncesvalles, on 
her way from her beloved Navarre to the place appointed for 
her murder, the unhappy queen wrote a letter to Henry IV. 
of Castile, who had once been her husband, ceding to him all 
her rights over Navarre, and appealing to him in the most 
touching language to interfere at least for the protection of 
her life. 1 But the wretched Henry, worthless in every walk 
of life, remained unmoved, or, as usual, impotent. And Blanche, 
after a brief captivity, was poisoned at the castle of Orthez, as 

regard to Navarre. See also Documentos Ineditos, etc. , torn. xl. and xli. It must 
be remembered that in much that concerns Charles of Viana, and in well-nigh 
everything that concerns his relations with his father, all, or almost all our sources 
of information were written by those who sought to please his younger brother 
Ferdinand. The character of John II. of Aragon is not likely to have been treated 
with undue harshness by the courtly chroniclers of the time of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella. Estos cronistas, says Quintana, eran pagados par el Rey Fernando el Catolico 
quefue 1 que sacdpartido de la ruina de Carlos. 

1 Dated St. Jean Pied de Port, 3Oth April, 1462. A copy of this donation or 
cession, printed for the first time in 1862, may be found in the Documentos Ineditos, 
vol. xli., p. 27, et seq. (It should be explained that Blanche had sided with her 
brother Charles, Prince of Viana, in his struggle with their father, and Charles had 
designated her as his successor to the crown of Navarre. The whole subject of 
the quarrel between the father and son is extremely obscure. John's recognition 
of Eleanor in Navarre seems to show that he had no desire to perpetuate his hold 
upon his late wife's kingdom, whilst, on the other hand, the demeanour of the 
Prince of Viana all through, proved that he was not moved by personal ambition, 

1462.] NAVARRE. 23 

had been arranged between her father, her sister, and Louis XL 
of France. 

The death of Blanche brought no peace to Navarre, nor 
even to John of Aragon. For Gaston de Foix, encouraged by 
his friend Louis XL, immediately endeavoured to possess 
himself of his wife's inheritance. And it was only after some 
time and much trouble that he was driven from the kingdom 
by the forces of the King of Aragon. 1 On the death of John, 
in 1 479, Eleanor indeed inherited the crown, but she lived but 
three weeks to enjoy her honours ; her son Gaston and her 
husband Gaston were both already dead, and the crown thus 
passed to her grandson, Francois Phebus, who reigned for only 
two months. His sister Catherine, who succeeded him, inherited 
little but trouble and dissension, and she was married soon after 
her accession to Jean d'Albret, a French seigneur whose estates 
bordered on those of Navarre. Their grand-daughter, Jeanne 
d'Albret, married Antoine de Bourbon, and her son, Henry IV., 
finally united what was left of Navarre to the crown of France. 2 

By the Treaty of Olite it had been formally stipulated that 
the sovereigns of Aragon, whose treatment of the Prince of 
Viana had intensified the hostility of the Catalans, should 
receive substantial assistance from Louis XL of France, in 
exchange for a still more substantial consideration, in their 
struggle with their subjects in arms. Charles was dead, but the 
insurrection continued. The insurgents grew more and more 
bold, and Queen Joanna was besieged by the Catalans in 
Gerona. Finding herself, in spite of prodigies of valour, 
unable to make head against the rebels, she had called upon 
the French king for immediate assistance. That crafty monarch 
sent 700 lances, but not until the coveted border provinces of 
Roussillon and Cerdagne had been handed over to him as 
security for the repayment to him of the expenses of his inter- 
vention. The Count of Armagnac, the Duke of Nemours, and 
Gaston de Foix accompanied the French contingent. The royal 
garrison at Gerona was promptly relieved. The insurgents were 
defeated and dispersed. 

Henry the Impotent had accepted the title of Count of 

1 The troops were under the command of King John's illegitimate son, the 
Archbishop of Saragossa (1469). At a conference at Olite in 1471 it was arranged 
that John should continue to be titular king, while his daughter and son-in-law 
administered the kingdom as his viceroys. Gaston de Foix died in 1472. 

2 Ferdinand of Aragon in 1512 forcibly possessed himself of all Navarre south 
of the Pyrenees, which he wrested from Catherine and her husband Jean d'Albret, 
and annexed it to Spain. 


Barcelona in August, 1462, 1 and suffered the rebel Catalans to 
believe that he would espouse their cause against their own 
sovereign. His support was as worthless as his assurances, and 
within a few months (Jan., 1463) he had himself entered into 
an equally worthless engagement with John of Aragon at the 
suggestion of Louis XI. of France, after the celebrated con- 
ference between the rival monarchs on the banks of the 

But the Catalans continued in revolt ; and they persuaded 
Dom Pedro, Constable of Portugal, and nephew of the turbulent 
Count of Urgel, to assume the title of King of Aragon. This 
new leader was at least more active in his generalship than 
Henry IV. of Castile ; but after two years of uncertain strife, he 
was poisoned at Barcelona ; and John of Aragon was relieved of 
another enemy, in the accustomed manner, in June, 1466. 2 

But the Catalans were not long in finding another chief. 
Rene of Anjou, "the titular sovereign of half a dozen empires 
in which he did not possess a rood of land," accepted the un- 
certain honour, and deputed his son John, Duke of Calabria and 
Lorraine, to take possession of the preferred crown ; and Louis 
XL, who had sent an army into Spain to assist John against the 
Catalans, encouraged Lorraine to assist the Catalans to dethrone 
John ; and Lorraine marched into Aragon, by way of Roussillon, 
at the head of an army of 8000 men. 

Ferdinand of Aragon was now of an age to assist his father 
in the field ; and the increasing blindness with which the king 
was affected rendered his son's presence the more acceptable at 
his side. Next to the queen, however, who was the boldest and 
not the least skilful military commander in the kingdom, was 
reckoned the Archbishop of Saragossa, a bastard son of the king, 
and already a seasoned soldier. But neither king nor prince, 
neither queen nor prelate, could break the haughty spirit of the 
Catalans ; nor could they even check the progress of the Duke 
of Lorraine ; and at length the fiery Joanna succumbed to her 
many fatigues, and died at Saragossa in February, 1468. 

Deprived thus of his most constant and most indefatigable 
friend and companion, at strife alike with his subjects and his 
neighbours, already quite blind, and with nothing but the re- 
collection of an ill spent life to cheer him, at over seventy years 

1 Zurita, lib. xvii., c. xxxviii. Sismondi, Hist, de France, xiv., 108-114. 

2 " Tuvose par muy cierto" says Zurita, An. Ar., lib. xviii., c. vii., " qve 
le fueron dadas yerbas." The euphemism of the very idiomatic Spanish is de- 

1469-] NAVARRE. 25 

of age, John gave way to none of those feelings of despondency 
that would have broken down a weaker nature ; and in spite of 
his great age, he sought relief at the hands of an oculist from 
the malady that darkened his life. The Christian Spaniards 
had not yet learned the lessons of Cordova. Relics had proved 
powerless to remove the cataract. But a Hebrew physician 
was found to perform the operation of couching. The king 
recovered his sight. 1 To increase his satisfaction he was re- 
lieved, within the same year, from the most powerful and the 
most active of his remaining foes. John of Lorraine fell a victim 
to a well-timed malady, and died at Barcelona in December, 
1469- It was naturally suggested that his death was due to the 
usual cause. But there is, at least, no evidence to convict John 
of employing his accustomed methods of relief. 

The death of Lorraine did not lead to the immediate 
surrender of Barcelona, and it was not until full three years 
afterwards that the Catalans submitted themselves to the 
authority of their lawful prince (December, 1472). Nor were 
these the only triumphs of John of Aragon, for in the ever 
memorable year 1469, and some months before the death of 
Lorraine, his policy had been crowned by a stroke of fortune 
more fateful to his kingdom and to his house than the death of 
any duke or prince, more serious than the defection of any 
town or province, more abiding in its consequences than any 
event in the history of his country, since Sancho the Great had 
assigned to his son Ramiro the little kingdom on the banks of 
the river Aragon. For the happy event was nothing less than 
the peaceful acquisition of Castile. 

1 Alfonso de Palencia, Cron., ii., c. Ixxxviii. Luc. Marineo, Cosas Memor., f. 



I. Henry the Impotent. 

HENRY IV. OF CASTILE, the last representative of the House of 
Trastamara, impotent, worthless and unfortunate in every 
relation of life, enjoyed at the time of his accession to the 
crown an unusual share of popularity. 1 His rebellion against 
his feeble father was remembered with no serious disapproval 
by any one in mediaeval Spain. His liberality and affability 
contrasted favourably with the niggardly retirement of the late 
king. No favourite stood between the monarch and his people. 
The proclamation of a crusade against the Moors and a new war 
with Granada appealed at once to the patriotism, the cupidity, 
and the religious feelings of his subjects. But the popularity of 
Henry was but of brief duration. The war with Granada was 
conducted without vigour, and concluded without advantage. 
The coinage was debased ; the Cortes was degraded ; crime 
went unpunished throughout the country. A dispute with 
Aragon and Navarre was referred to the arbitration of Louis XI. 
of France ; and his diplomatic award brought neither advantage 
nor honour to Castile, while the exchange of international 
courtesies on the banks of the Bidassoa served but to accentuate 
the international hostility between the French and the Spaniards. 2 
The Court of Castile was distinguished chiefly by its scandalous 
immorality. 3 Beltran de la Cueva took the place of Alvaro de 

1 Some interesting letters of Henry, when Prince of Asturias (1444-1453), may 
be found printed in the Documentos Ineditos, etc., vol. xl., pp. 434-451. 

2 The conference actually took place at Bayonne ; the meeting at St. Jean de 
Luz was held in May, 1463, and was but a courtly incident in the negotiations. 
Comines, Mem., iii. , 8 ; Zurita, An. , xvii., 50. 

3 Quintana, Grandezas de Madrid, iii., chap. Ixxii., p. 399, 

UNION. 27 

Luna; and his favour was shared with a still less admirable 
favourite at the king's court Don Juan Pacheco the unworthy 
Marquis of Villena. 

Henry had been divorced from his first wife, Blanche of 
Aragon, for reasons sufficiently humiliating ; l and his new 
consort, Joan of Portugal, was the almost acknowledged mistress 
of the magnificent Beltran, who ruled both king and queen and 
advanced himself by successive steps to the dignities of Count of 
Ledesma and Grand Master of Santiago. 

At a tourney near Madrid in 1461, not long after the king's 
second marriage, Beltran de la Cueva, already recognised as 
the favourite of the queen, held the lists against all-comers in 
defence of the pre-eminent claims to beauty of his mistress. 
The knight was both brave and successful ; and the king was 
so much pleased with his courage and his skill, that he founded 
a monastery on the spot in honour at once of Saint Jerome 
and of Beltran San Geronimo del Paso, or of the Passage of 

In March, 1 462, the queen had been delivered of a daughter, 
who was christened Juana, but who is better known by her 
sobriquet of La Beltraneja ; and Henry's demand that she should 
be acknowledged as his legitimate daughter and heiress to the 
Crown of Castile, led to a confederacy of the hostile nobles, who 
assembled at Burgos, and, entering a solemn protest against the 
proposed succession, demanded that the king's younger brother, 
Alfonso, should be recognised as heir to the crown. 

After much hesitation and negotiation, Henry agreed that 
Alfonso should be acknowledged as his successor, provided he 
would espouse Juana his lawful niece. And he proposed that a 
commission of five two nobles, two knights and one ecclesiastic, 
should investigate and report upon the abuses in the administra- 
tion of Castile (November, 1464). Beltran, by way of facilitating 
the negotiations, resigned the Grand Mastership of Santiago, to 
the Infante Alfonso, and received, as an equivalent, the Duke- 
dom of Albuquerque and a new grant of land and cities. But 
the day of commissions and commissioners had not yet come. 
Henry disregarded the report of the chosen five, and ridiculed 
their recommendations ; and the rebellion entered upon a new 

1 Henry, divorced from his first wife on the ground of impotence, carried on a 
shameless intrigue with the Lady Guiomar, one of the maids of honour of Queen 
Joan ; and the Archbishop of Seville openly espoused the cause of the paramour, 
who maintained a magnificence of state rivalling that of the queen herself. The 
Marquis of Villena took the opposite side in domestic politics. 


phase. 1 For the next act of the confederates was one unex- 
ampled even in the rich store of precedents in such cases that 
are to be found in the history of Spain. 

On rising ground in the open country near the celebrated 
city of Avila, was erected a lofty stage, such as half a century 
before had been raised at Caspe, for the proclamation of King 
Ferdinand of Aragon. On a throne of state was seated an effigy 
of the Castilian king, clad in a rich suit of mourning, with a 
crown on its head, a sword at its side, and a sceptre in its lifeless 
hand. An immense concourse of knights, nobles and spectators 
of every degree was gathered round this dais of shame. A herald 
advanced, read a long act of accusation, detailing the king's 
misdeeds, both of omission and of commission, and pronounced 
him solemnly deposed. His great officers then advanced. The 
Archbishop of Toledo tore the crown from the head of the 
image. The Count of Benavente flung the sceptre down among 
the crowd. And the counterfeit presentment of Castilian 
royalty, more impotent than the king himself, despoiled of all 
the magnificence of kingly honour, was rolled in the dust, 
and torn to pieces by the populace. The Infante Alfonso 
who was present, not in effigy, but in flesh and blood, was then 
summoned to take his seat on the vacant throne, and was 
greeted with joyful acclamation as King of Castile (5th June, 

The news of this strange ceremony was carried far and wide ; 
and every man in Spain was called upon to choose between 
Henry and Alfonso as lawful sovereigns of Castile. The king 
himself, as usual, took refuge in negotiation ; and negotiation 
at the moment was easy. The archbishop was disappointed at 
his failure in the field. Pacheco was tired of his absence from 
the palace. A marriage was arranged between the court and 
the camp which should restore peace to Castile. 

The Princess Isabella, the youngest sister of Henry and Al- 
fonso, was at this time nearly sixteen years of age. 2 In years 
gone by her hand had been sought by the gentle and unfortunate 

1 The Peticiones originates presented by the arzobispos, obispos, cavalleros, y 
grandes of the kingdom to Henry IV., dated Cigales, 5th December, 1464, are 
preserved among the family papers of the House of Villena. They are printed in 
vol. xiv. of the Documentos Ineditos, etc. , pp. 369-409. 

2 Isabella was brought up at Arevalo, a town which was settled on her mother, 
Queen Isabella, widow of John II. The queen-mother is very rarely referred to in 
histories of the Catholic kings ; but she lived until 1496 ; on the isth of August 
of which year she died at Arevalo, while her daughter was at Laredo seeing her 
daughter Joanna off to Flanders. 

1466'.] UNION. 29 

Charles of Viana ; l and on his death she had been affianced or 
offered by her brother Henry to Alfonso V. of Portugal, the 
elder brother of the shameless Queen of Castile. This union 
the young princess had had sufficient spirit to refuse, declaring 
that her hand could not be disposed of without the consent 
of the Cortes of Castile ; and the negotiations had been ac- 
cordingly broken off. But it was now proposed (1466) that 
Isabella should marry Don Pedro Giron, Grand Master of Cala- 
trava, a brother of the court favourite, Pacheco, Marquis of 
Villena, and nephew of the Archbishop of Toledo. The grand 
master was a fierce and turbulent leader of faction ; a man 
whose character was stained with every private vice, a lover old 
enough to be her father, who had paid insolent court to her own 
mother, and who was, moreover, a religious knight solemnly 
devoted to a life of perpetual celibacy. Don Pedro, moreover, 
was a petty lord, not even of royal ancestry, a recreant knight, 
whose abandonment of his Order, and whose insolent disregard 
of his lady's wishes, were alike unworthy of a Castilian gentleman. 
The rights of the weak were not much regarded in the fifteenth 
century. The pretensions of the grand master were supported 
by the leaguers, and they were accepted by Henry as the price 
of union and peace. 

Isabella once more asserted her independence ; and shutting 
herself up in her own apartments, announced her intention of 
resisting to the utmost the indignity that it was sought to put 
upon her. But her protests were entirely disregarded. A 
Bull dispensing the grand master from his vows of celibacy was 
easily obtained from Rome. 2 Henry was ever lavish. Rome 
was ever placable. The wedding-feast was prepared. The 
bridegroom was summoned to court. But within a few days of 
the time when the master would have arrived to claim Isabella 
as his wife, he sickened and died at a little village near Ciudad 
Real, not forty leagues from Madrid, on his way to the marriage 
ceremony. The pious Isabella, thus suddenly relieved from im- 

1 The first proposal that was ever made for her hand, strange to say, was by 
John II. of Aragon, for his youngest son, Ferdinand. But the suggestion was a 
part of a general scheme of marriages and alliance between Aragon and Castile, 
and the negotiation came to nothing. 

2 That is, a Bull dispensing the grand master from his vows of perpetual 
chastity. He was, as a matter of fact, one of the most dissipated men of his 
licentious age. The vows of the knights of Calatrava were of a more strictly 
religious character than those of the other two Orders ; and while Santiago and 
Alcantara were bound only to conjugal chastity, the more monastic knights of 
Calatrava were devoted to perpetual celibacy. See ante, chap, xxiii. 


pending danger, saw not unnaturally, in her sudden deliverance, 
the direct interposition of heaven. And it is at once character- 
istic of the age, and honourable to the princess, that all the 
chroniclers should think it necessary to inform us that Don 
Pedro's death was probably due to natural causes, and that he 
was certainly not poisoned by Isabella. 

On this tragic termination of the projects of marriage, the 
civil war at once broke out anew. The deposition of Avila had 
been an act of pseudo-constitutional rebellion more extravagant 
than the most violent proceedings of the Union of Aragon, where 
the title of the sovereign was ever respected even when his 
authority was set at naught. The leaguers were many and 
powerful. But the king was not without friends and lances, 
Once more at Olmedo, in August, 1467, the opposing forces met. 
on the very spot where, just twenty-two years before, John, the 
father of Henry, had in like manner been confronted by his 
rebellious subjects, under the leadership of Henry himself. 

Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of all 
Spain, clad in complete mail, his scarlet mantle emblazoned with 
a white cross, led the army of the rebels. Beltran de la Cueva, 
no less splendidly apparelled, commanded the forces of the king. 
The battle raged throughout a long summer's day. The arch- 
bishop performed prodigies of valour. Beltran de la Cueva sought 
death in a hundred single combats. But the victory remained 
uncertain ; and although the king's troops kept possession of the 
field of battle, the enemy retired unbroken and undismayed at 
the close of the day. Nor did either party choose to renew the 
conflict. The death of Alfonso in the following year l (5th July, 
1468), whether by poison or by natural causes, at length put an 
end to the confusion ; and his sister Isabella became, as she re- 
mained to the day of her death, the most important personage 
in Spain. 

Alfonso had been a pretender to his half-brother's throne. 
There was nothing new in the position. He had died, as pre- 
tenders had often died before him, under the usual suspicion of 
poison. The attitude of his sister was a matter of more pressing 
interest. Isabella was wise and discreet far beyond her years; 
the only remaining hope of the rebel aristocracy, and of the 
clerical party throughout Spain. Ambitious as she was, she 
prudently rejected the proposals that were made to her by the 
turbulent Archbishop of Toledo that she should allow herself to 

1 At Cardeiiosa, near Avila. He was only fifteen years of age, and is said to 
have been removed in the usual fashion, by the administration of a poisoned trout. 

1468.] UNION. 31 

be immediately proclaimed Queen of Castile. Yet she permitted 
herself to be recognised, at least, as her brother's successor to 
the crown, to the exclusion of her niece Joanna, the presumably 
lawful heiress to the crown. 

To maintain this prospective usurpation, 1 the scandalous story 
of the paternity of the Princess Joanna was sedulously spread 
abroad, and the nickname of La Beltraneja was systematically 
attached to her. Isabella, secure of the support of the clerical 
party, withdrew to a monastery at Avila, where she received 
deputations from every part of the country, urging her to assume 
the title not of heiress, but of Queen of Castile. 

But the girl of eighteen was more sagacious than the mature 
intriguers who surrounded her. To attempt to dethrone her 
own brother would have been rebellion of the most naked and 
shameless character ; and it would in all probability have failed. 
Henry had still a strong party in the kingdom. A certain 
amount of divinity hedged about a king even in mediaeval Spain ; 
and a civil war, headed by his younger sister and promoted by 
his bishops and clergy, would probably have been unpopular, 
and would almost certainly have been unsuccessful. Isabella 
saw clearly that the hour for action had not yet arrived ; and 
Isabella bided her time. 

Yet negotiations between the palace and the monastery were 
actively pursued. Isabella was the hope if she would not 
permit herself to be called the leader of the league. 2 Her 
position was more powerful as it was. And it was at length 
arranged that she should be received by her unhappy brother 
in solemn conference, and that, as the price of a temporary 
concord, her rights should be formally recognised as superior to 
those of the king's daughter. 

The interview took place at Toros de Guisando, in New 
Castile, on the 9th of September, 1 468. Brother and sister met 

1 See on this point a secret memorandum prepared by the Privy Council of 
Castile on the occasion of a projected marriage between Charles V. and a princess 
of Portugal, January, 1522, printed in the Calendar of Stale Papers (Spain), vol. 
ii. , pp. 396, 397. It is there maintained that even if Joanna had been the daughter 
of Henry IV. she would not have been his legitimate child. The reasons are 
sufficiently curious. A Papal Bull, of course, plays an important part in the 

2 " The history of this usurpation is one of the most disgraceful on record, the 
different parties entering as it were into a competition as to which would outdo the 
other in perjury, in gross calumny and in treachery. In this competition Isabella, 
having entered into a formal compact with the clerical faction, under Alfonso 
Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo, was the winner." Cal. State Papers (Spain), pp. 
27, 28 ; and Supplement to vols. i. , ii. (1868), Introduction. 


with every mark of affection. The claims of the king's daughter 
were ignored ; and the oath of allegiance was administered to 
the attendant nobles, who did homage to Isabella, and formally 
recognised her as the lawful heir to the throne of Castile. As 
such, her hand was promptly sought by many new aspirants. 
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, the brother of Edward IV. of 
England, was early in the field. But his tender proposals were 
disregarded. The Duke of Guienne, a brother of Louis XI. and 
heir presumptive to the crown of France, was no more fortunate 
in his pretensions. 

The suitor who alone found favour in the eyes of Isabella, 
was her cousin and neighbour, the brave and handsome young 
Ferdinand of Aragon. But her wishes were influenced quite as 
much by policy as by any personal predilection ; for the alliance 
would secure the whole weight of the crown of Aragon to the 
side of the leaguers. The court party, as may be supposed, 
strained every nerve to defeat the negotiations. The mature 
pretensions of Alfonso V. of Portugal were renewed, and strongly 
urged by Henry upon his sister. An embassy, headed by the 
Archbishop of Lisbon, waited upon Isabella at Ocana to urge 
her to reconsider the Portuguese proposals. But Isabella per- 
sisted in her former refusal. She had made up her mind that 
she would marry her cousin of Aragon. And as those who had 
dealings with her were ever made to know, her gentle manner 
did but conceal a power of will and an inflexible tenacity of 
purpose that had long been absent from the children of Trasta- 
mara. Yet was her position at the moment not only one of 
difficulty but of positive danger. Embarrassing princes and 
princesses were easily removed in fifteenth-century Spain. The 
Marquis of Villena, who had been restored to his position and 
to his influence at court, was only deterred by the attitude of 
the inhabitants from actually arresting her at Ocana. Her 
brother would scarcely have resented, even if he had not at 
once approved the step. It was not strange that Isabella should 
feel that Prince Ferdinand, with all Aragon at his back, would 
be a protector as well as a consort ; and she determined* to delay 
no longer in concluding the marriage that she desired. The 
envoys of Aragon received a final and a favourable reply ; and 
hastened with their good news to Saragossa. No time was lost 
by John or by Ferdinand ; and the marriage treaty, drawn up 
by Isabella and her advisers, and approved by King John of 
Aragon, was signed by Ferdinand at Cervera on the 7th of 
January, 1469- 

1468.] UNION. 33 

II. Ferdinand of Aragon. 

Ferdinand of Aragon, the young prince for whom so high a 
destiny was reser ved, not only in the history of Aragon, but in 
that of the great united nation that was so soon to spring into 
lusty manhood, had just completed his eighteenth year. Tall 
and well-proportioned, with a fair complexion, a bright eye, and 
a persuasive tongue, inured to fatigue and already skilled in 
every military exercise, Ferdinand had all the vivacious intelli- 
gence and bold .Activity of his mother, with much of the astute- 
ness and determination of his father ; and he had not as yet 
displayed any of the unscrupulous ambition that he inherited 
from Joanna Henriquez, nor the cold-hearted selfishness that 
were transmitted to him by the Aragonese John II. By blood 
he was at least three-fourths a Castilian. His mother was a 
daughter of Castile. His grandfather, the good Regent Ferdi- 
nand, had been summoned from his own country to rule over 
Aragon ; and now he himself, the grandson of that good king, 
was called upon to leave Aragon that he might rule, if he did 
not actually reign, in Castile. 

Isabella was a year older than her cousin. Four nations 
claim the honour of her ancestry. Her great-grandmother, 
Eleanor of Aragon, was the one Aragonese ancestress of her 
future husband. Her grandmother was an English princess, 
Katharine of Lancaster. Her mother was Isabella of Portugal. 
Isabella of Castile had thus far more Aragonese blood in her 
veins than Ferdinand of Aragon. Ferdinand was far more of a 
Castilian than Isabella of Castile. 

While the marriage negotiations were progressing, Isabella 
had moved her residence from Ocana to Madrigal. Her in- 
tended marriage soon became known in Castile ; and the Marquis 
of Villena resolved to strike a final blow to defeat her intentions. 
His nephew, the Bishop of Burgos, corrupted her servants. The 
citizens of Madrigal were intimidated by a letter from the king. 
The Archbishop of Seville, at the head of a considerable force, 
proceeded to secure her person. The energy of a rival prelate 
alone saved her from actual arrest. For while his Grace of 
Seville was advancing from the more distant south, his Grace of 
Toledo appeared at the head of a small body of horsemen, and 
carried off Isabella to a safe refuge among her friends at Valla- 
dolid. Envoys were sent to Aragon to warn Ferdinand ; and 
one of them, Alfonso of Palencia, who, like old Ayala, was at 
once a courtier and administrator, has left us a graphic account 

VOL. II. 3 


of their dangerous mission, ere they arrived at length in safety 
at Saragossa. The return journey presented even greater diffi- 
culties. But the astute King John of Aragon provided for every 
contingency. He had even, in view of the religious scruples of 
his future daughter-in-law, furnished himself with an appropriate 
Bull, dispensing the parties from any impediment that might 
exist to the marriage on the ground of consanguinity. The 
precious document did not, indeed, issue from the Papal Chancery. 
Paul II. was hostile to the marriage, and he would assuredly 
have refused to grant the necessary licence if he had been 
applied to for a dispensation. The Bull had, in fact, been 
manufactured by the king himself, with the assistance of the 
friendly Archbishop of Toledo. But it served its purpose. And 
on the death of the reigning Pope it was replaced by a genuine 
document which was dated back to the day of the marriage, so 
as to relieve the mind of Isabella, which was troubled as soon 
as she was made acquainted with the amiable, if not actually 
pious, fraud that had been practised upon her tender conscience. 1 
Nor was a more material subterfuge disregarded by the King 
of Aragon. An imposing cavalcade of sham ambassadors from 
Aragon to Castile took the most frequented road, and diverted 
the attention of the Duke of Medina Celi, with the Mendozas 
and the other Castilian nobles whose forces patrolled the frontier ; 
while a modest company of merchants, among whom the heir of 
Aragon was content to figure as a serving-man, plodded unob- 
trusively across country, and arrived in safety at Burgo de Osma, 
where the Count of Trevino was awaiting the royal cavalcade 
with a considerable body of men-at-arms in the service of Isa- 
bella. It was late at night when the wayfarers demanded 
admittance ; and a chance stone from the battlements had well- 
nigh shattered the hopes of Spain, when the voice of the 
unwounded Ferdinand was recognised by his friends within the 
fortress ; and a joyful blare of trumpets announced the safe 
arrival of the royal lover. At Duefias, on the 9th of October, 
he was received by the faithful knights and nobles of Castile, 

1 When the Cardinal d'Arras was engaged in negotiating the marriage of the 
Duke of Guienne with Joanna Beltraneja, he announced in public audience at 
Medina del Campo the spuriousness of this Bull. Isabella, who was then for the 
first time made acquainted with the deception that had been practised upon her by 
the Archbishop of Toledo, immediately sent to Rome for a new and genuine Bull, 
which was accordingly granted by Sixtus IV., antedated to ist December, 1471, 
and sent to Isabella by the sacred hands of the Spanish Cardinal Roderic Borgia, 
afterwards Pope Alexander VI. Memorias de la Real Academia de Historia, torn, 
vi. ; and Mariana, xxiii., 14. 

1469-] UNION. 35 

and on the fifteenth of the same month he was admitted to the 
presence of Isabella. 

That royal and noble lady was then in the full bloom of her 
maiden beauty. She had just completed her nineteenth year. 
In stature somewhat superior to the majority of her country- 
women, and inferior to none in personal grace and charm, her 
golden hair and her bright blue eye told perhaps of her Lan- 
castrian ancestry. Her beauty was remarkable in a land where 
beauty has never been rare ; her dignity was conspicuous in a 
country where dignity is the heritage not of a class but of a 
nation. Of her courage, no less than of her discretion, she had 
already given abundant proofs. Bold and resolute, modest and 
reserved, she had all the simplicity of a great lady, born for a 
great position. She became in after life something of an auto- 
crat and over much of a bigot. But it could not be laid to the 
charge of a persecuted princess of nineteen, that she was devoted 
to the service of her religion. 

But little remained to be done, now that Ferdinand was 
actually at her side. The marriage treaty had been already 
executed. The famous Bull, so thoughtfully provided by the 
bridegroom's father, was duly displayed. Isabella could go 
to the altar without any scruples of conscience. And so, on 
the 19th of October, 1469, in a private house at Valladolid, 
where the princess did Don Juan de Vivero the honour to lodge, 
the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella was celebrated by the 
warlike Archbishop of Toledo. There was no adventitious pomp 
in the august ceremony ; no glory of silks or jewels, no military 
pageant, no diplomatic representation. A small sum of money 
was hardly raised to defray the necessary expenses. But the 
ceremony was the more imposing as it was. No brave proces- 
sions, no splendid ornaments, no display of gilded finery could 
add lustre to the inherent greatness of the occasion when the 
heiress of Saint Ferdinand stretched out her fair and fortunate 
hand to the future grandsire of Charles V. 

III. La Beltraneja. 

The marriage of Isabella stirred up her impotent brother, or 
rather his more potent courtiers, the Pachecos and the Mendozas, 
to strike a blow for the unfortunate Juana la Beltraneja ; and at 
a formal Assembly held near the Monastery of Paulos, in the 
valley of Lozola, between Buitrago and Segovia, in October, 


1470, the rights and claims of Isabella under the compact of the 
Toros de Guisando were declared forfeited, as undoubtedly they 
legally were. Joanna was pronounced the legitimate heir of the 
crown of Castile ; and the young princess was solemnly affianced, in 
the presence of the ambassadors of Louis XL, to the king's brother, 
Duke of Guienne, and heir-presumptive to the crown of France. 1 

Many of the most considerable families in the kingdom, the 
Mendozas, the Pachecos, the Zunigas, the Velascos, the Pimentels, 
unmindful of the homage so recently tendered to Isabella, now 
openly expressed their adhesion to her niece. Honours and 
estates were showered upon the supporters of the Beltraneja. 
The Marquis of Villena was made Grand Master of Santiago. 
His son was raised to the Dukedom of Escalona. A mere record 
of the new titles would fill a page of this work. Meanwhile 
Ferdinand and Isabella held their little court at Duerias, on the 
Pisuerga, between Palencia and Valladolid. Their fortunes were 
for the moment in jeopardy. Castile appeared to be slipping 
from their grasp. There was disquieting news from Aragon. 

John II. had mortgaged his northern provinces of Roussillon 
and Cerdagne to his more crafty neighbour, Louis XI. of France, 
to secure his timely succour in 1462. John had never intended 
that Louis should keep the provinces. Each monarch thought 
that he was outwitting the other. But Louis remained in pos- 
session. At length in 1473 the inhabitants, covertly stirred up 
by John, broke out into sudden but carefully planned rebellion. 
The French were massacred. The Spaniards were admitted. In 
an incredibly short space of time the entire country, with the 
exception of the castle of Perpignan and the insignificant for- 
tresses of Salces and Collioure, acknowledged once more the 
supremacy of Aragon. 

But Louis XI. was not a man to allow himself to be worsted 
either in arms or in intrigue. Hastily collecting a large army, 
said to have amounted to 30,000 men, he advanced on Perpignan ; 
and John, who was engaged in besieging the citadel, found him- 
self in turn besieged by the French force. But the Duke of 
Savoy, who commanded for Louis XL, was no match for John of 
Aragon. Nor did Ferdinand leave his father without prompt and 
ready assistance. Hastening from Duenas at the head of a 
considerable body of Castilian horsemen, and gathering reinforce- 
ments on his rapid march through Aragon, he arrived before 
Perpignan to raise the siege, and force the French commander 
to agree to a favourable treaty of peace. 

1 Documentos Ineditos, xiv., 421. 

1472.] UNION. 37 

The conditions, no doubt, were such as neither party intended 
to observe. But each one hoped to gain some advantage over 
the other in the interpretation of the treaty ; and an immediate 
suspension of arms was desired by both. John, who was success- 
ful, was bankrupt. Louis, who had men and money in reserve, 
was for the moment unprepared for action. So the treaty was 
signed with the usual oaths and ceremonials. And then each of 
the high contracting parties set to work to see how its provisions 
could best be avoided or evaded. Ferdinand was at last able to 
betake himself to his young queen, and to his new home beyond 
his father's frontiers. He had acquitted himself admirably in 
Aragon. He found his prospects bright on his return to Castile. 
Isabella had dispatched a " sure agent " to the court of France. 
She had given proofs of her usual sagacity at home. Her in- 
fluence in the country was daily increasing. The legitimacy of 
Joanna was daily discredited ; and most important of all, her 
affianced husband, the Duke of Guienne, had died at Bordeaux, 
in May, 1472, 1 and Henry found it impossible to count upon 
any further support from France. Cardinal Mendoza, moreover, 
Archbishop of Seville, and the most powerful prelate in Spain, 
so long one of the leading supporters of the party of Henry, 
perceiving the true drift of politics in Castile, had thought it 
prudent to enter into secret negotiations with Isabella. And 
finally, through the instrumentality of Andres de Cabrera, an 
officer of the king's household, a friendly interview had actually 
been brought about between Henry and Isabella, and the royal 
brother and sister were found in amicable converse at Segovia by 
Ferdinand on his arrival from Roussillon. 

But this domestic harmony was not of long duration. The 
discovery of a scheme designed by the Grand Master of Santiago 
(better known by his old name of Marquis of Villena), to surprise 
and arrest Isabella, on the ground of an attempt on her part to 
poison the king his master, led to a sudden breaking up of the 
festivities ; while Ferdinand was once more summoned by his 
father to assist him in Aragon. 

In the vain hope of cajoling the prince of cajolers into some 
advantageous interpretation of the treaty of Olite, John II. had 
sent an embassy to the court of Paris. The ambassadors had 
been delayed and deluded by Louis XI., while he was making 
his preparations for a new and vigorous campaign in Roussillon, 
and when his preparations were satisfactorily completed, the 

1 Poisoned in all probability by his brother's orders. Sismondi, xiv., 352-5. 



envoys were dismissed with punctilious politeness, to tell their 
master that he was at war with France. John was not only 
outwitted, but he was outgeneralled by Louis. Perpignan was 
once more besieged in the autumn of 1472 ; and, after a heroic 
but vain resistance, the city surrendered to the French com- 
mander on the 14th of March, 1475. 

But graver events had happened before its fall. The Grand 
Master of Santiago had died in the month of November, 1474 ; 
and the feeble Henry had not long survived his favourite. 
Isabella was Queen of Castile. 

IV. The Queen of Castile. 

It was a magnificent inheritance. But it needed a firm hand 
to grasp it with effect. Isabella was a young queen x of two-and 
twenty. Against her was ranged, with all that could be counted 
as legal right on their side, the partisans of her niece, not only 
in her own country, but in the neighbouring kingdom of Portugal. 
It needed a great heart to withstand so tremendous a combina- 
tion. But in the veins of Isabella flowed the blood of the 
Guzmans and the blood of the Plantagenets : 2 and she hesitated 
not for one moment to face the difficulties of her new position. 

By her own orders she was at once proclaimed queen at 
Segovia (December, 1474), where she was then residing, with the 
usual civil and ecclesiastical ceremonial. 3 A Cortes was immedi- 
ately summoned to meet at Segovia in February, 1475, which 
declared her right and title to the crown, 4 and swore allegiance 

1 Born 22nd April, 1452. 

2 Isabella had not only an English grandmother but an English great-grand- 
mother. Her great-grandson, Phillip II. of Spain, was descended on the mother's 
side from the first wife, and by his father from the second wife, of John of Gaunt. 

Mary of England, being the representative of the House of York, the marriage 
of Philip and Mary was the legitimate union of the House of York and Lancaster ; 
and a child of Philip and Mary would have had a better title to the crown of 
England than any Lancastrian sovereign. 

3 Isabella's actual titles were Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, 
Toledo, Valencia, Gallicia, the Mallorcas, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, 
Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves, Algeciras, Gibraltar, the Canary Islands, Countess of 
Barcelona, Sovereign Lady of Biscay and Molina, Duchess of Athens and Neopa- 
tria, Countess of Roussillon, Cerdagne, Marchioness of Ovistan and Goziano. 

4 The Escritura de Confederation, dated igth February, 1473, by which Henry 
de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia swears fealty to Ferdinand and Isabella, and 
is invested by them with the grand mastership that Juan Pacheco had usurped, is 
printed in the xxi. vol. of the Documentos Ineditos, pp. 553, 568, etc. 

1475.] UNION. 39 

to her as Queen of Castile. 1 The first troubles of the young 
sovereign did not arise from the machinations of her enemies, 
but from the jealous presumption of her husband. 

Ferdinand, as we have shown, was the nearest male represen- 
tative of Henry of Trastamara, and was, after the accession of 
Isabella, heir presumptive to the throne of Castile. The son of 
John II. of Aragon was not likely to allow the opportunity to 
pass of supplanting his own wife in her succession. But the 
gentle Isabella gave proofs of astonishing firmness. Cardinal 
Mendoza and the ever serviceable Archbishop of Toledo, after 
careful examination of precedents, solemnly pronounced that 
whatever might be the case in Aragon, a female could undoubt- 
edly inherit the crown of Castile ; 2 and a settlement of the 
royal differences, and a delimitation of the respective powers of 
the queen and her consort, if it failed entirely to satisfy the 
demands of Ferdinand, at least averted the calamity of a rupture 

1 The royal arms of Spain, as may be supposed, have undergone many changes. 
In the earliest shields the lion and castle are parted per cross without supporters, 
as is exemplified on the tomb of Edward I. in Westminster Abbey. On the 
union of the crowns of Aragon and Castile by Ferdinand and Isabella, the shield 
was divided by coup6 and party, the first and fourth areas were given to Castile 
and Leon, and second and third to Aragon and Sicily; Navarre and Jerusalem 
were introduced subsequently. The shield was supported by the eagle of St. John, 
sable with one head. This apostle was the patron (the San Juan de los Reyes) of 
the Catholic kings. To him they dedicated their hospitals, churches and convents ; 
after him they christened their only son Juan, whose premature death was so 
disastrous to Spain. Each of the sovereigns assumed a separate and strictly per- 
sonal device. Isabella selected a bundle of arrows tied together, the emblem of 
Union. The jealous despotic Ferdinand chose the Yoke, la coyunda, which he 
imposed on Christian and Moor. To mark his equality with his Castilian queen, 
he added the motto Tdto Mota tanto mania = one is worth as much as the other, 
which is the true etymology of our English word tantamount. Their grandson 
Charles V. brought into the shield the quarterings of Austria, Burgundy, Brabant 
and Flanders, and the apostolic one-headed eagle gave way to the double-headed 
eagle of the Empire. The shield was then encircled with the golden fleece ; the 
ragged staff of Burgundy and the Pillars of Hercules were added as supporters, 
which are of rare occurrence in Spanish heraldry. The emperor struck out the 
negative from the ' ' ne plus ultra " of Hercules, and proclaimed to the world that 
there were no limits to Spanish ambition. The imperial eagle was discontinued by 
Philip II., when the Empire reverted to his uncle Ferdinand. He added the arms 
of Portugal and of Flanders, impaling Tyrol. The Bourbon, Philip V., introduced 
the three Jleur-de-fys of France in an escutcheon of pretence. The arms of Spain 
as struck on the well-known Peso fuerte or " hard dollar," the universal specie of 
four continents, are the simple quarterings of Castile and Leon, between the Pillars 
of Hercules as supporters. See Quarterly Review, vol. Ixii., p. 127. 

2 According to the Aragonese law of succession, excluding females, which 
however, had been disregarded in the case of his own grandfather, the Castilian 
regent Ferdinand, young Ferdinand would have been the rightful King of Castile ; 
but as we have seen in many cases in the course of the history, the Roman law of 
succession was followed in Castile, and women of a line took preference to males 
of a more remote line. H. 


between the queen and her husband, when division would have 
been fatal at once to Ferdinand, to Isabella, and to Spain. Isa- 
bella, indeed, with the wise liberality of a strong nature, con- 
ceded much that was undoubtedly her own, to preserve the rest 
for Castile. 

The administration of justice was to be in the hands of both 
sovereigns conjointly ; royal letters, charters and proclamations 
were to bear the signatures of the king and the queen ; when 
not residing in the same place, each one was to administer 
justice independently of the other ; the heads or effigies of both 
were to be stamped upon the coins of the realm ; the united 
arms of Castile and Aragon were to be emblazoned on the royal 
seal. To Isabella alone was reserved the power of appointment 
to municipal and ecclesiastical posts, and the right of interfer- 
ence with the fiscal regulations of her country. All governors 
and commanders of fortified towns and castles were to render 
homage only to the queen in Castile. 

Ferdinand was dissatisfied with the arrangement, and the 
recognition of his daughter Isabella, who had been born in 1470, 
as heiress of Castile, alone prevented him from retiring to Aragon 
in disgust. But Castile, however it was to be administered, was 
not to be acquired without a struggle. Were the supporters of 
the rival Joanna to be successful in the field, the share of Ferdi- 
nand in the administration of the country would scarcely have 
been worth delimiting. The activity of the Marquis of Villena 
together with the agreeable prospect of some fighting in the 
immediate future, decided the heir of Aragon to adopt the only 
honourable course that was open to him to remain at the side 
of his royal wife, and to defend her rights to Castile. 

The assailants were many and important. The Marquis of 
Villena, the Duke of Arevalo, the richest and most powerful 
among the grandees of Spain ; the young Marquis of Cadiz, and 
the Grand Master of Calatrava were not the only great names in 
the coalition in favour of the late king's doubtful daughter. The 
Archbishop of Toledo, the bold soldier who had galloped across 
country to save Isabella's life at Madrigal, the bolder Churchman 
who had forged the Pope's Bull to quiet her conscience at Valla- 
dolid, the priest who had married her in 1469, the lawyer who 
had assured her wedded independence in 1475, taking umbrage 
at some fancied preference of the queen for their common friend, 
Cardinal Mendoza, withdrew from the court and attached him- 
self to the queen's enemies. Alfonso V. of Portugal (1432-1481), 
moreover, a king always ready to engage in any strange and 

1476.] UNION. 41 

exciting adventure, proposed to marry Joanna, surnamed La 
Beltraneja, who was not only his own niece, but who was also his 
junior by over thirty years. A Bull of dispensation could, of 
course, be obtained from Sixtus IV. ; and the royal lover, whose 
bold and successful forays in Barbary had gained for him the 
suggestive title of " The African," threw himself heart and soul 
into this new and romantic enterprise in Castile. In the month 
of May, 1475, Alfonso, without further warning, and after very 
hasty preparations, crossed the frontier into Spain, and was 
solemnly affianced to his youthful bride at Plasencia, where the 
royal pair were immediately proclaimed King and Queen of 
Castile (12th May, 1475). Ferdinand and Isabella meanwhile 
had composed their differences, and devoted themselves to the 
equipment of an army to defend their rights. Nor was the queen 
less active or less capable in her exertions than her more experi- 
enced husband. The regiments of Isabella were no less efficient 
than the forces of Ferdinand. 

However fortunate Alfonso of Portugal may have been in his 
African expeditions, he showed himself a very indifferent general 
in Spain. A long delay at Arevalo gave time to his rivals to 
prepare their army, and when, after two months' inaction, he 
marched forward and possessed himself of Toro and Zamora, the 
Castilian forces were already on their way to oppose him. Yet 
the position of Isabella was critical in the extreme. The Arch- 
bishop of Toledo had not only joined the invaders, but he took 
with him a body of 500 lances. Ferdinand had been repulsed 
before Toro. Prince John of Portugal looked forward to a second 
Aljubarrota. All Leon seemed at the mercy of the invaders. 
Isabella, nothing daunted, convoked a Cortes at Medina del 
Campo (August, 1475). Her appeal to the people was eminently 
successful. Supplies to a large extent were^voted by the devoted 
Commons. The church plate was pledged to the extent of half 
its value by a loyal clergy. The army of Ferdinand was rein- 
forced. New regiments were raised by Isabella. The Portuguese 
once more remained inactive, and allowed the defenders of 
Castile the time they sorely needed to complete their prepara- 
tions. At length, in February, 1476, between Toro and Zamora, 
the combined forces of Ferdinand and Isabella inflicted a severe 
and decisive defeat 1 upon the Portuguese and rebel army. 

1 Commonly known as the battle of Toro. Battles are not often fought on the 
precise spot of ground by which name they are known in history. See Documentos 
Ineditos, xiii., 396-400, where a letter from Ferdinand is printed, addressed by him 
at the time to the Concejo of Baeza, and giving his account of the victory. 


Zamora as well as Toro fell into the hands of the victors, and 
the invaders, unmindful of Aljubarrota, retreated in some con- 
fusion into their own country. 

Nor was the moral effect less remarkable in Spain. The 
humbler waiters upon fortune immediately declared for Isabella. 
The Duke of Arevalo soon after gave his adhesion. The Arch- 
bishop of Toledo was not far behind him ; and the Marquis of 
Villena was at length content to enjoy his diminished revenues 
under the protection of his lawful sovereign. Isabella walked 
barefoot in a procession to the Church of St. Paul at Tordesillas 
in honour of the victory. Ferdinand contented himself with the 
building and endowment of a monastery of the Order of St. 
Francis, at Toledo, known as San Juan de los Reyes. 1 Louis XL 
of France, who had encouraged the Portuguese, was not long in 
offering his alliance to Ferdinand ; and a treaty of perpetual 
peace between France and Castile, promoted by the ever-vigilant 
King of Aragon, John II., was signed at St. Jean de Luz in 
October, 1478. 

To make Isabella's victory more complete, a new Bull was 
obtained from Sixtus IV. annulling the marriage of Alfonso of 
Portugal with Joanna the Beltraneja ; and that unhappy lady, 
the sport of fortune, and a puppet in the hands of kings and 
Popes, retired into the Convent of St. Clare at Coimbra, while 
her disappointed husband, Alfonso the African romantic to the 
end resigned his crown, and assumed the habit of a Franciscan 

But before Isabella's rival had taken the veil, and not long 
after the signature of the Treaty of St. Jean de Luz, which he 
had so earnestly promoted, John of Aragon died, on the 19th 
of January, 1479, in the bishop's palace at Barcelona, in the 
eighty-third year of his age. 

Ferdinand and Isabella were King and Queen in Spain. 

1 The chapel of S. Juan de los Reyes at Toledo, which was built by Ferdinand 
and Isabella, is cited by Fergusson (151-2) as a most interesting example of 
contemporary work, and compared by him with Henry the Seventh's chapel at 



ON the death of John II. Ferdinand succeeded without opposi- 
tion to his father's throne. For over 300 years the little kingdom 
of Aragon had been ruled by kings of more than common merit. 
James I. was a prince among conquerors and a scholar among 
princes. Peter III. was one of the greatest kings that ever bore 
rule in the Peninsula. Peter IV., cruel, false and formal as he 
was, showed considerable political intelligence, and if he was 
an eminently bad man he was undoubtedly a good ruler. To 
compare him unfavourably, as an English writer has done 
with his namesake of Castile, is to say that Richelieu was more 
cruel than Caligula, or Louis XI. than Robespierre. Ferdinand 
I. was one of the best kings that ever sat upon a throne, and 
his son Alfonso if his great reputation was gained rather in 
Italy than in Aragon, was at least represented in Spain by a 
wise and worthy queen. And finally, John II., one of the least 
admirable of his line, was an astute and vigorous ruler, neither 
falser nor more cruel than policy dictated a king who at least 
aspired to be a statesman. 

The people of Aragon had ever been more active, more 
enterprising, and more independent than the people of Castile ; 
and their free institutions had borne good fruit in the prosperity 
of their country and in the virtue of their nobles, as well as in 
the general wisdom of their kings. The nobility of Aragon was 
less rich, less turbulent, and at once more independent and more 
loyal than their cousins of Castile. If their estates were less 
vast and their castles less numerous, their personal culture and 
general civilisation were far in advance of that of their neigh- 
bours. It was not for nothing that the knights of Aragon joined 
hands with those of Provence ; that the merchant princes of 
Catalonia sailed the Eastern seas ; that their kings resided in 


Naples and Sicily, and asserted their influence in the Jigean 
and the Hellespont. 

The history and the more recent traditions of Castile were 
far different. From the day of the departure of the good Regent 
Ferdinand in 1412, to that of the Treaty of Lisbon in 1479, a 
period of nearly seventy years, the government may be charac- 
terised as anarchy tempered by favouritism ; and the condition 
of the country over which Isabella now found herself the un- 
doubted mistress, had become deplorable in the extreme. Out- 
side the walls of the fortified towns, life and property had long 
been protected only by the voluntary activity of the old popular 
Hermandades. Within the fortresses, her majesty's liege subjects 
were at the mercy of the Alvaro or the Pacheco who happened 
at the moment to prevail. To the turbulent aristocracy of 
ancient Castile that fought and plundered in the time of John, 
his wretched successor, by a profligate abuse of his sovereignty, 
had added an upstart nobility, with all the vices and none of 
the virtues of the older race of grandees ; and the nobles of 
every degree and condition, with rare and remarkable exceptions, 
agreed only in oppressing the people, and defying the authority 
of the crown. The great military and religious orders were the 
resort of worthless bravos ; and their vast estates were but an 
object of plunder to contending grand masters ; while the 
knights were content to keep out of the way of their Moslem 
enemies, and to occupy themselves only in the robbery and 
plunder of their Christian neighbours. 1 The secular clergy was 
grossly ignorant ; the regular clergy was scandalously immoral. 
The court had long been an example of all that was contempt- 
ible in vice, and all that was shameless in depravity. The queen 
had lived in open adultery in her husband's palace. The king 
had borne witness to his manliness by displaying a bevy of 
mistresses ; and had demonstrated his religion by transferring 
them from time to time to posts of honour and importance in 
conventual establishments. 2 

To appreciate fairly the importance of the policy of Fer- 
dinand the Catholic as regards the nobility, we must bear in 
mind their conduct during the preceding reign. Henry III., of 

1 En cada orden avia dos maestros, y tanto se robaban que despoblaban la 
tierra. Lafuente, ix., 40-42. 

2 Con la mision de reformar la comunidad ! Lafuente, 42. 

A terrible and graphic picture of the terrorism and lawlessness that prevailed 
throughout Spain on the accession of Isabella may be found in Pulgar, Cron., ii., 
66 ; Lucio Marineo Sicul, Cosas Memorable*, fo. 160 ; and Lafuente, ix. , 39, 40, 
and 164-7. 


Castile, a vigorous ruler, was hardly able to provide for the daily 
expenses of his table ; while his palatines were rolling in ill- 
gotten wealth. The constant regencies from the death of Henry 
of Trastamara to the death of John II., whose entire reign was 
one long minority, while they diminished the power of the 
crown, diminished also the respect in which the king was held, 
and absolutely invited the plunder of the nobility. Councils of 
regency and troops of favourites thought only of enriching 
themselves and their friends, while they purchased the forbear- 
ance of their rivals. The people alone appeared to retain some 
of the virtues of their race. Superior to the clergy in morality, 
to the nobles in dignity, and to the kings in wisdom, and far 
above all in their solid worth, sober, self-denying, brave and 
independent, the Castilian peasant and the Castilian citizen 
inherited much that was noblest in the Iberian, the Roman and 
the Goth, whose blood was mingled in his veins. And if by a 
combination of vigour and prudence, of firmness and tact, and 
above all, by those commanding qualities which combine to make 
great leaders of men ever respected by their fellows, Isabella 
and her husband subdued and civilised the nobles of Castile, 
they would never have accomplished the . difficult task without 
the hearty co-operation of the Commons, and the solid worth of 
the great mass of the population of Spain. 

The power of the Cortes of Castile is supposed to have 
reached its highest point in the time of John I. Disregarded in 
the troublous times of John II., and still less considered by Henry 
IV., the third estate was treated with marked respect by the 
prudent Isabella; and the Assembly of Toledo, in 1480, is one 
of the most celebrated in the history of Castile. But this popu- 
lar authority was not destined to be of long duration. The 
Catholic kings were essentially autocratic, and as soon as they 
had sufficiently humbled the power of the nobility, 1 the influence 

1 The nominal authority, at all events of the Cortes, was never doubted nor 
denied, at least during the lifetime of Isabella. Ferdinand was by no means so 
punctilious, either as Regent of Castile after the queen's death, or in Aragon at 
any time. When, for instance, at the Cortes of Calatayud, in September, 1515, in 
spite of all the manoeuvres of his popular son, the Archbishop of Saragossa, the 
Commons refused to accede to some highly unconstitutional request, the dissentients 
the members of the Parliamentary opposition were summarily dismissed from 
the public service, and declared incapable of holding office in Aragon for the 
future. Zurita (VI.), x., 93, 94. 

But both king and queen practically assumed a good deal of the power that 
was supposed to reside in the Cortes, by the lavish promulgation of Pragmaticas 
or Royal Ordinances. See Don Antonio Sanchez Moguel, Discurso (Madrid, 1894). 

Ferdinand summoned but four Cortes in Aragon during his reign of thirty- 
seven years. Capmany, Practice, y Estilo, 62 ; Peter Martyr, Ep. , 493 ; and 


of the Commons was suffered to become rapidly smaller, until at 
length, towards the end of the reign, the power and indepen- 
dence of the estates of the realm were greatly impaired. While 
the influence of the Cortes decayed, moreover, the worst and 
not the best qualities of the people themselves were developed 
by the autocratic bigotry of Isabella and the cruel avarice 01 
Ferdinand ; and the Castilians, as they gradually lost their 
freedom, became false, and covetous, and intolerant. It is a 
dark picture, but to paint it in brighter colours would be false 
to history. 

When Isabella considered the country she was called upon 
to govern, she might well have been appalled at the greatness 
of the task that lay before her. The treasury was empty ; the 
coinage was debased. From 150 licensed mints, and as many 
unauthorised manufactories, bad money was poured over the 
country, until at last the coin of the realm would be accepted 
by no prudent man in satisfaction of any debt, or in exchange 
for any commodity. The roads swarmed with robbers and cut- 
throats of every social degree. The fields were well-nigh un- 
cultivated. Industry was hampered by public restrictions and 
by private rapine. Commerce was no more. A multiplicity of 
laws, which no man regarded, were evaded by judges, whom no 
man feared. The revenues of the crown had sunk to an un- 
certain income of about 1,000,000 reals, or 10,000 a year. 

Revolutions in modern times are supposed to be always the 
work of a faction. The revolution which in a dozen years made 
Castile one of the most prosperous, one of the most orderly, and 
one of the most glorious commonwealths in Europe, was brought 
about by the masterful and autocratic hands of the Catholic 
kings of Spain. The revolution indeed is one of the most re- 
markable in the history of mediaeval Europe. It is a great 
national story, romantic, splendid, popular, as yet unsung in 
ballad or epic ; and the heroine is Isabella of Castile. 

To say that she had faults, and failings, and even sins in 
plenty, is only to say that she was human. But her faults were 
the faults of a great ruler. The influence of her consort, and 
the influence of her confessors, and the many evil influences of 

especially Zurita, vi. , fol. 96. A list of some of the most important of these 
ordenanzas or pragmaticas, divided into classes, is given by Lafuente, ix., pp. 493-8. 
See generally, Marina, Teoria de las Cortes, (The reader should be reminded 
that constitutionally in Castile these pragmatics or decrees were granted on 
presentments from the Cortes. In cases of assumed urgency the sovereign took 
the initiative and published the decree first, which then had to be confirmed when 
the Cortes met. H.) 


the age in which she lived, tended no doubt in time to corrupt 
the policy as well as to degrade the character of Isabella. But 
her critics, and they are many in these critical days, should 
contrast her rule, even when it was least admirable, with that 
of Henry who went before her, or with that of Ferdinand 
who came after her, and judge Isabella by the standard of the 
fifteenth, and not by that of the nineteenth century. 

With everything in disorder, it was hard to know where to 
begin. Madmen and mobs pull all things down without dis- 
crimination, leaving it to chance to rebuild and to restore. The 
inspired reformer is moved to walk more warily. The queen 
gave early proofs of that natural sagacity, and of that consum- 
mate statesmanship that ever distinguished her in discerning 
that the first duty of all government is the protection of life 
and property. She took advantage of an existing organisation, 
sanctified it with an epithet, strengthened it with an army, 
justified it with a code ; and out of the remnants of a time- 
honoured popular institution she produced that wonderful and 
most efficient royal constabulary, which was known by the 
name of the Holy Brotherhood the far-famed Santa Her- 
mandad. 1 

At Dueilas in July, 1476, the establishment of this new 
police force was proposed by the queen. The Cortes readily 
gave their consent ; and within a few months the organisation 
of the Santa Hermandad was complete. Rapidity and decision 
characterised every movement of Isabella. Alfonso de Quintanilla, 
Juan Ortego, and the Chronicler Alfonso de Palencia, were the 
first directors, and a force of no less than 2000 horsemen, with 
an appropriate number of archers on foot, were sent out into 
the country to maintain the queen's peace. Nothing was spared 
to give authority to the new institution. Don Alfonso of 
Aragon, the king's brother, was entrusted with the chief 
command of the constabulary. A supreme Junta, composed of 
deputies from every province in Castile, judged without appeal 
such questions or causes as were submitted to it by the local 
Alcades. The Santa Hermandad, consisting thus at once of a 
constabulary and a judiciary, combined the functions of catch- 
pole, judge and executive. Highway robbery and assaults, 
housebreaking, rape, and, above all, resistance to authority, 
were the crimes more especially submitted to its jurisdiction ; 
but it is probable that any local evil-doer would have found its 

1 For an account of the first institution of the early popular or municipal 
Hermaiidadts, see ante, voL i. , p. 317. 


powers abundantly sufficient for the disposal of his particular 
case. A plea in bar of its jurisdiction would doubtless have 
been treated as resistance to authority, and would have been 
disposed of by the amputation of a leg or an arm, if not by the 
more convincing argument of a brace of arrows. 1 

The expenses of the new organisation were defrayed by a 
house-tax of 18,000 maravedis on every hundred householders. 
Two alcaldes were established in every village. The cuadrilleros, 
or officers of the brotherhood, were posted in every hamlet. 
The proceedings of these local tribunals were summary. Their 
decisions were final. Their punishments were tremendous. It 
was not surprising that this Santa Hermandad should have been by 
no means popular with the classes whose violence it restrained ; 
and a great number of prelates and grandees, with the Duke of 
Infantado at their head, met at Cabeiia early in 1480 to protest 
against so unconstitutional a force. 

To speak of Isabella as she is generally spoken of in history 
is an absurdity almost self-evident. Her dealings with her 
brother, her choice of a husband, her usurpation of her niece's 
crown, and her personal activity and vigour in the prosecution 
of a successful war for the maintenance of her personal authority 
these are not the works of a timid girl thinking only of the 
precepts of religion and the practice of good works. Far from 
being intimidated by this aristocratic demonstration as regards her 
new constabulary, she returned a haughty answer to the protest, 
and took steps for the establishment of the force that had 
already proved so efficient, upon a more permanent footing 
than before. Nor was it until the end of the century when, 
according to Peter Martyr, Spain was the most orderly country 
in Europe that the Hermandad was reorganised and reduced 
to the modest proportions of a simple police. 2 

But Ferdinand and Isabella did not leave to others, not 
even to the Holy Brotherhood, the task of restoring public 
order and public confidence in Castile. They visited every part 
of the queen's dominions themselves, and brought home to every 

1 The punishment of death was inflicted by arrows. The officers of the Her- 
mandad were known as archers. Que cada uno mire por el virote (let every man 
look out for the arrow) is a fine old Castilian proverb, suggesting that every man 
should mind his own business. 

The laws and regulations promulgated at various times by the supreme Junta 
of the Hermandad were codified and published by the Junta General of Tordelaguna 
in 1485. 

2 Peter Martyr, Ep., 31. The Hermandad was established, in the first instance, 
as an experiment, for three years only. It was reformed in 1498. 


local magnate, in city or in castle, the fact that the royal l power 
was, and would remain supreme. Isabella was a lady, she was a 
queen, and, above all, she was an autocrat. Gracious and gentle 
in her manner, she brooked no opposition from prince or peer ; 
and she soon made it known and felt throughout Spain that, 
although she was the daughter of John II. and the sister of 
Henry IV., her will was law in Castile. Beautiful, virtuous, 
discreet, with that highest expression of proud dignity that is 
seen in a peculiar simplicity of manner, with a hard heart and 
a fair countenance, an inflexible will, and a mild manner 
something of a formalist, more of a bigot Isabella united much 
that was characteristic of old Castile with not a little that was 
characteristic of new Spain. And if her boldness was inherited 
from the Cid, her bigotry was bequeathed to Philip II. 

No man can read the history of the times without being 
struck by the enormous personal influence of Isabella. An 
accomplished horsewoman, a tireless traveller, indefatigable in 
her attention to business of State, the queen with her court 
moved about from place to place, swift to punish crime and to 
encourage virtue, boldly composing the differences and compel- 
ling the submission of rival nobles, frowning upon the laxity of 
the clergy, denouncing the heresy of the people, and laying a 
heavy hand upon enemies of every degree and evildoers of 
every class. In Andalusia the unaccustomed and unexpected 
presence of the sovereigns was everywhere productive of peace 
and order. Even in the remotest districts of Gallicia, the royal 
power was felt. Over fifty fortresses, the strongholds of knightly 
robbers, were razed to the ground, and 1500 noble highwaymen 
were forced to fly the kingdom. 2 But although an honest and 
a vigorous executive had long been the great want of Castile, it 
was but the foundation of further reforms : and a Cortes was 
summoned to meet at Toledo in 1480, whose acts and resolutions 
are among the most celebrated in the constitutional history of 

One of the first duties of this great Legislative Assembly 
was the codification of the enormous body of royal and parlia- 
mentary ordinances that had been promulgated since the great 
code of Alfonso X. The publication of this new collection, 

1 Spain, up to this time, had ever been rather an aristocracy than a monarchy. 
The king was, especially in Aragon, but primus inter pares until the time of 
Ferdinand and Isabella. 

2 Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, ii., 97, 98; and Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 
1 68. 

VOL. II. 4 


known as the Ordenanzas Reales, which was compiled by one 
Alfonso Diaz de Montalva, by direction of the Cortes, was of 
great assistance in the due application of the law ; and a royal 
decree, by which the sittings of the supreme court of the 
kingdom were permanently fixed at Valladolid, 1 was no less 
favourable to the regular administration of justice. The king 
and queen, moreover, announced that wherever their court 
might be, they would themselves sit once a week for the public 
audience of special appeals. This practice was in accordance 
with the spirit of the times ; and it seems to have been highly 
appreciated by their subjects. 

Nor were the administrative and legislative reforms of the 
Cortes of Toledo confined to the preparation of the Ordenanzas 
Reales. A new Council of State was invested with well defined 
powers, and the justiciary of the kingdom was reorganised and 
established upon so sound a basis, that it remained for close upon 
four centuries very much as it was constituted in 1480. But 
perhaps the most curious act of the Parliament of Toledo had 
reference to the altered condition of the nobility of Castile. One 
of the first objects of Isabella in carrying out her new policy in 
Spain was to check the depredations of her nobles, to curtail their 
power, and to crush their rebellious instincts. The weakness, the 
favouritism, and the unbridled licence of the last three reigns 
had rendered most of the grandees of the kingdom at once 
impatient of authority and unfit for power. The time for reform 
had arrived. 2 And the reforms of Isabella were radical, drastic, 
complete, without any of the cruelty of Peter, without any of 
the prodigality of his brother of Trastamara. The young queen 
by her firmness, her justice, and her uncompromising severity, 
gradually converted the most turbulent aristocracy in Europe 
into that magnificent, if somewhat submissive band of nobles, 
whose loyalty, whose chivalry, and whose devotion to their 
beautiful sovereign, made them, at the close of the fifteenth 
century, the admiration and the model of Christian Europe. 
But in 1480 the work of regeneration had scarcely begun ; and 
one of the first and most important of the Acts or Resolutions 
that was passed by the Cortes of Toledo in that year was one 

1 On the subject of the reorganisation of the supreme court at Valladolid, and 
the system of criminal jurisprudence generally, see Origen y memorias de la cancel- 
leria de Valladolid. G. M. Sapela, Valladolid, 1893. H. 

2 The inferior nobility, or landed gentry, were well pleased with the humiliation 
of the grandees, by which their own position was relatively advanced. But as a 
class they were no worthier of royal support or patronage than the great lords. 


practically resuming the extravagant grants and pensions that 
had been lavished upon many of the great nobles during the 
last unhappy reign. 1 

By this self-denying ordinance, 2 for some at least of the 
dispossessed nobles sat and voted in the Assembly, a yearly 
revenue of no less than 30,000,000 maravedis was acquired 
by Isabella from her discomfited grandees. There was no 
complicated actuarial calculation needed for the due disposal of 
their late acquisitions. The simple rule was adopted that pensions 
or estates granted without good consideration were absolutely 
forfeited to the crown ; and that grants on account of services 
performed were to be reduced to an amount commensurate, in 
the opinion of the queen's confessor, with the value of the 
services actually rendered. 

With the uncompromising Isabella, with the rapacious 
Ferdinand, with the jealous and unsympathetic Commons, the 
nobles found little mercy. When the power had been theirs, 
they had defied the court and oppressed the people ; and now 
that a stronger than they had arisen in Castile, they were fain 
to give up their ill-gotten gains with the best grace they could. 
The Duke of Medina Sidonia was mulct of an income of 180,000 
maravedis ; Admiral Enriquez of 240,000 ; the Duke of Alva 
lost nearly 600,000 ; while Beltran de la Cueva, whose services 
to the State were not judged by Fray Fernando de Talavera 
to be deserving of any permanent pecuniary recognition, was 
compelled to give up a yearly revenue of nearly one million and 
a half of maravedis. 3 

A blow hardly less severe was struck at independent 
authority in Castile by the practical abolition of the great 
Military Orders, whose grand masters had ranked above the 

1 It has already been mentioned that the nobles were rarely summoned to the 
Cortes, by the end of the fifteenth century ; nor does it appear that any of the 
grandees were summoned in the ordinary course, even to the most important 
Assembly at Toledo in 1480. Yet by a master stroke of policy, they were invited 
to attend, when the question of the forfeiture or resumption of grants was under 
the consideration of the Cortes. 

2 It must be remembered that in 1442 the Council of Valladolid presented a 
petition to John II., complaining of undue alienation of crown property to private 
persons, to the prejudice of the nation ; and that the king had ordained that for 
the future all royal property should be inalienable. Marina, Teoria de las Cortes, 
i., Appendix ix., xiii. 

The memorial that was presented by the grandees of the kingdom, praying 
that he would not alienate, by grants to his favourites, lasfincas de su patri monio, 
a very interesting document, is preserved among the papers of the Duke of Frias. 
It is without date, but is supposed by D. Miguel Salva to have been presented to 
John II. See Doc. Ined., torn, xiv., p. 366. 

3 Mem. de la Acad. Hist., vol. vi. 


greatest nobles in power and in importance ; and who in wealth, 
in influence, and in popular consideration had often vied with 
the king himself. The rise and progress of the three great 
Orders of Religious and Military Knighthood has already 
formed the subject of a chapter of this history ; and although 
their legitimate work was long accomplished, and the very 
reason of their existence had passed away by the end of the 
fifteenth century, their actual power, their wealth, and their 
arrogance had increased rather than diminished under the feeble 
and uncertain rule of John II. and Henry IV. The manner of 
their treatment by Isabella was as discreet as it was effectual, 
and was, indeed, eminently characteristic of her methods of 
action. Ever loyal to her by no means virtuous husband, 1 she 
caused him to be elected to the Grand Masterships of the 
several Orders as those princely offices fell vacant. And thus, 
without bloodshed and without violence, a tremendous weapon 
of offence and defence was put into the hands of Ferdinand. 
Calatrava was appropriated in 1487, Alcantara in 1494, and 
Santiago in 1499, and while the enormous revenues and vast 
estates of these celebrated Orders were thus placed at the 
disposal of the King of Aragon, the three-fold grand master 
obtained the supreme command of a devoted army, with for- 
tresses and castles throughout the kingdom three of the most 
dangerous rivals to the royal authority were removed for ever 
from the field of politics, of intrigue, and of battle in Castile. 2 

1 Ferdinand had at least four illegitimate children by different ladies, (i) 
Juana, who was offered, with a double marriage portion, in 1489, to the King of 
Scots. (2) Juan, Archbishop of Saragossa ; and two other daughters, both 
Prioresses of St. Clare of Madrigal. Cal. State Papers (Spain, 1862), 26. 

Ramon Cardona, the unworthy successor of Gonsalva de Cordova in Italy, 
was also commonly supposed to be a son of Ferdinand. But the king's faults were 
certainly not those of a voluptuary. 

2 The grand masterships of the three Military Orders were not finally and 
formally annexed to the crown of Spain until 1523, when Adrian VI. issued a Bull 
to that effect. As some indication of the importance of the grand masterships 
merely as a source of income, I am able to give an account of the revenues derived 
by Philip II. in 1577, from the various Orders, which I take from a contemporary 
MS. in the British Museum. Cotton M S., Vespasian, c. vi. Amount of general 
revenue of each. Order : 

Santiago ... 386,000 Escudos. 

Calatrava 255,000 ,, 

Alcantara 171,000 ,, 


King's share as grand master one-tkird= 270,000 escudos, or say ^150,000. 
(Although the crown thenceforward held the patronage of the Orders, and a share 
of the revenues appertaining to the grand masterships, the pensioned commanderies 
were continued and given to those who were supposed to deserve well of the 
sovereigns. H.) 


But long before Ferdinand the Catholic had finally added the 
proud title of Grand Master of Santiago to that of the Supreme 
Chief of Calatrava and of Alcantara, the great and on the 
whole the beneficent revolution that his royal consort had 
effected in Castile was already well nigh complete. That the 
treasury, which had been bankrupt in 1475, was full to over- 
flowing in 1485, was due to many causes entirely independent 
of sound finance. But it was, at least, entirely satisfactory 
that the ordinary revenues of the country had largely increased. 1 

On Isabella's accession in 1474, the revenue of Castile 
amounted to 885,000 reales, or less than 10,000. 2 In 1482, 
after the resumption of the royal grants the amount had 
increased to 12,700,000, and in 1504, while the ordinary 
revenues amounted to over 26,000,000, the actual receipts of the 
royal exchequer were no less than 42,3.96,000 reales. Within 
a dozen years from the queen's accession, a debased currency 
had been replaced by sound money ; private mints had been 
abolished, trade had been delivered from many oppressive 
burdens ; roads and bridges were constructed and repaired ; 
tolls and taxes were, as far as possible, repealed ; industry and 
commerce had alike revived ; agriculture, the ancient glory of 
Spain, had needed but a decade of peace to be prosecuted once 
again with marked success. 

The towns recovered even more than their former glory. 
Toledo, Burgos, Valladolid, Medina del Campo, Cordova and 
Seville vied with Valencia and Saragossa and proudest Bar- 
celona, as noble and prosperous cities, even before beautiful 
Granada was added to the Christian possession of Castile. 
Manufactures sprang up on every side ; Spanish wool regained 
its old reputation in the markets of Europe, and especially in 
England ; the breed of horses was improved ; the armour of 
Segovia, the fine steel of Toledo, the woollen stuffs of Cuenca, 
the silver work of Valladolid were sent throughout Europe by 
the merchants of Barcelona ; and before the end of the century, 

1 A special financial department, divided into the Contaduria de Hacienda and 
the Contaduria de Rentas was established by Isabella as early as 1476. For details 
see Gallardo, Origen de las Rentas, vol. i. ; Lafuente, ix. , pp. 491-3. 

Some accounts and papers connected with the revenues of Castile in 1504-1512 
will be found in vol. xxxix. of the Docunentos Ineditos, pp. 423 et seq. (See also, 
for particulars of financial votes by the various Cortes of this and succeeding reign, 
Danvila y Collado's Poder Civil en Espana, vols. i. and ii. H.) 

2 Mem. Acad. Hist., vi., 5. (The author has calculated the real at the value 
of the imaginary copper real, or real de vellon = 2^. The coin in which the 
calculation was made should, in my opinion, be the silver real worth double that 
amount. H.) 


the silks of Granada had become one of the exports of triumph- 
ant Spain. 1 Nor was the revival restricted to the material 
world. Literature was once more admired and protected. Men 
of letters were not only welcomed at the court, but they were 
promoted to positions of honour and of profit in the State. An 
aristocracy of merit and of learning was fostered, not only for 
the sake of letters and of virtue, but as a counterpoise to the 
power of the old aristocracy of wealth and territorial importance. 
Piety and prudence were alike gratified by the selection of a 
churchman to humble the pride of a grandee. The universities 
acquired new importance, not only as the resort of students, 
but as schools for men of action ; and their graduates as well 
as their professors were ever sure of the royal protection and 
support. As learning became more common and more respected, 
the position of the clergy became less scandalous ; and the 
submissive piety of Isabella did not prevent her from endeavour- 
ing, by every means in her power, to restrain the disorders of 
the priesthood. Last of all, the court of Castile, for fifty years 
a prey to favourites and flatterers, and for another quarter of a 
century the abode of shameless and ignoble profligacy, had 
become dignified, correct, exemplary, the resort of the best and 
noblest women, of the bravest, the wisest, and the most cultiv- 
ated men, that were to be found in Castile. It was an immense, 
a noble, a marvellous revolution. And to the greater honour of 
Isabella, it must be ever remembered that it was accomplished 
without the shedding of one drop of blood, save that of the 
malefactors who were executed by the Holy Brotherhood. No 
grandees were murdered, no princes were poisoned, not a royal 
oath was broken. If the results were astounding, the methods 
were scarcely less remarkable. 2 

1 For an account of the manner in which this reviving industry was again 
crushed by unwise laws, see essay, "A Fight against Finery," in The Year after the 
Armada, and Spain : its Greatness and Decay, both by the present editor. H. 

2 The principal authorities for the early years of the reign of Isabella in Castile 
are : A. Bernaldez, Hist, de los reyes Catolicos, of which an edition has been pub- 
lished as lately as 1870; the Chronicles of Pulgar and Lebrija or Nebrixa ; the 
Latin History of Lucius Marineus, better known in the early translation into 
Castilian as Cosas Memorables. I have used the edition of 1539. 

For the contemporary history of Aragon. Zurita, Anales de Aragon is, of course, 
the chief authority. I have necessarily consulted an immense number of minor or 
more modern works. Bergen roth and the Simancas Archives are of little use 
before 1480. But the sixth volume of the Memorias de la Real Academia de 
Historia de Madrid, edited by Clemencin, is full of varied and most interesting 
information as regards the history of this reign, derived to a great extent from 
original sources. 





THE religious bigotry of the mediaeval Spaniard is generally 
assumed as a fact beyond the scope of argument or question. 
Yet through the whole of the Middle Ages, from the death of 
Roderic to the birth of Isabella, no government in western 
Europe was less disposed to religious persecution than that of 
Aragon ; no Christian sovereigns were less devoted to Rome than 
those of Castile. From the conversion of Reccared to the rout 
of the Guadalete a single century of unchecked and humiliating 
decadence the government of Spain had indeed been distinctly 
and deplorably intolerant ; but from the advent of Taric to the 
appearance of Torquemada the religious independence and the 
religious toleration of kings and people compare favourably with 
those of any other country in Europe. A bitter jealousy of the 
foreigner, accentuated by the long continued presence of the 
Moor in the fairest province of the Peninsula, was ever a leading 
characteristic of the mediaeval Castilian. But this jealousy was 
political and racial rather than religious ; and for long years of 
Spanish history, 1 the interference of an Italian priest would have 
been nearly as much resented as that of a Moslem warrior 
whose assistance might possibly have been welcome in a foray 
upon some Christian potentate. 

And in no country or kingdom of mediaeval Europe, not even 
in England, was a bolder stand made against inquisitors, and 
persecutors, and Popes than was made in mediaeval Spain. 

1 From the singular moderation in the language of the protests of the Castilian 
clergy to the Cortes of Valladolid, in 1351, with regard to the desecration of the 
Sabbath by Jews and Moors, we may judge, says Me'rim^e, of the extent of the 
religious tolerance, and the absence of bigotry in Castile as late as the middle of the 
fourteenth century. See on this point generally, P. Me'rimee, Pldre I. , and pp. 
80, 124, 136, 186, 193, 202, 332 ; and the Ordenamento de Perlados, art. 9. 


The pious grant of Aragon, in the year 1 1 34, by Alfonso the 
Battler to the Knights Templars, who were at that time the 
most revered of the great religious associations of Christendom 
and the most favoured by Rome, was treated by the Aragonese 
with contempt and derision. The popularity of so very inde- 
pendent a Christian as the Cid, and his universal acceptance as 
the national hero of Spain, 1 should make it plain at least that 
devotion to priests and Popes found no place in the ideal of a 
Castilian gentleman of the eleventh or twelfth century. The 
interference of Rome in so purely spiritual a matter as the 
substitution of a service book, was bitterly resented both in 
Aragon and in Castile towards the end of the twelfth century (in 
1171). And although Hildebrand was at length suffered to have 
his own way at the altar in 1085, the pretensions of a no less 
powerful Pontiff to supreme authority in the State in 1203, led 
to almost as great an outburst of popular indignation as followed 
the "Papal Aggression" of 1850 in modern Protestant England. 
Peter II., indeed, was soon recalled to a sense of the indepen- 
dence that was expected of him by his people ; and while France 
and England, and even Germany, were marching submissive to 
the mandate of an Italian Pontiff, the King of Aragon a knight- 
errant of heresy was followed by his little army of Spaniards, 
ready and willing to cross the Pyrenees to confront the legate of 
Innocent, and to do battle against the sacred legions of Rome. 

A century later, when the destruction of a rich and noble 
confraternity had been decreed by a rapacious Pope, 2 and when 
English knights were being tortured by Papal inquisitors within 
sight of the palace of Westminster, the Papal Bull was treated 
with scant respect in Castile, and especially in Aragon, where 
the Templars, judged by independent tribunals, were acquitted 
of the charges of which they were accused. 

The Bull of Clement was despatched to London at the same 
time that it was sent to Saragossa (November, 1 307). And in 
England, ever proud and jealous of her freedom and indepen- 
dence of Rome, the Papal commands were obeyed as they 
certainly were not obeyed in Aragon. The inquisition was 
never popular in England ; torture was forbidden by the law of 
the land as it was in Aragon ; yet the tribunals of the Holy 

1 The legendary Cid of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was no whit more 
religious than the real Roderic of the eleventh century ; in some ways even less so. 
Cf. ante, vol. i. , chap. xix. 

2 See Traitez concernant /' Histoire de France : la Condamnation de$ Templiers, 
.etc. , etc. , by Pierre Dupuy, passini, 


Office sat in London and Lincoln and York ; and by the reiter- 
ated commands of a French Pope, 1 the English knights were 
tortured ere they were condemned, and their great Order was 
destroyed in England. In Spain it was far different. A formal 
inquiry took place at Saragossa in November, 1312, not by the 
Papal inquisitors, but by a Council of Aragonese judges. After 
a careful hearing, the Templars were acquitted of all the charges 
that were brought against them, and declared innocent of all 
the crimes of which they had been so freely accused. The 
Castilian judges were as independent as those of Aragon, and 
after an investigation which was held at Salamanca in 1310, 
they arrived at a conclusion no less favourable to the Templars 
than the finding of the court of Saragossa. Yet the knights 
and their rich possessions in Spain were not exempted from the 
premeditated spoliation. The case was avoked by Clement to 
the Papal court of Avignon, and by his Bull, issued at Vienne 
in 1312, the Knights Templars of Aragon, of Castile, and of 
Portugal, formerly acquitted of the crimes that were laid to their 
charge, were included in the common destruction. Yet, if the 
Templars were destroyed, Spain at least was not humiliated. 

The Spanish judges forbade all persons ecclesiastical to 
harass or even to speak evil of the knights in the future ; and 
made liberal provision for the maintenance of every individual 
companion out of the revenues of the extinguished Order. Even 
in Aragon, where, for various reasons, the Papal influence was 
greater than it was in Castile, King James II. actually refused, 
when summoned by Clement. V., to order the Templars' property 
to be forfeited to the Pope. It was necessary to resort to a 
compromise. Clement sent a Brief (5th January, 1309) reciting 
that the property had been offered to him, but that he had 
decided that it should be transferred to the custody of the King 
of Aragon. 2 But if the commanderies and religious houses were 
thus necessarily broken up, the members of the Order were 
suffered to live in peace as individual knights. A great part of 
their estates and revenues in Aragon were devoted to the en- 
dowment of another Order of religious knighthood, that of 
Montesa, 3 a branch of the yet more famous Order of Calatrava. 
The Orders of Santiago and Alcantara, as well as the parent 
Order of Calatrava, were also largely endowed in the same way. 

1 See Wilkins, Con. Mag. Brit., ii. ; Rymer, Fcedet a, iii. ; Pierre Dupuy, Con- 
damnation des Temfliers, and H. C. Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition, iii.. 260-307. 

2 See Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition, vol. iii., pp. 311-313. 

3 See ante, vol. i. , chap, xxiii. 


Again, in 1440, when the inquisitors would have condemned 
Lorenzo Valla for his treatise on the False Donation of Constan- 
tine, Alfonso V. of Aragon was at once sufficiently enlightened 
and sufficiently bold to exercise his royal prerogative, as King of 
Naples, to put a stop to the prosecution. It is doubtful whether 
any other European potentate at that time would have dared, 
even if he had desired, thus to affront the ecclesiastical power in 
his dominions. In Castile, Rome had even less influence than in 
Aragon. The establishment in the thirteenth century of the 
independent kingdom of Granada, after the Christian occupation 
of Cordova and Seville by Saint Ferdinand, who himself entered 
into and maintained an honourable alliance with the Infidel, and 
the more or less peaceful relations that subsisted between the 
rival races for over two hundred years, all tended to toleration 
and liberal regard. Christian refugees, whether princes or 
peasants, were ever welcome at the court of the Moslem. Kings 
and knights vied with each other in the tourney or the bull fight. 
And if the Christians were more wont to accept than to grant 
hospitality, the bitter feelings that are engendered by active 
religious bigotry were almost entirely absent from the inter- 
course of either Moor or Castilian. Something of the spirit of 
Abdur Rahman and of Averroes lingered even in Christian 
Andalusia. The spirit of Torquemada lay dormant and un- 
suspected at sunny Seville. And from the fall of Cordova, in 
1246, to the fall of Alhama, in 1482, the Moslem was not 
unkindly regarded in Castile. 1 


It has been the great misfortune of Spain, both as regards 
her reputation and her prosperity, that in the matter of religious 
persecution, as in so many other ways, the country was somewhat 
later in its development than its neighbours. France and Ger- 
many and Italy passed, as it were, through their agony during 

1 Mezclaban muchas veces Cristianos y Musulmanes en estosespectaculos, i.e., 
pasos de armas, or tourneys. Lafuente, ix., 62. For Lafuente's list of fighting 
bishops, see ibid. , ix. , 66-70. 

The old Castilian verse is apposite enough : 
Cavalliro granadino, 
A unque Moro, hijo d'algo. 

It was not considered any disgrace, says Richard Ford, Quarterly Review, vol. 
Ixii., p. 94, for a Christian knight to become a Farfan, and serve under the 
banner of the Moors. Cf. Viardot, Essai sur les Mores tfEsfagne, torn, ii., pp. 


three centuries of darkness and ignorance. It was reserved for 
unhappy Spain to light the fires of persecution at Seville and at 
Granada at the very time when other nations were opening wide 
the portals of knowledge, and thought was becoming free in 
France and Germany, in England and Italy and Holland, and 
even in Rome. 

When an enlightened Europe was devoted to the collection 
of ancient MSS., the Primate of Spain was burning them by the 
tens of thousands in the public square of Granada. When the 
intelligent stranger was being welcomed in every other country 
of Christendom, the Queen of Castile was banishing every Moor 
from her dominions ; when commerce was beginning to be con- 
sidered the most important element in the prosperity of states, 
the Catholic sovereigns turned every man of business out o^ 
Spain. 1 And in subsequent generations, when religious Protes- 
tantism was asserting itself in every country, and the political 
rights of the weak were coming to be recognised in every 
commonwealth, Spain appeared as the champion of the most 
sanguinary Catholicism in the least Catholic of her provinces 
in northern Europe, and as the destroyer of millions of the 
gentlest of her own subject races in the new world. 

From the establishment of the Inquisition to the destruction 
of the Spanish Armada, or perhaps to the defeat at Rocroy 
a century and a half of boundless material wealth, of military 
power and glory Spain did more to enslave the minds and 
bodies of men than has been done by all the other nations of 
Europe put together, since the birth of Luther. It is a pre- 
eminence of which Spanish zealots may possibly be proud, and 
from one point of view it may at least compel our pity, if not 
our admiration ; for Spain poured out her own life blood in the 
struggle against the greater forces of the world. During the 
whole of the critical period of the Renaissance, when every 
European State was growing and expanding in the light of new 
learning and new methods thinking, inquiring, seeking and 
finding Spain was surely rivetting upon herself the chains of 
ignorance, with a fervour and fury no less remarkable than that 
which was urging on the reformers and discoverers of neighbour- 
ing countries. And thus, when after 150 years of misused and 
wasted opportunities, the famous Spanish infantry lost for ever 
its proud pre-eminence before the new methods and tactics of 
regenerate France, 2 Spain, reduced in a moment to a position of 

1 See Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos, torn. ii. , pp. 679-81. 

2 The battle of Rocroy was fought on the ipth of May, 1643, 


political insignificance, found that while she had been squander- 
ing her energies and her treasure in fighting against Thought 
and against Knowledge at home and abroad, her rivals had 
passed her by in the race of International Life. She remained 
as an old-fashioned tyrant, odious if dreaded in the day of her 
power, merely contemptible when her power had passed away. 
To Spain, as to every other country in Europe, came her 
opportunity in the sixteenth century. She missed it, thanks 
to the vicious system of personal despotism introduced by her 
monarchs, and the opportunity never returned. " There are no 
birds," says Cervantes, "in last year's nest." And for nations 
as for individuals, as long as the world goes round, time tarrieth 
not, and the tide waits for none. 

The energy of what may be called the spirit of national 
persecution in Europe at large would seem to have spent itself 
in the Crusades. And when it became necessary to rouse the 
spirit of fanatical savagery against Christian heretics in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the infamous massacres in 
Languedoc, and the flagitious invasion of Catalonia in the 
time of Peter III. were invested by pitiless Pontiffs with the 
same romantic title. But no Spanish king or warrior was 
found in the ranks in Palestine. His own peculiar infidels 
were more than sufficient to occupy him nearer home ; and, 
while the dealings of the Spaniard with the Moor were never 
marked by any of the savage ferocities that disgraced the 
annals of the Crusaders from Acre to Byzantium, a spirit of 
remorseless persecution seems to have lain dormant in the 
Spanish nature, ready to spring into ill-timed life and vigour, 
when the current of human activity in the rest of Europe was 
setting in a contrary direction ; and when the foe of 800 years 
of contest, lay defenceless at the feet of triumphant Castile. 

The fairest verdict that can be passed upon the Spanish 
persecution of the sixteenth century is that it was out of 
season ; an abnormal growth, noxious, monstrous, self-destruc- 
tive. But let no one suffer himself to believe that the great 
persecuting spirit of mediaeval Europe had its home or its 
headquarters in Spain. 1 

1 The work of the Inquisition throughout Europe is exhaustively summed up 
by Mr. H. C. Lea in his history, etc. (1888), to which the reader is referred aswell 
for a detailed narrative as for an immense mass of references to original authorities 
on the subject. (It should be pointed out also that the spirit which gave rise and 
strength to the religious persecution of which Spain was the centre in the sixteenth 
century, was sedulously fostered by Charles V. and Philip II. with purely political 
objects. The Spaniards, although cruel and indifferent to suffering, were not 


The massacres in Languedoc and in the Cevennes, the 
harryings and the slaughterings, the burnings, the dungeons 
and the chains, the tortures more dreadful than death itself, 
that were the portion of the Albigenses and the Cathari, the 
Waldenses, the Beguins, the Beggards, the Lollards, the 
Hussites, for over 200 years, should be studied by any one 
who would take upon himself to denounce the exceptional 
horrors of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal at Seville. 1 

From the rise of Hildebrand to the fall of Boniface, every- 
where was the spirit of religious persecution encouraged by 
kings and by priests. The Emperor Frederick II., himself 
rather a freethinker than a zealot, procured his coronation as 
emperor at St. Peter's in November, 1220, by the issue of an 
edict which is memorable in the history of persecution ; and 
as a part of the day's solemnities, Pope Honorius paused in 
the ineffable mystery of the Mass, to pronounce a curse in the 
name of the Almighty against all heresies and heretics, includ- 
ing all those rulers whose laws interfered with their extermina- 
tion. The massacre of the Sicilian Vespers was provoked not 
only by French tyrants but by French inquisitors ; and it was 
the coming of the Spaniards that brought relief at once from 
civil and from sacerdotal oppression. Sicily under the rule of 
Aragon was harassed to no serious extent by any ecclesiastical 
persecution or tyranny. In northern Aragon alone, of all the 
provinces of Spain, lying as it did within reach of French 
influences and the French frontier, the Inquisition existed for 
three centuries before the days of Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Yet even in northern Aragon the dreadful institution remained 
undeveloped and ineffective during the whole period of active 
persecution in Languedoc. We hear, indeed, of heretics, and 
especially suspected Hebrew converts, as being unmolested, and 
even welcomed in Spain, on their escape from the French 
inquisitors on the other side of the Pyrenees. 2 To pretend 
that Rome learned cruelty at Seville, or that the Spaniards of 
Aragon corrupted the inquisitors of Provence, is one of the 
strangest and most daring perversions of historic truth that is to 

naturally an intolerant people, and the religious persecution arose not spontane- 
ously from them, but was deliberately adopted as part of a political system by their 
rulers. H.) 

1 See Histoire des Htrdsies depuis la naissance de Jtsus Christ jusqu d prtscnt, 
par M. Hermant. The work is in dictionary form, avec un traitt traduit du Latin 
d 1 A. de Castro (Rouen, 1727), four vols. , I2mo ; and Lea, History of the Inquisi- 
tion, ii., pp. 316-350, and 436-567. 

2 See Lea, i., 395-6, and authorities cited. 


be found even among the ecclesiastical traditions of the fifteenth 
century. Yet it has ever been an agreeable task for French 
and Italian writers to call attention to religious intolerance and 
inquisitorial cruelties less dreadful in themselves, though more 
repulsive to an enlightened Europe and a new-born public 
opinion, than the forgotten horrors of their own ecclesiastical 
history. But the nation that may yet be reminded of Muret 
and Carcassonne, of the sack of Elne and the destruction of the 
Knights Templars, cannot afford to denounce the cruelty of the 
Spanish Dominicans, nor to blush for the religious avarice of 
the Catholic kings. The greed of Ferdinand was moderation 
when compared with the rapacity of French Philip. 1 The 
cruelty of Torquemada was mercy compared with the savagery 
of Arnauld. The pride of Ximenez was humility compared 
with the arrogance of Innocent. The worst Spaniard whose 
evil deeds have been written on the dark pages of the history 
of the fifteenth century was Pope of Rome ; but even in the 
character of Alexander VI. we may look in vain for the savage 
pride of the Tuscan Hildebrand, or the fierce intolerance of the 
Roman Innocent, for the dark cruelty of the French Clement 
or the French John, of Urban of Naples, or of his rival Robert 
of Geneva. 

Spain, indeed, independent and jealous of foreign interfer- 
ence in ecclesiastical as well as temporal matters, had little to 
do with Rome from the days of Atawulf to the days of Alfonso 
VI. And if Rome was not popular in mediaeval Spain, Spain 
was most assuredly unpopular in mediaeval Rome. 

The virtual exclusion of Spanish ecclesiastics from the 
Papacy from the fourth to the fifteenth century, shows clearly 
enough how slender was the bond between the ecclesiastical 
capital and the greatest province of the empire. From the 
fourth to the fourteenth century no Spanish Churchman was 
enthroned in the Eternal City. And considering the nearness 
of the Peninsula to Italy their common Latinity of origin and 
speech, and the close connection and great influence of Spain 
upon Rome in the great days of the empire, this exclusion is 
the more remarkable. The number of Spanish ecclesiastics, 

1 Philippe le Bel issued a secret and sudden order (2ist January, 1306) to put 
under arrest all the Jews of France on the same day. Graetz, Hist. (ed. Lowy, 
torn. iv. , p. 49). They were ordered to quit the country within one month, leaving 
behind them all their goods, and the debts that were owing to them. Whoever 
was found in France after the proscribed time was liable to the penalty of death. 

The horrors of the exodus were scarcely less dreadful than those in Spain at 
the end of the fifteenth century ; as to which, see /or/, chapter xliii. 


moreover, previous to the fifteenth century, who received the 
minor honour of the Scarlet Hat was very small. 

Between 1302 and 1370 only two Spaniards were raised to 
the cardinalate : Carrillo de Albornoz, Archbishop of Toledo, 
Papal Regent, distinguished by his military successes in Italy 
(1350); and Nicolas Roseti, Provincial of the Dominicans and 
Inquisitor General of Aragon (1356). 

From the time of the Valencian Alfonso Borja or Borgia, 
afterwards Calixtus III., who received the Hat in 1444, the 
proportion of his countrymen in the sacred college was greatly 
increased ; and in the latter half of the fifteenth century no 
less than twenty-two Spaniards were invested with the Purple : 
of whom two were Popes, and no less than seven Borgias. 1 
But even at the end of the fifteenth century the connection 
between Spain and the Papacy was rather intimate than 
friendly ; and if the Catholic kings made use of the Holy See 
for the oppression of their subjects, and the advancement of 
their political ends in Europe, the independence of Castile and 
the Castilians was ever asserted and maintained by them, in 
spite of the pretensions of the most masterful Popes at Rome. 

The meagreness of the list of the Spanish saints is even 
more remarkable than the paucity of Popes and cardinals during 
the first fifteen centuries of our era. Among all the provincial 
martyrs of the first five centuries after the coming of St. Paul, 
the names of only thirty have been included in the Romish 
Calendar. And although between 585 and 690 twelve more 
Spaniards, including in that number five of the most distinguished 
Churchmen in the Christian world, SS. Hermengild, Leander, 
Isidore, Ildefonso and Julian, were added to the number of 
canonical saints ; yet between 690 and 850 only four more 
were included among the official saints of Christendom. And 
although in the course of a single decade, from 850 to 860, no 
less than nineteen Castilian Christians sought and found death 
at the hand of the Moslem, and were rewarded by subsequent 

1 The family of Borja has not only given two Popes and a dozen cardinals to 
the Catholic Church, to say nothing of that many-sided sinner Csesar Borgia, but 
a saint Francisco, Duke of Gandia, born in 1500, and General of the Order of the 
Jesuits, who died in 1572. This latter-day St. Francis was not only the sole Borgia, 
but, as far as I know, the only duke who has attained the honour of canonisation. 
He is said to have attended Queen Juana la loca on her death-bed, and certified 
that she died at least sane and a good Catholic. 

His Grace St. Francis de Borgia, fourth Duke of Gandia, is a very imposing 
title. See Ribadeneyra, Vida de San Francisco de Borja (Madrid, 1592), and 
Heroyca Vida, etc. (Madrid, 1726) ; and the Bollandist Acta Sanctorum S.D. loth 
October ; and Menendez Pelayo, Hcterodoxos, torn. ii. , p. 682. 


canonisation ; yet in the long and wonder-working period, from 
the middle of the ninth century to the middle of the thirteenth 
century, the Spanish Hagiology is enriched by only thirty-seven 
names, of whom but three, St. Raymond Nonnatus (ob. 1240), 
St. Ferdinand the King, and St. Raymond of Penafort, are 
remarkable in history or tradition. In the interval between 
Raymond of Peiiafort, who died in 1275, and St. Vincent Ferrer, 
who died in 1415, a period of 140 years, Raymond Lull 1 alone 
attracts attention rather from his learning than from his 
sanctity among the half-dozen Spaniards whose claim to the 
honours of canonisation were deemed worthy of attention at 
Rome. But a comparison with the number of saints from 
other countries is at once more remarkable and more instructive 
than any partial or local record. It will surely surprise some of 
my readers to learn that, while the number of canonised Spaniards 
whose names are collected in the most trustworthy catalogues 
does not greatly exceed 100, England supplies nearly twice as 
many saints to the Christian Calendar ; Italy nearly eight times 
as many ; while France heads the list, pre-eminent over all 
other European nations, with a roll of 1700 names. 2 

1 Raymond Lull, as may be remembered, was never actually canonised. See 
ante, vol. i., p. 310. 

During the whole of the fifteenth century the total number of the canonised 
Spaniards is but two, of whom one is St. Diego, an obscure Franciscan ; and the 
other, that most vigorous if not particularly saintly inquisitor, St. Pedro de Arbues. 
/ 2 " France," that is France and Gaul. 

My authority for these figures is the most complete and accurate Trlsor de 
Chronologic of M. le Comte de Mas Latrie, a work of immense learning and value ; 
one vol., folio (Paris, 1889). 





THE story of the first establishment of the Inquisition in France, 
at the suggestion of the Spanish Dominic, has been told with 
that of Peter II. of Aragon. But although the inspired sub-prior 
of Osma was by birth and education a Castilian Spaniard, his 
work as inquisitor lay entirely north of the Pyrenees ; so much 
so that he is not even included in the list of Spanish saints by so 
accurate a writer as M. de Mas Latrie, who assigns to him his 
place among those of France. The great founder of the Domini- 
cans, no doubt, came from Castile, but his inquisitorial and 
persecuting spirit was personal rather than national, and the 
great mass of the Spaniards who were present in Languedoc in 
the beginning of the thirteenth century were not fighting against 
heresy but against sacerdotalism. 1 

The Inquisition, established in Italy by Honorius III. in 1231, 
and in France by St. Louis in 1233, was formally introduced 
into Spain by Gregory IX. in 1235, by a rescript of 30th April, 
addressed to Mongriu, Archbishop- Administrator of Tarragona, 
confirming and explaining previous Briefs and Bulls upon the 
subject of the repression of heresy ; and prescribing the issue of 
certain instructions which had been prepared at the desire of 
His Holiness by a Spanish saint, the Dominican Raymond of 
Penafort. From this time forward, Bulls on the subject of the 
Inquisition into heresy were frequently issued ; and the followers 
of Dominic were ever the trusted agents of the Holy See. 

Raymond the inquisitor was born in 1175, at Penafort, an 
ancient castle in Catalonia, afterwards converted, in the fifteenth 
century, into a Dominican monastery. At the age of twenty he 

1 Under Peter II. of Aragon, fighting against the Papal armies, and on the side 
of religious liberty. 

VOL. II. 5 


was already professor of philosophy at the University of Barcelona, 
and ten years later he proceeded to Bologna, and took the degree 
of Doctor of Civil and Canon Law. In 1222 he became a brother 
of the Order of St. Dominic. In 1235 he collected and edited 
the scattered decrees of Popes and Councils from the time of 
Gratian (1150) in five books. Immediately after their publica- 
tion, in 1235, he was chosen to be Archbishop of Tarragona, but 
he does not appear to have been consecrated, and he certainly 
never assumed the title of the office. In 1237 he was appointed 
General of the Order of St. Dominic ; but he resigned this 
charge also in 1239, and travelled about the world preaching 
orthodoxy and working miracles. On his return to Spain he is 
said to have sailed from Majorca to Barcelona on his cloak, 
which served him for both boat and sail, and after a long period 
of service as inquisitor in Aragon and Catalonia, he died in 1275, 
at the ripe old age of 100 years. 

During the whole of the thirteenth century the kings of 
Aragon appear to have extended a certain amount of protection 
to the Dominican Inquisitors of the Faith. James I., though 
he cut out the tongue of an impertinent bishop, was compelled 
to prohibit the reading of the Limousin Bible in his dominions. 
James II. not only ordered all heretics to quit the kingdom, but 
he published a Royal Ordinance, of 22nd April, 1292, in which 
he enjoined the civil judges to afford active assistance "to all 
Dominican Apostolic Inquisitors," and to execute whatever 
judgments these monks should pronounce. Yet we constantly 
read of the hatred inspired by these apostolic Dominicans in the 
kingdom of Aragon ; and, although their work was carried out 
on a very small scale and in a very gentle manner as compared 
with the action of the Inquisition of later times, a considerable 
number of inquisitors themselves fell victims to the fury of the 
people ; and if a heretic was occasionally burned, a monk was 
frequently murdered. The action of these early brothers of the 
Holy Office, moreover, was almost entirely confined to Aragon 
and north Catalonia ; and although it appears that the Inquisi- 
tion was at least nominally established in Castile in the time of 
St. Ferdinand, it is clear that its operations were few and un- 
certain. Discountenanced by Alfonso X. after the death of his 
father, it gradually dwindled away, and at the end of the four- 
teenth century it had entirely ceased to exist. 

The burning of the books of the celebrated Henry of Villena 
may possibly have been the work of the Holy Office. But it is 
more probable that it was directed by the local Bishop of Cuenca. 


Human beings at all events were not burned, nor even tortured 
by any authorised friars in Castile. And when, as late as 1479, 
Pedro de Osma was visited with censure ecclesiastical for certain 
heretical doctrines or opinions that were to be found in his 
works, it was the martial Alfonso de Carrillo, Archbishop of 
Toledo, unassisted by any Dominican or inquisitor, that heard 
his accusation and his defence, and pronounced his easy sentence. 

Without pursuing any further, therefore, the vexed question 
of the theoretical establishment of the Inquisition in Castile, it 
may be taken that although the Holy Office exercised its func- 
tions of frequent inquiry and occasional punishment in Aragon 
from the middle of the thirteenth to the middle of the fifteenth 
century, working at what may be called a very low pressure, the 
Inquisition, as we commonly understand the word, had no practi- 
cal existence in Spain, to the south of Tarragona and Lerida, 
until the time of Isabella and Ferdinand. 

The first suggestion of the serious introduction of the Tribu- 
nal of the Holy Office into Castile at the end of the fifteenth 
century, is said to have come from Sicily. An Italian friar 
bearing the suggestive name of dei Barberi, Inquisitor-General 
at Messina, paid a visit to his sovereign Ferdinand at Seville in 
1477, in order to procure the confirmation of a privilege accorded 
to the Sicilian Dominicans by the Emperor Frederic II., in 1233, 
by virtue of which the inquisitors entered into possession of one- 
third of the goods of the heretic whom they condemned. This 
dangerous charter was confirmed in due course by Ferdinand on the 
2nd of September, 1477, and by Isabella on the 18th of October ; 
and very little argument was required on the part of the gratified 
envoy to convince his sovereign of the various temporal and 
spiritual advantages that would follow the introduction of the 
tribunal that had so long existed in an undeveloped form in 
Sicily and in Aragon, into the dominions of his pious consort, 
Isabella of Castile. 

Among the most active supporters of the proposal was 
Niccolo Franco, the Papal Nuncio at the Spanish court ; and 
Friar Alfonso de Ojeda, the Dominican Prior of St. Paul's at 
Seville, was no less active in his exertions. The thing found 
favour with Ferdinand, and was, at least, not opposed by Isabella. 
But it was not adopted without much consideration and discus- 
sion. The Castilians were already becoming somewhat jealous 
of the wealth of the Jews, somewhat envious of the prosperity 
of the Moors, somewhat suspicious of the faith of the New 
Christians. Thus the keen-sighted Ferdinand judged some- 


what too hastily, indeed that if the new engine of ecclesiastical 
tyranny and royal rapine were to be directed in the first instance 
only against these classes of the community, it might even be 
popular in Christian Spain : and that while the supervision of 
recent converts would be effective and edifying, the rich booty 
that would certainly follow the condemnation of wealthy heretics 
would be eminently profitable to the cause of royalty as well as 
of religion in Castile. 1 

Isabella, if she at first hesitated, was easily convinced. 
She was a good Catholic, a sympathetic consort, a strict ruler. 
Torquemada, moreover, held sway in the royal closet ; and the 
queen lost no time in sending instructions to her ambassador 
at the court of Rome to solicit the favour of a Bull establishing 
a tribunal or tribunals of the most Holy Inquisition in her king- 
dom of Castile. The Bull was issued on the 1st of November, 
1478 ; but Isabella, who was at the time asserting the indepen- 
dence of her royal jurisdiction in Castile against the pretensions 
of the Holy See, suspended the establishment of the new 
ecclesiastical courts, and contented herself with entrusting Car- 
dinal Mendoza with the preparation of a Catechism for the use 
of the New Christians, and enjoining the clergy throughout the 
country to be zealous in the maintenance of a high standard of 
orthodoxy among the converted Moslems and Jews. 

The publication of a foolish attack upon the administration 
of Ferdinand and Isabella, by a still more foolish Hebrew zealot, 
in 1480, shows at least that free speech was possible in Castile ; and 
a series of ordinances directed against the Jews by the celebrated 
Cortes of Toledo in the same year, although arbitrary and 
oppressive, was aimed rather at relieving the Christians from the 
competition of dangerous rivals in civil life, than at the conver- 
sion of heretics of any race or nation. The Jews were prohibited 
from following the callings in which they specially excelled the 
Christians, from acting as physicians, surgeons, and even mer- 
chants ; they were ordered to wear a distinctive dress, to conform 
to irksome regulations, and to live apart from the Christian 
community in special quarters of the cities. But no suggestion 
was made that they should abandon their own religion ; still less 
that they should quit their adopted country. 

In the middle of the year 1480 there was as yet no Court 
of the Holy Inquisition established in Spain. At length, pressed 
by the Papal Nuncio, by the Dominicans, by her confessor, and 

1 See Calendar (Spain), vol. i., Introduction, pp. 41, 42. 


most of all by her husband, Isabella gave her consent; two 
Dominicans received the royal authority at Medina del Campo 
(17th September, 1480) to act as inquisitors ; and their 
commission was opened at Seville on the 2nd of January, 
1481. 1 

The respective shares of Ferdinand and Isabella in the 
establishment and working of the Inquisition in Spain have of 
late years been a matter of frequent controversy. The gentle 
queen, who would not even attend a bull fight unless the horns 
of the beast were tipped with leather, is always spoken of by her 
modern admirers as having been incapable of promoting the 
systematic torture of her subjects. But Bergenroth very truly 
remarks that there is no shadow of evidence in any contemporary 
document that the queen was less devoted to the work of the 
Inquisition than her less attractive consort. For close upon 300 
years after her death, her zeal in the cause of the persecution of 
Jews and heretics has been generally considered in Spain to be 
nothing less than an honour, and one by no means to be abated 
by any plea of coverture. 

The more modern Spanish writers, no doubt, are somewhat 
embarrassed in their desire to apportion the praise or the blame 
between Isabella and the contemporary Popes for their respective 
shares in the establishment and the maintenance of the Spanish 
Inquisition. As the institution, however good or however evil, 
could clearly not have established itself, these perplexed apolo- 
gists are fain to point out that, as on the one hand, it owed its 
origin to the Bull of Sixtus IV., and as Isabella resisted its 
introduction for over two years after Rome had issued its man- 
date, the queen at least is in no way responsible for its existence 
in Spain ; while on the other hand, it is roundly asserted that the 
Bull was obtained from Rome by some fraudulent misrepresenta- 
tions of the Castilian court ; that successive Popes disapproved 
of the institution, and sought to reform if they could not abolish 
it ; that it was Spanish and not Romish in all its ways ; political 
and not religious in its objects, and only accidentally presided over 
by ecclesiastics. 2 Yet as, according to the orthodox writers, its 

1 Llorente, Histoire de f Inquisition, i., ch. v., tit. 18. 

2 Hefele, 330-334; ibid., 336-343. (The truth appears to lie between the two 
extremes. The Inquisition at its first establishment in Castile under Isabella was an 
apostolic and ecclesiastical institution, approved of in principle by Rome, though 
doubtless also Ferdinand thought that the restriction of the rights of the jews and 
Moriscos by the former of whom, by the way, in Aragon especially, he was greatly 
served would be popular and profitable. But under Charles V. and Philip II. 
the Inquisition changed its character and behind its ecclesiastical mask became a 


operation was most salutary, its existence most necessary ; and 
as its methods are declared to have been more gentle and its 
decrees more just than those of any other tribunal, it is hard to 
see why the court of Rome should have regarded it with ill- 
favour, and why the blind admirers of Isabella should be at the 
pains to assert that it is the king and not the queen who must 
be held responsible for its establishment within their dominions 
in Spain. 1 

By whomsoever established or introduced into fifteenth century 
Spain, the new ecclesiastical tribunal at first found no favour in 
the sight of gentle or simple outside the convent and the palace. 
The New Christians fled from Seville to the neighbouring country, 
where they were protected by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the 
Marquis of Cadiz, and the Count of Arcos ; and a special and 
minatory edict of the king was required (27th December, 1480) 
before the orthodox Andalusians would allow the new judges to 
hold their court. But once fairly established, the Inquisitors 
gave abundant and striking proofs of zeal and efficiency. On 
the 2nd of January, 1481, the court sat for the first time in the 
Dominican Convent of St. Peter and St. Paul at Seville. On 
the 6th of January six heretics had been tried, condemned and 
burnt alive ; and by the end of October 300 New Christians had 
perished by fire in the city of Seville alone, while within the 
narrow limits of the ecclesiastical province, over 2000 innocent 
persons had suffered death at the stake as heretics. 

The whole of Spain was startled by the flames of the Quema- 
dero. Deputations from every district, petitioning against the 
new tribunal, waited upon the king and queen. Many even 
among the Spanish ecclesiastics protested in the strongest terms 

civil instrument. With each fresh step to bring it more under the control of the 
monarch, Rome became more jealous of it, and for two centuries kings of Spain 
were constantly at issue with the Papacy on the subject. H.) 

1 It is worthy of note that so modern and so accomplished a Spanish writer as 
Serior Menendez Pelayo can be found not only to minimise the horrors of the In- 
quisition, but actually to ridicule the sufferings of those who fell into its clutches ; 
Gente indocta todos I Ciencia Espanola, torn. ii. , pp. 59-67. He sums up his 
chapter by saying, Ningun hombre de merito cientifico fui quemado por la Inquisi- 
tion. Nor, according to this modern optimist, were any scientific or philosophical 
works burned, nor even forbidden ! 

Not only in the Ciencia Espanola but in the Heterodoxes Espanoles (ii. , 690-697) 
does Sefior Menendez Pelayo maintain that learning and learned men were never 
persecuted by the Inquisition in Spain. And the names that he cites and the facts 
that he adduces are worthy of all attention. The author, however, not only admits 
but defends the burning of books, even of translations of the Holy Scriptures (op. 
cit. , ii. , 703-4) ; and his account of the origin and progress of the Index Expurga- 
toriusis most interesting and suggestive (id., 704-715). 


against the new institution. Ferdinand and Isabella were un- 
moved. They dismissed the deputations with fair words ; and 
sent secret instructions to the governors of the provinces and to 
the other local authorities to protect and support the new 
tribunals by every means in their power, threatening them with 
condign punishment in case of failure to carry out their wishes, 
and promising them rich rewards in case of their loyalty and 
success. Yet in spite of all these precautions the inquisitors 
were hardly able to enter upon their offices in Castile. They 
were hunted out of many towns by the population ; and their 
lives were only saved by the active interference of the queen's 
officers. 1 

This critical state of things was rendered all the more 
dangerous by the opposition against the Inquisition having ex- 
tended to Rome itself. The Pope modified the Bull which he 
had given, deposed the most cruel among the inquisitors, and 
ordered that an appeal to Rome should in all cases be permitted. 
Ferdinand responded by sending the Pope a minatory letter. 
The Pope was intimidated. On the 3rd of August, 1483, he 
wrote that he intended to reconsider his last resolution in favour 
of the heretics, and until then he would leave the matter in 
suspense. 2 

Suspense, under the circumstances, was equivalent to the 
victory of the Catholic kings; and at length, in August, 1483, 
the Inquisition was established in Spain as a permanent tribunal. 
Tomas de Torquemada was appointed Inquisitor-General of 
both Castile and Aragon. Subordinate tribunals were consti- 
tuted ; new and more stringent regulations were made ; the 
victims smoked from day to day on the great stone altar of the 
Quemadero. 3 

1 We do not hear of actual violence resulting in death, as in the case of the 
earlier Inquisition in Aragon. The Hermandad no doubt protected the new eccle- 
siastical judges. Calendar of State Papers (Spain), vol. i., pp. 43, 44. 

The number of the victims was so great and increased so rapidly that the 
alcalde of Seville was compelled to construct, in an open space known as the 
Tablada, near the city, a permanent platform of masonry, with gigantic statues of 
the prophets at each corner, known as " the place of burning " or the Quemadero. 
(Cf. Llorente, i., v., art. 4); and at the same time the judgment seat was transferred 
to an old Moorish castle, the Fortaleza, in the suburb of Triana, where the court 
was held until 1626. 

2 Calendar (Spain), vol. i. , Introduction, pp. 44, 45. 

3 Torquemada's appointment as Inquisitor, by the Pope and by the queen is 
dated only 2nd August, 1483 : and that of Inquisitor-General of Aragon, I7th 
October, 1483. He was invested with even more extended powers in the Bull of 
nth February, 1486. An assembly was held at Seville in the autumn of 1484, 
when the first laws or instructions of the Holy Office were made public in Spain. 



The life of Tomas de Torquemada is the history of contem- 
porary Spain. Born of a noble family, already distinguished in 
the Church by the reputation of the cardinal his uncle, Tomas 
early assumed the habit of a Dominican, and was in course of 
time appointed prior of an important monastery at Segovia, and 
confessor to the young Princess Isabella. His influence upon 
that royal lady was naturally great ; his piety pleased her ; his 
austerity affected her ; and his powerful will directed, if it could 
not subdue, a will as powerful as his own. Brought up far away 
from a court whose frivolities had no charm for her, and where, 
under any circumstances, she would have been considered as a 
rival if not a pretender, the counsels of her confessor, both sacred 
and secular, were the most authoritative that she could expect 
to obtain. It has been constantly asserted that the friar obtained 
from the princess a promise that, in the event of her elevation 
to the throne of Castile, she would devote herself to the destruc- 
tion of heretics and the increase of the power of the Church. 1 
Such a promise would have been but one of many which such a 
confessor would have obtained from such a penitent, and would 
have been but the natural result of his teaching. Nor is it 
surprising that in the intrigues that preceded the death of Henry 
IV., and the War of Succession that immediately followed it, 
the whole influence of the priesthood should have been cast on 
the side of Isabella and against her niece Joanna. For ten years, 
says the biographer of his Order, 2 the skilful hand of Torquemada 
cultivated the intellect of Isabella ; and in due course the pro- 
pitious marriage with Ferdinand of Aragon, far from removing 
his pupil from his sacerdotal influence, brought him a new and 
equally illustrious penitent. Torquemada became the confessor 
of the king as well as of the queen. 

If the establishment of the Inquisition was the fulfilment of 
Isabella's vow, and the realisation of the aspirations of her tutor, 
his appointment as Inquisitor-General, although it necessitated 
the choice of another confessor, did not by any means withdraw 
him from his old sphere of influence. He ceased not to preach 
the destruction of the Moslem, even as he was employed about 
the destruction of the Jew ; and if Isabella was the active 
patroness of the war in Granada, there was a darker spirit 

1 F16chier, Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, lib. ii. 

2 Hist, des Dominicains illustres, par Touron, iii., 545. 


behind the throne, ever preaching the sacred duty of the 
slaughter of the infidel and the heretic of every race and 
nation. 1 

Torqueraada was at once a politician and an enthusiast ; 
rigid, austere, uncompromising ; unbounded in his ambition, 
yet content to sacrifice himself to the cause that made him 
what he was. His moral superiority to the Innocents and 
Alexanders at Rome, his intellectual superiority to the Carrillos 
and the fighting bishops of Spain, gave him that enormous 
influence over both queen and king, which his consuming 
bigotry and his relentless tenacity of purpose induced him to 
use with such dreadful effect. Aggressive even in his profession 
of humility, Torquemada was insolent, not only to his unhappy 
victims, but to his colleagues, to his sovereigns, to his Holy 
Father at Rome. 2 He was, perhaps, the only man in Europe 
who was more masterful than Isabella, more bloodthirsty than 
Alexander ; and he was able to impose his own will on both 
Queen and Pope. Rejecting in his proud humility every offer 
of the mitre, he asserted and maintained his ecclesiastical 
supremacy even over the Primate of Spain. Attended by a 
bodyguard of noble youths who were glad to secure at once 
the favour of the queen and immunity from ecclesiastical 
censure by assuming the habit of the Familiars of the Holy 
Office, the great destroyer lived in daily dread of the hand of 
the assassin. 

Fifty horsemen and 200 foot guards always attended him. 
Nor was it deemed inconsistent with the purity of his own 
religious faith that he should carry about with him a talisman, 
in the shape of the horn of some strange animal, invested with 
the mysterious power of preventing the action of poison. 3 

1 Torquemada's immediate successor in 1484 was another Dominican, Diego 
Deza, whose place was soon afterwards taken by Father Ferdinand Talavera, who 
acted as confessor to the queen until his appointment as Archbishop of Granada 
in 1492, when he was succeeded in the royal closet by Ximenez. See Hist, des 
Dominicains illustres, iii., 562. 

2 Bull of 25th September, 1487. Llorente i. , chap, viii., art. 2. 

3 Prescott, following Llorente, i. , viii. , 2 and 3, says ' ' a reputed unicorn's horn, 
which is not very critical. The virtue of a charm scarcely consists in the authen- 
ticity of its origin ; yet the bone of a saint would have seemed more appropriate to 
so orthodox a personage, than the horn, even of a rhinoceros. 

The inquisitor's less distinguished cousin Juan, more commonly known by 
the Latinised name of Turrecrernata, just as the Valencian Borjas are known by 
the Italian name of Borgia, was also a Dominican (born 1388, died 1468). De- 
spatched as Papal envoy to the Council of Bale in 1431, he was distinguished by 
his zeal against John Huss. He was created a cardinal in 1439 on the occasion 
of a mission to Charles VII. of France and the negotiation of a peace with 


On the death of Torquemada in September, 1498, Don Diego 
Deza was promoted to the office of Inquisitor-General of Spain. 
Yet the activity of the ecclesiastical tribunal l was rather in- 
creased than diminished by the change of masters, 2 and an 
attempt was made soon afterwards to extend its operations to 
Naples. But Gonsalvo de Cordova, who was then acting as 
viceroy, took upon himself to disregard not only the demands 
of the inquisitors, but the orders of Ferdinand (30th June, 1504), 
and to postpone the introduction of the new tribunal into the 
country that he so wisely and so liberally governed. After the 
recall of his great representative, some six years later, Ferdinand 
himself made another attempt to establish the hated tribunal 
in Italy, in 1510. But even Ferdinand did not prevail; and 
Naples s retained the happy immunity which it owed to the 
Great Captain. 

If no error is more gross than to suppose that the establish- 
ment of the Inquisition was due to popular feeling in Spain, 
it is almost equally false to assert that it was the work of the 
contemporary Popes. Rome was bad enough at the end of the 
fifteenth century ; but her vast load of wickedness need not be 
increased by the burden of sins that are not her own. The 
everlasting shame of the Spanish Inquisition is that of the 
Catholic kings. It is not difficult to understand why the poor 
and rapacious Ferdinand of Aragon should welcome the 
establishment of an instrument of extortion which placed at 
his disposal the accumulated savings of the richest citizens of 
Castile. It is yet easier to comprehend that Isabella, who was 
not of a temper to brook resistance to authority in Church or 
State, should have consented to what her husband so earnestly 
desired. The queen, moreover, was at least sincerely religious, 
after the fashion of the day ; and was constrained to follow the 
dictates of her confessor in matters judged by him to be within 
his spiritual jurisdiction, even while she was, as a civil ruler, with- 
standing the Pope himself on matters of temporal sovereignty. 
It is the height of folly to brand Isabella as a hypocrite, because 
we are unable to follow the workings of a mediaeval mind, or to 

1 See, for example, the ordinance of i7th June, 1500 ; and the ordinance of 
i5th November, 1504. 

2 The Inquisition was imposed upon Sicily in 1500. The people, after having 
long refused obedience to the royal ordinances, rose in open rebellion against the 
Holy Office in 1506. Yet on the accession of Charles V. the Sicilians were forced to 
submit. Llorente, i., chap, x., art. i. 

2 1 bid. 


appreciate the curious religious temper by no means confined 
to the men and women of the fifteenth century that can 
permit or compel the same person to be devoted to Popery and 
to be at war with the Pope, and find in the punctilious observance 
of ceremonial duty, excuse or encouragement for the gratification 
of any vice, and the commission of any crime. But that the 
nobility and people of Castile should have permitted the crown 
to impose upon them a foreign and an ecclesiastical despotism, 
is at first sight much harder to understand. No one reason, 
but an unhappy combination of causes may perhaps be found 
to explain it. 

The influence of the queen was great. Respected as well 
as feared by the nobles, she was long admired and beloved by 
the mass of the people. 1 The great success of her administration, 
which was apparent even by the end of 1 480 ; her repression 
of the nobility ; her studied respect for the Cortes ; all these 
things predisposed the Castilians, who had so long suffered 
under weak and unworthy sovereigns, to trust themselves, not 
only to the justice, but to the wisdom of the queen. The 
influence of the clergy, if not so great as it was in France or 
Italy, was no doubt considerable, and, as a rule, though not 
always, it was cast on the side of the Inquisition. Last and 
most unhappy reason of all, the nobility and the people were 
divided ; and, if not actually hostile, were at least ever at variance 
in Castile. 

The first efforts of the new tribunal, too, were directed 
either against the converted Jews, of whose prosperity the 
Christians were already jealous, and for whose interested 
tergiversations no one could feel any respect ; or against the 
more or less converted Moslems, towards whom their neigh- 
bours still maintained a certain hereditary antipathy. The New 
Christians alone were to be haled before the new tribunal. The 
Old Christians might trust in the queen, if not in their own 
irreproachable lineage, to protect them from hurt or harm. 

The number of subordinate or subsidiary tribunals of the 
Holy Office was at first only four; established at Seville, Cordova, 
Jaen and Ciudad Real. The number was gradually increased, 

1 Certainly in 1480, possibly not five-and-twenty years later. From curious 
criminal proceedings instituted against the Corregidor of Medina del Campo, we 
learn that that high judicial authority had not hesitated to declare that the soul of 
Isabella had gone direct to hell for her cruel oppression of her subjects, and that 
King Ferdinand was a thief and a robber, and that all the people round Medina 
and Valladolid, where the queen was best known, had formed the same judgment 
of her. Calendar of State Papers (Spain), Supplement to i. and ii. (1868), p. 27. 


during the reign of the Catholic kings, to thirteen ; and over all 
these Ferdinand erected, in 1483, a court of supervision under 
the name of the Council of the Supreme, consisting of the Grand 
Inquisitor as President, and three other subordinate ecclesiastics, 
well disposed to the crown, and ready to guard the royal 
interests in confiscated property. 1 

One of the first duties of this tremendous Council was the 
preparation of a code of rules or instructions, based upon the 
Inquisitor's Manual of Eymeric, which had been promulgated 
in Aragon in the fourteenth century. 2 The new work was 
promptly and thoroughly done ; and twenty-eight comprehen- 
sive sections left but little to be provided for in the future. 

The prosecution of unorthodox Spanish bishops by Tor- 
quemada on the ground of the supposed backslidings of their 
respective fathers is sufficiently characteristic of the methods 
of the Inquisition to be worthy of a passing notice. Davila, 
Bishop of Segovia, and Aranda, Bishop of Calahorra, were the 
sons of Jews who had been converted and baptised by St. 
Vincent Ferrer. No suspicion existed as to the orthodoxy of 
the prelates, both of whom were men distinguished for their 
learning and their piety. But it was suggested that their 
fathers had relapsed into Judaism before they died. They had 
each, indeed, left considerable fortunes behind them : and it 
was sought to exhume and burn their mortal remains, and to 
declare the property long in the enjoyment of their heirs and 
successors forfeited to the crown ; and, in spite of a Brief of 
Innocent VIII., of the 25th of September, 1487, the attempt was 
made by the Spanish inquisitors. Both prelates sought refuge 
and protection by personal recourse to Rome (1490). Bishop 
Davila, in spite of the urgent remonstrances of Isabella herself, 

1 Zurita, Anales, iv., 324. Riol, Informe, in Semanario Erudito, iii., 156 ; Bull 
of 2nd August, 1483 ; Brief of i7th October, 1483 ; Brief of nth February, 1486. 

As to the conflicts between the Grand Inquisitor Torquemada and the Puisne 
members of this supreme court, see Llorente, i. , chap. vi. , art. i. (A supreme and 
final struggle took place between the Inquisitor-General and the other members of 
the Council, on the subject of the condemnation of Father Diaz, the confessor of 
Charles II., at the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth 
century. See essay, " The exorcism of Charles the Bewitched," in The Year after 
the Armada, etc., by the present editor. H.) 

2 Lafuente, ix. , 236. The Directorium of Nicolas Eymeric was prepared and 
promulgated about 1376, and was the authoritative text-book for the use of inquisi- 
tors until the issue of Torquemada's Instructions in 1483-4. Upon the invention 
of printing, the work of Eymeric was one of the first books printed at Barcelona. 
And it was republished at Rome, with notes and commentaries, in 1558, and again 
under the authority of Gregory XIII., in 1578. A translation into French of this 
work was published at Lisbon in 1762 by Andr6 Morellet. 


ultimately 'secured the protection of Alexander VI., and was 
invested with additional dignities and honours. Bishop Aranda 
was less fortunate. He was stripped of his office and possessions, 
and died a prisoner in the castle of St. Angelo in 1 497. 1 

It was not only living or dying heretics who paid the penalty 
of their unsound opinions. Men long dead, if they were repre- 
sented by rich descendants, were cited before the tribunal, 
judged, condemned, and the lands and goods that had descended 
to their heirs, passed into the coffers of the Catholic kings. 2 
The scandal was so great that Isabella actually wrote to the 
Bishop of Segovia to defend herself against an accusation that 
no one had ever presumed to formulate. " I have," said the 
queen, "caused great calamities, I have depopulated towns and 
provinces and kingdoms, for the love of Christ and of His Holy 
Mother, but I have never touched a maravedi of confiscated 
property ; and I have employed the money in educating and 
dowering the children of the condemned." 3 This strange 
apology, which seems to have to some extent imposed upon 
Prescott, is shown by more recent examination of the State 
papers to be a most deliberate and daring falsehood, and would 
go far to justify the suggestion of Bergenroth that if Ferdinand 
never scrupled to tell direct untruths and make false promises 
whenever he thought it expedient, Queen Isabella excelled her 
husband in " disregard of veracity ". 4 


Nothing can show more clearly the true nature and dominion 
of the Spanish Inquisition than the sordid sacerdotal shuffling 

1 He had dug up the bones of his father, his mother, and his grandmother 
before proceeding to Rome, lest their graves should be desecrated by the familiars 
of the Holy Office. For the queen's violent letter of remonstrance to Alexander VI. 
as to receiving the bishop, see Calendar, etc. (Spain), i., Introduc., 45. 

2 Lafuente, ix. , 233. 

3 Ar. Gen. de la Cor. de Arag, Barcelona, Reg. Varia, ii. , vol. 3684, f. 33, 
v. ; and 3686, f. 105. Calendar, etc., i., 44-46. 

4 Calendar, i. , 37. As to the way in which the queen took possession of all 
the confiscated goods, see ibid., p. 45, 46, and original documents there cited. 

As to the enormous revenue derived from these confiscations by the Inquisition, 
which constituted a regular income for the royal exchequer, see von Ranke, The 
Ottoman and Spanish Empires in the XVI. and XVII. Centuries (trans. Kelly), 
1843, pp. 61, 62. The Inquisitors, according to Ranke, were royal as well as eccle- 
siastical officers, and the historian cites an instance of a royal visitation from La 
Nuza, Hist, de Aragon, ii., p. in. It was, no doubt, the deadly combination of 
royal rapacity and ecclesiastical intolerance that made the Inquisition at once so 
powerful and so noxious in Spain. 


between Seville and Rome and Valladolid that is found in the 
annals of the Holy Office during the first fifteen years of its 
existence. An appeal to Rome against the judgment of the 
inquisitors, if accompanied by a sufficient sum of money, was 
never rejected. Nay more, direct exemption from the jurisdic- 
tion of the dreaded tribunal was granted to every one who could 
afford to pay for it. 1 The poor heretic could never hope to 
escape the Quemadero ; but, owing partly to the jealousy and 
partly to the covetousness of the Popes, the rich man had always 
a chance for his life ; though the cause of the solvent suspect 
was no doubt, as far as possible, judged in Spain, before he had 
time to make a remittance to Rome. 

The inquisitors, indeed, bitterly complained of the extent 
to which this venal protection was extended by the Popes ; and 
Ferdinand, who saw the riches of his victims thus withdrawn 
from the scope of his own rapacity, not only supported the 
remonstrances of his judges by more than one minatory letter 
to His Holiness at Rome, 2 but he promulgated an ordinance 
that any person, lay or ecclesiastical, who should make use of a 
Papal indulgence to defeat the jurisdiction of the Holy Office 
should be summarily put to death ; and all his goods confiscated 
to the crown. 3 Sixtus IV., nevertheless, and after him Innocent 
VII L, continued to grant dispensations to those who sought 
them at Rome ; but Innocent made the best of the situation by 
informing the Catholic kings and the inquisitors in Spain that 
they might treat his Bulls and Briefs as of no effect as regards 
the bodies or goods of the purchasers, being applicable merely 
as regards their immortal souls. By this theological fiction, the 
Vatican continued to reap a rich harvest by the sale of Bulls, 
while the purchasers, on returning to Spain, were burnt by the 
Holy Office, and their remaining goods acquired by the king 
and queen. 

Yet at Rome the rigours of the Spanish Inquisition met 
with no approval ; and in 1490 Innocent VIII. determined to 
send a legate to Spain to inquire into the proceedings of the 

1 La cour de Rome (says Llorente) ne montra pas moins d'inconse'quence sur 
1'article des absolutions particulieres pour le crime d'apostasie. Personne ne se 
pr6senta avec son argent a la Pe'nitencerie apostolique, sans obtenir 1'absolution 
qu'il venait sollicker, ou une commission pour etre absous ailleurs ; elle detendait, 
en 1'accordant, d'inquieter celui qui 1'avait obtenue. Histoire Critique de F Inquisi- 
tion d' Espagne, vol. i., cap. vii. , art. 3. 

^Arch. Gen. de Aragon, Barcelona, Reg., vol. 3684, f. 7. 

3 See Arc/i. Gen., ubi supra, f. 33. 


Holy Office. Isabella did all in her power to prevent it. Com- 
pelled to employ corruption on a large scale, larger even, as she 
declared, than was at all agreeable to herself, to check so dan- 
gerous an investigation at the outset, the queen was at length 
successful. The Pope was bribed to send a facile legate. The 
legate was bribed to make a vain inquiry. The Inquisition con- 
tinued its work as before. And Isabella, at her earnest request, 
was specifically absolved from the sin of simony. The conscience 
of a virtuous and intelligent lady who, after purchasing from the 
representative of God on earth the right and licence to continue 
to torture and rob her own subjects, could derive solid comfort 
from the divine pardon of Giambattista Cibo for her simoniacal 
transgression in offering him money, must indeed have been 
strangely tempered. 1 

Yet when Dr. Hefele, in his study, with all these facts 
before him, can gravely write of ^indulgence paternelle avec 
laquelle le Saint Sidge absolvait en secret les hkritiques repentanis 
qui s adressaienl a lui, the mental and moral temper of a German 
professor at Tubingen may appear to us even more extra- 
ordinary. 2 

In 1492 Innocent VIII. was succeeded by Alexander VI. 
New bickerings arose between the court of Castile and the 
court of Rome. But the Spanish sovereigns once more tri- 
umphed over infallibility. Roderic Borgia, although infamous 
in his private life, was not more corrupt than his predecessors 
and contemporaries ; but it was hardly to be supposed that he 
would put an end to the sale of the dispensations which were 
granted under ever varying titles so as to baffle discovery and 
remonstrance in Spain. Yet even Alexander VI. had to give 
way to Isabella and Ferdinand ; and after five years of parley 
and procrastination, the Pope, in answer to the constantly 
renewed remonstrances of the king and queen, on the subject 
of his interference with their profits by his surreptitious in- 
dulgences to their Spanish subjects, was fain to grant all 
their requests (Brief of the 23rd of August, 1497), and to 
declare all the absolutions and dispensations that he or his 
predecessors had ever issued ad hoc, to be absolutely null and 
void. 3 

1 Arch. Gen. de Aragon, Reg. Var. ii., Ferd. II. , vol. 3686, ff. in, na. 

a See Hefele, Vie de Ximenes, p. 293. 

*See Llorente, i., vii., iii. (20). The chapter is full of authentic details of the 
various Bulls and counter Bulls, dispensations and revocations, secret absolutions 
and secret sentences from 1484 to 1502. 



If the Holy Office had existed in Aragon in an undeveloped 
state from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, and if it was 
actually introduced into Castile at the suggestion of an inquisitor 
of the Aragonese island of Sicily, the old independence of the 
inhabitants once more asserted itself, when the time arrived for 
the introduction of the brand new Castilian tribunal into the 
old kingdom that is watered by the Ebro. Saragossa, indeed, 
may be nearer to Rome than Toledo ; but the Aragonese and 
the Catalan have ever been less submissive than their brother 
or cousin in Castile ; less obedient to authority ; more impatient 
of royal and ecclesiastical oppression. Yet Aragon, which had 
defied Innocent at Muret, and vanquished Martin at Gerona, 
was no match for the inquisitors of Ferdinand the Catholic. 1 
The Inquisition, as we have seen, had once before been estab- 
lished in Aragon ; but in one most important particular the 
new institution differed from the old. In former days, even in 
the rare cases when the heretic paid the penalty of his hetero- 
doxy with his life, his property passed to his heirs. The 
ecclesiastical tribunal of Ferdinand was not only more efficient 
in the matter of burning or otherwise disposing of accused 
persons ; but the property of all doubtful Catholics, even of 
those who were graciously permitted to live after their trial, 
was absolutely forfeit to the crown. And the number of rich 
men, not only converted Jews but prosperous Christians, whose 
orthodoxy failed to come up to the new standard, was even in 
those days considered remarkable. 

Ferdinand at all times hated popular assemblies. He spent 
the greater part of his time in Castile ; and he saw as little as 
possible of the people of Aragon. But in April, 1484, he sum- 
moned a Cortes at Saragossa, and decreed by royal ordinance 
the establishment of the new tribunal. The old constitutional 
spirit of the Aragonese seems to have evaporated ; and a de- 
generate justiciary was found to swear to support the jurisdiction 
of the inquisitors. Yet envoys and delegates of the Commons 
of Aragon were despatched to Castile, whither Ferdinand had 

1 Although in later times the Aragonese were for ever at issue with the Inquisi- 
tion, and struggling against it when it seemed to trench on their liberties. In 
1591, at the time of the Perez rising, they sacked the Inquisition buildings, released 
the prisoners, and the Inquisitors themselves barely escaped with their lives. The 
first petition presented by the Aragonese to Philip III. on his accession was that 
the Inquisition should be abolished in Aragon, and the Holy Office never dared to 
deal with Aragonese as they dealt with Castilians. H. 


promptly retired, and also to Rome, to remonstrate against the 
new institution, and more especially against the new provisions 
for the forfeiture of the property of the convicted. If these 
provisions, contrary to the laws of Aragon, were repealed or 
suspended, the deputies "were persuaded," and there was a 
grim humour in the suggestion, " that the tribunal itself would 
soon cease to exist ". 

But the repression of heresy was far too profitable an under- 
taking to be lightly abandoned ; nor was Ferdinand of Aragon 
the man to abandon it ; and the envoys returned from an un- 
successful mission to Valladolid, to find a Quemadero already 
blazing at Saragossa. 

Yet the Aragonese were not at once reduced to subjection. 
A popular conspiracy led to the assassination of the Inquisitor- 
General, Pedro de Arbues, in spite of his steel cap and coat of 
mail, as he stood one day at matins in the cathedral of Sara- 
gossa (15th September, 1487); 1 but this daring crime served 
only to enrage Ferdinand and to strengthen the power of the 
Inquisition. A most rigorous and indefatigable inquiry, which 
was extended from Saragossa into every part of Aragon, was 
at once undertaken ; and an immense number of victims, chosen 
not only from among the people, but from almost every noble 
family in Aragon, if it did not appease the vengeance of the 
inquisitors, gratified at least the avarice of Ferdinand. Among 
the accused, indeed, was Don Jayme of Navarre, a nephew of 
the King of Aragon a son of Eleanor Queen of Navarre and 
her husband Gaston de Foix who was actually arrested and 
imprisoned by the Holy Office ; and discharged only after 
having done public penance, as convicted of having in some 
way sympathised with the assassination of Arbues. But it may 
be noted that the young prince was anything but a favourite 
with his uncle, to whom this bit of ecclesiastical discipline was 
no doubt very gratifying. 2 

But it was not only at Saragossa that opposition was offered 
to the establishment of the new tribunal. In every part of 
Aragon, of Catalonia and of Valencia ; at Lerida, at Teruel, at 
Barcelona, the people rose against this new exhibition of royal 

1 Pedro de Arbues was canonised in 1664; and, as Llorente remarks, the 
Christian name of the three Inquisitors canonised as martyrs in Spain, France and 
Italy was in each case Peter ; Peter of Castelnau, killed in 1204 by the Albi- 
genses ; Peter of Verona and Peter of Arbues. 

2 The story may be read at large in Llorente, vol. i., chap. vii. , arts. 27-29, 
P- 3- 

VOL. II. 6 


and priestly tyranny. Nor was it for fully two years, and 
after the adoption of the most savage measures of repression, 
both royal and ecclesiastical, that the Inquisition was finally 
accepted in the kingdom of Aragon, and that Torquemada, 
fortified by no less than two special Bulls, made his triumphal 
entry as Inquisitor-General into Barcelona on the 27th of 
October, 1488. 1 

Among all the tens of thousands of innocent persons who 
were tortured and done to death by the Inquisition in Spain, 
it is instructive to turn to the record of one man at least who 
broke through the meshes of the ecclesiastical net that was 
spread abroad in the country ; for the mode of his escape is 
sufficiently instructive. Ready money at command, but not 
exposed to seizure, was the sole shield and safeguard against 
the assaults of Church and State. Don Alfonso de la Cabal- 
leria was a Jew by race, and a man who was actually concerned 
in the murder of the inquisitor Arbues ; but his great wealth 
enabled him to purchase not only one but two Briefs from 
Rome, and to secure the further favour of Ferdinand. He was 
accused and prosecuted in vain by the Holy Office of Aragon. 
He not only escaped with his life, but he rose to a high position 
in the State, and eventually mingled his Jewish and heretic 
blood with that of royalty itself. 

Various attempts were made by the Cortes of Aragon to 
abate the powers of the Inquisition; and at the Cortes of 
Monzon, in 1510, so vigorous a remonstrance was addressed 
to Ferdinand that he was unable to do more than avoid a 
decision, by a postponement on the ground of desiring fuller 
information ; and two years later, at the same place, he was 
compelled to sanction a declaration or ordinance, by which the 
authority assumed by the Holy Office, in defiance of the 
constitution of Aragon, was specifically declared to be illegal ; 
and the king swore to abolish the privileges and jurisdiction 
of the Inquisition. Within a few months, however, he caused 
himself to be absolved from this oath by a Papal Brief; and 
the Inquisition remained unreformed and triumphant. But the 
Aragonese had not yet entirely lost their independence, and 
a popular rising compelled the king not only to renounce the 
Brief, so lately received, but to solicit from the Pope a Bull 
(12th May, 1515), exonerating him from so doing, and calling 

1 See Llorente, i. , chap. vii. , art. i. (It should be added, however, that almost 
every Cortes of Aragon that was held thenceforward protested against the intrusion 
of the Inquisition into other than purely ecclesiastical causes. H.) 


upon all men, lay and ecclesiastical, to maintain the authority 
of the Cortes. Aragon was satisfied. And the people enjoyed 
for a season the blessings of comparative immunity from 
persecution. 1 

To recall the manifold horrors of the actual working of the 
Inquisition in Spain would be a painful and an odious task. 
To record them in any detail is surely superfluous ; ' 2 even 
though they are entirely denied by such eminent modern 
writers as Hefele, in Germany, or Menendez Pelayo, in Spain. 
The hidden enemy, the secret denunciation, the sudden arrest, 
the unknown dungeon, the prolonged interrogatory, the hideous 
torture, the pitiless judge, the certain sentence, the cruel 
execution, the public display of sacerdotal vengeance, the 
plunder of the survivors, innocent even of ecclesiastical offence 
all these things are known to every reader of every history. 3 
All other considerations apart, it is an abuse of language to 
speak of the proceedings before the Inquisition as a trial, for 
the tribunal was nothing but a Board of Conviction. One 
acquittal in 2000 accusations was, according to Llorente, who 
had access to all the records of the Holy Office in Spain, about 
the proportion that was observed in their judicial findings. 4 

Statistics, as a rule, are not convincing, and figures are 

1 Llorente, i., chap. vii. 

2 For the dreadful details of the procedure of the Holy Office, for an account of 
the various forms of torture customary, and for a very good description of an Auto 
de Ft and the subsequent burning at the Quemadero outside the gate of Fuencarral, 
Madrid, see The Inquisition Unmasked, translated by William Walton from the 
Spanish of Antonio Puigblanch (London, 1816), two vols. See also Aries de la 
Inquisition Espanola, by Raymundo Gonzalez de Monies, printed at Heidelberg 
in 1567, and reprinted at Madrid in 1851. There is a copy in the Dublin Univer- 
sity Library, where there is also a most interesting collection of sixty-nine volumes 
of MSS. records most of them original, and all, I believe, authentic, of the In- 
quisitionnot, I am sorry to say, in Spain but at Rome. 

They have been examined by Dr. Benrath, who has published an account of 
the collection with in extracts in the Revista Cristiana of Turin, November, 1879, 
to May, 1880. The documents are also referred to by M. Gaidoz, in the Revue de 
C Instruction Publique, Paris, 1867, and by the Rev. Richard Gibbings in many of 
his published works (1842-1872). 

3 The adoption by the proudest grandees, of the sable livery and odious office 
of the Familiars of the Holy Office, was not common until after the death of 
Isabella. Llorente, i., chap, viii., art. 7. It was, no doubt, the safest position to 
occupy, when every one outside the Inquisition was liable at any moment to be haled 
before it. The man who rings the bell, says the Spanish proverb, is quite safe 
(A buen salva estd el que repica) ; and the enjoyment of any ecclesiastical office, 
however humble, was, no doubt, the most certain mode of securing safety, if not 
immunity, in Spain at the close of the fifteenth century. 

4 Llorente, i. , chap. ix. , art. 13. It is only right to add that, after the accession 
of Philip III., the character of the proceedings entirely changed. 


rarely impressive ; yet it may be added that, according to 
Llorente's cautious estimate, over 10,000 persons were burnt 
alive during the eighteen years of Torquemada's supremacy 
alone ; that over 6000 more were burnt in effigy either in their 
absence or after their death, and their property acquired by 
the Holy Office ; while the number of those whose goods 
were confiscated, after undergoing less rigorous punishments, is 
variously computed at somewhat more or somewhat less than 
100,000. But it is obvious that even these terrible figures give 
but a very feeble idea of the vast sum of human suffering that 
followed the steps of this dreadful institution. For they tell 
no tale of the thousands who died, and the tens of thousands 
who suffered, in the torture chamber. They hardly suggest 
the anguish of the widow and the orphan of the principal 
victims, who were left, bereaved and plundered, to struggle 
with a hard and unsympathetic world, desolate, poor and 

Nor does the most exaggerated presentment of human 
suffering tell of the disastrous effects of the entire system upon 
religion, upon morals, upon civil society at large. The ter- 
rorism, the espionage, the daily and hourly dread of denuncia- 
tion, in which every honest man and woman must have lived, 
the boundless opportunities for extortion and for the gratification 
of private vengeance and worldly hatred, must have poisoned 
the whole social life of Spain. The work of the Inquisition, 
while it tended, no doubt, to make men orthodox, tended also 
to make them false, and suspicious, and cruel. Before the 
middle of the sixteenth century, the Holy Office had pro- 
foundly affected the national character ; and the Spaniard, who 
had been celebrated in Europe during countless centuries for 
every manly virtue, became, in the new world that had been 
given to him, no less notorious for a cruelty beyond the 
imagination of a Roman emperor, and a rapacity beyond the 
dreams of a Republican proconsul. 

Torquemada and Ferdinand may have burned their thousands 
and plundered their ten thousands in Spain. Their disciples 
put to death millions of the gentlest races of the earth, and 
ravaged without scruple or pity the fairest and most fertile 
regions of the new continent which had been given to them 
to possess. 

As long as the Inquisition confined its operations to the 
Jews and the Moors, the Old Christians were injured and 
depraved by the development of those tendencies to cruelty 


and rapacity that lie dormant in the heart of every man. But 
this was not the end. For when Spain at length sheltered no 
more aliens to be persecuted and plundered in the name of 
religion, and murder and extortion were forced to seek their 
easy prey in the new world beyond the Atlantic Ocean, the 
Holy Office turned its attention to domestic heresy ; and the 
character of the Spaniard in Europe became still further 
demoralised and perverted. Every man was suspected. Every 
man became suspicious. The lightest word might lead to the 
heaviest accusation. The nation became sombre and silent. 
Religious life was but a step removed from heresy. Religion 
degenerated to empty and ostentatious display. Original 
thought was above all things dangerous. The Spaniard took 
refuge in routine. Social intercourse was obviously full of 
peril. A prudent man kept himself to himself, and was glad 
to escape the observation of his neighbours. Castile became 
a spiritual desert. The Castilian wrapped himself in his cloak, 
and sought safety in dignified abstraction. 

The Holy Office has done its work in Spain. A rapacious 
government, an enslaved people, a hollow religion, a corrupt 
Church, a century of blood, three centuries of shame, all these 
things followed in its wake. And the country of Viriatus and 
Seneca, of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, where Ruy Diaz 
fought, and Alfonso studied, and where two warrior kings in 
two successive centuries l defied Rome temporal and Rome 
spiritual, and all the crusaders of Europe Spain, hardly con- 
quered by Scipio or by Caesar, was enslaved by the dead hand 
of Dominic. 

V. Juan Antonio Llorente. 

The great authority for the history of the Spanish Inquisition 
is, of course, the well-known Juan Antonio Llorente. He was 
born in March, 1756', of a good family in Aragon. After having 
taken the degree of Doctor of Civil and Canon Law at Saragossa. 
and having been ordained priest in 1 779, he was made a local 
commissary of the Inquisition at Logrono in 1785 : and was 
General Secretary to the Holy Office at Madrid from 1789 to 
1792. A liberal priest, the friend of Jovellanos, the advocate of 
ecclesiastical reform, he not unnaturally incurred the disfavour 

1 Peter II., 1213, and Peter III., 1284. 


of his superiors, and was banished from Madrid until 1805, when 
he obtained a canonry at Toledo from Godoy. On the suppres- 
sion of the Inquisition, in 1 808-9, Llorente was directed by King 
Joseph Bonaparte to prepare a history of the institution, and was 
entrusted for that purpose with the archives of the Holy Office, 
with which he was already familiar. His studies and researches 
led to the publication of his first Anales de la Inquisition en 
Espafia, 1 in two small duodecimo volumes at Madrid, 1812. In 
1813-14 he shared the flight of Joseph to Paris, where his great 
work, L'kisloire critique de I' Inquisition d'Espagne, was published 
in French, by A. Pellier, in 1818. It was afterwards translated 
into Spanish, and published in ten volumes, Madrid, 1822. A 
full and learned, if somewhat bitter critique of Llorente's work, 
and an abstract of what can be said against the man and the 
book generally and it is not much will be found in Hefele's 
Fie de Ximenes. z 

Senor Menendez Pelayo finds fault with " his small erudition, 
his puerile criticism, his feeble and ungraceful style," 3 and 
speaks of his work as a galimatias without a plan. Yet his facts 
have never been seriously impugned, nor can Hefele, the most 
learned of his opponents, bring any graver charge against him 
than that the number he gives as that of the victims at Seville 
in one year, should have been distributed over several years, and 
among several cities. 4 

It is certainly not to the honour of Llorente that he trans- 
lated, if, indeed, he did translate, Faublas. But the writing of 
solid history is not always lucrative employment ; Llorente, like 
other exiles, had presumably to pay for his dinner, and it may 
have been pleasant as well as profitable to turn from Torquemada 

to the Marquise de B . It is but natural that the denouncers 

and vilifiers of Llorente should be more numerous and more 
bitter in Spain than in any other country. But these modern 
apologists or admirers of the Holy Office are not, as a rule, more 
remarkable for their accuracy than for their judgment. If their 
statements must be accepted with caution, their conclusions may 

1 A refutation or impugnation of Llorente's work was undertaken and published 
in 1816 by a gentleman of the somewhat unhappy name of Carnicero, entitled, La 
Inquisition justamente restablecida, 6 impugnation de la obra de J. A. Llorente, 
two vols. , Madrid, small i2mo. But the work is not very well done. Admirers of 
the Inquisition will find more solid comfort in Hefele and Menendez Pelayo ; and 
more eloquent declamation in Vicente de Lafuente/ 

2 Pp. 290-374. 3 Heterodoxos, etc., iii. , 422-4. 

4 Hefele, Vie de Ximenes, p. 290. 


be read with amazement. From Father Camara, 1 in 1880, we 
learn, indeed, that Gibbon wrote an historical novel, that Mr. 
Draper has copied him, and that the Inquisition was so far from 
persecuting original thinkers, or checking science, that " it mar- 
vellously and powerfully contributed to take away the stumbling 
blocks, by freeing the path of knowledge from extravagant 
methods and ridiculous aphorisms ". Admitting, says Father 
Camara, that a few hundred Jewish Bibles 2 were condemned to 
the flames, for reasons that we know not, is that a reason for 
questioning the " benignity " of the tribunal of the Holy Office, 
or impugning the enlightment of Torquemada ? 3 After these 
judgments, we are scarcely surprised to read that the Inquisition 
did not burn one single man of science ; 4 that the Holy Office 
did not even persecute a single Judaizante, as long as he preserved 
the appearance of Christianity ; that the thousands of victims 
whose sufferings and deaths are recorded by Llorente are mere 
chimeras, stupendous absurdities, invented by the enemies of the 
Church ; that no books were burned at Granada or at Seville, and 
that Torquemada and his fellow inquisitors were chiefly remark- 
able for their love of learning. If these things are so, then 
indeed is Llorente a liar ; and there is no truth in the history of 
mankind. 5 

But if the records of Llorente may not be discredited and 

1 Padre Tomas Camara, Refutation, etc. (Valladolid, 1880), p. 201. 

Draper's Intellectual Developtnent of Europe is a book that for some reason 
has attracted an amount of attention in the Peninsula quite disproportionate to its 
general or special importance as an authority. It has not only been twice trans- 
lated into Spanish, but has enjoyed the honour of a species of literary persecution 
scarcely less vindictive, but by no means as efficacious, as the more ancient method 
by fire. At least four Refutations have been recently published in Spain : one 
is a translation of a German work by Father Smedth (Madrid, 1879) ; one is by 
Fr. Diaz Carmona, published in El Criterio, 1880 ; one by Senor Ortiz Lara, in 
1881, spoken of with great admiration by Senor Menendez Pelayo ; the third, and 
perhaps the most important, by Fr. Tomas Camara, published at Valladolid in 

2 Heterodoxos, etc., iii., 826. 3 Op. cit. t p. 200. 

4 Op. cit. , p. 194. Que incomparable beneficio debieron los filosofos a la 
Inquisicion ! Op. cit., 202. 

5 Torquemada waged war upon freedom of thought in every form. In 1490, 
he caused innumerable Hebrew Bibles to be publicly burnt at Seville ; and some 
time afterwards, over 6000 volumes of Oriental learning were destroyed in an auto 
de feiii. Salamanca, the very nursery of science. Llorente, Hist, de U Inquisition, 
torn, i., c. viii., art. 5. In addition to Llorente and one or two very inferior 
imitators, I have not only consulted but read a large number of orthodox works, 
both in French and Spanish, including those of Hefele, Menendez Pelayo and 
Vicente de Lafuente, all serious and important writers, as well as the writings of 
Fathers Camara (1880), Diaz Carmona, Smedth (1879), and others; and I have 
drawn largely upon the State Papers collected and edited by Bergenroth. 


can hardly be explained away, the orthodox Spaniard of our 
own times takes up a position with regard to the works and 
ways of the Inquisition, and the spirit which animated its perse- 
cutions in Spain, even in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
which is so frankly uncompromising, so full of an almost Semitic 
self-satisfaction, and a wholly Celtiberian obstinacy, and which so 
happily illustrates the nobler side of what we are accustomed to 
regard not only as a wicked, but as a disgraceful theory of 
Government, that it is at once interesting and agreeable to 
advert to it. 

" If Protestantism," says Senor Menendez Pelayo, " every- 
where victorious in the earlier half of the sixteenth century, 
fell back in the latter half, and has never since the death of 
Luther gained one inch of territory in Europe, it is due almost 
entirely to the tremendous sacrifices that were made by Spain. 1 
Useless sacrifice ! may men say ; vain enterprise ! nay ; a sacrifice 
was never fruitless in a holy cause ; even though the political 
economists and positivists of to-day may smile with pity and 
contempt upon a nation which fought against all Europe, not 
that she might extend her territories or obtain some tremendous 
pecuniary compensation, but merely for a theological idea the 
most useless thing in the world ! even though they may demon- 
strate how much better it would have been for her to have woven 
her flax into linen, and allowed Luther to come and go as he 
pleased in Spain ! But our ancestors understood life in another 
fashion, nor did it ever occur to them to judge of great historic 
enterprises by their immediate and palpable results. Never since 
the time of Judas Maccabaeus has there existed a people which 
might with so much reason consider itself as chosen to be the 
sword and arm of GOD. In Spain, even amid the wildest dreams 
of mediaeval aggrandisement and of universal monarchy, every 
earthly consideration was constantly subordinated to the supreme 
object of bringing all mankind into one fold, and under one 
shepherd." 2 

Ya se acerca, Senor, 6 ya es llegada 
La edad dichosa en que promete el cielo 
Una grey y un pastor solo en el suelo, 
For suerte a nuestros tiempos reservada. 

1 Macaulay attributes it rather to the work of a single Spaniard, Ignatius 
Loyola. Essay on Ranke's History of the Popes. 

2 Freely translated from Senor Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos EspaHoles, torn, 
ii. , pp. 679, 680. 


Ya tan alto principle en tal Jornada 
Nos muestra el fin de vuestro santo celo, 
Y anuncia al mundo para mas consuelo 
Un monarca, un imperio y una espada. 1 

1 Hernando de AcuHa. I venture to give a rough translation of these lines, 
because they seem to me admirably to embody the opinion that I have always 
enforced ; namely that, at all events after the first few years of religious fervour 
induced by the circumstances of Isabella's reign and personal character, the real 
object of the religious persecution in Spain was political unified domination, for 
which religious unity was only a means : 

The time draws near. Perhaps, O Lord, the day, 
That Thou hast promised shall our eyes behold : 
When all Thy peoples in one mighty fold 
Shall know Thy Shepherd and his voice obey. 

From this, O Lord, Thy great design is plain 

Another mercy to the world to give. 

Under one Empire shall all creatures live : 

One sword shall punish, and one King shall reign. H. 


I. Moslem Civilisation. 

THE rapid development of Moslem culture, no less than of 
Moslem power, is one of the marvels of history. 1 Within 
eighty years of the death of the inspired camel driver, his 
followers had not only spread themselves over the world from 
the Indus to the Cape de Verd, from western Spain to central 
Asia, but they had everywhere appeared not so much as con- 
querors as reformers. And of all the Moslem kingdoms of the 
world none was more distinguished by moral and material 
excellence, by learning and culture, by enlightenment and 
liberality, by the generous patronage of all that was useful and 
beautiful and good, than the Moslem Caliphate of Spain. 2 

1 Jamais race, avant d'arriver a la conscience, ne dormait d'un sommeil si long 
et si profond que la race arabe. Jusqu' a ce mouvement extraordinaire qui nous 
la montre tout a coup conquerante et creatrice, 1'Arabie n'a aucune place dans 
1'histoire politique, intellectuelle, ou religieuse du monde. Renan, Hist. Gin. des 
Langues stmitiques, p. 304. ' ' Originally the Peninsula of Arabia was one of the 
most barbarous countries of Asia ; its inhabitants a rude, nomadic race, subsisting 
on rapine and plunder. From the nature of their pursuits they had necessarily 
but little leisure for the culture of polite literature or the pleasing arts ; nor, until 
a short time before the age of Mahomet, were alphabetical characters known to 
the Arabs. The whole of their literature consisted in a coarse and imperfect kind 
of poetry, and their knowledge was confined to genealogical notices and detached 
maxims of morality." Murphy and Shakespear, Hist., etc., 208. 

Ibn Khallikan (apud Pococke, Spec. Hist. Arab., p. 153), says that with the 
exception of the Jews and Christians resident in Medina, and who for their learning 
were distinguished by the appellation of " The People of the Book," so great was 
the ignorance of the Arabs, that not a single person could be found in the whole 
district of Yemen, who could either read or write Arabic. 

2 In no department of science or statecraft were the leaders of the Spanish 
Arabs more distinguished than in the unobtrusive but all important practice of 
agriculture. See an essay by the Abb6 Correa de Serra in torn. i. of the Archives 
littdraires de [Europe (Paris, 1804) ; and Masdeu, torn, xii., 115-131. As to the 


Astronomy and mathematics, chemistry and botany, medicine 
and surgery, intelligent agriculture and scientific irrigation, 
architecture and poetry, music, and all the minor arts and 
refinements of life, were studied and practised with success. 
The invention of the mariner's compass, of writing paper, and 
of gunpowder are claimed by the Spanish Arabs. And their 
philosophy, their poetry, and their historical and scientific 
treatises were no less celebrated than their academies, their 
libraries, their gardens, their fountains and their palaces. 

But although the influence of Moslem philosophers upon 
European thought was, as we have already seen, considerable, 
the influence of Cordovan civilisation upon Christian Spain was 
infinitesimal. When the Caliphate was broken up, not by the 
Alfonsos or the Ferdinands, but by the religious fanatics from 
Africa, the old Arab culture was destroyed and despised. Yet 
learning did not perish. And when, 250 years later, St. 
Ferdinand ruled at Cordova and at Seville, and Arab refinement 
took refuge for a season in the kingdom of Granada, Arab 
science still lingered at the court of Alfonso X. ; but by the end 
of the thirteenth century Cordovan civilisation had perished. 
Like a choice exotic in a northern garden, like some rare flower 
blooming out of due season, it had blossomed and died. The 
glories and the perfections of the Moslem commonwealth in the 
Peninsula are scarcely even a factor in the progress of Spain. 

Why the ignorant children of the desert should in one hundred 
years have attained a degree of civilisation, in the largest sense of 
the word, superior to all that had gone before or that immediately 
followed them in western Europe a civilisation, which after one 
thousand years of progress, is hardly surpassed in the modern 
world, is one of the enigmas of human progress. That the great- 
ness should be the greatness of a dead past, and should count for 
nothing in the history of the Spanish nation, is scarcely less 
strange ; and it is even more deplorable. 

Islam, for some mysterious reason, seems incapable of 
founding a great civilisation. 1 Rapid progress is followed by 

discovery of the mariner's compass, see Viardot, Essai, etc., 143-6. As to the 
invention of gunpowder, ibid., i., 146-155. And as to the enormous advancement 
of the Arabs in every department of science and art, see Murphy and Shakespear, 
Hist, of Mohammedan Empire in Spain, part ii. ; Draper's Intellectual Develop- 
ment in Europe, vol. ii. ; Viardot, Essai ; and Gayangos, Mohammedan Dynasty 
in Spain. 

1 L'irre'me'diable faiblesse de la race arabe est dans son manque absolu d'esprit 
politique, et dans son incapacity de toute organisation. Anarchique par nature, 
1'Arabe est invincible dans la conque'te, mais impuissant le jour ou il s'agit de 
fonder une soci^te durable. Renan, Melanges (ed. 1878), p. 283. 


equally rapid decay. An Arab community cannot exist with- 
out a leader a personal and visible head. The Roman Republica 
is not, and cannot be realised under the rule of the Moham- 
medan. 1 Nowhere, perhaps, has civil life and the feeling of 
nationality been more highly developed than among the Arabs 
in Spain ; and yet as regards true political solidity, they were 
inferior to the uncultivated and ignorant barbarians who drove 
them out of one of the fairest of their earthly possessions. 
There was no national continuity under the Moslem rulers. 
Under Abdur Rahman the commonwealth Avas refined. Under 
Almanzor it was warlike. Under Hakam I. it meant literature. 
Under Hakam II. it meant anarchy. 

Neither Conde or Prescott has adverted to the transition of 
power from the Sharkin the Saracens the people of the East, 
to the Maghrebin, or people of the West. And yet this is one of 
the most important facts in connection with the change of the 
character, and the decay of the power of the rule of Islam in 
Spain. When Averroes was sacrificed, Spanish Mohammedan- 
ism had already ceased to be worthy of its glorious traditions ; 
its empire had already perished. The Almoravides were 
warriors. The Almohades were fanatics. 2 The Moors of 
Granada, indeed, were brave, and cultivated, and luxurious. 
But the Imperial toleration, the moral and intellectual supremacy 
of the great days of Cordova, hardly survived the last of the 
Abdur Rahmans. When Al Zagal and Boabdil gave way to the 
Christian, Granada no longer existed ; and the sheep, without 
a shepherd, were devoured by their relentless enemies. 3 

II. The Rise of Granada. 

In the year 1228 a noble chieftain of the great tribe or family 
of the Beni Hud, descended from the old Moslem kings of 
Saragossa, rebelling against the declining authority of the 
fanatical Almohades, had succeeded in making himself master 

1 " La Race se'mitique," says M. Renan, " n'a pas de vie civile." Hist, des 
langues slmitiques, p. 16. 

2 Edinburgh Review ', Ixviii. , p. 395. 

3 Semblables a ces natures fe'condes qui, apres une gracieuse enfance n'arrivent 
qu'a une mediocre virilite 1 , les nations s^mitiques ont eu leur complet 6panouis- 
sement a leur premier age, et n'ont plus de role a leur age mur. Renan, ubi supra, 
p. 14. 

Yet as to the high civilisation of Granada in the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, see Sismondi, Refub. Ital. (1818), ix., 405. 

1230.] GRANADA. 93 

of Granada. Desirous of perpetuating his rule in that fairest 
of cities, he obtained a confirmation of his rights of sovereignty 
from the Caliph at far away Bagdad, and assumed the title of 
Amir ul Moslemin and A I Mulaivakal, the commander of the 
Moslems, and the protected of God ; and he possessed himself 
not only of Granada, but of Cordova, Seville, Algeciras and 
even Ceuta, on the opposite coast of Africa. 

But a rival was not slow to appear. Mohammed Al Ahmar, 
the Fair or the Ruddy, defeated, dethroned and slew Al 
Mutawakal, and reigned in his stead in Andalusia. Despoiled 
in his turn of most of his possessions by St. Ferdinand of Castile, 
Al Ahmar was fain at length to content himself with the rich 
districts in the extreme south of the Peninsula, which are known 
to fame, wherever the Spanish or the English language is 
spoken, as the kingdom of Granada. And thus it came to pass 
that the city on the banks of the Darro, the home of the proud 
and highly cultivated Syrians of Damascus the flower of the 
early Arab invaders of Spain, became also the abiding place of 
the later Arab civilisation, overmastered year after year, and 
destroyed, by the Christian armies ever pressing on to the 
southern sea. Yet, in the middle of the thirteenth century, 
the flood tide of reconquest had for the moment fairly spent 
itself. The Christians were not strong enough to conquer, and 
above all they were not numerous enough to occupy, the 
districts that were still peopled by the Moor ; and for once, a 
wise and highly cultivated Christian shared the supreme power 
in the Peninsula with a generous and honourable Moslem. 
Alfonso X. sought not to extend his frontiers, but to educate 
his people ; not to slaughter his neighbours, but to give laws to 
his subjects ; not to plunder frontier cities, but to make Castile 
into a kingdom, with a history, a civilisation, and a language 
of her own. If the reputation of Alfonso is by no means 
commensurate with his true greatness, the statesmanship of 
Mohammed Al Ahmar, the founder of the ever famous kingdom 
of Granada, is overshadowed by his undying fame as an architect. 
Yet is Al Ahmar worthy of remembrance as a king and the 
parent of kings in Spain. The loyal friend and ally of his 
Christian neighbour, the prudent administrator of his own 
dominions, he collected at his Arab court a great part of the 
wealth, the science, and the intelligence of Spain. His empire 
has long ago been broken up ; the Moslem has been driven 
out ; there is no king nor kingdom of Granada. But their 
memory lives in the great palace fortress, whose red towers 


still rise over the sparkling Darro, and whose fairy chambers 
are still to be seen, in what is, perhaps, the most celebrated of 
the wonderful works of the master builders of the world. 

After his long and glorious reign of forty-two years, 
Mohammed the Fair was killed by a fall from his horse near 
Granada, and was succeeded by his son, Mohammed II., in the 
last days of the year 1272. Al Ahmar had ever remained at 
peace with Alfonso X., but his son, taking advantage of the 
king's absence in quest of an empire in Germany, sought the 
assistance of Yusuf, the sovereign or Emperor of Morocco, and 
invaded the Christian frontiers. 

Victory was for some time on the side of the Moors. The 
Castilians were defeated at Ecija in 1275, and their leader, the 
Viceroy Don Nuuo de Lara, was killed in battle, as was also Don 
Sancho, Infante of Aragon and Archbishop of Toledo, after the 
rout of his army at Martos, near Jaen, on the 21st of October, 
1275 ; and the victorious Yusuf ravaged Christian Spain to the 
very gates of Seville. 

In the next year, 1276, the Castilian armies were again twice 
defeated, in February at Alcoy, and in the following July at 
Lucena. To add to their troubles, King James of Aragon died 
at Valencia, in 1276. Sancho of Castile sought to depose his 
father Alfonso, at Valladolid. All was in confusion among the 
Christians ; and had it not been for the defection of Yusuf of 
Morocco, the tide of fortune might have turned in favour of 
Islam. As it was, the African monarch not only abandoned his 
cousin of Granada, but he was actually persuaded to send a large 
subsidy to his Christian rival at Seville in 1280. 1 

The value of this assistance was soon felt. Tarifa was taken 
in 1292, and the progress of the Moor was checked for ever in 
southern Spain. Mohammed II. died in 1302, and was succeeded 
by his son, Mohammed III., who was usually considered by the 
Moslem historians to have been the ablest monarch of his house. 
But he reigned for only seven years, and he was unable to defend 
Gibraltar from the assaults of his Christian rivals. 

From this time the court of Granada became a sort of city of 
refuge for the disaffected lords and princes of Castile, who some- 
times, but rarely, prevailed upon their Moslem hosts to assist 
them in expeditions into Christian Spain, but who were always 
welcomed with true Arab hospitality at the Moslem capital. 

1 A hundred thousand ducats. By the diplomatic skill of Guzman the Good 
the hero of Tarifa. See ante, vol. i., chap, xxviii. 

1429.] GRANADA. 95 

To record their various intrigues would be a vain and unpleasing 
task. The general course of history was hardly affected by 
passing alliances. The Christian pressed on with ever-increasing 
territory behind him on his road to the southern sea. 

In 1319, Abdul Walid or Ismail I. of Granada defeated and 
slew Don Pedro and Don Juan, Infantes of Castile, at a place 
near Granada, still known as the Sierra de los Infantes. But no 
important consequences followed the victory. 

In the reign of Yusuf [1333-1354] was fought the great battle 
of the Salado [1340], when the Christians, under Alfonso XL, 
were completely successful ; and the capitulation of Algeciras 
three years later deprived the Moslems of an important harbour 
and seaport. 1 Day by day, almost hour by hour the Christians 
encroached upon Granada, even while cultivating the political 
friendship and accepting the private hospitality of the Moslem. 
Their treacherous intervention reached its climax in 1362, when, 
as we have already seen, Peter the Cruel decoyed the King Abu 
Said, under his royal safe-conduct, to the palace at Seville, and 
slew him with his own hand. 

With Mohammed or Maulai al Aisar, or the Left-handed, the 
affairs of Granada became more intimately connected with the 
serious history of Spain. Al Hayzari, proclaimed king in 1423, 
and dethroned soon after by his cousin, another Mohammed, in 
1427, sought and found refuge at the court of John II., by whose 
instrumentality he was restored to his throne at the Alhambra 
in 1429. Yet within four years a rival sovereign, Yusuf, had 
secured the support of the fickle Christian, and Muley the Left- 
handed was forced a second time to fly from his capital. Once 
again, by the sudden death of the new usurper, he returned 
to reign at Granada, and once again for the third time he was 
supplanted by a more fortunate rival, who reigned as Mohammed 
IX. for nearly ten years [1445-1454] . At the end of this period, 
however, another pretender was despatched from the Christian 
court, and after much fighting and intrigue, Mohammed ibn 
Ismail, a nephew of Maulai or Muley the Left-handed drove out 
the reigning sovereign, and succeeded him as Mohammed X. 

Yet were the dominions of this ally unceasingly ravaged by 
his Christian neighbours. Gibraltar, Archidona and much sur- 
rounding territory were taken by the forces of Henry IV. and 
his nobles ; and a treaty was at length concluded in 1464, in which 

1 The death of Alfonso XI. as he was about to invest Gibraltar has been 
spoken of, ante, chapters xvii., xxviii. 


it was agreed that Mohammed of Granada should hold his king- 
dom under the protection of Castile, and should pay an annual 
subsidy or tribute of 12,000 gold ducats. It was thus, on the 
death, in 14-66, of this Mohammed Ismail of Granada, a vexed 
and harassed throne that was inherited by his son Muley Abul 
Hassan, ever famous in history and romance as The Old King the 
last independent sovereign of Granada. 1 


For many years after his accession this Muley Abul Hassan 
was induced either by honour or by prudence to maintain the 
existing treaties with his Christian neighbours. He did not even 
take advantage of their civil wars in Castile to add to the diffi- 
culties of Isabella, either by independent invasion or by alliance 
with her enemies ; and in the spring of 1476, he sought a formal 
renewal of the old Treaty of Peace. 2 

The ever grasping Ferdinand made his acceptance of the 
king's proposal contingent upon the grant of an annual tribute ; 
and he sent an envoy to the Moslem court to negotiate the 
terms of payment. But the reply of Abul Hassan was decisive. 
" Steel," said he, " not gold, was what Ferdinand should have 
from Granada ! " Disappointed of their subsidy, and unprepared 
for war, the Christian sovereigns were content to renew the 
treaty, with a mental reservation that as soon as a favourable 
opportunity should present itself, they would drive every Moslem 
not only out of Granada, but out of Spain. 3 

For five years there was peace between Abul Hassan and the 
Catholic sovereigns. The commencement of hostilities was the 
capture of Zahara by the Moslems at the close of the year 1481 ; 
which was followed early in the next year 1482, by the conquest 
of the far more important Moorish stronghold of Alhama, not by 

1 A good deal of light has been thrown upon the history of some of the later 
Moslem kings in Granada by the discoveries of tombs at Tlemcen in Algiers by 
Monsieur Brosselard, sometime Prefect of Oran, whose work, published by the 
French Government in 1876, M6moirc tpigraphique et historique sur les tombeaux 
des emirs Beni zeiyam, et de Boabdil, dernier roi de Grenade, is one of great origin- 
ality and interest. 

2 Muley (Maulai) is an Arabic word meaning " my lord ". 

Abu el Hassan = the father of Hassan. The name is often written Aben 
Hassan, and in many less intelligible ways. Abul Hassan is perhaps a convenient, 
as it is a fairly accurate, transliteration. 

3 Conquistar el Reyno de Granada y lanaar de todas las EspaHas los Moros y el 
nombre de Mahoma. Pulgar, Cronica, 180. 

1482.] GRANADA. 97 

the troops of Ferdinand and Isabella, but by the followers of 
Ponce de Leon, the celebrated Marquis of Cadiz. Alhama was 
not merely a fortress. It was a treasure-house and a magazine ; 
and it was but five or six leagues from Granada. The town was 
sacked with the usual horrors. The Marquis of Cadiz having made 
good his position within the walls, defied all the attacks of Abul 
Hassan ; and at the same time sent messengers to every Christian 
lord in Andalusia to come to his assistance to all save one, his 
hereditary enemy, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, chief of the 
great family of the Guzmans. Yet it was this generous rival, 
who assembling all his chivalry and retainers, was the first to 
appear before the walls of Alhama, and relieve the Christians 
from the threatened assault of the Moslem. 1 The days of civil 
discord had passed away in Castile ; and against united Christen- 
dom, Islam could not long exist in Spain. 

Meanwhile, Ferdinand, seeing that war had finally broken 
out, started from Medina del Campo, and marched with all speed 
to Cordova, where he was joined by Isabella early in April, 1482. 
The Inquisition had now been for over a year in full blast at Seville. 
The fires of persecution had been fairly lighted. The reign of 
bigotry had begun, and the king and queen were encouraged to 
proceed from the plunder of the Jews or New Christians, to the 
plunder of the Moslems. Ferdinand accordingly repaired in 
person to Alhama, with a large train of prelates and ecclesiastics 
of lower degree. The city was solemnly purified. Three mosques 
were consecrated by the Cardinal of Spain for Christian worship. 
Bells, crosses, plate, altar cloths were furnished without stint ; 
and Alhama having been thus restored to civilisation, Ferdinand 
descended upon the fruitful valley or Vega of Granada, destroyed 
the crops, cut down the fruit trees, uprooted the vines, and 
without having encountered a single armed enemy in the course 
of his crusade, returned in triumph to Cordova. 2 A more arduous 
enterprise in the following July was not attended with the same 
success, when Ferdinand attacked the important town of Loja, 
and was repulsed with great loss of Christian life. An expedition 

1 Alfonso de Aguilar, the elder brother of Gonsalvo de Cordova, was less 
fortunate ; and his army was repulsed by the Moors. It may give some idea of 
the power and importance of the great Castilian lords to know that the Duke of 
Medina Sidonia's private army numbered about 5000 horse and 40,000 foot ! 

2 The king's army was accompanied by professional destroyers Taladores or 
Gastadores whose duty it was to cut down every fruit tree, trample down every 
field of corn, root up every vine, tear up every garden, burn every defenceless 
house, while the braver soldiers occupied themselves vrith the enemy in arms. 
Pulgar, Cronica, 226. 

VOL. II. 7 


against Malaga, later in the year, undertaken by Alfonso de 
Cardenas, Grand Master of Santiago, and the Marquis of Cadiz, 
was even more disastrous, for a small body of Moors in the 
mountain defiles of the Axarquia fell upon the Christian 
marauders, and no less than 400 "persons of quality" are said 
to have perished in the retreat, including thirty commanders of 
the great military order of Santiago. The grand master, the 
Marquis of Cadiz and Don Alfonso de Aguilar escaped as by a 
miracle, and the survivors straggled into Loja and Antequera 
and Malaga, leaving Abul Hassan and his brother A I Zagal, or 
the Valiant, with all the honours of war. 1 

But the successes of the Moor in the field were more than 
counterbalanced by treason in the palace. By Zoraya, 2 a lady 
of Christian ancestry, Muley Abul Hassan had a son, Abu Ab- 
dallah, who has earned a sad notoriety under the more familiar 
name of Boabdil. Jealous of some rival, or ambitious of greater 
power, the Sultana and her son intrigued against their sovereign, 
and having escaped from the State prison, in which they were 
at first prudently confined, raised the standard of revolt, and com- 
pelled Abul Hassan, who was thenceforth more usually spoken 
of as The Old King, to seek refuge on the sea coast at Malaga. 

Boabdil, jealous of the success of his father and his uncle at 
Loja and in the Axarquia, and anxious to confirm his power by 
some striking victory over the Christians, took the field and 
confronted the forces of the Count of Cabra, near Lucena. The 
battle was hotly contested, but victory remained with the 
Christians. Ali Atar, the bravest of the Moorish generals, was 
slain by the hand of Alfonso de Augilar, and Boabdil himself 
was taken prisoner by a common soldier, Hurtado by name, and 
fell into the hands of the victorious Count of Cabra. 3 The 

1 A full and romantic account of all their warlike operations will be found in 
Washington Irving's Conquest of Granada. 

2 Prescott is confused about Ayesha and Zoraya. The queen was Ayesha, a 
good Muslimin. The concubine was Zoraya, an Andalusian Christian, and no 
Greek. It was her supposed rival in the harem that is said to have been a Greek 
slave. Zoraya is said by D. Pascual Gayangos to signify The Morning Star. But 
the Arab word is somewhat uncertain. The lady's real name was Dona Isabel de 
Solis, and she was a daughter of Don Juan de Solis, governor of Martos. On the 
taking of this stronghold by the Moors, Dona Isabel was taken captive to Granada, 
and destined for the royal harem. Cf. Francisco Martinez dela Rosa, Dona Isabel 
de Solis, Madrid, 1839, passim. 

3 The title of Don (see ante, vol. i., p. 108) was granted to the Count of Cabra 
for this good fortune, as it was afterwards granted to Columbus for having dis- 
covered a new world. As to the origin and significance of the title itself, possibly 
from the Hebrew Adon, rather than the Latin Dominus, see Saez, Demostracion de 
Monedas, etc. (ed. 1796), pp. 320-336. 

I486.] GRANADA. 99 

captivity of Boabdil, the Little King, el Rey Chico, as he was 
called by the Castilians, was the turning point in the history of 
the Moorish dominion in Spain. Released on payment of a 
magnificent ransom provided by his mother Zoraya, and bound 
to his Christian captors by a humiliating treaty, he returned to 
Granada, disgraced and dishonoured, as the ally of the enemies 
of his country. Driven out of the capital by the forces of his 
father, who had returned to occupy the great palace-fortress of 
Alhambra, Boabdil and his mother retired to Almeria, the second 
city in the kingdom ; and the whole country was distracted by 
civil war. 

Yet for four years the Castilians refrained from any important 
expedition against Granada. Their tactics were rather those of 
Scipio at Numantia. For delay was all in favour of disintegration. 

Yet the merciless devastation of fields and crops was carried 
on with systematic and dreadful completeness. Thirty thousand 
destroyers of peaceful homesteads, granaries, farm-houses and 
mills were constantly at work, and ere long there was scarce 
a vineyard or an oliveyard, scarce an orchard or an orange-grove 
existing within reach of the Christian borders. Under cover of 
the treaty with Boabdil, this devilish enginery of destruction was 
steadily pushed forward, while The Old King and his more vigorous 
brother El Zagal l were prevented by domestic treason from 
making any effectual defence of their fatherland. Some of the 
border towns, moreover, fell into the hands of the Christians, 
and many forays were undertaken which produced rich booty 
for the marauders. Ferdinand in the meantime occupied him- 
self rather with the affairs of the Inquisition and of foreign policy, 
while Isabella was personally superintending the enormous pre- 
parations for a final attack on Granada. Artillery was cast in 
large quantities, and artificers imported from France and Italy ; 
large stores of ammunition were procured from Flanders. No- 
thing was hurried ; nothing was spared ; nothing was forgotten 
by Isabella. A camp hospital, the first, it is said, in the history 
of warfare, was instituted by the queen, whose energy was 
indefatigable, whose powers of organisation were boundless, and 
whose determination was inflexible. To represent her as a tender 
and timid princess, is to turn her true greatness into ridicule. 
But her vigour, her prudence, and her perseverance are beyond 
the vulgar praise of history. 

1 Al Zagal, the valiant. Viardot strangely enough has it el sag Air, the young 
or the little = el chico, the nickname of Boabdil. 


Meanwhile, Granada was gradually withering away. The 
"pomegranate," as Ferdinand had forseen and foretold, was 
losing one by one the seeds of which the rich and lovely fruit 
had once been all compact. The Old King, defeated but not 
disgraced, blind, infirm and unfortunate, was succeeded too late 
by his more capable brother, AlZagal, a gallant warrior, a skilful 
commander and a resolute ruler. But if " the valiant one " 
might hardly have held his own against the enormous resources 
of the Christians in Europe, he was powerless against the combi- 
nation of foreign vigour and domestic treachery. The true 
conqueror of Granada is Boabdil, the rebel and the traitor, who 
has been euphemistically surnamed the Unlucky (Al Zogoibi). 
Innocent, perchance, of the massacre of the brave Abencerrages, 
he is guilty of the blood of his country. 1 

The capture of Velez Malaga by Ferdinand, already well 
supplied with a powerful train of artillery, in April, 1487 
while Al Zagal was fighting for his life against Boabdil in 
Granada was soon followed by the reduction, after a most 
heroic defence, of the far more important city of Malaga in 
August, 1487. But the heroism of the Moslem woke no gene- 
rous echo in the hearts of either Ferdinand or Isabella. The 
entire population of the captured city, men, women and children 
some 15,000 souls were reduced to slavery, and distributed 
not only over Spain, but over Europe. 2 

A hundred choice warriors were sent as a gift to the Pope. 
Fifty of the most beautiful girls were presented to the Queen 
of Naples, thirty more to the Queen of Portugal, others to the 
ladies of her court, and the residue of both sexes were portioned 
off among the nobles, the knights, and the common soldiers of 
the army, according to their rank and influence. 3 

For the Jews and renegades a more dreadful doom was 
reserved ; and the flames in which they perished were, in the 
words of a contemporary ecclesiastic, "the illuminations most 
grateful to the Catholic piety of Ferdinand and Isabella ". 4 

1 The Abencerrages, or Beni Sardi, were an old Cordovan family. 

2 For the generosity as well as the heroism of the Moslem garrison, see Pulgar, 
cap. xci. ; Bernaldez, cap. Ixxxiv. ; and Hita, Guerras de Granada, i. , 257. Boab- 
dil actually waylaid and dispersed the army of his uncle on its march from 
Granada to relieve the gallant defenders of Malaga. Folly and wickedness could 
no further go, and a country which could tolerate such conduct positively deserved 
to perish. 

3 Pulgar, Bernaldez, Peter Mart., Epist., i., 62-63; Prescott, i., 410-11. 
4 Albarca, Reyes de Aragon, ii., 30. Prescott states, without any authority, 
that this " dreadful sentence was obviously most repugnant to Isabella's natural 

1490.] GRANADA. 101 

The town was repeopled by Christian immigrants, to whom 
the lands and houses of the Moslem owners were granted with 
royal liberality by the victors. The fall of Malaga, the second 
seaport and the third city of the kingdom of Granada, was a 
grievous loss to the Moors ; and the Christian blockade was 
drawn closer both by land and by sea. Yet an invasion of the 
eastern provinces, undertaken by Ferdinand himself in 1488, 
was repulsed by El Zagal ; and the Christian army was disbanded 
as usual at the close of the year, without having extended the 
Christian dominions. 

But in the spring of 1489 greater efforts were made. The 
Castilians sat down before the town of Baza, not far from Jaen, 
and after a siege which lasted until the following December, 
the city surrendered, not as in the case of Malaga, without con- 
ditions, but upon honourable terms of capitulation, which the 
assailants, who had only been prevented by the arrival of Isabella 
from raising the siege, were heartily glad to accept. The fall 
of Baza was of more than passing importance, for it was followed 
by the capitulation of Almeria, the second city in the kingdom, 
and by the submission of Al Zagal, who renounced as hopeless 
the double task of fighting against his nephew at the Alhambra, 
and resisting the Christian sovereigns who had already overrun 
his borders. The fallen monarch passed over to Africa, where 
he died in indigence and misery, the last of the great Moslem 
rulers of Spain. 1 

In the spring of 1490, Ferdinand, already master of the 
greater part of the Moorish kingdom, sent a formal summons 
to his bondsman, Boabdil, to surrender to him the city 
of Granada ; and that wretched and most foolish traitor, 
who had refrained from action when action might have saved 
his country, now defied the victorious Christians, when his 
defiance could only lead to further suffering and greater 

Throughout the summer of 1490, Ferdinand, in person, 
devoted himself to the odious task of the devastation of the 
entire Vega of Granada, and the depopulation of the town of 
Guadix. But in the spring of the next year, Isabella, who was 
ever the life and soul of the war, took up her position within 

disposition," and asks our approbation of his heroine's conduct in declining certain 
ecclesiastical suggestions that every one of the inhabitants should be put to the 
sword. See Ferdinand and Isabella, i., 411. 

1 Cardonne, iii., 304; Conde, iii., 245 ; Pet. Mart., lib. iii., Epist., 81. 


six miles of the city, and pitched her camp at Ojos de Huescar 
at the very gate of Granada. 1 

And here was found assembled, not only all the best blood 
of Castile, but volunteers and mercenary troops from various 
countries in Europe. France, England, Italy, and even Germany, 
each provided their contingent ; and a body of Swiss soldiers of 
fortune showed the gallant cavaliers of the Christian army the 
power and the value of a well-disciplined infantry. Among the 
foreigners who had come over to Spain in 1486 was an English 
lord, the Earl of Rivers, known by the Spaniards as el Conde de 
Escalas, from his family name of Scales, whose magnificence 
attracted the admiration of all, even at the magnificent court of 
Isabella. 2 

But the destruction of Granada was not brought about by 
these gilded strangers, nor even by the brilliant knights and 
nobles of Spain. It was not due to skilful engineers nor to 
irresistible commanders. The gates were opened by no victory. 
The walls were scaled by no assault. The Christian success 
was due to the patient determination of Isabella, to the decay 
and disintegration of the Moorish commonwealth, and, to some 
extent, to the skilful negotiation and diplomatic astuteness of 
a young soldier whose early influence upon the fortunes of 
Spain have been overshadowed by the greatness of his late 

For among all the splendid knights and nobles who assem- 

1 The events of the last war of Granada are much confused. The following 
sequence, with approximate dates, has been carefully prepared, and may assist the 
reader to form a somewhat clearer idea of the history : 

Surprise of Zahara December, 1481 

Capture of Alhama ... February, 1482 

Ferdinand's visit to Alhama May, 1482 

Christian defeat at Loja %. July, 1482 

Rout in the Axarquia March, 1483 

Defeat and capture of Boabdil at Lucena ... April, 1483 

Treaty between Boabdil and Ferdinand ... August, 1483 

Accession of A I Zag al January, 1484 

Capture of Ronda June, 1485 

,, Loja ... May, 1486 

,, Velez Malaga ... April, 1487 

,, Malaga August, 1487 

Repulse of Ferdinand in eastern Granada ... June, 1488 

Siege and surrender of Baza May to Dec. , 1489 

Ravage of the Vega April and May, 1490 

Final siege and capitulation of the city ... 25th November, 1491 

Entry of the Christian Sovereigns 2nd January, 1492 

2 Peter Martyr, lib. i., Ep., 62; Bernaldez, cap. Ixxviii. Lord Rivers left 
Spain in 1487. 

1453.] GRANADA. 103 

bled in the camp of Isabella, the chroniclers well-nigh overlooked 
a gay cavalier of modest fortune, the younger brother of Alfonso 
de Aguilar distinguished rather as a fop than a warrior Gon- 
salvo Hernandez of Cordova, whose fame was destined to eclipse 
that of all his companions in arms, and who has earned an 
undying reputation in the history of three countries as The 
Great Captain. 

IV. Gonsalvo de Cordova. 

The life of Gonsalvo de Cordova is interesting as being the 
history of a brave soldier and an accomplished general, who 
flourished at a very important period of the history of Europe. 
But it is further and much more interesting as being the history 
of a man who united in himself many of the characteristics of 
ancient and of modern times. His bravery was the bravery of 
an old Castilian knight, and although he had many splendid 
rivals, he was pronounced by common consent to be their 
superior. Yet his individual courage was the least remarkable 
of his qualities. He was a general, such as the Western world 
had not known for a thousand years, and he was the first diplo- 
matist of modern Europe. In personal valour, in knightly 
courtesy, in brave display, he was of his own time. In astute 
generalship, and in still more astute diplomacy, he may be said 
to have inaugurated a new era ; and although greater comman- 
ders have existed after him, as well as before him, he will 
always be known as " The Great Captain ". 

The conquest of Granada marks an epoch, not only in the 
history of Spain, but in the history of Europe ; and Gonsalvo 
was the hero of Granada. The expedition of Charles VIII. 
into Italy is a subject of almost romantic interest, very nearly 
preferred by Gibbon to his own immortal theme ; and Gonsalvo 
in Italy was the admired of all French and Italian admirers. 
The succeeding expedition of Louis XII. was scarcely less 
interesting, and the part played by Gonsalvo was even more 
remarkable. At his birth artillery was almost unknown. At 
his death it had become the most formidable arm of offence ; it 
had revolutionised the rules and manner of warfare ; and it was 
employed by The Great Captain in both his Italian campaigns 
with marked skill and success. 

Gonsalvo Hernandez was born at Montilla, near Cordova, 


in 1453, of the noble and ancient family of the Aguilars. 1 
After a boyhood and youth devoted, not only to every manly 
sport and pursuit, and to the practice of arms, but to the study 
of letters, and more especially of the Arabic language, he made 
his first appearance in serious warfare on the field of Olmedo, 
fighting under the banner of the Marquis of Villena. On 
the death of Prince Alfonso, Gonsalvo returned to Cordova. 
His father had already died; and according to the Spanish 
law of primogeniture the whole of the rich estates of the family 
of Aguilar passed, on the death of Don Pedro, to his eldest son 
Alfonso, while nothing but a little personal property, a great 
name, a fine person, and " the hope of what he might gain by 
his good fortune or his valour" was inherited by his younger 

Cordova was obviously too small a field for Gonsalvo de 
Aguilar ; and in the course of the eventful year 1474, having 
just arrived at man's estate, he proceeded to Segovia, and 
distinguished himself among the young nobles who crowded 
to the court of Isabella, by his prowess at tournaments and all 
warlike games and exercises ; and he soon became celebrated 
for his personal beauty as well as for his valour, distinguished 
for his fascinating manners, and, above all, by an eloquence 
rarely found in i. young soldier of two-and-twenty. He was 
generally known as " the Prince of the Youth " ; and he 
supported the character by an almost royal liberality and 
ostentatious expenditure entirely incompatible with his modest 

In the war of succession between Isabella and her niece, 
Gonsalvo served under Alfonso de Cardenas, Grand Master of 
Santiago, in command of a troop of 120 horsemen; and he par- 
ticularly distinguished himself at the battle of Albuera. 

And now, in the camp before Granada, he was well pleased 
once more to sun himself in the smiles of his queen and patron- 
ess, whose presence in the camp inspired every soldier with 

1 It is certain, says Paul Jove, that his ancestors were noble and valiant 
warriors of very ancient lineage, for they called themselves Aquilari, and, as may 
be supposed, it was by virtue of their illustrious achievements that they bore the 
noble ensign of the legions of Rome. Whether, indeed, the Aguilars of the fifteenth 
century were descended from Roman or from Gothic ancestors, they bore the eagle 
in their arms, and though living in the great Moorish province of Cordova, they 
were undoubtedly entitled to the epithet of " Old Christians " that is to say, their 
lineage was free from any taint of Moorish or Jewish blood. Their patronymic 
was, however, also written, though incorrectly, by contemporary poets and his- 
torians, " Agidario," " Agellario," and in Italian, " Aghilar," which last merely 
represents the true Spanish pronunciation of the word Aguilar. 

1474.] GRANADA. 105 

enthusiasm. Isabella appeared on the field superbly mounted 
and dressed in complete armour, and continually visited the 
different quarters, and held reviews of the troops. On one 
occasion she expressed a desire to have a nearer view of the 
city, and a picked body of men, among whom was Gonsalvo de 
Cordova, commanded by the Marquis Duke of Cadiz, escorted 
her to the little village of Zubia, within a short distance of 
Granada. The citizens, indignant at the near approach of so 
small a force, sallied out and attacked them. The Christians, 
however, stood their ground so bravely, and performed such 
prodigies of valour under the very eyes of Isabella herself, that 
no less than 2000 Moslems are said to have fallen in that 
memorable affray. 1 

It happened one night about the middle of July, that the 
drapery of the tent or pavilion in which Isabella was lodged 
took fire ; and the conflagration was not extinguished until 
several of the neighbouring tents had been consumed. The 
queen and her attendants escaped unhurt, but a general conster- 
nation prevailed throughout the camp, until it was discovered 
that no more serious loss had been experienced than that of the 
queen's wardrobe. 

Gonsalvo, however, who on more than one occasion showed 
himself at least as practical a courtier as Sir Walter Raleigh, 
immediately sent an express to Illora, and obtained such a supply 
of fine clothes from his wife Dona Maria Manrique, that the 
queen herself was amazed, as much at their magnificence, as at 
the rapidity with which they had been obtained. 

But this incident led to even more important results than 
the amiable pillage of Dona Maria's wardrobe, for in order to 
guard against a similar disaster, as well as to provide comfortable 
winter quarters for the troops, Isabella determined to construct 
a sufficient number of houses of solid masonry, to provide quar- 
ters for the besieging army, a design which was carried out in 
less than three months. This martial and Christian town, which 
received the appropriate name of Santa Fe, may be still seen by 
the traveller in the Vega of Granada, and is pointed out by 
good Catholics as the only town in Andalusia that has never 
been contaminated by the Moslem. 

1 After the conquest of Zahara, the gallant Ponce de Leon, Marquis of Cadiz, 
was created a duke, but unwilling to resign the older title under which he had won 
his laurels, ever afterwards subscribed himself and was called by his contempor- 
aries, Marquis Duke of Cadiz. (Just as the favourite of Philip IV., Count de 
Olivares, after he was made Duke of St. Lucar was always called " the Count 
Duke of Olivares," never Duke of St. Lucar. H.) 


But in spite of the attractions of all these feats of arms and 
exhibitions of magnificence, and of all the personal display and 
rash adventure which savours so much more of mediaeval chivalry 
than of modern warfare, Gonsalvo was more seriously engaged 
in the schemes and negotiations which contributed almost as 
much as the prowess of the Christian arms to the fall of Granada. 
He had spies everywhere. He knew what was going on in 
Granada better than Boabdil. He knew what was going on in 
the camp better than Ferdinand. His familiarity with Arabic 
enabled him to maintain secret communications with recreant 
Moors, without the dangerous intervention of an interpreter. 
He kept up constant communications with Illora, and having 
obtained the allegiance or friendship of the Moorish chief, Ali 
Atar, he gained possession of the neighbouring fortress of 
Mondejar. He sent presents, in truly Oriental style, to many 
of the Moorish leaders in Granada who favoured the party of 
Boabdil, and he was at length chosen by Isabella as the most 
proper person to conduct the negotiations that led to the treaty 
of capitulation, which was signed on the 25th of November, 

The nature and the effect of this convention are well known. 
The triumphal entry of the Christians into the old Moslem capi- 
tal ; " the last sigh of the Moor," and the setting up of the cross 
in the palace-citadel of Alhambra, not only form one of the most 
glowing pages in the romance of history, but they mark an 
epoch in the annals of the world. 1 

1 The taking of Granada was a subject of rejoicing throughout Christendom, 
and it is worthy of remark that a Te Deum, to return thanks tor the success of the 
Christian arms, was sung in St. Paul's in London, by order of King Henry VII., 
in the presence of the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Mayor, and all the nobles and 
prelates that were about the court. 

For the terms of the capitulation of Granada, see Conde, Dom. de los Arabes, 
iii., 42, and Zurita, ii., 90. The capitulation, ajustada entre los Reyes catolicos y 
el ultimo Rey de Granada Boabdil, 25th November, 1491, is printed in extenso in 
torn. viii. of the Documentos Ineditos, etc., pp. 411, 436. The original is still pre- 
served at Simancas. 



L The Genoese Adventurer. 

THE honour of the discovery of a new world in the Western 
Hemisphere has been consistently claimed by Spain; and to 
Isabella of Castile has usually been allowed the principal share 
in the ever-memorable enterprise of Columbus. 

But no country and no sovereign ruler may justly enjoy the 
honour of the conception, the prosecution, and the realisation of 
the most memorable voyage in history. To one man, and to 
one man alone the peaceful hero of two worlds are due the 
glory and the renown. Columbus was an Italian ; yet Italy had 
neither part nor lot in his work. The best days of his manhood 
were spent in Portugal ; yet the Portuguese, albeit the pic .eers 
of the ocean, scornfully rejected his proposals. For eighl long 
years after he had passed into Spain, his projects met wi ,h no 
more intelligent regard ; and the permission so long and so 
vainly sought, that he might endow the nation with a new world 
of boundless wealth and inestimable opportunities, was at last 
granted by the indifferent Isabella, only at the entreaties of a 
monk and a waiting woman. 

It is due indeed to the uncommon intelligence of a forgotten 
Churchman l rather than to the wisdom or discernment of any 
queen or king or statesman in Spain, that from Palos in Andalusia, 
and not from any foreign port, the Genoese mariner was at length 

1 So far forgotten that his name has been mixed up with that of one of his 
subordinate friars, to whom is also due the credit of encouraging Columbus. But 
Fray Juan Perez was the prior and ex-confessor of the queen ; Antonio Marchena 
was a humbler if an intelligent friar of La Rabida. "Juan Antonio Perez de 
Marchena " is one of the fantastic heroes of history. 


permitted to set forth to annex a golden continent to the grow- 
ing empire of Castile. 

The affairs of America are necessarily excluded from the 
scope of a short history of Spain. Nor did the discoveries of 
Columbus exercise so great an influence upon the political or 
even the social condition of the Peninsula during the lifetime of 
Ferdinand the Catholic, as to render a study of the affairs of 
America and the Indies necessary to a due understanding of the 
position of Old Spain. 

The story must therefore be told in a very few words. The 
early life of the great Italian forms no part of the history of 
Spain. Born in Genoa, probably between the years 1436 and 
1441, Christoforo Colombo betook himself in 1470 to the great 
maritime port of Lisbon, seeking adventure beyond sea. A man 
of science and a man of action, he worked hard and he thought 
much. A practical seaman and a student of geography and 
mathematics, he speculated as a student, and sought to substan- 
tiate his speculation as a sailor. 

In 1476' or 1477 he married a Portuguese wife 1 and settled 
at Lisbon, where he occupied himself with the manufacture and 
sale of charts and such nautical instruments as were then known 
to the leading maritime explorers of the world. After voyages 
to Iceland, to the coast of Guinea and to the Cape de Verd 
Islands, more than half-way between Lisbon and Cape St. Roque ; 
after a residence of some years at Porto Santo ; after much study 
and consideration, he submitted to John II. of Portugal a detailed 
and well-reasoned scheme for a voyage to the great undiscovered 
continent of the West. 2 

Nothing could be done in the fifteenth century without the 

1 His wife, Filippa Muniz de Palestrello, or Perestello, was the daughter of an 
Italian navigator, at one time governor of the island of Porto Santo. See Elton, 
Career of Columbus (1892), pp. 72-78. His widow handed over to her son-in-law, 
all her husband's charts, papers and instruments, which were not only of the 
utmost value to Columbus in his actual business, but in his speculations for more 
distant voyages. Navarrete, Viages, Introduction, p. 81. 

2 As to the importance of their residence at the busy port of Porto Santo to 
the speculations of Columbus, see Elton, Career of Columbus (1892), pp. 72-89. 
Among other voyages certainly undertaken by the great navigator before that of 
Santo Domingo, a voyage to Iceland is usually included. See Clements Markham, 
Columbus (1892). For a very careful consideration of the evidence for this strange 
voyage, and for some suggestions and notes upon the possible connection, in days 
long anterior to Columbus, of the Icelanders and Greenlanders with North 
America, see Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, and Elton, ubi supra, 
pp. 99-168. (The authority for Columbus' voyage to Iceland is his own statement. 
" I sailed in the year 1477 in the month of February beyond Ultra Thule island a 
hundred leagues." H.) 

1485.] COLUMBUS. 109 

approbation of the Church ; and the Ecclesiastical Council to 
which the proposal was duly submitted l had no hesitation in 
deciding that it was absurd. The Bishop of Ceuta, however, 
more crafty or more enlightened than his fellows, desired that 
this adverse report should not be communicated to Columbus, 
but that he should be amused with false hopes, whilst a vessel 
was fitted out and secretly despatched to seek for his new world. 
The pirate adventurer duly sailed ; but having reached the Cape 
de Verd Islands and the Sargosso Sea she was driven back by 
storms, and lost her reckoning ; and her captain, returning dis- 
comfited to Lisbon, reported that the voyage was impossible. 
The information thus obtained was scornfully conveyed to the 
Genoese dreamer by the well-satisfied councillors. 

Disappointed, bereaved, ruined, but not hopeless, Christoforo 
took his little son Diego by the hand, and trudged out of Lisbon 
in the late autumn of 1484, a poorer and a sadder man than he 
had entered the city more than ten years before. Two hundred 
long miles did the humble traveller wend his way through the 
wild Alemtejo into the Andalusian province of Huelva, carrying 
in his wallet the title deeds of a new world. 

Three or four miles nearer to the Straits of Gibraltar than 
the little town of Palos, and over-looking the far-famed Rio 
Tinto, stood and stands the old Franciscan Monastery of Santa 
Maria de la Rabida, 2 ever memorable in the earlier scenes of the 
great drama of which Columbus was the protagonist. And on 
the evening of the last day of January, 1485, the traveller and 
his child, weary after their long tramp from Lisbon, stood at the 
convent gate to ask for food and for shelter. The food and the 
shelter were not denied. A young monk, moreover, Fray 
Antonio Marchena, listened eagerly to the strange schemes that 
were laid before him by the grateful wayfarer, and even aroused 
the sympathy of his brethren. The good friar, in fine, agreed 
to undertake the care and the education of the little Diego, and 

1 The Bishop of Ceuta, the Bishop of Viseu, and two medical doctors, Roderic 
and Joseph, composed the court of inquiry. The verdict was unanimous against 
Columbus and his schemes. 

2 Rabida, from the Arabic, Murabid or Murabit, a soldier stationed on the 
frontier. See Ed. Rev., Ixviii., p. 394. The word is not given by Dozy and 
Engelmann. See note on Almoravides, vol. i. , p. 188. 

As to La Rabida historically, see the Due de Montpensier's Monograph, ' ' La 
Rabida y Cristobal Colon," 1855. (It is only right to say that very considerable, 
and apparently well grounded, difference of opinion exists as to Columbus' move- 
ments at this time. On good evidence it seems to me probable that he sailed from 
Lisbon for Huelva where he had relatives, but was driven by storm to Palos, and 
then walked by La Rabida to Huelva. H.) 


assisted the adventurer to proceed on his way to Seville. Further 
encouragement was soon found in the patronage and hospitality 
of the great La Cerda, Count, afterwards (1492) Duke, of Medina 
Celi; 1 and in the spring of I486 Columbus, who had by that 
time adopted the Spanish patronymic of Colon, was presented 
to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. 2 The fair-haired blue- 
eyed Genoese stood face to face with the fair-haired blue-eyed 

Instinctively attracted, as she was, by great men of any kind, 
unerring in her choice of ministers and councillors, Isabella may 
have sympathised with Columbus ; but she was entirely incapable 
of understanding his speculations. 3 Yet the man himself at once 
commanded her attention. 

Of almost heroic stature, in dignity of presence scarce inferior 

1 The duke and count were almost equal in rank among the Goths ; the titles 
were frequently united in the same noble. In the eighth Council of Toledo, some 
of the Palatines sign as Comes et Dux. This double title was borne by Olivarez, 
the celebrated minister of Philip IV. , better known in Spain as the Conde Duque. 
It was resumed by the late Duchess of Osuna, who, being Countess of Benavente 
in her own right, entitled herself ' ' La Condesa Duquesa ". To have called herself 
" Duchess Countess " would have sounded in her Castilian ears as an heraldic 
bathos, although she derived grandeeship from each title alike, and knew, of course, 
that the style of count in olden times was almost royal. Although the title of 
duke necessarily implies grandeeship, it by no means follows that every grandee is 
a duke ; many are only marquises or counts ; Alcanices (who, however, is also 
Duke of Sexto. H. ), Punorostro, Chinchon and others. "Title, in fact, is of no 
importance ; the real rank consists in being a grandee, who are all perfectly equal 
amongst each other. Formerly there existed three classes of grandeeship ; the 
first, la primer a clase (into which the other two have been absorbed), put on their 
hats in the royal presence before the king spoke to them ; the second class covered 
themselves after the king had spoken to them ; the third remained bareheaded until 
the king had spoken to them and they had answered." 

These divisions into orders and classes, each of less dignity than another, were 
so many gradual processes by which the kings contrived to break down the rem- 
nant of Rico-Ombria, by making rank more and more dependent on the crown. 
The rank of grandeeship is conferred, not by giving a camp kettle, as in the case 
of older titles in Spain, but by the king addressing the individual with the word 
cubrid-os, cover yourself ; whence the dignity is, as in the case of a cardinal, called 
a hat, from the tendency to materialise everything, and respect the form, emblem 
and substance, more than the essence, spirit and principle. The civility shown to 
the hat of a visitor is very marked among the formal gentry of the provinces of 
Spain. Quarterly Review, vol. Ixii., p. 105, article by Richard Ford. 

2 It should be explained that after ineffectually applying to the head of the 
Guzmans, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, Columbus addressed himself to Medina- 
Celi, who undertook to fit out an expedition for him. When this came to the ears 
of the Sovereigns they considered that the project should not be in private hands, 
and Columbus was summoned to court at Cordova, where he arrived in January, 
1486, three months before the monarchs, whom he first saw in May, 1486. H. 

3 In the whole of Peter Martyr's voluminous correspondence upon almost every 
possible question or matter, done, spoken of, or even thought of at the court of 
Isabella, no reference whatever is made to Columbus or to his scheme before his 
return from his first voyage. 

1492.] COLUMBUS. Ill 

to the Queen of Castile, as proud as he was enthusiastic, and in 
good sooth one of the great ones of the earth, Columbus was 
easily recognised by Isabella as a man eminently worthy of her 
patronage ; and he was permitted to unfold his schemes. The 
queen was pleased, if not convinced ; and the project was once 
more referred to an ecclesiastical council, under the presidency 
of Talavera, the queen's confessor. 

The report was entirely adverse. The scheme was pro- 
nounced to be impracticable, if not impious. The stranger's 
geographical theories indeed savoured of heresy ; and had it not 
been that Talavera was one of the mildest of Churchmen, the 
speculator might have been handed over to the tender mercies 
of the Holy Office. Yet, it was due to another ecclesiastic, 
himself to be known in later years as one of the most vigorous 
rulers of the Spanish Inquisition, that Columbus did not at once 
quit Spain in disgust. 

Diego Deza, a distinguished doctor of Salamanca, then 
occupied the honourable and important office of tutor to the 
Prince of Asturias, and the adventurer, dismissed by Talavera 
and disregarded by his royal mistress, contrived in some way to 
find favour in the sight of the future Grand Inquisitor of Spain. 
The court had moved from Cordova to Salamanca. Columbus 
followed. The sovereigns gave no further encouragement. 
Many of the noble courtiers, however, Cardinal Mendoza, the 
good Count of Tendilla, Alfonso de Quintillana, and others of 
less importance, took a kindly interest in the schemes of the 
stranger, and provided for his material necessities. But the 
court and the council showed no favour to the great geographer. 
A fairer face it was than that of Guzman or of Mendoza that 
kept Columbus a willing prisoner in Spain, in spite of all his 
disappointments and rebuffs. 

Beatriz de Arana, the mother of his son Ferdinand, whether 
she was lawfully married to Columbus or no, was in every 
respect a worthy, as she was an affectionate companion, and 
she was honoured and cherished by her great lover all the 
days of his life. And in her society he found solace and 
encouragement, during five long years of royal and official 
neglect. Meanwhile, his younger brother Bartholomew, who 
had sought in vain the countenance of Henry VII. of Eng- 
land, had betaken himself in search of better fortune to the 
court of Anne de Beaujeu, the Regent of France. But neither 
in Spain nor in France did the scheme find favour with the 


1488 passed away, 1489, 1490, and at length Christobal 
Colon, well-nigh forgotten at the court of Castile, determined 
to join his brother in Paris. Yet he would bid farewell, ere he 
started, to his earliest friend in Spain, the young Fray Antonio 
Marchena at La Rabida. And in July, 1491, just seven years 
after he had first knocked at the gate of Palos, he once more 
presented himself at the old convent by the Rio Tinto. 

It was a turning point in the history of the world. For 
within the walls of La Rabida was Fray Juan Perez, now 
superior of the monastery, once confessor to the Queen of 
Castile ; and ere Columbus turned his back for ever upon 
Spain, the good priest heard his story, and saw, as no man 
had yet seen in Europe, the transcendent importance of his 

Isabella was with the army before Granada in the camp 
city of Santa Fe 200 miles, as the crow flies, from the 
monastery of La Rabida. But old Juan Perez was not daunted 
by distance. He mounted his mule, and made straight for the 
queen's camp. It was a noble journey, even though the friar 
knew not, as he rode across mountain and river, that he 
carried with him the fortune of Spain. 1 The ex-confessor knew 
how to speak to the queen. Columbus was summoned to the 
camp. His designs were pronounced reasonable, if they were 
not wholly approved. His position was at least recognised at 
court. But still nothing was done. Was not the destruction 
of the Infidel worth all the discoveries in the world ? Thus, 
with hope ever deferred, another year passed away. At length 
on the 2nd of January, 1492, the Christians entered Granada. 
And then Columbus, ever expectant, pleaded for the favour 
and approbation of the victorious Isabella. His suit was well 
received. The queen was inclined to patronise the proposed 
expedition. Columbus should sail to the west. The terms of 
his engagement only were referred to Talavera; and the 
Churchman, still hostile, reported that the demands of the 

1 This is an imperfect account of what took place. The sworn evidence of the 
physician Garci Hermandez of Palos, in Diego Colon's suit against the crown, 
says that F. Perez sent a letter to the queen by a pilot named Sebastian Rodriguez, 
telling her of Columbus' intention of going to France, and representing his case : 
" and they detained Christobal Colon at the convent, until they could receive her 
highness's answer ". The answer was a summons to Perez to come to court, "and 
he departed secretly at midnight ". He appears to have explained Columbus' plans 
thoroughly to the queen, perhaps for the first time, and Isabella determined to give 
the aid asked. She at once sent Columbus a present of 2000 maravedis in order 
that he might ' ' buy a decent suit of clothes in which to appear before her high- 
ness". H. 

1492.] COLUMBUS. 113 

adventurer were impossible l Columbus bowed his head, and set 
forth to seek the favour and protection of some other sovereign. 

Six miles from Granada, a bridge known as the Puente de 
Pinos spans the little river Xenil, the scene of many an affray 
between Moor and Christian during the last war of Granada. 
So far had Columbus proceeded on his journey in search of new 
patrons, when a royal messenger overtook him and compelled 
him to return to the court. 2 

Once again the Genoese stood before the Queen of Castile. 
But this time he spoke, not as a suppliant, but as a benefactor ; 
and when he left the royal presence, it was as Admiral of the 
Ocean, Viceroy and Governor-General of the Countries of the 

On the 12th of May, 1492, Columbus turned his head 
westward from Granada, and set out to seek and to find a new 
world. He was forty-six years of age. His golden hair had 
become grey from care and disappointment. But he was no 
less eager, no less energetic, no less confident than on the day 
that he first set foot in Lisbon eighteen years before. The 
munificence of the Spanish sovereigns, which it had taken eight 
years to provoke, consisted in an order to the people of Palos to 
supply two caravels, without payment, for the queen's use, as a 
punishment for some real or fancied misdemeanour committed 
in days gone by. 3 The royal vessels, thus cheaply provided, 
consisted of the Pinta of fifty tons burden, and the Nina of forty 
tons ; a strange squadron for the discovery of a distant hemi- 
sphere. When the Princess Joanna had sailed from Laredo to 

1 They were in fact quite impossible and against public policy, as a perusal of 
them will prove. They were accepted at last by Ferdinand, doubtless in order to 
prevent Columbus from going elsewhere, but the king, it is clear, had no intention 
of fulfilling them and did not attempt to do so. There is reason to believe that the 
extravagant demands of Columbus were the cause of his repulse by John II. of 
Portugal. H. 

2 It was the Marquesa de Moya, a lady attached to the queen's household, 
who is said to have persuaded Isabella to summon back the departing Columbus. 
Thus after 'eight years of weary waiting, he at length gained his point. By the 
terms of his capitulation with the sovereigns at Granada, he and his heirs for ever 
were created admirals of the ocean, viceroys and governor-generals of all the islands 
and continents he should discover. He was to have one-tenth of all the precious 
metals discovered within his jurisdiction, and the privilege of receiving an eighth 
share of the profits made by any ship in which he should have as he might have 
in all cases an eighth share as adventurer. 

3 This hardly seems just. The large sum of 176,000 silver reals was advanced 
from the royal treasury of Aragon on the personal responsibility of Ferdinand's 
Jewish financial secretary Sant Angel, who lent them to the monarchs and became 
answerable for the amount to the treasury. This sum was paid to Columbus for 
the fitting-out of the expedition. H. 

VOL. II. 8 


the Texel she had been convoyed by a squadron of 130 vessels. 
When Columbus sailed to discover America two coasting sloops 
were accounted an appropriate fleet. A more important ship, 
however, and one of no less than 100 tons burden, the Santa 
Maria, was provided by a private adventurer of Palos, Juan de 
la Cosa, whose ambition had been fired by the splendid specula- 
tions of Columbus. 

Of the difficulties in fitting out the expedition, of the want 
of sailors, of the want of stores, of the want of money, of the 
voyage itself, of the discovery, of the return to Spain, of the 
thousand moving incidents of the journey, I may not speak here. 
The tale is old, but ever new ; one of the great world stories 
of our race, fascinating, exciting, tremendous. But I may not 
cross the broad Atlantic even in a Spanish ship. 

II. The Admiral of the Ocean. 

It was in the palace of the Bishop of Urgel at Barcelona, 
on May Day of the year 1493, that Ferdinand and Isabella 
received their triumphant admiral and his great tidings from 
the West. 1 That Ferdinand and Isabella should each of them 
have failed to realise the full importance of the discovery is 
scarcely surprising. To our own experienced understanding 
the infinite possibilities of the new world seem well calculated 
to arouse the imagination of the dullest of statesmen, to fire the 
ambition of the coolest of politicians in Europe. But the 
picture as we see it was not presented to the Spanish 
sovereigns. A few islands had apparently been discovered, and 
a new highway perhaps to the Indies. It was satisfactory at 
least that the voyage had been undertaken in a Spanish ship. 
The conversion of a few Indians and the spread of the True 
Faith would, of course, be pleasing to Isabella. The acquisition 
of a few nuggets and some possible commercial developments 
would doubtless be agreeable to Ferdinand. It was not to be 
supposed that either sovereign knew or even dreamed of con- 
tinents in which Spain or France would rank but as districts or 
counties, whose rivers would swallow up Tagus or Ebro as the 
wand of Aaron swallowed up the wands of the Egyptians, and 

1 He reached Lisbon on the 4th of March, Palos on the isth of March, and he 
entered Seville on Palm Sunday, 1493. The sovereigns had been at Barcelona 
since the end of 1492. In December an assault upon the king's person had been 
made by a madman ; and for some days his life had been despaired of. But Isa- 
bella proved the best of nurses, and the wound quickly healed. 

1493.] COLUMBUS. 115 

whose hidden greatness was to change the fortunes of the 

Ferdinand was thus far more concerned with his negotiations 
with Italy and with Maximilian of Hapsburg, with his endeavours 
to hoodwink Henry of England and to outwit Charles of France, 
than with the prosecution of discovery or adventure in any 
unknown land. Yet he found time to show some favour to the 
discoverer. Isabella, as the more direct patron of Columbus, 
was necessarily pleased at the success of his expedition, even 
though she showed no extraordinary appreciation of the im- 
mensity of the prospect before her. But one Spaniard at least 
was found to rise to the greatness of the occasion the 
Valencian priest who sat upon the throne of the Caesars. 
Immediately on hearing of the success of Columbus, Roderic 
Borgia proclaimed the unknown continent of the West to be 
a part of his empire ; and, drawing a line across the ocean from 
pole to pole, 100 leagues to the west of the Azores, he granted 
to his countrymen in Spain the whole world, discovered or to be 
discovered, to the westward of this magnificent limit. 1 

Columbus meanwhile was treated with the utmost considera- 
tion and distinction at Barcelona. He was confirmed in his 
title and offices. He was flattered by the king and queen. He 
was encouraged to undertake a second expedition with all 
possible despatch. At the same time, an office or department 
for the administration of all business connected with the western 
world was established at Seville. 2 Juan Fonseca, archdeacon 
of that diocese, was appointed chief superintendent of this 
Council of the Indies ; and long before the great Admiral had 
been permitted to set out on his second voyage, he had been 
made to feel the chill and jealous influence of his new masters, 
even as every discoverer, inventor, or man of genius, as every 
admiral, and general, and man of action has been made to 
suffer in modern times at the hands of an insolent bureaucracy. 

A Colonial Office, manned entirely by clerics, making up by 

1 The great practical effect of this prompt exercise of power was that the 
foreign possessions of Portugal and of Spain could be clearly distinguished : the 
Portuguese discoveries so far having been all very far to the east of the Papal line. 
And in spite of geographical ignorance, this magnificent division of an unknown 
world between the jealous rivals in Europe was a most admirable and successful 
exercise of imperial authority or Caesarism. The actual map, marked with the 
pen of Alexander, is still shown at the Vatican. 

2 An interesting and valuable account of this institution and of the early 
colonial arrangements of Spain will be found in Manuel Danvila's Casa de Contra- 
tacion de Sevilla y el Consejo Supremo de Indias. H. 


necessary ignorance and limitless presumption, for the want 
of those obstructive traditions which are the stay of modern 
departments, was quite competent to vex the soul and impede 
the progress of the great Genoese, even though the enthusiasm 
of the admiral was patient, rather than excitable, in its character. 
Every obstacle was offered by the new India Office to 
the proposals and wishes of Columbus. Everything that 
he wanted was for some good official reason denied ; and that 
which he knew to be useless was forced upon him in its stead. 
Isabella, who to the equipment of an army devoted days and 
nights of unremitting personal labour and supervision, was 
content to commit the destinies of the new world to an insolent 

In May, 1493, the admiral took leave of the sovereigns, in 
order that he might superintend the operations at Seville ; and 
in spite of all official objections and difficulties, a fleet of three 
ships and fourteen caravels, was by the end of September, pre- 
pared and made ready for sea. 

Not one ecclesiastic had sailed with Columbus on his first 
voyage of discovery. Fray Bernardo Boil, with three subordinate 
friars, all hostile and disloyal to the viceroy, accompanied the 
second expedition ; and a learned doctor of medicine, Diego 
Alvarez Chanca, whose narrative of the voyage has been largely 
drawn upon by Bernaldez in his Chronicle of the Catholic kings, 
sailed in the admiral's ship. The influence of Columbus, how- 
ever, was allowed to prevail in the selection of some of the 
leaders of the Armada. Pedro de Arana, the brother of the 
lovely Beatrix, had the command of one of the vessels ; and the 
admiral's own brother Diego took ship with him in the Mariga- 
lante. The father of the good bishop Las Casas accompanied 
the expedition as a " Councillor ". But the most remarkable 
man who sailed with the fleet, after Columbus himself, was 
Alfonso de Ojeda, of Cuenca. Not yet twenty-one years of age, 
says a modern writer, 1 active, energetic, of extraordinary bodily 
strength and personal courage, he combined a cool head with 
a dare-devil love of danger and adventure ; and he played a 
leading part in the early history of New Spain. 

The number of volunteers for the voyage, however, was far 
greater than could have been accommodated in a fleet of fifty 
sail ; and the number of candidates was reduced by official 
selection to 1500 men, who were alone to be permitted to take 

1 Clements Markham, Columbus, p. 144. 

1493.] COLUMBUS. 117 

part in the expedition. But the selection was the worst that 
could have been made. Instead of artisans and labourers, manu- 
facturers or mariners, gentlemen of honour and probity, or even 
the hardy peasants of Biscay and Gallicia who in the present 
century have proved the mainstay of the most flourishing of the 
South American Republics reckless and needy adventurers, 
unscrupulous seekers after gold, speculators, spendthrifts, haters 
of work, no colonists, but a horde of depredators, these were the 
men selected by the new department at Seville to harass the 
ever-patient admiral, and to ravage a new world. These were 
the men who lived to sow the seeds of shame in Spanish America. 
And the harvest, the most dreadful of which it has been given 
to this world to see the growth is not yet fully reaped, or bound 
into bundles for the fire. With such a company it would have 
been impossible for any man to colonise an island, much less 
that unhappy world, to which Spain sent not peace or prosperity, 
but the sword of the tyrant, the heavy and reckless hand of the 

On the 25th of September of the same year, 1493, Alexander 
VI. issued his third Bull, once more investing the Spaniards 
with the sovereignty of the new world ; and on the same day 
the Spanish fleet set sail from the Bay of Cadiz. An attempted 
expedition of the Portuguese had been prevented by the diplo- 
matic remonstrances of Ferdinand ; nor was the King of Portugal 
aware of the importance of the Spanish preparations and projects, 
until he heard that their second fleet had actually sailed. After 
much bickering on either side, a convention was held at Torde- 
sillas, in June, 1494, when the Papal line of demarcation was, 
by the favour of the Spanish sovereigns, moved from one hundred 
to three hundred and seventy leagues to the westward of the Cape 
de Verd Islands ; by virtue of which concession, the Lusitanians 
in later years laid claim to the noble empire of Brazil. Had 
Columbus on his first voyage steered south-south-west instead 
of nearly due west, he would have made Cape St. Roque or 
Paranahyba on the Continent of South America, hard on 1000 
miles nearer Palos than the island on which he first planted the 
banner of Castile ; and the history not only of two countries, but 
of two worlds, would have been changed. 1 

1 On the i4th of April, 1494, the sovereigns nominated the admiral's brother 
Bartholomew, who had lately arrived from his fruitless visit to France and England, 
to the command of a third squadron of three caravels which sailed in the wake of 
the greater fleet. 





THE fall of Granada left the Catholic sovereigns free to turn 
their attention more completely to the domestic affairs of the 
kingdom ; and it seems moreover to have increased the bigotry 
both of the Church and of the court, and to have added new zeal 
to the fury of the Inquisition. 

The conquest of the Moorish kingdom was said by pious 
ecclesiastics to be a special sign or manifestation of the approval 
by heaven of the recent institution of the Holy Office. The 
knights and nobles, proud of their military successes, may have 
attributed the victory to causes more flattering to their valour, 
their skill and their perseverance. The common people, as yet 
not demoralised, but gorged with plunder, and invited to occupy 
without purchase the fairest province in the Peninsula, were little 
disposed to quarrel with the policy of Ferdinand ; and far from 
feeling any pity for the sufferings of the vanquished Moors, they 
sighed for new infidels to pillage. And new infidels were 
promptly found. 1 

The Inquisition so far had troubled itself but little with 
Christian heretics. The early Spanish Protestantism of the 
thirteenth century had died away. The later Spanish Protes- 

1 The rigours of the Inquisition had already, between 1481 and 1492, led to a 
considerable emigration of Jews, a fact that I do not remember to have anywhere 
seen alluded to. Thus the number of those that perished or were destroyed in the 
summer of 1492 is very far from representing the total loss to Spain, by royal and 
ecclesiastical persecution. "In Xerez, Seville and Cordova alone," says Bergen- 
roth, Calendar of State Papers (Spanish), vol. i. , 47, 4000 homesteads were deserted. 
The queen was implored to relent. But she answered that it was better for the 
service of God and herself to have the country depopulated than to have it polluted 
by heresy. Persecution even hunted the fugitives in foreign countries. The King 
of Naples, for instance, was requested in a tone of command, to torture and put 
to death all those who would not at once deliver up the small remnant of fortune 
that they had saved. Calendar, ubi supra. 


tantism of the sixteenth century had not yet come into existence. 
Few men had done more than Averroes of Cordova and Ramon 
Lull of Palma to awaken religious thought in mediaeval Europe ; 
yet speculative theology has never been popular among the 
Spanish people. It was against the Jews, renegade or relapsed, 
even more than the avowedly unconverted, that the Holy Office 
directed all its exertions until the end of the fifteenth century. 
By April, 1492, although a great number of the unfortunate 
Hebrews had already found their way to the Quemadero, there 
was still a very large Jewish population in Spain, the most 
industrious, the most intelligent, the most orderly, but unhappily 
for themselves, the most wealthy of all the inhabitants of the 

The Spanish Jews, as we have seen, were treated on the 
arrival of the Arab conquerors not only with consideration, but 
with an amount of favour that was not extended to them under 
any other government in the world ; nor was this wise liberality, 
as time went on, displayed only by the Moslem in Spain. At 
the Christian courts of Leon, of Castile, and of Catalonia, the 
Jews were welcomed as lenders of money and as healers of 
diseases, and as men skilled in many industrial arts ; and they 
supplied what little science was required in northern Spain, 
while their brethren shared in the magnificent culture and 
extended studies of Cordova. When the rule of the Arab de- 
clined, and Alfonso el Sabio held his court at southern Seville, 
the learned Jews were his chosen companions. They certainly 
assisted him in the preparation of his great astronomical tables. 
They probably assisted him in his translation of the Bible. 1 

Nor does this court favour appear to have caused any serious 
jealousy among Christian Spaniards. The fellow-student of 
Alfonso X., the trusted treasurer of Peter the Cruel, the ac- 
commodating banker of many a king and many a noble the 
Jew was for some time a personage of importance rather than 
a refugee in the Peninsula. And during the whole of the 
thirteenth century, while the Jews were exposed throughout 

1 This translation was said to have been made from the Hebrew direct. See 
ante, vol. i. , chapter xxvi. 

Jusqu'au commencement du quinzieme siecle, les trois religions qui se parta- 
gaient la P6ninsule subsistaient sans querelles. Les rois de Castille prenaient des 
Juifs pour leurs tr^soriers et leur medecins, des Maures pour leurs ing^nieurs et 
leurs architectes. Personne ne refusait le " don " a un riche Israelite ni a un emir 
musulman. Je ne vois aucune trace de persecution, si ce n'est dans les prises des 
villes, oil le vainqueur pillait de preference le quartier juif ; et il est permis de 
douter que le fanatisme y cut autant de part que la cupidit6. P. Merimee, 
Mtlanges Historiques et Littfraires (ed. 1876), p. 250. 


western Europe l to the most dreadful and systematic persecu- 
tions, they enjoyed in Spain not only immunity, but protection, 
not only religious freedom, but political consideration. 

They were particularly regarded under Alfonso XL, and 
even under Peter the Cruel, who, though he tortured and robbed 
his Hebrew treasurer, did not at any time display his natural 
ferocity in any form of religious persecution. Yet, as we are 
told that his rival and successor, Henry of Trastamara, sought 
popular favour by molesting the Jews, it would seem that already 
by the end of the fourteenth century they were becoming un- 
popular in Castile. But on the whole, throughout the Peninsula, 
from the time of James I. of Aragon, who is said to have 
studied ethics under a Jewish professor, to the time of John II. 
of Castile, who employed a Jewish secretary in the compilation 
of a national Cancionero, or ballad book, the Jews were not only 
distinguished, but encouraged, in literature and abstract science, 
as they had always been in the more practical pursuits of medi- 
cine and of commerce. 2 

But in less than a century after the death of Alfonso X. the 
tide of fortune had turned. Their riches increased over-much 
in a disturbed and impoverished commonwealth, and public 
indignation began to be displayed, rather at their un-Christian 

1 See Graetz, Hist, of the Jews, ed. Lowy, torn. iv. , p. 110-124; an d Rodo- 
canachi, Le Saint Siege et les Juifs (ed. 1891), cap. v. 

2 For an account of the prosperous condition of the Jews in Spain from 1284 
to 1388, see Amador de los Rios, Hist, de los Judios en Espana, torn. i. , chap. iii. 

The Jews of necessity became money-lenders, partly owing to so many legiti- 
mate trades and professions being closed to them, and still more owing to the 
insane prohibitions of successive Popes, directed against the taking of even the 
smallest interest by Christians on money lent under any circumstances. See par- 
ticularly Bull of Alexander III., 1179, ad hoc ; and decree of Clement V. in 
Council of Vienne, 1311, apud Dollinger, Studies, translated by Miss Warre (1890), 
pp. 224-6. Up to this time, according to Dr. Dollinger, the Jews had been an indus- 
trial and an agricultural, and by no means a purely mercantile, still less a purely 
money-lending, people. See also Dr. William Cunningham, Christian Opinion on 
Usury (1884). Gregory VII. called upon Alfonso VI. to dismiss the Jews from all 
judicial posts in the realm, but the Papal mandate was disregarded, and the Jews 
continued to flourish under the toleration and patronage of kings and nobles. 
Hefele, Life of Ximenes, cap. xiv. For the share of the learned Jews in the works 
of Alfonso X., and notably in the preparation of the Alfonsine Tables, see Amador 
de los Rios, Hist, de los Judios en Espana, vol. ii. , chaps, iii. and iv. An historian 
of our own days, D. Vicente de Lafuente, is less tolerant than his ancestors in the 
fifteenth century ; for in the year of grace 1870, he writes of the Spanish Jews of 
the Middle Ages as a secret society, and devotes a chapter to dilating, without refer- 
ence or authority, upon their enormities, including the stealing of Christian children 
for the purposes of crucifixion, and other malevolent old wives' tales, that I had 
fond y thought were no longer credited by any man who could read and write, in 
Europe. Hist, de las Sociedades Secretas en Espana, por Don Vicente de Lafuente, 
Lugo (1870), pp. 54-63. 


opulence than at their Jewish faith. Inquisition was made 
rather into their strong-boxes than into their theology ; and it 
was their debtors and their rivals, rather than any religious 
purists, who towards the end of the fourteenth century, 
more especially in Aragon, stirred up those popular risings 
against their race that led to the massacres and the wholesale 
conversions of 139 1. 1 The first attack that was made upon the 
persons and property of the Jews was in 1388, and it was no 
doubt provoked by the preaching of the fanatic archdeacon 
Hernando Martinez, at Seville. But it was in no wise religious 
in its character, and was aimed chiefly at the acquisition and 
destruction of the property of the rich and prosperous Hebrews. 
The outbreaks which took place almost simultaneously in all 
parts of Spain were disapproved both by kings and councils. 
Special judges were sent to the disturbed cities, and a consider- 
able amount of real protection was extended to the plundered 
people. No one said a word about conversion ; or at least the 
conversion was that of ancient Pistol, the conversion of the 
property of the Jews into the possession of the Christians. 2 
When the Jewish quarter of Barcelona was sacked by the 
populace, and an immense number of Hebrews were despoiled 
and massacred throughout the country, John of Aragon, indo- 
lent though he was, used his utmost endeavours to check the 
slaughter. He punished the aggressors, and he even caused 
a restitution of goods to be made to such of the victims as 

The preaching of St. Vincent Ferrer, during the early part 
of the fifteenth century, was addressed largely to the Jews in 
Spain, but little or no religious persecution seems to have been 
directed against them in consequence of his harangues. On 
the contrary, we read of friendly conferences or public disputa- 
tions between Jewish and Christian doctors in Aragon, where 
the Inquisition was, at least, nominally established. Such 
conferences could hardly be expected to convince or convert 
the advocates of either faith, but they tell at least of an amount 
of toleration on the part of the Christian authorities of the 

1 Basnage, Histoire des Juifs (1716), lib. vii., cap. v. ; Castro, Bibl. Esp., i., 
pp. 116 and 265. As to the dreadful theories or legends of the systematic murder 
by the Jews of Christian children, of their desecration of the consecrated wafer, and 
other forms of supposed sacrilege, legends apparently current in France and Ger- 
many long before they passed into Spain, see Dolhnger, Studies, ed. Miss Warre 
(1890), pp. 222-225. Menendez Pelayo, Hetcrodoxos Espanoles, i., 630. 

2 " Cobdicia de robar, y no devotion" according to Ayala. Cf. Menendez 
Pelayo, ubi supra. 


day, that was certainly not to be found in Spain at the close of 
the century ; and there is no doubt that they were followed 
by a very large number of conversions of the more malleable 
members of the Hebrew community. But it is a far cry from 
Saint Vincent Ferrer to the uncanonised Tomas de Torquemada. 1 
Yet, even in outward conformity to the established religion, 
the Jews, as time went on, found no permanent safety from 
persecution and plunder. John II. indeed had little of the 
bigot in his composition ; 2 it was politics and not persecution 
that, under his successor, engrossed the attention of clergy and 
laity in Castile ; but, as soon as the power of Isabella was 
formally established, the destruction of all that was not ortho- 
dox, Catholic and Spanish, became the key-note of the domestic 
policy of the new government of Spain. 


The earliest efforts of the Spanish Inquisition were directed, 
as we haye seen, almost exclusively against those converted 
Jews, or the sons and daughters of converts, who were known 
by the expressive name of New Christians, a title applied also 
to Christianised Moslems, and which distinguished both classes 
from the Old Christians or Cristianos Viejos, who could boast of 
a pure Castilian ancestry. These new Christians, as a whole, 
at the end of the fifteenth century, were among the richest, 
the most industrious, and the most intelligent of the population, 
and they were regarded with considerable envy by their poorer 
neighbours, whose blue blood did not always bring with it 
either wealth or fortune. 3 The rules and regulations for the 
guidance of the inquisitors were therefore specially framed to 
include every possible act or thought that might bring the 
members of the classes specially aimed at within the deadly 
category of the relapsed. If the "New Christian" wore a clean 

1 Lindo (History of Jews in Spain, 1849, p. 211) ; and ibid., pp. 188-196. 

2 The Pragmatica of Arevalo granted by John II., 6th April, 1443, by the 
terms of which he placed under his special protection y como cosa suya y de su, all the Jews of Castile, put an end for the time being to the dangers 
arising from popular cupidity, by taking the Jews under the special protection of 
the crown. ' ' Elle ouvrait aux Juifs les anciennes votes de prosperity, et sans leur 
donner une importance prejudiciable a l'Etat,fournissait un aliment a leur activite" 
et mettait a profit leurs connaissances des arts mtcaniques." Amador de los Rios, 
Hist, des Juifs d'Espagne (ed. Magnabal), vol. i. , pp. 113-115. See also Lafuente, 
ix. , 223. 

3 Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos, torn, i., 624-639, and torn. ii. , 586. 


shirt, or spread clean table-linen on a Saturday (Art. 4), if he 
ate meat in Lent (7), observed any of the Jewish fasts (8-17), 
or sat at table with any Jew of his acquaintance (19) 5 if he 
recited one of the psalms of David without the addition of the 
Doxology (20), if he caused his child to be baptised under a 
Hebrew name (23), he was to be treated as a renegade and 
condemned to the flames. 1 

With every act of his life thus at the mercy of spies and 
informers, his last end was not unobserved by the Dominicans 
and the Familiars of the Holy Office. If in the article of death 
he turned his weary face (31) to the wall of his chamber, he 
was adjudged relapsed, and all his possessions were forfeit ; or 
if the sorrowing children of even the most unexceptionable 
convert had washed his dead body with warm water (32) they 
were to be treated as apostates and heretics, and were at least 
liable to suffer death by fire, after their goods had been 
appropriated by the Holy Office or by the crown. 2 

In the sentences which condemned to the stake, to confis- 
cation, and to penances, which were punishments of the severest 
description, we find enumerated such offences as the avoiding 
the use of fat, and especially of lard ; preparing amive, a kind of 
broth much appreciated by the Jews ; or eating " Passover bread " ; 
reading, or even possessing a Hebrew Bible ; ignorance of the 
Pater noster and the Creed ; saying that a good Jew could be 
saved, and a thousand other equally harmless deeds or words. 3 

But with the professed and avowed Jew, unpopular as he may 
have been with his neighbours, and exposed at times to various 
forms of civil and religious outrage, the Holy Office did not 
directly concern itself. 4 The Hebrew, like the Moslem, was 
outside the pale even of Christian inquiry. 

1 Yet by a law of Henry II. a Jew was forbidden to give Christian names to 
his children. Ordenanzas Reales, viii., tit. iii. , leg. 26. He must have found it, 
says Prescott, difficult to extricate himself from the horns of this dilemma. Fer- 
dinand and Isabella, vol. i. , cap. vii. 

2 Llorente, i. , chap. v. , art. 3. 

3 Mr. Lea, Chapters from the History of Spain, ed. 1890, pp. 470, 471, after 
giving his authority for these and a great number of other cases, from the records 
of the Inquisition at Saragossa, between 1488 and 1502, continues : " In one case 
the only crime asserted in the sentence of a woman was that she had been present 
at the wedding of a Jew her brother. In another it was alleged against the 
penitent that when very sick his sister had told him to commend himself to the 
God of Abraham, and that he had returned no answer. In another, it was gravely 
asserted that the offender, when dealing with Old Christians, tried to cheat them, 
and rejoiced when he succeeded. 

* Oest centre les judaisants ou juifs chrttiens en apparence (juifs cache's) et non 
centre les vrais juifs, says Hefele, il faut bien remarquer, que T Inquisition proceda. 


There is no doubt that it was the success of the operations 
against the Moors of Granada that suggested to Ferdinand and 
Isabella the undertaking of a campaign, easier by far, and 
scarcely less lucrative, against the unhappy descendants of 
Abraham who had made their home in Spain. 

The annual revenue that was derived by the Catholic 
sovereigns from the confiscations of the Inquisition amounted 
to a considerable income ; and the source as yet showed no 
signs of drying up. Yet cupidity, marching hand in hand with 
intolerance the devil, as the Spanish proverb has it, ever 
lurking behind the Cross the sovereigns resolved upon the 
perpetration of an act or state more dreadful than the most 
comprehensive of the Autos de Fe. 

The work of the Holy Office was too slow. The limits of 
the Quemadero were too small. Half a million Jews yet lived 
unbaptised in Spain. They should be destroyed at a single 
blow. 1 The Inquisition might be left to reckon with the New 
Christians whose conversion was unsatisfactory. 

As soon as the Spanish Jews obtained an intimation of what 
was contemplated against them, they took steps to propitiate 
the sovereigns by a tender of a donative of 30,000 ducats, 
towards defraying the expenses of the Moorish war ; and an 
influential Jewish leader is said to have waited upon Ferdinand 
and Isabella, in their quarters at Sante Fe, to urge the accept- 
ance of the bribe. The negotiations, however, were suddenly 
interrupted by Torquemada, who burst into the apartment where 
the sovereigns were giving audience to the Jewish deputy, and 
drawing forth a crucifix from beneath his mantle, held it up, 
exclaiming, " Judas Iscariot sold his Master for thirty pieces of 
silver ; your Highnesses would sell Him anew for 30,000 ; here 
He is, take Him and barter Him away ". The extravagant 
presumption of the Inquisitor-General would not perhaps have 
been as successful as it was, had it not been obvious to the 
covetous Ferdinand that 30,000 ducats was a trifle compared 
with the plunder of the entire body of Jews in Spain. Yet 

Hefele, 286. This exclusiveness did not last long ; although, as it was technically 
the royal and not the ecclesiastical authority that proceeded against the Jews in 1492, 
the apologists of the Holy Office may maintain that true Jews were never persecuted 
by the Inquisition. See on this point Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos Espanoles, 
torn. i. , pp. 625-639. 

1 " The declaration of Innocent III. that the entire Jewish nation was destined 
by God, on account of its sins, to perpetual slavery, was the Magna Charta, con- 
tinually appealed to by those who coveted the possessions of the Jews, and the 
earnings of their industry." Dollinger, Studies, trans. Miss Warre, 1890, p. 219. 


the action of Torquemada was no doubt calculated to affect 
the superstitious mind of Isabella, and even the colder spirit 
of Ferdinand. 

Whatever may have been the scruples of the Spanish sove- 
reigns, the fanaticism of the Spanish people had been at this 
critical juncture stirred up to an unusual pitch of fury by the 
proceedings and the reports of the Holy Office in a case which 
has attracted an amount of attention so entirely disproportionate 
to its apparent importance that it merits something more than a 
passing notice. 1 

In June, 1490, a converted Jew of the name of Benito 
Garcia, on his way back from a pilgrimage to Compostella, was 
waylaid and robbed near Astorga, by some of the Christian 
inhabitants. A Jew, converted or otherwise, was a legitimate 
object of plunder. The contents of his knapsack not being 
entirely satisfactory, and the ecclesiastical authorities sniffing 
sacrilege in what was supposed to be a piece of the consecrated 
wafer, Garcia, and not the robbers, was arrested, subjected 
to incredible tortures, and finally handed over to the local in- 

His case was heard with that of other conversos ; first at 
Segovia and afterwards at Avila. Tortures were repeated. Spies 
were introduced in various guises and disguises, but no confession 
could be extorted. 

At length, after a year and a half of such practices, the 
endurance of one of the accused gave way the dreadful story 
affords some slight notion of the methods of the Inquisition 
and the unhappy man invented a tale in accordance with what 
was demanded of him ; the crucifixion of a Christian child ; the 
tearing out of his heart, the theft of the Host from a Christian 
church, and a magical incantation over the dreadful elements, 
directed against Christianity, and more particularly against the 
Holy Office. The tribunal having been thus satisfied of the 
guilt of the accused, a solemn Auto de F& was held at Avila, on 
the 16th of November, 1491, when two of the convicts were 
torn to death with red-hot pincers ; three who had been more 
mercifully permitted to die under the preliminary tortures, were 
burnt in effigy ; while the remaining prisoners were visited only 
with the slight punishment of strangulation before their con- 
signment to the inevitable fire. That no boy, with or without a 

1 See Hist. Review, 1889. Boletin de la Real Acad. de Historia, volumes 
for July to September, 1887. 


heart, could be found or invented, by the most rigorous exami- 
nation ; that no Christian child had disappeared from the neigh- 
bourhood of the unhappy Jews at the time of their arrest this 
surprised no one. In matters of faith such evidences were 
wholly superfluous. Securajudicat Ecclesia. 

That these poor Hebrews should have suffered torture and 
death for an imaginary sacrilege upon the person of an imaginary 
boy, was indeed a thing by no means unexampled in the history 
of religious fanaticism. 1 But the sequel is certainly extra- 
ordinary. With a view of exciting the indignation of the 
sovereigns and of the people against the Jews at an important 
moment, Torquemada devoted much attention to the publication 
throughout Spain of the dreadful story of the murdered boy, 
the Nino of La Guardia, the village where the crime is supposed 
to have taken place. As to the name of the victim the autho- 
rities did not agree. Some maintained that it was Christopher, 
while others declared for John. But the recital of the awful 
wickedness of the Jews lost none of its force by adverse criticism. 
The legend spread from altar to altar throughout the country. 
The Nino de la Guardia at once became a popular hero, in course 
of time a popular saint ; miracles were freely worked upon the 
spot where his remains had not been found, and something over 
a century later (l6l3) his canonisation was demanded of Rome. 2 

His remains, it was asserted by Francisco de Quevedo, could 
not be found on earth, only because his body as well as his soul 
had been miraculously carried up to heaven, where it was the 
most powerful advocate and protector of the Spanish monarchy. 
The story, moreover, has been twice dramatised once by Lope 
de Vega and no less than three admiring biographies of this 
imaginary martyr have been published in Spain within the last 
forty years of this nineteenth century. 3 

1 Strange as it may seem, this belief that Jews torture and murder Christian 
children has not even yet quite died put from rural Spain. Only a few years ago 
great excitement was caused in the kingdom of Valencia by the fear that Christian 
children were caught and killed in order that their fat might be used to anoint the 
telegraph wires, then being erected. The English especially were suspected of this 
crime. H. 

^ The Holy See, indeed, with great wisdom, appears never to have formally 
admitted his claims; though it is said to have permitted indulgences, plenary or 
partial, to be granted to those who visited his churches and altars ; and he is 
regularly styled Santo in the Papal Briefs. See Martinez Moreno, 10, 16, 101, 
106, 109. 

3 The biographies referred to are those of Martin Martinez Moreno, 1785 ; 
Paulino Herrera, 1853 ; Moreno, reprinted, 1866 ; and Felipe Garcia, 1883. 

Cf. Fidel Fita, BoUtin, xi., 112, 156; Eng. Hist. Review, ubi supra; H. C. 


At length from conquered Granada, on the 30th of March, 
1492, the dreadful edict went forth. By the 30th of July not a 
Jew was to be left alive in Spain. Sisenand, indeed, 900 years 
before, had promulgated such an edict. But the Visigoth had 
been too tender-hearted to enforce it. Isabella, whose gentle- 
ness and goodness historians are never tired of applauding, was 
influenced by no such considerations, and the sentence was 
carried out to the letter. With a cruel irony, the banished 
people were permitted to sell their property, yet forbidden to 
carry the money out of the kingdom, a provision which has 
obtained the warm approval of more than one modern Spanish 
historian, by whom it is accepted as a conclusive proof that this 
wholesale depopulation did not and could not diminish the 
wealth of Spain ! 

Thus 200,000 Spaniards, men, women and children of tender 
years, rich and poor, men of refinement and of position, ladies 
reared in luxury, the aged, the sick, the infirm, all were in- 
cluded in one common destruction, and were driven, stripped of 
everything, from their peaceful homes, to die on their way to 
some less savage country. For the sentence was carried out 
with the most relentless ferocity. Every road to the coast, we 
read, was thronged with the unhappy fugitives, struggling to 
carry off some shred of their ruined homes. To succour them 
was death ; to pillage them was piety. At every seaport, rapa- 
cious shipmasters exacted from the defenceless travellers the 
greater part of their remaining possessions, as the price of a 
passage to some neighbouring coast ; and in many cases the 
passenger was tossed overboard ere the voyage was completed, 
and his goods confiscated to the crew. A rumour having got 
abroad that the fugitives were in the habit of swallowing jewels 
and gold pieces in order to evade the royal decree, thousands of 
unhappy beings were ripped up by the greedy knife of the 
enemy, on land or sea, on the chance of discovering in their 
mutilated remains some little store of treasure. 

And thus, north, south, east and west, the Jews straggled 
and struggled over Spain ; and undeterred by the manifold 
terrors of the sea, a vast multitude of exiles, whose homes in 

Lea, Chapters on the Religious Hist, of Spain, 1890, Appendix. A mass of 
references are cited by Mr. H. C. Lea in this most interesting work, more 
especially on pp. 437-468, as to the universality of the belief, in the Middle Ages, 
that the Jews were in the habit of crucifying Christian children, and committing 
sacrilege in a thousand cruel, fantastic and disgusting ways, to the detriment of 
the Christian religion. 


Spain once lay in sunny Andalusia, sought and found an uncer- 
tain abiding place in neighbouring Africa. 1 

Of all Christian countries, it was in neighbouring Portugal 
that the greatest number of the exiles found refuge and shelter ; 
until after five brief years of peace and comparative prosperity, 
the heavy hand of Castilian intolerance once more descended 
upon them, and they were driven out of the country, at the 
bidding of Isabella and her too dutiful daughter, the hope of 
Portugal and of Castile. 2 

But to every country in Europe the footsteps of some of the 
sufferers were directed. Not a few were permitted to abide in 
Italy and southern France ; some of the most distinguished 
found a haven in England ; many were fortunate enough to 
reach the Ottoman dominions, where, under the tolerant 
government of the Turk, they lived and prospered, and where 
their descendants, at many of the more important sea-ports of 
the Levant, are still found to speak a perversion of the Castilian 
of their forefathers. 3 

1<( The number of Jews expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella is," 
says Prescott, " variously computed at from 160,000 to 800,000 souls." Ferdinand 
and Isabella, vol. i., cap. xvii. After a careful comparison of the various contem- 
porary authorities, I have set down a figure which is I trust approximately accurate, 
but which certainly does not err on the side of exaggeration. The orthodox 
Mariana (lib. xxvi., ch. i. ) gives the numbers at 170,000 households (casas) or say 
700,000 or 800,000 souls. And it is not easy to see why he should have exaggerated 
the horrors of the expulsion, even though he considered the edict as deserving of 
our admiration. Prescott, indeed, adopts the lowest estimate mat he has recorded. 
But his arguments do not appear to me by any means convincing. See Ferdinand 
and Isabella, vol. i. , cap. xvii., text, and note 14. Nor is the testimony of an 
apostate Rabbi, as recorded by Father Bernaldez, by any means conclusive, even if 
it is fairly acceptable evidence. 

As to the disastrous political results of the expulsion of the Jews upon the 
fortunes not only of Spain but of America, see a very excellent chapter in Graetz, 
Hist, of Jews, ed. Lowy, vol. iv. (A.D. 1270 to 1648), cap. xl. On page 378 he 
computes the number of the exiles at 300,000. For the history of Jews in Spain 
from A.D. 500 to 1270, the third volume of Graetz's work may be advantageously 

2 Twenty thousand families, or say 100,000 Jews, are said to have entered 
Portugal in 1492, on payment of a tax of eight cruzados each to John II. 
Armourers and smiths were to pay four cruzados only. Lindo, 321-2. As to the 
dreadful results of King Emmanuel's decree, see ibid. , 323-331. 

3 Bernaldez, Reyes Catdlicos, cap. ex., cxi. , cxiii. And as to Jews in Fez, ibid., 
cap. cxiv. It is not generally known that the 80,000 Jews who now form the 
majority, and practically control the affairs of the great Turkish city of Salonica, 
claim to be descended from the Spanish Jews driven out by Ferdinand, and 
permitted to settle here, with reasonable privileges, by the more liberal-minded 
Sultan. They remain a singular population, of a type not to be found elsewhere 
among Jews. The men, especially, are very tall and handsome, and dress in a 
fine costume, of which a long cloak, worn open, and lined with fur, is a striking 
feature. They still use Spanish as their everyday language, and print two or more 


That the edict of banishment was meant to be, as it so 
constantly was, a doom of death, and not merely a removal 
of heretics, is clear from the action of the Spanish sovereigns, 
who, at the instigation of Torquemada, procured from the 
pliant Innocent VIII. a Bull enjoining the authorities of every 
country in Christian Europe to arrest and send back to Spain all 
fugitive Jews under penalty of the Greater Excommunication. 1 

More than once, indeed, the demand for extradition was 
made. But save in the case of the Portuguese Jews, on the 
second marriage of the Princess Isabella to the reigning 
sovereign of that country, no foreign prince appears to have " 
paid any heed to this savage edict. Nor was it, as a rule, of 
any material advantage, either at Rome or at Seville, that it 
should be put in force. 

Avarice was perhaps the besetting sin of Rome in the 
fifteenth century ; nor was bigotry unknown throughout western 
Europe. But in Spain, as the century drew to a close, avarice 
and bigotry joined hand in hand, and flourished under royal and 
noble patronage, preached by religion, practised by policy, and 
applauded by patriotism. It was not strange that, under such 
teaching, the people of Castile should have rapidly become 
demoralised, and that the great race should have begun to 
develop that sordid and self-satisfied savagery which disgraced 
the name of the Spaniard, in the heartless and short-sighted 
plunder of the new world that lay before him. 

Yet in all human affairs there is something that too often 
escapes our observation, to explain, if not to excuse, what may 
seem the most dreadful aberrations of the better nature of man. 
And it may be that the uncompromising religious spirit, which 
has had so enormous an influence for evil and for good upon the 
Spanish people, is to some extent the result of their Semitic 
environment of 800 years. 

Religious controversy indeed, between rival branches of 

papers in Hebrew letters, but in the language they carried with them from the 
West. This dialect of Spanish probably possesses many archaic features worthy 
of study. Cf. ante, vol. i. , p. 

For this very interesting note I am indebted to my friend Dr. Mahaffy. (I can 
confirm this note from my personal observation. I have devoted some attention 
to the Spanish dialect of the Constantinople Jews, and have found the subject of 
the utmost philological interest. H.) 

1 See Bull of 3rd April, 1487 ; and Llorente, i. ,8. At a meeting of the Consejo 
ofVittoria, lothjune, 1493, it is recorded " that there is a great scarcity of physicians 
owing to the departure of the Jews". The Jew physicians were actually requested 
by the municipality in other places to remain, lest there should be no medical assist- 
ance at the disposal of the inhabitants. Lindo, ubi supra, 300. 
VOL. II. 9 


the Christian Church in the days of the Visigoths, developed 
religious animosities before the first Moslem landed at Tarifa ; 
yet the Arab and the Moor, fired with the enthusiasm of a new 
and living faith, brought into their daily life in Spain, in peace 
and in war, a deep and all-pervading religious spirit an active 
recognition of the constant presence of one true God un- 
known to the Roman or the Visigoth, which must have had an 
enormous influence upon the grave and serious Spaniards who 
lived under the rule of the Arab. 

Nor was the Moslem the only factor in this mediaeval 
* development. In no other country in Europe was the Jew, 
as we have seen, more largely represented, and more powerful, 
for the first fifteen centuries of our era, than in Spain, whether 
under Christian or Moslem masters. But the direct and simple 
monotheism of the Hebrew and the Arab, while it had so great 
a direct influence upon Spanish Christianity, provoked, as part 
of the natural antagonism to the methods of the rival and the 
enemy, the counter development of an excessive Hagiolatry, 
Mariolatry and Sacerdotalism, just as the scrupulous cleanliness 
of the Moslem reacted and caused the ostentatious filth of the 
Spanish Christian devotees. 

It would be strange enough if the religious fervour which 
doomed to death and torment so many tens of thousands of 
Semites in Spain, should be itself of Semitic suggestion. It is 
hardly less strange that the Greek Renaissance, which revolu- 
tionised the Christian world, and whose anti-Semitic influence 
to the present day is nowhere more marked than in every 
department of religious thought, should by the irony of fate 
have been forestalled by a writer at once Spanish and Semitic ; l 
and when, by the sixteenth century, the rest of modern Europe 
had been led by the teaching of Averroes to accept the philo- 
sophy of Aristotle, Spain, the earliest home of Hellenism, 
new born in Europe, had already turned again to a religious 
Philistinism or Phariseeism of the hardest and most uncom- 
promising type, Semitic in its thoroughness, Greek only in its 
elaborate accessories, and Spanish in its uncompromising vigour. 

Thus it was that the Arab and the Jew, parents, in some 
sense, of the religious spirit of Ximenez and of Torquemada, 
became themselves the objects of persecution more bitter than 
is to be found in the annals of any other European nation. The 
rigours of the Spanish Inquisition, and the policy that inspired 

1 Ante, vol. i., chapter xix. 


and justified it, are not to be fully explained by the rapacity of 
Ferdinand, the bigotry of Isabella, the ambition of Ximenez, 
or the cruelty of Torquemada. They were in a manner the 
rebellion or outbreak of the old Semitic spirit against the 
Semite, the ignorant jealousy of the wayward disciple against 
the master whose teaching has been but imperfectly and 
unintelligently assimilated perverted, distorted, and depraved 
by the human or devilish element which is to be found in all 
religions, and which seems ever striving to destroy the better, 
and to develop the worser part of the spiritual nature of man. * 




WE now enter upon a period of European history which is but 
feebly characterised by the term interesting, and which has 
been too accurately chronicled, and too severely investigated 
to be called romantic ; when a well-founded jealousy, or fear 
of the growing power of France, alone supplies the key to 
the ever-changing foreign policy of the sovereigns of Spain. 
Genuine state papers of the fifteenth century are by no means 
numerous. In such of them, however, as are still extant, we 
find the fear expressed over and over again that the kings of 
France would render themselves " masters of the world," would 
" establish a universal empire," or " subject the whole of 
Christendom to their dictation". 1 The best means to avert such 
a danger appeared to contemporary statesmen to be the founda- 
tion of another European state as a counterpoise. Ferdinand 
the Catholic, ambitious, diplomatic and capable, was the first 
prince who undertook the enterprise. 

Within less than three years after the Inquisition had been 
established at Seville, Louis XI. of France, the old rival and 
colleague of John II. of Aragon, had died in Paris, 30th August, 
1483. He was succeeded by his son Charles VIII., a young 
prince whose ignorance was only equalled by his vanity, and 
was if possible exceeded by his presumption. With such an 
antagonist, Ferdinand of Aragon was well fitted to deal, with 
advantage to himself and to Spain. To win over the Duchess 
of Bourbon, who had virtually succeeded to the Government 
of France on the death of Louis XL, and to marry his eldest 
daughter Isabella to the young king Charles VIII. were 
accordingly the first objects of his negotiations. But in spite 

1 Calendar of State Papers (Spain), vol. ii. , Introduction, p. 99. 


of all the flattery lavished on the duchess, Ferdinand did not 
succeed in obtaining tlie crown for the Infanta. 1 A more richly 
dowered bride was destined for the King of France, to whom 
the acquisition of the province of Brittany was of far greater 
importance than the doubtful friendship of Spain ; and after 
much public and private negotiation, the Spanish ambassador 
was reluctantly withdrawn from Paris in the summer of 1487 
(29th of July). 

Disappointed in his dealing with the court of France, the 
ever watchful and persistent Ferdinand turned his eyes to 
England ; and in the last days of the year 1487, an ambassador 
from the Spanish sovereigns, Roderigo de Puebla, Doctor of 
Canon and Civil law, arrived at the court of London. Henry 
VII. who greatly desired to establish a closer alliance with 
Spain, succeeded in flattering the new envoy, and rendering him 
almost from the first subservient to his personal interests. Yet 
the King of England and the Spanish ambassador together, were 
no match for Ferdinand of Aragon. The negotiations between 
the sovereigns were prolonged for two years, and in the end 
Henry was worsted at every point. He had signed a treaty of 
offensive alliance with Spain against France, with which power 
he wisely desired to maintain friendly relations, and he had 
been prevailed upon to send some English troops into Brittany 
to co-operate with a Spanish contingent which never arrived, in 
the expulsion of the French from that country. He had con- 
cluded further treaties of friendship and alliance with the King 
of the Romans, who was actually encouraging Perkin Warbeck 
to assert his claim to the crown of England, and with the Arch- 
duke Philip, whom he personally and independently hated. 
And he had been forced to content himself with the promise 
of a very modest dowry with the Spanish princess who was 
affianced to his son Arthur, Prince of Wales. 2 

Relatively too, as well as positively, he had been falsely 
borne in hand. Maximilian, who had been no less ready than 
Henry with his promises to Ferdinand, did not send a single 
soldier into Brittany, but endeavoured to overreach Henry, 
Charles, and Ferdinand by a hasty marriage by proxy with 
the young Duchess of Brittany without the consent or know- 
ledge of either England or Spain. Yet this diplomatic victory 
over the very astute Englishman did not satisfy Ferdinand and 

1 Arch. gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Barcelona, MS. Reg. 3686, fol. 92, 93. 
3 Calendar of State Papers (Spain), i., pp. 77-79. 


Isabella, who, fearful less they should "become the victims of 
their honesty " if they permitted Maximilian to surpass them in 
political perfidy, immediately renewed secret negotiations with 
France, and declared themselves ready to abandon the king, the 
duchess and the emperor. Charles, they promised, should obtain 
what he wished, without risking the life of a single soldier, if 
only he would marry a Spanish Infanta. And they offered 
him, not Isabella their eldest born, but their second daughter 
Joanna. 1 

Charles however had other views, and finding no cohesion or 
certainty in Ferdinand's league against him, strengthened his 
cause and his kingdom by marrying the Duchess Anne of 
Brittany himself, and uniting her hereditary dominions for ever 
to the crown of France, a fair stroke of policy for a foolish 
sovereign in the midst of crafty and unscrupulous adversaries. 
(13th December, 1491). 

Ferdinand replied by calling on Henry VII. to fulfil his 
engagements and invade France. Henry accordingly on the 1st 
of October, 1492, landed an army at Calais, and marched on 
Boulogne ; while Ferdinand, without striking a blow either for 
Spain or for England, took advantage of the English expedition 
to extort from the fears and folly of Charles VIII. the favourable 
conditions of peace and alliance that were embodied in the 
celebrated convention which was signed at Barcelona, on the 
19th of January, 1493. By this instrument 2 it was provided 
that each of the high contracting parties should mutually aid 
each other against all enemies, the Vicar of Christ alone excepted, 
that the Spanish sovereigns should not enter into an alliance 
with any other power to the prejudice of the interests of 
France, and finally, that the coveted provinces of Roussillon and 
Cerdagne, whose recovery had long been one of the chief 

^Archives de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3686, fol. 101 and 104. Bergenroth, 
Cal. State Papers, i. , Introd. , 70, 71 and 78-80. 

2 See Dumont, Corps Universel, etc., torn. iii. , p. 297. Henry VII. on his 
part concluded a treaty of peace, at the urgent request of his Council, at Etaples, 
near Boulogne, on the 3rd of November, 1492. The negotiations for the recession 
of Roussillon and Cerdagne to Aragon, were at this time very actively pushed 
forward by Ferdinand. See Peter Martyr, Letter to Count of Tendilla, 4th October, 
1492. (Simancas) Calendar (Spain), vol. i.. No. 77. Cpmmines, Memoires, lib. 
viii., cap. xxiii. Roscoe, Leo X., i., cap. iii.; Prescott, ii. , pp. 15, 16 ; Gaillard, 
Rivaliti de la France et I'Espagne, torn, iv., p. n. There is a secret memoir in 
existence in which Ferdinand and Isabella confess that the cession of Roussillon 
and Cerdagne was partly the consequence of the expedition undertaken by Henry 
against Boulogne. Paris, Archives de I' Empire, ix. ; Negotiations (Espagne) K., 
1638. It need scarcely be said that this was constantly and indignantly denied at 
the time. 


objects of Ferdinand's ambition, should be immediately handed 
over to Aragon. 

The services of England being no longer needed by the 
Peninsular sovereigns, Ferdinand abruptly broke off" all further 
negotiations with Henry VII. ; the signatures of Ferdinand and 
Isabella to the treaty with England, which had already been 
ratified, were disposed of by the simple but effective expedient 
of cutting them out of the parchment with a pair of scissors ; : 
and the contract of marriage between Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
and the Infanta Catharine having served its immediate diplomatic 
purpose was removed, for the time being, 2 from the sphere of 
practical politics. 

It is sufficiently characteristic of both parties, that in the 
treaty of Barcelona, between Charles and Ferdinand, Naples, 
the true objective of the young King of France, was not even 
mentioned. Ferdinand, well content with the immediate ad- 
vantages obtained by the treaty, was by no means imposed upon 
by such vain reticence, while Charles, pluming himself upon the 
success of his diplomacy in his treaties with England, with 
France, and with the empire, looked forward to establishing 
himself without opposition on the throne of Naples, on his way 
to assume the Imperial purple at Constantinople. 3 

The kingdom of Naples, on the death of Alfonso the Mag- 
nanimous of Aragon, had passed, we have already seen, to his 
illegitimate son Ferdinand, who proved to be a tyrant of the 
worst Italian type, worthless, contemptible and uninteresting. 
To expel this hated monarch, for whom not one of his Neapolitan 
subjects would have been found to strike a blow in anger, seemed 
but a chivalrous and agreeable pastime to the vain and ignorant 
youth who had succeeded Louis XI. upon the throne of France. 
His more experienced neighbours indeed smiled with some satis- 
faction at his presumption. Yet, strange to say, the judgment 
of the vain and ignorant youth was just ; and the wise men, who 
ridiculed his statesmanship, and scoffed at his military ineptitude, 
were doomed to great and astounding disappointment. 

Before the French preparations for the invasion of Italy were 
fairly completed, in the early spring of 14-94, Ferdinand of 
Naples died, and was succeeded by his son Alfonso I., the 

1 Calendar, etc. , i. ; Introd. , Ixxiii. , and p. 24 ; treaty of 27th-28th March, 1489. 

2 From January, 1493, till October, 1497. 

8 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, i. , 31. He had purchased the Eastern 
Empire from Andrew Palaeologos, the nephew of the last crownless Constantino. 


cousin-german of Ferdinand of Aragon. This change of rulers 
altered in no way the wild schemes of Charles of France, nor, 
although the new King of Naples was far less odious than his 
father had been in his own dominions, did it make any important 
change in the condition of Italian politics. By the month of 
June, 1494, the French preparations were so far advanced that 
Charles judged it opportune to acquaint his Spanish allies with 
his designs on Naples, and to solicit their active co-operation in 
his undertaking. 

That Ferdinand should, under any possible circumstances, 
have been found to spend the blood and treasure of Spain in 
assisting any neighbour, stranger, or ally, in any enterprise, 
without direct advantage to himself, was a supposition entirely 
extravagant. But that he should assist a feather-headed French- 
man to dispossess a son of Aragon of a kingdom from which his 
own ancestors had thrice driven a French pretender, and where, 
if any change were to be made in the sovereignty, his own rights 
of succession were far superior to the shadowy claims derived 
from the hated Angevins : this was a thing so grotesquely pre- 
posterous, that it is hard to suppose that even Charles of France 
should have regarded it as being within the bounds of possibility. 
Ferdinand contented himself for the moment with expressions of 
astonishment, and offers of good advice, while Charles pushed 
forward his preparations for the invasion of Italy. Don Alfonso 
de Silva, despatched by the court of Spain as a special envoy, 
came up with the French army at Vienne on the Rhone, towards 
the end of June, 1494. But he was instructed rather to seek, 
than to convey, intelligence of any sort ; nor was it to be supposed 
that his grave remonstrances or his diplomatic warnings should 
have had much effect upon the movements of an army that was 
already on the march. 

In August, 1 494, 30,000 men, hastily equipped, yet well pro- 
vided with the new and dreadful weapon that was then first 
spoken of as a cannon, crossed the Alps, and prepared to fight 
their way to Naples. But no enemy appeared to oppose their 
progress. The various States of Italy, jealous of one another, 
if not actually at war, were unable or unwilling to combine 
against the invader ; 1 the roads were undefended ; the troops 
fled ; the citizens of the isolated cities opened their gates one 
after the other, at the approach of the strange and foreign 

1 Charles, indeed was already assured of the support of Sforza, Duke of Milan, 
the most powerful of the Italian sovereigns except the Pope. H. 


invader. The French army, in fine, after a leisurely promenade 
militaire through the heart of Italy, marched unopposed into 
Rome on the last day of the year 1494. 

Ferdinand and Isabella had, in the first instance, offered no 
serious opposition to the French enterprise, which appeared to 
them to be completely impracticable ; and they had awaited 
with diplomatic equanimity the apparently inevitable disaster, 
which, without the loss of a single Spanish soldier or the expendi- 
ture of a single maravedi, would at once have served all the 
purposes of Ferdinand, and permitted him to maintain his 
reputation for good will towards Charles, which might have been 
useful in future negotiations. 1 The astonishing success of the 
French invasion took the Spanish sovereigns completely by 
surprise, and it became necessary for Ferdinand to adopt, with- 
out haste, but with prudent promptitude, a new policy, at once 
towards France and towards the various parties in Italy. 

1 This chapter is very largely based upon the letters and State papers discovered 
at Simancas by Bergenroth, and published in the Calendar of State Papers (Spain), 
vol. ii., and Supplement. 



I. Alexander VI. 

THE boldest and the most capable of all the sovereigns of Italy, 
in these trying times, was the Spanish Pontiff, who by a singular 
fate has been made, as it were, the whipping boy for the wicked- 
ness of nineteen centuries of Popes at Rome, and who is known 
to every schoolboy and every scribbler as the infamous Alexander 
VI. Roderic Lenzuoli, or Llangol, was the son of a wealthy 
Valencian gentleman, by Juana a sister of the more distinguished 
Alfonso Borja, bishop of his native city of Valencia. 1 

Born at Valencia about 1431, Roderic gave evidence from 
his earliest years of a remarkable strength of character, and 
of uncommon intellectual powers. While still a youth, he won 
fame and fortune as an advocate. But his impatient nature 
chafed at the moderate restraint of a lawyer's gown ; and he 
was on the point of adopting a military career, when the election 
of his uncle to the supreme Pontificate as Calixtus III. in 1455, 
opened for him the way to a more glorious future. At the in- 
stance of the new Pope, Roderic adopted his mother's name, in 
the Italian form already so well known and distinguished at the 
court of Rome, and taking with him his beautiful mistress Rosa 
Vanozza, 2 whose mother he had formerly seduced, he turned his 
back upon his native Valencia, and sought the fortune that 
awaited him at the capital of the world. 

1 Burchard, Journal (Florence), 1854 ; Alexander Gordon, Life of Alexander 
and Ccesar Borgia (1729) ; Mass6, Hist, du Pape Alex. VJ. (Paris, 1830) ; Gieseler, 
Church History, iii. , 133. H. C. Lea, Hist, of Sacerdotal Celibacy. Valencia was 
made an Archbishopric only in 1458. 

2 This Rosa is said by some authorities to have been a friend of somewhat 
later date. In any case she survived Roderic, and adopted his Italian name of 
Borgia. Reumont, Bd. iii., pp. 202-3 ! Bower, Lives of the Popes, vii., 328. 


Unusually handsome in his person, vigorous in mind and 
body, masterful, clever, eloquent, unscrupulous, absolutely re- 
gardless of all laws, human or divine, in the gratification of 
his passions, and the accomplishment of his designs, Roderic, 
the Pope's nephew, was a man made for success in the society 
in which he was to find himself at Rome. On his arrival at 
the Papal court in 1456 he was received with great kindness by 
his uncle, and was soon created Archbishop of Valencia, Cardinal 
of St. Nicholas in Carcere Tulliano, and Vice-Chancellor of the 
Holy Roman Church. On the death of Calixtus, in 1458, the 
Cardinal Roderic Borgia sank into comparative insignificance ; 
and during the reigns of Pius II., Paul II., Sixtus IV. and 
Innocent VIII. we hear little of him but that he was distin- 
guished for his amours, for his liberality in the disposal of his 
fortune, and for his attention to public business. Having thus 
secured the goodwill of many of the cardinals and the affection 
of the Roman people, he had no difficulty, on the death of Inno- 
cent VIII. in July, 1492, in making a bargain with a majority 
of the members of the Sacred College, in accordance with which 
he was elected Pope, and took the title of Alexander VI. on the 
26th August, 1492. 

His election was received by the Roman people with the 
utmost satisfaction, and celebrated with all possible demon- 
strations of joy. 1 His transcendent abilities and his reckless 
methods could not fail to render him obnoxious to his companions 
and his rivals in Italy ; but it is due rather to his foreign origin, 
his Valencian independence of character, and above all his inso- 
lent avoidance of hypocrisy in the affairs of his private life, that 
he has been made a kind of ecclesiastical and Papal scapegoat, 
a Churchman upon whose enormous vices Protestant controver- 
sialists are never tired of dilating, and whose private wickedness 
is ingenuously admitted by Catholic apologists as valuable for 
the purposes of casuistic illustration, as the one instance of a 
divinely infallible judge whose human nature yet remained 
mysteriously impure, and whose personal or individual actions 
may be admitted to have been objectively blameable. 

To measure the relative depths of human infamy is an impos- 
sible as well as an ungrateful task. It is not given to mortals 
to know the secrets of the heart. But bad as Alexander un- 
doubtedly was, he was possibly no worse than many of his 
contemporaries in the Consistory, less wicked than some of his 
predecessors at the Vatican. The guilt of greater and more 

1 Bower, Lives of the Popes, vii., 332. 


vigorous natures passes for superlative infamy with the crowd ; 1 
but when dispassionately compared with that of his immediate 
predecessors, Sixtus IV. 2 and Innocent VIII., 3 the character of 
Alexander VI. is in almost every respect less flagitious and more 

So unblushing was the venality of the Holy See in the 
fifteenth century, 4 that sacred dialecticians and jurists of high 

1 Ranke (Hist, of the Popes, Introduct., chapter ii.) speaks of the "utmost vigour 
and singular success with which Alexander VI. acted of deliberate purpose" in 
the aggrandisement of the temporal power of the Papacy, an idea followed out 
with less subtilty but scarcely less vigour by his successor Julius II., the man who 
" wanted to be lord and master of the game of the world ". Venetian MS., apud 
Ranke, ubl supra. 

2 The death of Sixtus IV. was received in Rome with a paean of joy, and we 
are told that men were less aftected at his open sale of benefices to the highest 
bidder, and at his other devices for extorting money, than at the manner in which 
he rewarded the objects of his unnatural lust, by granting to them rich bishoprics 
and archbishoprics. Lea, History of the Inquisition, iii., 639-40, and authorities 

3 Innocent VIII. took bribes, not only, as usual, from the Christians, penitents 
and potentates, but even from Bajazet II., the Grand Signor of Islam ; and at the 
price of an annual subsidy from the Turk, of 40,000 golden crowns, and a Christian 
relic of inestimable value, he detained in a Roman prison Zem, the Sultan's brother 
and rival, who was burning to send an army against Constantinople for the 
advancement of Christianity. Bower, Innocent VIII. (1489). 

A pun on the name and notorious immorality of Innocent VIII. is contained 
in the contemporary epigram : 

Octo, totidemque puellas 
Hunc merito poterit dicere Roma patrem. 
Oswald Reichel, The See of Rome, etc., p. 529, Bayle, Dlctionnaire. 

4 Nor was the enormous wickedness of the ecclesiastics at Rome by any means 
confined to the fifteenth century. Nothing can well be conceived more terrible 
than the account of the corruption and avarice of the Holy See in the fourteenth 
century, by Cardinal Matthew of Cracow ; De Squaloribus Romance Curia. See 
also Lea, op. cit., iii., 626, 630, and authorities cited. The cardinal died in 1411. 
Even more startling are the revelations of St. Brigitta of Sweden, who died in 
1373, and was canonised in 1391 by Boniface IX. Nothing, says Mr. Lea, that 
Wycliffe or Huss could say of the depravity of the clergy could exceed the bitterness 
of her supremely orthodox denunciations. Lea, iii., 635-6. 

One of the first acts of John XXII. on his accession (in 1317) was to cause a 
private enemy, no Jew, but a Catholic bishop, Hugues S6rold, Bishop of Cahors, 
to be flayed alive and burned at the stake in Avignon. Seventy years later, the 
scene having shifted to Rome, Urban VI., in 1385, caused six cardinals, who had 
offended him, to be seized as they left the Consistory, and subjected to the most 
horrible torture in the castle of Nocera. ' ' When it came to the turn of the 
Cardinal of Venice, Urban entrusted the work to an ancient pirate whom he had 
created Prior of the Order of St. John of Sicily, with instructions to apply the 
torture till the howls of the victim should reach his eager ears. The torture was 
continued in various forms during the whole day, while the Holy Father paced the 
garden under the window of the torture chamber, reading his Breviary aloud, so 
that the sound of his voice might remind the executioner of the presence of his 
chief." Lea, i., 558. Yet the cruelties perpetrated by Clement VI., anti-Pope 
and rival of Urban, were if anything more enormous. Lea, i. , 558-9, and 
authorities cited. 


authority were found seriously to argue that the Pope was not 
subjectively capable of committing the offence of Simony. 1 It 
might have been contended with equal justice, that in every 
other respect he was at once above, or outside, the scope of the 
entire moral law. 

From the death of Benedict XL, in 1303, to the death of 
Alexander VI., in 1503, the night was dark before the inevitable 
dawn ; and in every phase of human depravity, in every develop- 
ment of human turpitude, in arrogance, in venality, in cruelty, 
in licentiousness, mediaeval Popes may be found pre-eminent 
among contemporary potentates. Thus, if the wickedness of 
Alexander was extravagant, it was by no means unparalleled, 
even among the Popes of a single century. His cruelty was no 
greater than that of Urban VI. or of Clement VII., or of John 
XXII. His immorality was, at least, more human than that of 
Paul II. and of Sixtus IV., nor were his amours more scandalous 
than those of Innocent VIII. His sacrilege was less dreadful 
than that of Sixtus IV. 2 His covetousness could hardly have 
exceeded that of Boniface IX. ; his arrogance was less offensive 
than that of Boniface VIII. If he was unduly subservient to 
Ferdinand and Isabella in his toleration of the enormities of 
Torquemada, his necessities as an Italian sovereign rendered the 
Spanish alliance a matter of capital importance. As a civil 
potentate and as a politician, he was not only wiser, but far 
less corrupt than Sforza, less rapacious than Ferdinand, more 
constant than Maximilian of Germany, less reckless than 
Charles of France. His administrative ability, his financial 
enlightenment, his energy as regards public works, were no 
less remarkable than his personal liberality, his affability, and 
his courage. His division of the New World by a stroke of 
the pen was an assumption of Imperial power which was at 
least justified by the magnitude of its success. As he sat 
in his palace on the Mons Vaticanus, he was the successor, 
not of Caligula, but of Tiberius not of Commodus, but of 

1 Boniface IX. when in want of money to pay his troops, and defray the cost 
of his vast buildings in 1399, suddenly deposed an immense number of unoffending 
prelates, or translated them to titular sees ; and then and there sold to the highest 
bidder the bishoprics thus vacated. Lea, History of the Inquisition, etc., vol. iii. , 

2 As to the attempted assassination of Giuliano de Medici by order of Sixtus 
IV. in the church of the Reparata, at Florence (a6th April, 1478), at the moment 
of the elevation of the host, see Roscoe, Lorenxo de Medici (Bohn's ed., 1851), 
138-146, and Bower, Sixtus IV. (1476-7). 


Of the misfortunes of his eldest son, created by Ferdinand 
Duke of Gandia ; of the wickedness of his second son, the 
fifteenth century Caesar, who succeeded his father as Cardinal 
Archbishop of Valencia ; of the profligacy of his daughter, so 
unhappily named Lucretia ; of the marriage of his youngest son 
Geoffrey to a daughter of Alfonso of Naples, as a part of the 
treaty of alliance between the kingdom of the two Sicilies and 
the states of the Church, in 1494 ; of the alliance between 
Alexander and Bajazet, and the poisoning of the Sultan's brother, 
Zem, after thirteen years' captivity, on receipt of an appropriate 
fee ; of the elevation of a facile envoy to the full rank of cardinal, 
to please the Grand Turk ; of all these things nothing need be 
said in this place. 1 

We are more immediately concerned to know that on New 
Year's Day, 1495, Pope Alexander VI., a refugee, if not actually 
a prisoner, in the castle of St. Angelo, 2 was fain to accept the 
terms that were imposed upon him by the victorious Frenchmen 
masters for the nonce of Italy and of Rome. 

II. Charles VIII. in Italy. 

As Charles VIII. was marching through Italy, and was 
approaching, all unopposed, the sacred city of Rome, Alexander 
VI., anxious at all hazards to obtain the assistance of his 
countrymen in the hour of danger, had sent an envoy to the 
Spanish court representing the critical state of affairs in Italy, 
assuring the king and queen of his constant good will, in spite 
of certain disputes as to the Papal authority in Spain, and 
conveying to them, with other less substantial favours, the 
renewed grant of the Tercias, or two-ninths of the tithes 
throughout all the dominions of Castile, an impost which until 
the middle of the present century formed a part of the revenues 
of the Spanish monarchy. He also conceded to the Spanish 

1 Ut facial ipsum Cardinalum perfectum, Bower, fourth ed., vii., 338. The 
price of blood is said to have been 300,000 Turkish ducats. 

2 An excellent life of Pope Alexander VI. and of his son Caesar Borgia is that 
written in English by Alexander Gordon, one vol., folio, 1729, and afterwards 
translated into French. The details of the Pope's death by poison intended for 
some cardinal whom he desired to get rid of, is one of the best known of the many 
wicked incidents of his life, and will be found recorded in full detail in Guicciardini 
as well as by Bembo and Platina. But the incident is usually considered by modern 
critics as wholly fictitious. See an interesting article in Blackwood's Magazine, 
December, 1893. 


crown the right of dominion over the whole of Northern Africa, 
except Fez, which had been given to the King of Portugal. 1 

A projected marriage between the Duke of Calabria, eldest 
son of the King of Naples, and the Infanta Maria, daughter of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, served to give the King of Spain an 
opportunity for negotiating with the Neapolitan court ; and 
Ferdinand at the same time despatched the celebrated Garcilaso 
de la Vega as his ambassador, with instructions to return the 
most comforting assurances to the Pope at Rome. Yet he 
refrained from making any definite promises, or from committing 
himself to any definite policy. He was not a man to do 
anything rashly ; and he preferred to await the course of events. 
Meanwhile, having sent a second mission from Guadalajara to the 
French court or camp, with good advice for his young friend 
and ally Charles VIII., Ferdinand betook himself with Isabella 
to Madrid, where the Spanish sovereigns devoted themselves to 
the preparation and equipment of an army to be despatched at 
an opportune moment to any part of Italy where subsequent 
events might render its presence necessary. As, for various 
reasons, it was impossible that either Ferdinand or Isabella 
should accompany their army abroad, it became necessary to 
select a general. Among all the skilful leaders and gallant 
knights who had signalised themselves in the wars of Granada, 
it was somewhat difficult to decide upon a commander. But 
Isabella had never lost sight of Gonsalvo de Cordova, in whom 
she discerned traces of rare military talent ; and from the 
moment the Sicilian expedition was planned, she determined 
that he should be Captain-General of the royal forces. The 
greater experience and apparently superior claims of many who 
had distinguished themselves in battle against the Moors were 
urged by Ferdinand without avail. The command was given to 
Gonsalvo de Cordova. 

But while the Spanish fleet, under the gallant Count of 
Trivento, was riding at anchor at Alicante, and Gonsalvo was 
preparing to embark his army on board the ships in that har- 
bour, the Spanish sovereigns despatched a final embassy to 
Charles in Italy. On the 28th of January, 1495, as the king 
was leaving Rome on his way towards Naples, the ambassadors, 
Juan de Albion and Antonio de Fonseca arrived at the Vatican. 
They found Pope Alexander smarting under the humiliation of 

1 A right which was practically asserted less than a dozen years later by Car- 
dinal Ximenes (1509). 


his recent treaty with the invader, 1 and willing to assist them 
in any scheme for his discomfiture. They accordingly followed 
the French army with all speed, overtook it within a few miles 
of Rome, and immediately demanded an audience of Charles, 
even before his troops had come to a halt. They delivered up 
to him their credentials as he was riding along, and peremptorily 
required him to proceed no further towards Naples. The 
haughty tone of the Spaniards, as may be supposed, excited the 
greatest indignation in the breast of Charles and those who 
surrounded him; high words arose on both sides, and finally 
Fonseca, giving way to a simulated transport of rage, produced 
a copy of the once prized treaty of Barcelona, tore it to pieces, 
and threw down the fragments at Charles' feet. Paolo Giovo 
seems to think that this violent and unjustifiable conduct on the 
part of the Spanish ambassador was entirely unpremeditated ; 
but it is certain that the whole scene had been preconcerted 
with either Ferdinand or the Pope. Zurita and the other 
chroniclers are silent on the point, but Peter Martyr in one of 
his letters 2 affirms that the mutilation of the treaty in Charles' 
presence was included in the secret instructions given to 
Fonseca by Ferdinand. 

The envoys, as was expected, were promptly ordered to quit 
the French camp ; and retiring with all speed to Rome, they 
hastened to transmit to Spain the earliest intelligence of the 
success of their mission. They were also permitted to inform 
their sovereigns of the new honour that had been conferred 
upon them by His Holiness Alexander VI., in the shape of the 
grant to them and to their heirs for ever on the throne of Spain 
of the title of Catholic Kings. z 

Meanwhile Charles VIII. had reached Naples, which had at 
once opened its gates to the invaders, and the Castel Nuovo 
and the Castel d'Uovo were reduced to submission by their well 
served artillery. King Alfonso abdicated the crown, and 

iThe treaty that had been forced upon Pope Alexander VI. had included 
provisions to the effect that the fortresses of Civita Vecchia, Terracino and Spoleto 
should be delivered up to him, to be occupied until the termination of the war; 
that the Pope's son Caesar Borgia should accompany the French army as a hostage, 
with the ostensible title of Cardinal Legate ; that Prince Zem, brother of the Sultan 
Bajazet, who was a prisoner, or rather a refugee at the Vatican, should be delivered 
up to the French, with a view to assisting them in their expedition against Con- 
stantinople, and various other points of minor importance. 

2 Epist., 144. 

3 Reyes Catdlicos. According to Philip de Commines, Alexander wished to 
deprive the French king of his title of " Most Christian," that had been conferred 
upon his most exemplary father Louis XI. 


Fabricio Colonna ravaged the whole kingdom of Naples to the 
very gates of Brindisi, dispersing the little band of troops that 
had been collected by Don Caesar of Aragon, illegitimate 
brother of the king ; while Perron dei Baschi and Stuart 
d'Aubigny over-ran the whole country almost without striking 
a blow ; and the greater part of the Neapolitan nobility gave 
their adhesion to the French. Nothing, however, could be 
more impolitic or more ungrateful than the manner in which 
Charles made use of his unexpectedly acquired authority, and it 
soon became evident that the new state of affairs in Naples 
would not be of very long duration. The moment for the 
judicious interference of Ferdinand of Aragon had not been 
long in arriving. 

The conduct of the French at Naples showed pretty clearly 
to the Italian States the mistake they had made in permitting 
Charles to enter the country, and they were not slow to accept 
the suggestions of the Spanish ambassador, Don Lorenzo Suarez 
de Mendoza y Figueras, that they should form a league with 
the object of expelling the French from Italy. The attitude of 
the Duke of Orleans, who had remained at Asti, towards the 
Duchy of Milan, and the favourable reception accorded by 
Charles to Giovanni Trivulzio, Cardinal Fregosi, and Hybletto 
dei Fieschi, the chiefs of the banished nobles, and the sworn 
enemies of Ludovico Sforza, showed that prince how little he 
had to expect from the French alliance into which he had 
entered ; and the conduct of Charles towards the Florentines, 
and indeed towards every government whose dominion he had 
traversed throughout Italy, terrified and enraged every statesman 
from Milan to Syracuse. 

The envoys of the various states assembled at Venice. The 
deliberations in the council chamber were brief and decisive ; 
and such was the secrecy with which the negotiations were 
conducted, that the astute statesman and historian Philip de 
Commines, who then represented France at the court of Venice, 
was only informed officially by the Doge Agostino Barberigo, 
on the morning of the 1st of April, 1495, that the treaty had 
been signed on the previous day. The avowed objects of this 
Most Holy League, which was entered into by Spain, Austria, 
Venice, Milan and the court of Rome, were the recovery of 
Constantinople from the Turks, and the protection of the 
interests of the Church ; but the secret articles of the treaty, 
as may be supposed, went much further, and provided that 
Ferdinand should employ the Spanish armament, now on its way 

VOL. II. 10 


to Sicily, in re-establishing his kinsman on the throne of Naples ; 
that a Venetian fleet of forty galleys should attack the French 
positions on the Neapolitan coasts, that the Duke of Milan, the 
original suramoner, should expel the French from Asti, and 
blockade the passage of the Alps, so as to prevent the arrival of 
further reinforcements, and that the Emperor and the King of 
Spain should invade France on their respective frontiers, while 
the expense of all these warlike operations should be defrayed 
by subsidies from the allies. The Sultan Bajazet II., though 
not included in the League, offered, and was permitted, to 
assist the Venetians both by sea and land against the French. 
Thus we see the strange spectacle of the Pope and thej Grand 
Turk the Prince of Christendom and the Prince of Islam 
united against the first Christian power of Europe, under the 
leadership of The Most Christian King. 1 

Within six weeks of the signature of this important treaty, 
Charles VIII. of France had caused himself to be crowned 
at Naples, with extraordinary pomp, not only as king, but as 
emperor, and having thus gratified his puerile vanity, he 
abandoned his fantastic empire, and flying from the dangers 
that threatened him in Italy, he returned to Paris. His army 
in Naples was entrusted to his cousin Gilbert de Bourbon, Due 
de Montpensier, who was invested with the title of viceroy, and 
instructed by the fugitive king to maintain his position in the 
country against all opponents. 2 

III. Gonsalvo de Cordova. 

It is not within the scope of this history to give any detailed 
account of the retreat of the French through Italy, of the 
wonderful passage of the Apennines at Pontremoli, and the still 

J The text of the League dated "Venice, in the Ducal palace, in the bed- 
chamber of the Duke, 30th March, 1495," will be found in the Calendar of State 
Papers (Spain), pp. 9 and 54-56. The commanding position taken by Alexander 
VI. among the allies is sufficiently remarkable. By clause 5 of the new Convention, 
he engages to assist, not only with temporal arms, and an army of 6000 men, but 
with spiritual arms, armis spiritualis, in the operations of war. Henry VII. of 
England at the earnest and oft-repeated solicitations of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
entered the League, 23rd September, 1496. Rymer, xii., 638, Cal. State Papers 
(Spain), i., 113. 

2 Like Bon Jean St. Andre, who, 

' ' Fled full soon on the first of June, 
And bid the rest keep fighting ". 


more wonderful victory of Fornovo on the Taro, when the 
French, whose entire force did not exceed 10,000 soldiers, 
completely routed the Italian army of 35,000 men, under the 
command of Gonzaga Marquis of Mantua. The French forces 
that remained in southern Italy were doomed to a very different 
fate. The command of the French army had been entrusted 
to the celebrated Stuart d'Aubigny, a knight of Scottish 
ancestry, who had been invested by Charles VIII. with the 
dignity of Constable of France, and who was accounted one of 
the most capable officers in Europe. 1 But a greater captain 
than d'Aubigny was already on his way from Castile, who was 
in a single campaign to restore the reputation of the Spanish 
infantry to the proud position which they had once occupied 
in the armies of ancient Rome. 

Landing at Reggio in Calabria, on the 26th of May, 1495, 
with a force of all arms not exceeding 5000 fighting men, 
Gonsalvo de Cordova speedily took possession of that important 
base of operations, established himself on the coast, captured 
several inland towns, was victorious in many skirmishes, and 
would soon have overrun the whole of Calabria, had not the 
rashness of Frederic, the young King of Naples, who had suc- 
ceeded but a few months before to the crown which Alfonso 
had abdicated after a reign of less than one year, led to a 
disastrous check at Seminara. But Gonsalvo rapidly reorganised 
his army, and showing himself, like a great general, no less 
admirable in repairing a defeat than in taking advantage of a 
victory, he had kept d'Aubigny so completely in check that he 
had been unable even to go to the assistance of Montpensier, 
who was in sore straits in Naples. The citizens soon opened 
their gates to their lawful sovereign, and Montpensier retreated 
with his remaining forces to Avella, on the banks of the Lagni, 
twenty miles north-east of the city of Naples, whither Gonsalvo 
promptly marched to besiege him. Having received intelligence 
in the course of his march Gonsalvo was ever well informed 
that a strong body of French, with some Angevin knights and 
nobles, were on their way to effect a junction with d'Aubigny, 
he surprised them by a night attack in the fortified town of 
Lino, where he captured every one of the Angevin lords, no 
less than twenty in number, and immediately marching off to 
Avella with his spoils and prisoners, and an immense booty, he 

1 Brantdme speaks of him with the utmost respect, and calls him the " Grand 
Chevalier sans reproche" . Vie des hommes Jllustres, ii., 59. 


arrived at Frederic's camp early in July, just thirteen months 
after their separation on the disastrous field of Seminara. 

On hearing of Gonsalvo's approach, the king marched out 
to meet him, accompanied by Caesar Borgia, the Papal Legate, 
and many of the principal Neapolitan nobles and commanders, 
who greeted the victorious Castilian with the proud title of the 
Great Captain, by which he was already known to some of his 
contemporaries, and by which he has ever since been dis- 
tinguished by posterity. At Avella he found a reinforcement 
of 500 Spanish soldiers, a welcome addition to his small force, 
which amounted on his arrival to only 2100 men, of whom 600 
were cavalry. With such an army, less numerous than a 
modern German regiment, did Gonsalvo overrun Calabria, out- 
general the most renowned French commanders, and defeat their 
gallant and well-disciplined forces, emboldened by uninterrupted 

The siege operations at Avella, which had been conducted 
without energy by the Neapolitans, received a new impetus 
from the presence of the Spaniard, who displayed such skill 
and vigour, that in a few days the French, defeated at every 
point, were glad to sue for terms, and on the 21st of July, 
1496, signed a capitulation which virtually*- put an end to 
the war. It was meet that Gonsalvo should now pay a visit 
to his countryman at the Vatican, and having, on his way to 
Rorfie, delivered the town of Ostia from the dictatorship of a 
Basque adventurer of the name of Guerri, the last remaining 
hope of the French in Italy, he was received by Alexander VI. 
with such splendour, that his entry into the city is said to have 
resembled rather the Triumph of a victorious general into ancient 
Rome, than the visit of a modern grandee. 

The streets were lined with enthusiastic crowds, the windows 
were filled with admiring spectators, the very tops of the houses 
were covered with lookers on, as Gonsalvo marched into and 
through the city, preceded by bands of music, and accompanied 
by his victorious army. The entire garrison of Ostia, with 
Manuel Guerri at their head, mounted on a wretched horse, was 
led captive to the Vatican, where Roderic Borgia, in the full 
splendour of his tiara and pontifical robes, and surrounded by 
his cardinals, sat on his throne awaiting the coming of his 
victorious countryman. When Gonsalvo reached the foot of the 
throne, he knelt down to receive the pontifical benediction, 
but Alexander raised him in his arms, and presented to him 
the Golden Rose, the highest and most distinguished honour 


that a layman could receive from the hands of the sovereign 
Pontiff. 1 

The Great Captain now returned to Naples, into which city 
he made an entry scarcely less splendid than that into Rome ; 
and he received at the hands of Frederic more substantial 
honours than those of a golden rose, in the shape of the Duke- 
dom of Santangelo, with a fief of two towns and seven dependent 
villages in the Abruzzo. From Naples the new duke sailed for 
Sicily, which was then in a state of open insurrection, in 
consequence of the oppressive rule of Juan de la Nuza, the 
Neapolitan Viceroy. By the intervention of Gonsalvo, the 
inhabitants were satisfied to return to their allegiance ; and 
order was restored, without the shedding of a single drop of 
blood. After some further services to the state, and to the 
cause of peace, services both diplomatic and military, in Naples, 
in Sicily and in Calabria, adding in every case to his reputation 
as a soldier and a statesman, and above all as a great Castilian 
gentleman, Gonsalvo returned to his native Spain, where he 
was received with the applause and respect that is not always 
granted to great men by their own sovereigns, or even by their 
own countrymen. 

His last services to King Frederic and his people, ere he 
quitted the country, were no less honourable than wise. Frederic 
was engaged in the siege of the last city in the kingdom of 
Naples that refused to recognise the dominion of Aragon, the 
ancient and noble city of Diano, whose inhabitants, vassals of 
that Prince of Salerno who was attached to the Angevin cause, 
refused to listen to the terms which were proposed. Gonsalvo 
took charge of the operations ; and the citizens, convinced of 
the hopelessness of holding out any longer against so vigorous 
a commander, surrendered a few days afterwards at discretion. 
Gonsalvo, whether touched at their bravery and their forlorn 
condition, or merely being averse to severe measures for which he 
saw no reason, obtained from the king favourable terms for the 

The expulsion of the French from Naples put an end, as 
might have been supposed, to the Most Holy League. For 
the high contracting parties, finding themselves secure from 
immediate danger, conceived themselves no longer bound by 

1 As to the rebuke he is said to have given to His Holiness, the legend is pro- 
bably copied from that of the Cid. In any case there is a strong family resemblance 
between them. The authorities for Gonsalvo's presumption are Paolo Giovo, 222 ; 
Zurita, lib. iii., 175 ; Guicciardini, iii. , 175; Cronica del Gran Capitan, 30. 


its provisions. Maximilian, ever penniless and generally faith- 
less, had made no attempt to engage in any operations on 
the French frontier, nor had any one of the allies contributed 
to defray the heavy charges incurred by the Spanish sovereigns 
in fulfilling their part of the agreement. The Venetians were 
fully occupied in securing for themselves as much of the 
Neapolitan territory as they could acquire, by way of in- 
demnification for their own expenses. The Duke of Milan 
had already made a separate treaty with Charles VIII. Each 
member of the League, in fact, after the first alarm had 
subsided, had shown himself ready to sacrifice the common 
cause to his own private advantage ; and Ferdinand of Aragon, 
who had already suspended his operations on the frontiers of 
Spain in October, 1496, had no difficulty in agreeing to a 
further truce as regards Naples and Italy, which was signed on 
the 5th of March, 1497. 

The Spaniards had borne the entire burden of the late war. 
They had been virtually abandoned by their allies, and their 
unassisted operations had led to the deliverance of Naples, and 
the safety of the Italian states, and to the humiliation and the 
defeat of the French. Their immediate objects having been 
thus happily accomplished, Ferdinand and Isabella proposed to 
Charles VIII., without shame or hesitation, that the French and 
Spaniards should enter into an immediate treaty of alliance, 
with a view to drive out the reigning sovereign of Naples, and 
divide his kingdom between themselves ! Meanwhile the 
Castilian envoy to the Holy See endeavoured to induce 
Alexander VI. to withhold the investiture of his kingdom from 
Frederic, the new sovereign of Naples, on the ground that he 
was friendly to the Angevin party in Italy, the hereditary 
enemies of Spain. 1 But Alexander paid no heed to Garcilaso 
de la Vega. Charles showed himself not only willing, but eager 
to treat with Fernando de Estrada ; but unwilling at once to 
abandon all his claims to Italian sovereignty, he offered to cede 
Navarre to Ferdinand, and keep all Naples to himself. Pro- 
posals and counter proposals thus passed between France and 
Spain ; but before any definite programme had been agreed to, 
the negotiations were cut short by the sudden death of the 
French monarch, in the tennis court at Amboise, on the eve of 
Easter, 1498. 

The success of the Spanish arms under Gonsalvo de Cordova 

1 Dc Commines, i., viii., c. xxiii. ; Mariana, lib. xxvi., c. xvi. 


in Italy was but the beginning of a long career of triumph. 
From the great victory at Seminara, in 1 503, to the great defeat 
of Rocroy, in 16'43, the Spanish infantry remained unconquered 
in Europe. The armies of Castile had been, indeed, as Prescott 
has it, " cooped up within the narrow limits of the Peninsula, 
uninstructed and taking little interest in the concerns of the 
rest of Europe ", l But the soldiers and sailors of Aragon and 
Catalonia had fought with distinction, not only in Italy and in 
Sicily, but in the farthest east of Europe, for 200 years before 
the Great Captain of the united kingdom set foot on the shores 
of Calabria. Yet the victories of Gonsalvo were the beginning 
of a new era, and his life is interesting, not only as that of a 
brave soldier and an accomplished general, who flourished at 
a very important period of the history of Europe ; but it is 
further and much more interesting as being the history of a man 
who united in himself many of the characteristics of ancient and 
modern civilisation, and who himself appears as a sort of middle 
term between mediaeval and modern times. 

In personal valour, in knightly courtesy, in gaudy display, 
he was of his own time. In astute generalship, and in still more 
astute diplomacy, an envoy not an adventurer, the servant and 
not the rival of kings, he belongs to a succeeding age, when the 
leader of a victorious army is prouder to be a loyal subject than 
a rash rebel. The Castilian lords of earlier days had ever been 
brave knights ; their followers had ever been hardy and untiring 
combatants. But Gonsalvo was not only a tactician, but a strate- 
gist. The men whom he commanded were soldiers. Newly 

1 Don Modesto Lafuente, not without good cause, falls foul of Mr. Prescott 
for these words, used of Spain in general. "A new world," continues the bio- 
grapher of Ferdinand and Isabella [meaning, strange to say, not America but 
Italy\ "was now open to the Spanish nation." Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii. , 
cap. iii. The statement is certainly unfortunate. The Spanish historian in his 
rejoinder forbears to go back further than the ninth century. He reminds his 
readers, not perhaps very happily, of the negotiations of Alfonso X. to secure the 
Empire for himself, and of various other embassies, including, of course, that sent 
by Henry III. to the court of Tamerlane; and he is fully justified in reproaching 
the American writer for overlooking the constant interference, both diplomatic and 
warlike, of the House of Aragon in the affairs of Sicily and Naples ; of the bold 
stand made by more than one King of Aragon against the Popes ; of their cam- 
paigns in southern France and in every part of Italy ; of the expeditions to Greece 
and even to Asia Minor ; and of the enormous and most beneficial influence of 
Alfonso V. over every Italian State. And, lastly, he reminds us that in the course 
of the wars of succession between Castile and Portugal and England, a Spanish 
fleet was twice victorious over a British squadron in British wars. The American 
historian has made a still stranger misstatement of the same character with regard 
to the matrimonial alliance of the Spanish kings. Prescott, Ferdinand and 
Isabella, cap. iv., v., ii. ; and Lafuente, torn, x., pp. 65-67. 


armed and admirably disciplined, the regiments were no longer 
the followers of some powerful nobleman ; they formed a part 
of the national army of Spain. The short sword of their Celt- 
iberian ancestors was once more found in their hands. The long 
lances of the Swiss mercenaries were adopted with conspicuous 
success. The drill-sergeant took the place of the minstrel in 
the camp. 

Nor was this revolution in the art of war confined to the 
conduct of the Spanish troops in the field. Before the close of 
the campaign a national militia, or rather a standing army, had 
taken the place of the brave but irregular levies of mediaeval 
Spain. A royal ordinance regulated the equipment of every 
individual, according to his property. 1 A man's arms were 
declared free from seizure for debt, even by the crown, and 
smiths and other artificers were restricted, under severe penal- 
ties, from working up weapons of war into articles of more pacific 
use. In 1426 a census was taken of all persons capable of 
bearing arms ; and by an ordinance issued at Valladolid, on 
22nd February of the same year, it was provided that one out 
of every twelve male inhabitants, between twenty and forty-five 
years of age, should be enlisted for the service of state, whether 
in the conduct of a foreign war or the suppression of domestic 
disorder. 2 

1 Pragmaticas del Reyno, 1495, 83, 127, 129. 

2 The remaining eleven were liable to be called on in case of urgent necessity. 
These recruits were to be, during actual service, excused from taxes ; the only legal 
exempts were the clergy, hidalgos and paupers. A general review and inspection 
of arms was to take place every year in the month of March or September. Mem. 
de la Real Acad. de Hist., torn, vi., ap. 13. 



I. Schemes of Empire. 

THE marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella had been blessed, as 
the phrase runs, with five children. Isabella, the eldest, was 
born in October, 1470 ; John, their only son, in 1478 ; Joanna in 
June, 1479 > Maria in June, 1482 ; and Katharine in December, 
1485. In the education of this royal family no pains were spared 
by the queen. Ferdinand concerned himself but little about 
literature or science, within or without the palace. His own 
scholarship, indeed, was not so imperfect as has sometimes been 
asserted, and he was at least able to write a letter with his own 
hand, in very fair Castilian. Nor could Isabella herself lay 
claim to any very superior attainments! 1 The lessons of Torque- 
mada had been mainly religious or political, and profane letters 
had been despised, if not absolutely prohibited, by the Dominican, 
who had directed her earliest steps in knowledge. Both king 
and queen were essentially practical in their methods ; ever 
inclined to action rather than to contemplation, dealing with 
men rather than with books, yet appreciating knowledge and 
culture in others, and making use of the students, rather than 
of the objects of their study, whenever occasion offered. 2 

But Isabella determined at least that her children should 

1 Bergenroth considers it probable that she was unable to understand any other 
language than Spanish. Calendar, etc., i., 35. 

Prescott, chiefly on the authority of Pulgar, asserts that "she could understand, 
without much difficulty, whatever was spoken or written in Latin in a very moder- 
ate standard of excellence, and that she was a diligent collector of books ". Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, vol. ii. , cap. xix., a statement for which I can find no authority 

2 Calendar, etc. , i. , xxxv. , xxxvi. There was a most remarkable similarity in 
the handwriting of the king and the queen. 


be provided with such an education as befitted their exalted 
birth, and her own still higher aspirations. Accomplished 
scholars from Italy, as well as from the universities of Castile, 
were found to instruct the young princesses, as well in elegant 
Latinity as in general literature ; while, in the education of the 
Prince of Asturias, no pains were spared to cultivate his scientific 
and literary powers, which were by no means inconsiderable, 
and to fit him by special and intelligent methods of culture and 
mental development, for the duties of the government of the 
great kingdom that was reserved for him. 1 

Nor was the education of the noble youth of Castile disre- 
garded by their ever-watchful queen. The reduction of their 
fathers to loyal obedience, united under an admired but masterful 
sovereign, had been one of the greatest glories of the early years 
of her reign ; and the encouragement of the young aristocracy 
of Castile in something better than their old occupation of fight- 
ing among themselves, and combining against their sovereign, 
became, after the conquest of Granada, one of the most legitimate 
objects of the queen's solicitude. 

Peter Martyr, whose letters throw so much light upon the 
contemporary history of the country, was induced by the queen 
to return from Italy to Spain, and to assume the direction of a 
school for the young nobles, a task in which he was ably seconded 
by one Lucio Marineo, a Sicilian of distinction, a student, an 
author, and a man of varied attainments in literature and science. 

But the subject that occupied the attention of both king 
and queen more closely than the education of princes or peers 
was the politic marriage of their children. 2 And yet, by a sad 
and strange fate, the disposal of these royal princes and princesses, 
so constantly cared for, the object of so much solicitude at home, 
the subject of so much negotiation abroad, was, from almost 

l Memorias de la Real Acad. de Hist., vi., 14. 

2 An inexcusable mistake is made by Prescott (ii., cap. iv.) in saying that "the 
Spanish monarchs had rarely gone beyond the limits of the Peninsula for their 
family alliances ". A few of the more striking foreign marriages might surely have 
suggested themselves, such as that in the ninth century Alfonso the Chaste married 
Bertha of France ; in the eleventh century Afonso VI. married in succession four 
foreign princesses, of whom Isabella, the fourth, was a daughter of the Emperor. 
Passing over the marriages of the Berenguers of Barcelona with French and Italian 
ladies, we have in the twelfth century the marriage of Alfonso VII. of Leon with 
a daughter of Ladislaus of Poland, and Alfonso VIII. with Eleanor of England ; 
while in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there was scarcely a king who did 
not seek and find matrimonial alliances beyond the limits of his Spanish monarchy. 
A list and it is a long one is given by Modesto Lafuente, Hist, de Espana, vol. 
x., pp. 65-67. 

1490.] ROYAL MARRIAGES. 155 

every point of view, the one great and conspicuous failure of the 
reign of the Catholic kings. Their entire family would seem to 
have been smitten with some dreadful blight, and to have carried 
a curse with them into every home in which they were received. 
John, the only son, died in the flower of his youth within a few 
months of his early marriage. Isabella, his eldest sister, a widow 
at twenty, a wife once more, under the most odious conditions, 
died ere the first year of her new married life was accomplished, 
leaving, indeed, a son, the hope of two nations who in his turn 
withered and perished, within two years of his mother's death. 
Katharine, the youngest born, whose English marriages ended 
so unhappily, has been celebrated rather for her misfortunes than 
for her virtues, great as the latter were. Maria, the least gifted 
and the least unhappy, found an unambitious husband in her 
widowed brother-in-law, Emmanuel, King of Portugal. For 
Joanna, distinguished by the most magnificent of alliances, 
was reserved also the most dreadful fate a fate of which the 
full horror has only of late been appreciated by an indulgent 

The first to be celebrated of all these royal marriages was 
that of the Princess Isabella with Alfonso, the heir to the crown 
of Portugal, which took place in the autumn of the year 1 490, 
and which was apparently calculated to lead to the happiest 
results. But the magnificent wedding festivities at Lisbon were 
scarce concluded when the bridegroom died, and the widowed 
princess returned disconsolate to her mother (Jan., 1491). 

The marriage of John, Prince of Asturias, was the next, 
and apparently the most important alliance, that engaged the 
attention of his parents ; and, moved by many considerations of 
policy and prestige, they turned their thoughts to far-away 
Flanders. Maximilian of Hapsburg, 1 the titular sovereign of 
the Holy Roman Empire, had, by his first wife, Mary, a daughter 
of Charles the Bold, and in her own right Duchess of Burgundy, 
been made the father of two children, Philip, born in 1478, 
and Margaret, in 1480. Their beautiful mother died in 1482; 
and Philip, on attaining his legal majority at the age of sixteen, 
assumed, in her right, the government of the Low Countries in 
1494. It was with this youthful sovereign, the heir to yet 
more splendid possessions, that the Catholic sovereigns desired 

1 Maximilian was in many ways a very remarkable man. His character is 
vigorously defended by Coxe in his History of the House of Austria (i., cap. xxv.), 
from the usual aspersions of Robertson, David Hume and Roscoe. He married, 
secondly, Bianca Maria, daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan. 


to unite their younger daughter in marriage, while the hand of 
his sister Margaret was sought for the Prince of Asturias. The 
advantages to Spain of such a double marriage were enormous. 

If Prince John were to marry the Archduchess Margaret, 
the only daughter of the emperor, he would inherit, in the event 
of the death of the Archduke Philip without issue, the great 
possessions of the Hapsburgs, Austria, Flanders and Burgundy, 
with a claim to the empire that had eluded his great ancestor, 
Alfonso X. 1 That the Archduke Philip should in his turn 
espouse, not Isabella, the eldest, but Joanna, the second 
daughter of the Catholic king, would prevent Spain from passing 
under the dominion of Austria, even in the unlikely event of 
the death of Prince John without issue, inasmuch as Isabella of 
Portugal would, in such a case, inherit the Spanish crown, to 
the prejudice of her younger sister in Flanders. And finally, if 
all the young wives and husbands should live to a reasonable 
age, and should leave children behind them at their death, one 
grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella would wear the Imperial 
purple as lord of central Europe, and another would sit upon 
the throne of a great united Peninsular kingdom of Castile, 
Portugal and Aragon. 

The manifold advantages to Spain from such an arrangement 
were so obvious, that the emperor would possibly have refused his 
consent, had it not been for the consummate skill in negotiation 
that was displayed by the Spanish envoy, Don John Manuel, 
not the least remarkable of the many remarkable men selected 
by Isabella to do her bidding at home and abroad. 2 

A Castilian of uncertain origin, introduced in the first instance 
to the queen's notice as clerk or secretary in the palace, he 
speedily obtained the confidence, not only of Isabella, but of 
Ximenez, and after proving his skill and devotion in many less 
important negotiations, he was chosen to represent the Spanish 
sovereigns at the courts of the Emperor and of the Archduke. His 
success as a diplomatist was complete, for he not only prevailed 
upon Maximilian to agree to all that was desired by Ferdinand 
and Isabella, but he secured the good will and personal regard 

1 The inheritance consisted of the kingdom of Aragon, with its dependencies of 
Sicily, Naples, Sardinia, Corsica, the Balearic Islands ; of Castile, with the newly- 
discovered countries beyond the Atlantic ; of the Burgundian States, including the 
Netherlands, Alsatia and the Duchy of Burgundy ; of the five Austrian principali- 
ties; and of the Imperial purple. 

2 See Marsollier, Vie de Ximenes, i., 232-242; Peter Martyr, Ep., 282 ; Zurita, 
An., vi.,lib. vi., i; Gomez, 53; Mariana, ii., lib. xxviii., 12; Rodriguez Villa, 
Juana la loca (1892), p. 107. 

1497.] ROYAL MARRIAGES. 157 

of all the parties to the transaction. The negotiation for the 
double marriage, for a league against France, for an alliance 
with England, and for the maintenance of the situation in Italy, 
were all satisfactorily concluded in the course of the year 1495. 1 

In the early autumn of 1496 (22nd Aug.), a splendid fleet set 
out from Laredo, a little port between Bilbao and Santander, 
which carried Joanna in safety to her expectant bridegroom. 
The archduke, and the princess for whom so sad a fate was 
reserved, were married at Lille with the usual rejoicings ; and 
the Spanish admiral, charged a second time with a precious 
freight of marriageable royalty, brought back the Lady Margaret 
of Hapsburg with all honour to Spanish Santander, early in 
March, 1497. The marriage of the heir apparent took place at 
Burgos, on the 3rd of April ; and on the 4th of October of the 
same year, the gentle and accomplished Prince of Asturias had 
passed away from Spain, and from this world. A youth of great 
promise, apparently destined to fill the most splendid position 
in Europe, amiable, intelligent, highly cultivated, John was a 
prince whose loss could never be supplied, and his death was an 
irreparable blow dealt to Spain. 

Yet, once again, and for a few months, there lived an heir 
to United Spain, whose brief existence is scarce remembered in 
history. Isabella, the widowed queen of John II. of Portugal, 
had been persuaded or constrained by her parents to contract a 
marriage with her husband's cousin and successor Emmanuel; 
but the price of her hand was the price of blood. For it was 
stipulated that the Jews, who, by the liberality of the late king, 
had been permitted to find a home in his dominions, should be 
driven out of the country after the stern Castilian fashion of 
1492, ere the widowed Isabella should wed her cousin on the 
throne of Portugal. Whether the princess was an apt pupil, or 
merely the slave of her mother and the inquisitor that lurked 
behind the throne, we cannot say, but the Portuguese lover 
consented to the odious bargain. The marriage was solemnised 
at Valencia de Alcantara, in the early days of the month of 
August, 1497, and the stipulated Tribute to Bigotry was duly 
paid. But before ever the bridal party had left the town, an 
express had arrived with the news of the mortal illness of the 
bride's only brother ; and in little more than a year, the young 
queen herself, on the 23rd of August, 1498, expired in giving 
birth to a son. The boy received the name of Miguel, and 

1 See Calendar, etc., i., pp. 54-75. 


lived for nearly two years the heir apparent of Portugal, of 
Aragon, and of Castile until he too was involved in the general 

But some time before the death or even before the birth of 
Miguel, another royal marriage had been concluded, whose 
results throughout all time were no less remarkable and scarce 
less important than that which handed over Spain to a Flemish 
emperor. For after infinite negotiations and more than one 
rupture, after some ten years huxtering about dowry, and a 
dozen changes of policy on the part of the various sovereigns 
interested in the alliance, Katharine, the youngest daughter of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, more familiarly known as Katharine of 
Aragon, had been married to Arthur, Prince of Wales, and the 
first act had been concluded of that strange and fateful drama 
that led to the Reformation in England. 1 

II. Negotiations in England. 

If the protracted negotiations that ultimately led to the 
marriage of Katharine of Aragon with two English princes are 
interesting in themselves, a brief sketch of the character of the 
chief negotiator between Spain and England will scarcely be 
considered impertinent. The position of Roderigo de Puebla, 2 
the principal envoy of the Spanish sovereigns at this time at the 
court of London, was somewhat remarkable. Trusted rather by 
Henry VII. than by either Ferdinand or Isabella, looking for 
his remuneration to England rather than to Spain, and holding 

J The first commission to the envoy Puebla and his colleague Sepulveda to 
conclude the marriage between the Infanta Katharine and Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
is dated from Murcia, as early as 3Oth April, 1488, when the young princess had 
not yet completed her third year. Calendar, etc., L, p. 3. In the following July. 
Henry VII. congratulates the Spanish sovereigns on their successes against the 
Moors ; and on the same day it is stated that the Infanta Katharine's marriage 
portion is to be 200,000 crowns of 45. 2d., Calendar, etc. (1862), pp. 129-131, and 
correspondence of October, 1496. The preliminary treaty of marriage was signed 
by the commissioners in London the next day, 7th July, after protracted negotia- 
tions about marriage portion, dowry and alliance with France and Germany, and 
the disposal of the person and dominions of Anne of Brittany. See also Doc u- 
mentos Ineditos, etc., i. , 356-361. 

2 In 1489 he was temporarily recalled to Spain. Nor was any further negotia- 
tion of any importance undertaken through him from September, 1491, to Novem- 
ber, 1494, when he returned, invested with extraordinary powers, to London, where 
he represented, not only the crowns of Castile and Aragon, but also the Pope and 
theGerman Emperor. Calendar of State Papers (Spanish), 1485-1509, Introduction, 
pp. 20, 21. 

1497.] ROYAL MARRIAGES. 159 

the interests of England at least as dear as those of his native 
country, he retained his diplomatic position rather as a man 
from whom Ferdinand could learn what Henry wanted, than as 
one who would necessarily further the interests of Spain in 

Puebla, as Bergenroth happily says, 1 was treated by Ferdinand 
more as an English Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, well- 
disposed towards Spain and bitterly hostile to France, than as 
an ambassador as we understand the word. For he not only 
followed the profession of a lawyer in London, " extorting 
money from every Spaniard who came within his clutches " ; 2 
but he economised in personal expenditure by dining nearly 
every day with the king, though it is just possible that the 
wily doctor may have been quite as anxious to obtain informa- 
tion as food. The ambassador was certainly not extravagantly 
fond of good living ; nor were the diplomatic traditions of later 
days as regards the political importance of a good cook as yet 
developed in Europe. For when royal entertainment was not 
at the disposal of Puebla, he dined at the table of the mason 
who kept the house of ill-fame at which he resided in London. 
The price charged was not high. It was no more than two- 
pence per diem. The landlord recouped himself, as we are told, 
by robbing the other gentlemen who frequented the house, and 
de Puebla protected him against the agents of the law. 

But the envoy had no direct emoluments from England. In 
1497 Henry offered him an English bishopric. His acceptance 
of so lucrative a post would, however, have rendered him en- 
tirely independent of Spain, and the required permission was 
not granted by Ferdinand and Isabella. 3 Three years later 
Henry offered him a rich English wife ; but the lady was no 
more acceptable than the mitre to the court of Spain. 

Puebla remained, therefore, in London, unwedded and un- 
beneficed, poor, servile, avaricious ; conferring with the King of 

IM There were sufficient indications that Henry trusted to De Puebla more 
than he would confide to any ambassador. It is even probable that at that time 
there was not a single Englishman who shared the confidence of the king to so 
great an extent. What could be more convenient for Ferdinand and Isabella than 
to have a man who had such intimate relations with the king, subject to their 
orders ? But in order that the interests of Spain should not suffer they always 
kept another ambassador in England in addition to De Puebla." Calendar, etc., 
vol. i. , Introduction, pp. 23, 24. 

2 Dr. Breton to Londono, i8th July, 1498. Calendar, etc., i., p. 166. 

8 The only hold that his own sovereigns maintained over this strange ambas- 
sador was the power of immediate recall. 


England in his closet, when no English subject was present, 
assisting at the deliberations of the Privy Council as the friend 
of English royalty ; distrusted by Ferdinand, flattered by Isa- 
bella, supported by Henry, a strange go-between in the service 
of two countries. 1 

The treaty of marriage between the Prince of Wales and the 
Princess Katharine was concluded, for the second time, in the 
month of October, 1497. It had been ratified by both parties 
over and over again ; and the marriage, ceremony had been more 
than once performed by proxy, the last time secretly 2 in fear 
of the King of Scots in the Chapel of the Royal Manor at 

Yet after everything had been done, and great sums had been 
spent in order that a splendid reception might be given to the 
princess, her departure from Spain was still postponed. There 
were more reasons than one for the delay. Ferdinand, on closer 
examination of the treaty, found out, or fancied, that he had 
been deceived by Henry in regard to the dowry. 3 Objections of 
all kinds were raised ; and renewed excuses were offered for the 
postponement of the departure of the princess. The weather, 
the Moors of Granada, the receipt or delay of a letter. Anything 
would serve its turn. The question about the servants who were 
to accompany the Princess Katharine to England, moreover, gave 
no little trouble. Ferdinand and Isabella desired to send as 
many, and Henry to receive as few as possible. But upon one 
thing the king insisted that the Spanish ladies who were to 
reside with the princess in England should be all of them 
beautiful, or, in any case, not ugly ! 4 

This last stipulation was, no doubt, a matter of policy ; but 
every trifle was earnestly debated ; and every debate gave rise to 
further delay : the potability of English water ; the facilities for 
obtaining drinkable wine ; the title to be given to the King of 
England ; the influence of English life upon female morality ; all 

1 Don Pedro de Ayala, apostolic and Imperial prothonotary, with the rank of a 
bishop, the bitterest enemy and rival of Puebla, was first nominated ambassador 
to the King of Scots, but afterwards, while retaining his post in Scotland, he was 
also accredited to the King of England. 

See Calendar (1862), pp. 114-119, Isabella to Puebla, i8th August, 1496. 

2 The Bishop of Lincoln had scrupled to officiate on that occasion, because 
dignitaries of the Church were forbidden to sanction clandestine marriages. His 
objections, however, were overruled by De Puebla. 

3 See Calendar, etc. , Introd. Ixxxix. , p. 220 ; and Ferdinand and Isabella to 
de Puebla, 6th June, 1500 (Simancas). 

4 Calendar, etc. , Introd. , p. 90. 

1502.] ROYAL MARRIAGES. 161 

these things were seriously considered. Nor did the regular 
diplomatic channels of correspondence suffice for information or 
procrastination. 1 Some private letters that passed between one 
of Henry's secretaries and his nephew in Castile were placed at 
the disposal of the king and queen ; and some of them may still 
be read among the national archives of Spain. 2 

But the resources even of diplomatic correspondence are not 
infinite ; and at last, on Sunday, the 2nd of October, 1501, more 
than thirteen years after the first letter had been written, 
Katharine of Aragon sailed into the harbour of Portsmouth. 
Within a few days the long-looked for marriage was solemnised 
at Westminster. 3 And within six months 2nd April, 1502 
the young bridegroom died at the castle of Ludlow, whither he 
had kept his little court, in the hope that the pure air of the 
west country would strengthen his delicate constitution. 

When the news of the death of Arthur reached Ferdinand 
and Isabella they sent, without a moment's delay, the Duke de 
Estrada as their ambassador to England. He received two com- 
missions, both dated on the 10th of May, 1502. By the first, 
which was drawn up for show, he was commanded : (1st) To 
demand and receive back from the King of England the 100,000 
crowns which had been paid as an instalment of the marriage 
portion of the Princess of Wales. (2nd) To demand that the 
King of England should deliver to the princess the towns, manors 
and lands which had been assigned as her dowry. (3rd) To beg 
Henry to send the princess back to Spain in the most becoming 
manner and with the least possible delay ; and lastly, to superin- 
tend himself, if necessary, the preparations for her immediate 
departure from England. 

By the second commission, which was drawn up for use, he 
was authorised to conclude a marriage between the Princess 
Katharine and Henry Prince of Wales. 4 

The second instructions, of course, represented the true scope 
of the embassy. Ferdinand and Isabella had been already 
informed of Henry's desire for the second marriage ; but Estrada 
was ordered on no account to allow the English king to know 

1 The Duke of Northumberland is written of in one of these private letters as 
el Duque de Nuestroberlenguen ! 

2 Calendar, etc., i., Introduction, xci., and p. 254, No. 294. 

3 An account of the marriage festivities at Westminster, which were most 
magnificent, is given, from a contemporary MS., in Leland's Collectanea, vol. v. , 
PP- 356-373- 

4 Calendar, etc., i., Introd., p. 93. 
VOL. II. 1 1 


that such an alliance would be pleasing to the Catholic sovereigns, 
lest he should drive too hard a bargain with them in the matter 
of the dowry. 

Isabella wrote with her own hand in August, 1 502, urging 
the immediate return of Katharine, that she might give freer 
vent to her grief in the arms of her mother. She actually sent 
formal instructions to Estrada for the embarkation of the house- 
hold, and even of the furniture, of the princess. But at the same 
time she privately informed the envoy that Katharine was on no 
account to be permitted to return to Spain, but that the most 
favourable terms as regards her marriage with her brother-in-law 
should be exacted from the English court. 1 

Henry, on the arrival of Estrada, and the display of his well- 
prepared letters, at once made overtures for the second marriage ; 
and he was at length on the point of signing a new treaty of 
matrimonial alliance, when the death of his own queen, Elizabeth, 
caused him to change his plans. He would marry Katharine 
himself! The fact of her being his own daughter-in-law was an 
obstacle not even worthy of consideration by a solvent sovereign 
in those palmy days of Papal indulgence. 

But Isabella would not hear of the proposal ; and the court 
of Spain suggested that Henry should console himself with the 
Queen-Dowager of Naples, who was then residing at Valencia, 
and to whom Ferdinand offered a magnificent marriage portion, 
in the event of her accepting the hand of the King of England. 
Henry accordingly withdrew his pretensions to the hand of his 
daughter-in-law, and despatched a confidential envoy to Spain to 
examine and report upon the personal qualifications of the Queen 
of Naples ; on the 23rd of June, 1503, in the palace at Richmond, 
Katharine of Aragon was formally affianced, not to her father-in- 
law Henry VII., but to her brother-in-law, more celebrated in 
the history of England and of the world as Henry VIII. 2 

1 Calendar, etc. , i. , pp. 278-282. 

2 The treaty of marriage or betrothal, or rather an English translation of the 
Latin original, is printed in vol. i. of the Calendar, etc. (Spain), on pp. 306-308. 
The greater part of the treaty is devoted to stipulations as regards dowry and 
" escudos of 45. ad. of English money" ; but articles i and 2 are perhaps of suf- 
ficient interest to justify their quotation in their entirety : 

i. Ferdinand and Isabella, as well as Henry VII., promise to employ all 
their influence with the court of Rome, in order to obtain the dispensation of the 
Pope necessary for the marriage of the Princess Katharine with Henry, Prince of 
Wales. The Papal dispensation is required, because the said Princess Katharine 
had on a former occasion contracted a marriage with the late Prince Arthur, brother 
of the present Prince of Wales, whereby she became related to Henry, Prince of 
Wales, in the first degree of affinity, and because her marriage with Prince Arthur 

1503.] ROYAL MARRIAGES. 163 

It has been recently suggested that it was not intended by 
the King of England that the marriage of Katharine with the 
Prince of Wales should ever be consummated, and that the treaty 
of alliance was forced upon Henry by Ferdinand. Be this as it 
may, it is at least certain that the young bride and bridegroom 
were kept apart, and scarce permitted to see one another, even 
in company, while Henry was carrying on the negotiations, for 
his own marriage with the Queen of Naples. And his negotia- 
tions, like most of those between the kings and queens of 
Europe in or about the year of grace 1503, ran by no means a 
straight or a rapid course. When this matrimonial alliance was 
-first proposed by the Spanish sovereigns to Henry VII., the 
political state of Europe rendered the friendship of the King of 
England highly desirable to Ferdinand, while the goodwill of 
Ferdinand was equally valuable to Henry. Ferdinand was 
involved in a war with France, in consequence of the quarrels 
which had arisen respecting the partition of the kingdom of 
Naples, and Henry wished to make use of Ferdinand in order to 
obtain, through his influence, possession of the Earl of Suffolk. 
But as soon as Ferdinand had entered into negotiations for peace 
with France, the alliance with Henry became a subordinate con- 
sideration, and he accordingly proposed to Louis XI. that the 
intended bride of Henry should be married to King Alfonso of 
Naples and he threw over the King of England without hesita- 
tion or apology. 

Protest, as Henry well knew, was of no avail with such an 
antagonist as the King of Aragon. But an occasion soon pre- 
sented itself for a practical retort, of which the English king 
was not slow to take advantage ; and Henry was able to revenge 
himself by the execution of a treaty with Philip of Burgundy, 
the rival regent of Castile. 1 

was solemnised according to the rites of the Catholic Church, and afterwards 

2. If the aforesaid dispensation be obtained, Ferdinand and Isabella on the one 
side, and Henry VII. on the other, promise that a marriage per verba de praasenti 
shall be contracted within two months after this treaty shall have been ratified by 
both the contracting parties. 

1 During the lifetime of Perkin Warbeck Henry looked upon Philip as one of 
his most determined enemies. The animosity existing between Henry and the 
archduke soon communicated itself to the two nations. The English were treated 
badly in Flanders, and the Flemings had much to suffer in England. But from 
the time that Philip leant more towards the policy of France the relations between 
him and England sensibly improved. The beginning of a much more intimate 
friendship between Henry and Philip is to be dated from their interview near 
Calais on Whit-Tuesday, in the year 1500. Henry seems to have appreciated the 
confidence placed in him by Philip, who came to the meeting without ceremony 


Meanwhile the unfortunate Katharine was leading a hard 
life in England. A hostage, to all intents and purposes, in 
the hands of Henry ; affianced but not married to his son ; left 
without money by Ferdinand in order to annoy Henry, and 
stinted by Henry in order to coerce Ferdinand, she was constantly 
employed by her father and mother to conduct negotiations too 
shameless, or, in diplomatic language, too delicate, to be com- 
mitted to the harder hands of de Puebla or of Ayala. 

Not the least strange, and not the least disgraceful of the 
negotiations that she was privileged to conduct, was that for 
the marriage of her father-in-law, Henry VII. the father of 
both her husbands with her own sister Joanna, whom her own 
father had publicly asserted to be mad. A more humiliating 
position than that which she occupied when she was compelled 
to indite love letters from her father-in-law to her sister, it is 
hardly possible to imagine. A man of ordinary good feeling 
would have felt degraded by any participation in the sordid and 
shameless schemes of matrimonial alliance that a young and 
royal lady, herself intimately connected with the principal actors 
in the ever-shifting drama of international politics, was specially 
called upon to negotiate. 

The dignified sadness of her story as Queen Katharine 
insulted, divorced and abandoned the unwilling heroine of 
the great tragic drama that was played in the reign of Henry 
VIII. of England, is known to all men, who extend to her, with 
one consent, their pity and their respect. But those only who 
know something of the seven dreary and disgraceful years that 
she spent in the palace of her father-in-law, before she was 
permitted to know, even for a season, the happiness of a husband's 
love, or to enjoy the great position of Queen of England, may 
alone understand the fulness of the measure of her wretchedness. 

and without protection. Nor was he the only person on whom the behaviour of 
the young Archduke produced a favourable impression. He became popular with 
all the English who were present, and even De Puebla wrote that he was a much 
better prince than he was generally reported. The vanity of Henry must, more- 
over, have been nattered to a considerable extent, when he overheard the Archduke 
telling the Spanish ambassador that he regarded the King of England as his natural 
Protector. On the whole, they behaved to one another like father and son. 
Although Henry had afterwards occasionally to complain of the Archduke, they 
never ceased to call one another father and son down to the death of the latter. 
Calendar (Spain), etc., i. , pp. 101, 102. 






THE elevation or the removal of the virtuous Talavera to the 
Archiepiscopal See of Granada vacated the yet more important 
post of confessor to the Queen of Castile ; and the fortunate 
ecclesiastic who was chosen to fill that great position was destined 
to occupy a place in the history of Spain and of Europe un- 
dreamed of by Torquemada himself. 

Alfonso l Ximenez de Cisneros was born of honourable parents 
at Torrelaguna, on the southern slopes of the Guadarrama, not 
far from Madrid, some time in the year 1436. After some 
preliminary studies at Alcal&, already celebrated as a school of 
learning, he was admitted at an early age as a student at 
Salamanca. Having taken his degree at that university, he 
proceeded to Rome, and after a residence of nearly six years 
at the capital of Christendom, he obtained from the Pope Paul 
II. a Bull expectative, 2 preferring him to the first benefice of a 
certain value that should become vacant in the See of Toledo. 
Thus provided for, he at once returned to Castile, and on the 

1 According to Hefele, Gonzalez was his baptismal name perhaps in addition 
to that of Alfonso. (Gonzalez was not a baptismal name but an ancestral surname 
borne by the Ximenes family. H.) 

2 These Bulls had been condemned as long ago as 1179 by tne third Lateran 
Council under Alexander III. Hardouin, Col. Cone., vi., 1677. Innocent III. 
revived the practice by a subterfuge, causing the words of the grant to be somewhat 
varied ; and Boniface VIII., while sternly condemning a special expectative, per- 
mitted the adoption of the general expectative that is, a promise without specifi- 
cation of benefice. The entire system was finally abolished by the Council of 
Trent, 1563. Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trident., Ixxiii., c. vi. The grant to 
Ximenez was generally expectative ; and was thus in accordance with the letter, if 
contrary to the spirit, of the existing ecclesiastical law. 


death of the arch-priest of Uzeda, in 1473, took possession of 
his ecclesiastical office by virtue of this Papal grant. 

But Alfonso Carrillo, the warlike Archbishop of Toledo, was 
a Churchman of what may be called the old school in Spain ; 
and he showed his Castilian independence, and his practical 
contempt for the Pope l and his patronage, by lodging the ex- 
pectant Ximenez not in the clergy-house, but in the prison, of 
Uzeda. Here the young priest remained in confinement, in 
spite of Bulls and benefices, for nearly six years, when he was 
glad (1480) to exchange his very unenviable position at San 
Torquato 2 for that of chaplain to the great Cardinal Mendoza, 
at that time Bishop of Sigiienza. Mendoza soon conceived so 
great a respect and affection for Ximenez that he nominated 
him to be his Grand Vicar, and entrusted him with a large share 
in the administration of his diocese. In addition to this spiritual 
jurisdiction, the Count of Cifuentes, who was a prisoner in the 
hands of the Moors, about the same time appointed Ximenez 
to be the agent or administrator-general of all his landed property 
which lay near Sigiienza. 3 

But in 1483 Mendoza was raised to the archiepiscopal throne 
of Toledo ; the Count of Cifuentes obtained his liberty, and 
returned to his estates in Castile ; and Ximenez, although he 
is said to have devoted his abundant leisure to the study of 
Oriental languages, was not the man to reconcile himself to the 
pale and uneventful life of a country priest. These real or 
supposed studies may perhaps have suggested to his maturer 
years the production of the great Polyglot. But Ximenez, though 
he became so great a patron of scholarship, was never himself 
a scholar. His life would have been wasted in the study. He 
was, for good or for evil, essentially a man of action. 

He accordingly abandoned his benefice at Sigiienza, and 
following his friend and patron Cardinal Mendoza to Toledo, 
he entered the Franciscan Monastery of San Juan de les Reyes, 4 
which had been lately founded by Ferdinand and Isabella. 
The new friar was now 5 nine-and-forty, a mature age for any one 

1 Pope Gregory had been succeeded at the Vatican by Sixtus IV. in 1473. 

2 Previous to his release, which was obtained by the intervention of the Countess 
of Buendia, a sister of the archbishop, he had been confined in the ecclesiastical 
prison of San Torquato. 

3 Marsollier, i., 47. 

4 He then changed his own Christian name of Alfonso to that of Francisco, by 
which he was ever afterwards known. 

* A.D. 1484 or 1485. 

1495.] THE RISE OF XIMENEZ. 167 

to change his way of life. When a man close upon fifty forsakes 
the world for the cloister, it is usually to seek repose, and to 
find obscurity. Ximenez is perhaps in all history the most 
striking exception to the rule. For three years he lived in a 
hut in the precincts of the monastery at Castanar. For five 
years more he administered the affairs of the more important 
Confraternity at Salceda. At length, upon the conquest of 
Granada, and the promotion of Father Talavera to the newly 
created archbishopric, he was called, at the urgent request of 
Cardinal Mendoza, and to the astonishment of all Spain, to take 
his place in the queen's closet, in 1492 ; and on the death of 
the same eminent protector three years later, having secured 
the confidence of Isabella, he succeeded him in the more than 
princely office of Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain 
(1495.) 1 

Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, Cardinal of Spain, a great noble- 
man, an eminent ecclesiastic, and a powerful statesman, had 
exercised for full twenty years before his death so enormous an 
influence upon the affairs of his country, both at the court of 
Henry IV. and at the court of Isabella and Ferdinand, that he 
was generally spoken of as "the third King of Spain". The 
youngest son of the celebrated Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Marquis 
of Santillana, the archbishop had ever been a loyal supporter of 
Henry IV. ; but on the death of that monarch, he attached 
himself to the party of Isabella rather than to that of Joanna, 
and contributed largely by his wealth, his experience, and his 
commanding influence, to the ultimate success of her cause. One 
of the last, if not actually the last representative of the old 
school of aristocratic Churchmen who obtained great preferment 
in Spain, he maintained a princely state, and dispensed a mag- 
nificent hospitality. A troop of children was considered no 
disgrace to his orders ; a liberal interpretation of the duties of 
his office brought with it*po suspicion of heresy. A patron of 
learning and of learned men, and of all that was noble and worthy, 
generous in every sense of the word, he founded a college at 
Valladolid, and an hospital at Toledo, and he resisted the estab- 
lishment of the Inquisition as a needless novelty in Spain. 

How keen was his judgment of men, how prompt his appre- 
ciation of merit, may be seen in his early patronage of the 
unknown and disregarded country priest, whom he afterwards 

1 Alfonso de Carrillo had filled the see from 1446 to 1483 a primacy of 
nearly forty years ! He was immediately succeeded by Mendoza, who lived till 


introduced to Isabella as her confessor. How true he was to 
his Church and to his country, may be judged by the fact that 
he prevailed upon the queen to select the obscure friar to succeed 
him on the throne of Toledo. 

If Ximenez was of humble birth, he was of Imperial ability. 
If he was bigoted, he was zealous. If he was hard, he was also 
great of heart. And if, as was said, it was in accordance with 
Mendoza's dying wishes, it certainly was in accordance with 
the queen's policy, that the most exalted dignity in Castile, 
to which the highest nobles were proud to aspire, and which 
carried with it an amount of power and influence unrivalled 
in Spain, should be bestowed upon a poor priest, a man of the 
people, whose severe life and inflexible will had alone com- 
mended him to his sovereign. 

The story of the friar's reluctance to accept the archiepiscopal 
dignity is well known. Ferdinand, indeed, strenuously opposed 
his appointment to the office, which he had destined for one of 
his illegitimate children, Don Alfonso of Aragon, who, although 
but twenty-four years of age, was already a prelate of some 
standing, having been consecrated Archbishop of Saragossa at 
the early age of six years, on the death of the former primate, 
himself an illegitimate son of John II. of Aragon. 1 But Isabella 
behaved with her usual determination. She disregarded at once 
the entreaties of her husband and the protestations of her 
confessor; 2 and she obtained from Alexander VI., not one, but 
two Bulls, appointing Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros to the 
vacant See. 3 Thus Ximenez, who in 1492, was still an obscure 
friar, whose fifty-six years of life had been passed in comparative 
obscurity, found himself, less than three years later, the most 
powerful man in Spain, 4 the most magnificent ecclesiastic in 

1 The spiritual primacy of Aragon seems to have been carefully reserved for 
the bastards of the reigning kings. The suffragan bishops, no doubt, needed no 
serious supervision. 

The Archbishops of Saragossa about this time, according to Gams, Series 
Episcoporum, were as follow : 

1460 ... John of Aragon. 
1478 . . . Alfonso of Aragon. 
1520 ... John of Aragon. 
1539 ... Ferdinand of Aragon. 
2 Hefele, cap. v. ; Gomez, 939; Flechier, lib. i., 34; Robles, c. xiii. 

3 Cardinal Mendoza died on nth January ; Ximenez was not consecrated till 
nth October (1495). 

4 The Archbishop of Toledo, by virtue of his office, Primate of Spain and 
Grand Chancellor of Castile, was esteemed, after the Pope, the highest ecclesiasti- 
cal dignitary in Christendom. His revenues at the close of the fifteenth century 

1495.] THE RISE OF XIMENEZ. 169 

Christendom, yielding a nominal obedience in spiritual affairs 
only to infallible Caesar at Rome. 

Isabella may not have been as imperious, but she was quite 
as determined as her confessor, and in a conflict of will the 
queen would probably have had her way. But it should not 
have been a task of extreme difficulty to persuade Ximenez to 
undertake the congenial task of ruling his fellows. No Church- 
man, surely, who ever received the tonsure was so pre-eminently 
fitted, both by his temper and by his intellect, for supreme 
command ; and few men, lay or ecclesiastical, have displayed 
their power with more splendid arrogance. All the qualities 
and all the defects of his character were those of a man masterful, 
eager, impatient, zealous, headstrong, not so much a leader as 
a dominator of men. His first act on assuming the archiepis- 
copal functions was eminently characteristic of his temper. The 
younger brother of his predecessor, the living representative of 
the man to whom he owed everything that he enjoyed in this 
world, Don Pedro de Mendoza, had obtained the lucrative post 
of Adelantado, or local administrator of a district in the ecclesi- 
astical province of Toledo. The new primate was asked by 
influential friends to confirm Don Pedro in his position. It was 
even suggested that the appointment would be agreeable to the 
queen. Ximenez promptly refused. A storm of indignation not 
unnaturally arose. Isabella was appealed to, but she prudently 
declined to interfere. The arrogance and the ingratitude of the 
new prelate were universally condemned. But when at length 
the indignation of the courtiers had spent itself without result, 
it was announced to the astonished Adelantado that Ximenez, of 
his own motion, and in spite of the intervention of impertinent 
strangers, had been pleased to confirm him in the office for 
which he was so admirably fitted. 

Such a man is hardly likely to have preferred the submission 
of a Franciscan cloister to the throne of the Primate of Spain, 
with the incidental and tremendous authority of President of 
the Royal Council and Chancellor of Castile. Yet in one respect 
Ximenez maintained his monastic rule of life in his new and 
splendid position. A hair shirt, we are told, was ever worn 
under his magnificent robes. No linen was suffered to touch 

exceeded 80,000 ducats, while the gross amount is said to have reached the enor- 
mous sum of 180,000. He could, moreover, muster a greater number of vassals 
than any other subject in the kingdom, and held jurisdiction over fifteen large and 
populous towns besides a great number of inferior places, etc. Navagiero, Viaggio, 
fol. 9. 


his sacred person. A truckle bed was found by the side of the 
gorgeous couch on which the primate might have legitimately 
reposed. The food at his table was so plain as to call forth the 
remonstrance of so indulgent a censor of ecclesiastical manners 
as Pope Alexander VI. 1 And his biographers relate, with 
pardonable pride, that a needle and thread, with some pieces 
of coarse stuff, were, after his death, found hidden away in his 
cabinet, the materials with which the very hands of the proud 
yet humble cardinal had busied themselves in the patching of 
his monastic frock. 

The first serious task of the new primate was the reform 
of the Monastic Orders ; and the work was one which taxed 
the powers of Ximenez to the utmost, and which for a long 
time defied even his zeal, his vigour and his authority. Some 
twelve months before he had been prevailed upon to accept 
the pre-eminent position of Archbishop of Toledo, he had been 
called to the humbler yet important office of Provincial of the 
Franciscan Order in Spain, and he had addressed himself with- 
out delay to the work of improving the manners and morals 
of the regular clergy, an attempt in which he was warmly 
encouraged by Isabella. His new position enabled him to 
prosecute the ungrateful task with his usual vigour, and with 
greatly increased authority. Yet the work was not accomplished, 
nor, indeed, fairly undertaken, without the most powerful, the 
most obstinate, and the most wide-spread opposition. The 
general of his Order arrived from Rome, and denounced him in 
no measured language to Isabella (1495). His own brother, 
Bernardo, who had also assumed the habit of St. Francis, made 
an attempt upon his life at Alcal4 de Henares ; 2 and on his 
recovery from this murderous assault, he found that the Pope, 

1 The brief is dated rsth December, or perhaps I5th September, 1495. See 
Hefele, cap. vi., and authorities cited ; and Baudier, Vie de Ximenes, ed. 1851, p. 
197 ; Robles, i. , 169-174. 

2 He was visited for this offence only with a short term of imprisonment ; and 
he received on his release a considerable pension. It would have been unseemly 
that the brother of the Primate of Spain, and a friar to boot, should suffer either 
restraint or poverty. See Hefele, cap. vi. Ximenez had a third brother, Juan, who 
was more worthy of his position, if undistinguished in his personal career. He 
married a daughter of the Count of Barajas, and left & numerous family, whose 
descendants are still, it is said, recognised in Spain, and of whom one fortunate 
member, David (Sir David Ximenez), entered the British army in 1794, was present 
at the taking of Ischia in 1809, and commanded the 62nd Foot at Genoa in 1814. 
He also served with distinction in India, and was appointed full colonel of the i6th 
Foot and a major-general in 1837. After thirty-eight years of foreign service he 
died in England in August, 1848, a lieutenant-general and a knight of Hanover. 
Hefele, p. 57 ; Army Lists, 1794-1848. 

1499-] THE RISE OF XIMENEZ. 171 

unwilling directly to veto his projects of reform, had, during his 
illness, been prevailed upon to appoint a number of highly 
indulgent commissioners to assist him in the work of the 
purification of the monasteries. 

Ximenez was not a man to brook such assistance, or to 
fail to perceive its true character ; and the Papal commissioners 
were promptly sent back to Rome, whence Alexander retorted 
by a Bull on the 9th of November, 1496, peremptorily 
forbidding any one in Spain from proceeding any further 
in the matter of monastic reform. But Isabella cared 
nothing for Popes or Bulls, when they ran counter to 
her own designs. The Great Captain with a victorious army 
was within a few days' march of Rome ; and the queen 
gave Alexander to understand that she intended to have 
her way. Thereupon, after a decent interval, the Pope, 
by a Bull of the 23rd of June, 1499, entrusted his faith- 
ful and well-beloved Ximenez with such ample powers as 
enabled him to deal promptly and fully with every friar in 

The primate, it was justly judged, was not the man to 
leave the task half-performed ; and the news of his dreadful 
intentions spread consternation throughout the religious houses 
of Spain. One last attempt, it was felt, must be made to 
maintain the old abuses ; and Fray Alfonso de Albornoz, an 
envoy well skilled in the methods of Papal negotiation, was 
secretly despatched under the pretext of some private business 
to Rome, to protect the interests of the threatened friars, and 
especially of the chapter of Toledo, at the court of Alexander 
VI. But the secret was not well kept. Ximenez had time 
to employ the fleetest messenger in Spain to carry letters 
from Isabella to Garcilaso de la Vega, her minister resident 
at the Vatican ; and Albornoz, as soon as he set foot on shore at 
the port of Ostia, was arrested, and sent back to Alcala, as a 
prisoner of state. Nor was he released from his confinement, 
until Ximenez had reformed the friars to his heart's content, 
more than two years after his return as an unwilling traveller 
to Spain. 

At the close of the fifteenth century the secular priests 
throughout the Peninsula were grossly ignorant ; the regulars 
were grossly licentious. It is doubtful whether the Spanish 
ecclesiastics were more immoral, even if they were more ignor- 
ant, than those of France ; and it is certain that in their lives 
and conversation they never even approached the scandalous and 


unblushing depravity of the Italians. 1 Yet they most un- 
doubtedly needed reform. 

Direct testimony upon such matters is not likely to be 
found among contemporary records, but the side-lights upon 
the subject are abundantly sufficient for our illumination. 
Throughout the whole of the fourteenth century, for instance, 
we find that the Cortes of Castile promulgated repeated decrees 
against the insolence of the barraganas de clerigos or concubines 
of the priests, who were so numerous and so insolent that they 
called for special legislation for their class. 2 Noteworthy 
among such ordinances was that promulgated by the Cortes of 
Valladolid in the reign of Peter the Cruel in 1351. Yet even 
its severity can have had but little effect upon the manners of 
the clergy, for we find the ordinance re-enacted in yet more 
stringent terms in the Cortes of 1387 under John I. In 1405 
the priests' ladies were compelled by an edict to wear a scarlet 
head dress, in order that they might be distinguished from other 
women. But neither their number nor their insolence appears 
to have been diminished by legislation ; and they are con- 
stantly referred to by the various writers of the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries. 

As a scathing satire upon the vices of the contemporary 
clergy, the verses of Ruiz, the well-known arch-priest of Hita, 
are sufficiently noteworthy. Nor was the author, in those 
pre-Inquisition days, subjected to any prosecution or persecution 
on account of his plain speaking. It is true that he was himself 
a clerk. So also was Bartolome Naharro, whose Propaladia, 
published as late as 1517, is not without a considerable freedom 
of speech upon the same subject. But long before the days of 
Naharro, old Ayala, a layman and a courtier, had sternly 
reproved the clerical disorders of his time in his Rimado del 
Palacio. 3 Nor is the covetousness and lewdness of the priests 
less severely handled by Juan de Padilla, himself a Carthusian 
friar, in his Doce Triunfos de los doce Apostoles, published in 
Seville even after the establishment of the Inquisition. The 

1 The Council of Aranda, in 1473, had been compelled to lay down that in 
future no man should be ordained a priest who did not understand Latin. This 
modest provision is far more eloquent than the most savage diatribes. Hefele, 
116, 117. 

2 Cartes de Valladolid, art. 24. See P. Merime'e, Pedre I. , p. 38-40 and note ; 
and vol. i. of this history, Appendix on BARRAGANERIA, p. 404. 

3 Printed for the first time in the Revista de Madrid, for December, 1832. 
See also De Castro, Protestantes Espaftoles, cap. i. 

1499.] THE RISE OF XIMENEZ. 173 

facts of the case were so patent that no man ever sought to 
hide them. 1 

If the inferior clergy of the day, both secular and regular, 
were somewhat lax in their way of life, their ecclesiastical 
superiors were by no means more scrupulous. The better 
class of prelates, like Carrillo of Toledo, or the Fonsecas of 
Saragossa and of Seville, had, until the triumph of Isabella 
put an end to civil war in Spain, passed their time in the more 
or less honourable pursuit of arms. The bishops of the worser 
sort were distinguished at once by their violence, their licentious- 
ness, and their disregard of the first principles of religion. A 
few noble and truly pious men, no doubt, were occasionally to 
be found among their number. But the conditions of life were 
not favourable to virtue. Fonseca, Archbishop of Santiago, had 
contrived by some bargain with Ferdinand to pass on his exalted 
office to one of his sons. 2 One of his immediate predecessors 
had been actually thrust out of his seat by the people at 
Compostella for having so far forgotten himself as to make an 
attempt upon the honour of a youthful worshipper 3 in the 
Cathedral of Santiago in 1458. The celebrated Archbishop of 
Toledo, Don Pedro Tenorio, at the end of the fourteenth 
century, was a professional agitator. The contemporary Bishop 
of Palencia was a military commander. So, in the fifteenth 
century (1432) were Zerezuela, Bishop of Osma, and Zuniga, 
Bishop of Jaen (1456), Barrientos (1470), Bishop of Cuenca, 

1 And in our own time the orthodox Hefele ( Viede Ximenes, p. 185) maintains, 
partly as an excuse for the establishment of the Inquisition, and partly as a justifi- 
cation for the ecclesiastical reforms of Ximenez, that the Jews, who were unlike 
the Christians, " tres instructs en gtntral" had infected with their detestable errors 
a great part of the clergy and even the bishops. As for the general demoralisation 
of the religious orders in the fifteenth century see Johan de Trittenheim, Liber 
Lugubris de Statu et Ruind Monast. Ord., c. i.-iii. 

Trittenheim, himself an abbot, speaking of the state of the monasteries, as 
known to himself, says : " The monks when abroad were idle and vain, and when 
inside the walls were abandoned to carnal delights, with nothing of decorum to 
show but the habit ; and even this was mostly neglected. No one thought of 
enforcing the forgotten discipline. The monasteries had become stables for clerks, 
or fortresses for fighting men, or markets for traders, or brothels for strumpets, in 
which the greatest of crimes was to live without sin. " See Lea, Hist, of the Inqui- 
sition, vol. iii., pp. 640-1 ; Peter Martyr, Ep., 163 ; Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 7 
and 1 66 ; Waddingius, Min. Ord., p. 108 ; Hefele, Vie de Ximenes, pp. \Z-jet 
seq. ; Bernaldez, Reyes Catdlicos, 201 ; Lucio Marineo, Cosas Memorable*, 165 ; 
Zurita, Rey Hernando, iii., 15. 

a Flechier, Vie de Ximenes, c. li., p. 495. 

3 Que acababa de velarse. The sex of the young person is uncertain. The 
prelate was Roderigo de Luna. The Lunas were a hot-blooded race. See Hefele, 
186 ; I^afuente, torn. Lx. , 42. 


and the more celebrated Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of To- 
ledo. 1 

In the first battle of Olmedo in 1445, one archbishop and 
two bishops actually fought at the head of their knights. 
At the second battle of Olmedo in 1467 three other prelates 
played a similar part. As late as 1479 we hear of combatant 
bishops in the armies both of Spain and of Portugal. But Ximenez, 
with Oran before him, ought not to have been too hard upon 
the clerics who made no worse use of their time than in fighting. 2 
From such coadjutors as these, and their legitimate successors, 
no help, nothing indeed but hindrance, was to be expected; 
but Ximenez went his own way, and it is admitted on all hands 
that his reforms were unsparing, impartial and tremendous. 
The Spanish clergy, both regular and secular, were reduced to 
order and to submission. They were made more respectable, 
more efficient, and as Churchmen vastly more powerful than 
before. And thus it came to pass that the Reformation found 
the Spanish Church already reformed, at least in morals and 

More than 1000 friars are said to have quitted their country, 
and passed over to Africa, preferring the liberty of self-indulgence 
under the protection of the Infidel, to submission to Ximenez 
in Spain. The figures may be, and probably are, exaggerated : 
but the story tells truly of the magnitude of the evil, and of the 
tremendous vigour of the cure. 3 

But the primate was not content with ecclesiastical reform. 
He persuaded the sovereigns to modify the incidence of the 
Alcabala, or tax on all bargains and sales of goods, which had 
been established to defray the expenses of the wars in Granada ; 
and on the 7th of March, 1498, he laid the first stone of that 
great institution at Alcald, which is inseparably and gloriously 
associated with his memory. It is sometimes said that Ximenez 
procured the abolition of the Alcabala ; but on the contrary, it 
was with the greatest difficulty, and by the support of the 
queen 4 against the whole council, that he was able to procure 

1 Lafuente, torn. ix. , pp. 66-70. 

2 The fighting qualities of these Spanish bishops is treated by Sefior Clemencin 
in the Memoirs of the Royal Acad. of Hist, of Madrid, vol. vi., pp. 388-391. 

3 Mem. R. Acad. Hist., vi., 201 ; Zurita, Hist. Key Hernando, iii. , 15. 

4 The complete abolition of the impost was urged upon Ferdinand by Isabella 
in her will, long after this, in 1504. (Very far, however, from being abolished, the 
ten per cent, tax on all sales, or the equivalent in a lump sum in composition from 
certain privileged towns, continued to blight and ruin Spanish industry and trade 
until the eighteenth century. For an account of the havoc worked by this tax see 
the editor's Spain : its Greatness and Decay. H.) 

1499.] THE RISE OF XIMENEZ. 175 

the adoption of certain modifications, conceived in the true spirit 
of enlightened finance, by which the amount of the contribution 
was reduced from 1 per cent, to 5 per cent. ; the mode of 
collection was rendered less odious and less onerous ; while the 
net amount recovered by the treasury was as great or greater 
than before. But in an evil hour, not long after this display of 
enlightenment and liberality, Ximenez turned his attention to 




THAT the 1500 adventurers who sailed with Columbus on his 
second voyage should have turned out indifferent colonists, was 
only what might have been fairly expected of them. But their 
turbulence, their idleness, their cruelty, and their lawlessness 
exceeded all that could have been thought possible, and defied 
at once the power and the wisdom of the great navigator. 1 

Columbus was perhaps one of the best and noblest men who 
has ever acquired fame on this earth ; patient, generous, just, 
considerate, liberal ; but he was by no means fitted to command 
a company of professional robbers, or to make himself respected 
by a gang of pirates. The determination of the viceroy that 
every colonist should work, rendered him above all things 
obnoxious to the adventurers. But no man in the little company 
showed himself more impatient of authority than Father Boil, 
who sent back by every ship the most tremendous accusations 
against his chief. * As the result of this ecclesiastical delation, 
a royal commissary, one Aguado, was despatched from Seville 
early in 1496 ; on whose coming Columbus set sail from Haiti 
for Spain, that he might lay his own justification before the 
sovereigns ; and he arrived at Cadiz on the llth of June, 1496. 
Isabella was still in the full vigour of womanhood, earnest, ap- 
preciative, sympathetic. The admiral was well received. But 
the new world had ceased to interest Ferdinand, or to excite 
any serious attention among the people in Spain. The king 
and queen, moreover, were both fully occupied with negotiations 
and intrigues in Europe. America, distant and disregarded, was 

1 Gente aventurera, codiciosia, discola, viciosa, y turbulenta, Lafuente, x., 

2 Lafuente, x., 135, 136. 


forced to wait. And thus it was, that in spite of the early 
success and the constant zeal of Columbus, and of the magnitude 
of the interests that he represented, it was two years before he 
was enabled once more to return to his languishing colony in 
the western seas. 

The source of all the failures and troubles in the new world 
had undoubtedly lain in the unfitness of the colonists selected 
to accompany the expedition ; in the turbulence of the soldiers 
and sailors in the fleet ; in the undue proportion of men of bad 
character in the little band of adventurers. Bishop Foncesa 1 
could think of no better mode of reforming the community, and 
introducing habits of order and industry into the discredited 
colony, than by despatching a cargo of convicts and criminals 
stowed away on board six ships, which sailed from San Lucar on 
the 30th of May, 1498. 2 

On the 30th of May, 1498, Columbus sailed from Spain for the 
third time, steering a more southerly course than before, and 
making the Island of Trinidad and the mainland of South 
America on the last day of July of the same year. But no 
sooner had the admiral started, than Ferdinand began to repent 
him of the favours that he had conferred upon the foreigner. 
Nor was the king's jealousy suffered to languish for want of 
encouragement at court. It is idle to seek to fathom the hearts 
of kings, or to account for every action of the men and women 
of 400 years ago ; let it suffiice to record the fact that on the 
21st of May, 1499> a Commander of Calatrava, Francisco Bobadilla, 
was invested with a commission to sail to the West to dismiss 
and supersede Columbus. 3 

Ignorant, insolent, cruel and vain, a true beggar on horse- 
back, Bobadilla was not chosen so much to supersede as to 
disgrace the Queen's admiral. The Catholic kings were not 
such incapable judges of men as to suppose that the conceited 
Calatravan would prove a more capable administrator than 
Christopher Columbus. Landing at the port of St. Domingo, 
and finding the viceroy absent on some business in the country, 
the envoy proceeded to break into his house, to seize his papers 

1 Afterwards Bishop of Burgos. He must not be confounded with any of the 
Fonsecas who filled, in hereditary succession, the archiepiscopal see of Santiago 
de Compostella from 1460 to 1525. Cf. Gams, Series Episcoporum. 

2 As to the shipping of convicts, see the Real Provision of Medina del Campo, 
dated aand July, 1497, preserved in the archives of the Duke of Veragua. 

3 The commission to Bobadilla is dated March, 1499 ; the actual despatch of 
Bobadilla, July, 1500 ; the return of Columbus, December, 1500. 

VOL. II. 12 


and valuables, and to load him on his return to the town with 
chains and fetters. Having thus asserted his authority, he 
stowed away the discoverer of the New World in the hold of a 
small caravel, and shipped him off to Spain. 

That Columbus was possessed of one of the greatest and 
noblest natures that have ever been given to man, his conduct 
on this homeward voyage is alone sufficient to prove. Dignified 
and uncomplaining in the presence of Bobadilla, affable and 
considerate to the officers who commanded his prison-ship, 
confident of redress at the hands of the sovereigns whom he had 
served so well, he was cheered alike by his knowledge of the 
justice of his cause on earth, and his simple and unwavering 
trust in the Providence of God. And on the 17th of December, 
1500, the grey-haired prisoner, accused of no crime but simple 
greatness, stood, without humiliation and without arrogance, 
before the sovereigns of Spain at Granada. 

What we now understand by the words Public Opinion had 
no existence in Europe in the last year of the fifteenth century, 
yet every honest man who had ears to hear and a heart to feel, 
was consumed with indignation at the enormity of the royal 
ingratitude. The sovereigns, no doubt, felt that they had gone 
too far. Columbus was received not as a prisoner but as a friend, 
not with reproaches but with promises of future favours. No 
more. For a year he lived at Granada, while Ferdinand was 
despoiling his cousin of Naples, and Isabella was banishing her 
Moorish subjects from Andalusia an example to all ages of 
dignified cheerfulness, of uncomplaining and unrepining resigna- 
tion. For in an age when religion had reached its lowest depth 
as a moral force in the world, and among men whose Christian 
professions were commonly a reason for persecution, a cloak for 
rapacity, an excuse for every vice and every crime, Columbus was 
filled with a true religious spirit, deep, hearty, thorough ; a spirit 
which led him unharmed through the paths of superstition, of 
cruelty and of intolerance, and dignified his daily life with accept- 
able counsels of perfection. Dispossessed, slighted, plundered, 
Columbus maintained his cheerfulness, and found comfort and 
consolation in religious meditation l and in the study of Holy 
Scripture, while Bobadilla was vexing the colonists and murdering 
the natives in his Western world. 

At length, after fourteen months' delay, Ferdinand and 

1 He actually wrote a work on Biblical prophecy, existing in MS. in the Colum- 
bian Library at Seville. But his geographical studies were not neglected. 

1502.] COLUMBUS. 179 

Isabella judged that the Calatravan had filled up the measure 
of his iniquities in St. Domingo, and they commissioned, not 
Columbus, but another Calatravan, Fray Nicolas de Ovando, to 
proceed to the Indies to succeed him. Columbus had sought 
further employment in vain. Honour and profit were not for 
him. He had done his work of discovery. An obscure member 
of a religious order would make a more fitting Governor- General 
of the New World. 

The expedition that was fitted out under the command of 
Ovando was of a very different character from anything that had 
been entrusted to Columbus. A fleet of thirty-two fine ships, 
with 2500 chosen colonists, and an immense amount of live 
stock, tools, seeds, plants and supplies of every kind all that 
Columbus had so long asked for, all that should have been sent 
so long before, was placed at the disposal of the Calatravan. 
Columbus protested against the appointment of Ovando, as a 
formal infringement of his legal rights and privileges. But laws 
ran as kings pleased in Spain in the year 1502. Ovando sailed 
on the 13th of February. Columbus remained at Granada. 1 

During the next year the admiral turned his attention to a 
strangely different enterprise, which, however, appeared to him 
to have been foretold in Biblical prophecy as the complement of 
his discoveries in the West. He searched the Scriptures with 
great ardour and enthusiasm, seeking for references to his own 
discovery of the Indies, and to the ensuing expulsion of the 
infidel from the holy places ; and he was guided and assisted in 
these strange researches by his friend Caspar Gorricio, a monk in 
the Carthusian Monastery of Santa Maria de las Cuevas at Seville. 

The result of these studies was a work which he entitled 
Manipulus de auctoritatibus dictis ac senientiis el prophetiis circa 
materiam recuperandce sanclce civitatis et mantis Dei Sion. This 
interesting manuscript volume, now known as the Profecias, is 

1 It should be mentioned that Columbus started on his fourth voyage from 
Cadiz only three months after Ovando had sailed. In a royal warrant dated i4th 
March, 1502 (Fernandez Navarette, vol. i., 277), the Catholic kings thus addressed 
Columbus : " Be assured that your imprisonment grieved us much, as you saw, 
and as is publicly known ; for as soon as we knew of it we ordered it to be re- 
voked. You know also the favour with which we have always treated you : and it 
is now more than ever our intention to honour you and treat you very well. The 
grants we formerly made to you shall be fully complied with, as stated in the 
privileges you hold ; and you and your children shall duly enjoy them. If it be 
necessary to confirm the grants anew, we will do so." Columbus was then autho- 
rised to proceed on his fourth voyage, and sailed on nth May, 1502 ; but as he 
wrote, "his heart was sore and filled with misgivings". For all grants, etc., at 
this time see Columbus' Book of Privileges, printed in facsimile by Messrs. Stevens, 
Harisse & Barwick. H. 


still preserved in the Columbian Library at Seville. It contains 
all the prophecies in the Bible which appear to have any bearing 
on the matters in hand, and is preceded by a letter addressed to 
the sovereigns, in which Columbus endeavoured to stir their 
hearts in favour of an enterprise which seemed to him to be at 
once for the glory of Spain, and for the good of Christendom. 1 

1 Clements Markham, Life of Christopher Columbus (1892), pp. 214, 215. (In 
his famous letter, written when a prisoner on his homeward voyage (printed in 
facsimile by Mr. Stevens), Columbus already shows that he considered his discovery 
to have been divinely inspired. ' ' Of the new heaven and earth which our Lord 
made when St. John was writing the Apocalypse, after what was spoken by the 
mouth of Isaiah, He made me the messenger and showed me where it lay.'' H.) 





FOR seven years both Isabella and Ferdinand kept faith with 
their Moslem subjects, who lived and prospered under the mild 
and sympathetic administration of their Alcaide or Administrator- 
General, Mendoza, Count of Tendilla, and their Archbishop, 
Ferdinand of Talavera, 1 good men both, and honourable, Castilian 
Christians of the best school, humane, enlightened and generous. 2 
And the Moors of Granada had little reason to regret their own 
contemptible Boabdil, or even the cruel and violent uncle whom 
he had betrayed. 

The Capitulation para la entrega de Granada, of the 25th of 
November, 1491, as well as the inevitable Capitulation Secreta of 
the same date 3 which may both be seen to this day preserved in 
the archives at Simancas, are worthy not only of study but of 
admiration. The provisions for the perfect liberty of the Moors 
in the future, as regards their religion and their laws, are both 
numerous and precise ; and forbid even the gentlest attempts at 
conversion. 4 Had the treaty been fairly carried out, the condition 
of the subject Moors would have been similar to that enjoyed by 
the Indian and Cypriote Moslems under modern English rule, at 
the present day, save in that whereas English judges are allowed 

1 The best authorities for the life of Talavera are, perhaps, P. Sigiienza, Hist, 
de la orden de S. Gerdnimo, ii. , 31 ; Jorge de Torres, Vida de Talavera ; Ger6- 
nimo de Madrid, Vida. See also Lafuente, x., 85. 

2 Talavera, however, had showed but little enlightenment in the matter of 
Columbus. Tendilla and Talavera lived on such good terms in their respective 
governments that Peter Martyr speaks of them as having one soul in two bodies. 
P. Martyr, Epist., 219. 

3 They are both printed in full as an Appendix to vol. ix. of Lafuente's Histona 
de EspaHa. 

4 See especially Art. 32. The Great Captain is said to have had a large share 
in the preparation of the convention. See Documentos Ineditos, etc., torn. viii. ; 
and generally, torn. xi. and li. 


to administer Mohammedan law in India, and to a limited extent 
in Cyprus, it was provided by the fifteenth clause of the Granada 
treaty that any questions arising between Moor and Moor, " scan 
juzgadas por sus alcadis segund costumbre de los Moros " ; and a 
tribunal de medielale religionis was established by the forty-second 
clause, with jurisdiction in all cases of dispute between Moors 
and Christians. The whole treaty breathes a spirit of generous 
toleration, which was no doubt largely due to the influence of 
Gonsalvo de Cordova. 

But Spain had undergone a great change between 14-92 and 
1499- The Inquisition had not laboured in vain. The Moors 
had been conquered, the Jews had been expelled, Torquemada 
was at Seville, Roderic Borgia was at Rome ; the Crown was 
more absolute, the Church was more aggressive ; Isabella had 
become less considerate, Ferdinand more greedy, the nobility 
less powerful, the commonalty more bigoted. And towards the 
end of the year 1499. Ximenez, interrupting, as Hefele has it, 
the good work of reforming the Christian clergy, that he might 
devote himself to the conversion of the Moors, made his appear- 
an'ce at Granada in the train of the Catholic sovereigns. Dis- 
satisfied at once with the methods and with the progress of 
Talavera, he soon caused himself to be associated with the local 
archbishop in the spiritual charge of his diocese. Thus, with the 
approbation of Isabella, and without opposition on the part of his 
gentle colleague, Ximenez assumed the entire direction of affairs 
in Granada, and the Moors were soon made to feel the effect of 
this change of masters. 

In vigour, at least, the Archbishop of Toledo had no rival in 
Christendom. His religious feelings, his political aspirations, his 
personal pride, were all offended by the presence of a Moslem 
society in Spain ; and that which offended Ximenez was usually 
swept away. At first he contented himself with persuasion. 
Rich presents, gifts of money, promises of future favour, were 
showered upon the leading citizens, and were not without their 
effect. Of the old Arab race not many were left in Granada. 
Few had been found even under the later Moorish kings ; still fewer 
remained after the disgraceful surrender of Boabdil. Upon the 
mixed multitude whose conversion was taken in hand by Ximenez, 
a judicious mixture of threats and largesses had a very powerful in- 
fluence. The citizens were baptised in droves, and the sacred rite 
was publicly administered by the undignified method of aspersion. 1 

1 " By means of a mop." Prescott. Cf. Baudier, 204, and Marsollier, i., 319. 

1500.] THE MORISCOS. 183 

Yet fire as well as water was employed in the conversion of the 
city. For the burning of the Moslems themselves the time had 
not yet arrived ; but their books at least might pay the penalty 
of heterodoxy, and feed the ready flames of persecution. An 
immense pile of MSS. of every description, works on theology 
and philosophy, copies of the Koran, commentaries on Aristotle, 
books of science, of poetry, of history, of medicine, of mathe- 
matics, were collected by pious hands, and burned by Ximenez 
in the great square of Granada. Many of these MSS., we are 
told, were triumphs of caligraphy, and of the now almost forgotten 
art of the illuminator ; many were in gorgeous bindings ; l but 
nothing was sacred for the spoiler. Copies of the Koran worth 
more than their weight in gold, records and treatises beyond 
price, all were involved in the barbarous holocaust. 

Of the character of the destruction there is no doubt nor 
controversy. Of the number 2 of the destroyed there is no 
certain record. The Spanish apologists, while maintaining that 
the nature of the works, at once odious and contemptible, 
rendered their destruction a most estimable and praiseworthy 
performance, are most illogically anxious to minimise the number 
of the destroyed. Five thousand is the lowest figure that has 
been suggested, while 2,000,000 has been reached by the 
extravagant imagination of an Andalusian reviewer. The 
number, in any case, was very great. The loss was irreparable. 
Nor is the example of an ignorant and narrow intolerance, of 
reckless and irresponsible zeal, any the less shocking, when we 
reflect that it was the work of the learned editor of translations 
of the Bible, the munificent founder of a renowned university. 

Nor was the sacred literature of the Moslem replaced by 
anything more appropriate for the New Christians. Talavera, 
indeed, had caused a portion of the Old and New Testament, 
of the Missal, and of various devotional works to be translated 
from Latin into Arabic, for the use of his Moorish catechumens. 
But before the MS. had passed into the hands of the printer, 
the primate interfered and forbade the dangerous publication. 3 

1 Baudier, 205, has it 5000 volumes of Alcorans, artistement bien relies et 
ornez defermoirs et cornieres d' argent. 

2 Conde is our authority for putting the number as high as 80,000, and his 
record or estimate has been accepted as reasonable by the most trustworthy 
writers who have given any attention to the subject. But it !is obvious that any 
figure must merely be taken as meaning like the modern Greek /uvptdSes a great 

3 His arguments ad hoc are pretty fully and somewhat naively given by Mar- 
sollier, vol. i., lib. iii. , pp. 350-55. A dozen years later, on aoth June, 1511, 


The people, said he, had always been kept in ignorance by 
their ecclesiastical chiefs, and it was best that they should 
so remain. 

The way in which a modern orthodox Spaniard can bring 
himself to regard this melancholy Auto de F& is surely worthy of 
record. " The books of chivalry," says Senor Simonet, " were 
far less pernicious than those of the Moslems ; and yet the 
greatest intellect of Spain proposed in the famous examination 
in Don Quixote, that they should be all burnt without appeal." 1 
To call Cervantes as a witness in favour of ignorance, and to cite 
one of the most apposite satires in the whole of Spanish literature 
as an argument in favour of book-burning, is a truly remarkable 
and astounding fact in the history of national intelligence. 2 

The primate's next step was the publication of an ordinance 
forbidding the inhabitants, under pain of imprisonment and 
corporal chastisement, to speak evil of the Christian religion, or 
of those who professed it ; and the proclamation was so liberally 
interpreted by the royal officers, that in a few days the prisons 
were filled with accused persons, who were treated with the 
utmost severity. Nor was any one released until he had abjured 
the faith of Islam, and consented to embrace Christianity. 3 As 
time went on, the " diligent rigour," as an admiring chronicler 
has it, of the great Franciscan became still more exacting. A 
Moor of royal lineage, Al Zegri by name, having been invited to 

Ferdinand, in the name of Joanna, issued at Seville an edict that all converted 
Moriscos who possessed Arabic books of any description, were to hand them over 
within fifty days a nuestras justicias , to be burned, under pain of forfeiture of all 
their movable or immovable property. Books on medicine, philosophy and 
chronicles might be handed back to the owners, if the justices thought fit. Docu- 
mentos Ineditos, torn, xxxix., pp. 447-451. 

1 Simonet, Ximenez de Cisneros (Granada, 1885). 

2 The contemporary Alvar Gomez de Castro, De Rebus gestii a F. Ximenez, 
gives the number of MSS. burned as 5000 ; and this number is adopted by Rohr- 
bacher (Hist. Univers. de fEglise Catholique, lib. Ixxxiii. ). 

Senor Simonet (ubi supra} condemns in no measured language Robles ( Vida 
de Ximenez de Cisneros, 1604) ; and others who have suggested a higher figure, 
and he derides, not without reason, a contemporary Spanish writer, who, without 
citing any fresh authority, speaks of 2,000,000 MSS. as having been burnt. Senor 
Simonet, however, applauds the cardinal for the holocaust, whatever may have 
been the number, inasmuch as he is sure that all the books burnt must have 
related to the danada ley y secta of Mohammed (p. 9), and inasmuch as it is said 
that Ximenez reserved three hundred MSS. from the mass, for the university or 
Colegio Mayor at Alcala de Henares, it must be supposed that all the rest were 
worthless as well as damnable. Senor Simonet's little book is interesting if only 
to show how little some Spaniards have learnt or forgotten since the days of Tor- 
quemada and Lucero. 

3 Marsollier, 321. 

1500.] THE MORISCOS. 185 

a religious conference for the purpose of conversion, had with- 
stood the arguments, and rejected the gifts of the primate ; and 
Ximenez had retorted by the arrest and imprisonment of so 
independent a Nonconformist. The arguments of the jailors 
proved more potent than those of Ximenez himself, and after a 
few days' experience of the methods of an ecclesiastical prison, 1 
Al Zegri was restored to freedom as a professing Christian. The 
Almighty, it was said, had deigned to pay him a special visit in 
his retirement, and had enjoined him not only to abjure the 
faith of his fathers, but to compel all his brethren to follow his 
example. He was baptised under the Christian names, not of 
Alfonso or Francisco, as might have been expected, in honour of 
Ximenez, but of Gonsalvo Hernandez, in memory of the Great 
Captain with whom he had contended in more loyal warfare, in 
the course of the last siege of Granada. 

The endurance of the population, however, had by this time 
been strained to the utmost. An insult offered by one of the 
primate's servants to a Moorish girl in the Albaycin was the 
signal for the expected rising. And Ximenez found himself 
besieged in his palace by the citizens in arms. The tumult 
thus excited by his violent and intemperate zeal was like to 
have developed into a revolution in peaceful Granada. But the 
noble generosity of Al Zegri himself saved Ximenez from the 
first shock of the fury of the populace ; 2 and when the personal 
influence and chivalrous devotion of the Moorish prince had 
checked the onslaught of an indignant people, the gentleness of 
Talavera and the discretion of Mendoza hushed the storm that 
had been so rashly raised. The venerable archbishop made his 
way, without guards or attendants, into the very midst of the 
turmoil. The Count of Tendilla, bareheaded in the Albaycin, 
disclaimed any intention of armed interference, and offered his 
own children as hostages, if only the citizens would return to 
their homes and to their duty. The Moors, touched by such 
courage and such generosity, forgot the encroachments of 
Ximenez, and promptly laid down their arms ; and within a few 
hours Granada was as tranquil and as industrious as before. 

Ximenez, however, after various letters to Ferdinand and 
Isabella, thought it best to make his way to Seville, partly 
that he might excuse himself to the sovereigns for the recent 
outbreak at Granada, which he was able to attribute to the 

1 Baudier, 204 and note. 

a Marsollier, i. , lib. iii. , p. 332-3. 


wickedness of the Moslems, rather than to the intemperance of 
his own zeal, and partly that he might concert measures for the 
complete reversal of the policy of Talavera and Mendoza at 
Granada. After some consultation with the king and queen, 
the views of Ximenez prevailed, and commissioners were im- 
mediately despatched to Granada with instructions to continue 
the good work that had been temporarily suspended by the 
departure of the primate. The Moors for the moment offered 
no further resistance. Conformity and emigration thinned the 
ranks of Islam. And when the inevitable rebellion broke out 
early in the ensuing year, it was confined to the inhabitants of a 
few outlying towns, and to the hardy mountaineers of that 
"land of warriors," the wild region of Alpujarras. 1 

Yet, insignificant as the rising might have at first sight 
appeared, the sovereigns at once realised the importance of 
promptly checking a rebellion in the country which it had taken 
so many years to conquer. Far from despising an apparently 
insignificant enemy, they ordered Gonsalvo de Cordova, the hero 
of Granada and the most accomplished general in Europe, to take 
immediate steps for the suppression of the local insurrection. 
The Great Captain was not a man to dally, and within a few 
days he entered the hostile province at the head of a small 
army. Several fortified cities had already been occupied by the 
insurgents, and of these the first to be attacked by the Catholic 
troops was Huejar, some miles to the south of Granada. The 
whole neighbourhood having been flooded by the inhabitants 
as a means of defence, the heavily-armed Spanish horsemen, 
including Gonsalvo himself, were well-nigh drowned before they 
could advance to the assault. But as soon as he had reached 
the walls the Great Captain, who in all his experience in 
command had not forgotten how to fight, planted the first 
scaling-ladder, cut down with his own hand the foremost Moslem 
who opposed him, leaped into the city, followed by his troops, 
and speedily reduced it to subjection. By order of Ferdinand 
the whole of the garrison were put to the sword, the women 
and children sold as slaves, and the town given up to indiscrimi- 
nate pillage. The next place to fall into the hands of the 
Christians was Lanjaron, el paraiso de las Alpujarras, whose 
inhabitants experienced the same amount of mercy as those of 
Huejar. The Count of Lerin, moreover, gave proof of his 

1 Arabic, Albuxarat, said to be derived from Alba Serra, Ford (1878), pp. 
418, 419, or from ai bushera, grass, Ford (1845), i. , 397. 

1501.] THE MORISCOS. 187 

Christian zeal at Lanjaron, between Granada and Almeria, by 
blowing up a mosque filled with women and children ; and the 
effects of the establishment of the Inquisition, and the personal 
influence of Ferdinand, were abundantly felt in the different 
manners in which the war was carried on from that of only ten 
years before. The Moors, however, soon sued for peace, craving 
only that the terms should be settled by Gonsalvo de Cordova ; 
and the conditions of the treaty that was at length granted by 
Ferdinand were, on the whole, more favourable than could have 
been expected under the circumstances. 

As soon as tranquillity was restored, and Gonsalvo had retired 
once more to Cordova, it became apparent that a new policy, 
political and ecclesiastical, was to prevail in Granada ; no longer 
the policy of Mendoza and Talavera ; not even that of the Great 
Captain, but the "Thorough" policy of Ximenez. The very 
name of Moor was erased from the vocabulary of Christian Spain, 
and the remnant of the once dominant race were to be known 
in future as the Moriscos. 

The Christian soldier had now taken his departure. But 
the Christian priest appeared ; and behind him lay the entire 
power of Spain the court, the army, the Church and the Holy 
Office. The black battalions descended upon Granada, promising 
innumerable advantages, both temporal and eternal, to those who 
should embrace the Cross ; and threatening with the most terrible 
penalties, in the present and future world, all who should neglect 
the opportunity which was then finally offered to them, of con- 
version to the True Faith. The results were exactly what 
might have been expected. The weaker, the more fraudulent, 
the more timid recanted. The more sturdy, the more bigoted, 
the more independent once more rebelled. But this time it 
was not in the wild Alpujarras but on the western frontier of 
Granada that the standard of revolt was raised. Nor was Gon- 
salvo de Cordova any longer at liberty to take command of the 
royal forces. For Ferdinand of Aragon had at length resolved 
to possess himself of the kingdom of Naples ; and the Great 
Captain was once more on his way to Italy. His elder brother, 
Don Alfonso de Aguilar, was entrusted with the task of putting 
down the Moorish rebellion. 

Don Alfonso was a brave soldier, but he had no pretensions 
to be a general, and he lacked not only the skill but the .good 
fortune of his more distinguished brother. His dispositions were 
unskilfully made, and rashly carried out ; the commander was 
slain in single combat by a Moorish knight in the very first 


engagement, while his army, dispersed and disorganised, was 
well nigh cut to pieces in the mountainous country of the Sierra 
Bermeja l (18th March, 1501). Ferdinand at once assumed the 
command of such troops as he could hastily collect. The rebels 
had no leader ; and alarmed rather than encouraged by the 
success of their operations, they disbanded their forces, and 
sought pardon and peace at the hands of the Catholic king. 
Ferdinand, whose attention was fully taken up with his intrigues 
in Italy, was content with the submission of the rebels. The 
uselessness of armed resistance had been made apparent to the 
Moors, both in town and country. The Christian sovereigns 
were free to deal with their unhappy subjects in Granada with- 
out fear of resistance or opposition. 

Torquemada, the Grand Inquisitor of Spain, had died in 
1498 ; and his successor, Deza, was encouraged by Ximenez 
to demand at the hands of the Catholic kings, the establish- 
ment of the Inquisition in Granada. 2 So flagrant a violation of 
the royal engagements to the subject Moors was at first sight 
discountenanced by Isabella, who actually refused her sanction 
to the scheme. But her approbation was easily obtained to an 
extension of the jurisdiction of the Inquisition of Cordova, over 
the entire province of Granada a happy solution of an em- 
barrassing question of good faith. 

Thus was Granada finally abandoned to the tender mercies 
of the dreadful Lucero ; 3 and soon afterwards all show of tolera- 
tion was utterly cast away. The policy of Thorough had finally 
prevailed. On the 20th of July, 1501, the sovereigns issued an 
edict abolishing the faith or practice of Islam throughout Granada, 
condemning all Nonconformists to death with the usual addition 
of confiscation of goods. 4 But even this was not judged suffi- 

1 " The Red Hills " near Ronda. 

2 Llorente, i., cap. x. (2). 

3 The chief inquisitor at Cordova was a Dominican of the name of Lucero, 
called by Peter Martyr, -/ Tenebroso, a man distinguished, even among the in- 
quisitors, for his excessive harshness and cruelty. Llorente, i., cap. x. (2), (4) 
and (5). Peter Martyr, Ep. , 333 ; and other letters printed by Llorente, not 
included in the published collections. The Inquisition was not formally introduced 
into Granada until 1524. 

4 Frag maticas del Reyno (1501), fol. 6. The mission of Peter Martyr to the 
Sultan of Egypt, which was despatched from Spain within one month from the 
promulgation of this celebrated edict, is an interesting example of the complete- 
ness with which the Spanish sovereigns did their work. Fearing lest their unjust 
and savage treatment of their Moslem subjects might provoke reprisals in Egypt, 
they sent an envoy of position to look after their interests in that country. That 
they themselves should cease from persecution in Spain was of course not to be 

1502.] THE MORISCOS. 189 

cient. Less than seven months afterwards, on the 12th of 
February of the year 1502, it was further ordered that the entire 
Moslem population, men, women and children of twelve years 
old and upwards, should quit the kingdom within two months ; l 
and by a savage refinement of cruelty, the exiles were forbidden 
on pain of death to emigrate to neighbouring Africa, or even to 
the distant empire of the Ottoman, where a Moslem population 
would have received them at least with brotherly pity. As 
this sanguinary provision was found to have been evaded, a 
further ordinance was issued on the 17th of September, 1502, 
decreeing that no one, of any race or religion, should quit the 
Peninsula for the space of two years, without the express 
permission of the sovereigns. Shut out thus from every possible 
refuge, with no alternative but death or baptism, the Moslem 
submitted, and while he fervently whispered that there was no 
God but the God of Mohammed ; he bowed his head before 
the uplifted cross of the inquisitor. 2 

thought of, any,j;.jre than that the Egyptians should be permitted to persecute in 
Egypt. But as^spain had no army to despatch to Babylon as Cairo was then 
called their diplomacy was as bold as it seems to have been successful. Peter 
Martyr, Epist., 224. 

1 Llorente, i., v., 3. Bad deeds, like curses, it is said, sometimes "come 
home to roost ''. From this settlement of the Spanish Moors on the coasts of 
north Africa we may date the rise of the piratical states of Barbary. For partly 
from necessity, and partly from a not unnatural desire to be revenged upon the 
Christian Spaniards, the Moors fitted out small squadrons of pirate cruisers. At 
first they seized only such Spanish ships as they could meet with, landing from 
time to time on the Spanish coasts, and carrying off both slaves and treasure to 
their new homes in Africa. But the expedition of Charles V. against Tunis, un- 
successful as it was, led the Moors of Barbary to call in to their aid the famous 
Turkish pirate Barbarossa, who was moved by his successes against Spain to make 
himself master of the Government of Algiers, while his brother Haradin possessed 
himself of Tunis, and another Levantine Turk made himself master of Tripoli. 
Thus strengthened along the entire Mediterranean coast of Africa, the Moorish or 
Barbary rovers were able to attack without fear or scruple the ships of all the 
Christian nations that sailed in the Mediterranean. Anderson, History of Com- 
merce, i., 703-4, and ii., 44-5. 

2 Upon these and many other points connected with the history and position 
of the Moors under Christian rule, known in Arabic as MUDEJARES, in Spanish as 
MORISCOS, see Albert de Circpurt, Histoire des Mores Mudejares et des Morisques 
sous la domination des Chrltiens d"Espagne dans les xvi.-xvii. siecles. Paris, 3 
torn., 1846, and Documentos Ineditos, etc., torn, viii., xi. and li. 




WHILE their most Catholic Majesties were justifying their bad 
faith in their treatment of the Moors by their zeal in the cause 
of Christianity, they were engaged in negotiations even more 
treacherous with regard to the dominions of their most Christian 
friend and ally, Frederic of Naples. Charles VIII., King of 
France, had died in April, 1498, and had been succeeded by his 
cousin, Louis XII. ; and this prince was no sooner established 
upon the throne, than he entered into a league with the Republic 
of Venice to drive Ludovico Sforza out of Milan. This laudable 
project was speedily put into execution ; and thus the man who 
had first invited the French into Italy in 1495, was, by a species 
of retributive justice, the first to lose his own dominions in 1500; 
a fate which, if rights of sovereignty were measurable by merit, 
he, for many reasons, most justly deserved. 

In course of time, Louis turned his attention towards Naples, 
whence the French had been so lately expelled. The only 
obstacle to his success in that direction lying in the hostility of 
Spain, the king immediately entered into negotiations with 
Ferdinand; 1 and on the llth of November, 1500, a treaty was 
signed at Granada, which can only be characterised as one of 
the most unblushing acts of national robbery ever perpetrated 
by two exalted brigands. By the terms of this treaty Naples 
was to be taken from Frederic, the reigning sovereign, with 
whom both parties were at peace, and of whom one was his near 
relation and close ally ; and his entire territory was to be divided 
between Louis of France and Ferdinand of Spain. It need hardly 
be added that a religious basis was considered essential to this 

1 These negotiations had already been tentatively opened by Ferdinand before 
the death of Charles VIII. H. 


unholy alliance ; and that the condition of the Ottoman empire 
was made the pretext for the occupation of Naples, whence alone, 
it was said, the combined operations of the eminently Christian 
powers could be effectively undertaken against the Turk. 

Partly with a view to giving colour to what may be called 
the crusading element in this treaty, and partly in order to have 
an army on the spot, to act either for or against the French, 
according to the turn the negotiations might take, and so 
strengthen his hands in the conduct of future negotiations, 
Ferdinand fitted out a fleet of about sixty sail, and embarked 
an army of nearly five thousand picked men under the command 
of Gonsalvo de Cordova. The expedition sailed from Malaga in 
the month of June, 1 500, and, after a short stay at Messina, 
proceeded to Corfu, where Gonsalvo united his forces with those 
of the Venetians, and at once laid siege to the strongly-fortified 
place of St. George in Cephalonia, which had been lately taken 
from Venice by the Ottomans. The Turkish defenders did not 
number over 700 men, but they were commanded by the brave 
Gisdar, who, when Gonsalvo summoned him to surrender, assured 
the envoy that the whole garrison were ready to sacrifice their 
lives rather than to fail in their duty to their sovereign Bajazet. 
Such men as these were not to be easily conquered, and the 
siege was protracted over two months. A general attack was 
at length decided upon, and numerous breaches having been 
made in the fortifications by the artillery, the place was carried 
by assault. Gonsalvo and the Venetian Admiral Pesaro led the 
columns of attack in person. The Turks fought with the greatest 
bravery and determination, and the garrison was killed almost to 
a man before the banners of Santiago and St. Mark at length 
floated over the battlements. 

Of the estimation in which the Ottomans of the fifteenth 
century were held by the other powers of Europe, we are apt 
at the present day to be forgetful. The conquest of Con- 
stantinople in 1453 had filled all the Christian sovereigns with 
dismay ; and the name of Bajazet was almost as terrible to the 
powers whose territories were washed by the Mediterranean, as 
was that of Napoleon 300 years later in Europe. The taking 
of Cephalonia was one of the first successes of the Christian 
arms against the Turks ; and the victory was of great import- 
ance, 1 not only on account of the value of the island from a 

1 Commanding as it did the mouth of the Adriatic, and forming a base of 
operations for expeditions against the neighbouring coasts of Italy. 


military point of view, but also in that it checked the advance 
of the Infidel, and gladdened the heart of the Christian. When 
Gonsalvo arrived at Syracuse he was met by an ambassador from 
the Venetian republic, bearing a congratulatory address, and the 
diploma or patent of a Venetian citizen for the conqueror of the 
Ottoman, together with a magnificent present of plate, silk 
stuffs, furs, rich brocades, and horses, as a testimony of the 
gratitude of the republic for the services he had rendered to 
their state and to all Christendom. Gonsalvo, with his 
accustomed magnificence, refused to keep more than four silver 
vases and the patent of citizenship for himself, and distributed 
the remainder of the presents, including a sum of 10,000 golden 
ducats, among his soldiers and companions in arms, among 
whom were some of the most distinguished of the Spanish 
nobility, including Diego de Mendoza, son of the Cardinal of 
Spain ; Villalba, Diego Garcia de Paredes, Zamudio and Pizarro, 
the father of the conqueror of Peru. 

Up to this time the unfortunate Frederic had imagined 
that this formidable Spanish contingent, under his old friend 
Gonsalvo de Cordova, was destined, as before, to assist him 
against the French. Great then was his surprise when 
Alexander VI. 1 notified, in full consistory, his ratification of the 
Treaty of Granada, which had up to that time been kept a 
profound secret, and called upon Frederic to renounce his 
kingdom in favour of the sovereigns of France and of Spain. 
The war, having been thus declared, Gonsalvo, who had 
chivalrously surrendered to the King of Naples the Duchy of 
Santangelo, with which he had been invested for his former 
services, passed over from Syracuse to Reggio, and was soon 
as actively engaged in taking Calabria from the Neapolitans 
for the French, as he had been three years before engaged in 
taking Calabria from the French for the Neapolitans. Mean- 
while the French troops, under d'Aubigny, overran the northern 
part of the Neapolitan territory. Capua was taken by assault, 
while the garrison was deluded by a treacherous truce. The 
city was given up to pillage, and more than 7000 of its 
defenders put to the sword by the troops of d'Aubigny and 

a The Pope was particularly hostile to Frederic of Naples, inasmuch as that 
king had had the effrontery to refuse his daughter in marriage to Caesar Borgia, 
who was not only a bastard and a Borgia, and, if possible, a greater scoundrel than 
his father, but who was actually a cardinal ! The other Italian States, some from 
jealousy of Naples, some from fear of Rome, were equally unwilling to assist 
Frederic, who had been reduced, it was said, to seek assistance at the hand of 

1502.] THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 193 

Caesar Borgia. Frederic, completely demoralised by the 
treachery of the Spanish monarch and the defection of his old 
friend and ally Gonsalvo de Cordova, gave up Gaeta and Naples 
to the invaders, and retired to the island of Ischia. Louis XII., 
touched by his misfortunes, granted to him the Duchy of Anjou 
and an allowance of 30,000 ducats a year, and give him a safe 
conduct to France, where he passed the remainder of his life in 
a sort of honourable confinement, and died of a broken heart in 
the month of September, 1504. 

While these events were taking place in the north of Naples, 
Gonsalvo had overrun Calabria, with which he was already so 
familiar, and had reduced every town to subjection, with the 
exception of Taranto, a place famous in history for its heroic 
defence against Hannibal, and now garrisoned by a strong 
body of troops under the Duke of Calabria, the eldest son of 
the unhappy Frederic. The place was one of great natural 
strength, both on the side of the land and of the sea, and was 
further fortified by extensive works, which were capable of 
resisting all the attacks of the artillery of the day. But a 
weapon, more ancient and more powerful than the heaviest 
battering-ram, was brought into action. The Great Captain 
was one of the most honourable and most chivalrous gentle- 
men in Europe. But he was the servant of Ferdinand the 
Catholic ; and he did not shrink from tarnishing his fair fame 
in the eyes of posterity by treachery in the service of his 
sovereign. Taranto, it was plain, could not be taken by the 
force at his disposal. The city must be recovered by fraud. 
Gonsalvo accordingly entered into a truce with the young 
Duke of Calabria, by which, if the city were given up to the 
Spaniards at the expiration of a certain time, the Italian prince 
was to be at liberty to join his father, or to retire unmolested, 
with all his followers, whithersoever he should please. The 
conditions were ratified by the oath of Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
solemnly sworn upon the consecrated wafer in the presence 
of the whole camp, on the 1st of March, 1502. Taranto 
was given up ; and the Duke of Calabria was immediately 
placed on board a Spanish man-of-war, and sent as a prisoner to 

It is sufficiently remarkable that more than one contem- 
porary writer, including Paolo Giovio, the very reverend bishop 
of Nocera, entirely exonerates Gonsalvo from blame in this 
matter, alleging that he himself did not possess sufficient 
authority to grant his liberty to so important a personage as 

VOL. II. 13 


the Duke of Calabria, and that Ferdinand, for whom Gonsalvo 
merely acted as an unauthorised agent, had a perfect right to 
annul the convention. It may perhaps seem harsh to censure 
a soldier for conduct which is thus formally approved by the 
highest ecclesiastical authorities of the time, or to condemn a 
subject for obeying the order of his sovereign ; but the deceit 
practised upon Frederic of Naples, and the shameful breach of 
faith to his son the Duke of Calabria, are dark stains on the 
fair fame and otherwise unsullied honour of Gonsalvo, which 
degrade his character, so far as they go, to that of the Borgias 
and the Sforzas by whom he was surrounded, or to that of the 
treacherous and shameless master whom he served. 

In the meantime, and while France and Spain were still 
fast friends, the Archduke Philip and his wife, Joanna of Spain, 
paid a visit (November, 1501) to Louis XII. at Blois, on their 
way from Brussels to Toledo. After a succession of splendid 
festivities that were given in their honour at the French court, 
they continued their journey, and entered Spain by way of 
Fontarabia, on the 29th of January, 1502. Ferdinand and 
Isabella were at that time at Seville, but they hastened to 
receive their distinguished visitors ; and the meeting took place 
at Toledo, where on the 22nd of May, the archduke and 
Joanna received the usual oaths of fealty from the Cortes as the 
heirs to the crown of Castile. Some months later, on the 27th 
of October, 1502, Joanna and Philip, after taking the usual 
oaths before the Justiciary, were solemnly recognised by the 
four arms of the kingdom of Aragon, as the lawful successors to 
the crown of Ferdinand, on his death without male issue. His 
rights having been thus fully recognised, Philip, who despised 
his wife, and hated his father-in-law, and who was never at his 
ease in Spain, prepared to return with the least possible delay 
to Flanders. 

From Saragossa to Brussels the easiest way lay through 
France. But in the course of the archduke's visit to his 
future dominions, the friendly relations between Louis XII. 
and Ferdinand the Catholic had been completely changed 
by the progress of events in Italy. No sooner had the whole 
of the Neapolitan territory passed, by the treacherous occupation 
of Taranto, into the hands of the allied robbe'rs, than, as is usual 
in such cases, disputes had arisen with regard to the division of 
the spoil. The partition treaty had been somewhat loosely 
worded ; and a considerable portion of the Neapolitan dominions, 
including the territories known as the Capitanate, the Basilicate, 

1502.] THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 195 

and the Principality, became a debateable ground between the 
parties. A conference between d'Aubigny and Gonsalvo in 
person on the 1st of April, 1502, led to no results, inasmuch 
as both commanders had received secret instructions from their 
sovereigns to give up nothing, to take advantage of every 
opportunity to acquire fresh territory, and to conclude any treaty 
which might seem at the moment most advantageous, and which 
might afterwards be disclaimed, or ratified, by the respective 
sovereigns, as it might turn out to the advantage of either 

The Pope and his son Caesar Borgia espoused the cause 
of the French, and the remaining states of Italy, moved by 
fear or policy, took the same side. The French army, com- 
manded by the young Due de Nemours, consisted of about 8000 
men, and numbered among its generals the veteran d'Aubigny, 
the Sire de Palice, and the heroic Bayard, the Chevalier sans 
petir el satis reproche. To these forces must be added the 
Neapolitan levies, commanded by the Angevin lords, and the 
troops which followed the standard of Caesar Borgia. Gonsalvo's 
army consisted of less than 5000 men, ill paid, without supplies, 
and destitute even of proper clothing and equipments. Unable, 
therefore, to cope with the numerous forces of the enemy in the 
field, he retired to the fortified city of Barletta, after posting 
small garrisons in Bari, Andria and Canossa, and awaited the 
course of events 

That the Archduke Philip and his Spanish wife should, 
under such circumstances, undertake a journey through France, 
appeared to both Ferdinand and Isabella in the highest degree 
rash and impolitic. But Philip was tired of Spain. He cared 
nothing for the remonstrances of the Catholic kings, nor for the 
entreaties of their daughter, his wife ; and Ferdinand, seeing 
that the journey could not be prevented, set to work, like a 
prudent man, to turn it to the best possible account. The 
archduke was accordingly entrusted with a secret mission to 
Louis XII. to negotiate a treaty of peace, which should be 
advantageous to Spain ; and an ecclesiastical colleague or spy 
was sent after him, as soon as he had fairly started. In due 
time this strangely-constituted mission came up with Louis, who 
was then holding his court at Lyons ; and Philip was admitted 
to audience. 

The French king was flattered by the confidence displayed 
by the archduke. The archduke was flattered by the reception 
accorded to him by the king. The abbot watched the case, as 


it were, on behalf of the absent Ferdinand. At length a treaty 
was signed at Lyons, on the 5th of April, 1503, between Louis 
XII. and the archduke on behalf of Ferdinand of Aragon, by 
which the respective rights of the French and Spanish sovereigns 
in Naples were settled and declared, and a marriage was arranged 
between Philip's eldest son Charles, afterwards the Emperor 
Charles V., and a daughter of the King of France. The whole 
of the kingdom of Naples was settled upon the issue of this 
marriage, and until its consummation, the Neapolitan territory 
was to be occupied partly by the French and partly by the 
Spanish forces, within certain lines of demarcation, which were 
accurately laid down in the treaty. Louis at once sent orders to 
his generals in Italy to suspend all further warlike operations, 
and a similar order was conveyed to Gonsalvo de Cordova by 
the Archduke Philip. 

Isabella took little interest in the Italian wars, 1 more especially 
after the death of Charles VIII., when the attitude of Spain had 
become rather predatory than defensive ; and after the year 1 500, 
the queen had become somewhat broken in health, and had turned 
her attention more to the affairs of Flanders and of England, than 
to those of Italy or even of France. From June, 1502, to April, 
1503, the Spanish forces under Gonsalvo de Cordova remained 
shut up in Barletta. The French, with 'a vastly superior force, 
could neither drive him out nor tempt him out of his position. 
Ferdinand left him, as usual, without money, without reinforce- 
ments, without supplies. 2 Isabella was too ill to attend to the 
business of the war. Ferdinand had no heart and no head for any 
business but that of intrigue ; and the united French and Italian 
armies, under the Due de Nemours and Stuart d'Aubigny, had 
been permitted to overrun the entire kingdom of Naples. But 
Gonsalvo stood firm. He amused himself and his enemies, and 
encouraged his subordinate officers, by permitting them to 

1 It may be remarked that the traditional, and even necessary, policy of Aragon 
tended eastward ; whilst the views of Castile were directed towards the west and 
south. As we have seen, the Aragonese kings had for centuries intervened in Italy, 
and had claims upon the sovereignty of the east, for which Sicily and Naples were 
regarded as a half-way house. These pretensions, and the possession of Trans- 
Pyrenean dominions in France, had brought them into continued rivalry with the 
latter power. Castile on the other hand had no question with France, her am- 
bitions being in an entirely different direction. Hence the indifference of Isabella 
to the foreign policy of Ferdinand. H. 

2 The letters of Peter Martyr at this time are full of entreaties addressed to the 
Spanish sovereigns, that they should pay some attention to the wants of their 
troops in Italy. Their pay was so greatly in arrear that it needed all the personal 
influence of Gonsalvo to maintain them in their allegiance. 

1503.] THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 197 

display their personal valour in single combats under the walls 
of the city, after the fashion of the Moors of Granada. Eleven 
knights on one occasion defied as many of their French adver- 
saries to mortal combat ; and Bayard was among those who 
accepted the challenge. The honours of the encounter were 
pronounced to be equally divided, but a second challenge of 
Bayard led to the complete discomfiture of his Spanish antagonist. 
There was no lack of skill or of valour on either side. 

At length Gonsalvo judged that the time had come to take 
the offensive ; and sallying out of Barletta on the morning of 
the 20th of April, 1503, he boldly marched northwards and 
westwards towards Naples. His road lay across the fateful field 
of Cannae. He had scarce quitted the fortress that he had 
kept so well, when a courier arrived from the Archduke Philip 
with the news of the Treaty of Lyons. But Gonsalvo was not to 
be balked of the victory that he knew to be within his grasp. 
He recognised no authority but that of his own sovereign ; 
and he judged it to be at once good policy and good generalship 
to press forward with all speed towards Naples. Every horseman 
was ordered to take up a foot soldier on his crupper ; and before 
the enemy was well aware of his march, he had occupied a 
position some five-and-twenty miles to the west of Barletta, 
between the old battlefield of Cannae and the modern town of 
Cerignola. At the foot of the declivity on which the army was 
drawn up, ran a small stream or ditch, and Gonsalvo devoted the 
short time which remained to him before the arrival of the 
French army, to widening and deepening this natural defence, 
and to constructing a slight earthwork of the soil that was 
thrown up, which he further strengthened by driving in sharp- 
pointed stakes, so as to form a rough stockade. On this rampart 
he mounted his little train of artillery, which consisted of only 
thirteen field pieces, and awaited the advance of the enemy. 

The Great Captain never failed to make the most of any 
accidental advantage, whether in war or in diplomacy ; and he 
well knew that on so comparatively trifling a detail as the width 
of a ditch might depend the fate of a battle. The narrow 
stream which flowed at the foot of his position gained the day at 
Cerignola. The French troops hurrying up from Naples found 
the Spaniards already drawn up to receive them. The sun was 
sinking in the west. But there was yet time to fight a battle ; 
and the gallant army of Nemours dashed forward against the 
Spanish position. The French cavalry was the finest in Italy, if 
not in Europe, and they amounted to a third of his entire force. 


Nothing, it was said, could withstand the force of their onslaught. 
But they charged that day in vain. The Spanish infantry stood 
firm and struck hard. In a single hour of a summer's evening, 
the French lost nearly four thousand men, including their 
commander, the Due de Nemours, and the whole of their 
artillery, and baggage, and colours. The Spanish loss did not 
exceed a hundred soldiers. Such was the battle of Cerignola, 
the first meeting of the French and Spanish allies after the 
signature of the Treaty of Lyons. 1 

Gonsalvo was not the man to fail to take the fullest advantage 
of his success, and the victory at Cerignola was immediately 
followed by the occupation of well-nigh the whole of that 
Neapolitan kingdom which had been so carefully divided by 
the negotiators at Lyons between the French and Spanish allies 
just fifteen days before. 

If the victory itself was a triumph for Gonsalva de Cordova, 
the results of victory were still greater for Ferdinand. Marching 
across Italy, received everywhere with joyful acclamations, the 
Great Captain reached Naples without firing a shot, and entered 
the city at the head of his army on the 14th of May, 1503. He 
was received with almost royal pomp and magnificence. The 
streets were strewn with flowers, and a canopy of gold brocade 
was borne by six of the principal nobles of the city over the 
head of the victorious general. The Castel Nuovo and the 
Castel d'Uovo were taken by storm. Gaeta was the only 
fortress remaining in the hands of the French. 

At the time of the signature of the Treaty of Lyons in April, 
1503, the fortunes of Ferdinand in Italy seemed to be at their 
lowest ebb, and the partition of Naples was the utmost advantage 
that he could hope for. On receiving the news of the victory of 
Cerignola, nothing less than the entire kingdom would satisfy 
his cupidity ; and the war broke out with renewed bitterness 
between the allies early in July, 1503. Louis sent an army of 
30,000 men under La Tremouille into Italy, and prepared to 
invade Spain. Gonsalvo, after some fruitless negotiations with 
Caesar Borgia, proceeded alone to besiege Gaeta. But no 
artillery could make any impression upon that formidable fortress, 
and the Spaniards took up their position on the banks of the 
Gariglano, some sixteen miles to the south of the city. Here 

1 D'Aubigny had been beaten by the Spanish General Andrada, near the well- 
known field of Seminara, just a week before the 2oth of April. But the good news 
was, it seems, unknown to Gonsalvo until the day after the greater victory of 

1504.] THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 199 

in the month of October, 1503, a battle was fought between 
the rival forces. But the French, though defeated, were not 
dispersed. Gaeta remained untaken. 

On the Spanish frontier the enemy had already assumed 
the offensive. Louis XII., indignant at the successful treachery 
of which he had been the victim, was straining every nerve to 
avenge himself on Ferdinand. A French contingent under 
Jean d'Albret marched on Fontarabia. A more powerful army 
under Marshal des Rieux entered Roussillon. A French fleet 
was despatched from Marseilles with orders to destroy Barcelona. 
But Ferdinand was not unequal to the occasion. He prevailed 
upon Jean d'Albret to detain his forces to the north of the 
Pyrenees. Provided, as usual, by the exertions of Isabella, 
with a well-equipped army in Spain, he drove Marshal des 
Rieux out of Roussillon, and made his triumphant entry into 
Perpignan. The brave fleet that had sailed from Marseilles 
was destroyed by a tempest ere ever it had reached the coasts 
of Spain. 

But the Spanish interests in Italy had, in the meanwhile 
been grievously neglected by the Catholic sovereigns. Alexander 
VI. had been succeeded on the 31st of October (1503) by 
Julius II. 1 The French were making good their position in 
camp and at court. The condition of Gonsalvo's little army, 
left as usual by Ferdinand without reinforcements, without 
pay, without supplies, became daily more critical. As the 
winter approached and the river overflowed its bank, a 
Council of War entreated the commander to retire into 
winter quarters at Capua. Gonsalvo, on the contrary, having 
made a most skilful distribution of his small force, advanced 
upon Gaeta, 28th December, 1504; and on the next day was 
fought the the third and last of his great battles in Italy, a 
battle hotly contested and fairly won, a battle fought almost 
under the walls of Gaeta, but known to fame as the rout of 
the Gariglano, when the French lost over 4000 men, with all 
their standards and baggage, tents, provisions, stores and the 
whole of their splendid train of artillery. More decisive, 
thougli not more splendid, than the victory of Cerignola, it was 
immediately followed by the surrender of Gaeta, and the complete 
expulsion of the French from the Neapolitan dominions. Gaeta, 
indeed, might have stood a long siege ; but its defenders were 
demoralised, and the day after the arrival of the Spaniards at 

1 Pins III. had reigned, for three weeks, between them. 


Castellone, Gonsalvo, who was already making preparations to 
cannonade the city, received the welcome intelligence that the 
commander had sent a flag of truce. The capitulation was 
signed on the following day. Gaeta, with all its cannon, 
ammunition and materials of war, together with its great 
magazine of stores and supplies, became the spoil of the 
victorious Spaniards. 

On New Year's Day, 1504, the Great Captain marched into 
the fortress, and a few weeks later he made his third triumphal 
entry into Naples, more in the guise of a sovereign prince and 
a national idol than as the general of a foreign king. But 
Gonsalvo, whatever may have been his temptations, was always 
loyal to Isabella and to Ferdinand. His first act on re-entering 
the capital was to call together the different Orders of the State 
to swear allegiance to Ferdinand the Catholic as King of Aragon 
and Naples. His next step was to attempt to reorganise the 
government, to correct abuses of various kinds, and to provide 
for the regular collection of the revenue, and the due administra- 
tion of justice. He made grants to his allies and generals, both 
Spanish and Italian. He restored to the Colonnas the estates of 
which they had been despoiled by the French ; to Alviano he 
gave the town of San Marco, to Mendoza the county of Melito, 
to Navarro that of Oliveto, and to Paredes that of Coloneta ; 
while Andrada, Leyva and many others received similar tokens 
of his gratitude and princely liberality. It is said that many 
years afterwards, when the meanness and ingratitude of Ferdinand 
were breaking the heart of the old hero, Gonsalvo felt regret at 
not having on this occasion assumed for himself, instead of his 
master, the expectant crown of Naples. 

A bolder and less prudent man than Ferdinand would not 
have contented himself with this great success. Masters of 
Naples, with a victorious army commanded by the Great Captain, 
it was expected on all sides that the Spaniards would not rest 
satisfied until they had driven the French not only out of Naples, 
but out of Milan, and possibly not until they had added the whole 
of Italy to the dominions of Spain. The French were dispirited. 
The Italians were demoralised. Gonsalvo de Cordova might 
have marched to Milan as easily as Charles VIII. had marched to 
Naples, and he would have found no great captain to break up 
his army when he reached the goal. The road lay open ; and 
both French and Italians were in daily expectation of the news 
that the Spaniards had set out on the march northwards. But 
Ferdinand was jealous of the success and popularity of Gonsalvo 

1504.] THE GREAT CAPTAIN. 201 

de Cordova ; and it was, moreover, with him a rule of policy to 
use his victories rather as a means of obtaining favourable treaties 
of peace than as opportunities for prolonging a campaign. The 
results of war are ever doubtful. The results of treaties were, 
with Ferdinand the Catholic, pretty much what he chose to make 
them. 1 Spreading rumours, therefore, of his intended invasion of 
northern Italy, Ferdinand imposed his own terms upon the French 
king ; and on the 1 1th of February a treaty was signed at Lyons 
by which Louis abandoned all his claims to Naples ; and the 
kingdom of the two Sicilies became once more an appanage of 
Aragon. Gonsalvo de Cordova, the hero of the war, remained 
on the scene of his triumphs. 2 

1 Calendar, etc., i., p. 41. 

2 The principal authorities for the events recorded in the preceding chapter, 
in addition to the Calendars (Spain) and the Documentos Ineditos, are the fol- 
lowing : 

Paolo Giouio, Vescovo di Nocera, Vita di Consalvo Ferrando di Cordova delta 
il Gran Capitano (Fiorenza, 1552). 

Coronica llamada las dos conquistas del Regno de Napollos (Zaragoza, 1559). 
Black letter. This was reprinted at Seville in 1580, and at Alcala de Henares in 
1584, under the title of Cronica del Gran Capitan Gonfalo Hernandez de Cordova 
y Aguilar, by Perez del Pulgar. 

Guicciardini, L'Historia d 1 'Italia (Firenze, 1561). 

Antonio de Herrera, Comentarios de los hechos de los Espanoles, Franceses, y 
Venecianos en Italia (Madrid, 1624). 




THE literary history of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella is 
short and easily written. 1 Before the year 1492, Spain was too 
busy with the Moslem to have any time for polite letters. After 
the year 14-92, the Inquisition was too busy with Spain. The 
single work of the period which still survives, a monument of 
learning, of industry and of scholarship, rather than of letters in 
the ordinary acceptation of the word, is the great Polyglot edition 
of the Bible that was prepared by Cardinal Ximenez, and which 
will be spoken of in connection with the other glories of his 
university at Alcal&. 

The only purely literary work of interest or importance that 
was written or published during the reign of Ferdinand and 
Isabella is the celebrated tragi-comedy of Calisto and Meliboea, 
known as La Celestina. 2 It is a dramatic story rather than a true 
drama, divided into twenty-one parts or acts, without divisions 
into scenes, or formal indications of entrances or exits ; and 
although there is far more action than in many regular dramas, 
it was assuredly never intended for representation on the stage. 

1 The following catalogue of the works published under the protection of the 
Catholic kings, or either of them, whether dedicated to them or not, is neither very 
long nor very important, considering the period of over forty years of Renaissance 
which is covered by their reigns. See also Documentos Ineditos, etc., vol. xviii., 
p. 422 : 

Fernan Arias Mexia El Nobiliario Vero. 

Diego de Valera Cronica general abreviada. 

Fr. Ambrosio Montesinos Vida de Cristo (translation). 

Bishop Pedro Ximenez de Prexamo El Lucero de la Vida Cristiana. 

Antonio de Nebrija i. Artede Gramatica. 2. Cronica latina (translation). 

Doctor Montalvo An Edition of the Partidas and Ordenansas Reales. 

Peter Martyr Letters and Decades. 

2 The anonymous couplets of Mingo Revulgo, a satire in dialogue form on the 
corruption of society in the time of Henry IV. , were probably written in 1472. 


Such as it is, the Celestina is one of the earliest dramas in the 
Spanish or in any of the other modern languages of Europe ; nigh 
upon a century before Gammer Gurton's Needle (1575), and 
two generations older than Ferrex and Porrex (lofil). 

The greatest blemish that may be found in the book is its 
licentiousness both of speech and of spirit ; a fault that can 
rarely be found with the works of Castilian writers from the 
earliest times to the present day. The authorship of the Celestina 
is uncertain. One Roderigo Cota of Toledo is said to have written 
the first and the longest of the acts or parts. Fernando de Rojas 
of Salamanca is undoubtedly responsible for the rest ; and he is 
even supposed by some critics to have himself composed the 
whole. The date of the composition or of the publication are 
alike uncertain ; but the Celestina, whenever published, was 
inspired by Henry IV., and not by either Isabella or Ferdinand. 

From the appearance of this celebrated work, probably about 
the year 1480, before the active reign of the Catholic sovereigns 
had fairly commenced, to the time of Garcilaso de la Vega, ten 
or a dozen years after Charles V. had brought his rapacious 
Flemings to Madrid, no single work of imagination, whether in 
prose or in poetry, with the exception of what are called the 
Moorish Ballads of Granada, was written or published by a 
Spanish author in Spain. 1 The most characteristic work of the 
age and of the country, indeed, the one book of renown that was 
widely read and promptly printed in Spain before the death of 
Ferdinand the Catholic, was no original composition, but a trans- 
lation by a Spanish writer of a Portuguese romance, famous in 
all literature, not so much for its own merits or popularity, or 
even for the enormous influence that it exercised upon Spanish 
literature and Spanish sentiment for nearly a century, as for the 
incomparable satire that has condemned it, with all its monstrous 
progeny, to universal and imperishable ridicule. 

Until the beginning of the twelfth century, the people of 

1 The poetry of Boscan, very inferior to that of Garcilaso de la Vega, was, 
perhaps, a few years earlier in date. Olivas* vigorous Castilian was not written 
until many years later. He only returned from Rome to Salamanca in 1528, having 
spent a great part of his life in Italy. Naharro, who is sometimes cited as one of 
the earliest dramatic authors of Spain, was indeed born at Badajoz, but he spent 
the greater part of his life in Italy, and his Propaladia was written at the court of 
Leo X. (1517). For a national drama, says Ticknor, i., cap. xv., we must look to 
the next period ; since as late as the end of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella 
there is no trace of such a theatre in Spain. (It would be unjust to omit mention 
of two historians of mark who illustrated the reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Andres Bernaldez, who wrote Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, and Hernando de 
Pulgar the elder, whose Claras Varones de Castillo, is famous. H.) 


Spain were contented not only with their own national ballads 
but with their own national heroes. Of Arthur and the Knights 
of the Round Table, and of all the courtly heroes of the general 
literature of mediaeval Europe, they knew and cared to know 
nothing. Of Charlemagne and his peers, the glory and delight 
of Western Christendom, they knew only that they had been 
defeated on the Spanish frontiers after a somewhat inglorious 
campaign. In these matters, as in most others, the country was 
complete in itself. Pelayo and Fernan Gonzalez, the Cid and 
Bernardo del Carpio, Saint James on his milk white charger, 
with his sword "red with the blood of the infidel" were not 
these heroes sufficient for a nation's romance, without bringing 
fanciful foreigners into Spain ? But under the Catholic kings, 
these national heroes were somewhat discredited. Saint James 
was all very well, but Torquemada was more immediately 
admirable. Pelayo and Bernardo, moreover, were rude person- 
ages, while Fernan Gonzalez and the Cid were rank rebels, the 
mere record of whose turbulent independence must have provoked 
the wrath of Isabella. 

After the conquest of Granada, the Spanish sovereigns them- 
selves acquired a halo of national glory and renown, although 
their greatest achievement was not so much that of subduing 
the Moslem, in which they hardly surpassed Saint Ferdinand or 
King James the Conqueror, but that of subduing the unconquered 
people of Aragon and of Castile. Peter the Cruel had made 
the attempt, and he had failed miserably ; and his name had 
ever been execrated in Spain. But it was not agreeable to 
Isabella that any sovereign of Castile should be lightly or rudely 
spoken of, and it was decreed that Peter was no longer to be 
known as the Cruel but as the Just. 

The romances of chivalry, so well known to every reader 
of Don Quixote, and during the whole of the sixteenth century 
the most popular and highly-appreciated books in Spain, were 
unknown in Castile until the end of the fifteenth century, when 
their sudden rise into favour and popularity may be ascribed to 
a curious combination of causes. 1 The marvellous and fantastic 

1 It is true that they were not popular or generally read, but Lopez de Ayala 
in the fourteenth century mentions Amadis in the Rimado de Palacio (stanza 
162) as does Pero Ferriis another poet of the time. Mr. Fitzmaurice Kelly, a great 
authority, believes that knight-errantry already had fastened its hold upon Spain in 
the middle of the fifteenth century, and that probably an early Spanish version of 
Amadis, which has been lost, existed long before the first known edition in 1508. 
Mr. Fitzmaurice Kelly cogently points out that early in the fifteenth century such 
books as Rodriguez de Lena's Paso Honroso, The Cronica of Pero Nifto, and others, 
were to a large extent books of chivalry under the guise of personal adventures. H. 


adventures of Amadis and of Palmerin, the loyalty of the knights, 
the beauty of their mistresses, the wickedness of the magicians 
and enchanters these things might be read and repeated with- 
out danger to Church or State ; and the greedy imaginations 
of the men whose fathers had driven out the Moors, and whose 
brothers were pillaging the Indians, were satisfied with nothing 
less than the extravagance of the new romances of chivalry. 
Amadis de Gaul, the first parent of the monstrous brood, was not 
even the work of a Spaniard, but of a Portuguese of the name 
of Lobeyra, and may possibly have been written as early as 
the year 1400. 1 But it was not translated into Spanish nor 
apparently known in Spain until 1492, at the very earliest. Nor 
have we any assurance that it was printed until 1/519- 2 

If the ancient ballads of Spain belonged to the entire nation, 
the romances of chivalry sprang in later times from the class 
whose knightly imagination they excited and whose aristocratic 
vanity they gratified. They are the joint product of the wars 
of Granada and the Inquisition in Spain. Terrific combats and 
impossible achievements suggested or were suggested by legends 
of Christian prowess against the Moor. Tales of giants and 
goblins, enchanted swords, and supernatural machinery, far from 
containing anything distasteful to the most rigid orthodoxy, were 
not without a certain family resemblance to many of the lives of 
the saints, and were in any case calculated to stimulate the imag- 
ination in a direction entirely unobjectionable to the Holy Office. 
Amadis de Gaul, with all its indecencies and its extravagances, 

1 The attribution to Lobeyra is at least very doubtful. There has arisen much 
confusion between two men of that name, to both of whom the authorship has 
been credited. One of them, Vasco de Lobeyra, who died in 1403, could not have 
been the original author, as he was not born at a time when the book was known in 
Castile ; the other JoSs de Lobeyra, who died about 1325, was possibly the original 
writer ; although this is rendered difficult by a remark of the Portuguese historian 
Gomez Eannes de Azurara in 1450, to the effect that Lobeyra imagined the romance 
" in the reign of King Fernan (I.e., 1367-1383). The explanation suggested by a 
competent critic is that Amadis was originally written the first three books either 
in Castilian or Limousi ; and that Vasco de Lobeyra translated it at the end of 
the fourteenth century into Portuguese, which Garci- Rodriguez de Montalvo re- 
translated into Castilian in 1490-1494, adding the fourth book himself. It is 
suggested that Montalvo may have had before him both Lobeyra's version and the 
now lost ancient Castilian codex. H. 

2 Cf. Ticknor, cap. xi. (This is an error. I have seen a beautiful edition 
printed at Zaragoza in 1508. H.) A full and complete list of all the romances of 
chivalry of the sixteenth century, and the list is a very long and a very curious 
one, will be found in Duffield's edition of Don Quixote, vol. i., Introduction. The 
Cid's own mother, it may be remembered, was dishonoured by the ballad-makers, 
that their hero might be in the fashion. See ante, vol. i., chap, xviii., and Appendix 


might be safely, and indeed advantageously, placed in the hands 
of the most devout Catholic, as a gaudy toy is given to a mis- 
chievous child, to divert his dangerous attention from articles of 
solid worth. And thus launched upon a new united Spain, full 
of national life and prosperity, proud, ignorant, eager, chivalrous, 
successful, superstitious, Amadis de Gaul was succeeded by Pal- 
merin of England, and Palmerin of England by that endless series 
of romances, each one more extravagant than its predecessor, 
whose names are preserved only in the notes to learned editions 
of Don Quixote. 

Amadis was the love child of Elisena an English princess 
a Spanish hero must, if possible, be illegitimate who having 
been abandoned on the sea coast, finds his way to Scotland, 
where he falls in love with the beautiful Oriana, the daughter 
of the King of England. Meanwhile, Elisena has married 
Perion, King of Gaul or Wales, and has given birth to a lawful 
son, Galaor, who in company with his half-brother, Amadis, 
travels through England, France, Germany and the Levant. 
These knights-errant are the victims of a hundred enchantments, 
the heroes of a thousand adventures, until at length their wander- 
ings are brought to a conclusion by the marriage of Amadis and 
Oriana. Amadis de Gaul is generally admitted to be on the whole 
the best of all the romances of chivalry. Its immediate successors, 
Palmerin de Oliva and Palmerin de Inglaterra rank next in relative 
excellence ; and every successive composition exceeded its pre- 
decessor in extravagance and absurdity, until at length the 
entire library was consumed by the fire of ridicule. 

But if literature did not flourish under the Inquisition, 
scholarship was encouraged and protected by Isabella ; and the 
courtly stamp was impressed upon learning in Spain. If the 
inquisitors burned both men and MSS., if Jewish and Moslem 
culture were alike despised, it must not be supposed that the 
reign of the Catholic kings was a reign of ignorance. 1 Yet a 
great change had taken place in the world of letters since the 
death of John II. of Castile. 

Poetry and historical composition had been chiefly encour- 
aged by the royal servant of Alvaro de Luna. Classical studies, 
invested with new interest by the great revival in Italy, were 
the favourite intellectual pursuit of the courtiers of Ferdinand 
and Isabella. The laudable and politic desire of the queen, 
moreover, after the conclusion of the wars of Granada, that 

l Cf. Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos, vol. ii., p. 700. 


her nobles should devote themselves to learning and polite 
letters, rather than to the exclusive pursuit of arms, fell in with 
the great current of European thought towards the end of the 
fifteenth century. 

The Catholic kings, moreover, though they were uniformly 
successful in every warlike operation that they undertook, were 
quite indifferent to glory for its own sake ; and if Isabella 
possessed to an extraordinary degree the power of organising 
victory, the moving spirit in the foreign policy of Spain was 
her less gifted consort. For Ferdinand was no soldier, but a 
keen and consummate diplomatist, a king who set more store 
upon brains than upon gunpowder, and an opponent ever more 
dangerous with the pen than with the sword. 1 

Impelled, therefore, by her own good judgment and that 
of Cardinal Mendoza, and further encouraged by her magni- 
ficent confessor Ximenez, Isabella 2 made herself the patroness 
of letters and of science in Castile ; and the connection between 
the universities and the court became more intimate and more 
fruitful than it had been under any preceding sovereign. 
Salamanca was reformed and re-endowed by Ferdinand. Al- 
cald. was established on a scale of unheard of magnificence by 

In scholarship, at least, there was no jealousy of the foreigner, 
and from every part of Europe men distinguished in their several 
departments of learning and letters were summoned by Isabella 
to the court and to the universities of Spain. From Sicily came 
Lucio Marineo, in the first instance as a professor at Salamanca ; 

1 The moving spirit in the foreign policy of Spain at this and indeed at all 
times, was Ferdinand, who was no soldier, but who shone among statesman as a 
man absolutely without any moral sense or feeling of shame, the most consummate 
diplomatist of his day ; and Ferdinand not only refrained at all times from war 
until it was absolutely necessary to the success of his designs, but he was ever ready 
to make peace on terms, not even the most favourable that could be extracted from 
a vanquished foe, but the most favourable that were likely to be observed by him. 
There is a curious document, preserved at Simancas (see Calendar, etc., i., Intro- 
duction, p. 41; Simancas, E. T. I., No. 806, f. 25), which gives an insight into 
Ferdinand's prudent if somewhat crafty policy in this respect. He always made 
peace with France on easy terms, when he had been prosperous in the field, but he 
made use of the peace which he had negotiated only to prepare himself anew for 
war. Thus, says the writer, he obtained two-fold advantages ; first, as countries 
may be conquered by arms, but cannot be held by force, he gained time to con- 
solidate his new acquisitions ; and, secondly, by this moderate and so to speak 
progressive aggrandisement, while he might in the end gain the whole, he never 
exposed himself to the danger of a great loss. 

2 She had inherited not only some of her father's books, but some of his taste 
for them. For a catalogue of her libraries, see Clemencin in Mem. de la Real 
Acad. de Hist. , torn. vi. 


and afterwards as a kind of court scholar or royal tutor, under 
the immediate protection of the queen. From Tuscany, Antonio 
and Alexandro Geraldino were equally welcomed in Castile. 
From Arona, on the Lago Maggiore, came the more celebrated 
Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, whose letters are one of the classics 
of contemporary history. Under his accomplished superinten- 
dence, moreover, the youthful members of the Castilian nobility 
were trained in polite letters at court or palatine schools, under 
the very eye of the sovereign, while the nobles of maturer years 
were encouraged not only to learn, but to teach in the great 
national universities of the kingdom. 1 

Don Gutierrez de Toledo, a son of the Duke of Alva, and 
a cousin of the king, became a professor in the University of 
Salamanca, where Don Pedro de Velasco, a son of the good 
Count of Haro, so famous as Grand Constable of Castile, read 
lectures on the Latin classics. Don Alfonso de Manrique, a 
son of the Count of Paredes, taught Greek in the University 
of Alcald,. " No Spaniard," says Paolo Giovio, " was accounted 
noble who was indifferent to learning." Nor was scholarship 
confined to the titled aristocracy. Antonio de Lebrija, an 
Andalusian of humble birth, and a graduate of the University 
of Salamanca, after a brilliant career at Bologna, returned to 
his native country in 1473, at the invitation of Isabella, and 
filled the chairs of classical Latinity at Seville, at Salamanca, 
and at Alcald,. Lebrija was a renowned lecturer. But he was 
something more ; he was the author of numerous works on 
linguistic criticism, both as regards Latin and Castilian ; and 
he was celebrated not only in Spain but throughout Europe as 
one of the lights and leaders of the great revival. Barbosa, a 
Portuguese by birth, was distinguished for nearly forty years as 
a professor of Greek at Salamanca. According to so high and 
so impartial an authority as Erasmus, 2 liberal studies were 
brought, in the course of a few years, to so flourishing a con- 
dition in Spain, as not only to excite the admiration of scholars, 
but to serve as a model to the most cultivated nations of Europe. 

Nor were these studies by any means restricted to members 
of the sterner sex. Dona Beatrix de Galindo was chosen to 
give instruction in the Latin language to the queen herself, 

1 As to Peter Martyr's school for the nobility, and the peculiar care devoted to 
the education of the Prince of Asturias, with his little band of scholar companions, 
see Memorias de la Real Acad. de Historia, vol. vi., Illustracion, xiv., p. 383, 
where the names of the noble youths are also given. 

2 Peter Martyr, Op. Epist., 977. 


and was rewarded with the title of La Latino. The even more 
remarkable Dona Francisca de Lebrija, a daughter of the great 
humanist, gave lectures in rhetoric at the University of AlcalA ; 
while Dona Lucia de Medrano instructed the students at Sala- 
manca in classical Latinity. The men are not more liberal, 
and the ladies are scarcely more learned in the halls of modern 

The first printing press in Spain appears to have been 
established at Valencia in 1474, and the first book printed in 
the Peninsula was a volume of songs or poems in honour of the 
Blessed Virgin mostly in the Limousin or Valencian dialect, and 
a few in Castilian, which was said to be " produced from letras de 
molde " or movable type, as distinguished from the letra de mano 
or manuscript. An ecclesiastical work in prose the Coinpre- 
hensorium, by an unknown Juan, bears the date 1475 ; and the 
printing of other books rapidly followed, not only at Valencia 
but elsewhere. A work on medicine by Velasco de Taranto 
was published at Barcelona in 1474 or 1475 ; a work on 
theology, 1 Manipuhis Curatorum, at Saragossa in 1475 ; and 
within a year or two of the date of these earliest publications, 
printing presses were set up at Seville, Lerida, Zamora, Burgos, 
Toledo, Murcia, Tolosa, Alcald, Montserrat, Tarragona, and other 
towns throughout Aragon and Castile. 

The first book printed at Salamanca was very appropri- 
ately the Introductiones Latince of Lebrija, or as he is often 
called Nebrixas, in folio, 1481 ; and whatsoever may have 
been the restraints imposed by the Inquisition, it would seem 
that the number and importance of the works of various kinds 
that issued from the Spanish printing presses were for some time 
not inferior to those of any other country in Europe. 2 

1 Mendez, Tipografia Espaflola, p. 47. 

., p. 30; Menendez Pelayo, Heterodoxos Espaftoles, torn. ii. , Priambulo. 

VOL. II. 14 



I. The University, 

THE development of the Spanish universities in the time of 
the Catholic sovereigns was due not so much to the patronage 
of Isabella, nor even to the zeal of Ximenez, as to the spirit of 
progress and new birth that was animating the whole of western 

The universities both in Castile and in Aragon had, down to 
the close of the fifteenth century, been exclusively royal founda- 
tions. No private individual save Raymond Lull, a doubtful 
saint at Majorca, had founded a college ; no sovereign Pontiff 
save Benedict XIII., a doubtful Pope at Avignon, had endowed 
a university. The more legitimate Popes indeed had been 
ready with their Bulls and their charters, when the colleges 
were established, and provided with funds ; but it is rather to 
the kings of Castile and of Aragon, than to any ecclesiastical 
benefactor, that Spain owes her great educational foundations 
from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. It must never be 
forgotten, moreover, that the Spanish kings, condemned as they 
were, by their position, to a life of constant warfare, were not 
only ever ready to patronise learning and letters, but that they 
have themselves furnished many illustrious names to the list of 
the royal authors of the world. We may look in vain through 
all the countries of mediaeval Europe for such intelligent patrons 
of scholars and of scholarship as Saint Ferdinand and Alfonso 
X. of Castile ; as James I., and Peter IV., and Ferdinand I. of 
Aragon, as Alfonso V. who reigned at Naples, or even John II. 
who reigned at Valladolid. 1 

a See vol. i., chap. xxvi. Among the benefits conferred by Ferdinand the 
Catholic upon his Neapolitan subjects on the occasion of his visit in 1507 was the 

ALCALA. 211 

But Isabella the Catholic, like other heaven born rulers of 
men and of nations, possessed in the highest degree the noble 
faculty of exciting others to the performance of great and 
worthy actions ; and the extension of the Spanish universities 
after her accession to the throne, is due rather to private enter- 
prise than to direct royal effort. Avila, indeed, was founded 
by the king and queen in 1482 ; and Ferdinand, in the follow- 
ing year, invested the great school of Raymond Lull at Palma 
with the formal dignity of a university (1483); yet the Uni- 
versity of Seville owes its foundation to Roderigo Santaella 
(1472-1509); and that of Santiago to Diego Muro, Bishop of 
the Canary Islands (1501-1509) ; while the more ancient founda- 
tion at Valencia was reformed and developed between 1483 
and 1522 by numerous private patrons and donors, including 
the Duchess of Calabria and the Municipal Council of the 

At Salamanca three new colleges, affiliated to the ancient 
foundation, were founded by private generosity between 1500 
and 1521 ; and the accession of students was so great that the 
number is said to have amounted in a single year to something 
over 7000. The most ancient and the most famous of the 
colleges of the University of Salamanca was the College of 
St. Bartholomew, usually known as the Colegio viejo, founded 
in 1401 ; and said to be the first University College in Spain. 
A second college of the University of Salamanca, the Colegio de 
Cuenca, was founded in 1500. A third, which was known as 
that of San Salvador de Oviedo, followed in 1517 ; and a fourth, 
that of Fonseca, in 1521, all of them the foundations of private 
benefactors. But long before these colleges were added to 
the ancient establishment at Salamanca, the University of 
Sigiienza was founded, in the year 1476, on a magnificent 
scale by Juan Lopez de Almazan, a rich and enlightened 
connection of the great house of Medina Celi ; and, greater 
even than Sigiienza, the noble University of AlcalA, the spoilt 
child of Ximenez de Cisneros. 

Twenty miles to the north of Madrid, near the meeting of 
the waters of the Jarama and the Henares, the Arabs built a 
fort, At calah al Henares " the Castle on the River " the 
modern Alcal& de Henares. Captured by Alfonso VI., and 
granted in perpetuity to the archbishops of Toledo, AlcaU 

re-establishment of their ancient university. See Bernaldez, 210; and Giannone, 
litoria di Napoli, xxx., cap. i., 15. 


became the summer residence of the primates of Spain ; and 
it was there that Gonsalvo Garcia Gudiel obtained from Sancho 
the Bravo his royal permission to found a Maeslrescuela or 
university after the pattern of Valladolid, as early as the year 
1293. But the times were disturbed, and the privilege was not 
acted upon until 1459, when the fighting Archbishop of Toledo, 
Alfonso Carrillo, obtained a Bull from Pius II. in virtue of 
which an Estudio general was opened in the convent of San 
Francisco. It was at this school that young Alfonso Ximenes 
de Cisneros received the first elements of instruction, and it was 
within a stone's throw of the ancient monastery that in 1499> 
after two years' consideration and consultation with the cele- 
brated architect Pedro Gumiel, the first stone of the new 
university was laid by Archbishop Francisco Ximenez de 
Cisneros, Primate of all Spain. 1 Every day that could be 
snatched by the archbishop from his political duties was 
devoted to superintending the work of construction ; and at 
length in October, 1508, the great institution was finally open 
for the reception of students. 

The university at Alcald differed in at least one important 
particular from any other earlier institution in the Peninsula ; 
and may be compared in that respect rather with our own 
English universities of Oxford and Cambridge. For the uni- 
versity, like those of England, was composed of a number of 
colleges or houses, in which the students might reside during 
the whole of their scholastic career. 

Of these the most important was that of San Ildefonso, 
whose fellows were entrusted with a large share of the general 
administration, and whose master or rector was also ex officio 
rector of the university. Next in importance, and destined 
more especially for the advancement of the study of the Greek 
and Latin classics, were the colleges most appropriately named 
after Saint Isidore and Saint Eugenius. The halls of San 
Balbino and Santa Catalina received students of philosophy. A 
sixth house dedicated to SS. Peter and Paul was in the nature 
of a normal school in connection with the Franciscan Order, 

1 According to the Anuario historico estadistico de la Instruction Publica en 
Espana, sub-tit. " Alcala," the first stone is said to have been laid in 1498. The 
preparations for the building were no doubt commenced in that year. Al Zegri, 
the devoted convert of Granada, took a leading part in the ceremony of consecra- 
tion. The ceremonial opening appears not to have taken place until the Eve of St. 
Luke's Day, 1513, when " las constituciones se publicdron con gran pompa en la 
capilla del colegio ". 

1498.] ALCALA. 213 

and a seventh, La Madre de Dios, received a limited number of 
poor students of theology and medicine. 1 

An infirmary or university hospital, an institution hitherto 
unknown in Spain, if not in Europe, was added to the collegiate 
buildings, and inasmuch as the rooms constructed in the first 
instance for that purpose did not appear to Ximenez to be 
sufficiently lofty and well ventilated, he caused a second and a 
more appropriate hospital to be specially designed and prepared 
for the reception of sick students. In this respect, at least, 
was the great ecclesiastic in advance of his age and country. 2 An 
eighth college, dedicated to Saint Jerome, was reserved more par- 
ticularly for students of Hebrew as well as for a limited number 
of aspirants to distinction in the study of Greek and Latin. 

The fellows and professors at the new university were 
selected from among the most learned men at Salamanca and 
the other homes of learning in Spain, and many more were 
induced by munificent salaries to come from Paris, from 
Bologna, and from other universities in Europe to the new 
home of learning on the banks of Henares. The first rector 
of the university was Pedro Campo, of Salamanca, the first chan- 
cellor was Pierre Lerma, of Paris. The rector and the chancellor 
enjoyed a species of co-ordinate jurisdiction ; the former superin- 
tended the examinations and granted degrees ; the latter directed 
the studies, administered the property, and superintended the 
daily life and discipline of the university. A revenue of 14,000 
ducats was assigned by Ximenez to this splendid establishment ; 
and neither to the buildings nor to the endowment did queen or 
king contribute a single maravedi. 

Students, as may be supposed, at once flocked to this Com- 
plutensian 3 university, where no less than 3000 are said to have 
been received in the first twelve months of its corporate exist- 
ence ; 4 and ere long the original buildings of Ximenez were 
surrounded by new, if less interesting houses, affiliated to the 
various monastic orders of Christendom. 5 

1 Only six in medicine. This Madre de Dios had been originally intended for 
an infirmary, but was converted into a college on the building of a new and larger 

2 Baudier, Vie de Ximenes, 233. 

3 I.e., Confluencia, the confluence of the rivers Jarama and Henares. 

4 It does not appear that Ferdinand even visited the university till 1514. It 
was not of course completed until long after Isabella's death. 

"As to the jealousy existing between Salamanca and Alcala, more especially 
as it was manifested with regard to the election of Lebrija to a vacant chair at the 
older university, see Munoz, Memories, p. 22. 


The new and liberal provisions with regard to the salaries 
and old age pensions of the fellows and professors, the studies 
and discipline of the students, and many other matters of detail, 
are well worthy of consideration by those who would appreciate 
the character of Ximenez. Grand in his conceptions, minute in 
his execution, he stamped every detail of every work that he 
took in hand with the impress of his own originality. Among 
other academic novelties at Alcali, we are told that he built 
three casas de campo or country houses for the use of his pro- 
fessors on holy days. 

II. The Complutensian Polyglot. 

The crowning glory of the University of Alcala, and one of 
the greatest achievements of its illustrious founder, is that 
magnificent edition of the Holy Scripture in four languages, 
which is usually known, from the place of its publication, as the 
Complutensian Polyglot. 

The text of the copies of the Vulgate in ordinary use before 
the invention of printing, had become, as was only natural, ex- 
ceedingly corrupt. The Bible, or a portion of the Bible, had 
been translated into Limousin under James I. of Aragon, and 
into Castilian by order of Alfonso X. of Castile ; but the circula- 
tion and reproduction of these popular books were in course of 
time prohibited by the Church. The first printed edition of the 
Old Testament in the original Hebrew was published at Soncino 
near Milan in 1488. Of the New Testament, no edition had 
been printed in the original Greek when the Editio princeps was 
struck off at Alcald in 1514. 

It was probably during his residence at Toledo, in or about 
1502, that Ximenez conceived the idea of an edition of the 
Holy Scriptures in many languages, which should be prepared 
from many MSS., to be collated by competent scholars, and 
printed with the utmost perfection ; and the design was promptly 
put into execution. Three Spaniards, Antonio Lebrija, 1 Lopez 
de Zuniga or Stunica, and Nunez de Guzman were found worthy 
of a place among the scholars who were entrusted with the actual 

1 Gomez (Life of Ximenes) says that it was solely owing to Lebrija's advice 
that Ximenez undertook the great work ; and this is confirmed in Lebrija's own 
Apologia, where he complains bitterly to his patron that he is in dire danger of the 
chains of the Inquisition for the work he has done on the Polyglot. His indignant 
appeal to Ximenez for protection is surprisingly told. See preface of Apologia. H. 

1503. ALCALA. 215 

execution of the work, and with them were associated the 
Cretan Demetrius Ducas, and three converted Jews, Alfonso 
of Alcal&, Alfonso of Zamora, and Pablo or Paul of Segovia. 
Pedro Vergara, a student at AlcalA, was afterwards added to 
the company. From every part of Europe, and more especially 
from Rome, MSS. were procured in abundance. 

By the early partof 1503, the work had been fairly commenced, 
and on the 10th of January, 1514, the impression of the volume 
containing the New Testament was actually completed. But 
Julius II. or his advisers had by this time become somewhat 
alarmed at the character of the work ; and the authority for the 
publication was refused or withheld for over six years ; nor was 
it until three years after the death of Ximenez that Leo X. by 
his Brief of 22nd March, 1520, at last accorded the necessary 
permission : and the volumes were at length given to the world. 
Thus only it came to pass that the Greek New Testament which 
at the date of the completion of the work at Alcald, in January, 
1514, was actually the Editio princeps, was anticipated in publica- 
tion by that of Erasmus, which appeared in 1516. 

The Complutensian Polyglot is divided into six volumes, of 
which the Jirsl four contain the Old Testament in Hebrew, Greek 
and Latin, arranged in three distinct columns. In the case of 
the Pentateuch only, there is a Chaldee version, with a Latin 
translation below. The sixth volume is composed of a number 
of vocabularies and indices, lists of words and names, and a 
Hebrew grammar. Thejifth volume, which was the first to be 
printed, contains the New Testament. The Greek type used 
in this volume (but not in the others) was the work of Arnoldo 
Brocario, and is singularly beautiful ; very large, modelled after 
the fashion of thirteenth century MSS. but with no indicated 
breathings, and with a peculiar system of accents. The Latin 
of the Vulgate in parallel columns is a fine bold black letter. 
The apocryphal books are given only in two texts the Vulgate 
and the Septuagint ; the authorised Latin printed in a wide 
column between two columns of corresponding Septuagint, with 
a new Latin translation under each word of the Greek, as is 
found throughout the rest of the Old Testament. 

The most laborious and ingenious part of the actual typo- 
graphical arrangement, however, is that the Latin and Greek 
and Hebrew are printed parallel the one to the other actually 
line by line : and the spaces that naturally occur from the 
different length and number of the words in each language are 
filled up by florid scrolls in the printed Vulgate. Reference is 


also made by letters above the text from every word in the 
Greek text to every word in the Vulgate : and in the Old 
Testament, from every word in the Vulgate to every word in 
the Hebrew ; while under each Greek word of the Septuagint 
is printed the corresponding word of a new Latin translation. 
There is also a kind of concordance with references to parallel 
passages in the Old and New Testaments. 

The question of the MSS. that were used in the preparation 
of the work is one of great difficulty. Ximenez certainly spent 
large sums of money in the purchase of codices, among others 
the Codex Rhodiensis (" Act 52 " of critical catalogues) which is 
now lost ; and Leo X. 1 is known to have lent some MSS. from the 
Vatican Library for the volumes containing the Old Testament. 2 

It was in 1784 that Dr. Moldenhawer, a Danish professor, 
visited Alcald, in order to examine and collect the MSS. But 
the librarian, not wishing, perhaps, to display his treasures 
to a stranger and a Protestant, declared that they had been sold 
to a maker of fireworks five-and-twenty years before ; 3 and the 

1 As he only became Pope in 1513, he can hardly have lent anything for the 
preparation of the New Testament volume, which was completed in January, 1514. 

See Jos6 Gutierrez, Catalogue of XXX. volumes of Biblical MSS. from the 
Library at Alcald, now at Madrid, 1846. The various MSS. lent by Leo were 
afterwards sent back to Rome. (In a letter from Ximenez to Leo X., prefixed to 
the Pentateuch in the first edition of the Polyglot, he says : "It was to your 
Holiness that we owed the Greek MSS. ; for you very kindly sent us the most 
ancient MSS. of the Old and New Testament from the Apostolic Library". In 
the preface to the same edition Ximenez says : ' ' For the Greek part of the 
Scripture we took no vulgar manuscript for our text, but the most ancient and 
most correct which Pope Leo X. sent me from the Vatican. H.) 

2 The MSS. now remaining at Madrid are, with two unimportant exceptions, 
entirely Latin and Hebrew texts. Mr. Scrivener does not consider (Plain Intro- 
duction, etc. , ed. 1883, p. 427) that either Codex B. or any MS. resembling it in 
character, or any other document of high antiquity or of first-rate importance, was 
employed by the editors of the Polyglot. All the MSS. described in the catalogue 
of 1745, comprising almost all the MSS. materials used in the preparation of the 
Polyglot, are now, of course, at Madrid ; although in consequence of undue 
credence attached to a traveller's tale a hundred years ago, northern scholars were 
led to doubt the fact that any of the MSS. existed in Spain, if indeed they had 
ever had any real existence at all. Home and Tregelles, Introduction, etc., 1856, 
p. 121. Madrid has inherited the library and to some extent the traditions of Alcala. 
See ante, voL i. , ch. xxvi. 

3 See Sir John Bowring, Religion and Literature in Spain (1831) ; Michaelis, 
Introduction, etc., trans, by Bishop Marsh (1801), voL ii., p. 440 ; Bishop Herbert 
Marsh, History of Translations, etc., of the Scriptures (18*12) ; Bishop Westcott's 
General Survey (ed. 1881) ; Monthly Repository (1821), vol. xii. , 203; and (1827), 
N.S. vol. i. ; Biblical Review, March, 1847 ; Franz Delitzsch, Complutensische 
Varianten zum alttestamentlichen Texte (Leipzig, 1878) ; Johann Salomon Semler, 
Vermuthungen uber das Complutensische Neu Testament (Halle, 1770), being a 
reply to Goetze, whose notes on the Complutensian version were published in the 
Gotlingischen Anzeigen, 1766 and 1769. 

1503.] ALCALA. 217 

legend was accepted and duly commented upon by superior 
persons for three generations. 1 

The text of the Polyglot differs little from that of most of 
the codices written after the end of the tenth century ; and that 
it was corrupted from the parallel Latin version is a theory now 
completely abandoned. The fact is that from having been 
attacked by Erasmus almost immediately after its appearance, 
and depreciated by Biblical critics in Germany almost ever since, 
its many merits have been undeservedly disparaged, though 
now generally recognised by scholars ; 2 and are attested by the 
fact that Erasmus, and after him Etienne or Stephen, used it 
largely in correcting their own editions. The chief weakness of 
the Complutensian version arises from the fact that the editors 
regarded the Latin of the Vulgate as a superior authority to 
either the original Greek or Hebrew a display of orthodoxy at 
once characteristic and unfortunate and the celebrated words 
in the introduction as to the printing of the sacred Romish 
version between the Greek and Hebrew originals, displayed, 
like the Saviour of the world, between two thieves, gave a 
somewhat profane expression to the feelings of reverence for 
the version that was authorised by the Church. 

In the preface or prologue to the whole work, the authorship 
of which is uncertain, but which must, at least, have been approved 
and was probably written by Ximenez, occurs the oft-quoted 
sentence : Mediam aut inter has latino, beati Hieronymi translation^ 
velut inter synagogam 8f orietalem ecclesiam posuimus tanq : duos hinc 
Sf inde lairones medium ante Jesum hoc est Romanam sine latind 
Ecclesiam collocates. 

That the Vulgate, itself a translation, and in places a by no 
means critical translation, should with such irreverent jocosity 
have been preferred to the original, was only in accordance with 

'The Codex Bessarionis presented to Ximenez by the Republic of Venice 
would also appear to have been used. (Ximenez himself says in the preface : " To 
these we have added not a few, partly transcribed from that most correct manu- 
script of Bessarion sent me by the Senate of Venice ". H.) 

2 For more than one kind suggestion in the writing and printing of this chapter, 
I am indebted to my old master and friend, the Reverend Dr. Gwynn, Regius 
Professor of Divinity in the University of Dublin, where I have seen and handled 
a superb copy of this famous edition. Mr. Quaritch, in a recent Catalogue, thus 
describes a copy valued by him at .150: Biblia Sacra Polyglotta, Hebraice, 
Chaldaice et Greece, cum tribus interpretationibus latinis ; de mandate, ac sumtibus 
cardinalis D. F. Francisci Ximenis de Cisneros, impressa atque edita curis Demetrii 
Cretensis, Antonii Nebrissensis, Lopez Astuniga, Alphonsi Zamora et aliorum, six 
vols., folio; a complete copy, including the rare sheet of six leaves, containing a 
Greek preface to St. Paul's epistles, which is seldom found in the book, having 
been printed after the completion of the New Testament. 


Catholic orthodoxy ; and, far from shocking the feelings of any 
contemporary reader, the words of the introduction appeared, 
no doubt, a fine, if somewhat a bold figure, expressing an un- 
controvertible dogma or position. 1 

But the literary enterprise of Ximenez was by no means 
confined to the editing of the Great Polyglot. The Regulce Vitoe 
of Saint Vincent Ferrer, the works of the Bishop of Avila (El 
Tostado, ob. 1455) and a number of religious and theological 
works, both in Latin and in Castilian, including a life of St. 
Thomas of Canterbury, were published by him at Alcal. An 
edition of Aristotle was undertaken under his supervision ; but 
not having been finished at the time of his death, the work was 
disregarded and abandoned by his successor. Nor was his patron- 
age confined to works of great learning and scholarship ; and 
some popular books on agriculture, prepared by an experienced 
husbandman, saw the light under his Catholic patronage. 
Ximenez is said, moreover, to have printed the Office of the 
Mass, 2 with musical notes, for the use of the choirs throughout 
his diocese : and his rescue from oblivion of the old Gothic or 
Mozarabic Liturgy 3 will ever be associated with his name and 
his liberality. 

1 The Complutensian text has been followed in some later editions, notably by 
Plantin, in his Antwerp Polyglot (1562-72). 

2 It was in 1500 that Melchior Gorris, of Novara, undertook, by permission of 
Ximenez, but at his own expense, the printing executed by the hand of Peter 
Hagenbach, a German of the Missale secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum 
Mozarabes. Riano, Notes on Early Spanish Music, 84, 85. Ximenez at the same 
time seems to have added a chapel, ad Corpus Christi, in the cathedral of Toledo ; 
and founded and endowed a college or company of thirteen priests Mozarabes 
sodales charged with the constant daily performance of the ancient service in the 
chapel, which is still reserved for their successors. In later times the example of 
Ximenez was followed at Salamanca by Bishop Maldonat de Talavera, and at 
Valladolid by Bishop Gasca. 

3 This most rare work was reprinted, strange to say, in Mexico, having been 
prepared by the Cardinal Archbishop of Mexico, D. Francisco Lorenzana, during 
his stay at Toledo, about 1765. The printing was executed at Puebla, or Angelo- 
polis, under the superintendence of D. Francisco Fabian y Tuero, bishop of the 
diocese, and actually published there in 1770. On page 79 is an explanation of the 
Mozarabic system of musical notation, of the very highest value and interest. 

For a fuller account of this interesting liturgy, see Hefele, Vie de Ximenes, pp. 





IN June, 1 504, the queen, who had for some time been ailing, 
and who seems to have suffered from some nervous disease, was 
struck down suddenly by fever. She had lived a hard life. 
She had never spared herself, or others. The unhappy marriages 
of her children had cast a dark shadow over her life. But hers 
was not the nature to repine. Diligent, abstemious, resolute, 
she had borne pain and suffering, and she was not afraid to face 
death. Unable at length to rise from her couch, as the autumn 
drew to a close, she continued to transact her accustomed 
business, gave audience to ambassadors, chatted with privileged 
visitors, and in the words of an astonished stranger, governed 
the world from her sick bed. 1 At length, on the 12th of 
October, she felt the end was near, and with keen and unclouded 
intellect, she dictated that celebrated testament, so long the 
subject of controversy among friends and foes in every country 
in Europe. 

Upon the death of the little Prince Miguel at Granada, in 
the summer of the year 1500, the Catholic kings had been 
moved to take serious thought for the succession to the throne 
of Castile. Their schemes had come to nought. Their plans 
had miscarried. Their hopes were buried in the grave. Prince 
John was dead ; his sister Isabella was dead ; her son Miguel 
was dead. The heiress of Castile was their daughter Joanna 
married to a suspected stranger, herself indifferent to her native 
land, to her parents' wishes, and above all to the religion which 
was the mainspring of their lives. 

On the death of the Prince of Asturias in 1498, the ever 
watchful sovereigns had actually despatched a secret mission to 

1 Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos V.,\. t 8.| 


Flanders to inquire into the political and religious views of the 
archduchess ; and Isabella had been shocked and scandalised to 
learn l that, enfranchised from the restraint of her mother and 
her ecclesiastical followers in Spain, Joanna had become a care 
less, if not a doubtful Catholic, that she "had little or no 
devotion," that she would not receive a spiritual director 
despatched by her mother from Spain, that she had infinitely 
distressed the pious sub-prior of Santa Cruz, by refusing to 
confess on the Feast of the Ascension ; 2 and that she was " in 
the hands of worthless clerics from Paris ". 3 Some months 
later, after the death of the Queen of Portugal, in August, 1498, 
had rendered her succession almost a certainty, with nothing 
but the feeble life of the little Miguel between her and the 
throne of Spain, the reports from the clerical envoys were even 
more disquieting. Joanna "had a hard and obdurate heart". 4 
"She had no piety." Flanders moreover was already honey- 
combed with heresy. And one Muxica was said to exercise an 
unfortunate influence over the archduchess, 5 in spite of the 
urgent remonstrance of the Spanish clerics. Lastly, Joanna 
was reported to be quite indifferent to the criticism of her 
parents in Spain ; and refused even to send an affectionate 
message to her mother by the mouth of the clerical envoys. 

That so graceless a daughter and so very doubtful a Catholic 
should sit upon the throne of Castile, and command, with her 
German- Flemish consort, the obedience of Deza and of Ximeriez 
this, indeed, would be a national calamity, greater perhaps 
than the most Catholic sovereigns could suffer themselves to 
bring down upon Spain. It is difficult, no doubt, for us to see 
such things with the eyes of Isabella or of Ximenez, but we 
must at least recognise that the queen was not a woman to allow 
any mundane morality to interfere with what she believed to be 
the true interests of her Church and of her God. 

That the sovereigns did not so greatly err as regards Philip 

1 In May and June, 1498. 

2 Sub-prior of Santa Cruz to Ferdinand and Isabella, i6th August, 1498. 
Calendar, etc., i. , pp. 181-4. 

3 ist September, 1498, Fray Andreas to Juana. Calendar, supplementary vol., 
PP- 5- 5 1 - 

4 Ibid., i5th January, 1499. It seems from this letter, however, that the arch- 
duchess gave some promise of amendment in such matters. 

5 Some of the Spaniards who are in Flanders speak badly of the Inquisition, 
telling horrible things of it, and pretending that it ruins the country. Bishop of 
Badajoz to Ximenez, 8th May, 1516. Simancas, printed in Calendar of State 
Papers (Spain), vol. ii., p. 281. 

1502.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 221 

may be judged from the fact that almost the only administrative 
act of his two months' reign in Castile was to send the very 
reverend inquisitors, Lucero and Deza, about their business, a 
piece of iniquity which, according to Zurita, called for the 
vengeance of heaven, and was justly followed by the prince's 
death. Lucero, indeed, had been guilty of nothing more serious 
than torturing witnesses to give false evidence as to the orthodoxy 
of a great number of the most respectable people in Cordova, who 
were haled before the Inquisition, and duly burned. But the 
birth of Charles V., in February, 1500, and the death of little 
Miguel in July of the same year, decided the fate of Joanna. 

As early as the summer of 1502, while Joanna was residing 
enceinte at Alcald de Henares, the Cortes was moved by her 
mother to provide for the government in the event, not only of 
her absence from the realm, but of her "being present in Castile, 
but unwilling or unable to reign ; " l and a decree was registered 
that in such a case, Ferdinand should alone govern or administer 
the kingdom in her stead, until her son Charles should have 
attained the unusually delayed majority of twenty years. This 
extraordinary provision or prevision was made at the very time 
that Joanna was being welcomed by her father and mother in 
their dominions, and presented to the States, not only of Castile, 
but of Aragon, for public recognition and homage as their future 
queen. 2 It is evident that in 1 502, whether Joanna was mad or 
sane, her parents were guilty of the most odious duplicity. 3 But 
Isbaella was already ailing. It seems to have been taken for 
granted that she would die before her husband ; and it was only 
in accordance with the temper and the policy of the sovereigns 
that they should wish that Castile should be ruled, after her 
death, not by Philip the Fair and Joanna the fickle, but by 
Ferdinand the Catholic. And that which the sovereigns willed 
was commonly counted as law in Spain. 

No reasons were given. The queen's wishes sufficed. An 
intimation, as we have seen, was conveyed to the faithful Cortes. 
But the future government of the country was provided for by 
royal letters patent. It is not necessary to suppose with Mr. 

1 . . . 6 estando en estos reynos, no los quisiere d no podiere regir 6 governor. 
No mention whatever is made of Philip. See Letters Patent of Isabella as printed 
in the Supplementary Volume of the Calendar of State Papers (Spain), pp. 64-67. 

2 A. Rodriguez, Vida de Juana la loca (1892), pp. 62-74. 

8 As a proof of her sanity, it may be noted that her behaviour at the Court of 
Louis XII., on her visit at the end of 1501, was in the highest degree prudent and 
dignified, and worthy of the approbation of Senor Rodriguez. See Vida de Juana 
la loca, p. 62. 


Bergenroth, by way of accounting for this domestic preference, 
that Joanna was a heretic. There is, indeed, as Monsieur 
Gachard and other writers have justly pointed out, no good 
reason for such a supposition. But it is equally certain that the 
sovereigns detested both Philip and his Flemish connections ; 
that they had very little confidence in Joanna ; and that a 
council composed of the king and queen was not likely to have 
lost sight of the interests of one of the parties, while they may 
both have fairly considered that the government of Ferdinand 
was the best according to their views for Spain and for 
Christendom. 1 The constitution of Castile recognised large 
powers in a reigning sovereign to provide for the succession in 
doubtful cases ; and without any great moral wickedness, Isabella 
may have desired, as she may have thought it good, that her 
experienced husband and not her hysterical daughter should 
succeed her on her throne. 2 The intermediate hypocrisy was 
merely a characteristic episode in the transaction. The scheme 
was, of course, unjust to Joanna and to Philip. But pure ethics 
was a study not very highly valued at the court of Ferdinand. 
Philip and Joanna, moreover, were both well provided for in 
Flanders, where they evidently wished to reside. The queen 
was thus justified, in her own eyes, hi preferring the interests of 
her country and of her Church to those of a daughter of her 
house. Of the views of her consort we can have no doubt what- 
ever. As he had quite made up his mind that he would survive 
Isabella, the postponement of his daughter's accession would 
prolong his tenure of supreme power, and make him practically 
King of Castile and Aragon for the term of his natural life. 
Between this dignified and magnificent destiny and that of 
relegation to the little kingdom of Aragon, whence he would see 
his son-in-law undoing the work of his life in Castile, the 
difference was so shocking, that Ferdinand the Catholic would 
have been more than human if he had not decided to secure for 
himself the richer share. But Ferdinand the Catholic was by 
no means more than human. He was, on the contrary, very 
human indeed. 

1 D. Vicente de Lafuente in his Juana la loco, vindicada de la nota de herejia 
(1869), fiercely attacks Mr. Bergenroth, and asserts boldly (i) that Juana was mad, 
and (2) that she was a good Catholic. But, as M. Gachard remarks, " il riapporte 
aucum document nouveau dans la discussion ". See Gachard in Bulletin de I'Aca- 
detnie royale de la Belgique, 1869, vol. xxvii. , p. 717. 

2 At least until a grandson with Spanish blood in his veins should take up the 
sceptre from the ever capable hands of his grandfather. 

1504.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 223 

Thus it had come to be at least tacitly agreed upon in the 
palace that on the death of Isabella, Ferdinand and not 
Joanna should reign in Castile. The will, which Isabella 
revised and signed in October, 1504, was intended to give 
effect to the secret resolution of three or four years before. 

The language of the queen's testament is clear and dignified. 
Her funeral was to be simple, as befitted a great lady. Her 
body was to repose within the walls of the bright city that she 
had wrested from the Moor at Granada. Her debts were to be 
paid. Many charities were endowed. A magnificent income 
was settled upon Ferdinand. 1 The unjust imposition of the 
Alcabala was, if possible, to be discontinued. 2 Isabella ordered 
moreover that a number of court offices should be abolished, 
and she revoked and annulled the grants of cities, towns and 
fortresses which had been "made in consequence of necessity 
or importunity, and not of free will," to various members of 
the Castilian aristocracy ; and further desired that her successor 
would under no circumstances alienate any part of the 
dominions of the crown. 3 But the true importance of the 
queen's testament is found of course in her dispositions with 
regard to Joanna. 

The last document to which Isabella affixed her feeble 
signature, on the 23rd of November, 4 was in the nature of a 
codicil to her will, in which she enjoins upon her successor 
the task of checking the abuse of power in the new colonies, of 
which sad tidings had already reached her ; and to cause the 
conversion of the Indians to be undertaken with the utmost 
gentleness and justice. But example is more powerful than 
precept ; and the lesson that had been learned at Granada and 
was still taught at Seville, was not forgotten on the far away 
islands of the West. 

1 The amount was 10,000,000 maravedis, together with one-half the entire 
revenue to be derived from the New World ; truly a royal endowment. 

2 This was in the codicil. 

3 This shameful breach of faith or posthumous royal plunder was more parti- 
cularly felt by the Duke of Najera and the Marquis of Villena ; and their not 
unnatural indignation was displayed in their prompt opposition to the regency or 
rule of Ferdinand. Prescott (li. , 363) is very angry with Robertson for (ii. , p. 17) 
questioning the genuineness of Isabella's testament ; and he devotes a long note 
maintaining the certainty of its genuineness, authenticity and wisdom. But its 
genuineness was at all events questioned in Flanders immediately after its promul- 
gation ; and the Aragonese ambassadors who were sent to Brussels on the death of 
Isabella, were constrained to devote a good deal of time and attention to maintain- 
ing that the will was not only a genuine document, but that it represented the true 
wishes of the queen. Marsollier, Vie de Ximenes, ii., 54-56. 

4 The original is preserved in the Royal Library at Madrid. 


Some deputies from the wretched people, given over to the 
uncontrolled and savage tyranny of the Spanish colonists, had 
indeed arrived at Seville from St. Domingo as early as the 
autumn of 1 500, over four years previously. But they had for 
long been unable even to obtain an audience of the sovereigns. 
Ximenez at length caused their miserable story to be told to 
the queen, at the time when the Council of the Indies was 
established to give undivided attention to the affairs of the 
colonies. But the Council, like other councils, and boards of 
supervision, gave very little attention to the complaints of the 
weak and the oppressed ; l and the bitter cry of the Indians 
was unheard or unheeded in Castile. It rang indeed in the 
ears of the dying queen, and provoked her tardy interference. 
But her death took away what little chance there ever had 
been that the complaints of the subject Indians would receive 
attention at court. Isabella herself had done little or nothing 
in her lifetime. Ferdinand was far too busy with his intrigues 
nearer home to give a thought to such humble and distant 
sufferers, after her death. Nor did Ximenez apparently do 
anything further in the matter. For he, too, was occupied 
with the Inquisition and with the Regency ; with the exclusion 
of Philip and Joanna from Castile ; and with his own plans for 
the invasion of Africa. 

At last on the 26th of November, 1504, as the church 
bells of Medina del Campo were ringing out the hour of 
noon, the spirit of Isabella of Castile flitted away from this 
world ; and her mortal remains were conducted by a mournful 
company to their last resting place under the shadow of the 
red towers of Alhambra. Through storm and tempest ; amid 
earthquake and inundation, across mountain and river, the 
affrighted travellers wended their way. For the sun was not 
seen by day nor the stars by night, during three long and weary 
weeks, as if the very forces of nature were disturbed at the death 
of a giant among the princes of the earth. 

The character of Isabella has suffered to an uncommon 
extent from an ignorant glorification of virtues that she was far 
from possessing, and the concealment of those transcendent 
powers that made her not only one of the greatest rulers of 
Spain, but one of the greatest women in the history of the 
world. Until the opening of the treasure-house at Simancas 
displayed her correspondence to the world, she was only 

1 Marsollier, i., p. 354-360. 

1504.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 225 

known from the extravagant but somewhat colourless panegyrics 
of contemporary chroniclers, who recognised at least that she 
was a royal lady, compelling their gallant admiration, and that 
she was immensely superior to her husband, whom it was 
necessary also to glorify, as the last Spanish sovereign of Spain. 1 

On the death of Ferdinand, Spain passed away from the 
Spaniard ; and the costly glory of the rule of the Hapsburgs 
was followed only by humiliation and decay under the rule of 
the Bourbons. The Imperial greatness of Charles V. no doubt 
eclipses, in the history of Europe and of the world, the far more 
heroic record of Isabella in Spain. But Spain under Charles 
was reduced to the position of a province albeit the greatest 
province of the empire sending as of old, under Tiberius or 
Domitian, her bravest soldiers and her richest treasure to 
minister to the ambition of a foreign imperator. What then 
can be more natural than that the admiration of Pulgar and 
Bernaldez, of Peter Martyr and of Zurita, should be practically 
if uncritically magnified by subsequent Spanish historians, 
dwelling fondly on the bygone splendour of their country, and 
attaching to the sainted memory of the last of the Castilian 
sovereigns the imperishable glory of the palmy days of Castile. 

Isabella the Catholic, as she is usually portrayed by historians, 
is something between an unusually intelligent nun and an un- 
usually devoted housewife, deferential to her husband, attached 
to her children, unduly subject indeed to her confessor, but 
honestly and purely religious, 2 simple in her mode of life, pious 
in her conversation, above all things overflowing with mercy 
and gentleness, a creature so tender-hearted that she could 
not bring herself to witness the national sport of her country, 
lest her pity should be too painfully excited by an accident to 

1 On the death of the queen the worst qualities of her husband were seen, 
unchecked, and the value of her beneficent influence may be fairly judged. 

2 Such persons as had opportunities of seeing her, and of judging by their own 
observation, could not find words expressive enough to describe the splendour of 
her attire. We have in the journal of Machado, who accompanied the English 
ambassadors to Spain as king-at-arms in the year 1489, printed in Gairdner's 
Memorials of Henry VII., a relation of her toilette worthy of a court milliner. He 
declares that he never beheld such magnificence, and the description of the velvet, 
gold and pearls which she wore is so minute that it leaves us no room to doubt of 
his being a connoisseur. When he, therefore, assured the King of England that a 
single toilette of Queen Isabella amounted in value to 200,000 escudos, and that he 
never saw her twice, even on the same day, whether it were at an audience, a bull- 
fight (sic) or a ball, in the same costume, we may well believe that the simplicity 
of her attire, upon which some of her panegyrists are so fond of expatiating, was no 
more real than the other qualities with which she has been ignorantly endowed. 
Calendar of State Papers (Spain), 1862, Introd. , pp. 34, 35. 
VOL. II. 15 


an awkward bull-fighter. In a word, an amiable princess, 
unhappily somewhat bigoted, but otherwise a discreet and 
estimable person. The establishment and maintenance of the 
Inquisition, the banishment of the Jews, the massacre of the 
Moslems, the queen's constant breaches of faith to friends and 
foes, her pitiless disregard of human suffering these things, 
we are told by Prescott and other less distinguished writers, 
with a recurrence that at length becomes almost comic, were 
so foreign to her amiable and gentle nature, that although 
they appeared to be her work, it is obvious that some undis- 
closed villain must be to blame. Torquemada, Ferdinand, 
Ximenez, or, perhaps, the victims themselves. Her spoliation 
of the nobles, her humiliation of the Popes, her subjection of 
Ximenez, her protection of Torquemada, her degradation of 
Katharine, and her dreadful policy towards Joanna, these 
things are treated as exceptions, such as might fairly be 
expected, to throw into stronger relief the general rule of her 
otherwise gentle life. The result is a creature of the imagination 
so impossible and so fantastic as to be absolutely without any 
human interest; somewhat after the manner of the wooden 
Virgins that adorn the churches of Spain, whose form, be it 
fair or foul, is concealed by the sham jewellery and tinsel 
furbelows that have been accumulated by the piety of generations 
of ignorant devotees. Yet the ideal Isabella has long been 
suffered to remain to confound these simple people, who would 
fain believe that a tree, albeit of royal growth and giant 
proportions, is assuredly to be known by its fruits. 

The real Isabella is one of the most remarkable characters 
in history. Not only was she the most masterful, but, from 
her own point of view, by far the most successful ruler that 
ever sat upon the throne of Spain, or of any of the kingdoms 
of the Peninsula ; she stands in the front rank of the great 
sovereigns of Europe, and challenges comparison with the greatest 
women who have ever held sway in the world. A reformer and 
a zealot, an autocrat and a leader of men, with a handsome face 
and a gracious manner, scarce concealing the iron will that lay 
beneath, Isabella was patient in adversity, dignified in prosperity, 
at all times quiet, determined, thorough. 

In one particular she stands alone among the great ruling 
women, the conquerors and empresses of history. She is the 
only royal lady, save, perhaps, Maria Theresa of Hungary, who 
maintained through life the incongruous relations of a masterful 
sovereign and a devoted wife, and shared not only her bed but 

1504.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 227 

her throne with a husband whom she respected a fellow- 
sovereign whom she neither feared nor disregarded. To command 
the obedience of a proud and warlike people is given to few of 
the great men of history. To do the bidding of another with 
vigour and with discretion is a task that has been but rarely 
accomplished by a heaven-born minister. But to conceive and 
carry out great designs, with one hand in the grasp of even the 
most loyal of companions, is a triumphant combination of energy 
with discretion, of the finest tact with the most indomitable 
resolution, that stamps Isabella of Spain as a being more vigorous 
than the greatest men, more discreet than the greatest women 
of history. Semiramis, Zenobia, Boadicea, Elizabeth of England, 
Catharine of Russia, not one of them was embarrassed by a 
partner on the throne. The partner of Isabella was not only 
a husband but a king, jealous, restless and untrustworthy. It 
is in this respect, and in the immense scope of her political action, 
that the great Queen of Castile is comparable with the bold 
Empress-King of Hungary, rather than with any other of the 
great queens and royal ladies of history. 

The husband of Zenobia indeed enjoyed the title of Augustus ; 
but it was only after his assassination, that the lady earned her 
fame as a ruler. Catharine caused her Imperial consort to be 
executed as a preliminary to her vigorous reign in Russia ; Boa- 
dicea was the successor and not the colleague of Prasutagus ; 
and Semiramis, though herself somewhat a mythical personage, 
is said to have slain both her husband and his rival, in her asser- 
tion of her absolute power. Yet Isabella revolutionised the 
institutions of her country religious, political, military, financial ; 
she consolidated her dominions, humiliated her nobles, cajoled 
her commons, defied the Pope, reformed the clergy ; she burned 
some 10,000 of her subjects ; she deported 1,000,000 more ; and 
of the remnant she made a great nation ; she brooked no man's 
opposition, in a reign of thirty years, and she died in the arms 
of the king, her husband ! 

Ferdinand of Aragon was no hero. But he was a strong 
man ; a capable ruler ; a clever, if a treacherous, diplomatist. 
And to this husband and consort was Isabella faithful through 
life, not merely in the grosser sense of the word, to which 
Ferdinand for himself paid so little heed ; but in every way and 
walk of life. She supported him in his policy ; she assisted him 
in his intrigues ; she encouraged him in his ambitious designs ; 
she lied for him, whenever prudence required it ; she worked 
for him at all times, as she worked for Spain. For his policy, 


his intrigues, his designs were all her own. Whenever the views 
of the king and queen were for a moment discordant, Isabella 
prevailed, without apparent conflict of authority. In her as- 
sumption of supremacy in the marriage contract ; l in her nomi- 
nation of Gonsalvo de Cordova to the command of the army ; 
in her choice of Ximenez as the Primate of Spain, she carried 
her point, not by petulance or even by argument, but by sheer 
force of character ; nor did she strain for one moment, even in 
these manifestations of her royal supremacy, the friendly and 
even affectionate relations that ever subsisted between herself 
and her husband. The love and devotion of Isabella was a 
thing of which the greatest of men might well have been 
proud. And though Ferdinand the Catholic may not fairly be 
counted among the greatest, he was a man wise enough to 
appreciate the merits of his queen, and to accept and maintain 
the anomalous position in which he found himself as her consort. 

In war at least it might have been supposed that the queen 
would occupy a subordinate position. Yet in no department of 
State did Isabella show to greater advantage than as the organiser 
of victorious armies ; not as a batallador, after the fashion of her 
distinguished ancestors in Castile and in Aragon ; but as the 
originator of an entirely new system of military administration. 

Before her time, in Spain, war had been waged by the great 
nobles and their retainers in attendance upon the king. There 
was no such thing as uniformity of action or preparation, no 
central organisation of any kind. Each man went into battle 
to fight and to forage as opportunity offered. Each commander 
vied with his fellow nobles in deeds of bravery, and accorded 
to them such support as he chose. The sovereign exercised a 
general authority, and assumed the active command of the united 
multitude of soldiers, on rare and important occasions. If victory 
followed, as at the Navas de Tolosa, the soldiers were rewarded 
with the plunder, and took possession of the property of the 
enemy. If the Christians were defeated, the army melted away ; 
and the king betook himself to the nearest shelter. 

But Isabella had no sooner assumed the title of Queen of 
Castile, than she was called upon to maintain her pretensions 
in the field. With no experience but that of a country palace, 
with no training but that of a country cloister, she set herself 

1 Or rather in the settlement signed by the king and queen immediately after 
the death of Henry IV. in 1474. 

Cf. Dormer, Discursos varies de historic,, etc. , Zaragoza, 1683, p. 295 ; Pres- 
cott, i. , 183. 

1504.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 229 

to work to organise an army. 1 On the 1st of May, 1474, ">00 
horsemen represented the entire forces of the fair usurper. 
By the 19th of July she had collected over 40,000 men, had 
armed and^equipped them ready for the field, and had sent them 
forward under the command of Ferdinand to the frontier. Al- 
though she was at the time in delicate health, she was constantly 
in the saddle, riding long distances from fortress to fortress, 
hurrying up recruits all day, dictating letters all night, giving 
her zealous personal attention to every detail of armoury and 
equipment, showing from the first that quiet energy and that 
natural aptitude for command that ever so constantly distin- 
guished her. That her levies were not victorious in no way 
daunted her determination. A second army was raised by her, 
within a few weeks after the first had melted away under 
Ferdinand ; nor would she listen to any offers of negotiation, 
until the enemy had been driven out of Castile. 

In the conduct of the war of Granada, with time and money 
at her command, her preparations were upon a very different 
scale. The most skilful artificers were summoned from every 
part of Europe to assist in the work of supplying the army with 
the necessary material of war. Artillery, then almost unknown 
to the military art, was manufactured in Spain according to the 
best designs. Model cannon were imported, and the necessary 
ammunition collected from abroad. Sword-blades were forged 
at home. Not only a commissariat, but a field hospital institu- 
tions till then unheard of in Spanish warfare were organised 
and maintained under the personal supervision of the queen. 
The presence of a Royal lady on the day of battle would, as 
she rightly judged, have been rather a hindrance than a help : 
but she was very far from being a mere commissioner of supply. 
A first-rate horsewoman, she was constantly seen riding about 
the camp, encouraging, inspecting, directing ; and in the last 
days of the siege of Granada, when the spirits of the troops had 
begun to flag, she appeared daily in complete armour, and showed 
herself upon more than one occasion in a post of danger on the 
field. The armies with which Gonsalvo de Cordova overran 
Calabria, and annihilated the French at Cerignola, were prepared 
and despatched by Isabella ; and if in a subsequent campaign, 
the Great Captain was left without supplies or reinforcements, 
it was that the queen was already sickening to her death, broken 
down and worn out by her constant and enormous exertions. 

J What little organisation there was in existence was at the disposal of her 


But with all her aptitude for military organisation, Isabella 
had no love for war. Her first campaign was undertaken to 
make good her pretensions to the crown. The extermination 
of the Moslems was a matter of religious feeling and patriotic 
pride, rather than an object of military glory ; but she refused 
to pursue her conquest across the Straits of Gibraltar. The 
expeditions to Italy were a part of Ferdinand's diplomacy, 1 
though the honour of victory must be shared between Isabella 
and her Great Captain. But the queen's ambition lay not in 
conquest abroad. On the contrary, as soon as the last province 
in Spain had been delivered from the foreign yoke of the Moor, 
she turned her attention to the peaceful development of the 
kingdom ; and, unlettered warrior as she was, she bestowed 
her royal patronage upon students and studies, rather than upon 
the knights and nobles who had fought her battles before 

The old foundations of the universities, the new art of print- 
ing, scholarship, music, architecture found in her a generous 
patron, not so much from predilection as from policy. Men 
of letters and men of learning were welcomed at her court, not 
only from every part of Spain, but from every part of Europe. 
For herself she had little appreciation of literature. She neither 
knew nor cared what influence her beloved Inquisition would 
have upon science. But as long as the queen lived, learning 
was honoured in Spain. 

In this as in all other things, her judgment of men was 
unerring. The queen who made Gonsalvo the Commander-in- 
Chief of her armies, and Ximenez the President of her Council, 
who selected Torquemada as her Grand Inquisitor, and Talavera 
as her Archbishop of Granada, made no mistake when she invited 
Peter Martyr to instruct her son in polite letters, and commis- 
sioned Lebrija to compose the first Castilian grammar for the 
use of her court. 

Of her beauty of face and form, we have already spoken. 
Yet vanity was unknown to her nature. Simple and abstemious 
in her daily life, and despising pomp for its own sake, no one 
could make a braver show on fitting occasions ; and the richness 
of her apparel, 2 the glory of her jewels, and the noble dignity 
of her presence have been celebrated by subjects and strangers. 

1 It must be explained that the object was a purely Aragonese one, in which 
Isabella and Castile were not directly interested. H. 

z Pompa demasiada ; distinguished for undue pomp, says Bernaldez, Reyes 
Catolicos, i., 4. 

1504.] DEATH OF ISABELLA. 231 

More devoted by far to her husband than to her children, more 
devoted to her country and to her Church than to any man or 
woman in Spain, her family life is the least pleasing feature 
of her character. Her treatment of her daughter Katharine 
was at best inconsiderate ; her treatment of Joanna was to the 
last degree heartless. The most that may fairly be urged in 
her favour is that in her declining health she may have listened 
too obediently to the suggestions of Ferdinand, and the inevit- 
able friar, and sacrificed the least dutiful of her daughters to 
the odious policy of her husband. 1 

To judge man or woman for acting according to the dictates 
of their religion is a somewhat delicate task, and may lead the 
modest writer of history into the province of Ethics or even of 
Polemics, if the tendency be not severely checked. 2 But of 
what is commonly spoken of as the bigotry of Isabella, the 
admiration of Catholic historians, and the despair of Protestant 
panegyrists, it is somewhat difficult to speak without offence 
or paradox. Religious, as she understood the word, she un- 
doubtedly was, constant, devout, zealous. Her religion, more- 
over, was no cloak. It was a part of her nature, and as far as 
she herself was concerned, a force rather than a hindrance 
throughout life. For to her, and for her, it was true. That 
she was led by her devotion to a Church that she judged to be 
infallible, to hand over her subjects to torture and exile, to 
break her plighted word, to subordinate all moral consideration 
to the triumph of a narrow orthodoxy these things are not 
denied, they are rather gloried in, by many even among her 
modern admirers, while her more dreadful exhibitions of 
absolute power were applauded without a pang of remorse by 
the wisest and the worthiest of her contemporaries. 8 

But if her religious obedience brought suffering and death 
to so many of her subjects, her royal independence brooked 
no interference, even from the head of her Church, in matters 
in which her personal dignity was concerned. Innocent and 
Alexander fared no better at her hands than if they had been 

1 The question will be again alluded to in chapter Iv. 

2 The man who would class Isabella with Torquemada, or even with Philip 
II., must have studied history and human nature alike in vain. If she resembled 
any of her contemporaries, it was Cardinal Ximenez. But her judgment was more 
just, her vigour more chastened, her resolution more indomitable. 

3 Isabella, according to Bergenroth, was of a highly nervous temperament, 
and suffered much from ill-health during the last four or five years of her life. 
Calendar of State Papers (1862), Spain, vol. i., Introd. , p. 38. It is well to 
remember this in considering her treatment of Columbus, and even of Joanna. 


Jews or Moslems, when they thwarted her political aspirations, 
or sought to assert their spiritual authority in matters in which 
she felt herself within her dominions supreme. 1 She knew 
the true worth of Gianbattista Cibo, and of Roderic Borgia, as 
well as any cardinal at Rome. 2 And she used these Holy 
Fathers for her own purposes with a kind of cynical deference, 
demanding and ever obtaining their Bulls and their Briefs for 
the more effectual compulsion of friends and enemies, for the 
furtherance of her foreign or domestic policy, and even for the 
quieting of her own conscience. 3 

To draw the line between spiritual infallibility and temporal 
arrogance has puzzled more subtle intellects than that of 
Isabella the Catholic. The queen, like other people, decided 
the matter for herself in her own way. It is open to any man 
to call her a saint and a heroine. It is open to any man to call 
her a bigot and a tyrant. But no man at least may deny that 
she was a great queen. 4 

1 See for example, as early as 1482, as to the investiture of the bishops of Cor- 
dova and Cuenca. Sixtus IV. having paid no attention to the representations of 
Isabella with regard to the appointments, the queen ordered all the Castilians at 
once to leave Rome, and threatened to summon a general council of Christian 
sovereigns to consider the question of Church government. Sixtus, it need hardly 
be said, speedily gave way. Lafuente, ix. , 190-3. 

2 For an example of the anti-clerical vigour of Isabella in Spain, see Pulgar, 
iii. , 66, where we read that the priests who had striven vainly against the queen 
were desnaturados de los Reynos de Castillo,. See also Lafuente, vol. ix. , pp. 527- 

3 "Though this business the thwarting of the designs of Charles VIII. is 
the business of God and the Church," says Isabella, writing with her own hand, in 
her most secret cypher, to her ambassador in London, "to defend which all we 
Christian princes are obliged there might be mixed in it something of our own 
interest." Isabella to Puebla, loth July, 1496. Calendar, etc., vol. i., pp. 108-110. 
See also the queen's letter to Rome, dated Cordova, 7th September, 1490, referred 
to in the Calendar, vol. i. , Introd. , p. 46. 

4 In the Anales breves of D. Rafael Floranes Robles y Encinas (1787), there is 
a most useful and carefully compiled Memorial y Registro of all the places at which 
Ferdinand and Isabella lodged from 1496 to 1504. Doc. Ineditos, pp. xviii. , 237-339. 

Nothing can more clearly show the wonderful activity of the sovereigns, 
especially of Isabella. A mere list of the names of the places throughout Spain, at 
which the court was found, would fill a page. But for purposes of reference and 
comparison this handy travelling diary is most useful, and I feel personally in- 
debted to the painstaking diligence of the compiler, Don Lorenzo Galindez Carbajal, 
member of the council and household of Ferdinand, Isabella, Juana and Charles V. 
(A similar travelling diary giving an account of the movements of Charles V. was 
compiled by his secretary Vandernesse, printed in Bradford's Correspondence of 
Charles V. H.) 




AFTER long and weary waiting; after neglect and disappoint- 
ment, and hope ever deferred ; after rebuffs and insults that 
would have broken the spirit of a man less noble-hearted than 
Christopher Columbus, the great discoverer was at length 
permitted to revisit his new world ; and on the 1 1 th of May, 
1503, he set sail once more for the Western Seas. He went 
not, indeed, as admiral or viceroy, nor with the full powers 
and well-appointed fleet of the brother of Calatrava, but as 
commandant of four old-fashioned caravels, permitted, rather 
than authorised, to seek new possessions for Castile. 

Columbus had been most anxious to construct some new 
ships on improved lines ; but the necessary licence could not be 
obtained. The largest vessel of the four that was entrusted to 
him, measured but seventy tons ; and 143 souls all told sailed 
in his most royal fleet. He was not even allowed, by the terms 
of his commission, to touch at Hispaniola. His duty was only 
to discover. He was not to be permitted to enjoy. The ships, 
however, especially the Gallega, of sixty tons, had become so 
leaky by the time they had reached the West Indies, that he 
ran to the port of St. Domingo to refit. In the harbour was 
riding a noble fleet of no less than thirty-two vessels, collected 
by Brother Ovando, with Brother Bobadilla, and over 200,000 
golden castellanos already on board, ready to start for Spain. 
Yet the needed succour was denied to Columbus, and he was 
forbidden to land, or even to hold any communication with 
the shore. 

The great heart of the navigator was not to be hardened 
by all this criminal insolence ; and he once more sent a mes- 
senger to the town, not to ask again for assistance or even for 
shelter, but to warn the assembled fleet of an approaching 


hurricane. Then, and not till then, did he himself seek refuge 
with his leaky caravels in the little port of Azua. His fore- 
cast was realised. The hurricane burst ; and his crazy squadron 
rode out the storm in safety. But for the great Armada of 
Ovando was reserved a very different fate. Disregarding the 
warnings of Columbus, the Calatravan had given orders to his 
captains to weigh anchor and to set sail without delay. The 
fleet was stricken by the tornado. Twenty vessels were at once 
sent to the bottom ; and of the thirty treasure ships that set out 
from St. Domingo, one small caravel alone was spared to reach 
the coast of Spain. Bobadilla and his castellanos, Ovando's 
plunder, the spoil of tens of thousands of murdered Indians all 
were swallowed up by the sea. 

Having weathered the storm, and repaired his ships as best 
he could, Columbus continued his voyage to the westward, 
and by the end of July he made the coast of Honduras in 
Central America, whence he sailed to the southward, amid 
inconceivable hardships, in search of the golden region of 
Veragua. Veragua was found, and formally annexed to Castile. 
A settlement was made, and abandoned after a brief occupation 
in April, 1503. Seven score men may not occupy a country; 
and Columbus, with a fleet reduced to two ships in a sinking 
condition, succeeded in reaching Jamaica, where he was suffered 
to remain one whole year on the verge of starvation by Ovando, 
who was roasting friendly Indians alive in the neighbouring 
island of Hispaniola. 1 In the dreadful and diabolical annals of 
the colonisation of the American Indies there is no name more 
infamous than that of this religious knight, the favoured rival 
of the discoverer of the New World. But at length the public 
opinion even of the adventurers over whom he ruled was out- 
raged by his abandonment of Columbus. A caravel was sent to 
Jamaica. The castaways were rescued, and Columbus was 
immediately sent back to Spain. 

A few days before the death of Isabella, on the 7th of 
November, 1504, a tempest-tossed vessel, in charge of a weary 
crew, cast anchor in the little port of San Lucar at the mouth 
of the Guadalquivir. Columbus was once more in Spain ; 

1 Faith is staggered, says Prescott (ii., 26), by the recital of the number of 
victims immolated in those fair regions within a few years after their discovery. 

According to Las Casas (i., 187) twelve million Indians were destroyed in less 
than forty years after the discovery of the New World ; and Herrera admits that 
in the single island of Hispaniola or San Domingo the native population was 
reduced in twenty-five years from over 1,000,000 to less than 15,000 souls. Ind. 
Occ. , dec. i. , lib. x. , c. xii. 


broken by disease, and yet more by disappointment, but still 
cheerful, self-reliant and hopeful. The news of Ovando's 
atrocities had preceded him ; the burning of the Caciques, the 
murder of Anaconda, the wholesale massacre of the Indians, 
the abandonment of the admiral himself at Jamaica. But the 
news was accompanied by gold ; and Ovando was maintained 
in his high command. 

As Columbus sailed over the bar of the Guadalquivir, 
Isabella the Catholic lay dying at Medina del Campo. Of the 
return of Columbus she did not live to hear. But of Ovando's 
atrocities, some tidings were permitted to reach her ears, and 
add to the grief and distress of her last moments. In a codicil 
to her celebrated testament, she begged her husband to pro- 
tect the natives that had been committed to his care. But 
Ferdinand the Catholic was not a man to concern himself about 
the sufferings of distant Indians. The clauses in his wife's will 
that alone occupied his attention, while he was engaged in 
disposing of Philip and of Joanna, had nothing to do with new 
Spain beyond the Atlantic. Fray Ovando was quite good 
enough for St. Domingo. 

Columbus was at length admitted to a final interview ; but 
he failed to obtain redress or recognition, still less restitution or 
reward, at the hands of Ferdinand of Aragon. One gleam of 
hope was permitted to illumine his last days on earth, when 
Philip and Joanna landed in Spain, and a message from the 
admiral was acknowledged in a gracious and generous spirit by 
the prince from Gallicia. But the encouragement arrived too 
late. The great navigator was to sail no more the stormy seas 
of this world ; and on the 20th of May, 1 .506, in a miserable 
lodging at Valladolid, in a house that is still pointed out to the 
curious traveller, the spirit of one of the best and noblest of 
men that is honoured by two continents, fled away from the 
confines of earth to the unknown land, far beyond Atlantic and 
Pacific, where injustice or wrong may not be found. 

Columbus left two sons ; Diego by his Portuguese wife ; and 
Fernando by Beatriz Enriquez. Don Diego succeeded to his 
father's title, and recovered some of his rights at the hands of 
Charles V. Don Fernando l devoted his life to a study of his 

1 Fernando visited Louvain in search of books in 1531, and came across the 
great scholar Clenardus, whom he induced to return with him to Spain. 

A good many interesting facts in connection with this visit, and more 
especially as regards the astounding decay of Arabic scholarship, or even the 
simplest acquaintance with the language, not only at Salamanca, but at Granada, 


father's works and the preservation of memorials of his deeds ; 
and it is to his tender and zealous care that we owe the 
Biblioteca Colombina that is still cared for by the Chapter of 
Seville Cathedral. The restoration to Don Diego of his father's 
titles and honours, with a part of his father's property, was due 
in no wise to the justice of his cause, but to his fortunate 
marriage with Dona Maria de Toledo, a near relation of 
Ferdinand of Aragon. 

Confirmed thus in his hereditary office, the young admiral 
embarked at San Lucar in the end of May, 1509, with his lady 
wife, his uncles Diego and Bartolome and his younger brother 
Fernando. The goodly company arrived at St. Domingo in 
July, 1509, when Don Diego superseded Ovando, and retained 
his government of Hispaniola for no less than eighteen years, 
until his death in February, 1526. 

His son Don Luis was compelled to renounce his vice- 
royalty, and his other hereditary rights ; receiving in exchange 
a handsome pension, and the title of Duke of Veragua, which is 
still borne by the actual descendant, in the female line, of the 
great navigator His Excellency Don Cristobal Colon de la 
Cerda y Larreategui, Duke of Veragua, who was born in 1837, 
and whose eldest son and heir carries on the great name of 
Cristobal. 1 

will be found in an article in the Quarterly Review for January, 1893, entitled 
" Clenardus ". (The matter is also referred to in |an additional note in the first 
volume of this work. H.) 

1 The investigations of Senor Munoz in the archives at Simancas and Seville, 
between 1781 and 1799, undertaken at the suggestion of the enlightened Charles 
III., were and are of the utmost value and interest. The work of Senor Munoz 
was continued by Senor Navarrete, who published, in 1825, his Coleccion de los 
Viajesy descubrimientos, etc. , in four volumes. A fifth volume was added in 1837. 
For fifty years this was the great authority upon the subject, and is the basis of 
Irving's agreeable and well-known life of the great navigator, which was published 
in 1827. Alexander Von Humboldt's Examen critique de I histoire et de la gtogra- 
phiedu nouveau continent is of much critical value, and Mr. Harrisse's Bibliotheca 
Americana Vetustissima is a monument of patient and fruitful research ; and his 
Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa Vie, ses Voyages, safamille et ses descendants, 2 
vols., large 8vo (Paris, 1884), superbly printed, is still perhaps the best and most 
authoritative work within the reach of those who do not read Spanish. But the most 
complete life of Columbus that has yet been published in any language is that of 
Don Jos6 Maria Asensio, entitled Cristobal Colon, su vida, sus viages, sus descu- 
brimientos, 2 vols., folio, pp. 143 and 733, and 904, with maps, oleographs and 
numerous page illustrations, and illuminated borders (Barcelona, 1892). See also 
Colon en Espana, by Don Tomas Rodriguez Pinilla (Madrid, 1884). A vast 
amount of original and curious information with regard to the doings of the 
Spaniards in the early days of their West Indian government and exploration, 
will be found in the collection, entitled Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos, relatives 
al descubrimiento, conquista, y organization de America y Oceania, sacados de 
los Archives del Reino (Madrid, 1864), etc. 



I. La Beltraneja and La Loca. 

THE government of Isabella had been by no means perfect ; but 
it had been efficient ; and it had been well-nigh universally 
respected. On the queen's death, Spain became once more the 
theatre of intrigue, of scandal, of uncertainty, and of change ; 
when every man suspected his neighbour, and rival regents 
divided the allegiance of wavering subjects. 

The great object of Ferdinand's ambition was to continue to 
reign not only over Aragon, but over Castile. He accordingly, 
within a few hours of the death of Isabella, made a formal and 
public renunciation, of the crown that he had so long worn as 
her consort, and caused proclamations to be made of the 
accession of Philip and Joanna to the vacant throne ; while he 
assumed for himself the modest title of administrator of the 
kingdom. The Cortes was convoked in the name of Queen 
Joanna ; and her royal standard was solemnly unfurled in the 
great square of Toledo. 1 

1 There is a concise history of the affairs in Spain, of the letters to and from 
Flanders, and of the negotiations generally, from contemporary MSS., chiefly 
those of D. Galindez Carbajal, councillor of the Catholic kings, by Rafael Floranes 
Roblesy Encinas (1787), published in the eighteenth volume of Doeumentos Inedi- 
tos, pp. 339-423. Among the various documents printed, is a letter from Ferdinand 
the Catholic to the Archduke Philip giving the news of the death of Isabella, and 
begging his son-in-law to come to Spain with the utmost expedition, con la reina 
mi hija.' The letter is addressed to Philip by the Grace of God, King of Castile, 
Leon and Granada, and Prince of Aragon, etc. , etc. On the same evening (26th 
November) the standard of Queen Joanna, Seflora propietaria de estos reinos, was 
solemnly and publicly raised by the Duke of Alva, cousin-german of King Fer- 
dinand. By the end of the same month (i.e., in less than four days) Ferdinand 
had gone to la Mejorada near Olmedo to meet Ximenez, para entenderen el Testa- 
mento de la Reina. In December Ferdinand went to Toro, where he remained 


All this was of course only preparatory to the confirmation 
and promulgation of the political testament of Isabella by the 
Cortes at Toro in January, 1 505, and the investiture of Ferdinand 
himself with the powers and position of sole regent and dejacto 
sovereign of the kingdom of Castile. 

That this step should provoke the remonstrance of Philip, 
as the husband of Joanna, the rightful Queen of Castile, was 
only what might have been expected ; but it provoked also the 
strong and practical remonstrance of the great territorial nobility. 
The proud and independent spirit of the Castilian magnates had 
bowed itself at once before the sex and the spirit of Isabella. 
As a woman, as a Castilian, and as a great lady, she had compelled 
their loyalty and their respect. Ferdinand of Aragon was a man 
and a foreigner ; and the Castilian aristocracy saw no reason for 
preferring him to their lawful sovereign. Don John Manuel 
was despatched to Flanders as the representative of the nobles ; 
and moved by this ever skilful envoy, Philip called upon his 
father-in law to resign his pretensions to supremacy in Castile, 
and to retire at once to his own kingdom of Aragon. 

In the meantime, Ferdinand the Catholic had not been idle. 
He had, in the first place, despatched one Lope de Conchillos, 
an Aragonese gentleman devoted to his interests, to the court 
of the archduchess in Flanders ; and the envoy had succeeded 
in obtaining from Joanna a letter, 1 approving the action of her 
father as regards the administration of Castile. The document, 
however, was handed by Conchillo's messenger, not to Ferdinand, 
but to Philip ; and the scheme led to no further results than 
the imprisonment of the emissary, and a suspicious supervision 
of Joanna herself, which must have been peculiarly irritating to 
her nervous and supersensitive nature. 

Meanwhile the widower of three months' standing had been 
seeking a new wife in a strange and most unexpected quarter 

until the month of April of the next year, 1505, " entendiendo en cumplir el Testa- 
mento de la Reina, with Ximenez the Primate, and Deza, lately appointed Arch- 
bishop of Seville. Anales breves, in Documentos Ineditos, vol. xviii. , 309-10. 

In the Bosguejo biografico de la Reina Dona Juana (1874), Seftor Rodriguez 
has collected a number of letters up to that time unpublished, bearing upon the 
question ; and although his book is avowedly written as an answer to the calum- 
nious suggestion of Bergenroth that Joanna was not mad (p. 10), he arrives at the 
conclusion, which I believe to be the just one, namely, that the queen was certainly 
not mad up to the date of her husband's death, op. cit. , p. 29. 

1 This letter, says Marsollier ( Vie df Ximenes, ii. , 58), was written when Joanna 
was smarting under a fit of jealousy at some more than usually scandalous act of 
infidelity on the part of her husband, of which Conchillo made the most, for the 
accomplishment of his own ends. 


The rights of Joanna, surnamed La Bellraneja, born in wedlock 
and recognised by her father, King Henry IV., as his successor 
on his throne, had only been subordinated to those of her aunt 
Isabella by force of arms. And Ferdinand, who had entered 
Castile in 1 469, by marrying her rival and denying her legitimacy, 
now proposed to remain in Castile in 1505 by asserting her 
legitimacy, and marrying her himself! 

The formal disposition of the crown under the hand of Henry 
IV. conclusive of the legitimacy of Joanna was. it was said, 
actually in the king's possession. Everything would, no doubt, 
have been satisfactorily ordered by Ferdinand, but the lady 
unhappily refused to entertain his proposals, 1 and the legitimate 
Queen of Spain remained unwedded in her Portuguese convent. 
Had she consented to reign, the title of Isabella would have 
been ex post facto impugned ; 2 and had she been fortunate 
enough to bear a son to Ferdinand, the boy would have inherited 
the united kingdom of Aragon and Castile, to the exclusion of 
Charles V. of Germany. But as the title of Isabella was not 
called in question, her daughter Joanna remained Queen of 
Castile. 3 

1 Ferdinand chose Don Hugo de Cardona who was supposed to be his own 
son, and who certainly enjoyed his confidence to an extraordinary degree to 
conduct the delicate negotiations. But neither Joanna herself nor Emmanuel, 
King of Portugal, would listen to his proposals. Cardona afterwards succeeded 
the Greit Captain in Italy, and showed himself at least a very poor general. Pope 
Julius II., who was not a man to pardon military incapacity, used to speak of him 
as " the old woman ". But he is said to have inherited some of his father's craft 
as a negotiator. See Marsollier, ii. , 82. 

3 Cardinal Mendoza, on his death-bed in 1485, had advised the sovereigns to 
marry their son Juan to this Juana, as the best way of securing the future peace of 
the kingdom ; and he deeply offended Isabella by telling her that Henry IV. , on 
his own death-bed, had assured him of the legitimacy of his daughter. Marsollier, 
i. , 155 ; P. Bembo, 1st. Venitiana, ii., 12 ; Guicciardini, 1st. viii. ; Zurita, Anales, 
ix. , 38. 

'Although it was positively stated that Henry IV. died without having made 
any testamentary declaration or settlement of the succession, he did, as a fact, 
make a will, constituting his daughter Joanna Queen of Spain, and acknowledging 
her as his lawful child. The document was hidden by a priest at Almeida, in 
Portugal, until a short time before the death of Isabella, when it fell into the hands 
of Ferdinand, and was by him, in all probability, burnt, after Joanna's refusal to 
marry him. Anales breves, MS., printed in the Documentos Ineditos, etc., etc., 
vol. xviii. , 253-5, where all names and details are fully given. Henry frequently 
and publicly declared that his daughter Joanna was his legitimate child. The last 
and most solemn occasion, apart from his will (Doc. Inetf., xviii.. 253-5), was on 
the 26th of November, 1470, before all the prelates, grandees and commons of the 
realm at Val de Lozoya. Galindez Carbajal, Anales breves, MS., in Doc. Ined., 
xviii., 255. (Flores, Reinas Catolicas, vol. iv. , gives an account of Henry's death- 
bed declaration to the Prior of San Geronimo affirming Joanna's legitimacy. H.) 


Ferdinand was never discouraged by rebuff. 1 The succession 
of the first Joanna had been prevented by an offensive nickname. 
The succession of the second Joanna should be prevented by a 
title at least more personally shameful. La Beltraneja would not 
inherit. X,a Loca could not reign. 

The character of Joanna of Castile was no doubt unhappily 
tempered, for the princess seems to have inherited much of the 
masterful and imperious nature of her mother, Isabella, with 
some of the incapacity of her grandfather John II. of Castile. 
But no one had ever supposed that she was anything but a way- 
ward and a somewhat unmanageable girl. She had been by no 
means a favourite with her mother, who had been attached rather 
to her elder sister Isabella, and to her more hopeful brother Prince 
John. The princess had been at all times impatient of control, 
and punishment more severe than was even then usual in the 
discipline of children, had been employed in her home education. 2 
But she had at least profited by her instruction, and is said not 
only to have been a good Latin scholar, but to have been able 
to improvise 3 a discourse in that learned language with correct- 
ness and fluency. Yet she seems to have been wanting in tact 
and discretion, and to have been the victim of a strong will and 
a violent temper, with but little power of self-control. In a. 
word, her nature and temperament seem to have been of the 
kind now more commonly known as hysterical. Passionately 
devoted to the archduke, the handsomest prince of his day, 
anxious when absent, and jealous when near her husband, Joanna 
had few friends in Flanders, and fewer still in her native Castile. 

In March, 1503, having been left at Alcal& de Henares by 
the archduke, on the occasion of his sudden visit to France, she 
had been delivered of her second son, Ferdinand, and on recovery 
from her confinement, she had not unnaturally desired to rejoin 
her husband in Flanders. But Isabella refused her consent ; and 
Joanna reluctantly consented to remain. At length, having 
received from Philip in the following November, a letter urging 
her to return, Joanna once more entreated her mother to be 
permitted to embark. But Isabella not only forbade her to quit 

a The fact of Ferdinand's proposal to marry La Beltraneja is ridiculed by 
Dunham, and apparently by Prescott. Yet it is given on the authority not only of 
Robertson (Charles V., lib. i., chap, i.), and Carbajal, ubi supra, but also of Zurita 
(vi. , lib. vi. , chap. xiv. , col. i), Mariana (ii. , lib. xxviii., chap. xiii. ) and Clemencin 
(Mem. de la Real Acad. de Hist. , vi. , 19). 

2 Marquis of Denia to Charles V. , Calendar, etc. , supplementary vol. , p. 405. 

3 Vives, de Christiana femina, chap. iv. Hefele, Vie de Ximettes, 114 (and 
also Flores, Reinas Catolicas, H.). 


Spain, but caused her to be imprisoned or detained in the castle 
of Medina del Campo, in charge of Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos. 1 
Indignant, tanqiiam punica lecuna, as Peter Martyr 2 has it, at this 
restraint, the young archduchess stormed at her attendants, lay 
and ecclesiastical, and was hardly pacified by a visit from the 
queen herself. She insisted, moreover, upon a fleet being forth- 
with prepared at Laredo, in which she embarked on the first of 
March, 1504, and arrived safely in Flanders, where she resided 
for the next two years at her husband's court, without suggestion 
or suspicion of any mental incapacity. 

In January, 1505, there was no more evidence of the mad- 
ness of Joanna than that of any other royal lady in Europe. It 
was said that she had been violent when Fonseca had shut her 
up in Medina del Campo. It would have been strange if she 
had tamely submitted. It was known that she had insisted 
pretty vigorously and most successfully that she should be 
allowed to return to her husband. She could hardly have given 
greater proof of mental and moral vigour. It had been reported 
that on her return to Flanders, she had had cut off the golden locks 
of a Flemish beauty of her court who had been too successful a 
rival in the fickle affections of the archduke. Such conduct was, 
no doubt, undignified ; but it scarcely suggested insanity, nor had 
so terrible an explanation ever been thought of at her home in 
Flanders. Whispers indeed had been heard in Spain during the 
last days of the life of Isabella ; and within a few months after 
the queen's death, the insanity of Joanna had become a matter 
of faith at the court of Ferdinand. 3 

Yet this courtly fiction was of itself not sufficient to establish 
the King of Aragon in the government of Castile ; and in order 
to improve his prospects and maintain his position, Ferdinand 
was impelled to seek an alliance with the power against which 
the whole policy of Castile and Aragon had been uniformly 

1 Juan Rodrigo Fonseca. This ecclesiastic is so often met with in the history 
of this reign, under so many different titles, that I have looked up his career and 
noted date of translations, etc. We first hear of him as Archdeacon of Seville, 
in which guise he was appointed a member of the first council of the Indies, where 
he so systematically thwarted Columbus. He was appointed Bishop of Badajoz 
in 1496 ; transferred to Cordova in 1499 ; to Palencia in 1505 ; and to Burgos in 
1514. He died in 1524. 

*Ep.. 268. 

8 Just a year later Philip wrote to a confidential friend . . . oultreplus, tiffin 
d" avoir plus grant coleur <? usurper ledit gouvernement (Ferdinand) feist pub Her et 
courir la voix partout que ladite royne safille estfolle, per quoy it devoit gouvemer 
pour elle, etc., Philip to Jehan de Hesdin, undated, early in 1506, in de Glay, 
Negotiations diplomatique! entre la France et I'Autriche, torn, i., p. 200. 
VOL. II. 10' 


directed for over a quarter of a century. Louis XII. of France 
was not only the friend and close ally of Philip of Burgundy, 
but the archduke's eldest son, Charles of Luxemburg (afterwards 
Charles V.), had been actually betrothed to his daughter, the 
Princess Claude of France, by the treaty of Blois, executed on 
the 22nd of September, 1 504. To break off both the marriage 
and the alliance would be a triumph of diplomacy ; not, perhaps, 
for Spain, or even for Aragon, but certainly for Ferdinand him- 
self. And Ferdinand undertook the negotiations with his usual 
promptitude, and conducted them with his usual success. 

In August, 1505, a new treaty was concluded at Blois, which 
was afterwards ratified on the 12th of October, of the same year, 
by which at the price of great concessions as regards the kingdom 
of Naples, Ferdinand purchased the friendship of France as 
well as the rupture of all treaties or engagements of every kind 
between Louis XII. and the Archduke Philip ; and he obtained 
for himself the hand of his own great-niece Germaine de Foix, 
one of the most buxom beauties of the court of Paris. According 
to the terms of this treaty 1 Ferdinand was to reimburse Louis 
for the expenses of the late Neapolitan war, by a payment of 
1,000,000 crowns in ten yearly instalments. He was to grant a 
complete amnesty to the French party in Naples, and to reinstate 
all the dispossessed Angevin nobles in their forfeited estates ; in 
return for which concessions, Louis ceded to Germaine 2 de Foix 
all his rights or claims to the kingdom of Naples, to descend to 
her eldest son, or in the event of her dying without issue of 
Ferdinand, to revert to the crown of France. 

The treaty is always spoken of as foolish, impolitic and dis- 
graceful to Spain. But as Ferdinand had no intention of being 
bound by any of its provisions ; and as it detached France from 
the cause of Philip, and gave him time to settle with his son-in- 
law in his own way ; as he obtained for himself a beautiful and 
charming wife, and as he never paid a single crown of the stipu- 
lated indemnity, the celebration of the treaty affords no proof of 
personal or political folly. 

Philip was thunderstruck on hearing of this apparently reck- 

1 The usual friar employed by Ferdinand as his envoy on this occasion was 
Juan de Enguerra, Apostolic Inquisitor of Aragon. 

2 Prescott, strange to say, calls Germaine the sister of Louis XII. (vol. ii., 
chap. xvii. ). She was, of course, niece of the French king, being a daughter of 
Jean de Foix and sister of Gaston de Foix, afterwards killed at Ravenna fighting 
against Ferdinand's Spaniards. She was also grand-daughter of Eleanor of 
Navarre, who had so cruelly murdered Ferdinand's sister at Orthez. See ante, 
chapter xxxviii. See also Lafuente, x., p. 270. 


less convention, by which at least his own present and future 
interests were so gravely compromised. The news moreover 
was conveyed to him not directly by his father-in-law, but 
indirectly by Louis XII., who required him to abandon his 
intention of passing through the French dominions on his way 
to Spain, as had been previously contemplated and arranged. 
Even the careless and frivolous nature of the young archduke 
was impressed by the gravity of the situation ; and he determined 
to do that which he should have done long before even as soon 
as the news of Isabella's death had reached him and to proceed, 
in company with Queen Joanna, without further delay to Spain. 1 

II. VillafaJOa. 

On the 7th of January, 1 506, the Archduke Philip, with his 
wife Joanna, Queen of Castile, set sail from Flanders on their 
long-delayed voyage to Spain. The fleet was overtaken by a 
storm ; and the royal travellers were compelled to seek refuge in the 
harbour of Melcombe in Dorsetshire. The archduke disembarked. 
A gracious message was soon received from Henry VII., with an 
invitation to Philip and Joanna to visit him at Windsor. The 
invitation was gladly accepted ; and at Windsor Castle on the 
9th of February, 1 506, a new alliance was concluded between 
the King of England and Philip, as titular regent of Castile. 2 
Henry created his guest a Knight of the Garter, and accepted 

1 A modus vivendi was arrived at towards the end of the year 1505 through 
the instrumentality of Don John Manuel, which is known as the " Concord of 
Salamanca," by the terms of which the Government of Castile was to be carried 
on in the _/<'/ names of Ferdinand, Joanna and Philip ; z^th November, 1505. 

2 One M. de la Ckau was sent from Flanders to Spain early in 1506 to negotiate 
an agreement between King Ferdinand and his son-in-law, to the effect " that they 
be rulers and governors of Castile as stipulated between them "... and that the 
queen ' ' may be put under restraint ". Quirini to the Court of Venice, dated Fal- 
mouth, 30th March, 1506, Calendar, etc. (Venetian), No. 872. (Fora contemporary 
account of Philip and Joanna's visit to England, where it is asserted that the treaty 
was extorted from them, see Documentos Ineditos, vol. viii. H.) 

And as to the palace intrigues to maintain the incapacity of Joanna, lest she 
should assume the royal authority and annul their pensions, see id., No. 873, with 
an account of an interview between the ambassador and Joanna herself in England, 
4th April, 1506. For a woman whose intellect was not " in the eyes of the cour- 
tiers " sufficiently strong for such a charge as that of the throne of Castile, she 
seems to have acquitted herself remarkably well. Ibid. , No. 871. 

The king in Spain, in gentle and soothing language, prays his son-in-law to 
come speedily to Spain ; he will arrange every difficulty so as to satisfy all parties. 
Such was the entire result of the mission of de la Chau. Quirini, ubt supra, i6th 
April, 1506, No. 877. 


the Golden Fleece of Burgundy for his son the Prince of Wales. 1 
The utmost pains seems to have been taken during this visit 
to prevent the Princess Katharine from meeting her sister Joanna, 
lest anything should be said by either princess to disturb the 
negotiations. Yet of the supposed madness of Joanna there is 
neither record nor suggestion, not even in that most minute 
narrative of her visit to Windsor that is preserved among the 
Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum, although her subordina- 
tion to her husband is abundantly and even painfully apparent. 
The visit, however, was in every way most successful. The 
treaties were signed. The weather moderated. Philip and 
Joanna continued their journey with a fair wind to Spain. 

Ferdinand, 2 a bridegroom of six weeks' standing, at once sent 
messengers to treat with the young sovereigns. But Philip, to 
his chagrin, was firm ; Don John Manuel, to his surprise, proved 
incorruptible. Nor did either the grace of Martyr, or the vigour 
of Ximenez avail anything to deter the queen and her husband 
from asserting and maintaining their rights in Castile. 3 The 
great territorial nobility had declared themselves for the most 
part opposed to the pretensions of Ferdinand of Aragon. The 
Marquis of Astorga and the Count of Benevente went the length 
of refusing him admission within their cities. It seemed as if 
the disgraceful surrender of Blois had been made in vain. But 
it was just when Ferdinand the Catholic appeared to be worsted 
in intrigue that he was most dangerous. It was just when he 
seemed humiliated by some temporary check, that he was quietly 
preparing for permanent victory. Nor did he stand quite alone 
in the day of trial. Ximenez was true to the Catholic king. 
Ferdinand and the friar together were more than a match for 

Philip had brought with him a small army of some 5000 or 
6000 men from Flanders. In case of war, gentle and simple 
would have nocked to his standards. Ferdinand was without 
forces or followers. But his powers of negotiation and intrigue 

1 Quirini to the Court of Venice, dated Falmouth, 25th February, 1506. 
Calendar of State Papers (Venetian), vol. i., No. 867. 

2 Ferdinand had met Germaine de Foix at Duenas, and had married her at 
Valladolid (i8th March, 1506), where he had married Isabella seven-and-thirty 
years before (igth October, 1469). 

8 Marsollier says (ii. , 69) that Philip and Joanna were reconnus et couronnds d 
Burgos soon after their arrival in Castile ; long before Villafafila, but soon after 
an interview between Ximenez and Philip at Orense, about the middle of 1506 ; 
and that on her arrival early in 1506, their daughter Mary of Austria, afterwards 
Queen of Hungary, was born in Spain, p. 65. 


no man could take from him. He would negotiate. At the 
little village of Villafafila near Senabria in the wild mountain 
country to the south-west of Astorga, on the morning of the 27th 
of June, 1506, Ferdinand with a modest train of attendants, 
unarmed, and mounted on peaceful mules, " with love in his 
heart and peace in his hands " embraced his distinguished son- 
in-law, 1 at the head of his army and the friendly nobles of 
Castile. Joanna was not present at the meeting. Of her 
supposed insanity, no hint had been given in the Flemish camp. 
But Ferdinand showed himself not only affectionate but de- 
ferential to her husband. What could the gallant Philip have 
to fear from so humble an opponent ? At Villafafila there was 
no palace ; not even a house, where royal personages might meet 
in council ; and at the request of his father-in-law, Philip accom- 
panied him into the village church. 2 There, in an interview 
that lasted far into the long afternoon of a summer's day, the 
fate of Joanna of Spain was decided. Ximenez, the Primate and 
Grand Chancellor of Castile, stood sentinel at the door, and per- 
mitted no man to corne within earshot of the sacred council 
chamber; and at length when the doors were opened, and father 
and son-in-law walked out in affectionate converse, it was evident 
to the least experienced observer at the Castilian court, that 
Ferdinand had won the day. 

And yet the spoils of victory would seem to have remained 
with the archduke. For ere the sun had set on that memorable 
day, a treaty had been drawn up, signed, and ratified, by which 
Ferdinand ceded all his claims to the government of Castile 
"to his most beloved children," and had announced that he 
would immediately quit the country. He would not even con- 
tent himself with retirement across the frontier to Aragon. He 
would do that which he had never yet done during his fifty-four 
years of life and government. He would leave the Peninsula 
and .sail across the sea to his distant capital at Naples. It was 
prodigious. 3 

Yet, as usual on such occasions, the secret treaty which was 
signed on the same day was more important by far than that 

1 Calendar, etc., supplementary vol., Introduction, p. 35. 

2 Lafuente has it, in a hermitage or chapel of the farmstead of el Ramesal, 
close to the village of Senabria, on the confines of Leon, Portugal and Gallicia, 
Hist., etc., x., pp. 277-8. 

3 It was clear that Ferdinand, who had not seen his daughter for the.lasl two 
years and a half, had persuaded Philip, who had lived in daily intercourse with 
her, that he was mistaken in denying her insanity ! Calendar, sup. vol. , p. 36. 


which was published abroad. For by this subsidiary convention 
between Philip and Ferdinand, it was recited that as "Joanna 
refused under any circumstances to occupy herself with the 
affairs of the kingdom," the same should therefore be administered 
by Philip alone ; l and the high contracting parties bound them- 
selves to interfere, if necessary, with their united forces to prevent 
Joanna or her adherents from taking any part in the government 
of Castile. It must be admitted that if Ferdinand was a detest- 
table father, Philip was a very sorry husband. 

But neither the open treaty nor yet the secret treaty was 
sufficient for Ferdinand the Catholic. Within an hour after he 
had solemnly sworn " upon the cross, and the four holy gospels, 
placed upon the altar, that he would guard and fulfil" all the 
articles of the second or secret treaty, he executed a third and 
still more secret instrument in the shape of a formal documentary 
declaration, before Miguel Perez Almazan who was not only 
his own private secretary, and who in that capacity had witnessed 
his signature to both the treaties, but who was also an apostolic 
Roman notary that " unarmed, and attended by only a few 
servants, he had fallen into the hands of his son-in-law, who had 
been at the head of a great armed force, and who was keeping 
prisoner his daughter, the lawful Queen of Castile ; " and that 
thus and therefore he solemnly protested against the validity of 
both the treaties of that day's date, as having been imposed upon 
him under duress, and declared that he did not consent "that 
his daughter should be deprived of her liberty nor of her rights 
as hereditary queen of the kingdom ! " 2 

Having thus prepared for all possible contingencies, the King 
of Aragon took leave of his beloved son, and set out on his 
journey to Naples. 3 But he left behind him at the court of 
Philip a certain Mosen Luis Ferrer, one of his gentlemen of the 
bedchamber, a devoted subject of Aragon, and a willing and 
obedient instrument in the hands of his sovereign. 4 

1 " On account of her infirmities and sufferings, which decency forbids to be 
related." Calendar, supplementary vol., pp. 78-85, where both treaties and the 
Renunciation will be found copied and translated in full. 

2 Calendar, etc., sup. vol., pp. 36 and 81. Asi juramos a Dios nuestro Sefior 
y a la Cruz y a os Santos quatro Evangelios, con nuestras manos corporalmente 
puestas sobre su Ara, de lo guardar y cumplir. 

3 Ferdinand neither saw, nor sought to see, his own daughter, whose liberty 
he was bartering away. Baudier, Vie de Ximenes, 224. 

4 The written instructions given to this gentleman will be found in the Papiers 
cTEtat du Cardinal Grandvelle, vol. i. , p. 48 et seq. The secret viva voce addition 
would be far more interesting. 





IN July, 1506', the estates were convened at Valladolid, and 
an attempt was made by Ximenez and Philip to induce the 
Cortes to declare that the mind of Joanna was deranged. 1 The 
Commons of Castile, however, had not yet sunk so low. The 
attempt failed, and the usual oaths of allegiance were tendered 
to Joanna as " Queen Proprietress of the kingdom of Castile" ; 
to Philip as her husband and consort ; and to Prince Charles as 
heir-apparent to the crown, 12th July, 1.506. 2 

The brief reign, as it is usually reckoned, of Philip I. of 
Castile, was in truth but an incident in the reign of his wife, 
recognised, in spite of his earnest endeavours, as queen in her 
own right. That Philip was able, thanks to the extravagant 
affection of Joanna, and his own unscrupulous assumption of 
power, to bear rule in Castile for two months of his unworthy 
life, is scarcely a reason for numbering him among the true 
Kings of Castile. That Ximenez should have not only permitted 
but assisted the Fleming to reign in Spain, and to ill-treat his 
queen and consort in her own dominions, is a matter which has 
perplexed all his admirers and apologists ; but it is entirely 
consistent with his foreknowledge of the young prince's doom. 
One act of vigour marks the brief reign of Philip I., and it was 

1 Hefele, 377; Lafuente, x., 301. For a list of the eighteen cities que tienen 
voz en Cortes in 1506, see Documentos Ineditos, etc., vol. xiv. , p. 296. (Anciently 
forty-eight cities had been represented, but at this time only eighteen, including 
Granada, recently added, sent deputies. For the composition of the Cortes and 
the towns represented, see also Spain : its Greatness and Decay. H.) 

II est certain que Ximenes appuya le roi Philippe dans ses efforts pour faire 
declarer par le cortes que sa femnie 6tait incapable He gouverner. Gomez, 992; 
Zurita, vi. , 7 (n) ; Mariana, xxviii., c. xxii., 323 ; Hefele, 227-8. 

2 The original capitulation between Ferdinand and Philip, dated 27th-28th 
June, 1506, is printed in vol. xiv. of Documentos Ineditos, etc., pp. 320-331. 


one that by no means commanded the approbation of the 
great Churchman who assisted or permitted him to rule over 

To understand the position we must turn back for a moment 
to consider the progress and proceedings of the Holy Office in 
the Peninsula. The country being now at length purged of 
Jews and Moslems, and enriched with the spoils of the exiles, the 
inquisitors, apostolic and royal, deprived of their accustomed 
quarry, were fain to turn their attention to the spiritual and 
general shortcomings of the Christian population of Spain. 
The Holy Office was at least never wanting in courage ; and 
the first victim that was selected for this third crusade, was no 
less a man than Ferdinand de Talavera, Archbishop of Granada, 
and sometime keeper of the conscience of the Catholic queen. 
Talavera had not been sufficiently active in the matter of vexing 
the Infidel. He had set himself somewhat late in life to acquire 
the Arabic language. And he had caused the Gospels, the 
Liturgy, and even the Catechism to be translated into the 
language of the people. He had encouraged peace and friendly 
communication between Moor and Christian. He had sought 
rather to convert than to harry the Moors in his arch-diocese. 
He had never hungered after their possessions. He had even 
pitied their misfortunes. And his true piety, combined with 
this unaccustomed Christian clemency, had made him not only 
respected but beloved by the Moslems as well as by all charit- 
able Christians. But by Ximenez and Deza his liberality was 
by no means appreciated ; and within one year of the death of 
the queen, he was cited to appear before the Inquisition (Jan., 
1506). The step was almost too scandalous even for his age 
and country, and Julius II. avoked the cause to Rome, where, 
after three years' suspense, the good bishop was formally 
acquitted of all the charges that had been brought against him. 1 
Yet various members of his family who had been arrested 
during the progress of his trial on various pretexts, had been 
subjected to grievous penalties, and Talavera himself died a 
few weeks after his acquittal. 2 The Holy Office can scarcely 
be said to have been worsted in the encounter. 

Yet another distinguished friend of Isabella was made to 
feel the loss of her patronage. Antonio de Lebrija, the scholar 
of whom Spain is so justly proud, and one of the editors of the 

1 Hefele, Vie de Ximenes, p. 377. 

2 Peter Martyr, Ep., 3ist May, 1507. 

1506.] PHILIP I. OF CASTILE. 249 

Polyglot Bible, was accused of tampering with the Vulgate in 
the course of that great work. His papers were seized and 
rifled, and it was only due to the somewhat tardy protection of 
Cardinal Ximenez himself, on the retirement of Deza, that the 
greatest scholar then living in Spain escaped from the clutches 
of the Dominicans. 1 

Meanwhile in the city of Cordova, less distinguished victims 
were made to feel the power of the ecclesiastical tribunals. 
Lucero, Provincial Grand Inquisitor, carried on the persecution 
with the most reckless and savage ferocity. The citizens 
at length rebelled. Gentle and simple turned upon their 
oppressors, and the enormities of the inquisitor were brought 
to the notice of Philip, some days after the recognition of his 
sovereign rights in Castile ; and Philip, after due deliberation, 
not only dismissed Lucero, but suspended Deza, the Grand 
Inquisitor of Spain, from the exercise of his tremendous 
functions, and ordered him to retire to his archbishopric of 
Seville. 2 

It is not necessary to suppose that the archduke's death 
was hastened by this impious interference with the Holy Office, 3 
though Zurita is of a contrary opinion ; but his end was not long 
delayed ; and Deza and Lucero were able to return from their 
temporary seclusion, to continue their good work without 
opposition or annoyance, until the Cordovans rose in insurrec- 
tion against their oppression and cruelty, pulled down the 
Council Chamber of the' Holy Office, hunted Lucero out of the 
town, and demanded not the life, but the removal of the 
inquisitors. The boon having been refused, the Andalusians, 
under the Marquis of Priego, assumed a more menacing attitude, 
and peace was only restored by the interference of Ferdinand, 
who desired Deza to content himself with the archbishopric of 
Seville, rewarded Lucero, whose enormities have not found one 
single apologist of repute, with the bishopric of Almeria, and 

1 Llorente, i., x. , art. 13; Hefele, 382. (Ximenez's intervention in favour of 
Lebrija was doubtles effected by the bold remonstrance of the great scholar in his 
Apologia : " What are you doing great Cardinal in your high seat of government? " 
etc. H.) 

'Zurita, lib. vii., n. Este proceder, says Lafuente (x., 303), parecidvma. falta 
imperdonable de respeto al Santo Oficio, y le perjudic6 para con las gentes fanati- 
cas de la nacion. 

Hefele judiciously says nothing whatever upon the subject, and assigns a false 
date to the persecution of Talavera, op. cit., 377. 

3 Though Zurita suggests it, Analei de Aragon, lib. vii., n, see the last sen- 
tence of the chapter beginning " asi se atribuyo comunmente al Juyrio secreto de 
Dios". . 


appointed Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros, to be Grand Inquisitor 
of Castile. 1 

Whatever may have been the precise nature of the secret 
instructions conveyed to Mosen Ferrer, the gentleman of the 
bedchamber performed his task with punctuality and dispatch ; 
and his royal master Ferdinand of Aragon, on entering the 
harbour of Genoa, three weeks after he had sailed from 
Barcelona, on his way to Naples, was gratified, if not greatly 
surprised, by the news of the sudden death of his rival at 
Burgos, on the 25th of September, 1506. 2 A chill after undue 
exertion was said to have been the cause of death. 3 That the 
"herbs" so well known to royal Aragon had been discreetly 
administered, few men doubted, or will doubt. How far the 
secret may have been entrusted to Ximenez, no man may ever 
be expected to know. But the primate at least played his part 
to perfection in the great tragi-comedy of government. On 
the day of Philip's death he summoned the principal nobles to 
meet in the palace ; and a provisional Council of Regency was 
appointed to carry on the affairs of the kingdom in the absence 

1 By edict of i8th May, 1507. The Grand Inquisitorship of Castile was, at 
this time, separated from that of Aragon Deza had been Grand Inquisitor of 
Spain and Juan Enguerra was appointed to the Aragonese office. Lucero was 
actually imprisoned for a short time at Burgos, pending a trial or inquiry under- 
taken by Cardinal Ximenez. But, as might be supposed, no judgment was 
pronounced against him ; and on the gth of July, 1508, he was solemnly declared 
acquitted of all charges brought against him by wicked and perjured men. Llorente, 
i., chap, x., art. 4. 

2 The general opinion was that he had been poisoned ; although two physicians 
declared that such was not the fact. But what were such declarations worth? 
The physicians had not even had time to examine the case, as the bowels of the 
deceased were buried a few hours after his death. The accusations were not only 
general and positive, but were publicly made, whilst the officers of the law did not 
dare to call to account those who made them, for fear the truth of this " delicate 
case " might come to light. Calendar, supplementary volume, etc. , p. 37. See 
also the case of Lopez de Araoz, of Onate, referred to in a letter of the Alcaldes de 
Crimen to Charles V., 3rd February, 1517, referred to by Bergenroth, Calendar, 
ubi supra. 

3 There is a particular Cronica del Catolico y sobre illustre Key Don Phelippe 
Primero, etc., by D. Lorenzo de Padilla, written for Charles V., and of little 
critical value, printed in vol. viii. of the Documentos Ineditos, etc., pp. 1-267, 
and a number of Philip's letters, preserved at Simancas, are added in the same 

The most interesting document that is reproduced," however, is perhaps the 
Carta or report of Doctor Parra, upon the death of Philip, written from Valladolid 
to Ferdinand the Catholic [ibid., pp. 394, 397], dated apparently, nth October, 
1506. After a full account of the strange course which the supposed fever had 
run, the physician records that both the Flemings and the Castilians asserted that 
the king had been poisoned. As to which he can find nothing more decided to 
say writing as he was to Ferdinand himself than that no le vi yo senates de tal 

1507.] PHILIP I. OF CASTILE. 251 

of Ferdinand. No mention was made of Joanna, so lately 
proclaimed Queen Proprietress of Castile. 1 

Of the skill and vigour with which Ximenez defended the 
cause of the absent Ferdinand, more particularly against Don 
John Manuel, who sought to make good the claims of the 
Emperor Maximilian, as the father of Philip, to the Regency ; 
and of his intimidation of the Cortes by the help of the 
members of the three great military orders devoted to their 
grand master, Ferdinand we may read in every contemporary 
record. 2 

The queen was greatly shocked, as might have been sup- 
posed, at the sudden death of the brilliant young husband, on 
whom she doted with all the strength of her affections. She 
had watched by the bed-side of her dying lord with unremitting 
tenderness. She had refused, it was said, for some time to 
believe or realise that he was actually dead ; and the excess 
of her grief was, perhaps, a fairly reasonable excuse for not 
immediately troubling her with affairs of State. 

Thus the queen was left to her sorrow ; the Cortes was 
summoned by the Provisional Council, and a dutiful message 
was despatched by Ximenez to Ferdinand, praying him that 
he would at once return and rule over his loving subjects. 
Bergenroth is at least mistaken in supposing that Joanna was 
an actual prisoner from the time of her husband's death, although 
she was no doubt treated by Ximenez as a nullity or a nuisance, 
as far as the administration was concerned. Yet she seems to 
have been so far free, as to have been permitted to move about 
within a narrow area, and closely watched, from one little country 
town to another. 

The condition of Joanna was rendered the more lamentable 
in that she was left on her husband's death in a state of preg- 
nancy, and on the 14th of the following January (1507) she was 
safely delivered of a girl, who received the name of Katharine, 
and who was for many long years to share her mother's im- 
prisonment, until at length she was permitted to marry the 
King of Portugal. 

Ximenez, meanwhile, was governing boldly and successfully 
at Valladolid, surrounded by all the grandees of the kingdom 
who were impelled or could be induced by any reason or any 
interest to support the cause of the absent Ferdinand. The 

1 Prescott says the day before ; it is quite probable that it was so. 

2 See Marsollier, Vie de Ximenes, vol. iL, pp. 94, 109. 


noblest of the Castilian grandees was at the time far away, acting 
as Viceroy of Naples. The greatest man in Spain was Ximenez 
de Cisneros, and his greatness gained the day. A sufficient 
number of friendly magnates were attracted to his viceregal 
court. Joanna was suffered to wander, under trusty superintend- 
ence, about the country. 

But the nobles of Castile were not the only persons whose 
presence was required by Ximenez ; he summoned from Venice 
the celebrated commander Vianelli, and entrusted him with the 
command of 1000 picked soldiers, who held themselves at the 
orders of the primate, 1 and enabled him to defy the divided and 
disaffected nobles, and to hold the kingdom for his master 
Ferdinand. On the death of Philip, and until the return of 
Ferdinand from Italy, there was one danger that menaced 
Castile, and that was anarchy. And it will ever be one of the 
greatest merits of Ximenez that during the trying times from 
September, 1507, to July, 1508, he steered the ship of state 
safe amid all the rocks and shoals by which she was surrounded. 
He may have been arbitrary in his government, unconstitutional 
in his administration ; he may have favoured the Inquisition, 
disregarded the nobles, and bullied the queen, but at least he 
governed Castile. And when, on the 20th of July, Ferdinand 
set his foot on Spanish soil at Valencia, he had nothing to do 
but to accept the splendid position that had been prepared for 
him by Ximenez, in defiance of all laws, treaties, oaths, procla- 
mations and rights. Nor for three years after his assumption 
of absolute power did either the king or his great minister judge 
it necessary even to go through the form of convoking the Cortes, 
to recognise rather than to approve that which had been so 
superbly accomplished. 

Joanna in the meanwhile, wholly possessed by her grief, had 
travelled with her husband's funeral cortege as far as Tordesillas 
on the way from Burgos to Granada, where Philip's remains 
were destined to repose by the side of Isabella the Catholic. 
The vault by the Darro, it was said, was not yet prepared for 
the prince. The prison by the Duero awaited the queen. It 
was not, indeed, until February, 1509, that Joanna was per- 
manently incarcerated in the fortress of Tordesillas. But 
Ximenez, who had hardly been restrained by the Commons 
from pronouncing her doom in the lifetime of her husband, 
was not likely to have ^een over-scrupulous in subordinating 

1 Marsollier, ii., 113-115. 

1509.] PHILIP I. OF CASTILE. j . ; 

her interests to those of his master Ferdinand, when he was 
absolute master of the situation. And Ferdinand, after his 
return to assume the reins of government from the hands of 
the cardinal, did not, even dissembler as he was, make a pre- 
tence of considering the rights or interests of his daughter. As 
long, indeed, as there was any chance of getting rid of her by 
marrying her to Henry VII. of England, she was allowed a 
nominal freedom ; but on the death of that king the appearance 
of liberty was no longer maintained, and the prison doors closed 
upon her for ever. 1 

1 The general concensus of contemporary evidence, however, leads to the con- 
clusion that, although Juana may have been only hysterical before her husband's 
death, she was certainly mad immediately after it. If it is permissible to draw 
inferences from subsequent facts, the gloomy mysticism of her descendants, from 
her son and grandson down to her great-great-great-grandson, the idiot Charles 
II., certainly strengthens the idea that the daughter of an hysterical mother and 
the ancestress of a long line of neurotics was herself mad. H. 



I. Las Cuentas del Gran Capitan. 

FERDINAND had set out on his journey from Spain to Naples 
exactly three weeks before the death of his rival, and leaving 
Barcelona on the 4th of September, he arrived in the harbour 
of Genoa on the 20th of the same month. It was the first time 
in his long reign that he had quitted the Peninsula. But his 
voyage was suggested by powerful considerations of state. 

Gonsalvo de Cordova, who was still acting as Viceroy of 
Naples, had, according to the king's commands, duly proclaimed 
the Treaty of Blois, and had granted an amnesty to the Angevin 
lords ; but he had not yet restored to them their estates, which 
had indeed been bestowed upon his own followers and allies. 
He had further received instructions from Ferdinand to disband 
his army, and to return to Spain, in order, it was said, that he 
might receive at the king's hands, the Grand Mastership of 
Santiago, the noblest office that could be conferred upon a 
subject in Castile, and which at the time was actually enjoyed 
by the king himself. 

Ferdinand the Catholic, as has more than once been remarked, 
was no lover of war or battles, and after the fall of Granada he 
at once and for ever assumed the position of a modern rather 
than of a mediaeval sovereign, in that, not from any lack of 
personal courage, but from motives of prudence or policy, he 
sent his armies to fight abroad under the leadership of a com- 
mander-in-chief, while he remained at home to negotiate with 
foreign powers, without relaxing his personal grasp upon the 
administration of his country. In the wars of Granada the 
situation had been entirely different. Both king and queen 
found their place at the head of their armies, and contributed 


powerfully by their personal encouragement to the ultimate 
success of their arms. Yet Granada had not been conquered by 
battle, or even by individual military prowess, but by the perse- 
verance and determination of Isabella, by the union of the 
Castilian nobles under the influence of the queen, and by the 
disintegration of the Moslem commonwealth. 

At the present time the king was not only at once jealous 
and suspicious of Gonsalvo de Cordova, but he was anxious to 
put an end to the expense of maintaining a standing army in 
Italy ; and if his instructions to his brilliant viceroy were calcu- 
lated at once to wound the feelings of the Great Captain and to 
provoke the indignation of his troops, those instructions, as far 
as the army was concerned, were completely in accordance with 
the temper of Ferdinand's disposition and policy. The recall of 
Gonsalvo was no less characteristic and far less worthy of the 
sovereign ; but it would no doubt have been equally judicious, 
had Gonsalvo been such a one as Ferdinand himself. As it was, 
the viceroy hesitated, for the moment, to obey. 

Whether it was that the splendid terms offered to him by 
the Pope, the Emperor, and the Archduke Philip, now King 
of Castile, induced him to waver in his loyalty to Ferdinand, or 
whether the uncertain and critical state of affairs in France and 
Italy, as well as in Spain, induced him to retain his position as 
viceroy, even at the risk of offending his suspicious sovereign, it 
is hard to say. It seems ungenerous to doubt the loyalty of the 
Great Captain, who had so long been true to his allegiance through 
so many trying circumstances, and it can only be the extreme 
probability that any other commander of that age, similarly 
situated, would have yielded to the temptation of paying his 
mean and ungrateful sovereign in his own coin, that has led to 
the supposition that Gonsalvo intended to betray his trust. 

But whatever may have been the cause or the extent of his 
hesitation, he at length decided to obey the king's commands, 
and he made preparations for the despatch of the greater part 
of his army to Spain, and his own return or retirement. 1 

Having at length set in order the affairs of the kingdom, as 
far as possible, before his departure, he set sail from Gaeta on 
his homeward voyage, and, by a strange coincidence, arrived at 
Genoa on the same day as his royal master, who had progressed 

!The letter written by Gonsalvo to Ferdinand, and dated and of July, 1506, 
on hearing of this project, is still in existence, and is printed by Lafuente, torn, x., 
pp. 322, 323. It is a touching and noble composition, but it is hardly likely to have 
made any impression upon the heart of Ferdinand of Aragon. 


thus far on his journey to Naples. Reassured by Gonsalvo's 
submission, Ferdinand received him with all outward respect 
and honour ; and with consummate judgment desired that he 
would turn back and accompany his sovereign on his visit to 
Naples. Nor did the news of Philip's death, which reached him 
at Genoa, induce him to make any change in his deeply-laid 
plans. The visit, indeed, was a splendid success. Happy 
memories of Alfonso the Magnanimous of Aragon, the best, 
perhaps, of all the Kings of Naples, had been revived and 
strengthened by the good government of Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
without doubt the best of all foreign viceroys in Italy ; and the 
rule of Aragon was highly esteemed at Naples. 

The king and his great captain arrived together, and the 
popularity of the governor contributed largely to the enthusiasm 
that was displayed at the approach of the sovereign. It was 
just fifty years since Alfonso V. had died at Naples ; and nothing 
could exceed the warmth and splendour of the welcome that 
was accorded to his nephew. A Te Deum was sung in honour 
of Ferdinand, as it had been sung no less than seven times during 
the last eight years, in honour of the accession of seven sovereigns 
to the throne of Naples Ferdinand I., Alfonso II., Ferdinand 
II., Charles VIII., Frederick III., Louis XII., and Ferdinand of 

A general parliament of the kingdom was soon after sum- 
moned, and Ferdinand had the satisfaction of evading the 
recent treaty with France, by causing his daughter Joanna to 
be proclaimed sole heiress to the crown of Naples, making 
no mention of his wife, with whom his marriage had been 
negotiated and solemnised only on the distinct understanding 
that the Neapolitan succession was to be settled upon her issue. 
He had less hesitation in carrying out the other clauses of the 
Treaty of Blois, relating to the restitution of the confiscated 
property of the Angevin nobles, inasmuch as they opened a 
door for further intrigue and double injustice; for, while the 
claims of many of the French lords were disallowed on frivolous 
pretexts, and very few of them obtained full restitution of their 
confiscated possessions, many of the bravest and most distin- 
guished soldiers in the Spanish army, who have been rewarded 
by large grants of territory taken from the Angevin nobles, were 
dispossessed, without any compensation whatever, for the loss of 
what they had so fairly won, in fighting for the cause of their mean 
and ungrateful sovereign. Pedro de Paz, Leyva, Rojas and many 
others, including the chivalrous and almost heroic Paredes, were 

1507.] JUAN A LA LOCA. 257 

thus despoiled ; and it is said that the last, indignant at such 
unworthy treatment, abruptly quitted the Spanish service, and 
found no better way of repairing his broken fortunes than in 
the career of a corsair in the Levant. 

After many months thus spent at Naples, King Ferdinand 
judged that the time had come for his prudent return to Castile ; 
and ere he started homewards, he sent on before him to the 
ever-loyal Ximenez the Brief which raised him to the purple, 
dated as of the 17th of May, 1507. No living ecclesiastic had 
so fully earned a seat among the princes of his Church. Yet 
the Brief, if it was signed by the Pope of Rome, was dictated by 
the King of Aragon. The scarlet hat was the reward, not of 
the administration of Toledo or the learning of Alcala, but of 
the bold and subtle diplomacy of Villafafila. 1 

But if Ferdinand judged it expedient to maintain the friend- 
liest relations with the Regent of Spain, he had in no wise 
changed his determination as regards the Viceroy of Naples. 
Nor had he altered in any respect his sentiments as to Gonsalvo 
de Cordova, whose generosity, whose independence, and whose 
nobility of character must have rendered him even more distaste- 
ful to Ferdinand, than Ferdinand was to him. Nor could any 
representations by the Neapolitan nobility, nor even the splendid 
loyalty of Gonsalvo himself, induce the king to abandon his 
sinister intentions. 2 Far otherwise, the meanness of his nature, 
and his jealousy of a faithful servant, whose devotion he was 
incapable even of understanding, led him to give ear to the 
whispered slander that ever waits on success, and to accuse the 
Great Captain the man who had added a new kingdom to his 
dominions of the embezzlement or malversation of public 

If Gonsalvo de Cordova was loyal, he was never servile: he 
promptly accepted the ignoble challenge, asking merely the 
royal permission to produce his own accounts ; and he took the 
first opportunity of public audience to appear at court, and read 
aloud the statement of his public expenditure. The first item 

1 Within three months the cardinal was raised to the more active office of 
Grand Inquisitor of Spain. The title of " Cardinal of Spain " had been enjoyed 
by his predecessor Mendoza, and was adopted by Ximenez. 

2 Gonsalvo was tempted with magnificent offers from the Emperor, the Arch- 
duke Philip, the cities of Venice and Florence, from many of the magnates of 
Naples, and even from Pope Julius II.. to throw off his allegiance to Ferdinand. 
But, faithful among the faithless, he remained true to his allegiance. The Pope 
was so much chagrined at his refusal, that he is said to have attempted to poison 
him. Zurita, Anales, vi., ch. xi. ; Lafuente, x., 321. 
VOL. II. 17 


was 200,763 ducats and 9 reals to friars, nuns and mendicants, 
to offer up prayers for the success of his Majesty's arms. The 
next item was, 700,494 ducats and 10 reals to spies. Fer- 
dinand, who had never sent Gonsalvo even money enough to 
provide for the daily pay of the soldiers during his long struggle 
with the French in Naples, was glad to turn the matter into a 
jest, and abandon so unhappy an audit. The incident must 
have made a considerable impression at the time, as the phrase 
Las Cuenlas del Gran Capitan has passed into the language of 
Castile, and is still used in Spain as a proverbial expression by 
thousands who may know nothing whatever of its true origin. 1 

But neither jests nor justice could turn Ferdinand from the 
main object of his voyage to Naples, the removal of the Great 
Captain from his high command ; although as long as he remained 
in Italy, he pretended that Gonsalvo's return to Spain was in no 
wise in the nature of a recall, but rather the occasion for new 
and more splendid honours. He accordingly appointed Prosper 
Colonna Grand Constable of the kingdom of Naples, and having 
named his own nephew, the Count of Ribagorza, titular viceroy 
during the temporary absence of Gonsalvo, he set out on his 
return to Castile. The magnificent and touching farewell ac- 
corded by the sympathetic and keen-sighted Neapolitans to the 
fallen general was more flattering by far than the more usual 
adulation of the victors and the princes of the hour. But it was 
by no means pleasing to Ferdinand, who was still more chagrined 
at the honour that was paid to the Great Captain on their arrival 
" at Savona, where Ferdinand with his beautiful Queen Germaine 
was received by the King of France with extraordinary pomp and 
magnificence, and where, at the special request of Louis XII., 
Gonsalvo de Cordova supped at the same table as the kings and 
queens, a favour in the case of a subject, actually unprecedented 
at the court of France or of Spain. 2 

1 With regard to the book of the Cuentas del Gran Capitan, preserved in the 
National Artillery Museum at Madrid, see Lafuente, x., pp. 329, 330. The 
judicious Spaniard takes Prescott to task, on the same page, for his simplicity in 
supposing that Ferdinand ever had any intention of fulfilling his promise or offer to 
Gonsalvo to invest him with the Grand Mastership of Santiago. " El rey," says 
he, " usd en esto de artificio por traer el Gran Capitan consigo." 

2 Guicciardini, iv., 77, 78. The League of Cambrai was the result of these 
negotiations. (It is fair to say that an explanation of Ferdinand's treatment of 
Gonsalvo de Cordova may be found in the fact that the latter owed no allegiance 
now to the King of Aragon. The retention of Naples and Sicily, and the inter- 
vention generally in Italian affairs, were objects which did not intimately concern 
Castile, but were vital to the traditional policy of Aragon ; and Ferdinand might 
well consider that in future such a policy would be safer in the hands of an 

1507.] JUANA LA LOCA. j .< 

II. Joanna at TordesiUas. 

At length king and captain set sail for the last time from 
Italy, and steered a straight course for Spain ; Gonsalvo to 
retire distrusting and distrusted by his old master ; Ferdinand 
to find himself raised to a pitch of power, greater by far than 
anything that he had yet enjoyed. Isabella was dead. Philip 
was dead. Joanna was under restraint, if not yet actually under 
lock and key. Charles was barely seven years old. Maximilian 
was at best a very distant rival. A Cortes indeed had assembled 
at Burgos. But it had not shown itself quite as amenable as 
Ximenez desired, and it had been unceremoniously dissolved. 
The way to supreme power lay open in Castile. 

On the death of Philip, Joanna had shut herself up, had 
refused to transact any business, and had abandoned herself to 
her grief, a grief that was all the more terrible, inasmuch as it 
found no vent in the ordinary solace of tears. She suspected, 
and justly suspected, all who surrounded her ; and for Ximenez, 
who, although he was determined that she should never reign, 
was anxious to obtain her formal consent to certain acts of state, 
as a preliminary to his own government, and the recognition of 
the claims of Ferdinand, she refused to sign a single document. 
The skill and the determination with which Ximenez carried on 
the affairs of the kingdom under such trying circumstances, are 
worthy of the highest admiration. Yet all his efforts were 
directed to securing a kingdom for Ferdinand rather than to 
honouring or even humouring his legitimate if unmanageable 
queen in Castile. 1 Meanwhile Joanna, harassed at once by her 
grief and by her fears, had removed from Burgos to the little 
town of Torquemada, where on the 14th of January, 1507, she 
was safely delivered of a daughter, who received the name of 
Katharine, and who was destined for many years to share her 
mother's captivity. 

On the 20th of July Ferdinand of Aragon arrived at Valencia. 
Castile, thanks to the course of events so skilfully guided by 

Aragonese than of a Castilian. So long as Isabella lived Ferdinand was allowed 
to use Castilian resources for the furtherance of Aragonese ends, and was con- 
strained also to employ Castilian instruments ; but he must have known that with 
the temper of the Castilian nobles he would not be able to continue to do this 
indefinitely. The Castilians had done their work ; Ferdinand now wished Aragon 
to reap the benefit. H.) 

1 For an excellent account of this practical interregnum, see Rodriguez Villa, 
Juana la loca, pp. 189-226. 


Xiraenez, was ready not only to receive, but to welcome him 
back as absolute ruler of Spain. The Marquis of Villena, the 
Duke of Medina Sidonia, and most of the leading nobles had been 
won over by the cardinal to his side. The Duke of Najera alone 
stood aloof, and Don John Manuel, suspicious and suspecting, had 
prudently betaken himself to Flanders. Joanna, travelling by 
way of Hornillos, hastened to welcome her father back to Spain. 
The meeting took place at Tortoles, near the frontier of Aragon, 
from whence father and daughter passed on together to Santa 
Maria del Campo, where Ferdinand proceeded to the formal 
investiture of Ximenez with the scarlet hat, which he had been 
permitted to bring with him from Rome. More than this, he 
took advantage of the occurrence of the anniversary of King 
Philip's death to cause a solemn commemorative service to be 
performed in the village church, with masses for the repose of 
his soul. Leaving Queen Joanna, after these formalities, in a 
species of modified captivity, he proceeded with all his court to 
Burgos to assume the reins of government. Joanna went to 
Arcos, where she lived well watched and guarded by Ferdinand 
of Aragon, and where she was sought in honourable marriage by 
Henry VII. of England, and was treated for some time as a lady 
if not as a queen, until negotiations failing and hearts hardening, 
she was finally immured in the fortress or prison at Tordesillas, 
in January, 150.9. 

Of the madness of Queen Joanna previous to the death of 
her husband, we have at least no trustworthy evidence. She 
was wayward, unreasonable, jealous, hysterical ; no more. That 
the sudden death of Philip, the object of her extravagant affec- 
tion, should have powerfully affected her, was but natural. That 
the treatment to which she had been subjected, first by her 
husband after the compact at Villafafila, after his death by 
Ximenez and Ferdinand, and lastly by Charles V., may have 
ultimately affected her reason, is scarcely remarkable. But the 
conspiracy to keep her out of her royal inheritance dates, as we 
have seen, from a time long antecedent to the first whisper of 
mental derangement. 1 

That Ferdinand did not himself believe in the madness of 

1 The letters of Peter Martyr establish the fact that the first symptoms of lunacy 
in Joanna were manifested in the month of November, 1503 ; Ep. , 268. See 
Edinburgh Review, vol. cxxxi. , p. 347. See also a very curious and most intelligent 
letter written by Joanna as late as 3rd May, 1505, from Brussels, to a certain 
de Veyre, preserved in the Archives of Simancas, printed by Lafuente, torn, x., 
Appendix, p. 489. 

1509] JUANA LA LOCA. 21 

his daughter, even after the death of Philip, is evident from the 
whole tenour of his correspondence with Henry VII., with Puebla, 
and with her sister Katharine, upon the subject of her second 
marriage. It is indeed well-nigh impossible for any man to read 
the letters and despatches 1 that passed between England and 
Spain from the death of Philip to the date of the queen's final 
incarceration in February, 1509, and to retain a belief that 
Joanna was even then mad, or anything like mad, in the fair 
acceptation of the term. Joanna was unmanageable, as she had 
ever been. As she refused to marry Henry VII., and take her- 
self away to distant England, Ferdinand judged, and judged no 
doubt rightly, that it would be to his interest to keep her shut 
up at Tordesillas ; and as she was neither strong enough to break 
out of prison, nor weak enough to die in captivity, at Tordesillas 
she continued to remain, until at length her spirit was broken, 
and the communion with her chains made her what she was 
during the long reign of her Imperial son. 

But Henry VII. was by no means the only suitor for the 
hand of Joanna. The Count de Foix pretended, but pretended 
in vain. Nor does he appear to have been the only other candi- 
date for the honour of an alliance with the Queen of Castile. 
But the last thing that Ferdinand would have desired was that 
Joanna should marry a husband who might wish to reside in 
Spain : and thus de Foix's pretensions were promptly rejected. 
Ferdinand would have been glad, no doubt, to have her removed 
to England, where she would have been unlikely, and probably 
unwilling, to trouble him. But on the whole, perhaps, it was 
simpler to keep her at Tordesillas. There at least she would be 

!See for instance, Puebla to Ferdinand, dated London, i5th of April, 1507. 
De Puebla writes: " As to the marriage of the Queen of Castile, the King of 
England and the few councillors who are initiated in the matter approve fully of 
his discreet manner of proceeding. There is no king in the world who would 
make so good a husband to the Queen of Castile as the King of England, whether 
she be sane or insane. Think she would soon recover her reason when wedded 
to such a husband as Henry ; King Ferdinand would at all events be sure to retain 
the regency of Castile. " Ferdinand to Puebla, igth of May; 1567 : " If the Queen 
of Castile marries, her husband shall be the King of England and no other person ". 
Ferdinand to de Puebla, 8th of June, 1507 : " Will do his utmost to persuade the 
Queen of Castile to marry the King of England ". Katharine, Princess of Wales, 
writing to her father, on the i7th of July, 1507, says, " that she has heard from 
France that a marriage was in contemplation between the Count de Foix and her 
sister ". And most remarkable of all, is the letter of proposal of marriage written 
by Katharine on behalf of her father-in-law, Henry VII., to her sister Joanna, as 
the marriageable and certainly not the mad Queen of Castile, as late as 25th 
October, 1507. Calendar, etc., pp. 439, 441. See also in the same volume of the 
Calendar, the letters of March, 1507 (p. 88) ; June, 1507 (p. 109) ; December, 1507 
(P- 137). 


safe. 1 And in the fortress of Tordesillas, Joanna of Castile lay 
immured for forty-six years of her unhappy life, as completely 
debarred from all connection with the outer world as though she 
too had reposed in her grave. Mosen Ferrer, who had so suc- 
cessfully represented her father at the court of her dead husband, 
was fitly chosen as her jailor, and although her death was not 
desired by any of her friends or relations, his treatment of his 
royal prisoner was harsh to the point of absolute cruelty. 2 

The old palace of Tordesillas was a building of moderate size, 
overlooking the river Douro, or Duero, and the sandy plains 
beyond. It was fortified and defended by a strong tower, and 
consisted of a large room or hall, with a number of other rooms 
adjoining, small, ill-lighted and ill-ventilated. It was occupied 
not only by Joanna and her little daughter Katharine, but by 
the women who watched her day and night, under the direction 
of her jailor. The windows of the great hall looked on to the 
river, but the queen was not allowed to remain in that apartment, 
still less was she at liberty to look out of the windows, lest she 
might be seen by some passer-by, and should call him to her 
assistance ; and except upon extraordinary occasions, when she 
was more strictly watched, she was forced to live in a back room 
without windows, and deprived of all light but that of a sixteenth 
century candle. 8 

1 As to the lack of evidence of the queen's insanity even at the end of her life, 
and the number of early writers whose silence at least suggests that her mind was 
never deranged, see Calendar, etc., supplementary volume, Introduction, p. xxvi., 
with the references to Maquereau, Johannes de Los and Sandoval. 

See also the now celebrated letter of the Marquis of Denia to Charles V., 
January, 1522 : "If your majesty would hacer premia, i.e., apply physical or 
moral force the word is of doubtful signification it would be a good thing ; 
your grandmother (Isabella) served and treated thus the queen widow (Joanna). 
Calendar, etc., supplementary volume, p. 405. Bergenroth's suggestion that hacer 
premia meant to apply torture has called forth a storm of indignation. I do not 
pretend to be as good a Spanish scholar as most of his critics, and certainly far 
inferior to Bergenroth himself ; yet I find in the great Dictionary of the Spanish 
Academy, the standard authority in all such matters, under PREMIA Violencia, 
opresion, u tyrania. (This premia used by Isabella to her daughter is probably 
that referred to by Flores. He says that in 1504 when Philip had left for Flanders, 
Joanna became unmanageable at Medino del Campo, wandering about and refusing 
shelter, " upon which the queen, though herself ill, was obliged to go and bring 
her to reason. H.) 

2 Calendar, sup. vol., p. 41. Mosen Ferrer was suspended on the report of 
the Bishop of Majorca early in 1516, after the death of Ferdinand "as suspected 
of endangering the health and life " of Joanna. Calendar, supplementary volume, 
pp. 141-143. The Marquis and Marchioness of Denia were afterwards (i5th 
March, 1518) appointed the queen's principal jailors, with extraordinary powers. 
See letter of appointment in Calendar, sup. vol. , p. 153. 

3 Ibid,, Introduction, pp. xliv. -xlvi. , and pp. 400-406. 

1509.] JUANA LA LOCA. 263 

That such treatment should tend to weaken the most robust 
intellect, can scarcely be controverted ; and that the queen's 
bodily health should not have given way amid such dreary and 
unwholesome surroundings is perhaps even more remarkable. 
Nor can it be entirely accounted for by the fact that her captors 
did not even allow her to have the services of a physician. 1 She 
was not permitted to hear the news even of the death of her 
father ; and when the presence of her son in Spain could no 
longer be concealed from her, she was told that he had only 
undertaken the journey in order to obtain from her father, 
Ferdinand, some alleviation of the harsh treatment to which she 
was subjected. 2 Priests, however, there were in plenty ; though 
the queen, who had for a considerable time objected to confess, 
had not long after her imprisonment refused even to hear Mass. 3 
It would, perhaps, have been difficult in contemporary Spain to 
give a more conclusive proof of insanity. 

Joanna would, no doubt, have made a very inefficient queen. 
The change from the brilliant administration of her mother 
Isabella would have been in many ways disastrous to Spain. 
Yet Ximenez might assuredly have ruled for Joanna as he ruled 
for her father Ferdinand. And it is given to no man to judge 
how far responsibility, and respect, and sympathy might have 
strengthened an intellect, which was only extinguished by long 
years of imprisonment and insult. 

Whether Bergenroth or Don Vicente de Lafuente is right 
about the signification of the word preinia, no one can read even 
the little that we are permitted to know about the captivity of 
Joanna, without seeing that the treatment which she endured in 
her dungeon at Tordesillas was, for her at least, torture of the 
most cruel and relentless character. 

Expediency no doubt is always attractive, and may even 
find a justification in certain phases of political life ; and it may 
not unnaturally have seemed as unwise as it would have been 
distasteful to Ferdinand, with his brilliant foreign policy, and 
his care for the present and future greatness of Spain, to retire 
to Saragossa, and hand over Castile, which he had so long and 
so successfully administered with Isabella, to the uncertain, if 

i Calendar, ubi supra, Introduction, p. xlvii., and pp. 182, 183, 200. 

a Calendar, Introduction, pp. lii., liv., and pp. 154-202. 

3 After the death of Ximenez, it seems that the queen was compelled by threats, 
if not by the actual employment of personal violence, to be present at the solemn 
celebration. Calendar, ubi supra, Introduction, pp. xlix.-li.. and pp. 164, 189, and 
391-428. But this is beyond the limits of the present volume. 


legitimate government of his weak and wayward daughter. 1 
Religion, patriotism, policy, every good and noble feeling that 
might be found in the king's nature, must have combined to 
lend colour to the self-satisfying suggestion that it would have 
been not only foolish but wicked for him to neglect his great 

That he should have been troubled by any consideration of 
abstract moral rectitude, was assuredly not to be expected by 
friends or foes. That he should have poisoned his son-in-law, as 
he may have done, and imprisoned his daughter, as he certainly 
did, in order that he himself might reign in Castile as well as in 
Aragon, must have seemed but a small matter to a son of John 
II., though it may strike the inconsiderate modern reader as a 
somewhat exaggerated display of what may be called mediaeval 
opportunism. 2 

1 It must also be recollected that in order to carry out his " brilliant foreign 
policy," which was purely Aragonese and not Castilian, it was vital for him to 
ensure, so far as it was possible for him, the material assistance of the larger and 
richer kingdom. This he could not hope to do if Castile were ruled in Castilian 
interests alone. H. 

2 In the Calendar of State Papers (Spain), vol. i. (1862), and vol. ii. (1868), a 
great many original documents of the highest interest as to the madness of Queen 
Joanna will be found ; but more than this, a Supplementary volume, published in 
1868, of some 470 pp. , is almost entirely devoted to the question. I have therefore 
referred but sparingly to these volumes, which I read and re-read before arriving 
at the conclusions which I have not, I trust, too confidently embodied in the 
foregoing chapter. 





No one could be supposed to have less sympathy with the 
fighting bishops of fourteenth century Spain than Ximenez de 
Cisneros, the ascetic monk, the reforming primate, the founder 
of universities, the publisher of books ; and yet there was 
something of the old Adam of Alfonso Carrillo, or Alfonso of 
Saragossa, in the new Cardinal of Spain. 

As early as September, 1505, Ximenez had contributed to 
the cost of an expedition, which he had himself suggested, 
against the Moors, no longer assailable in Spain, but on the 
opposite shore of Africa, on the Berber's or Barbary coast, which, 
with the port and city of Marsalquivir, 1 over against Carthagena, 
had fallen into the hands of the Castilians ; - and as soon as the 
Government of all Spain had been peacefully handed over to 
Ferdinand, the vigorous prelate, whose zeal and pertinacity 
made light of his seventy years, proposed himself to head 
an expedition, partly crusading, partly plundering, against the 
flourishing city of Oran. 

Ferdinand was glad to encourage an enterprise which would 
occupy the attention of his too powerful chancellor ; an ex- 
pedition of which any advantage would certainly be his, and of 
which he was asked to share neither the expense nor the 
responsibility. Yet the army was not suffered to depart without 
much shuffling and tergiversation. But there was no putting 
false dice upon Ximenez ; and ,in the early summer of 1 509, the 

1 Mara or Men, al Ketnr. The great harbour. 

2 The Empresa de Allende, or expedition against Africa, had occupied the 
attention of Ferdinand as far back as 1493-4. It was proposed ganar la costii de 
loi Moroi de Oran hasta Zula, or Sallee. A number of letters relating to this 
expedition, lists of troops and snips, estimates and plans of operation, with minute 
or marginal notes by the king's hands, are preserved at Simancas, and have been 
reprinted in the Documentos Jneditus, vol. li. , pp. 46-113. 


Cardinal Commander-in-Chief, advised by the Italian Vianelli, 
and accompanied by the Navarrese Pedro Navarro, " the Vauban 
of the sixteenth century," set sail from Carthagena (l6th May), 
at the head of a small fleet, carrying an army of 14,000 or 15,000 

Nor was the primate less successful in the field than he had 
shown himself in the palace, in the court, and in the library. 
Taking his place at the head of his army, girt with a sword over 
his ecclesiastical vestments, and surrounded by an imposing if 
not a brilliant staff of friars similarly accoutred, he marshalled 
his troops against the coveted city, and after a spirited harangue 
to the soldiers in order of battle, he was with difficulty restrained 
from actually leading the charge against the foe. But if he did 
not, like Gonsalvo, actually head the stormers, his troops were 
no less active in their assault. Oran was taken and sacked. No 
mercy was shown to the vanquished ; no respect for age or sex. 
Four thousand Moslems were cut down in the city. Eight 
thousand prisoners and half a million of gold ducats attested 
the Christian zeal of the invaders. The army was gorged with 
the plunder of an opulent city. 1 No triumph surely could be 
more complete ; and yet there was a spectre at the feast of 

The man who served Ferdinand the Catholic could never 
sleep securely. Columbus, tricked out of the reward of his 
immense services, had withered and died of chagrin ; Gonsalvo, 
banished to his country farm, had seen a priest preferred to the 
command of an army ; and now Ximenez, at all times the pro- 
tector of Ferdinand's cause in Castile, the most loyal and devoted 
of his servants in the moment of supreme danger and difficulty, 
was at last to feel the touch of the serpent's fang. In the very 
flush of victory, a letter addressed to his lieutenant Navarro fell 
into his hands. The letter was from Ferdinand of Aragon ; and 
in it we may read, as was read by the cardinal himself, of the 
ingratitude, of the perfidy, of the shamelessness of the king 
whom he had enthroned, and in whose service he was at the 
moment risking his life and squandering his private treasure. 2 

1 Ximenez himself is said to have contented himself with a few MSS. He 
might have had more at Granada in 1499 on easier terms. 

2 The French translation of old Michel Baudier is racy enough, as the follow- 
ing sample will show : " Empechez le bonhomme (i.e., Ximenez) de repasser sitot en 
Espagne. Ilfaut user sa personne et son argent ant ant qu'on pourra. Amuses le, 
si vous pouvez dans Oran, et songez a quelque nouvelle entreprise. Baudier, Vie de 
Ximenes, p. 263 (ed. 1851). See also Cartas del Cardenal Don Fray Ximenez de 
Cisneros, dirijidas a D. Diego Lopez de Ayala ; edited by D. Pascual Gayangos 


Ximenez was not a man to indulge in idle lamentation. He 
determined to return at once to Spain. Not, indeed, as he had 
come to Africa, under the convoy of a noble fleet, but in a single 
unprotected galley ; not at the head of an eager army, but 
attended only by a few domestic African slaves ; not as a con- 
queror, but as a victim. 1 Scorning the royal invitation to the 
court at Valladolid, he made his peaceful entry into AlcalA, and 
devoted himself to the most honourable work of his life, the 
preparation of his magnificent edition of the Holy Scriptures.' 2 

The Castilian arms were less successful after the departure of 
the archbishop. Tripoli, indeed, succumbed to the assault of 
Navarro, July, 1510; but the Christians sustained a lamentable 
defeat in the following month (28th August, 1510), at the 
Island of Gelbes, 3 where Don Garcia de Toledo, a son of the 
Duke of Alva, and a cousin of Ferdinand, was killed, and over 
4000 Spanish troops were cut to pieces by the Moors. The loss 
of the army was followed by the loss of the fleet, 4 and Pedro 
Navarro was hardly able to bring the scattered remnant of the 
Spanish forces ingloriously back to Carthagena. 5 

The martial successes of Ximenez had rendered Ferdinand, 
as usual, jealously envious of his great minister, and the altered 
sentiments of the king were promptly appreciated at court. The 
repayment of a sum of money due by the king to the cardinal in 
connection with the expedition to Africa was not effected with- 

and D. Vicente de Lafuente. Vol. i. , Madrid, 1867. The letters range in date 
from (i) ist September, 1508, to (129) 27th October, 1517. Vol. ii. , edited by D. 
Vicente de Lafuente, 1875, contains letters to and from the Cardinal's secretaries, 

1 But in Oran, at least, the great Cardinal long continued to watch over the 
city that he had won for Castile. His spectre, apparelled as in life, was seen on 
the battlements for more than a century after he had raised the sacred standard of 
Toledo against the stronghold of the refugees of Granada. 

2 This was about the time that Ximenez built those country houses near 
AlcalA where the professors might spend their holidays or fete days pleasantly and 
respectably honesU Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, 1066. 

8 Gerva, or Jerba, near Cabes on the border of modern Tripoli. 

4 Pedro Navarro afterwards went to Italy, and was taken prisoner at Ravenna, 
fighting in the service of his country. Ferdinand, who, unlike Isabella, was always 
seeking to get rid of any capable servant, refused to ransom him, so Navarro 
renounced his allegiance, and claiming his right as a Navarrese subject, was 
ransomed at the price of 20,000 crowns by Francis I., and enlisted in the service 
of France. He was afterwards unhappily taken prisoner by the Spaniards, and 
killed in the Castel Nuovo, by order of Charles V. Brant6me, I'i, ->,.'tc., Disc. 9. 

"The kings of Tremecen (Tlemcen), Tunis, Fez and Algiers, are said to have 
offered their nominal submission to Ferdinand in 1511. F. Martyr, Eft., 471. See 
also Gomez, p. 1049. 


out insulting inquiry or Inquisition. A sham bishop of Oran 
appeared to oust the jurisdiction of Toledo over the newly 
conquered territory ; l and finally the king had the effrontery to 
request Ximenez to vacate the primacy of Spain, that he might 
promote one of his own bastards, already Archbishop of Sara- 
gossa, to that exalted position. 

The return of Gonsalvo de Cordova had been required by the 
king on the pretext of his investiture in Spain with the insignia 
of the grand mastership of Santiago, a fitting reward for his great 
services. But as soon as Ferdinand found that his own position 
was assured in Castile, and that the Great Captain was far away 
from his devoted soldiers and his no less devoted Neapolitans, 
he not only disregarded his promise with his usual facility of 
faithlessness, but he took the opportunity of an alleged affront 
to a royal officer, to deal a blow against the honour of the 
Aguilars, which gave bitter pain to Gonsalvo, whose nephew, the 
young Marquis de Priego, in spite of his earnest remonstrances, 
was sentenced to pay a fine of 20,000,000 maravedis, to surrender 
all his fortresses to the crown, and to be banished the kingdom. 
The ancient castle of Montilla, one of the glories of the family of 
Aguilar, and the birthplace of Gonsalvo de Cordova, was included 
in the same royal condemnation, and was razed to the ground in 
December, 1508. 2 

Gonsalvo, ever loyal, yet deeply chagrined, retired to Loja, 
and endeavoured to forget his sovereign's baseness in the peace- 
ful pursuits of agriculture, in improving his estates, and adjusting 
the differences of the townspeople, who deferred to his decision 
in all matters of business with a complete and unhesitating con- 
fidence. He also took a great interest in the condition of the 
conquered Moors, and did all in his power to mitigate the 
hardships to which they were subjected in consequence of the 
infamous pragmatica of Seville. His hospitality was unbounded, 
and his liberality as princely as ever. His home became the 

1 Louis Guillaume, a Franciscan friar, was named bishop in partibus, with 
the title of Auriensis. Hefele, Vie, 427-8. 

2 The Marquis of Priego was peculiarly obnoxious to Ferdinand, inasmuch as 
he had been one of the chief accusers of the infamous -Lucero, and had played a 
leading part in the opening of the prison of the Inquisition at Cordova ; but he 
was by no means the only one of the grandees who was made to feel the tyranny 
of the King of Aragon. The Duke of Najera was compelled to give up all his 
fortresses, heureux de pouvoir garder sa vie et son Chateau de Najera. Ferreras, 
viii. , 331. The Duke of Medina Sidonia, the noble chief of the Guzmans, was 
despoiled of his possessions, and together with Don Pedro Giron, the eldest son 
of the Count of Urefia, was glad to make his escape to Portugal (P. Martyr, Ep. , 


resort of all honest and honourable men in Andalusia, and 
especially of his old friend and commander, the good Count of 

Thus the Great Cardinal in Castile and the Great Captain in 
Andalusia, exiled each of them from the court of their perjured 
sovereign, bore silent witness to the jealousy and to the ingrati- 
tude of Ferdinand. But in the year 1508 Ferdinand's thoughts 
were once more turned far away from Spain. 




THE League of Cambray, which was signed on the 10th of 
December, 1508, between Louis XII., the Emperor Maximilian, 
and Ferdinand of Aragon, at the instance of the warlike Pope 
Julius II., was nominally directed against the Turks, but was in 
reality a coalition for the destruction and partition among the 
confiscators of the rich State of Venice. 1 If anything was wanted 
to make this league of public plunderers more corrupt and more 
odious than it would under any circumstances have been, it was 
that the kings of France and of Aragon, in order to secure the 
adhesion of the Medicis, sacrificed their faithful allies, the Pisans, 
after solemn assurances of protection and support, and actually 
sold that ancient city to the Florentines, their hereditary enemies, 
for 100,000 ducats. 

But all their bad faith and covetousness was displayed in 
vain. The perfidious leaguers could not even trust one another ; 
and the success of the French arms at Agnadel, in May, 1509, so 
seriously alarmed both Julius and Ferdinand, that a second treaty 
was concluded in October, 1511, when the Pope and the King of 
Aragon invited the Venetian Republic, for whose destruction they 
had leagued themselves together with Louis XII. not three years 
before, to assist them in driving the French out of Italy. 

Of the consummate skill with which Ferdinand, from the 
middle of 1509 to the end of 151 1, 2 played off his allies and 
rivals one against the other, until he had accomplished the 

1 As to the full details of the provisions of the League of Cambray, see Calendar 
of State Papers (Venice) (ed. Rawdon Brown, 1867), Introd. , p. 9. The Signory 
of Florence actually invited the Sultan Bajazet to join the league, and take posses- 
sion of the Oriental dominions of the Republic, p. 44. 

2 i8th May, 1509, to i^ih November, 1511; see Calendar, etc. (Spain), vol. 
ii. , p. 28. 


central object of his diplomacy in the great confederation against 
Louis XII., we may read in the history of France and of Italy, 
of England and of Germany, rather than in the Chronicles of 
Aragon. For King Ferdinand pulled the strings that moved the 
puppets, while he remained well-nigh hidden himself. But by 
the end of 1511 the showman was compelled to make his own 
appearance upon the stage of European warfare ; and Ferdinand 
was ever less successful as an actor than as an impresario. His 
policy for the past two years had been the formation of a league 
against his dearly-beloved uncle-in-law, Louis XII., by the aid of 
his dearly-beloved son-in-law, Henry VIII. Queen Katharine, 
who had already played the part of ambassador to her English 
father-in-law, was to make use of her influence over her English 
husband ; and if the queen should refuse to advise King Henry 
to go to war with France, her confessor was to tell her that she 
was bound as a good Christian to do so. 1 

To coerce the confessor, Ferdinand applied to the Pope, and to 
control the Pope he betrayed to him, in secret, the whole scheme 
of King Louis XII. as regards the plunder of the States of the 
Church. It is easy to understand what an effect the communica- 
tion of the French king's plans of spoliation produced upon the 
excitable and irascible Julius. When he had learnt that he was not 
only to be robbed of his temporalities, but that he was to be de- 
posed and imprisoned incase he should prove spiritually intractable, 
he hastened, in spite of his age and his infirmities, to traverse 
the snow-covered mountains, that he might meet his enemy in 
the field. 2 

The King of Aragon was a diplomatist who left nothing to 
chance. He trusted no man. And if no man trusted him, he 
never deceived himself by supposing that any one was simple 
enough to do so. No detail, however trifling, was neglected by 
him in his negotiations. No contingency, however remote, was 
left out of sight in his intrigues. And however little we may 

1 Queen Katharine behaved during the whole of the quarrel between King 
Henry and King Ferdinand as became a Queen of England. She loved and 
revered her father. It certainly made her unhappy to see that he and her husband 
had become enemies. But when King Ferdinand attempted to make use of her 
influence over her husband, she refused to serve her father's purpose. Louis Caroz 
complained in the most bitter terms that neither he nor any other Spaniard could 
obtain the smallest advantage through her interference. Calendar of State Papers 
(Spain), vol. ii., Introd. , pp. xxxvii., xcii., and pp. 51, 52. 

a Calendar, etc. (Spain), vol. ii., p. 38. Julius II. was above all things a 
warrior ; and it was rather hitting below the belt to excommunicate the armies 
against which he led his own temporal forces. He was said by some Italian 
opponents to be rather Carnifex than Pontifex maximus. 


respect his character, which was perhaps not much worse than that 
of some of his rivals, we cannot refuse to admire his transcendent 
skill, his infinite perseverance, his forethought, and his keen 
appreciation of every shade of political development. A little 
honesty would have made him a great man ; a little generosity 
would have made him a great king. His policy, moreover, 
towards the close of his life, is at least worthy of an admiration 
which has rarely been extended to it. It was a policy which 
embraced all Europe in its scope ; and although it had no direct 
relation to Spain or the Spanish people, it would be ill to con- 
clude even a brief survey of the history of Spain without referring 
to the Imperial dreams of the great Spaniard, first of modern 
diplomatists, and of his early endeavours to solve more than one 
of those questions that still embarrass the foreign policy of 
modern states : the establishment of a kingdom of Italy ; the 
alliance between Italy and Germany, to withstand a dreaded 
power beyond the Danube and the Carpathians ; the entangle- 
ment of England in a central European league ; and the treat- 
ment of the Pope of Rome. 

The Turks, the mediaeval bugbear in the East for the Middle 
Ages had also their Eastern question were at this time rapidly 
encroaching upon Christian Europe ; and it was obviously de- 
sirable to form a powerful empire, as a bulwark of Christendom, 
on the banks of the Danube. The opportunity of founding a 
great empire in Central Europe actually existed. Ladislaus II., 
King of Bohemia and of Hungary, had only one son, Louis, who 
was of so delicate a constitution that no issue could be expected 
of his marriage. In case he should die without children, his 
sister, the Princess Anne, was the heiress of both his kingdoms ; 
and if her father could be persuaded to marry her to the heir of 
the Austrian principalities, Bohemia, Austria and Hungary, thus 
united with the heritage of the Hapsburgs, would form by no 
means a contemptible State, which might itself be but the nucleus 
of a greater and more ambitious empire. 

Naples, which had so lately been added to the Aragonese 
dominions, was still exposed to the attacks of the French, who 
claimed one half, and were always ready to appropriate to them- 
selves the whole of the kingdom. Naples was separated from 
France, indeed by a considerable extent of territory in Italy ; 
but the smaller Italian States were too weak to render any 
serious resistance, and too fickle to be counted upon as friends 
or as foes by any Spanish sovereign. The best way to render 
Naples secure was, in the eyes of Ferdinand, the foundation of 

1511.] A KINGDOM OF ITALY. J7 ; 

a great kingdom in northern Italy, powerful enough to prevent 
the French from marching their armies to the south. 

The formation of such a kingdom moreover would have had 
results far more important than that of keeping the French out 
of Naples, important as that was both to Italy and even to Spain, 
and it would have greatly facilitated a peaceful division of the 
great Austro-Spanish inheritance between Prince Charles and 
his brother, the Infante Ferdinand. 

If Charles could be provided not only with the kingdom of 
Spain, but with the possessions of Maximilian and Ladislaus and 
the Princess Anne, and the empire of Central Europe, his younger 
brother Ferdinand might content himself with a kingdom to be 
made up of all the states of Italy, protected against the en- 
croachments of France by Spanish infantry and German lantlx- 
knechts, and ready to drive the Turk out of the Mediterranean 
in support of the Christian empire on the Danube. 

The kingdom of Italy thus designed for his younger grandson 
by the far-seeing Ferdinand of Aragon, was to consist of Genoa, 
Pavia, Milan and the Venetian territories on the mainland. The 
country of the Tyrol, being the most southern of the Austrian 
dominions, could, without sensibly weakening the projected 
empire, be separated from it and added to the new kingdom in 
Italy. Thus stretching from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, 
and from the Gulf of Spezia to the Lake of Constance, this 
sixteenth century kingdom of Italy, with the whole power of 
the holy Roman empire to support it, would have been a splendid 
endowment for a younger son of the greatest family on earth. 
There was also a reasonable prospect that it might afterwards 
be still further enlarged by the addition of Naples, and the 
smaller Italian states would easily have fallen a prey to their 
powerful neighbour. But, in addition to all this, Ferdinand 
thought that he would render a notable service to the Catholic 
religion and to the peace of Europe if the Church were thoroughly 
reformed. What Rome herself has lost by Ferdinand's failure, 
it is not given even to the infallible to know. What the king's 
reforms were to be, we can only shrewdly surmise ; and although 
they would most assuredly not have been Protestant, they would 
with equal certainty have been by no means palatable to the 
Vatican. For it is reasonably probable that if either Louis XII. 
or Ferdinand the Catholic had been permitted to carry out their 
designs, the Pope of Rome would have found himself deprived 
of his temporal power, and Garibaldi, nay, perchance Luther, 
would have been forestalled. It was the reforms of Ximenez 

VOL. II. 18 


that to a large extent prevented Luther in Spain. The reforms 
of Ferdinand might possibly have prevented him in Italy. 

The defensive alliance between England and Spain, however 
important it may have been at the time that it was made, had 
become, in little over a year from its execution, no longer of any 
advantage either to King Ferdinand or to King Henry ; since 
both of them had independently entered into an offensive league 
against France. The treaty of the 24th of May, 1510, was, 
therefore, converted into the offensive confederation of the 17th 
of November, 1511. The pretext for this new alliance was the 
duty of the contracting parties to defend the Church. The real 
object of Henry VIII. was the conquest of Aquitaine, with the 
help of the Catholic king, who had bound himself to deliver to 
his son-in-law all such places as had formerly belonged to the 
crown of England, as soon as he should have wrested them from 
the enemy. The real objects of Ferdinand were, as we have 
already seen, very far from being the conquest of Aquitaine, or 
even the defence of the Church, but something far larger and 
more ambitious ; and for the moment his magnificent schemes 
appeared to be in a fair way towards realisation. 

After negotiations, continued for more than eighteen months, 
he had at last succeeded in forming two great confederations 
against France ; and he was resolved to use his confederates as 
his instruments to obtain from Louis XII. his consent to the 
formation of the kingdom of Italy. 1 By way of giving additional 
force to the new coalition, Julius II., made indignant, as we have 
seen, by the skilful disclosure of the intentions of Louis XII. as 
regards the Holy See, dispensed or released the ever-ready 
Ferdinand from the obligations of the marriage treaty of 1 505, 
by which his Neapolitan dominions were to revert to the French 
crown on the failure of his issue by Germaine de Foix, and thus 
gave additional power to the latest coalition against France. 

Could the fiery Giuliano della Rdvere have been informed of 
Ferdinand's own scheme for the disposal of the patrimony of St. 
Peter, and for the reformation of Rome, he would assuredly 
rather have excommunicated than have dispensed the greatest 
master of diplomacy in contemporary Europe. But Ferdinand 
kept his own counsel ; and a Spanish army was marched confi- 
dently into northern Italy. 

If Ferdinand of Aragon had a large mind, he had a very small 
heart ; and his jealousy would not permit of the employment of 
the greatest soldier in Europe, who awaited but his marching 

1 Calendar, etc. , vol. ii. , p. 41. 

1512.] A KINGDOM OF ITALY. 275 

orders to lead the Spanish troops once more to victory in Italy. 
In the absence of Gonsalvo de Cordova, the chief command was 
entrusted to an incompetent courtier, Don Hugo de Cardona, 
under whose leadership the allied army was well nigh cut to 
pieces at the memorable battle of Ravenna, on the 1 1th of April, 
1512. The Spanish infantry, under the sturdy Pedro Navarro, 
fresh from the spoils of Africa, did all that was possible to retrieve 
the fortunes of the day ; and the French victory was dearly 
purchased by the death of their brilliant young commander, 
Gaston de Foix. 1 A capable general would have marched on 
Rome or Naples, and Ferdinand might have found it too late to 
repair his errors. But the French strategy was as poor as their 
diplomacy ; no advantage whatever was taken of what should 
have been made a decisive victory, and before the end of the 
year 1512, they had actually retired beyond the Alps. 

The defeat of the allied army at Ravenna, however, had so 
seriously alarmed Pope Julius, as well as all the Italian allies 
of the League, that Ferdinand had been reluctantly compelled 
to give his consent to the nomination of the Great Captain to 
the chief command of an army which was to be immediately 
raised in Spain, and despatched to Italy from the port of 
Malaga. Nobles and their retainers, knights and burghers, 
peasants and adventurers from every part of Spain at once 
flocked to that port, and enrolled themselves under the banner 
of the Great Captain. No expense was spared by gentle and 
simple to equip themselves in a manner worthy of their leader ; 
and Gonsalvo, as may be supposed, entered upon his duties in 
that liberal-handed and large-hearted spirit for which he had 
always been distinguished. But Ferdinand's fears and jealousy 
were only aggravated by the popular enthusiasm created by 
Gonsalvo's appointment, the more so as the number of deserters 
from his own army to that of the Great Captain was so great 
that Navarre, which was then menaced by the French, was left 
almost undefended. 

1 See in Documentos Ineditos, torn, xxv., Vida del conde Pedro Navarro; and 
in torn. Ixxix. , pp. 233-298, Relation de los sucesos de las armas de Espana en Italia, 
en los anos 1511 y 1512, con la Jornada de Ravena. Eighteen thousand soldiers 
are said to have perished in the great fight at Ravenna, a number positively 
stupendous, when we consider that in the battles of a few years before, a death 
roll of a few hundreds was considered enormous. It was largely the Spanish 
infantry trained by Gonsalvo de Cordova, that introduced real fighting into the 
wars of Europe. The mercenary troops of the fifteenth century, who fought in- 
differently on the side of the best paymaster, thought twice before killing or even 
seriously wounding an opponent, who might have been a few days previously a 
good companion in arms. Cf. Roscoe, Leo X. , Bohn's ed. , vol. i. , pp. 264-5. 


Gonsalvo's preparations progressed rapidly ; yet not more 
rapidly than the French disorganisation. No successor had 
been found for Gaston de Foix ; and before the end of the year, 
1512, their victorious army having, as it were, melted away, 
Ferdinand gave orders for the disbanding of his new levies 
in Andalusia, and for the retirement of the Great Captain 
himself once more to his farm at Loja, separated by well-nigh 
the entire length of Spain from the theatre of a new war under 
the shadow of the western Pyrenees. 

Gonsalvo, however keen was his disappointment, never 
forgot his loyalty to the king ; and he not only obeyed the 
royal order, but he urged his indignant troops to take service 
in the army which Ferdinand was then raising for service against 
Navarre, under his cousin the Duke of Alva. 

With the operations of this army, and the political develop- 
ments that attended the conquest of Navarre by the Spaniards, 
I shall deal in a separate chapter. 



I. Annexation of Navarre. 

To follow or examine in every detail the politics of the little 
kingdom of Navarre during the joint reign of Ferdinand and 
Isabella would carry us beyond reasonable limits ; and it must 
suffice to say that Queen Eleanor, whose accession to the 
throne had been purchased at so dreadful a price, had died in 
1479, leaving, in addition to many sons and daughters, a grand- 
son, Francis, surnamed Phrebus from his superlative beauty, 
whose father, Gaston, had been killed in a tournament in 1472, 
and whose mother was Madeleine of France, a sister of Louis 
XI. This Franqois Phebus was crowned King of Navarre in 
November, 1482, and poisoned, it was said, by Ferdinand of 
Aragon, in January, 1483. 1 

Madeleine, the Queen-Dowager, immediately assumed the 
reins of government, as guardian of her daughter Catherine, who 
was soon after (I486) married to a neighbouring prince of by no 
means royal rank, Jean, Seigneur or Sire d'Albret ; and Made- 
leine dying a few months after the marriage, the young couple 
entered upon their sad and stormy reign almost before they 
had attained to years of discretion. The continued warfare 
between the factions of Beaumonts and Agramonts ; domestic 
strife secretly stirred up by Ferdinand of Aragon ; unsatisfactory 
relations with France ; and, last of all, the interference of the 
notorious Caesar Borgia, 2 who had married a sister of Jean 

1 Lagreze, p. 256-8. The young prince was passionately fond of music, and 
was taken off by means of a poisoned flute. 

2 Caesar Borgia had been imprisoned by Ferdinand and Isabella at Medina del 
Campo, whence he had escaped into Navarre, where he was killed in a skirmish at 
Viana, on the tath of March, 1507, fighting against the Beaumont faction. 


d'Albret, combined to render the lives of the young sovereigns 
troubled and unhappy. 

If Ferdinand the Catholic did not or could not resort once 
more to poison in the development of his policy as regards 
Navarre, he neither abandoned nor forgot his design upon the 
little kingdom which lay so perilously near the frontiers, both of 
Aragon and of Castile. Spain was ill-protected on the side of 
the Atlantic Ocean. The road from Bayonne by Irun to Vitoria 
and Bilbao was, indeed, controlled by the Castilians ; but there 
was another mountain pass from St. Jean Pied de Port to 
Pamplona, which was in the power of the King of Navarre ; and 
it was by this far-famed route, through Roncesvalles, that Spain 
had been most commonly invaded on the north-west. To guard 
against any such inroads for the future, Ferdinand had long 
judged it desirable to bring the mountain passes of Navarre 
under the control of Spain, by the conquest and occupation, not 
only of Navarre, whose southern frontier reached down into the 
very heart of Castile, but also, if possible, of Beam, to the north 
of the Pyrenees. An invasion of Spain by France would thus 
be made a matter of extreme difficulty, as the long mountain 
ridge which stretches from Navarre to Roussillon was utterly 
impassable for an army. 

But Ferdinand was never in a hurry. Nearly thirty years 
were suffered to elapse after the murder of Fra^ois Phebus 
(1483) before he judged that the time had at length arrived for 
the annexation of his sister's kingdom. To conquer Navarre 
in 1512, Ferdinand looked to Julius II. for a Bull of excom- 
munication, and to Henry VIII., or to his wife's confessor, 
for an army of invasion ; and as it was desirable to draw off 
the troops that had been enlisted by Gonsalvo de Cordova 
in Andalusia to a place beyond the reach of the Great Captain, 
a Spanish contingent was organised, under the command of 
the Duke of Alva, to take the field on the borders of Navarre. 1 

On the 12th, or possibly the 18th of February, 1512, not 
long after the signature of the Holy League between Julius II., 
Ferdinand, and the Republic of Venice, against Charles XII. 
of France (4th October, 1511), the Pope fulminated a Bull 
of tremendous import against the sovereigns of Navarre ; 2 a 

1 The Navarrese naturally retorted by an attempt to draw closer their alliance 
with France. But after the battle of Ravenna, in April, 1512, it became obvious 
to all parties that Navarre was doomed. 

2 The history of this Bull is very curious. Many writers are content to assert 
that it never existed at all. Lagreze sums up all that can be said for this view 


Bull, indeed, so shameless in its scope and tenour, that Papal 
apologists have long been fain to deny its existence ; and an 
impartial historian has sought to minimise the wickedness of its 
declarations of deposition, by suggesting that it was purposely 
provided with a false date. 

In any case Ferdinand obtained the desired assistance by 
the early summer of 1512. An English contingent, under the 
command of Grey, Marquis of Dorset, was despatched to the 
assistance of the Spaniards, and on the 8th of June an English 
squadron cast anchor in the beautiful little port of Pasajes, near 
San Sebastian, and awaited the arrival of the Spanish army. 
But the Spanish army never arrived. As Navarre was the true 
object of Ferdinand of Aragon, Navarre, of course, was not 
spoken of either to Henry or his general. Guienne was to be 
the price of the English intervention, and a joint invasion of the 
duchy was to be the first business of the allies. What happened 
is somewhat obscure. The Duke of Alva at first delayed to join 
the Marquis of Dorset ; the marquis subsequently refused to 

with admirable judgment and completeness in his Navarre, torn. i. , pp. 268-276, 
and cites a number of authorities. Bergenroth's solution of the difficulty appears 
to me, on the whole, to be the most satisfactory. "It is an admitted opinion 
among some historians," says he, " that Pope Julius II. assisted King Ferdinand 
in the conquest of Navarre by excommunicating Jean d'Albret and the queen. 
Other historians of equal authority deny the fact, and observe that the original 
Bull was never produced. But the Bull, as a matter of fact, was granted by Pope 
Julius. Bulls were generally written on extraordinarily large sheets of parchment ; 
but as it was difficult to read a document, the lines of which were thirty or forty 
inches long, it was customary to add, in the Papal Chancery, a transcript of the 
original Bull on paper or parchment of convenient size. When this particular 
Bull and the transcript arrived in Spain, the transcript only was read, and it was 
found to be in perfect order. The Archbishop of Cosenza, who was Papal Nuncio, 
had copies made from it, which were published in Spain, and sent to other coun- 
tries. Thus the excommunication served all the purposes which King Ferdinand 
had in view. When, however, a year later, it was found necessary to consult the 
original, it was discovered that in several essential parts it differed from the tran- 
script, and was utterly " worthless". Calendar of State Papers (Spain), vol. ii., 
pp. 46, 47. "There is no reason that I know of," says Prescott, vol. ii. , chap, 
xxiii. , note, " for doubting the genuineness of the instrument, but many for reject- 
ing the date. " His reasons are chiefly that a Bull of more general import, directed 
rather against the people than the sovereign of Navarre, was certainly published in 
July, 1512, and that contemporary writers seem to have overlooked that of February 
in speaking of that of July, and "it was probably obtained at the instance of 
Ferdinand, and designed, by the odium that it threw on the sovereign of Navarre, 
as an excommunicate, to remove that under which he lay himself, and at the same 
time to secure what might be deemed a sufficient warrant/or retaining his acquisi- 
tion ". The tenour of the Bull itself is so shameless that, perhaps, it is not affected 
even by the fact of the instrument itself being a fraud ! The falsification of a date 
is, perhaps, no worse, even in a Pope, than the spoliation of an innocent and 
friendly sovereign. The editor of the admirable edition of Mariana's History 
(Valencia, 1796), vol. ix., has given copies of tot A Bulls, App. x. , pp. 126, 145. 
See also P. Martyr, Of. Epist. , 497, and Hefele, Vie de Ximents, pp. 452-4. 


join the duke. Ferdinand sent envoys l to London to complain 
of Dorset. Dorset embarked his troops on board his ships, and 
sailed away to England. Guienne was neither occupied nor 
invaded. Henry VIII. gained nothing, not even honour, by his 
expedition. Yet the presence of Dorset and his army within a 
few miles of Bayonne had kept the French army under the Due 
de Longueville so completely in check, that Ferdinand was 
enabled to send forward his troops into Navarre by the middle 
of July, to overthrow the kingdom almost without striking a 
blow, to drive out Jean d'Albret and his legitimate queen, and 
to occupy the Navarrese capital of Pamplona. 2 

At Pamplona, without troubling himself about his English 
allies, or even about the conquest of Guienne, Ferdinand, in 
accordance with his old policy, concluded a friendly truce for 
six months with France, which was followed by the definite 
Treaty of Orthez early in the following year (1st April, 1513). 
By this treaty Louis XII. recognised the spoliation that he had 
been unable to prevent ; and while Guienne was saved from 
invasion or attack, the ancient kingdom of Navarre, with the 
exception of a few square leagues to the north of the Pyrenees, 
was permanently united to the Spanish monarchy. On the 23rd 
of March, 1513, the Estates of Navarre took the usual oath of 
allegiance to King Ferdinand; and on the 15th of June, 1515, 
the Cortes of Burgos incorporated the new province in the 
kingdom of Castile. Jean d'Albret and his wife lived but a 
short time after their spoliation. But if they had not defended 
their ancient kingdom with valour, they accepted their altered 
fortunes with dignity. Polite letters were encouraged, and 
good cheer was ever found at their little court in the 
castle of Pau, until Jean d'Albret died in 151 6, and Catherine 
followed him less than two years later, in the spring of 
1518. 3 

1 Martin Dampier and Juan de Sepulveda. Calendar, etc., vol. ii., p. 45. 

2 Ferdinand was, as may be supposed, very angry at the departure of the 
English. See Zurita, lib. x. , cap. xi.-xviii. ; Bernaldez, 236; Lafuente, x. , 407-9. 
The fact that Lord Dorset was made a fool of by Ferdinand, does not render his 
retirement, when he might have been of service to his sovereign as well as to his 
nominal ally, either more prudent or more honourable; and he was severely 
blamed by Henry VIII. on his arrival in England. But it was, no doubt, supremely 
difficult for any honest man to work with Ferdinand. See Calendar, etc., vol. ii. , 
pp. 42-47. 

3 The portion of Navarre north of the Pyrenees was a prey to almost con- 
stant anarchy until 1530, when it was abandoned by Charles V, to its rightful 
owners. H. 


II. Henry VIII. of England. 

By the Treaty of Orthez, Ferdinand had, as he fondly hoped, 
at length prepared the way for the accomplishment of his scheme 
for the redistribution of power in Europe. Yet the practical 
difficulties in the way of the consummation of his wishes appeared 
daily more and more insurmountable. The establishment of 
the great Italian kingdom would undoubtedly have been pleasing 
to the emperor, whose grandson was to be endowed therewith. 
But unless France was held in check by the fear of an English 
invasion and the possibility of a Spanish alliance, Louis would 
never allow the kingdom in Italy to be established ; and if 
Henry VIII. were allowed to perceive that he had been made a 
fool of by his father-in-law, in order to draw off the attention of 
France, and that he had no more chance of acquiring Guienne 
than he had of acquiring Granada, the choleric Englishman was 
capable of avenging himself, not only by abandoning his alliance 
with Spain, but even by hostile action in France or Italy. The 
position was critical in the extreme. That fiery old soldier, 
Julius II., had died in February, 1513 ; and in the following 
May, immediately after the Treaty of Orthez, a conference of 
the European Powers was held at Rome under the presidency of 
his subtle and politic successor, Leo. X. 

That nothing was settled by this Council of Nations is not 
surprising ; for every ambassador was provided with formal 
instructions to agree to everything, and with secret instructions 
to agree to nothing, that was proposed by any other power ; and 
no one was either deceived or convinced by any one else. 
Meanwhile Henry VIII., who had just concluded a treaty on 
his own account with the emperor at Malines, on the 5th of April, 
1513, introduced new complications by actually invading France. 
Ferdinand, while he professed an appropriate indignation to 
Louis XII., urged the English to prosecute the war with the 
utmost vigour. But the victory at Terouanne, near Boulogne, 
which is commonly called the Battle of the Spurs, in August, 
1513, failed to provoke the armed intervention of Ferdinand on 
either side ; and his son-in-law, having taken and occupied 
Tournay, entered into a new and closer alliance with the 
emperor, which was signed at Lille on the 17th of October, 
1513. Ferdinand replied by a solemn promise to Henry to 
invade and conquer Guienne for the English early in the next 
year an undertaking which he fulfilled by the renewal of the 


Treaty of Orthez with Louis XII. in March, 1514. The noblest 
schemes of a man so inherently and radically false, were, of 
necessity, foredoomed to failure and disappointment. 

By this time it is probable that, under any circumstances, 
Henry VIII. would have arrived at a just appreciation of the 
value of his father-in-law's promises. But his intelligence was 
quickened by the intervention of our old friend Don John 
Manuel. That accomplished diplomatist had judged it prudent, 
on the death of Philip at Burgos in 1506, to withdraw from 
Spain ; and he had acquired some influence at the court of the 
Emperor Maximilian in Flanders. Ferdinand the Catholic, justly 
judging that such influence was not likely to be favourable to his 
own political interests, had prudently arranged that Don John 
should be smuggled on board a Spanish ship at Antwerp, " that 
he might be conveyed as a prisoner to the place of which the 
captain only was informed". 1 "A ship," said Dr. Johnson, "is 
a prison with the chance of being drowned." The contingency, 
in the case of Captain Artieta's vessel, was so extremely pro- 
bable, that we can feel no doubt that the place only known 
to that loyal mariner was none other than the bottom of the 

So, at least, thought Don John Manuel, and he "contrived not 
only to remain on dry land, but having further obtained the 
direct and special protection of the emperor himself, 2 he pro- 
ceeded to busy himself, as a practical retort upon King Ferdinand 
of Spain, with the agreeable task of enlightening King Henry 

^Calendar, etc., etc. , vol. ii. , pp. 138, 139, 199. Letter of Ferdinand the 
Catholic. Written .in the margin, "is not to be overlooked; to be read with 
attention". The letter informs the confidential envoy that "Madame Margaret 
is willing to deliver Don John Manuel up to him as a prisoner. He is to tell her 
that Don John has not only rendered bad service to him (King Ferdinand), but 
also speaks so ill of lier, that for this alone he deserves punishment. He sends 
Artieta, who is the bearer of this despatch, with a ship which ostensibly sails with 
merchandise, but which, in fact, is sent for no other purpose than to convey Don 
John as a prisoner to the place of which Artieta is informed. If madame has not 
changed her mind, she is, with the greatest dexterity, and in such manner that 
nobody may be aware of it, to transport Don John on board ship, and to deliver 
him to Artieta to be carried away. This seems to be a small thing, but, in fact, it 
is very important." 

2 Maximilian to Margaret of Austria, loth January, 1514. Calendar, etc., 
vol. ii., pp. 199, 200 (No. 160). 

June, 1513. The Catholic King to Mosen Juan de Lanuza. Calendar, etc., 
vol. ii., p. 136 (No. 119). 

Henri VIII., commenfait enftn a' s'apercevoir quil avait td constamment joul 
par ses allies, et qu apris avoir fort diminu& les trtsors que lui avaient laissh son 
fere il ftait aussi loin quejamais de la conquete de la France. Sismondi, Hist, des 
Franfais, torn, xv., 659. 


VIII. of England as to the private character and political aims 
of his worthy father-in-law. 1 

The suspicions of the great Tudor were further aroused by 
the news of a secret treaty between Ferdinand, Louis and 
Maximilian, by which the French King was to marry Eleanor, 
the grand-daughter of the King of Aragon, and sister of Charles 
of Hapsburg ; and upon the 7th of August, 1514, Henry VIII. 
concluded a final treaty with France. One very important 
provision in this treaty was the cancellation of that secret 
convention by which Louis XII. was to marry the Archduchess 
Eleanor ; and the French King was immediately betrothed to 
Mary of England, whom he actually married some months 
afterwards, and who enjoyed but ten weeks of wedded life as 
Queen of France. 2 

The Peace of August, 1514, is not usually counted amongst 
the great treaties of mediaeval or of modern times, or even of 
the sixteenth century. It was maintained but a few months ; 
nor did either of the contracting parties at any time attach to 
it very great importance. Yet it changed the whole current of 
European history ; and its effect upon the political state of 
Europe is to some extent felt even at the present day. 

It was partly due to this treaty that King Henry VIII. was 
not permitted to " take the government of Scotland into his 
own hands," and that that country was afterwards united to 
England in a peaceful and lasting fashion ; and the great object 
of Ferdinand's ambition was made impossible. The kingdom of 
north Italy was not formed. And as the Infante Ferdinand 
could not thus be indemnified by a grant of territory to the south 
of the Alps, he did not renounce his claim to any part of the 
Austrian inheritance ; and as a division of the Austrian princi- 
palities would have prevented the formation of a powerful 
empire on the frontiers of Turkey, Charles had no choice but to 
abandon them entirely to his younger brother, who, thus 
endowed, became the only possible husband for the Princess 
Anne, through whom he acquired the kingdoms of Hungary and 
Bohemia. Charles was left, therefore, without any possessions in 
Germany or central Europe ; and although he succeeded his 
grandfather on the Imperial throne, he was crippled in his 

1 Calendar, etc., vol. il, Introd., pp. 81-83. 

A general truce had been previously signed at Orleans on the iijth of March, 
1514. Rymer, xiii.. p. 395; Calendar, etc., ii., pp. 230-234; and Sismondi, Jtv., 

2 Louis XII. died on New Year's Day, 1515. 


political movements during the whole of his life, by the fact 
that he was regarded as an alien within the empire. Nor was 
he able at the close of his most splendid and eventful reign to 
secure the succession to the Imperial purple for his favourite son, 
Philip of Spain and the Indies. It was the younger branch of 
the Hapsburgs that in future gave emperors to Europe ; and as 
neither Spain nor the newly discovered islands and continents 
of the West, neither the Burgundian dominions, nor Naples, 
nor Sicily, nor Milan belonged to the Kaiser at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
Charles V. was the last prince of the House of Hapsburg who was 
in a position even to aspire to universal empire in Europe. 1 

III. Death of Ferdinand. 

By the year 1513 the life of Ferdinand had become as 
wretched as his bitterest enemy could have desired. Chagrined 
at his failure of issue by Queen Germaine ; at enmity with his 
successor, jealous of his nobles, suspicious of all the world, he 
fled from town to town throughout Spain, seeking rest and finding 
none ; harassed by business, incapable of pleasure, consumed by 
his old ambition, but never cheered by his old success. 

In March, 150.9, Queen Germaine had been delivered of a 
son, who received from his parents the name of John. But the 
curse that lay upon the children of Ferdinand was not yet spent ; 
and the rival of Charles V., the heir of Aragon, Sardinia, Naples 

1 It may be seriously questioned whether Ferdinand ever intended, if he could 
help it, his elder grandson to succeed to Spain as well as the empire. His anxiety, 
like that of all his Aragonese predecessors, was to extend the influence of Spain 
towards the East, and to prevent the expansion of France in that direction. He 
was surely too wise to desire to burden Spain with the new responsibilities in the 
north entailed by the possession of the empire and the dominions of the House of 
Burgundy responsibilities which ultimately caused her ruin. Ferdinand more 
probably desired that his grandson Ferdinand should ultimately succeed to Spain 
and Naples as well as north Italy, in order that Spain might continue the secular 
policy of Aragon ; and that Charles should inherit the empire and Flanders. 
Such a combination would have crippled France utterly, and have secured Italy 
and perhaps the Levant for Spain. When Charles had inherited Spain as well as 
the empire his life-long struggle to obtain dominion over north Italy had quite a 
different object from that of his grandfather. His policy was no longer Aragonese 
expansion towards the East, but to shut in and surround France with the territories 
of the empire, and provide an easy road by land for the transport of Spanish 
troops into Germany, Franche Comte', Luxemburg and Flanders. In other words 
the policy of Ferdinand was directed to increase the influence of Spain, whilst 
the policy of his grandson Charles was necessarily that of using Spain for the 
forwarding of a set of Imperial and Burgundian interests in which Spain, as such, 
had no concern. Ferdinand's intentions, however, rest mainly upon conjecture, 
and evidently before his death he recognised that circumstances were too strong for 
him to attempt to deprive Charles of any part of his inheritance. H. 


and Sicily, was permitted to gladden the envious heart of his 
father by but a few hours of life. As years passed on there 
seemed little chance of any further issue of the King and Queen 
of Aragon. The unity of Spain at length appeared to be secure. 
But the ambition of Ferdinand was even surpassed by his jealousy. 
Childless, vindictive and obstinate, he chafed at the ill-success 
of his personal schemes ; and rather than open the prison gates 
at Tordesillas, or suffer the crown of United Spain to pass over 
to his daughter's son and heir, he sought, at the hands of some 
medical impostor, the powers that were denied to his old age. 
The drug that was to have renewed his youth destroyed his 
constitution, and his death was the direct result of one of the 
least creditable of the many developments of his jealousy, his 
obstinacy and his selfishness. 

During the whole of the year 1514, and the greater part of 
1515, the king's condition grew worse. His restlessness became 
more marked, his physical suffering more acute, his loneliness 
more grievous. 

Isabella had given place to a frivolous Frenchwoman. The 
Great Captain was languishing, as the great admiral had languished, 
ere he died of a broken heart, despising the false heart of his 
sovereign. Navarro was in prison in Italy ; Joanna was in prison 
in Castile ; Ximenez, negligent and neglected, sat silent in his 
library on the Henares, awaiting the inevitable regency ; Don 
John Manuel was an honoured correspondent between Brussels 
and London. 1 Henry of England, Maximilian of Germany, 
Charles of Luxemburg, Louis of France, John of Navarre, 
Leo X., who had lately succeeded Julius II. at Rome, and the 
rulers of every state in Italy, agreed only in this, that Ferdinand 
of Aragon was a king with whom no prudent or honourable man 
could desire to treat or to deal. The only personage in Europe 
of whom he had not yet become jealous was his grandson and 
namesake, the younger son of the unhappy Joanna, a boy of 
nine years old. Yet the Italian kingdom that he had destined 
for Ferdinand had come to nought. The most prudent, the 
most statesmanlike, and the most generous project of his life 
had been shattered by his own perfidy. 

As he could not bequeath Italy to his grandson, he determined 
to indemnify him in the Peninsula ; and anxious also to spite the 
one great man that yet lived in Spain, he committed to the child, 

1 A new treaty of peace and alliance with Henry VIII. of England was due 
to the exertions of Cardinal Wolsey, and was signed in London in December, 


by his royal will and testament, the Regency of Aragon and 
Castile. But to this, at least, his council could not consent ; and 
the sick man was forced to give his grudging and envious assent 
to the substitution of the name of Ximenez for that of Ferdinand 
in his political testament as Regent of Castile. The Regency of 
Aragon was confided to his natural son, the Archbishop of Sara- 
gossa. 1 

But towards Gonsalvo de Cordova he was drawn by neither 
fear nor favour ; and the indignant hero was moved, towards the 
close of the year 1515, to seek in another land the consideration 
that was denied to him in Spain. His loyal nature was at last 
weary of the mean jealousy, of the perjured faith and the stupid 
ingratitude of the King of Aragon. His soul chafed at being 
virtually imprisoned, in the very theatre of so many of his former 
exploits, by a sovereign who owed so much to his devotion and 
to his loyalty ; and in the autumn of the year 1515, he prepared 
to embark for Flanders, with his banished nephew, Don Pedro, 
Marquis of Priego, the Count of UreHa, and his future son-in-law, 
the Count de Cabra, the head of the great rival house of Cordova, 
now, indeed like so many of the other noble and knightly 
houses of Castile, shorn of its splendour by the oppressive policy 
of Ferdinand. But the Great Captain was not a man to take even 
a step of this sort in secret. The news of his preparations reached 
Ferdinand. The king sent word that no ship of any sort should 
leave Malaga without a royal permit ; and gave orders for Gon- 
salvo's arrest. But the old soldier was not doomed to suffer this 
last indignity at the bidding of his sovereign. Death anticipated 
the royal officer. And on the 2nd of December, 1515, in his 

1 Carbajal, Anales (1516), cap. ii. ; but cf. Zurita, lib. x., cap. xcix. 

It is sometimes stated without a shadow of reason that Ferdinand at one 
time intended to leave his crown of Aragon by will to his favourite grandson. 

With all his faults and weaknesses, Ferdinand the Catholic never seems to 
have contemplated the dismemberment of Spain, so gloriously united by his 
marriage with Isabella. His policy would no doubt have been changed by the 
birth of a son to him by Germaine ; but it is hard enough to know what Ferdinand 
the Catholic did, without seeking to guess what he might have done. His dream 
of sovereignty for his grandson Ferdinand was in Italy or southern Europe ; and 
he was the last man to leave as a heritage to his grandson the civil war which 
would inevitably have followed an attempt by the brothers to divide the kingdom 
of Spain, legitimately united in the person of their mother, Joanna, and actually 
to be enjoyed by her eldest son. 

With the destruction of all his schemes for the establishment of a kingdom of 
United Italy, Ferdinand's great European scheme was brought to nought. 

His last endeavour, as regards his grandson Ferdinand, was to endow him, 
not with the sovereignty of what was once the kingdom of Aragon, but with the 
Regency of United Spain (with the hope, doubtless, that his regency might later 
be converted into sovereignty. H.). 


palace in Granada, the Great Captain was released from his 
worldly allegiance, and took his place among the departed heroes 
of his country. 1 

The death of Gonsalvo brought to Ferdinand neither sorrow 
nor satisfaction. Ximenez was firm in his refusal to reside at 
court, and he remained at Alc-ahi " attendant," as Baudier quaintly 
has it, que Dieujist de ce Prince selon le d&crel de sa volontt. 

At length came the inevitable end ; and at the wretched 
hamlet of Madrigalejo, near Guadalupe, in the mountains of 
Estremadura, on the 23rd of January of the new year 1516, 
Ferdinand died ; and Spain was at length a UNITED KINGDOM. 
But, by the bitterest irony of fate, at the very moment that 
national unity was secured, national independence was lost. 
While the Spanish queen lay in prison in Castile, the sallow 
foreigner from Flanders was summoned to sit upon her throne, 
and the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon, after so many changes 
and chances, found themselves at last united, only to make a 
rich province in the empire of the Hapsburg, the brightest jewel 
in the crown of a German Caesar. 2 

1 His wife Dona Maria survived her husband but a few days. The whole of 
Gonsalvo's possessions passed to his daughter Elvira, whose marriage with the 
Count de Cabra was in due time solemnised, and their eldest son, called after his 
grandfather Gonsalvo Fernandez, filled the important offices of Governor of Milan, 
and Captain-General of Italy, under the Emperor Charles V. 

2 A letter of 22nd January, 1516, written by Ferdinand on his death-bed, to 
Prince Charles, is preserved at Simancas, and published in the Documentor I neditos, 
torn. xiv. , p. 353. Ferdinand says that although he could dispose of his kingdoms, 
que en nuestra vida han sido acrescentados de nuestra corona real de Aragon, as he 
pleased, yet that he had not done so for el amor que os tenemos ; and asking him, 
in return for such favour, to be kind and good to his widow Germaine. The letter 
is endorsed, Carta muy notable. 



I. Supplementary 

THE history of Spain from the death of Ferdinand the Catholic 
until the election of his grandson, Charles of Hapsburg, to the 
Imperial throne in Germany, is beyond the scope of these 
volumes. The capable and masterful administration of Ximenez 
in Castile, the ingratitude of Charles at Brussels, the rapacity of 
the Flemings at Valladolid, the waning powers of the captive 
queen at Tordesillas, and, above all, the new position that was 
occupied by Spain and the Spaniards towards the empire, and 
the vast responsibilities which the connection entailed ; all this 
would need many chapters for its record and development. 

But there is one episode, characteristic at once of the aspira- 
tions and the methods of mediaeval Spain, that belongs rather to 
the fifteenth than to the sixteenth century, albeit the result had 
an immense influence upon the fortunes of Spain and of Europe 
at a most critical period of the history of the world ; and with a 
brief supplementary chapter, telling of the inception, of the nature 
and of the suppression of the revolt of the Comuneros of Castile, 
I will bring this sketch of ancient and mediaeval history to a 
final, and, I trust, not an inappropriate conclusion. 

II. Carolus Rex Romanorum. 

Within a few days after the death of Ximenez, Charles, the 
first king of that name who had ever reigned in the Peninsula, 
made his triumphant entry into Valladolid, on the 18th of 
November, 1517. He was nearly eighteen years of age, of 
moderate stature, slight in figure, but excelling in all rude and 

1517.] CESAR. 289 

martial exercises, illiterate, inconsiderate, and hardly displaying 
that capacity for affairs which even then he undoubtedly possessed. 

He had up to this time resided exclusively in the Low 
Countries, and had been brought up by a Flemish tutor, William 
de Croy, lord of Chievres, under the spiritual guidance of Adrian 
of Utrecht. The young prince was grave, self-contained, taciturn. 
His ignorance of the Spanish language rendered any communica- 
tion between him and his Castilian subjects well-nigh impossible. 
His court, moreover, was composed almost exclusively of Flemings, 
who soon monopolised every position of honour or profit under 
the crown. 

William de Croy, a nephew of the lord of Chievres, a youth 
not even of canonical age, was hastily appointed to sit upon the 
throne of Ximenez as Primate of Spain ; l and one Sauvage, an 
obscure Fleming, succeeded the great cardinal as Chancellor of 
Castile. But the Spanish nobility had been humbled under 
Ferdinand and Isabella, and they were very far from having 
recovered their ancient influence under the brief but despotic 
administration of Ximenez. 

The Commons of Castile were more ready to assert their 
power; and in January, 1518, they assembled in the convent of 
St. Paul at Valladolid. Charles had called himself King of 
Spain ; but the royal title belonged of right to his mother Joanna ; 
and it was with much difficulty that the Cortes was induced to 
accept the young prince as their titular sovereign, in conjunction 
with his mother, whose name was to take precedence of his own 
in the royal writs and proclamations. Nor was this modified 
recognition agreed to until the king had consented, as a condition 
precedent, to swear that he would observe the laws and customs 
of the kingdom. 2 

Content with this practical, if theoretically partial, recogni- 
tion, of which the value was enhanced by a handsome subsidy, 

1 Peter Martyr, Efist. , 655. 

a Guardar las libertades, privilejios, usos, y buenas costumbres del Reino. 

No less than eighty-eight petitions for the redress of grievances were presented 
to the king at the same time. Some of them are sufficiently curious, as for 
instance : 

That the king shall take a wife as soon as possible. 

That the king shall learn to speak Spanish. 

That the exportation of horses be forbidden. 

That the Inquisition be required to do justice according to law, with the 
bishops acting as judges. 

That grants in mortmain to churches be forbidden. 

That no man be compelled to receive, against his will, nor to pay for, a Papal 

VOL. IL 19 


Charles set out for Saragossa, where the Commons of Aragon 
showed themselves less compromising and by far less liberal than 
the formalists of Valladolid. In Catalonia the popular feeling 
was still more adverse, and a confederacy of cities, unsupported 
by the nobles of either Castile or Aragon, submitted a bold 
though respectful remonstrance to Charles at Barcelona, early 
in 1519. 

The young king had contrived in a very short space of time 
to make himself exceedingly unpopular in Spain. His abrupt 
and ungrateful dismissal of Ximenez, his exclusive patronage 
of Flemish courtiers, his ignorance of the Spanish language, his 
disregard of the Spanish people, were alike distasteful to his 
new subjects, already disposed to be jealous of a sovereign who 
had never set foot in their country, and whose mother, the 
legitimate Queen of Castile, was kept in confinement within the 
realm. The appointments of De Croy, of Sauvage, and of Cardinal 
Adrian were no less offensive than the removal of his brother 
Ferdinand to Flanders. 

Thus all Spain was offended, apprehensive, ill at ease. But 
before the growing discontent in the Peninsula could be dealt 
with, or even fully appreciated, a new current was given to the 
personal ambition of the young king by the death of his grand- 
father, the Emperor Maximilian on the 18th of January, 1519- 
Universal empire was already the dream of Charles' life. The 
marriage of his brother Ferdinand and the division of the inherit- 
ance of the Hapsburgs in central Europe had, indeed, reduced 
his territorial possessions in Germany to a cypher. Yet it was 
upon the empire that all his thoughts were now fixed ; and his 
more solid position as King of United, Spain was disregarded, 
if not actually despised. Charles I. of Spain is not spoken of, 
even by the pedants of history, by his Spanish style and title, 
but is ever known as the fifth German Charles, whose capital was 
at Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Three European princes at once sought the suffrages pf the 
electors l : Francis I. of France, Henry VIII. of England, and 
Charles I. of Spain. The intrigues, the bribery, the endless 
negotiations, the intervention of Leo X.,,the attempted election 
of Frederic of Saxony, and the final success of Charles of Haps- 

J The seven Electors at the time of the death of Maximilian were : i. Louis, 
King of Bohemia ; 2. Frederic, Duke of Saxony ; 3. Albert of Brandenburg, 
Archbishop of Mentz ; 4. Hermann of Wied, Archbishop of Cologne ; 5. Richard 
of Greiffenklau, Archbishop of Treves ; 6. Joachim, Marquess of Brandenburg ; 
7. Louis, Count Palatine of the Rhino. 

1520.] (LESAR. 291 

burg, these things form a long and not uninteresting chapter in 
the history of Germany and of Europe. The effect upon Spain 
was immediately and permanently disastrous. On the 28th of 
June, 1519, just six months after the death of Maximilian, 
Charles was duly elected as his successor by the Assembly at 
Frankfort-on-the- Maine. The news was received by him nine 
days later at Barcelona, and the young prince, who had but 
recently landed in his hereditary dominions, where he had so 
hardly been recognised as king, made immediate preparations 
to return to his beloved Germany to claim the barren title of 
emperor. 1 

If the Spaniards had up to this been indignant, they now 
became rebellious, and if any possible pretender could have 
been found throughout the length and breadth of Spain, the 
young kaiser would have been sorely put to it to retain his 
Spanish crown. But the pretender was not forthcoming, for 
the popular young Ferdinand had been prudently spirited away. 

To provide for the expenses of Charles' expedition a new 
subsidy was required ; and the emperor-elect could think of 
nothing better calculated to allay the irritation among his Spanish 
subjects, than to summon a Cortes to vote the needful supplies, 
which should meet, not at Burgos, nor at Valladolid, but in the 
wildest and most distant corner of the Peninsula, at Santiago de 
Compostella, in Gallicia. 2 At Santiago, accordingly, the Commons 
assembled, at the end of March, 1520, well prepared with peti- 
tions and remonstrances against the king's proceedings. On the 
first critical division the court party could only secure a majority 
of one in the chamber ; but the sitting having been adjourned 
to Corunna, and every art of flattery, of menace, with bribery, 
direct and indirect, having been lavished by the king upon the 
members of the Cortes, the subsidy was finally voted, and Charles 
sailed away the next morning, leaving his faithful Commons to 
reckon with their enraged constituents. 3 

1 Not having been crowned by the Pope, Charles was considered to be only 
emperor-elect, and entitled to be styled King of the Romans. It would be some- 
what pedantic so to speak of him. Yet it must be remembered that his Imperial 
position, technically, was incomplete. It is sufficiently strange that until the death 
of Joanna, in 1555, he was not de jure even King of Spain. 

2 The departure of the new emperor from Barcelona was anything but dignified. 
He withdrew himself suddenly from his palace during a storm of rain, and antici- 
pated by a few minutes the approach of a body of some 6000 armed citizens who 
had intended to prevent his departure. 

3 Demonstrations against the deputies broke out before Charles left Corunna. 
The revolt rapidly spread through Castile, the property of most of the deputies 
being destroyed, and they themselves hanged. H. 


The immediate destination of Charles, when he set sail from 
Corunna on the 20th of May, 1520, was not Flanders, but 
England : and on the 26th of May he landed at Dover. His 
interview with his uncle, Henry VIII., was cordial in the ex- 
treme, and in spite of the magnificent and flattering reception 
of the King of England but a few days later by Francis I., " 'twixt 
Guines and Ard/' on the Field of the Cloth of Gold, the alliance 
between Charles and Henry was undisturbed. A return visit, 
indeed, was paid by the King of England to the emperor-elect 
at Gravelines on the 10th of July ; and on the 14th of the same 
month a secret treaty was signed at Calais, by which both princes 
engaged themselves to refrain from any alliance with France. 
But we are concerned not with the history of Europe nor of 
the empire, but with that of the Spanish people. 

III. The Germania of Valencia. 

The antagonism between the nobility and the people had 
always been more strongly marked in Valencia than in Aragon, 
or even in Castile, while the temper of the inhabitants was ever 
turbulent and unmanageable. In the summer of the year 1519, 
the plague broke out in the capital. The nobles, with many of 
the municipal officers, fled from the city, and the rumour spread 
abroad that the Moors of Algiers were about to take possession 
of the abandoned seaport. Some trivial outbreak displayed the 
power of the ungoverned citizens, and a JUNTA, or Council of 
Thirteen, was speedily constituted by popular election, under 
the leadership of two artisans, Juan Lorenza and Guillem Sorolla, 
who assumed the supreme power in the city. 

The authorities, alarmed at the revolt, sent commissioners 
to the emperor-elect at Barcelona. But the delegates of the 
rebel council were not far behind them. Charles was about to 
set out for Aix-la-Chapelle, chafing at every delay, and in the 
worst of humours with the notables of Castile. To the noble 
delegates from Valencia he made answer that a Cortes should at 
once be summoned to meet in their city, but that as he himself 
could not attend, the Cardinal Adrian should preside in his stead. 
To the artisans he granted, whether to spite the nobles for their 
tardy recognition, or in pure ignorance of the gravity of the 
situation, the right of armed meeting and independent organisa- 
tion at Valencia. 

Never, surely, was coquetting with treason followed by more 

1521.] CESAR. 293 

swift and sudden disaster. On the last day of February, 1520, 
while Charles was on his way into Gallicia, the rebels, who were 
known by the name of Germaneros, held a great review at Valen- 
cia, at which 8000 armed men rallied round the standard of the 
Gennania, and the Cardinal Governor was compelled to add the 
unwilling sanction of his presence to this declaration of civil war. 
Jativa, Murviedro, Segorbe, Orihuela and all the adjoining towns, 
with the single exception of Morella, proclaimed the Genna //<>/,' 
and the rebels, shouting Viva el Rey, everywhere took possession 
of the government. Unpopular nobles were hanged ; houses 
and castles were burned or sacked. Mob law, under the uncertain 
guidance of the Junta, or Council of Thirteen, prevailed through- 
out the country. An ordinance of July, 1520, prescribed that 
no plebeian, of what crime soever he might be guilty, should 
be put to death, unless a noble was hanged at the same 
time, an ultra democratic system of criminal procedure un- 
rivalled, perhaps, in the codes of the mediaeval or modern 
world. At length the fugitive nobles took heart of grace, and 
seeking to unite their forces with those of the single city that 
held its ground against the Germaneros, succeeded in routing a 
large body of those irregular troops outside the very walls of 
Morella. 2 

This was the turning point in the insurrection. Union had 
been met by union. Charles, mindful at length of his former 
errors, sent a gracious message from Aix-la-Chapelle. The 
nobles were less successful at Jativa, where the citadel fell into 
the hands of the Gennania; and in two or three battles during 
the summer of 1521, in the neighbourhood of Valencia, great 
numbers were slain on either side, without any decided advantage 
to either party. Yet the anarchy in Valencia died a natural 
death. An administration of hot-headed artisans was not made 
to endure ; and before the end of the year the Junta, uncon- 
quered by king or kaiser, voluntarily abandoned their authority 
to their more legitimate opponents ; and a few irreconcilables 
only retired, under the leadership of the bold velvet-cutter 

1 The one was a wool carder, the other a weaver. The word Germania 
answers exactly to the Castilian hermandad - - a brotherhood, inasmuch as the 
Limousin word Germd = hermano = brother. The fact of the association having 
been first heard of under a German king has given rise to some absurd etymologies. 

2 Morella, an inland city not far from Torlosa, at the mouth of the Ebro, 
was the Castro. slia of the Romans and the winter quarters oi Sertorius. It is 
still a strong, as well as a most picturesque, frontier fortress, with its steep streets, 
Moorish walls and towers ; standing, as it does, upon a height to all appearance 


Vicente Peris, to make a last stand at the little town of Jativa, 
The Roman Valeria Augusta, the Setabis of earlier days, 
and the Xativa of the Moors, a city famous under every dynasty 
that bore rule in the Peninsula, Jativa stands upon a height 
overlooking the sea, and its lofty castle commands an extensive 
view over the green Vega of Valencia, whose gardens are a 
" paradise of flowers and fruit " ; the richest land in all Spain. 1 
From December, 1521, to May, 1522, the town held out. A 
sudden assault was even made by the garrison upon the 
neighbouring capital ; but Vicente Peris was killed in the 
streets, and the insurgents were repulsed with heavy loss. 

A royal or pseudo-royal pretender, who is supposed to 
have been a Castilian Jew, took the place of the velvet-cutter 
at Jativa, and, asserting that he was a legitimate son of Prince 
John of Castile and Margaret of Flanders, made head for some 
weeks against the regular government. This new leader was 
treacherously killed on the 19th of May, and his body burned 
by the Holy Office ; yet Jativa did not submit to the besiegers 
until the following September ; although the garrison was 
reduced to such slender proportions that the walls are said to 
have been entirely defended by women for some weeks before 
the final surrender. 2 The usual executions followed the inevit- 
able success ; and order at length reigned at Valencia. 

IV. The Comuneros of Castile. 

In the meantime Castile had been the scene of popular 
disturbances, more extensive, more remarkable, and in every 
way more serious than those of the Germania of Valencia 
being rather a quasi-constitutional revolt, better known in 
general history as the war of the Comunidades, or Comuneros of 

As Charles was on the point of setting out from Corunna 
for Flanders, the news had reached him of a rising at Toledo ; 
and the return of the deputies to Segovia was the signal for a 
new outbreak of popular indignation against the king who had 
abandoned his country to rapacious foreigners, and against the 

1 The home of the Borgias and the birth-place in later days (1588) of Ribera, 
the painter. No stronger fortress, no richer magazine could have been found 
within reach of Valencia. 

2 The rising of the Germania extended also to Majorca, where the civil war 
was attended with many horrors, but was more promptly suppressed by the 
despatch of a royal fleet. 

1521.] C^SAR. 295 

delegates who had been unfaithful to their trust. That the 
Flemings should monopolise the administration of Castile, and 
send sackfuls of gold castellanos out of the country by every 
ship that sailed from Spain for the north, was bad enough. 
But that the representatives of the Castilian cities, who had 
followed their flying king into far-away Gallicia, to remonstrate 
with him upon his conduct, should have been prevailed upon to 
burden their fellows with unusually oppressive taxation, to pro- 
vide an enormous subsidy for his foreign enterprises that, at 
least, was not to be borne. The returning deputies were received 
as traitors to Castile. At Segovia, where heads were ever hot and 
hands hasty, they were promptly hanged by their constituents. 
The representatives of Zamora more prudently kept away from 
their city ; and were no less promptly, if less effectively, burnt 
in effigy. 

At Madrid, at Guadalajara, at Alcal&, at Soria, at Toro, at 
Avila, at Cuenca, the people rose. Blood was spilt by the 
authorities and by the rebels ; but as yet the disturbances were 
local and special protests, rather than civil war. At Burgos the 
appointment as corregidor of a good Castilian, the Constable 
Inigo de Velasco, was hailed with satisfaction even by such 
zealous tribunes of the people as Doctor Zumiel ; and every- 
where the cry was " Long live the king ! Death to his evil 
councillors!" Viva el Rey ! y mueran los malos imnistros ! But 
the king was far away. The evil councillors had been left 
behind. Castile drifted from remonstrance into rebellion; and 
Cardinal Adrian, returning from Santiago, undertook savage 
measures of repression. 

Medina del Campo, in the year of grace 1521, was one of 
the richest cities in Castile. It was not only the great mart 
and emporium of central Spain, but it had long been one of 
the favourite places of residence of the Castilian court. The 
prudence of Cardinal Ximenez had established a vast magazine 
of military stores within the walls. Three great fairs in each 
year attracted the merchants and traders of every country in 
Europe. Nowhere was to be found such a profusion of costly 
stuffs, of fine cloth, of rich brocades, of tapestries, of carpets. 
The jewellers, moreover, and workers in metals of every kind 
were no less celebrated than their brother craftsmen. 

Medina was not only an emporium, it was a granary. Lying 
in the centre of the great wheat country of the Peninsula, its 
merchants supplied at once all the necessaries and all the 
luxuries of life. But Medina had assisted Segovia in its op- 


position to the foreigner, and the foreigner revenged himself 
without mercy. The city was taken, plundered, burnt. Nine 
hundred houses are said to have been utterly destroyed. Of 
the rich merchandise within them, nothing was left to the 
owners or to Spain. Medina was ravaged beyond restoration. 
Nor did the city at any time recover or seek to renew its old 
importance. Trade was turned into other channels. Riches no 
longer sought a home in the blackened ruins. And although 
the proud name of Medina del Campo is still borne by the little 
town which gives its name to a modern railway station in Castile, 
there is nothing left to remind the traveller of the glories of a 
forgotten past. 1 

The destruction of Medina del Campo was the signal for 
civil war. Every town and city prepared to assert its rights. 
The tocsin was rung in Valladolid, the seat of the Viceregal 
Government. Burgos declared for the Comuneros. Nor were 
the central provinces alone affected. In Aragon, indeed, thanks 
to the great influence of the nobles, domestic peace was main- 
tained. 2 But the insurrection spread from Castile to the 
southern provinces. Badajoz and Seville, Jaen, Ubeda and 
Baeza sent their delegates to a popular assembly at Avila, which 
was known as the Junta Santa. Nothing could have been 
less like the conduct of the Germaneros at Valencia than that 
of the Comuneros of Castile. Nothing could be more orderly 
than the meeting of their assembly. Nothing could be more 
reasonable than their declaration of grievances. They expressed 
their loyalty to the king, their desire for peace and good order, 
their detestation only of the foreigners and their oppression. 
The appointment of a stranger to act as Regent of Castile was 
pronounced unconstitutional, and Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht 
was invited to resign his charge. 

At this critical moment all eyes were turned to poor 
Joanna, the legitimate Queen of Spain, shut up in prison at 
Tordesillas. The cardinal, ignoring the State fiction of her 
insanity, applied to her for a confirmation of his authority 
as regent. Surprised at this sudden manifestation of respect, 
the queen, not unwisely, hesitated ; and before she had satisfied 
herself of the reasonableness of Adrian's demands, Juan de 
Padilla and Juan Bravo, the leaders of the Comuneros, made 

1 There are now (1894) about 4000 inhabitants, thanks to the new railway 

2 It may be added that Aragon had not the same reason for rising as Castile. 
The Cortes of Aragon had only grudgingly voted the usual supplies. H. 

1521.] CvESAR. 297 

their appearance at the castle, and demanded her royal assistance 
for Spain. 

Joanna, shut out from all knowledge of contemporary affairs, 
might well have been perplexed at the situation ; yet she seems 
to have behaved with considerable discretion. Her signature 
was not affixed to the decree submitted by the regent, but 
Padilla received a commission as Captain-General of the king- 
dom, and the Santa Junta was invited to assemble at Tordesillas, 
where the learned Doctor Zuniga of Salamanca, exposed to the 
queen, in repeated audiences, the grievances that vexed the 
people of Castile. 

The political fable of Joanna's madness was thus entirely 
forgotten by her contemporaries ; and historians are content, 
as a rule, with the assertion that she was enjoying a " lucid 
interval " ; yet it was not to be supposed that the feeble and 
ignorant prisoner could direct a constitutional revolution. No 
Berengaria was she to steer a bold and prudent course amid 
the rocks of contending factions ; nor did any saviour of society 
stand forward in these trying times. The hour had come, but 
not the man. Padilla and Bravo were good enough as guerillcrox. 
The Junta was composed of worthy citizens ; but a leader of 
men was not found in Spain. Yet the result would have been 
very different, had not the Castilian nobles, more jealous of the 
power of the Commons than of the authority of the foreigner, 
held aloof from Tordesillas, or declared for Charles of Hapsburg. 1 
The people, unaided by their natural and national leaders, 
became at once unruly and despondent. Joanna hesitated, and 
was forgotten. 

A letter of remonstrance in very humble language was ad- 
dressed by the Junta to Charles, and the young emperor, who 
showed at least a juster appreciation of the situation than might 
have been supposed from his former proceedings, shut up the 
bearer in the Imperial prison at Worms ; vouchsafed no reply to 
his rebellious subjects ; but wrote urgent letters to his Flemings 
in Spain, commanding them to seek the assistance and support 
of the native nobility : while at the same time -he appointed the 

*This was to a great extent the fault of the Comuneros themselves. In their 
great petition of eighty-two clauses, embodying a perfect scheme of advanced 
reform in all branches of political life, they were unwise enough to include 
demands directed against the privileges of the nobles. They must be debarred 
from office in the revenue or domains and royal fortresses ; their towns and lands 
must be assessed for taxation like the property of commoners ; no more grants of 
nobility must be made, and so on. This naturally turned the nobility against the 
movement. H. 


Constable liiigo de Velasco and the Admiral of Spain, Don 
Fadrique Henriquez, to be coadjutors of the discredited regent. 
No conduct could have been more discreet. Spain at length felt 
the firm hand of a master. Burgos returned to its allegiance. 
Simancas had never joined the Comuneros. The queen remained 
at Tordesillas. The Junta had wasted precious time ; and an ill- 
considered attempt to enlist the services of one of the great 
territorial lords was attended with the most disastrous conse- 
quences, when Don Pedro Giron, the eldest son of the Count 
of Urena, was named Captain-General of the popular forces, in 
place of the brave Juan de Padilla. That noble-hearted and 
true patriot was content, indeed, with a subordinate command in 
the army of his countrymen ; but Don Pedro, gained over by an 
ecclesiastical emissary from the royal camp, treacherously with- 
drew his forces on the approach of the Imperialists. Tordesillas 
was taken and sacked; the queen was once more subjected to a 
rigorous imprisonment ; and the traitor Giron was suffered to 
return to his estates. 1 

The disaster was irreparable. Yet the insurrection was far 
from being suppressed. Juan de Padilla, notwithstanding the 
jealous opposition of the President of the Junta, Don Pedro Laso 
de la Vega, was re-elected Captain-General of the Comuneros ; 
and a severe blow was inflicted by him upon the Imperialists near 
the ruins of Medina del Campo ; but a want of harmony in the 
councils of the insurgents prevented their chief from recovering 
Tordesillas, and once more setting free the queen. Torrelobaton, 
indeed, was taken. But the advantage was not followed up, 
and the insurgent leaders were amused by negotiations with the 
Imperialists, while Pedro Laso de la Vega was making his own 
terms for the betrayal of the Junta with the regent and his 
Flemish advisers. The blue blood of Castile had, indeed, lost its 
ancient virtue. 

Bishop Acuna of Zamora, a sexagenarian prelate of the good 
old fighting school that had well-nigh passed away, remained the 
sole chief and director of the national party ; and he was pro- 
claimed Archbishop of Toledo by a tumultuous assembly in the 
cathedral of the metropolitan city. Prior Zufiiga, his rival in 
camp and choir, took advantage of his absence within the sacred 
precincts of Toledo it was on Good Friday, 1521 to attack 

1 D. Pedro Laso de Vega, President of the Junta, had unhappily become 
jealous of Juan de Padilla. Senor Lafuente (xi. , 173) justly takes Robertson to 
task for his ignorance and want of appreciation of the contemporary history of 
Castile, in supposing that Giron was no traitor. 

1521.] CAESAR. -M.I 

and plunder the neighbouring town of Mora, where some 4000 
Comuiieros, who had taken refuge in the church, were burnt 
alive within the very walls of the disregarded sanctuary. 

The evil passions that had been so constantly fed with the 
blood of Jews and Moors and Indians were now directed without 
restraint against Catholics and Castilians. But the conduct of 
those who fought for the Fleming and the foreigner seems, upon 
a calm review of the circumstances, to have been more atrocious 
by far than that of the humbler patriots who fought, albeit 
unwisely, for the ancient privileges of Castile. Yet it was but 
natural that, as the contest was continued, the character of the 
rising should have changed; and that what was at first little 
more than a political demonstration a remonstrance, unconsti- 
tional, but not unprovoked should have become a desultory 
and aimless rebellion, an exhibition of the old antagonism 
between the Have-nots and the Haves. 

The nobility, lukewarm from the first, were completely 
alienated by the excesses of the Comuneros. The Junta ceased 
even to direct the movements of its former supporters. The end 
was not far off. On 23rd April, 1521, at Villalar a little town 
between Toro and Torrelobaton, the insurgent army, marching 
unadvisedly across a morass, was surprised and cut to pieces by 
the Imperialists without the loss of a single man. It was a 
massacre, not a battle ; and it sealed the fate of the insurrection. 

Padilla, Maldonado and Bravo, the three chiefs of the 
Communal forces, were taken prisoners, and immediately exe- 
cuted, under circumstances of extreme indignity. Yet the noble 
widow of Padilla continued the contest for a few months, and 
added her name to the long roll of honour of the many heroines 
of Spain. 

Dona Maria Pacheco, a daughter of the Count of Tendilla, 
and a sister of the Marquis of Villena, in whose frail and 
delicate body was found a spirit no less bold than that of her 
noble husband, had married Juan de Padilla in the year 1505. 
She was residing at the time of the massacre of Villalar, in her 
husband's house at Toledo. She had won the admiration of the 
citizens, not long before, by a solemn and ceremonious appropria- 
tion of the church plate to the needs of the Comunidad, a piece 
of patriotic sacrilege so reverentially executed, that even the 
cathedral clergy did not venture to oppose it, though it was not 
likely that they should approve or forget it ; and on heariiig of 
the disaster at Villalar, Dona Maria took upon herself the defence 
of the city. Acuna, the fighting Bishop of Zamora, was content 


for some time to lend her his valuable support ; but at length, 
judging, no doubt, that further resistance had become impossible, 
he stole out of the city by night, and falling into the hands of 
the implacable Prior of San Juan, he was sent to the castle of 
Simancas, where he was subsequently executed l after five years' 
imprisonment, in March, 1526. Dona Maria, seeing that no 
hope remained of useful resistance, and willing to cut short the 
horrors of a siege, obtained from Prior Zuniga, who commanded 
the besiegers, most honourable terms of capitulation, which were 
signed at the neighbouring monastery of La Sisla, by virtue of 
which Toledo opened its gates to the Imperial troops on the 25th 
of October, 1521. 2 

But the peace was of short duration. In the course of some 
ecclesiastical rejoicings at the election of Cardinal Adrian to the 
Popedom in January, 1522, some insult was offered by an 
Imperalist to a Comunero. The latter, retaliating somewhat 
warmly, was hanged the next day by order of the governor. 
The streets were filled with troops. Popular resistance was of 
no avail. The Comunero fled or were driven out of the city. 
The treaty of La Sisla was declared violated and annulled. Dona 
Maria herself hardly found safety in flight across the frontier into 
Portugal. 3 Asi, says Senor Lafuente, acabo el levaniamiento de las 

But something far more than an insurrection had been 
destroyed at Villalar, when the Castilian nobles betrayed their 
brothers, the commons of the realm, that a foreign priest and a 
foreign emperor might imprison the Queen of Castile ; and when 
Juan de Padilla, the last of those sturdy Spaniards who " feared 
neither 4 king nor rook " was surprised and butchered at Villalar, 

1 He was hanged from the battlements, by order of Ronquillo, with the appro- 
bation of Charles V. Lafuente, xi. , 259. 

2 The first article of this celebrated treaty is sufficiently characteristic. It 
provides that Toledo, in spite of rebellion and capitulation, should retain its title 
of " most noble and most loyal ". 

3 She died unpardoned by Charles, in March, 1531. 

4 In the summer of 1522, Charles, attended by a long train of Flemish 
courtiers, and protected by no less than 4000 German troops, once more set foot 
in Spain. On the i6th of July, he landed at Santander, and travelling by way of 
Tordesillas, where he paid a brief visit to his mother in prison, he proceeded to 
set up his court at Valladolid, and to deal with the extinct rebellion of the Comuni- 
dades. And it was here, on the 28th of October, 1522, nearly a year after the 
surrender of Toledo, and a year and a half after the massacre at Villalar, that he 
promulgated that celebrated edict of pardon of his late rebellious subjects, whose 
wise clemency has called forth the extravagant eulogiums of subsequent historians. 
As a matter of fact, the principal leaders of the revolt had already suffered the 
extreme penalty of the law some before, and some after the return of their 

CAESAR. 301 

it was not the death of a hero that Castile was called upon to 
deplore ; it was the final destruction of the Free National Life of 
the Spanish people. 

sovereign from Germany. Castile, which had never been really disloyal to Charles 
himself, was now profoundly tranquil. And yet in this tardy universal Pardon 
are found the names of no less than three hundred Spaniards of distinction with- 
drawn from its sphere of mercy. It was not, perhaps, unwise ; it was not 
iniquitously cruel ; but it was certainly not extravagantly clement. The double 
traitor, Don Pedro Giron, was the only one of the leaders of the ComttnidaJ that 
was ever suffered to enjoy the royal or Imperial favour. Cf. Gudiel, Hist, de los 
Girones, fol. 151 et seq. 




I. Christian Architecture. 

DOWN to the middle of the eleventh century the architecture of 
Christian Spain was characteristically and essentially national. 
Known in the language of Spanish art as the obra de los Godos, 
the style was truly Gothic, and had nothing in common with that 
later and nobler development of the art of the builder which is 
known in England by the somewhat misleading name of Gothic 
architecture. The only remains of this early Spanish art that 
are still in existence, are to be found, as might be supposed, in 
the extreme north of the Peninsula, in the old kingdom of Leon 
or of the Asturias to the west, and in the county of Barcelona to 
the east of the Pyrenees. 

The earliest remaining example of this obra de los Godos in 
Spain is said to be the Church of Santa Maria de Naranco near 
Oviedo, which is the work of the middle of the ninth century, 
while the Church of St. Paul at Barcelona, 1 where Wilfrid the 
Hairy lies buried (ob. 912), is probably of about the same 
period. Santa Maria de Naranco is not particularly character- 
istic of the old Gothic work, for the building is rather Romanesque, 
both in design and in detail, and it is chiefly interesting, accord- 
ing to Mr. Fergusson, in that it exhibits the Spaniards, in the 

1 Mr. Street sees no reason to doubt the antiquity of this church, which is 
described very fully by him in his Gothic Architecture in Spain (1868), pp. 229-290, 
and pp. 413-415. See also Masdeu, xiii. , 154 ; and Cean Bermudez, Viaie. The 
principal churches of the eighth century are Santa Cruz (circ. 735?), at Cangas de 
Onis ; San Salvador at Oviedo ; San Juan Evangelista at Pravia ; and the Cathe- 
dral at Urgel. Of the ninth century San Tirso, San Julian, Santa Maria, and 
Nuestra Senora de Oviedo ; San Marcello at Leon ; and the Cathedral of Santiago 
at Compostella. Of the tenth century the Cathedral of Leon ; and of the eleventh 
century the Cathedral of Barcelona. 

See as to Santa Cruz de Cangas, Street, 412; Esp. Sagr., xxxvii., 86; and 
Ford (1878), p. 224 ; and as to Santa Anes de Pravia, Street, op. cit., p. 413. 


middle of the ninth century, trying to adapt a Pagan temple to 
Christian purposes, as if they had been unable to elaborate any 
kind of Ecclesia in which they might assemble for worship, from 
their own artistic conceptions. St. Paul's at Barcelona is more 
original and more characteristic, as is the church of St. Pedro de 
los Gallegos at neighbouring Gerona, which is also the work of 
the tenth century. 

From this time till the close of the eleventh century there 
was little or no change or development in Spanish art or con- 
struction. But about the time of the Norman conquest of 
England, the incursion of French ecclesiastics from Citeaux and 
Cluny, the interference of the Pope in the affairs of the Spanish 
Church and churches, and the general awakening of the country, 
led to a revolution in the Christian architecture of the Peninsula. 
Catalonia then came to belong artistically to Aquitaine, and Leon 
to Anjou, and while the eastern provinces were in the hands of a 
Latin people, the inhabitants of the western must have been rather 
Gothic or Iberian in blood, and their style is strongly marked with 
the impress of their race. 

The Romanesque or Franco-Spanish may be said to have 
sprung into existence about 1066, and endured for two centuries 
in Spain. Introduced, in the first instance, from the north of 
the Pyrenees, 1 it gradually assumed a distinctively Spanish 
character ; bold, simple and effective ; with round arches, and 
pointed windows freely introduced. 

Of the ancient and famous church that was founded in 868, 
and consecrated before the close of the ninth century, nothing 
now remains at Compostella ; and the foundations of a new and 
more splendid edifice were laid somewhat less than 100 years 
later (1060-1070). The actual date of the commencement of 
the work is uncertain ; but it was apparently completed under 
Diego Gelimez, the first archbishop of Santiago, about the year 
1110. 2 Yet constant additions and alterations were made from 
the time of its first completion ; and the ancient exterior is at 

1 Under the special patronage of Alfonso VI. the destroyer of the national 
liturgy and his French wife, Constance of Burgundy, and his French archbishop, 
Bernard of Toledo. See as to their influence more particularly, ante, chap. xxii. 

a See the contemporary Historia Com paste /ana, reprinted by Florez in the 
Rspana Sagrada, torn. xx. and ib., torn, xix., p. ox. 

The work was begun certainly not later than 1082, and completed btfart 
1117. The building, as regards the general plan, is nearly identical with thf 
Church of St. Sernin at Toulouse, which was begun in 1060, and consecrated in 
1096. The bones of St. James are said to lie at Toulouse as well as at Compos- 
tella. See Street, 145 ; and Transactions of Royal Institution of British Architects 
( 1 86 1 ) as to St. Sernin at Toulouse. 


the present day almost entirely overlaid with more modern 
masonry, though the interior has suffered less than usual at the 
hands of the workmen of the Renaissance. 1 

Somewhat similar in character to the great Cathedral of 
Santiago is the Church of St. Isidore at Leon, which is probably 
200 years older than the Cathedral of that famous city, having 
been founded in 1030 by Ferdinand I. for the reception of the 
bones of St. Isidore, which were miraculously discovered and 
brought from Moslem Seville, as has been already related. 2 

Both the city walls and the cathedral at Avila were con- 
structed in the last decade of the eleventh century. The walls 
remain to-day just as they were built nearly 800 years ago, and 
their round towers and solid masonry are a standing witness to 
the turbulent age that rendered such fortifications necessary, 
and to the good and honest workmen who raised them round 
about their city. 

The Cathedral at Sigiienza was consecrated in 1123. The 
present nave is of a later period, but the work, both inside and 
out, is simple and characteristic. The first stone of the Burgos 
Cathedral was laid in 1221, and the work was carried on until 
the end of the sixteenth century. The first stone of Lerida 
Cathedral was laid in 1203, and the structure was probably 
completed in 1416. The great bell is said to have been cast 
in 1418. The cathedral itself is of surpassing interest and 
beauty. The cloisters were pronounced by Mr. Street to be 
" the grandest that he had ever seen " ; and the whole is dis- 
tinguished from contemporary work in France and England by 
that richness of detail and profusion of ornament that characterises 
almost every period of Spanish architecture. 3 

In 1227, when the older style originally introduced from 
France had developed itself into something peculiar to Spain, 
and before the new wave of French influence had spread over 
the country, the Spanish architects designed a church which was 

J The great west front, known as the Portico, de la Gloria, "the crowning 
glory of the Cathedral of Compostella, and one of the greatest glories of ecclesias- 
tical architecture in Christendom," was completed about 1188. Street, 153. There 
is a plaster copy of this noble doorway in the South Kensington Museum. 

2 Ante, chap. xvi. The name of the architect, Petrus, is found in an inscription 
on the door of the church. See Gil Gonsalez Davila, Teatro Ecclesiastico, torn. i. , 
pp. 340-356; Esp. Sagrad., torn, xxxv., 350-360; Street, 120-128. 

3 See Street, op. cit., p. 351. Characteristic, however, and beautiful as are 
these details, the great feature of the early Spanish style is the Cimborio or dome, 
which usually occurs at the intersection of the nave with the transept. Perhaps 
the most perfect example of such a dome is that which crowns the old cathedral at 
Salamanca, and dates from the first year of the thirteenth century. 

1227.] ARCHITECTURE. 305 

to exceed in size, as well as beauty, anything that then exists! 
in western Europe, the great cathedral on the banks of the 
Spanish Tagus. As early as 587, and probably for many years 
earlier, a Christian church had stood on the site of the present 
Cathedral at Toledo. At the conquest in 711 the church was 
converted into a mosque, enlarged and greatly embellished by 
the Arabs. On the cession to the Christians under Alfonso VI., 
in 1085, when the young Prince Yahia abandoned his noble 
patrimony and retired to Valencia, it was expressly stipulated 
that the Moslems should retain it as a place of worship. But 
within two months from the departure of the Moslem king, the 
Mosque was forcibly occupied and consecrated by Bertrand the 
French Archbishop, who had lately arrived from Cluny. Of this 
second building as of its predecessor on the same site, nothing 
now remains. 

The first stone of the new edifice was laid by St. Ferdinand 
in 1226 or 1227, about the same time as the work of cathedral 
building was begun at Salisbury and Amiens, and it was many 
long years before the great church was completed. The ground 
plan and the details for some distance from the foundations are 
French in character; and although Moorish influence may be 
seen to some extent in the later work, the whole church, says 
Mr. Street, is "a grand protest against Mohammedan archi- 
tecture " ; nor can any city in the Middle Ages show anything 
" so distinctly intended and so positive in its opposition to what 
was being done at the same time by other architects." The 
edifice, as completed, is larger than any Christian church in 
England, France, or Germany, though it holds only the third 
place among the cathedrals of Spain. 1 

An indifferent husk, says Mr. Fergusson, encases a noble 
interior. In spite of French design and Arab suggestion, the 

1 The superficial area of the great cathedrals of Europe is approximately as 
follows. I have taken the measurements, as a rule, from Fergusson : 

St. Peter's 230,000 square feet. 

Cordova 160,000 

Seville 125,000 

Milan 110,000 

Toledo 90,000 

Cologne 89,000 

Florence 85,000 

St. Paul's 84.000 

Agia Sofia 70,000 

The inclusion or exclusion from the measurements of the various chapels in the case 
of Toledo has caused a great discrepancy in the different estimates, which vary from 
75,000 to 105,000 square feet. I trust I have arrived at a fair mean. 
VOL. II. 20 


work is essentially Spanish, and the treatment of the choir and 
of the screen surrounding it is one of the glories of Castilian 
architecture, and perhaps the richest specimen of its class in 
Europe. 1 

The noble cathedral at Leon was built between 1250 and 
1310; and that of Oviedo is of the same architectural period; 
while in the far north-east, the Cathedral of Barcelona, which is 
highly praised for its " cheerfulness " and " elegance," 2 was also 
erected in the fruitful years between 1270 and 1330. But 
between the north-east and the north-west there are well marked 
differences of style. The structural width, which is so constantly 
aimed at by the early Spanish designers, more especially in the 
north-east, is carried to excess in the church at Manresa, which is 
but two hundred feet long, and fully one hundred feet in breadth. 
In the great Cathedral of Gerona the central aisle has a clear 
span of fifty-six feet, and while the length is but one hundred 
and sixty feet, the width is no less than seventy-three feet clear. 
If it is remembered that the normal width of the naves of the 
largest English and French cathedrals is about forty feet, and 
this in buildings three or even four hundred feet in length, the 
boldness of these Spanish constructors becomes the more ap- 
parent. Nor can the abnormal width of the buildings be 
considered as in any degree an artistic blemish or deformity. 
"As it stands," says Mr. Fergusson, "the church at Gerona 
must be looked upon as one of the most successful designs of 
the Middle Ages, and one of the most original in Spain." 3 

But while Gothic churches were being erected under French 
tuition in the north and centre of Spain, another style was 
developing itself under Moorish influence in the south, which 
failed to have any lasting effect on the national art, owing to the 
antagonism of race and religion between the Spaniard and the 
Arab, or rather the growing intolerance on the part of the 
Christians to adopt or allow anything that savoured of Islam. 

We have seen that from the beginning of the eighth to the 
beginning of the thirteenth centuries, the Peninsula was largely 
peopled by Christians who lived under the Arab government, 
and were known as Mozarabs. By the middle of the thirteenth 
century, when James of Aragon and St. Ferdinand of Castile 
had recovered the greater part of Spain, the Moslems continued 
to dwell in many of the towns and districts, more especially in 

1 Fergusson, History of Architecture (1867), vol. ii., pp. 139-142. 
pp. 143, 144. 3 Ibid., p. 146. 

1400.] ARCHITECTURE. 307 

the south, under the new Christian rulers, and were known as 
Moriscos or Mudejares. 1 

The chief industries of the country remained for a long time 
in the hands of this more cultivated section of the population, 
and many Christian churches and other buildings of importance 
were built by them during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 
Accommodating their own architectural taste and traditions to 
Christian requirements, they created a new and mixed style, 
which is technically known in the Spanish Peninsula as Mudejar. 
Of this style we have still remaining the Alcazar of Seville, of 
1 353 ; the Mudejar gates of Toledo and Saragossa, and the 
Chapel of St. James in AlcaU de Henares. 2 

As examples of civil or non-ecclesiastical architecture, the 
finest remaining in this style are the Cos de Pilalos at Seville, 
the palace of Mendoza at Guadalajara, the archbishop's palace 
at Alcald,, and the Coxa de Mesa at Toledo. 

But although comparatively few examples of this most 
interesting style are now to be found, 3 the influence of Arab art 
is seen in every quarter of the Peninsula, and shows itself 
more particularly in the extreme richness of the ornamentation 
into which the Spanish architects were so often tempted, even 
when expressing themselves in Gothic and Renaissance details. 

The Cathedral at Seville is at once the largest and the 
grandest of all mediaeval cathedrals. But although it is not, 
like the Mezquita at neighbouring Cordova, itself a Moslem 
temple, it was erected on the site of the mosque, which was 
cleared away to make room for it, and whose tower the 
Giralda yet remains to tell of its old Moslem magnificence. 4 
Excluding the chapel behind the altar, a sixteenth century 
excrescence, the cathedral is four hundred and fifteen feet in 
length by three hundred feet in width, and is thus somewhat 

1 Ford (1878), Introd., p. 56. 

2 W. Webster, Spain, p. 196; Cean Bermudez, Noticias, ii. , p. 7. The A lea- 
gar was " restored " by Peter the Cruel, by Charles V., Philip II. , Philip III., and 
Ferdinand VII. ! 

8 The most noteworthy examples of this style, according to Fergusson, are the 
Church of Santa Maria la Blanca, of the twelfth century, and Nuestra Seftora del 
Transito, of the fourteenth, both at Toledo, and both originally built not as 
mosques but as Jewish synagogues. Some other examples are described and 
figured by him (History of Architecture, ii., pp. 152-158). The only example of a 
Christian church, built as such, in the Moorish style is said to be the Church of 
Santiago de Penalva in el Vier*o. Sec Gentleman's Magarine, February, 1865 ; 
and Ford (1878), pp. 206-208. 

* The first public clock that was put up in Spain is said to have been that over 
the cathedral at Seville, in 1400. Saez, Demostracion de Mont das, p. 445. 


larger than the noble church at Milan, and exceeded only by St. 
Peter's and the Mezquita among the Christian churches of the 
world. The building was commenced about the year 1400, 
and was not completed until 1520, when St. Peter's at Rome 
was already far advanced in construction. Seville Cathedral is a 
truly Spanish church immense, sombre, magnificent the work 
of a native architect whose name has perished ; rising like Spain 
itself from the ruins of Arab splendour, touched but hardly 
effected by French influence splendidly, superbly incomplete ! 

The tower of La Giralda is, according to Mr. Fergusson, 
a more massive structure than is to be found elsewhere as the 
work of Moslem architects. At the base it is forty-five feet 
square, and it rises to a height of one hundred and eighty-five 
feet. A modern belfry of narrower dimensions was added in 
1568 by Ferdinand Ruiz (?), which raises the tower ninety-five 
feet more, making it two hundred and seventy-five feet high at 
the present day. 1 How the original tower was completed we 
do not know. The idea that it was fitted as an observatory 
is scouted by Fergusson, who inclines to the theory that it was 
built by Yusuf the Almoravide to commemorate his great victory 
at Alarcon hi 1195. As such a pillar of victory, says he, it is 
superior to most of those erected in Europe in the Middle Ages, 
and contrasts pleasingly with the contemporary Campanile at 
Venice, which, though nearly of the same dimensions, is, like 
most of the Italian towers of the same age, lean and bald 
compared with the tower at Seville. 2 

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, when what is 
called Gothic architecture was becoming gradually debased, and 
all western Europe was bent on supplanting it by the introduction 
of classical styles, Spain still clung to her old traditions, and the 
Cathedral of Salamanca, which was commenced in 1513, and 
that of Sevogia in 1523, are both true Spanish Tudesque designs, 
scarce influenced by the stress of the Renaissance. 

But it is in the cloisters of Spanish monasteries and churches 
that the progress of Spanish architecture may be studied even 
more fruitfully than in the churches themselves. For the open 

1 Ford (1878, p. 300), says 250 feet, plus 100 feet. 

The Campanile at Venice is 160 feet from the ground to the platform, and 124 
feet more to the top, in all 284 feet. Girault de Prangey, pp. 103-112, Essai sur 
t Architecture des Arabes et des Mores en Espagne (1841). 

2 Op. cit. , 404. If the tower of Giralda is surpassed in the world in size and 
beauty of construction, it is by another Moslem work, the Kutub Minar at Delhi, 
which is 240 feet in height at the present day how much more we know not in the 
day of its prime and forty-eight feet in diameter at its base. 

1523.] ARCHITECTURE. 309 

cloister is peculiarly appropriate to the Spanish climate, and 
in the proportions and ornament of the arcades and patios, in 
the arches and the tracery, the artists of the Peninsula, largely 
influenced by Moorish models as well as native necessities, have 
ever taken their chief delight, and shown their most striking 
originality and skill. 1 In the gradual development, from the 
simple arcade of Gerona, dating from the earliest years of the 
twelfth century, to the exuberant caprice at San Juan de los 
Reyes, completed some 400 years later, we may read the progress 
of Spanish art. 

Of domestic architecture earlier than the sixteenth century 
we have few records or remains. The cities possessed no 
municipal buildings like those of northern Europe ; private 
houses in the towns were unimportant or artistically uninteresting, 
and the castles of the old nobility, whose ruins may still be seen 
throughout the country, have found no native student or foreign 
artist to examine, to catalogue, or to describe them. 2 

1 The cloisters of Sigtienza were completed about 1507 ; of Palencia, 1514 ; of 
Tarragona, in 1520; and of Santiago, 1533. Street, p. 471. As to the cloisters 
of I-as Huelgas, near Burgos, and of Tarazona, and as to the Spanish cloisters 
generally, see Fergusson, ii., 159-161. 

2 Fergusson, op. cit., ii., 162, 163. See also Street, op. cit., pp. 436-438. Re- 
ferring to the castles of Segovia and of Coca in Castile, and of Olite in Aragpn, 
Mr. Fergusson says that a monograph of the military architecture of Spain during 
the Middle Ages would be almost as interesting as that of her ecclesiastical 
remains. A history of Spanish architecture in general would be more interesting 
still. Of the 1500 pages of which Mr. Fergusson's History of Architecture is 
composed, only forty-two are devoted to the architecture of Spain (120-162). Of 
the same author's History of Modern Styles, twenty-eight pages, out of 580, is the 
somewhat more liberal proportion (pp. 147-175) ; while in Bucknall's edition of 
Viodet le due's Lectures, the words Spain or Spanish do not ever occur in the 
index. Mr. Tavernor Perry, in his recent Chronology (1893), ignores altogether 
the Obra de los Godos or the architecture of any kind in north-west Spain until 
the middle of the eleventh century. Not a single building at Oviedo is referred to 
in any part of his work, nor are any Spanish buildings but Leon and Gerona set 
down in his very full chronological lists before Santiago at the end of the twelfth 

Mr. Street's celebrated work, true to its title, Some Account of Gothic Archi- 
tecture in Spain, is in no sense a history of Spanish architecture, nor even of 
Gothic architecture in Spain. It is a record of intelligent examination of a number 
of churches, and other buildings, with plans and sketches of the very highest value 
and interest ; but of progress, of development, of the evolution even of Tudesoue 
art in the Peninsula, of the influences within and without, that made the churches 
what they were, Mr. Street neither gives, nor professes to give, any account what- 
soever. Nor has any modern Spanish artistic writer supplied the want. The 
work of Caveda ( Ensayo, etc. , Madrid, 1848), which I have consulted without much 
profit, is supposed to be the standard work on the subject ; and though many 
interesting monographs upon the various cities in Spain have been n- 
published with many admirable illustrations, no author as far as I know has ever 
attempted to do more than describe particular buildings. A history of Spanish 
architecture has yet to be written. 


II. Moslem Architecture. 

The origin of the Arabian styles of architecture is to be 
found no doubt at Constantinople. How a Greek art already 
dead, and a Roman art dying or decadent, can have originated 
the style that is conventionally known as Byzantine, it is somewhat 
hard to say ; for the Byzantine differed, not only in detail but in 
principle, from all that is known to us of earlier European archi- 
tecture. Strength was the great characteristic of the Greek ; 
lightness the distinguishing feature of the Byzantine. The 
Parthenon would support a roof of ten times the weight that 
was actually placed upon the walls. Santa Sofia has just so much 
solidity and no more as may carry its exquisite cupola. As regards 
the material employed, the difference is no less remarkable. 
Huge stones characterise the Greek ; small bricks the Byzantine ; 
the pillars of the one are massive, simple, single, each one stand- 
ing magnificently alone. The columns of the other are light, 
slender, graceful, and are frequently coupled, grouped and twisted. 
The difference between the Greek roof and the Byzantine cupola 
is even more striking ; and in place of the great stones and broad 
slabs of a noble antiquity, a wealth of floral decoration invests 
the more modern style with its characteristic elegance. The 
ground plan of the Byzantine buildings, moreover, shows an 
equally radical change. The parallelogram gave place to the 
cuneiform and the circular. The arch, which the Greeks 
ignored, and which, in the hands of the Roman builder, had 
not yet been developed out of the primitive half-circle, is one of 
the favourite constructive devices of the Byzantines, and assumed 
in their hands every possible shape, but was ever distinguished 
by lightness and grace rather than by massive solidity. To 
derive the Byzantine, therefore, from the Greek, or even from 
the Roman, is rather a confession of ignorance, than an intelligent 
recognition of facts. 

The history of Asiatic art after the battle of Issus is well-nigh 
a blank. It is probable that the unrecorded development of 

The following works may further be consulted : Villa Amil, Espafia Artistica 
y Monumental (1846) / Parcerisa, Recuerdos y Bellezas de Espafia ; Chapuy, Moyen 
Age Monumental et Archeologique (1840) ; Wyatt, " An Architect's Notebook in 
Spain," Quarterly Review, vol. Ixxvii., p. 496. 

The great work, the Monumentos Architectonicos de Espafia, in process of 
publication by the Spanish Government, is too monumental for ordinary use. It 
is published in what is, I believe, called double elephant folio, and each of the parts 
o/f fasciculi requires two men to carry it about, and a special table to lay it upon. 
Let me here record my thanks and apologies to the attendants at the British 
Museum Library, whom I have occasionally victimised ad hoc. 

637.] ARCHITECTURE. 311 

architecture in western Asia from the time of Alexander to the 
time of Mohammed, rather than fusion of Greek and Roman 
systems, may have produced that Byzantine style, which has so 
little in common with anything that went before it in Europe. 
But the rise and the connection of the various architectures of 
the world is a subject far beyond the limited scope of this 
chapter. And it is at least certain that the warriors of Arabia, 
spreading themselves, in the seventh century, like the flowing 
tide over the southern dominions of the empire in Asia, found 
the Byzantine style of architecture already highly developed, to 
a great extent, no doubt, by Persian influences ; that they took 
possession of the Christian basilicas for the celebration of their 
own worship, and that the edifices which were gradually raised 
by them for their own religious services were closely modelled 
upon those which already existed in the country. 

The first Moslem building of which we have any record of 
knowledge is the Mosque of Omar, erected by that leader on the 
site of Solomon's Temple at Jerusalem about 637. The mosque 
built by Amrou at Old Cairo some five years later, and the great 
mosque at Damascus that was built by the Caliph Walid in 705, 
are among the best known of the early edifices of Islam ; and 
they were built, without exception, under the inspiration and 
influence of Constantinople. After the eleventh century the 
Arab arts underwent a fundamental change, which resulted, in the 
thirteenth century, in a brilliant development, which is charac- 
terised by novelty of form as well as by beauty of ornament. 

The style tha\ was introduced into the Peninsula by the 
Moslem conquerors in the eighth century was what may be 
called pure Arab Byzantine. But from the moment of the land- 
ing of the invaders in Baetica, the influence of Roman architecture, 
of which so many magnificent examples were present around 
them, cannot have failed to make itself felt. At Merida, at 
Italica, at Cordova, at Alcantara, at Toledo, and at Tarragona 
the glorious remains of Roman greatness, of which but few have 
survived to our own times, still stood to impress and astonish the 
aesthetic invaders ; l and it was not long before they themselves 
had added new glory to the architecture of Spain. 

1 At Merida, Italica, Cordova, Toledo and Tarragona. 

' ' De ces nobles debris d'e'difices Sieve's pour le plus part au temps d'Auguste 
. . . peu sont arrives jusqu' a nous, mais les historiens Arabes racontent 1'e'tonne- 
ment de Moussa et ses soldats a la vue des monuments . . . qu' ils supposaient 
Stre 1'oeuvres des ge'nies." Girault de Prangey, Essai, pp. 21, 22. 

An interesting account of the progress and development of Moslem architec- 
ture in Sicily at this time, as compared with that in Spain, will be found in the same 
work, pp. 68-100. 


Of the mosque at Cordova, a brief account has been given in 
a former chapter of this work. It was constructed in the eighth 
century, and its architectural character is, above all things, simple 
and severe the Arab style of Damascus and Bagdad, invested 
with greater dignity and with a magnificent severity by the local 
influence of Imperial Rome. But during the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries Arab art in Spain changed considerably in character. 
Beyond the natural and the national development and progress 
which is inherent in all true art, it may have been modified by 
Indian, by Egyptian, and by other foreign influences from Asia 
and Africa ; and, in any case, it separated itself daily more and 
more from its parent, the architecture of dying Byzantium, and 
from the grander traditions of the more ancient Roman. Of this 
period of transition, interesting from so many points of view, we 
have unfortunately very few remnants in Spain. The sanctuary 
known as the Chapel of Villa Viciosa, attached to the mosque at 
Cordova, the Alcazar, and the Tower of the Giralda at Seville 
(1195) are considered by M. Girault de Prangey to be specimens 
of what may be called the Transition period, during which, 
among other changes, the stiff and formal cufic character, in 
which the decorative inscriptions were always written, gave 
place to the Nashki, or cursive character, that forms so striking 
and so characteristic a feature in the decoration of the Alhambra. 

Senor Riano, a distinguished Spanish critic of to-day, is 
inclined to doubt whether any existing work in Spain may be 
certainly attributed to that most interesting and obscure period 
of development between the death of Abdur Rahman an Nasir 
and the taking of Seville by Saint Ferdinand. The date even of 
the buildings that have been mentioned is most uncertain. How 
far they may have been changed by subsequent additions and 
restorations is even more hard to ascertain. And speaking 
generally, it is not too much to say that we know nothing of 
the special development of Moslem architecture in Spain during 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries of our era. But as soon as 
the thirteenth century is reached, we find a new native Arab 
style in the Peninsula Moslem, no doubt, and entirely unlike 
the contemporary Christian architecture of Spain, yet distinctly 
and distinctively Spanish. And it is this style which, in the 
hands of the descendants of those Syrian conquerors who founded 
a second Damascus at Granada, reached its highest perfection on 
the ever-celebrated banks of the Darro. 1 It was not until the 

1 Granada was sometimes actually called Damascus. See Abulfeda, French 
translation (Paris, 1848), torn. ii. , p. 233. 

1248.] ARCHITECTURE. 313 

Moslem art had well-nigh forgotten the traditions of Byzantium, 
and revelled in its own originality, that it reached the highest 
pitch of perfection in the Peninsula. And if Granada did not 
enjoy the artistic supremacy in contemporary Europe that was 
universally allowed to Cordova, it was not so much that the 
Spanish Moslem was less powerful and his culture less directly 
influential, as that Europe had in two centuries become at once 
relatively and absolutely more civilised than before. The Chris- 
tian Renaissance was at hand. 1 Yet Granada was a centre of 
artistic culture, less magnificent and less powerful, but no less 
truly artistic, and actually distinguished by a more characteristic 
originality and spontaneity of development, than the Cordova 
of the greater Caliphs. Among all the buildings, not only of 
Spain but of Europe, the Alhambra at Granada has long been 
accounted one of the greatest marvels and exemplars of super- 
latively graceful construction that still lives to disarm the critic, 
and to delight the lover of the beautiful. 

The Alhambra was designed by Mohammed the Ruddy, 2 and 
the work, commenced by him in 1248, and carried on with zeal 
and good taste by his son and successor, Ibn Abdullah, was 
finished by his grandson, Mohammed III., about 1314. This 
third Mohammed also added the splendid mosque, which was 
destroyed only in the present century by French vandalism in 
1812. Under Abdul Walid, from 1309 to 1325, and more 
especially under Abu Abdullah al Ghazi (1334 to 1351), whose 
name is introduced largely among the ornamental inscriptions 
on the walls, the decoration of the interior was completed much 
as it now exists to charm us after 500 years of constant neglect 
and ill-treatment. 

To describe the indescribable is a vain task, yet a few indica- 
tions of the more apparent beauties of the edifice may be at- 
tempted without impertinence. The actual construction of the 
Alhambra is of the rudest kind, and yet where it has been 
undisturbed by the hand of man, it appears almost as perfect 
as the day when it was executed. The walls of the towers are 
built of concrete, and their severe, if picturesque exterior gives 

1 It was largely the influence of Arab upon Christian art that first awoke the 
dormant civilisation of modern Spain. For this fine thought I am indebted to 
Don Juan Facundo Riano, May, 1892. 

2 Mohammed el Ahmar was a chief of the tribe of the Beni Nasr. His name 
of Ahmar, the Red or the Ruddy, appears, strangely enough, in that of his red 
palace, Al ahmara, the Alhambra. The king, like David, was " ruddy and of a 
tair countenance ". 


no indication of the art and luxury within. They were formed 
externally, like the palaces of the ancient Egyptians, to impress 
the beholder with respect for the power and majesty of the king. 1 
The grace and beauty of the interior was designed with a very 
different object. The inner walls are constructed of brick ; 2 the 
columns are of marble ; the ornamental portions are moulded in 
gypsum ; the mosaic pavements and dados are of baked and 
glazed earthenware ; and the ceilings, beams and doors are of 
wood. The entrances to the fortress appear to have been four, 
now known by the Spanish names of the Torre de las Armas (the 
Tower of Arms), Torre de los Reyes Catdlicos (the Tower of the 
Catholic Kings), Torre de los siete Suelos (the Tower of Seven 
Stories), and the Puerta de Justicia, or Gate of Justice, where the 
Kings of Granada sat to administer justice to every class of their 
subjects, and which was then, as it is now, the principal entrance 
into the palace. Like all the other towers of the Alhambra, it 
is built chiefly of concrete, the jambs of the doorway are of white 
marble, and the horseshoe arch, with its elegant spandrils, is of 
red brick. 

The interior of the Alhambra, as it now exists, consists of 
an oblong court, with a portico of six columns at either end, 
and a sheet of water in the centre, which gives the name to 
the Patio de la Alberca, or Court of the Fishponds. This leads 
to an oblong corridor which the Spaniards called the Sala de la 
barca, the ancient Hall of Blessing. 3 Beyond this again is the 
yet more celebrated Hall of the Ambassadors, or Golden Saloon, 
a square of thirty-seven feet, sixty feet high from the floor to 
the centre of the dome, the largest, as well as the most imposing, 
of the halls of the Alhambra. At right angles to the Hall of 
the Fishponds, abutting on the opposite end of the Hall of the 
Ambassadors, is the Court of the Lions, so called from the fountain 
in the centre, the most perfect, and perhaps the best known 
portion of what remains of the palace. It is a parallelogram of 
100 feet by 50, and is surrounded by a portico with small pavilions 
at each end. The portico and pavilions consist of 128 columns, 

1 Owen Jones, The Alhambra (1854), p. 23. 

2 Arab architecture, says Sefior Pi y Margal, capricious and rich in the 
palaces, was hard, severe, inflexible in all that concerned fortifications, walls, 
gates, castles. D. Francisco Pi y Margal, Granada, i vol., illustrated (Barcelona, 
1885), pp. 459-540. 

3 Barkah = blessing, an Arabic word which is many times repeated in the 
inscriptions on the walls. The Spaniards, having forgotten the meaning of the 
Arabic Barkah, but remembering the old name of the hall, invented the explana- 
tion of a boat-shaped room to explain their incomprehensible Barca. 

1350.] ARCHITECTURE. 315 

supporting arches of the most delicate and elaborate finish, still 
retaining much of their original beauty, although the various 
colours of the ornaments are wanting. During the repeated 
restorations which the palace has from time to time undergone, 
the walls of this court were defaced by several coats of whitewash, 
beneath which it is still possible to discover traces of the original 
colouring. At right angles to the Court of the Lions, and in the 
centre of the building, are on the one side the Sola de las dos 
hermanas or Hall of the Two Sisters, on the other the Hall of 
the Abencerages, and at the end of the hall is the Court of Justice. 
These, with the private baths and the small Court of the Mosque, 
in another part of the palace, are all that remain at the present 
day undisturbed by the barbarous destruction, and the scarce 
less barbarous repairs, of successive rulers of Granada. 1 

To descant upon the varied delights of the Alhambra, even 
in its decay, a volume would hardly suffice. The mere mention 
of the Hall of the Ambassadors and the Hall of the Blessing, 
the Hall of the Fishponds and the Hall of the Two Sisters, 
the Hall of Justice and the Hall of the Abencerages, and the 
far-famed Court of the Lions, suggests beauty and grace, even 
to those who have not been privileged to wander through the 
enchanted palace. 2 

Five-and-thirty years after the departure of Boabdil, Charles 
V. pulled down a considerable portion of the fairy edifice to 
erect a modern residence for himself. But although the vandal 
destruction was fully accomplished in 1526, the new building 
was never completed, and is now to be seen, roofless and decayed, 
a broken toy, forgotten like the whim that suggested it, a monu- 
ment only of folly, of vanity and of bad taste. 

By no builders in the world, says Mr. Owen Jones, has the 
great rule that the architect should decorate construction, and 
not construct decoration, been more perfectly carried out than 
by the Moslem builders of the Alhambra. Every line and every 
curve is exactly what it should be, and where it should be ; and 

x The greatest offender, next to the Flemish Charles V., was the French 
General Sebastian!. M. Girault de Prangey (op. cit. , p. 193) calls attention to the 
fact that although the Alhambra is apparently the most slightly constructed of any 
of the great buildings of the world, it jhas successfully resisted as great or greater 
violence than any other including many earthquakes. 

2 See generally A. de Beaumont, Les Arts Decoratifs en Orient et en France 
(1886) ; and Don Juan Facundo de Riano, Discurso (Madrid, 1880), a work of 
special interest and originality. Upon the similarity of some forms of Persian 
with the Spanish modern art, especially in mural designs, see Don Garcia de Silva 
(Ambassador of Philip III. to the court of the Shah in 1617), published in Paris 
in 1668. See also Antonio Teneyro, /tinerario (Coimbra, 1540). 


they all grow one out of another in natural as well as graceful 
undulations. 1 There is thus nothing excrescent, nothing that 
could possibly be removed without destroying the symmetry of 
the whole. Whether the Moors in their marvellous decoration 
worked on certain fixed rules, or only in accordance with a highly 
organised natural instinct, which they had attained by centuries 
of refinement and intelligent study of the works of their prede- 
cessors, we cannot tell. But as regards the colouring, we may 
discern at least the general rule that primary colours were used 
on the upper portions of the work, secondary or tertiary colours 
on the lower, a rule which, like all the great canons of taste, is 
most certainly in accordance with the law of nature. 2 

One peculiarity of the ornamentation of the Alhambra has 
been specially noticed by Mr. Owen Jones, and that is that 
although many of the ornaments or patterns are repeated in the 
various halls and in different positions, they always exactly fit 
the position that they occupy. The pattern is never interrupted 
or broken by any but a natural division. Each ornament appears 
specially designed and made for the particular spot in which it 
is found. 

Of the exquisite designs that adorn every room of the palace, 
of the domed cupolas and the stalactite ceilings, of the glazed 
tiles or azulejos that may not be imitated even by the most skilful 
craftsmen of to-day, of the tracery of the windows, of the mosaic 
of the floors, I will not speak here. Pages might be devoted to 
the inscriptions alone, which are not only in the utmost degree 
ornamental and decorative, but served the higher purpose of 
directing the attention of those for whom they were displayed 
to nobler thoughts than any mere material beauty of form and 
colour. Entire poems (ashar) decorate the walls of the great 
courts of the palace, some in praise of the building itself, or of 
its architects, some in praise of its sovereigns, but all lofty and 
dignified in tone. In the shorter inscriptions that occur in the 
greatest profusion we find the true note of the whole, " There is 
no power nor strength but in God". "God is the best of 
protectors ". " Praise to God, Eternal, Omnipotent, Merciful." 

1 In their domestic architecture the Arabs alone have almost solved the problem 
how to unite ventilation and ornament by means of currents of air of different 
temperatures. The pendulous stucco fretwork by which they conceal the angles 
of their apartments, serves not only for ornament, but to equalise the temperature 
and to admit of concealed openings whereby air can penetrate without draught or 
chill. Wentworth Webster, Spain, p. 196. 

2 Owen Jones, The Alhambra (ed. 1854, pp. 32, 33 and 44). 


These meet our gaze at every turn, as does the most practical 
precept, "Be not one of the negligent". But there is one 
admonition of peculiar significance to the leader of a warlike 
and a harassed people, a text that is found so constantly upon 
the palace walls, that its graceful curves must be known to the 
most careless and ignorant of visitors. It is that which told the 
king, as he set out from his palace for his camp, or as he returned 
to his home after victory or after defeat, that There is no con- 
queror but God. 



I. Coinage. 

THE monetary system of mediaeval Spain is at once complicated 
and uncertain, but some general notions, and a few more or less 
ascertained facts, may be given with advantage, the more so 
as coins of every conceivable name and value are spoken of by 
most chroniclers and historians without either explanation or 

The earliest coins that were struck in Spain were un- 
doubtedly the Drachmae of Emporise (Ampurias) and Rhodes 
(Rosas) in Catalonia. The female head crowned with ears of 
corn, the rose, the three dolphins, and the war-horse are among 
the commonest and most characteristic devices. The legends 
on the earlier pieces are in Greek, on the later in Iberian 
characters. 1 

Silver and copper were coined by the Carthaginians at New 
Carthage during their dominion in Spain ; and the Romans 
set up mints at many of the colonial towns, especially at 
Saguntum. 2 From the time of Scipio Africanus Numantinus, 
until the time of Leovgild, the coinage of Hispania was the 
coinage of Rome. 3 

The names and values of the various Gothic pieces are 
alike uncertain. The workmanship is poor and inartistic ; and 

1 In addition to the devices given in the text, the following are found, more 
rarely, on these Ibero- Hellenic coins : 

LANCE HEAD, STAR, CORNUCOPIA. See ante, vol. i., chap, i., pp. 7, 8, 9. 

2 The coins then struck by Greeks, Iberians, Carthaginians, and more par- 
ticularly by the Romans, are fully described and catalogued by Florez and such 
more modern authorities as Heiss, Pujol, Zobel and D. Alvara Campaner y 

3 No money seems to have been coined by any of the Spanish Visigoths pre" 
vious to Leovgild : see ante, chapters viii. and xi. 


Talentos or Talents, Libri or Livras, Unrias or Onzas, Solidi or 
Sueldos, Besanles, Siliquias and Tremesis are among the coins 
most frequently met with. 1 

But the earliest true national coins of Spain are the Maravedi 
and the Real, which are not heard of for more than 300 years 
after the rout of the Guadalete ; the one telling of Moorish 
domination, the other of the royal (real) power of Roman and 
Christian Castile.- 

The Moslem coins differ from those of all other dynasties 
in Spain in having no figure or representation of any kind 
stamped upon them. The legend, in Arabic, serves at once 
to indicate the value, the place, the date, and the city when 
and where the coins were struck. For some years after the 
conquest, the Moslems coined pieces with bilingual inscriptions, 
in Arabic and in Latin, for the greater convenience of the 
conquered ; but the Latin was soon discontinued. The Arab 
or Moorish coins were the Dinar, of gold ; the Dirhem, of silver ; 
and the Felus, of copper. Fractions of the Dinar were also 
coined in silver under the name of Quirates. But of this coin 
it is impossible to know the relative, still less to estimate the 
actual value. 3 The Moors of Granada continued to coin money 
in Spain until the conquest in 14.92; and the Dobla of Granada 
is first heard of as late as the reign of Mohammed III., or about 
the year 1330. 

The first Christian money coined within the limits of the 
Peninsula after the conquest by the Arabs, was struck by order 
of Charlemagne, at Barcelona ; and coins of his sons, Louis 

1 For a critical account of these early monies, the reader may consult Escru- 
tinio de Maravedises y Monedas de oro antiguas, etc., etc., by Don Pedro de Cantos 
Benitez (Madrid, 1763). 

2 The etymology Mora vedi, as introduced by the Al Moravides, is given by 
Dory and Engelmann, in their Glossaire. 

A fanciful statement by Benitez, that marevedi is an Arabic word signifying 
money, would solve all difficulties, if it were itself founded on fact. Dufresne in 
his Glossaire would have it Mora and botin = booty of the Moor, which is 
almost equally fanciful. The Mora in the word Moravides has, of course, nothing 
to do with Moors. 

Some notes upon the etymology of Almoravides will be found ante, vol. L, 
p. 202. 

See also the Chronicle of King James of Aragon, chap, clxxix. ; and note by 
Don Pascual de Gayangos in his edition, vol. i. , p. 283, and vol. ii. , p. 694. There 
is a learned treatise on- Arab coinage and coins in Spain in vol. v. of the Memorias 
de la Real Academia de Historia of Madrid (1817), pp. 225-315, with plates in an 

3 The leading authority for the Moslem coins of the Peninsula is Ttatado de la 
Numismatica Ardiigo Espallola, por D. Francisco Codera y Zaidln (Madrid, 
1879, i vol., 410). 


the Pious and Charles the Bald, denarii and oboli, were also 
apparently struck in the same place down to the year 874, when 
Charles the Bald conceded the entire sovereignty of the county 
of Barcelona to Wilfrid the Hairy. 1 

One of the Ramon Berenguers 2 it is uncertain which 
is said to have coined gold Dinars with a bilingual inscription 
in Arabic and Latin ; but by the time of Peter III. of Aragon 
(1285), the typical coin of the country was the silver Croat or 

From the ninth to the fifteenth centuries we find in circula- 
tion at various times, Catalan, Navarrese, Aragonese, Portuguese, 
Valencian, Leonese and Castilian coins, with which we may not 
now concern ourselves ; for it was the Castilian system which 
displaced and survived them, and became, with slight modifica- 
tions, on the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, the national 
coinage of Spain ; of which, as already suggested, the Maravedi 
and the Real are at once the most ancient and the most constant 
types. 3 

The Maravedi is first heard of in Spanish records at the 
beginning of the eleventh century (in 1020), but is not much 
spoken of for another hundred years. In the time of Alfonso 
VI., Sueldos, Maravedis, Aureos, and Caste llanos are generally 
taken to mean the same coin, containing the sixth part of an 
ounce of gold, or, say, sixteen shillings of English money, or 
about the value of a modern French Louis d'or.* But there were 
also Maravedis or monies of Mellon or debased silver, being one 
eleventh part of the Sueldo, which contained the sixth part of an 
ounce of silver, such Sueldos or Sols being of about the nominal 

1 The authority for these and other early Catalonian coins is Tratado de las 
Monedas Labradas en el Principado de Catalufta, por el^Doctor D. JosS Salat, 
2 vols., 8vo (Barcelona, 1818). 

2 Possibly Ramon Berenguer I. For the confusion of names of these early 
courts, see ante, vol i. , p. 214. Cf. Indicator de la Numismatica Espailola, por 
Don Alvaro Campaner y Fuertes (i vol., Madrid, 1891, pp. 290). 

3 Senor Alvaro y Fuertes (op. cit., 466), speaks of a gold maravedi with an 
Arabic inscription of the time of Alfonso VIII. (1214). Dineros and other coins 
of silver and of Vellon appear about the same time. Vellon, a word of very un- 
certain etymology, akin to Fr. Billon, means, in Spanish, primarily a fleece of 
wool ; and thus a mass of anything metallic ; and thence metal alloyed as opposed 
to pure metal ; and the word is conventionally taken to mean alloyed or debased 
silver of uncertain standard or value. The English word Bullion, apparently 
cognate, is really a word of very different origin, although one signification of each 
word is as similar as the appearance of the word itself. 

4 King James of Aragon, in his Chronicle, chap. xxiv. , and again, chap, clxxix. , 
speaks of Morabatins, which Don Pascual de Gayangos translates maravedis de 
oro, value about eleven shillings sterling. 


value of a modern franc, or one-twentieth of a maravedi of gold. 
Their value was fixed by an ordinance of Alfonso VI. in 1/0.90, 
the coins being spoken of as Sueldos de plain pesante. The so- 
called silver maravedi, which was made of some alloy of copper 
or Vellon, would have been thus worth something less than an 
English penny. The Maravedi of gold was known as the Mara- 
vedi mayor ; the minor maravedis were of various weights and 
names, and to make the confusion still greater, there were also 
Sueldos not only of silver, but of gold ! 

Alfonso X., although he debased the silver coinage and added 
seriously to the existing uncertainty of exchange, not only coined 
gold maravedis of the ancient value, but he refers to them fre- 
quently in the laws of the Siete Partidas, 1 and the coin is called 
by Benitez " the key to, and standard of, all the contemporary 
coinage ". These gold maravedis were familiarly known as Al- 
fonsos, and afterwards as Buenos. Alfonso also coined for the 
first time true silver Maravedis or Burgaleses, worth one-sixth of 
a gold maravedi, as well as maravedis of inferior standard, of 
silver and of J el 'Ion, known as Blancos, Burgaleses or Novenos. 
He also coined copper or black maravedis Negros or Prietos 
in addition to those of debased vellon, as well as other coins 
of inferior and very uncertain value. 2 

The Real was originally a fraction of a Maravedi, but in 
course of time it became the chief unit of value in Spain, and 
represented the sum of many maravedis. The first Real of which 
we have any certain knowledge was struck by Henry II. on the 
loth of May, 1369, as a Real de plata, of the value of three 
maravedis. :< 

By the end of the fourteenth century the Castilian coinage 
had got into a state of hopeless confusion. The number of coins 
described by a modern writer as known and current in Castile 
during the reign of Henry III. is no less than 140! 4 In the 

1 Cronica de Don Alfonso X., chap. i. ; and see, for instance, Partida, vii., 
titulo xxxiii. , ley 2 ; and Benitez, 50-52. 

2 Benitez, op. cit., 46-76. After 1433 we hear nothing of the Burgaleses. 

3 In 1281 the Maravedi of gold was worth six Maravedis Burgaleses, or fifteen 
Sueldos Burgaleses or Dineros Prietos, or sixty Maravedis Novenos, or seventy-five 
Sueldos Comunes, or ninety Dineros Burgales, or 180 Dineros Peptones, or 600 
Dineros Novenos. Heiss, i. , 39-42. As to Doblas doubloons of gold, Moorish 
coins of double the value of some inferior coins, see Benitez, chapters xiii. , xiv. 
They were introduced by Yusuf the Almoravide, in 1097, and were known also as 
Maroquines = of Morocco. Later on, the doblas or doubloons were called 

4 Saez, Demonstration de Monedas, ed. 1796. 
VOL. II. 21 


same reign there were as many as twenty-eight different florins 
coined in various countries of Europe current in Spain, varying 
in value from seven reals vellon (florin pequeno de Grecia), or, say 
Is. 6d., to 22 reals (florin of Florence), or, say 4s. 6d. The 
facile reference to "so many thousand florins" in historical 
works is thus hardly calculated to enlighten the inquisitive 
reader as to the importance of the sum of money supposed to 
have been received or paid. 

In the reign of Henry IV. of Castile the principal current 
coins, with their values, were : In gold, the Doblon or Mouton, 
worth from 37 to 38 maravedis, or 60 modern reals, say 1 2s. ; 
the Gold Crown, from 35 to 36 maravedis, say Us. ; the Ducal, 
from 32 to 33 maravedis, say 10s. fid. ; and the Florin, about 21 
maravedis, or say 6s. 9d. In silver, the Real de plata was equal 
to two reals vellon, or three old or standard maravedis, say five- 
pence sterling. In copper, the old or standard Maravedi was 
reckoned at one-third, and the new Maravedi at one-eighth of the 
silver real. 1 

Ferdinand and Isabella within a few years of their marriage 
set themselves vigorously to work to put an end to this monstrous 
and hopeless confusion, and according to the decrees of the 
Cortes of Madrigal, in 1476, the currency was reformed by the 
coinage of Florins of Aragon, Castellanos and half-Castellanos, 
Gold Crowns or Doubloons, Eagles, Gold Excelentes and half- 
Excelentes, Ducats and Cruzados. 

In the year 1475 a decree was issued that all coins should 
pass at a certain and fixed value as follows : The Enrique 
Castellano at 435 maravedis; the Dobla at 335 ; the Dobla de la 
Banda at 375 ; the Florin at 240; the Silver Real at 30; and the 
Maravedi at 3 Blancas de Vellon. 

1 The standard work on mediaeval and modern Spanish coins is A. Heiss, 
Description general de las monedas Hispano-Cristianas desde la invasion de los 
Arabes (Madrid, 1869), 3 vols., large 410; but the author takes no account of 
values, save of the fancy values of the coins at the present day in the hands of the 

I have constructed the following Table chiefly from Saez, op. cit. , ed. 1796 : 

DINERO see page 37 


6 meajas 

6 dineros 
10 dineros 

6 coronados 
12 cinquens 

2 blancas = i ,, 

3 maravedis = i REAL PLATA 


32 ,, = DUCAT 










But even these statutory values were liable to constant 
change. By a Cedilla Real of 19th March, 1483, the Excelente 
was fixed at 970 maravedis ; the Castellano at 485, and so on, 
while in another ordinance only five years later (1488) we find 
that the gold coins current were Excelentes and half-rExcelentes of 
123 reals vellon ; Castellanos of 6lJ reals vellon ; Cruzados, 
Ducados, or Excelentes de Granada at 47 reals vellon ; Doblas de 
la banda at 52 ; Doblas at 56 ; Florines de Aragon at 33 ; Florins 
of Florence and Salutes at 47 ; Justos at 72 ; Coronas at 39 ; 
Enriques and Aquilas at 61. 

It may interest students of the bimetallic question to know 
that the relative value of gold and silver in Spain in 1475 was 1 
to 11, or more accurately 1-10-985; in 1480 it was 1-11|; in 
1483 it was 1-1 If ; and in 1489 it was l-10f. 

To lay down anything like a general standard of value of the 
coins of such complicated and such strangely uncertain systems, 
is obviously impossible ; but the ordinary English reader will 
not be very far astray, if in considering the financial operations 
of the days of Ferdinand and Isabella, he treats the Excelente as 
about equal to the modern French twenty franc piece ; the 
Media excelente, CasteUano, Dobla Morisca and Enrique at about 
half that sum ; the Ducat, Cruzado, Dobla de la banda, Excelente 
de Granada, Florin ( of Florence, and Salute, as worth about six 
shillings ; the Crown or Corona, about five shillings and sixpence ; 
the Florin of Aragon, about four shillings and twopence ; and 
the Silver Real, at five English pence. 1 

1 As some knowledge of Spanish coinage and values in the early part of the 
present century may be interesting for the purpose of comparison the coinage of 
the present day having been Frenchified out of recognition it may be added that 
in 1810-70 


s. d. 

2 Maravedis make i Ochavo. 
4 ,, ,, Cuarto. 

34 Maravedis make i Real Vellon (RV) ............ ... 002.', 

4 Reals Peseta ......... ... ...... o o 10 








Dobleescudo,Duro,Pesofuerte,o*Ducado ... o 4 

Escudo de oro ............ ...08 

i Doblon de d 2, or quarter-wzsa ... ... ... o 16 8 

i Doblon de d 4, or half-onsa ... ... ... i 13 4 

Doblon de d 8 [" Piece of Eight "] or onza ... 3 6 8 

The decimal system of Pesetas (about equal to the French franc) and Centimes 
was adopted on the ist of January, 1870. 


II. Commercial Treaties. 

Between two such business-like sovereigns as Ferdinand the 
Catholic and Henry VII. of England, it is not likely that 
commercial relations should have been neglected. The letters 
of both Ferdinand and Isabella to the envoys at the court of 
London are filled with suggestions for the reform and modifi- 
cation of existing methods and practices, with remonstrances at 
the delays and the bad faith of the English court, and with the 
constant expression of an urgent desire for the promotion of a 
healthy commerce between Spain and England. 

The first commercial treaty between England and any 
Spanish power is said to have been concluded by Edward II. 
with Alfonso XI. of Leon and Castile, in 1318. 1 Notwithstanding 
the troubles of the kingdom, the Castilians were already powerful 
at sea; and "very potent in shipbuilding". 2 We read that in 
1350, the Spaniards had not only taken and destroyed many 
English merchant ships and much merchandise, "but were now 
arrived at so high a pitch of pride, that they threatened 
nothing less than the destruction of the entire English Navy, the 
invasion of the country and the subjugation of the people of 
England ". 3 But as time went on, the intercourse between the 
nations became of a more peaceful character, and we hear of a 
treaty or agreement in 14b'4, between Edward IV. and Henry 
IV., for the export to Spain of twenty ewes and five rams from 
the Cotswolds in Gloucestershire. This peaceful invasion was 
actually accomplished, and the emigrants are said to have 
nourished and multiplied exceedingly in their new home. 4 

As to the nature of the commerce between England and the 
Peninsula in the middle of the fifteenth century, the following 
verses from Hakluyt may be of interest : 5 

Knowe well all men that profits in certaine 
Commodities called comming out of Spaine, 
And merchandie, who so will weete what it is 
s, Raisins, Wine Bastard, and Datis, 

r, Fesdera, etc., iv. , p. 118 ; Anderson, Hist, of Commerce, i., 381, 382, 

2 Rymer, Fcedera, v., 679; Anderson, op. cit., ed. 1790, i., 433. 

3 On pp. 717, 720, of vol. v. of Rymer's Fcedera, we find mention of a treaty 
or truce, by which the fishers of Castile and Biscay may freely and safelyyfrA in 
the havens of JLngland ; a very remarkable provision. 

4 Anderson, i., 340, 369, 433. 

5 Hakluyt, Voyages and Travels, vol. i., p. 118 (ed. 1600), and p. 189. 


And Licoris, Sivilloyle and Graine 

White Pastill Sope and Waxe is not bayne 

Yron, Wooll, Wadmolle, Gotefell, Kidfell also, 

For poynt-makers full needful bene they tweyn, 

Saffron, Quicksilver which owne Spaine Marchandy, 

Is into Flandes shipped full craftily. 

As to Portugal .... 
Her land hath Wine, Osey, Waxe and Graine. 1 

" From Flanders," says Hakluyt in the same place, " the 
Spanish ships lade homewards fine cloth of Ypres and of Courtray 
of all colours, much fustian, and also linen cloth. Thus," says he, 
" if we be masters at sea, both Spain and Flanders, which have 
such a mutual dependence on each other, must necessarily keep 
measures with us ; and if England should think fit to deny to 
Flanders her wool and tin, and should also prevent the Spanish 
wool, which they work up with English wool, from getting to 
Flanders, the last named small country will soon be starved." 

From a rescript of Henry IV. of England, of the year 1420, 2 
it appears that Alfonso V. of Aragon, had granted letters of safe 
conduct and protection to all English merchants freely to resort 
to his dominions with their ships and merchandise, and that 
Henry V. of England granted the same privilege to the subjects 
of the King of Aragon. 3 But the rights of commerce, more 
especially of international commerce, were hardly recognised in 
western Europe as early as the fifteenth century. There were 
merchant princes, indeed, in Venice and Genoa ; and Barcelona, 
as we have seen, 4 had already given a code of mercantile law to 
the civilised world ; 5 yet peaceful diplomacy, of what may be 
called a practical kind, was still in its infancy. The Spanish 
sailors were amongst the most adventurous in Christendom. 
The Spanish merchants were amongst the most renowned in the 
waters of the West. But the age of rapine had not yet given place 
to an age of business. The merchant was not yet recognised as 
the true knight-errant of civilisation ; and his movements were 

1 Wine bastard is sweet wine ; Sivilloyle is Seville or olive oil ; Graine is 
cochineal (Sp. grana) ; Pastill Sope is Castile soap ; Wax was no doubt largely 
imported from Spain ; the word is sometimes misspelt ware ; Wadmol was coarse 
woollen cloth ; Gotefell and Kidfell are of course goat or kid-skin or leather ; 
poynt-makers were the workmen who made points or medizeval braces for trunk 
hose ; and, finally, Osey was a kind of wine. 

2 Rymer, Faedera, ix., 633. , 

8 Anderson, i. , 566, speaks of English merchants already, at this time, trading 
with Barcelona. 

4 Ante, vol. i., chap. xxiv. 
* Calendar, etc., i., p. 133. 


neither helped nor hindered by any rules of international law. 
The theory of maritime blockade, for instance, was not under- 
stood nor developed even amongst the most civilised nations of 
Europe ; and merchants of neutral states were at liberty to enter 
the ports of any belligerent, and export goods thence to any 
other port they chose. 

But this theoretical liberty was limited in practice by the 
number of pirates of all nations and countries which then 
infested the seas, and by the readiness of the authorities of all 
nations to lay violent hands upon the ships and goods of foreign 
merchants, that might happen, at a critical moment, to be found 
within their dominions. In the early days of the sixteenth 
century, the Moslem sea-rovers of the Mediterranean, and 
especially of the Straits of Gibraltar, had already acquired a 
dreadful celebrity. But although the banishment of the Moors 
of Granada added to the numbers and increased the fury of 
these desperadoes, the practice of piracy was not by any means 
restricted to Moors and Infidels. When a ship of one Christian 
nation fell in with a strange vessel on the high seas, a fight 
generally ensued ; the cargo became the spoil of the victor ; 
and the only difference between Infidels and Christians was 
found in the treatment of the vanquished crew. The Infidels 
made slaves of them, and sold them into bondage. The 
Christians, having no ready market for such commodities, re- 
garded them as useless and costly incumbrances, and threw them 

But Ferdinand was early aware of the importance of a well- 
regulated and a well-trained commerce. Both the theoretical 
freedom and the practical restrictions of the fifteenth century 
were equally distasteful to him, and were by him attacked with 
the greatest vigour, and even with some success. During his 
second war with France, seeking, among other things, to compel 
the English to assist him by an active alliance, he took the bold 
and original step of prohibiting the transport of Spanish goods 
in neutral bottoms to any port in France ; l and by an ordinance 

1 " As the English shipmasters derived great advantage by the carriage of 
merchandise between France and Spain, from whose ports both the Spaniards and 
the French were excluded during the war, Ferdinand feared that Henry VII. would 
be the more disinclined to participate in the contest if the source of national gain 
was to be jeopardised by joining one of the combatants. He consequently pro- 
hibited neutrals from transporting Spanish goods to France." Calendar, etc., i. , 
Introduction, p. 113. 

Pragmatica of yd September, 1500 (Granada) ; Prag. del Reyno, fol. 135. 
The Spanish merchant navy at this time is said to have amounted to no less than 
1000 vessels. Campomanes, apud Robertson, Hist, of America, vol. iii., p. 305. 


of 1500, all persons, whether natives or foreigners, were further 
prohibited from shipping goods in foreign bottoms from any 
port in Spain where a Spanish ship could be obtained. 1 With 
regard to piracy, he further proposed, as a general measure of 
international security, which was promptly accepted by most of 
the nations of Europe, that the master of every vessel on leaving 
port should give security for good behaviour at sea towards any 
vessel belonging to a friendly nation that he might happen to 
meet. 2 

Having succeeded so far, Ferdinand, more enlightened in 
such respects than any other European sovereign, attempted to 
put a stop to another serious hindrance to commerce. He 
declared that the obligation imposed on merchants to answer 
with their private property for the acts of their governments 
was dishonest and useless, and he urged its general abolition. 
But not even Henry VII. could be prevailed upon to accept this 
most practical suggestion ; and the old custom of making the 
merchant's goods lying in foreign ports responsible for the 
fulfilment of treaties, continued to be enforced by the European 
Powers for many years after the death of the Catholic king. 3 

1 Ryraer, xii., 417; Anderson, i., 699, 700. 

2 Calendar, etc., i,, Introd. , p. 113. 

3 As to the trade between Spain and England at this time, see Turner, Hist, of 
Rn%. , iv. , p. 90 ; and Pragmaticas del Reyno, ffs. 146-8. An English consulate 
was established at Burgos, 2ist July, 1494. The Calendar of State Papers (Spain, 
1485-1509, ed. 1862), so often referred to, is full of records of the great political 
interest taken both by Ferdinand and Henry VII. in the smallest details as well as 
in the largest principles of commerce. 



THE reign of John II. was an age of pageantry and of shows. 
If fighting was not yet out of fashion, it was accompanied by an 
amount of display that was new to the warriors of Castile. Gilded 
armour and nodding plumes became as necessary to the ideal 
cavalier as the sharp sword and the strong lance of his grand- 
fathers. John, who was incapable of command on the field of 
battle, took some pleasure in military parade. Nor was the 
influence of Alvaro de Luna in any way more marked than in 
his encouragement of that personal magnificence and extravagant 
display which characterised the knightly shows and tournaments 
so congenial to the court of John II. of Castile. 1 

But Alvaro was no carpet knight, nor content with the 
evolutions of his train of gilded followers. He was himself the 
best lance in Spain, and specially distinguished in a rude and 
dangerous sport that was daily increasing in favour, not only 
with the court, but with the people in Spain, and which has 
endured to the present day as one of the most characteristic of 
the national amusements of the world. 

Bull fights or, more correctly, Corridas or Fiestas de Toros, 
Courses, or Feasts of Bulls, are not, as might be supposed, a 
direct survival of those Roman games of the amphitheatre which 
in many ways they so closely resemble. We have, indeed, 
negative evidence of the most convincing kind that no bull fight, 
or bull feast, or bull combat of any kind was known in Spain until 
after the coming of the Moors. Suetonius and Silius Italicus, 2 
in their detailed description of the Spanish games in the arena, 
make no mention of bulls, nor is anything in the nature of a 
public combat between men and bulls referred to by Polybius, or 
Strabo, or Appian, or Pliny in their various accounts of the Cosas 

1 Such, for instance, as the Paso honroso, as to which see ante, chap, xxxiv. 

2 Suetonius, Julius Ccesar, 39, and Claudius, 21 ; Silius Italicus, xvi. , 285. 


de Espafia of their time. 1 The Romans were acquainted, indeed, 
with a form of bull fight not an Hispanian, but a Thessalian 
sport ; and one first exhibited by Julius Caesar during his dic- 
tatorship in B.C. 45. Bruncke has preserved an epigram of Philip 
of Thessalonica, the poet laureate of bulls, which describes the 
process: "The well-mounted troops of unarmed bull-drivers, 
spurring their horses up to the bounding bulls, throw the noose 
over their horns, and bring to the ground the powerful beast ". 2 
Richard Ford is inclined to trace the origin of the bull fight of 
Spain to the African and Moorish hunting of the wild boar. 3 
There is certainly frequent mention in the early Spanish Chro- 
nicles of the public baiting of the Cerdos, and on the advance of 
agricultural civilisation, the bull presented no doubt a more 
ready and more formidable antagonist. 

Yet if bulls were never slain or baited by men in any of the 
ancient combats in the arena, and if the Corrida, now so essenti- 
ally Roman in its character, is yet of Moorish and not of Latin 
origin, there can be no doubt that in Spain for 600 years the 
most Roman of the provinces of the empire there is still suffi- 
cient of Roman sentiment, if not of Roman tradition, to connect 
the modern bull feast in the ring at Seville with the gladiatorial 
shows in the arena at Italica. The bulls may have come from 
Africa ; the cavaliers may have had their origin at Damascus ; but 
the savage solemnity, the orderly excitement, the whole form and 
feeling of the modern spectacle, are the heritage of Imperial Rome. 

Whatever may have been its origin, the great national sport 
would seem to have been fairly established in Spain as early 
as the eleventh century, though the first specific mention of 

1 In a recent work by Dr. Schuchhardt, Schliemanns's Exploration (1891), 
some drawings may be found of still more ancient bulls. On a coin of Catana, a 
bull is being attacked by a man in a way that recalls the celebrated feat of El Tato 
at Madrid ; and on a gold cup found at Vapheio, near Sparta, a most spirited 
group of four wild bulls just caught in a net, shows an early appreciation of a 
Corrida de Toros by the Aryans of some 3000 years ago. There are many designs 
in which the bull is introduced upon the wall paintings found at Tiryns. See 
Schuchhardt, pp. 119-22, 249, 350-1, and illustrations. Martial, a true Spaniard, 
makes frequent mention of the fighting qualities of the contemporary Tauri in his 
epigrams, more especially in his De Spectaculis, Ep. , 16, 17, 19,27. ( Li vy also tells 
us, "pereos dies, quibus htec ex Hispania nunciata sunt, ludi taurilia per Viduum 
facti, reli^ionis causa ". H.) 

2 Bruncke, Analecta, torn. ii. , Phil. Ep., 62. This " modo de enlazar los toros 
desde el caballo," is the precise method of the gauchos in the Pampas, and is shown 
in the ninth plate of Pepe Illo's Tauromaquia, edited by Gomez (1804). (There 
is, however, no doubt that bull fights similar to the Spanish combats were known 
in Rome, and that the bulls were killed. See Festus' account of the origin of these 
fights in the reign of Tarquin the Proud. H.) 

3 Quarterly Review, vol. Ixii. 


a bull feast is of that which took place at Avila, in 1107, on 
the occasion of the marriage of Blasco Munoz, where Moors and 
Christians vied with one another in their prowess in the bull 
ring ; l and at the royal wedding of Alfonso VII. with Berengaria, 
daughter of Ramon Berenguer III., Count of Barcelona, in 1128, 
we read of a Fiesta de Toros as one of the great events in the 
festivities. 2 

From an ordinance in the Fueros of Zamora, referred to by 
Montes, it seems certain that in the thirteenth century there was 
already a Plaza de Toros in that city. 3 There can scarcely be a 
stronger testimony to the attractions of the bull fight in the earliest 
times than the fact that, in one of the laws of the Siete Partidas,* 
it is ordained that no bishop should be a spectator of such games. 

Peter the Cruel inherited his father's love for the bull fight. 
And it may be remembered that at a Fiesta given in his honour 
in 1351 at Burgos, the body of Garcilaso de la Vega, whom he 
had just killed, was thrown out of the window of his palace, 
which overlooked the great square of the city, and trampled 
upon by the bulls. The feasts were continued by the king's 
brother and successor, Henry of Trastamara ; and we hear that 
the Count Pero el Nino the Spanish Sydney distinguished 
himself greatly at a Corrida which was held at Seville in 1395. 
To come nearer home, the Lady Constance, daughter of King 
Peter the Cruel and wife of John of Gaunt, established a " bull 
running " or Corrida de toros, at her English country seat near 
Tutbury, in Staffordshire, which took place every year on the 
Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, until it was dis- 
continued, little over a hundred years ago, in 1778, in consequence 
of some men having been killed in the course of the rough festi- 
vities. 5 

1 Hist, de Avila, ii., 37. 

2 The first of national bull fighters is said by Moratin, Origen de las Fiestas de 
Toros (1777), p. 8, to have been the great national hero, Ruy Diaz de Bivar (the 
Cid), who died in 1099. Pigs or boars, too, seem also to have been exposed to 
the lances of the knights in public combat on this as on many former occasions. 
Francisco de Cepeda, Resumpta de la historia de EspaHa ; Montes, Tauromaquia 
Completa (ed. 1836), p. 3 ; Manuel Garcia, Epitome de las Recreaciones Publicas, 

3 According to Las Siete Partidas, ii. , ley 57. ' ' Los Prelados no deven ver a 
los lidios de toros." Cf. Montes, pp. 6, 7. 

4 Bull fighting Is said to have also existed in early days in Italy, but to have 
been prohibited in consequence of a series of fatal accidents in 1332. 

5 See Stebbing Shaw, History of Staffordshire, vol. i. , pp. 52-56 ; Plot, Natural 
History of Staffordshire, 436-440 ; Quarterly Review, vol. Ixii. , p. 392 ; Dugdale, 
Monastic Angl., ii. , 355; Blount, Antient Tenures, p. 168-175. 

1418.] THE BULL FIGHT. 331 

In Spain the bull feasts received a new impetus in the 
patronage of King John II., or rather of his accomplished 
master, Alvaro de Luna, the best lance in Spain. The 
combatants became more skilful. The shows became more 
costly. A permanent bull ring was established at Madrid. At 
the marriage festivities of King John with Mary of Aragon in 
1418, the bull fights at Medina del Campo were of peculiar 
interest and splendour. In these still early days of the sport, 
the combatants were not salaried matadores and picadores, but 
the flower of Castilian chivalry. Under Henry IV. the 
shows were increasingly patronised. Christians, moreover, vied 
with Moorish horsemen in their boldness and skill in the arena, 
and torear d cavallo was accounted as an indispensable accomplish- 
ment of a perfect knight. 1 Montes gives three reasons for the 
great development of the corrida in the time of John II. : (1) 
the spirit of bravery animating the Spanish knights ; (2) the 
personal interest, not merely as spectators, but frequently as 
combatants, taken by the kings ; 2 (3) the emulation between 
the Christian and the Moorish nobles of Granada, not only in war 
but in the arena. 

Isabella the Catholic took no pleasure in the sport ; and she 
was only induced to abandon her first intention of prohibiting the 
Fiestas altogether, by a promise on the part of the noble bull 
fighters at her court that the horns of the bulls should be blunted 
or rendered harmless by being enveloped in leathern sheaths. 3 
But this mitigation of the severity of the encounter seems to 
have been adopted but for a very short time ; and in a letter to 
her confessor, Fray Hernando de Talavera, written from Aragon 
in 14<)3, the queen speaks of her determination never to see a 
bull fight in all her life, ni ser en que se corran. Charles V. in- 
herited none of the scruples of his grandmother ; and he is said 
to have killed a bull with his own Imperial hands 4 in the Plaza 

An account of contemporary bull fights in Spain, as judged by English writers, 
will be found in Clarendon's Life, i., 176 ; and Townsend's Travels in Spain, ii., 

1 " Empleo de la premiera nobleza." Moratin, Origen de las Fiesta* de Toros 
( I 77?)- (This was the case for centuries after the time in question. In the royal 
bull fights (fiestas reales) even to this day the Caballeros en plaza attack the bull 
with rejones (short spears) and the great nobles fight usually by proxy in the 
ring. H.) 

2 The Plaza de Toros at Vivarambla, near Granada, was the scene of many of 
these international corridas. 

3 Montes, p. 8, quoting Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo. 

* Pizarro, the conqueror of Peru, is said to have been a distinguished bull 


de Toros at Valladolid, in honour of the birth of his eldest son, 
who succeeded him as Philip II. 

Philip III. built a new bull ring at Madrid, in 1619 ; l and Philip 
IV. was not only a patron of the sport, but took part on horse- 
back, lance in hand, on more than one occasion, in the arena ; 
and a number of works on the art of Tauromachy were published 
with his royal approbation and authority. The bull fight given 
by Philip IV. on the occasion of the visit of Charles, Prince of 
Wales, in 1623, was even more remarkable than that offered by 
his father, Philip III., to Lord Nottingham, in 1604 ; and a 
celebrated matador, disguised as a lady, 12 astonished the strangers 
by his unfeminine vigour in the arena. 

Gaspar Bonifaz, Luis de Trejo, and Juan de Valencia, all of 
them knights of the most illustrious Order of Santiago, published 
treatises on Tauromachy in Madrid in the early part of the 
seventeenth century. In 1643, Gregorio de Tapia y Salcedo, 
also a knight of Santiago, published a large work on the same 
subject, with plates, entitled Reglas de Torear. 3 But no book 
on what may be called modern Tauromachy (los de d pie) was 
written until 1750, when Eugenic Garcia de Baragana published 
his Tauromaquia at Madrid. 

A long list of grandees, distinguished by their personal 
prowess in the arena under the later sovereigns of the House of 
Austria, is given in 1777 by Moratin, whose own maternal grand- 
father is said to have been " may diestro y aficionado" and to have 
fought many times in the company of the Marquis de Mondejar, 
the Count de Tendilla, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and other 
grandees of the bluest blood in Spain. These bold noblemen, 
says Moratin, " cared little how their saddles were girthed, as the 
true girth of a true cavalier should be the legs of the rider ! " 

The reign of Philip IV. was the time of the greatest per- 
fection and glory of the old knightly sport. His feeble son 
Charles II. found more pleasure in the spectacle of the auto de 
fe, although he by no means despised the gentler sport of the 
bull ring ; and at a special corrida in honour of his marriage in 
1680, the Duke of Medina Sidonia killed in the royal presence 

1 There was at this time no special bull ring, The Plaza Mayor it was the 
great square of Madrid where the feasts took place three times a year that was 
rebuilt by Philip III. at the date mentioned. H. 

2 See An Impartial and Brief Description of the Plaza at Madrid and the Bull 
Baiting there, by James Salgado (London, 1683). Martial (de Spect., vi.) saw a 
real Roman lady kill a real lion in the arena. 

3 D. Diego de Torres published about this time a work on Tauromachy, of 
which no copy is known to exist, a possible prize for a lucky book-hunter. 

1760.] THE BULL FIGHT. .333 

two bulls, each one at a single blow. 1 But with the arrival of 
the Bourbon Philip V., French fashions and French tastes took 
possession of Spanish society ; and the bull fight, the national 
sport of the old Spanish chivalry, was abandoned by a Frenchified 
noblesse to the common people. And it was then and there 
that the art of fighting on foot began to be studied in the place 
of the braver sport of knightly skill and noble horsemanship. 
Yet we read of a particularly magnificent Fiesta de Toros held at 
Madrid on 30th July, 1725, at which both the king and queen 
were present ; and of another equally magnificent display on the 
public entry of Charles III. into Madrid in 1760. But as far as 
the popular and everyday Fiestas were concerned, the solemnity 
and good order of the ancient combats gave place for a time 
to a rough-and-tumble exhibition of untutored popular bull 
baiting. 2 

The first professional matadors of renown were the brothers 
Juan and Pedro Palomo and Francisco de Romero, in the early 
part of the eighteenth century, after the accession of theBourbons 
had caused the sport to be abandoned by the aristocracy. But 
the master hand who reorganised the sport on popular lines, and 
rendered the Fiesta de Toros more than ever the national pastime 
of Spain, was Jose Delgado Candido, better known and ever 
celebrated as Pepe lllo, who died in the Plaza at Port St. Mary 
on the 24th of June, 1771, after having established the rules 
and fixed the code of Tauromachian honour and etiquette, and 
the discipline and refinement of the ring, which prevail to this 
day. 3 

But it was reserved for Ferdinand VII. (or his wretched 
minister Calomarde. H.), not generally renowned as a patron of 
education, to restore and regenerate the national sport, not by 
inducing the degenerate nobles of his palace to take their places 
in the arena, but by the establishment of a Tauromachian Uni- 
versity at Seville. The identical courier, who brought the 
decree from Ferdinand to close the regular university at Seville, 
in 1830, conveyed the royal charter of the new Tauromaquian 
Academy, which Spain, in the words of Moratin, " owes to the 
tender solicitude and paternal care of our lord the king a 
school where the art is taught on principle, and where we have 

1 In this famous feast the celebrated Swede, Count Koningsmark, the lover of 
George I.'s wife, was seriously wounded. H. 

2 Spoken of as desjarretar por la plebe, by Monies, p. 15. 
8 Chapman and Buck, Wild Spain, p. 59. 


seen with delight the progress made by the first disciples". 1 
This tender solicitude bore good fruit ; and at a state exhibition 
on the 22nd of June, 1833, the king witnessed a combat of bulls 
and nobles, differing only from the Tauromachian tourneys of 
more ancient days, in that the dukes and counts who descended 
into the arena were assisted by professional matadores in the 
guise of squires, upon whom naturally fell the brunt of the fray. 2 
Bull fighting is now a science as well as an art. It has its 
rules, its traditions, its professors, its literature, and even its 
language. Its practice demands the highest qualities of skill, 
dexterity and courage. As a spectacle it is the most exciting ; 
as a show it is the most characteristic ; as a pastime it is the most 
seductive in the modern world. It is less cruel than a battue of 
pheasants. It is more respectable than an auto defi of heretics. 
It is less demoralising than a ring of bookmakers. It is essentially 
and incidentally a thing of Spain. To defend it in a foreign 
language is useless. To import it into a foreign country would 
be wicked. A description of the show itself would be out of 
place in a historical work. An examination of its language would 
need a special treatise. A comparison of both action and 
vocabulary with the records of the gladiatorial shows of ancient 
Rome would be a work of special, but not, perhaps, of general 
interest. 3 But a history of Spain without reference to the bull 
fight would be like a salad without oil, or an olla without garlic. 4 

1 Moratin, op. cit., p. 28 ; Quarterly Review, vol. Ixii., p. 286. The inscription 
over the doorway was, FERDINANDO VII. , Pio FELIZ RESTAURADOR ; PARA LA 


2 The grandees were the Dukes of Frias, Alva, Infantado, and the Count of 
Florida Blanca. (The nobles had been attended by experts in the ring for at least 
150 years before this date. Count Koningsmark's life had been saved by his 
assistant. H. ) 

3 As late as the year 1726 it was customary to plant the banderillas in the 
bull's neck these single banderillas were called harpones not in pairs as at the 
present day, but one by one ; a very inferior display of skill on the part of the 
Banderillero. The first torero who used the little red handkerchief on the crutch 
of the present day (la muleta) and awaited the attack of the bull, on foot, and face 
to face, was Francisco Romero of Ronda. See D. Manuel Martinez Rueda, 
Elogia de las Corridas de Toros (1831). 

4 For an interesting account of a branch of the bull feast hitherto almost 
unnoticed viz. , the breeding of the bulls, their selection and preparation for the 
combat ; for every bull has his name like a race-horse, and his pedigree is as well 
known to the fancy see Wild Spain, by Chapman and Buck (London, 1893), pp. 
54-70. See also Las Corridas de Toros en el Reinado de Felipe IV., printed in 
torn. ii. of the Curiosidades de la Historia de Espana, by Antonio Rodriquez Villa 
(Madrid, 1886), pp. 275 ad fin, and two recent works by Don Pascual Millan, 
La Escuela de Tauromaquia (1888), and Los Toros en Madrid (1890), with a 
preface by the renowned Lagartijo. 





THE Spaniards of the Roman world, as we learn from Juvenal, 
from Statius, from Pliny, from Martial and from Arrian, 1 were 
distinguished among all other provincials by their skill in the 
art of music. Yet this relative excellence is all that we may 
certainly know upon the subject ; for owing to the absence 
of any system of writing down or noting the musical sounds 2 
they may have produced, we are necessarily ignorant of the 
character of the melodies, or the development of vocal or 
instrumental harmony among the early virtuosi of the Penin- 

The history of music in Spain may be said to begin with St. 

1 And see Teixidor, Hist, de la Musica ; and Aulus Gellius, apud Soriano 
Fuertes, Historia de la Musica en Espafla, pp. 46-51. 

2 The origin of musical notation is a question of general interest far beyond 
the limits of this chapter. See post, pp. 340, 341. The credit of its invention is 
claimed by the Jews of the Peninsula (Soriano Fuertes, op. cit. , p. 66). It is at 
least probable that a system more or less complete existed in Spain in the seventh 
century, which was known as the Rabbinical or Hebrew. Cassiodorus, in 540, 
preparing a manual of sacred music for his monks, only mentions the fifteen tonal 
scales (tchelles tonales) of the neo-Aristoxenians. Martin Gerbert, Scriptores 
Ecclesiastici de Musica, lib. i. , chap. v. , p. 15. Eighty years later, St. Isidore is 
content to adopt the theory of Cassiodorus, while actually denying the possibility 
of any graphic record or representation of fleeting sounds. 

See as to early musical notation (i) Gerbert, De cantu et musica sacra a prima 
ecclesia estate usque ad prcesens tempus, 1774, torn. ii. , tab. 10, No. z ; (2) Brevi- 
arium Gothicum secundum regulam Beatissimi Isidori : ad usum Sacelli Mosara- 
bum (Madrid, 1775), Introd. par D. J. Romero ; (3) F&is, Hist, de la Musique, i., 


Senor Soriano Fuertes somewhat strains one of the canons of the Eleventh 
Council of Toledo (A.D. 675) by interpreting it to mean that no man should be 
admitted to Holy Orders who could not read music. But that the mass and 
psaltery were sung from written music of some sort would seem to be fairly proved ; 
although I do not think that so early an origin is usually admitted by musical 
students. See Berganza, Antiguedades de Espafla, ii. , and Martini, Hist, de la 
Musica, ii., 3. 


Isidore of Seville. 1 His chapters on the art, nine in number, 
are to be found in the third book of his Etymologies, where he 
treats not only of the theory and scientific attributes of music, 
but mentions certain instruments by name, as being those in use 
at the time he wrote : Organum, organ ; Tuba, straight trumpet ; 
Tibia, flute or pipe ; Fistula, shepherd's pipe ; Sambuca, a triangu- 
lar stringed instrument of a high pitch ; Pandura, a three-stringed 
instrument, supposed to have been invented by Pan ; Cithara, a 
stringed instrument played with a plectrum ; Psallerius, a psaltery 
or lute ; Lyra, a lyre ; Tympanum, drum ; Cymbala, cymbal ; 
Sistrum, a metallic rattle ; Tintinnabulum, bell ; Symphonia, a 
species of hurdy-gurdy or organistrum, such perhaps as is figured 
on the carved portico of the Cathedral of Santiago. 2 

St. Isidore is usually considered to be the author of the 
ancient tunes adapted to the Ritual or Service Book in Spanish 
churches, which were afterwards modified by St. Eugenius, 
who succeeded Isidore, after an interval of only ten years, as 
Metropolitan Bishop of Toledo (646-657) ; and this early sacred 
music is thus variously known as Isidorian, Eugenian, Visigothic, 
Melodico and Mozarabic. 3 


But the characteristic features of Spanish music, as far as 
they are to be distinguished from those of the national music 
of other countries, are certainly not Roman ; and they are but 
to a very limited extent patriotic. They are the result, as far 
as it is possible to judge, of southern and eastern influences. 
The Basques, an essentially musical people, have, no doubt, 
exercised some influence upon the music as they have upon the 

1 Musica, says Isidore, est peritia modulationis sono cantitque consistens. Etym., 
lib. iii. , chap. xv. (He also defines it in his second book of the same work thus : 
Musica est disciplina quee de numeris loquitur qui ad aliquid sunt his qui inveni- 
untur in sonis. H.) 

2 St. Isidore, Etymol. ; Riano, Early Spanish Music, p. 144 ; C. Engel, The 
Violin Family, pp. 129-132 ; and Musical News, 6th' March, 1891. 

3 Melodico is said to be as in contradistinction to Gregoriano. Riano, 
pp. 5, 6. 

The supplanting of the Gothic Ritual and Service Book by the Roman in 
Aragon in 1071, and in Castile in 1085, has been already spoken of, ante, vol. i. , 
chap, xxiii. 

There is a Tractatus historico-chronologicus prefixed to vol. vi. of JULY in the 
Bollandist Ada Sanctorum, upon the Liturgia antiqua Hispanica, Gothica Isido- 
riana, Mosarabica, Toletana, of great interest, pp. 1-112. 


general character of the Spaniards. But Spanish music l is not 
Basque, and the inhabitants of the Castilian provinces that border 
upon Biscay are among the least musical people of the Peninsula. 
The influence of the troubadours of Provence and Catalonia was, 
no doubt, considerable during the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries, not only as regards poetry, but as regards music ; but 
in neither case was the effect more than temporary ; and the 
popularity of the Jongleurs and their compositions had died 
away, even in the north-eastern provinces, before the accession 
of Ferdinand of Aragon. 

It is to Andalusia that we must look for the home and birth- 
place of the national music of Spain. Long before the Roman 
Conquest, the music and the musicians of that pleasure-loving 
province were celebrated in Italy as well as in Spain ; and a 
company of Gaditanian singers and dancers was a necessary 
feature at the entertainments of every wealthy Roman host in 
the critical days of the empire. It was in Andalusia, moreover, 
in the eighth century, that the conquering Arabs found a sym- 
pathetic population even then the most refined in the Peninsula. 
Music was cultivated with conspicuous success at the court of 
Cordova ; while from the landing of the first Moslem in 711 to 
the fall of Granada in 1492 the influence that was exercised 
by the Arab upon the musical development of Spain was con- 
tinuous and considerable. And although at the end of the 
fifteenth century the Moor was banished, and every Moorish 
sentiment uprooted and destroyed, this Arab influence still 
survives in the music of southern Spain, more lasting, it may 
be, than the exquisite colours of the Alhambra at Granada, 

1 Of modern works on Spanish music the most important are : i. Mariano 
Soriano Fuertes, Historia de la musica espaHola desde la venida de los Fenicios 
hasta el ano de 1850 (Madrid, 1888). 2. Marcelino Menendez Pelayo, Historia de 
las ideas esteticas en Espana (Madrid, 1883). 3. J. F. Riano, Notes on Early 
Spanish Music (London, 1887). 

See also a very rare work, of which a copy is to be found in the library of the 
British Museum, by Pedro Cerone, published in Spanish at Naples, with an analy- 
sis of the works of many Spanish and Italian composers. See also Villoteau 
Recherches sur Fanalogie de la Musique avec les arts, etc., etc. (Paris, 2 vols.' 
1807). Encycloptdie pittoresque de la Musique (Paris, vol. i., pp. 88-97). Laborde, 
Cte A. De, Itiniraire de CEspagne (Paris, 1834, vi., p. 390). Luca Ruiz y Riboyaz 
Lusy Norte para gaminer par las cifras de la Guitarra Espanola (Madrid, 1672). 
For Basque Music : F. Michel, Traite de la Musique (1857), pp. 435-440. 

In the Curiositts Historiques de la Musique of M. Fetis (Paris, 1830) there is 
absolutely not a word about Spain or Spanish music of any kind. But in the same 
author's excellent Histoire de la Musique (5 vols. , Paris, 1872), much that is useful 
will of course be found, though the amount of space devoted specially to Spain is 

VOL. ii. 22 


no less characteristic than the thousand columns of the mosque 
at Cordova. 1 

For not only, says Mr. Engel, 2 do we still meet with certain 
forms and expressions in the popular songs of Spain which 
forcibly remind us of Arabic music ; but also several of the 
Spanish musical instruments are of Arabic origin. The laud or 
lute is al-oud of the Arabs. The guitar, which has so long been 
not only the favourite but the characteristic instrument of Spain, 
is the Arab Kinlaraf which is still played by the Moslems of 

The development of Spanish national music, indeed, has 
been greatly affected by the guitar. Modes and phrases that 
lent themselves to easy expression on the national instrument 
were most naturally and most easily repeated ; and the Arab 
turns of musical phrase that came in with the guitar, have 

1 Mr. Engel (National Music, 349), seems to say that this influence was con- 
tinued down to the banishment of the Moriscos by Philip III. But as a matter of 
fact, the influence of the Arabs, after the fall of Granada, upon the surrounding 
Christian population was almost nil. As an instance of this, it is strange to read 
that in 1532 there was no professor of Arabic at Salamanca (see Quarterly Review, 
No. 351, p. 151), and that Clenardus was urged to abandon his intention of even 
studying so barbarous and wicked a language. Ibid. , p. 154. He repaired, how- 
ever, to Granada ; but even there, thirty-eight years after the expulsion of the 
Moors, he could not find one single person to teach him the Arabic language ; 
and after two months' search was enabled to purchase an African slave for thrice 
his market value, as being the only man in Granada capable of teaching him the 
language of Boabdil (Id. , 160, 161). Nor was he able to obtain any Arabic MSS., 
in spite of the assistance of the Emperor Charles V. himself, although it was urged 
that his object in studying the language was the conversion of Moslems and the 
overthrow of their theology. (The reason of Clenardus' failure to obtain Arabic 
tuition was not that no one in Granada spoke the language, for at the time in 
question, and long afterwards, it was spoken secretly in the privacy of their homes 
by thousands of Mudejares and Moriscos. But the fanatic Churchmen had already 
prohibited the speech, and bigotry was busy persecuting all Moriscos who dared to 
preserve any memory of their race. I agree with Mr. Engel that the Morisco 
influence on music in Spain continued till the expulsion. H.) 

The inquisitors did not desire such conversions. They desired only that the 
writings and the speech, of the Arab should remain unknown in Christian Spain. 
And it must at least be admitted that their endeavours were crowned with the most 
complete success. But it is idle for modern writers to pretend to suggest, as some 
have done, that learning was in no way impeded or discouraged by the Holy Office. 
A sixteenth century Dominican would have scorned the base apology. 

2 Op. cit., p. 350. 

3 In Spanish and Italian Folk-Songs, by Alma Strettell (London, 1887), there 
are a few Flamenco, Gipsy or popular songs, given in musical score. The songs 
are for the most part bailable, i.e., their music is appropriate for dancing as well 
as singing. Few are humorous or merry ; nearly all grave and sad. Of the 
varieties mentioned in the introduction are (i) The ordinary Flamenco or Gipsy 
the use of the word Flamenco for Gipsy is a puzzle Martinetes, Carceleras, Sole- 
dades or Solgos, Malaguenas, Polos, Seguidillas, Estrivillos, Peteneras, Serranas, 


survived the decay of the Arab. If the guitar most aptly 
expresses the national musical feelings of the Spaniard, his 
national airs have grown under the hand that plucked and 
stopped his national instrument. 1 If the Church music of the 
Mozarabic mode was replaced by the graver measures of the 
Gregorian of general European Christianity, the popular airs of 
Spain were at all times lively, and, as far as can be judged at 
the present time, appropriate for dancing. Even down to the 
present day the popular songs of Spain are invariably sung to 
the music of popular dances. 

Of Spanish dances the most interesting are the (1) Jota, 
(2) Fandango, (3) Seguidilla, (4) Bolero, (5) Tirana, (6) Polo, 
(7) Cachucha. 2 

1 As to the origin of the Spanish guitar see Appendix ; and article " Guitar," 
by Mr. A. J. Hipkins, in Grove's Dictionary of Music, vol. i. , p. 641. 

2 (i) Jotas. Each northern province has its own Jota. The Jota Aragonesa 
is well exemplified in Glinke's piece of that name. Of the Jota Navarra there is 
a specimen in Sarasate's Spanish Dances, op. 22. Cf. Grove's Dictionary of Music, 
vol. ii., p. 43. 

(2) The Fandango, an Andalusian dance, described as a variety of Seguidilla, 
originally a slow measure in six-eight, has of late assumed the characteristic 
Spanish rhythm, and is written in three-four time. See Grove, vol. iii., p. 502, 
where there is an amusing anecdote of the dancing of the Fandango before the 

(3) Seguidilla. Whether indigenous or of Moorish origin is unknown. It is 
written in three-four or three-eight time. From La Mancha it spread over Spain. 
Three divisions are described : 

Seg. Manchegas, of lively character. 

Sei*. Boleras (nothing to do with Bolero), of graver style. 

Seg. Gitanas, very slow and sentimental. 

The Seguidilla introduces the Pasacalle or popular street song, and the vocal 
refrain is an essential characteristic. See Groves Diet. Afus., vol. Hi., p. 457, 
where references are given to examples. 

(4) Bolero. Brisk dance in three-four time, with the characteristic castagnet 
rhythm. For examples see : 

Mehul's Les deux Aveugles, 

The Gipsy ballet in Weber's Preciosa; and Auber*s Masaniello. 

(5) Tirana. Is a graceful Andalusian dance and song, allied to a strongly 
rhythmed air in six-eight time. See Grove, p. 457, vol. iii., and p. 128, vol. iv., 
op. cit., concerning copla and estrevillo. 

(6) Polo or Ole is an Andalusian song and dance of the Spanish Gipsies, of 
semi-oriental character. For examples see J. Gansino, La Joya de Andalucia. 
Madrid, Romero, p. 9. 

(7) Cachucha. An Andalusian dance in three-four time, somewhat resembling 
the Bolero. Grove, p. 290, vol. i., op. cit. 

There are some good pages on the nature and origin of Spanish dancing in 
Soriano Fuertes, op. cit., i., chap. vi. 

It is interesting to note that Spohr wrote a violin concerto, or rather part three 
(Rondo) of a concerto, in G Minor (op. 28), while at Gotha, founded on Spanish 
melodies which he happened to hear from a Spanish soldier who was quartered 
(1808-9), m n ' s house. Ludwig Spohr, Selbstbiographie (1860), i., 133. 

And Weber similarly introduces several Spanish airs into his incidental music 



The Spanish popular melodies, says Mr. Engel, mainly 
derived from the Arabs, are generally founded upon a series of 
intervals, partaking of the character of the Phrygian and 
Mixolydian modes, formerly used in our Church music ; and 
these have been preserved chiefly in Andalusia, where the 
influence of the Moors upon the musical taste of the people 
was naturally more powerful than in any other district of 
Spain. 1 As to the music of the Arabs in Spain, indeed, we have 
abundant evidence that the art was assiduously cultivated and 
magnificently patronised by the court at Cordova. The extra- 
ordinary position of Ziriab 2 has already been referred to ; 
and although sacred or religious music is unknown in the 
Mohammedan form of worship, martial music, dance music, 
and, above all, vocal music, played an important part in the 
life of the Spanish Arabs. 3 As far as we can now understand 
their system, it would seem that instead of dividing the scale of 
the octave, as we do, into twelve semi-tones, the Arabs divided 
it into seventeen more delicate intervals, as may be heard, if not 
apprehended, by any modern traveller in Egypt or the further 
East at the present day. 4 

to Preciosa, also picked up from Spanish soldiers at Gotha. Life of C. M. von 
Weber (1864), i., 200 and 382, and ii., 238. 

The most recent and most remarkable example is the Habanera in Bizet's 
Carmen ; but modern opera teems with allusions to old Spanish^dance tunes. See 
for instance Massenet's Le Cid. 

The musical notation of the various cries of the night watchmen in Andalusia, 
and also in parts of Spanish America, are figured by Mr. Engel in his Nat. Music, 

1 As to the Arab origin of the characteristic florid embellishments or turns, so 
often met with in Spanish music, both vocal and instrumental, see Engel, National 
Music, p. 103, where examples are given in score. 

2 See ante, vol. i. , chap. xiii. 

3 La musique, 1'art subjectif par excellence, est le seul que les Semites aient 
connu. La peinture et la sculpture ont toujours e'te' frapptes chez eux d'une inter- 
diction r61igieuse. Renan, Hist. Gen. des langues Simitiques, p. 12. 

In the first part of Abulfaragi's work on the sciences, there is a treatise on 
music, containing 150 airs, and a notice of the lives of fourteen celebrated musicians 
and four singers. Al Farabi also wrote a work on music. See Viardot, Essai, 

i-. 135- 

There is a learned and most interesting disquisition on Arab music, its modes, 
notation and characteristics, in Villoteaude P Etat actuel de I' Art Musical en Egypte 
(Paris, 1812), part iv. , folio, pp. 1-240. There is a good account of Arab musical 
instruments in part i. , cap. xiii. 

4 See J. P. N. Land, Recherches sur Fhistoire de la gamme arabe, citing a 
manuscript history of Arab music, by Al Farabi, who died A.D. 950. 


A most curious and ingenious form of musical notation, 
moreover, seems to have been at one time adopted by the 
Spanish Moslems, in which, while the notes were known by the 
names of certain letters of the alphabet, as in modern England, 
their duration was indicated by colours ; thus green was the 
longest note, and may be taken to have represented the breve ; 
pink indicated the lesser duration of the semibreve ; dark blue 
the minim ; yellow the crotchet ; black the quaver ; pale blue 
the semiquaver. 

Of the musical instruments of the Arabs in Spain we can 
speak with greater confidence. Many of the forms have been 
handed down to modern times in the north of Africa, and not 
a few, modified and developed in the course of ages, still survive 
in modern Europe. 1 A list of no less than fifty-four instru- 
ments, whose names are given on reasonable authority, and most 
of which have, I trust, been fairly identified, will be found in 
the Appendix to this chapter. 


How far the various Christian systems of musical notation 
that are found in Spain in the Middle Ages were suggested 
by that of the Arabs is uncertain. But while St. Isidore, in 
the seventh century, speaks of the impossibility of " writing 
down those fleeting sounds that escape the memory of man," ' 
we have Christian MSS. from the tenth century onwards, with 
musical signs of the character that are generally known as 
neums or numes. 3 The origin of these neums is profoundly un- 
certain, but Senor Riano has discovered or suggested that they 
are based upon a form of the Visigothic alphabet, 4 consisting 

1 See for some account of Arab instruments generally, Daniel, La Musique 
arabe (Alger, 1865) ; F. Christianowitz, Histoire de la Musique arabe (Cologne, 
1863), and particularly Delphin et Guin, Notes sur la Potsie et la Musique arabes, 
Pans, 1886. And see Appendix to this chapter. 

2 Sonus quia sensibilis res est praeterfluit in preteritum tempus imprimitur que 
memoriae . . . nisi enim ab nomine memoria teneantur soni, pereunt, quia scribi 
non possunt. S. Isidore, Etymol., lib. iii., cap. xv. 

a irvtvfM = breathing, or more probably vtvfM = a sign. See an excellent 
article by Mr. Rockstro ad hoc in Grove's Dictionary of Music. 

4 An alphabet of the cursive handwriting or Visigothic cypher, from which the 
early neums are supposed to have been taken, is given by Mr. Riano at pp. 103- 
108, with many interesting illustrations. As to the Libro de las Cantigas, one of 
the most ancient, and certainly one of the most interesting of the early mediceval 
poems of Spain, see ante, vol. i., chapter xxv. 

As to the system of Boethius, who died in 521, the reforms of Gregory, and 


of cursive characters, rarely used, but found in the signatures 
to documents of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. 1 
This interesting theory it developed with much learning and 
acuteness by Senor Riaiio in his work on early Spanish music. 
He is of opinion that this system of neums was in use in Spain 
even previous to the tenth century, and that it may have been 
adopted in other European countries, where its origin has been 
long forgotten ; and he finds a close resemblance to the Spanish 
neums in the system of notation employed in those celebrated 
musical MSS., the Gradual of St. Gall, sometimes called the 
Antiphonarium de Si. Gregorio, and the Antiphonaire de Montpellier.' 2 
Square notes placed on lines take the place of the neums written 
over the words to be sung, in the thirteenth century ; and one 
of the most beautiful and most interesting MSS. in the world 
is an example of this changing notation. 

The Libro de las Cantigas, compiled by Alfonso X. of Castile, 
and otherwise known as Los Loores y Milagros de Nuestra 
Senora, 3 as a collection of 401 sacred poems or hymns set to 
music, traditionally ascribed to the king himself. The cali 
graphy and illumination of the MS. is of the highest artistic 
perfection ; and on staves of five lines, square notes of various 
values are beautifully inscribed. The lines are some black, 
some red, the number of red lines varying from time to time, 
according to the rules, no doubt, of some system that has 
perished. The series of vignettes or drawings in the MS. itself, 
represents fifty-one musicians of the thirteenth century, each 

more particularly as to the origin and early use of neums, see Fetis, op. cit., iv. , 
pp. 175-271. As to early Christian church music generally, and more particularly 
that of the Roman and Gallican liturgies, ibid., 272-335. 

One of the most valuable works on the early Spanish notation comes, strange 
to say, from Mexico, and is written by Lorenzana, Archbishop of Mexico, and 
Fabian y Tuero, Bishop of Puebla de los Angeles (Angelopolis), where the book 
was published in 1770. Both the reverend authors came originally from Toledo. 
Some very interesting extracts and illustrations are given by Mr. Riano, p. 138. 

1 C'est aussi dans 1'onzieme siecle qu'on voit apparaitre un nouveau systeme 
rgulier de notation pour la musique mesur^e. Fetis, Hist., i., 169. 

2 Riano, pp. 10-20. And as to the Cantigas, 47-49 and 108-122. See Pothier, 
Les mllodies grfgoriennes ; Hugo Riemann, Studien zur Geschichte der Noten schrift ; 
David et Lussy, Histoire de la notation, pp. 27, 43, 67 ; Felix Clement, Histoire 
de la Musique, p. 256 ; Senor Don F. Aznara, Indumentaria Espanola (1880) ; 
Fetis, Histoire de la Musique, iv., 175-271. 

3 A most superb edition of the Cantigas was published at Madrid in 1889 by 
the Royal Academy of Spain ; the editor-in-chief being the Marques de Valmar. 
It is in two volumes, large 410, pp. (228) 128 and (36) 796, superbly printed, with 
an admirable introduction and notes, and critical disquisition upon the various 
MSS. , and what is still more rare in works of the kind, an excellent index. 


one playing a different instrument, 1 whose name and character- 
istics as far as I have, after much assisted study, been able to 
identify them will be found, like those of their Arab congeners, 
in v .he Appendix. 2 


The invasion of Spain during the eleventh and twelfth cen- 
turies by the monks of Cluny, for whom were reserved, owing 
chiefly to the ignorance of the native Spanish clergy, many of 
the highest ecclesiastical posts in the Peninsula, gave a French 
tone not only to Spanish ecclesiasticism but to Spanish art of 
every kind. Of their jealousy of the Mozarabic Ritual and 
Service Book I have already spoken. And it is not surprising 
that, after the great Ritualistic victory of the Cluniacs in the days 
of Alfonso VI., they should have supplanted not only the Missal 
but the music of Isidore. Thus, from the end of the eleventh 
century, the Gregorian chant was the only ecclesiastical music 
recognised by the Church in Spain ; 8 and thus, although the 
sacred music of Spain is not without a certain distinctive 
character of its own, its individuality has suffered, just as the 
independence of Spanish religion and the originality of Spanish 
architecture have also suffered, from the tremendous influence 
of Cluny in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Yet the Moz- 
arabic ritual was still observed in some churches ; and there is 
even now a chapel in the Cathedral of Toledo where, with the 
independent approbation of Cardinal Ximenez, the ancient Moz- 
arabic Service Book was formally restored and publicly followed, 
and where, to the present day, a special company of priests and 
choristers is engaged exclusively upon the performance of the 
ancient Ritual. 

1 After much study and examination, not only of books but of ancient instru- 
ments in the admirable collection in the South Kensington Museum, where I 
spent a very pleasant day in the company of a kind and valued critic, Mr. James 
Crosse Johnston, I have sought to identify them, as will be seen in the Appendix. 

2 The Archpriest of Hita, a well-known Castilian writer who flourished in 
1300-1360, has left us the names of some thirty of the principal musical instruments 
used in his time. His list, with such notes as suggest themselves, is printed, 
together with other lists of instruments, in the Appendix to this chapter. Vide 
Riano, pp. 128-130 ; Saez, Demostracion Historica (1796), pp. 340-342. 

3 As to the origin of the Gregorian chant, see Gevaert, ubi sup., p. 20; and 
Fe'tis, Biographic Universelle des Musiciens, torn, iv., sub-tit., " Gr^goire ". 



There was a great development of popular music in north- 
east Spain, and indeed throughout the Peninsula, during the 
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when the art was cultivated 
and held in honour, not only at the courts and castles of Aragon, 
but among the pleasure-loving people of Provence, of Catabnia, 
and of Valencia. 1 

The Gaya Ciencia included music as well as poetry ; and the 
troubadour was not only a verse-maker, but a musical composer, 
a singer, and usually, if not always, skilled on some instrument. 
The Jongleurs especially were accomplished performers, and their 
music was quite as popular as their poetry. 2 Yet the study of 
sacred music was not entirely neglected in the Peninsula, and at 
Barcelona the celebrated Raymond Lull was a student and a pro- 
fessor of music of every kind. 3 The first Spanish writer of any 
importance after the time of Isidore who has treated of music in 
any form is this marvellous Majorcan, whose Ars Magna was 
given to the world in the year 1308. Of the profound learning 
and the extraordinary versatility of this wonder of the Middle 
Ages I have already spoken, and although the chapter on Mttsic 
(chap, li.) in his great work may seem trivial, if not impertinent, 
to modern musicians, it may be studied with advantage by those 
who are concerned with the development of art in Spain. 

Music, says he, is divided into natural and artificial ; the 
latter including the Harmonic, the Rhythmic, and the Metric. 4 
To the Enharmonic corresponds natural and moral science ; to 
the Diatonic, divine and civil law ; to the Chromatic, the mathe- 
matics and economic sciences. 5 

The most ancient record of profane music in Spain that is 
known to exist is a romance entitled Versos fechos en loor del 
Condestable, set to music for four voices, and copied in the 

1 Barbieri, p. n. 

2 As to the origin and signification of Joglar, Yoglar, Juglar, whence Juggler 
or Buffoon, Fr. Truhan, see Saez, Demostracion, etc. (1796). The first meaning 
would seem to be, players upon musical instruments, thence singers, and thence 

3 See Bastero, Crusca Provencal, and ante vol. i. , chap, xxvii. 

4 Ars Magna, li. 

5 See upon Lull and his musical theories, Menendez Pelayo, Hist, de las Ideas 
Esteticas en Espana, i. , 262, 363. 

See Riano, 8 ; Soriana Fuertes, i., 134-139. In the Ars Magna (1308), Lull 
speaks of the art as inventa ad ordinandum multas voces concordantes in unum 
cantum, sicut multa principia ad unam Inem ; and devotes an entire chapter of 
the Ars Magna to the subject. 


Chronicle of the Constable, by Manuel Lucas de Franzo, about 
the year 1466 ; and MSS., with musical notes of the fourteenth 
century, are still in existence in Spain. We find also in the 
Leges Palalinas of King James II. of Aragon, in 1317, that 
musicians were employed in the king's service at least as early 
as that year. 

In Castile, music was perhaps rather more of an aristocratic 
or courtly pastime than it was in Aragon. 1 Alfonso X. was a 
great patron of music, both sacred and profane ; and his son, Don 
Sancho, in this respect at least, followed in his father's footsteps. 2 
Many grandees of the fifteenth century kept salaried musicians 
in their households ; and Isabella the Catholic was so great an 
amateur and patroness of the art that no less than forty singers, 
to say nothing of a large number of performers on various instru- 
ments, organs, clavichords and lauds, were constantly maintained 
in her service. The greater number of these private musicians 
would seem to have been attached to her chapel, and engaged in 
the performance of sacred music ; but there is little doubt that 
music, both vocal and instrumental, of a secular character, was 
heard at court ; and it is certain that the queen was too good a 
soldier not to cultivate military music in the camp and on the 
field of battle. At the siege of Baza, in 1489, especially, we are 
told that the Moors were astonished at the excellence of the 
military music, and at the serpents (Baslardos), the clarions 
(clarities), the trumpets (trompetas), the pipes (chirimias), the 
sacbuts (sacabuches), the dulcimers (dulzainas), and the kettle- 
drums (atabales), of which special mention is made by Bernaldez 
in his history. 

In the inventory of the effects of Isabella the Catholic in the 
Alcazar at Segovia in 1503, preserved in the archives at Simancas, 
we find mention ot a ducemal, arpa, three chirimias or boxwood 
pipes, a great number of lauds of different characters, carefully 
distinguished, fiddles, flutes, organs, and two old (viejos) clavedm- 
balos mat/ores. 3 Among the queen's books were large numbers of 
musical compositions, of which a list is given by Barbieri. 4 Alfonso 
X. established a Chair of Music in the University of Salamanca; 
and Cardinal Ximenez, on the foundation of his newer university 

1 The Basques had songs, dances and popular airs peculiar to themselves, and 
quite uninfluenced by any Provencal, French or Arab art. 

2 See Soriano Fuertes, i. , 104-5. 

8 A predecessor of the hautboy. See Hipkins, 8. 
4 Barbieri, of. tit., pp. 14, 15. 


at Alcala de Henares, in 1498, endowed a Chair of Music, to 
which the Aragonese Pedro Ciruelo was afterwards appointed. 

One of the first acts of Don John, Prince of Asturias, the 
only son of Ferdinand and Isabella, on obtaining a separate 
establishment, was to engage professors and performers, as well 
of instrumental as of vocal music, at liberal salaries, and to pro- 
vide his palace with claviorgans and organs (clavicimbalos and 
clavicords] guitars (vihuelas de manoi}, and fiddles (vihuelas de arco), 
tambourines, psalteries, dulcimers, harps, and a rebelico muy 
precioso. 1 Don John had also a large band of military musicians, 
whose instruments were apparently similar to those in use at the 
siege of Baza. 2 


The golden age of Spanish music is undoubtedly the last 
decade of the fifteenth century, during the reign of Ferdinand 
and Isabella, when numerous works of importance on the art 
were written and published by natives of Spain, more especially 
Bartolome Ramos de Pareja, De Musica practica, in 1482 ; Domingo 
Marcos Duran, Lux Bella, dedicated to Cardinal Ximenez, in 
1492 ; and Guillermo Podio, Ars Musicorum, in 1495. 3 

1 Gonzalo Fernandez deOviedo, Libra de la Camara, Barbieri, pp. 12, 13. 

2 See for a very brief sketch of the development of Spanish music in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries, Francisco Barbieri, Cancionero Musical de los siglos XV. 
y XVI. (Madrid, 1890), where there is also a list of Spanish composers and a 
great deal of popular music arranged for a number of voices ; sm. music folio, 
P- 633. 

3 The following most interesting and valuable books of old Spanish music have 
been recently acquired by the British Museum, at the Heredia sale, and have been 
shown to me an unsolicited favour by Dr. Garnett, with the kindness that ever 
distinguishes those who rule and serve in that Palace of Letters : 

1. Ennriquez de Valderravano, El excelente musico, Libra de Musica para 
Vihuela (Valladolid, 1547). The music is written on six-line staves, with lozenge- 
shaped notes, some open, some full, and with numerals as well as notes, some red, 
some black, on the stave, The words set to music are in some cases Latin, but 
more frequently Castilian. 

2. Diego Pisador, a book with a similar title and of similar character (1552). 

3. Libra de Musica para, Vihuela intilulado Orphenica Lyra, por Miguel de 
Fuenllana (Sevilla, 1554). A work of the same character as the preceding. 

4. F. Joannis Navarro, Gaditanis ordinis minorum regularis observantics, 
Liber, etc. (Mexici, 1604). Various religious offices, all set to music in square 
notes on five-line staves. 

5. Francisci Salinas, Burgensis abbati, etc., etc., De Musica libri septem (Sal- 
manticse, 1592). A critical treatise on music in Latin, with illustrations in musical 
score, lozenge-shaped open notes on three-line staves. 

6. Libra Llamado arte de taner Fantasia, assi para Tecla coma para Vihuela 
. . . compuesto por . . . Padre Fray Thomas de Sancta Maria (Valladolid, 1565). 


A treatise on the theory and art of music, in which the 
elements of singing are presented with great minuteness, by one 
Alfonso Spanon, was printed by Pedro Brun at Seville in 1492. 
The Sitmitla de Canto del organo, Contrapunto, y compo.ncion vocal 
i/ instrumental, practica y speculativa was printed at Salamanca at 
the end of the fifteenth century, and was dedicated to Archbishop 
Fonseca. 1 But many other books of music were published in 
Spain during the sixteenth century, including compositions for 
various instruments, notably the vihuela ; and songs set to music 
for four, five, six, eight and even twelve voices. 

Spanish music during the Renaissance possessed the same 
amount of development, and the same facilities for expression, 
that were to be found in Italy and France. But Italy rather 
than Spain attracted, during the Cinquecento, the greatest com- 
posers and performers of the Peninsula. Among these Bartolom6 
Ramos de Pareja, who was professor of music at the University 
of Salamanca, went to Italy and became a professor at the 
University of Bologna, where in 1482, he published the great 
work in which he developed his new theory of temper -amento, 
which is said to have revolutionised the art of music. And no 
less than thirty-one more or less distinguished Spanish composers 
are said to have nourished in Italy during the sixteenth century. 2 
The Spaniard Cristobal or Cristoforo Morales 3 was chapel 

Pi. practical treatise or method of instrumental music, full of illustrations ; five-line 
staves, with lozenge-shaped notes, some open, some full, apparently breves, semi- 
breves, minims, crotchets, quavers ; some notes dotted. 

The most remarkable contribution to our connected knowledge of Spanish 
music is the compilation of Miguel Hilarion Eslava (himself a composer of con- 
siderable fertility), Lira sacro-hispana, in ten vols., giving specimens in full score 
of the productions of the church composers from the sixteenth to the nineteenth 
century. It is a curious circumstance that this work, published at Madrid as 
recently as 1869, should now be a book of considerable rarity. 

For this note, among many others, and for his constant help in the revision of 
this chapter, a printed line of thanks is very far from expressing my sense of obli- 
gation to my good friend Cecil Bendall. 

1 A great number of other Spanish works on the theory and practice of music, 
both vocal and instrumental, are given by Mr. Riano, pp. 70-83. A very large 
number of missals and service books containing music, and existing only in MS. in 
the various libraries in Spain, some of them as old as the tenth century, have been 
discovered and catalogued by Mr. Riano in his most interesting work, and are 
well worthy of attention, op. cit., pp. 20-69. A number of early printed missals 
and service books are added, pp. 82-95. A quantity of very early printed instru- 
mental music is, perhaps, even more interesting. Of these the Libra de musica 
practica, by Mos. Francisco Touar (Barcelona, 151), is the earliest in date. 

2 For their names, see Riano, 3, 4. 

8 The Hispanite Schola Musica Sacra is now in process of publication at 
Leipsic. There are some of the works of Morales in vol. i. 


master of the Sistine Chapel at Rome in the early part of the 
same century, and was perhaps the most celebrated composer in 
Italy before the time of Palestrina. No less than thirteen editions 
of his works were published in Italy in the sixteenth century. 
His most celebrated work is the motet, known as The Lament of 
Jacob, which is still performed and admired in England, and has 
been published in a popular form by Novello. 1 Nor is his less 
celebrated compatriot Vittoria Tomas Luis de Victoria another 
musician of the Sistine Chapel, less appreciated in modern times. 
He is known and loved, as I am told by an accomplished musical 
friend, almost as much as Palestrina, at least in the few circles 
where the motet is still practically cultivated. The Bach choir 
have performed many of his motets within recent years, and his 
works are to be found in modern as well as in ancient editions. 

It was a Spaniard, moreover, Don Juan de Tapia, who 
founded and endowed at Naples, in 1537, the Conservatorio della 
Madonna di Loretto, the first school of music in Italy, and the 
model of all similar institutions that have since been created in 

The compositions and performances of all these Spanish 
virtuosi of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, would seem to 
have been exclusively of a sacred character. Of the popular 
music and musicians of 400 years ago, we have, as may be 
supposed, no record whatsoever. 

1 Edward Taylor, Gresham Professor of Music, in the introduction to his 
Vocal Schools of Italy in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1839), p. 6, speaks of the 
motet of Morales, Lamentabatur Jacob, quoting a letter of an Italian musician 
of 1684, as una dellepiu belle melodie eke noi habbiamo nella Capella Pontificate. 





UNKNOWN among the barbarians who founded the common- 
wealths of the modern world, judical torture had no existence in 
western Europe during the whole of the period that is scornfully 
characterised as the Dark Ages. 

" In antient Greece," says Mr. Lecky (Rationalism, i., 328-9). 
"torture was never employed, except in cases of treason. In 
the best days of antient Rome, notwithstanding the notorious 
inhumanity of the people, it was exclusively confined to the 
slaves. The extraordinary ingenuity of mediaeval ecclesiastical 
tortures, and the extent to which they were elaborated by the 
clergy . . . possesses a great but painful interest." 

Judicial torture was revived in Christendom only in the 
middle of the thirteenth century, when Innocent IV. in his Bull 
ad extirpanda, in 1252, prescribed its use for the discovery and 
suppression of heresy. 

A certain respect for ancient prejudices, indeed, constrained 
the Pope to forbid its actual administration by the inquisitors 
themselves, or even by the Familiars of the Holy Office, but this 
restraint was of very short duration. Four years only after the 
Bull of Innocent IV., Alexander IV. in 1256 removed the 
difficulty in a most characteristic fashion by authorising inquisi- 
tors and their associates to absolve one another, and mutually grant 
dispensation for irregularities of practice or procedure ; a per- 
mission which was more than once repeated, and which was held 
to remove all canonical impediments to the use of torture under 
the direct supervision of the inquisitor himself. 1 

Although the extension of torture in secular judicial procedure 

1 Lea, History of the Inquisition, i., 421-2, and Appendix, xii., p. 575, where 
the Bull of Alexander IV. is given in the original Latin. 


was remarkably slow, it grew rapidly in favour with the Church, 
and was found in general use, by the beginning of the fourteenth 
century, not only in the tribunals of the Inquisition, but in the 
ordinary ecclesiastical courts. 1 

Torture, it was cynically asserted, possessed many practical 
advantages. It saved the trouble and expense of prolonged 
imprisonment. It was a speedy and effective method of obtain- 
ing such revelations as might be desired. 2 

The torture of the accused, according to orthodox ecclesi- 
astical procedure, might be continued, but not repeated. Direct., 
iii., 313, 314. As a matter of practice, accordingly, at the end 
of each day's torment, the application was pronounced adjourned ; 
and the law ecclesiastical was thus obeyed. 

A full and authoritative account of the tortures that were 
inflicted by the ecclesiastical tribunals will be found set out in 
cold-blooded and dreadful detail in the treatise De Catholicis 
institutionibus Liber, by Simancas, Bishop of Beja, printed at Rome 
in 1575 for the use of ecclesiastical judges, tit. Ixv., De Tormentis, 
pp. 491 ad Jin. The matter is disposed in 84 sections ; and 
amid all the refinements of torture for the accused of all possible 
conditions, it is satisfactory to read (p. 49) that clerici et monachi 
rarius et mitius torquendi sunt. 

Torture was inflicted by special inquisitors on English wit- 
nesses, in spite of English laws and free institutions, by the 
mandate of Clement V. in 1311 ; and the poor-spirited Edward 
II. did not dare to prohibit the Papal inquisitors from introducing 
it as an ecclesiastical method in the proceedings of the Holy 
Office in London, York and ^Lincoln, when Clement and Philip 
of France had determined to plunder and destroy the Knights 
Templars. See ante, vol. i., chapter xvi. 

1 Certainly in 1317. Lea, op. cit., i., 556-8. 

2 C'est assurlment une coutume louable (Tappliquer les criminels d la question, 
says Eymeric, cap. v. (trans. Morellet, ed. 1762). (It may be added that judicial 
torture was expressly prohibited by the constitution of Aragon. H.) 



THE world-renowned Abbey of the Benedictines at Cluny, near 
Macon, in Burgundy, was founded in 910 by William the Pious, 
the reigning Duke of Aquitaine ; and in less than two centuries 
it had reached a position second only to Rome as a centre of 
religious or ecclesiastical life. 1 The Abbot of Cluny ranked 
above all other abbots, and was more powerful than any 
bishop in Christendom, under the nominal supremacy of the 
Pope at Rome. Consulted by kings and princes upon all the 
great political questions of the day, gratified by appreciative 
Popes with the title of Abb6 souverain in 1091 and Abbas abbatum 
(in 1116), this greatest of abbots coined his own money, made his 
own laws, and was a temporal as well as a spiritual potentate, 
extending his influence, through subordinate religious houses, 
whose number is said at one time to have reached 2000, over 
every country in Europe. 

The great Basilica, or Abbey Church at Cluny, was com- 
menced by Hugh, the eighth abbot, in 1089, and finally completed 
in 1131, when it was consecrated by Innocent II., being at that 
time the largest church in Christendom, and one of the wonders 
of the mediaeval world. 2 The conventual buildings were not only 
numerous, but they were designed on the grandest scale, and in 
the sixteenth century they covered a space of over twenty-five 
English acres. The refectory, the infirmary, the guest-house, or 
kdtelerie, were all of vast dimensions, and the facade of the stables 
alone was 280 feet in length. 8 

1 It was the training school of four Popes Gregory VII., Urban II., Paschal 
II. and Urban V. ; and it was long the home of Peter the Venerable, the translator 
of the Coran. 

2 Duckett, p. 3. It was fifty feet longer than the modern St. Paul's, and only 
ten feet less than St. Peter's. Henry I. of England and Mathilda contributed very 
largely to the expenses of the work. 

3 Duckett (pp. 21-25) gives a list of the abbots of Cluny for 900 years from 
Bernon, in 910, to Dominique de la Rochefoucauld, who died in exile in 1800. 
VOL. H. 23 


After a long and splendid history, the abbey was sacked by 
the Huguenots in 1 562 ; and the library was burned by the 
Jacobins in 1793, after the Order had been formally suppressed 
in 1790. Yet a large number of charters and MSS., which 
happily survived that destruction, were accidentally discovered 
stowed away in the Town Hall of Cluny in 1829, and purchased 
by the French Government. 1 

Of the great church at Cluny, one tower and part of the 
transept alone remain. But the ancient town residence or 
palace of the abbot in Paris, has survived the general wreck. 
Purchased by the French nation in 1833, and converted into a 
museum of antiquities, it is known to every visitor in modern 
Paris as the Hotel Cluny. 2 

1 The modern town of Cluny contains some 4000 inhabitants. See Inventaire 
des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale: Fonds de Cluni, par Leopold 
Delisle (1884). 

The standard English works on the subject are : (i) Record Evidences of the 
Ancient Abbey of Cluni, by Sir George Duckett, Bart. (1886), one vol., p. 64; 
(2) Charters and Records of the Ancient Abbey of Cluni, from 1077 to 1534, by 
Sir George Duckett, Bart. (1888), two vols., pp. 262-325, including extracts, in- 
dexes and lists of various kinds, printed from the original MSS. , with an excellent 
historical introduction, i. , pp. 1-40, giving the best available account of the rise and 
progress of the great abbey and its dependencies. 

2 A few of the books and MSS. had previously found their way into the 
Bibliotheque nationale, and even into the British Museum. There are some draw- 
ings of the interior of the old Abbey of Cluny in Sir John Hawkin's History of 
Gothic Architecture (1813). 



I. Spanish Arab Instruments of the Ninth and Tenth 

(See p. 76.) 

THE following list of musical instruments used by the Spanish 
Arabs is taken from a MS. in the Escurial by Mahmud Ibrahim 
Axalehi No. 69 apud Soriano- Fuertes, Historia de la Musica 
Expafiola, pp. 89-92. I am indebted to my friend Mr. A. G. 
Ellis of the Oriental Department of the British Museum for most 
kindly and with much pains revising this note, of which the 
entire value, as regards the Arabic etymologies, is due to his 
scholarship and research : 

1. ADUFE ad-Duff"; Tambourine, said by Axalehi to be the 

oldest of Arab musical instruments. 

2. ALGUIRBAL al-Ghirbdl; a sieve, hence a Tambourine, synony- 

mous with the preceding. 

3. ALMASAFEH al-MasAfih, plural ofMasfah; clapping of hands. 

4. ALKIMAR al-Qimdr ; dice, possibly a rattle of some kind. 

5. ALAZAF al-Azf; the generic name for all pulsatile instru- 

ments of music, such as Lutes and Mandolines. 

6. ALMIZAR ; possibly an error for al-Mizdn, not a classic name 

for any musical instrument. MM. Delphin and Guin, 
Notes sur la poteie et la musique arabes dans le Maghreb 
alg&rien, p. 42, say that the Tambourine is called in 
Morocco Mizdn. 

At the present day in Tunis, Algiers and Egypt, the Tam- 
bourine is called Tar. 

7. ALAUD aloud, a Laud or Lute. See Fetis, Hist, de la 

Musique, vol. ii., pp. 107-110; al-red, was anciently made 
with four strings, now with seven double strings. 


Note. Before Ziriab's time the lute was, according to the old fashion, 
composed of four strings only, which answered, it was supposed, to the four 
elementary principles of the body, and expressed the four natural sounds. Ziriab, 
however, added to it another red string, which he placed in the middle, by which 
addition the instrument was considerably improved, and a more harmonious sound 
than before produced. 

This was not the only improvement devised by Ziriab in this department of 
music. He also introduced the use of eagles' talons instead of the wooden plectra 
which were formerly in use, and this he did on account of the soft down which 
covers the claw of that bird. El Makkari, apud Gayangos, ii. 118, 119. 

8. ARRABIL ar-Rabdb ; Rebel or Rebeck, a Fiddle with two 

9- ALKIRREN al-Qarn ,- Horn. The ordinary word for Horn 

in any sense. 

10. ASANGA as-Sanj, Persian chang, a species of Lute mentioned 

by el-Farabi in his treatise on music. 

11. ALKITRARA Guitar. The word used at the present day for 

a Guitar in northern Africa is Kouilra (Delphin and Guin, 
p. 46), probably the vulgar pronunciation for Kurveitira, 
which would be the diminutive of some such word as 

12. ALMIAZAF al-Mizaf; a synonym of al- Azf, and derived from 

the same root. See No. 5. 

13. ALMIZMAR al-Mizmdr ; a musical Reed or Pipe; now-a-days 

usually a Flute. Delphin and Guin (p. 41) explain it by 
" Flute de Pan ". 

14. ALMEYA al-Mdya? Salvador Daniel, La Musique arabe, p. 

41, says that M&ia is the name of an instrument as well as 
of a mode ; but I have not been able to find out what 
kind of an instrument it was. 

15. ALCUCEBA al-Quq&iba, diminutive of Qaqab, a Reed. See 

No. 23. 

16. ALBUQUE al-Btiq ; a Trumpet, properly a War Trumpet. 

17. ALTABAL al-Tabl ; a Drum, or? Tambourine. 

1 8. ALCOZO ? 
19- ALCUBA? 

20. ALAYRE ? 

21. ATAMBUR; "a kind of Lute" (Engel) ; "a Drum" (Dozy 

and Engelmann) ; al-Tambtir, a kind of Mandolin with 
cords of brass wire, played with a plectrum, said to be a 
Persian word. The name appears to be also applied now- 
a-days by the Arabs to a military Drum. 

22. ALBARBET a kind of Fiddle ; probably /2ap/?iTov. Avicenna, 

in his work on music, calls the Lute al-Barbtit. 

23. ALCASIB al-Qafab ; Reed or Pipe. See No. 1 5. 


24. AXAHIKA ash-Shahiqa ; Shaklq, signifies the final note of the 

braying of an ass ; also any high sounding, moaning note. 
X in mediaeval Spanish always transliterated the Arab sh. 
The J sound is comparatively modern. 

25. ASAFILZ ? 

26. AXIRON? 

27. ALKITRARET. See No. 11. 



30. KABAR? 

31. XAHIN? 

32. MIZAMIR plural of Mismdr ; perhaps a double Flute or 

Pipes. See No. 13. 

33. TAMBOR DE CUFA. See No. 21. Doubtless the special form 

of instrument called the Tambttr of Bagdad, which is 
described by el-Farabi. 


35. XABEBA ash-Shabbdba ; a species of Flute. 

36. SOFAR Saffdra; a Whistle or Fife, apparently of metal, 

according to F6tis, a Flute. 


38. JUF-TAF. Drum. (F6tis.) 

39. SOFAR-ARRAY Saffdmt ar Kdi, Shepherd's Pipe. Sofar is 

not a classical but a popular form. The instrument is 
called by Senor Soriano-Fuertes, Chiflo de pastor. 

40. CASIB-ARRAY Qagabal ar-Rai, Shepherd's Reed. Qaqaba 

would be the noun of unity of Q.aqab, which is a general 
term. The instrument is called by Senor Soriano-Fuertes 
Zampona de pastor. See Don Quixote, part ii., chap. Ixxiii. 
Estd ya duro el alcacer para Zamponas. 


42. MIZMAR is No. 13, without the article a Flute. 

43. NEYO Nay; a Reed, a Persian word, qagab being the 

corresponding Arabic, a Flute. (Fetis.) 

In other Catalogues I have also found the following : 

44. ANAFIL an-Nafir ; a metal Trumpet. 

45. REBEL. See No. 8. 

46. REBAB do. 

47. ZAMBRA a band of musicians. Plural of Zdmir, a musician. 
48.^TAMBUR a mandolin. (F6tis, ii., 145.) See Nos. 21 and 33. 
49. CANON Qdnun; a trapezoid Zither, or Tables, Gr. 

There is a specimen in the British Museum. 


50. SANTIR a Dulcimer, not unlike the above. Gr. 

Instrument monte avec des cordes de Jil de laiton, et qu'on 
louche avec de petites baguettes de bois, compose d'une seule 
caisse plate, en bois, de forme trapezoide, de mime que le 
qdnon arabe. Dozy, Supplement aux Dictionnaires arabes. 

51. KISSAR Kisar, qlsdr, or qitdr, a word Used in modern Arabic 

doubtless the Greek KiOapa, a Guitar. See No. 11. 

52. KEMANYEH Kamanja; Viol. An instrument known through- 

out all western Asia and north Africa. 

53. TABAL Tabl ; Drum. The diminutive Tubeila (vulgar 

T bila) is used for Tambourine. 

54. NAKARA Naqqardh ; Kettle Drum. 

II. Musical Instruments in use in Christian Spain in the 
Thirteenth Century, Jrom ike Illuminated MS. of the 
CAXTIGAS of Alfonso X., circa 1275. 

(See page 78.) 

1. Pair of small Drums or unknown instrument of percussion, 

one in each hand. 

2. Large curved Horn (cornetto curvo). 

3. Large straight Horn. 

4. Tambour or tom-tom. 

5. Double-pipe Recorder. 

6. Cymbals (round). 

7. Lute (3 strings). 

8. Bells (7 Bells hung on a frame). 

9. Flageolet, Arabic soufdrd. Cf. Fetis, ii., 153. 

10. Flute; in Arabic chababu^^o. 35 of List I. 

11. Castanets (one pair in each hand). 

12. Double Flageolet. 

13. Large cornetto curvo, or Horn pierced with holes. 

14. Tambour (larger than No. 4). 

15. Pipe and Tabor. 

16. Apparently a variety of the Lute, with no neck, large 

sounding box or caisse, and three strings plucked with 
the fingers of the right hand. 

17. 18. Dulcimers, or Santirs. This instrument is correctly 

styled in English, Hackbut, sive Hackbrett a butcher's 
chopping block. 


19. 20. Straight metal Trumpets. 

21-25. Five Lutes; Arabic Tambur (the strings plucked with 

the hand) ; three with five strings ; two with three 

strings. See No. 48 of List I., and Ftis, Hist, de la 

Musique, ii., 137. 
26-28. Two Viols or Vihuelas, or Fiddles (the strings to be rubbed 

with a bow), one with four strings, one with three strings. 

The Arab Kamanyeh. See No. 52 of List I. 
29, 30. Two Rebecs or Viols of two strings, with bow. 
31, 32. Two Lutes of eight strings. 
33, 34. Two Lutes of three strings. 

35. Threefold or Triple Pipe. 

36. Four-stringed Kitra, kitara, or guitar. See F6tis, Hist, de la 

Musique, ii., 127. 

37. Five-stringed ditto. 

38. Cymbals (round). 

39. 40. Two Vielles, organistro, or hurdy-gurdies. Cf. Engel, 

The Violin Family, p. 74. These are specimens of the 
greater Vielle or organistrum for two performers. The 
common or single Vielle was known in the thirteenth 
century as a Symphonium. 1 

41. Two-stringed Viol or Rebec. 

42. Large ten-stringed Lute or Theorbo (single-headed). The 

Archilute was met with even in the seventeenth century. 
Our friend Pepys certainly played upon one. 

43. 44. Two rectangular Harps. 

45. Bells ; three large bells hung from beam set in masonry. 

46. Dulcimer or santir ? . Arab, qdnun ? Cf. Ftis, Hist, de la 

Musique, ii., 128. 

47. Flute (flauto traverso). 

48. Three-stringed Viol, with bow. 

49. Portable Organ, with nine pipes and bellows, blown with the 

left hand. 

50. Large Flageolet. 

51. 52. Horns, cornelti citrvi, apparently of horn. 
53. Bagpipes. 

1 The old Latin name for the Viella, or hurdy-gurdy, is organistrum. In the 
large form it took two persons to play the instrument, as it was so long as to 
lie across the knees of both. The artist touched the keys, the handle turner was 
no more important than the modern organ bellows blower. The summit of the 
arch of the Gate of Glory of Santiago de Compostella, a cast of which is at South 
Kensington, is occupied by two figures playing an organistrum. The date of 
this great Spanish work is 1188. And see Hipkin's, in Grove's Dictionary of 
Music, i., 641. 


54, 55. Two-stringed Lute, the strings plucked with the finger. 

56. Flageolet. 

57, 58. Two varieties of Bagpipe. 

59. Horn, large and very much curved, with globular wind 

chamber, and apparently pierced. 

60. Large Dulcimer or Hackbut. 

III. List of Musical Instruments in common or popular use 
in Spain, according- to Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita, 
in the middle of the Fourteenth Century. 

1. ATAMBOR a kind of Arab Lute ; No. 21 of List I. Cf. Engel, 

The Violin, 107, 108, 116; and Soriano-Fuertes, i., 105, 
iv., 208, and Hilarion Eslava, apud Engel, ubi supra. 

2. GUITARRA MORISCA Guitar with four or five strings ; the 

origin of the modern Guitar. 

3. GUITARRA LATINA (not ladino, as sometimes quoted) the 

origin of the modern Fiddle. 

4. LAUD Lute ; Arab, a'loud. 

5. RABE (Rebec) Violin with two strings. 

6. GARABI (Gaila de pellejo) perhaps a Fiddle bow ; Sanskrit, 


7. MOTA ? 

8. SALTERIO Psaltery. 

9. VIHUELA DE PENOLA metal-strung Guitar, struck with a 
quill. See Engel, The Violin Family, 121, 122. 

The word vihuela itself is said to be derived from Lat. vitula, 
vitella, according to Diez, from vitulari, to skip like a calf; the 
violin (vitula jocosa) being the usual instrument of merriment. 
From such a root is derived, no doubt, the French vielle, and all 
kindred words. 

10. MEDIO CANO a small Flute. 

1 1 . RABE MORISCO Violin of three strings. 

12. GALIPE FRANCISCO (Dulzaina) a wind instrument. 

1 3. ROTA hurdy-gurdy. 

14. TAMBORETE Double bass. 

15. VIHUELA DE ARCO Fiddle and bow. 

16. CANO ENTERO Flute. 

17. PANDERETE perhaps a small Pandura or Lute of three 


18. AZOFAR. Azofar = As-Sofar. No. 36 of List I. 

19. ORGANOS Organ ; Fr., Les argues. 


20. CITOLA ALBORDADA large Fiddle. The ordinary citola was 

a small Dulcimer played as it rested on the lap of the 
performer. Engel, The Violin, 62. 

21. GAYTA Arab. Ghaito, "musette d anche". (Delphin and 


22. EXABEBA No. 35 of List I. and No. 10 of List II. 

23. ALBOOON Oboe. 

24. CINFONIA Jew's Harp ? 

25. BALDOSA Double Drum. 

26. ODRECILLO a little wine skin, perhaps the belly of some 

stringed instrument. 

27. BANDURRIA Mandolin. 

28. TROMPAS Trumpets, or Horns. 

29. ANAFILES metal Trumpets. No. 44 of List I. 

30. ATABALES Cymbals. No. 53 of List I. 

I have derived much information from Emil de Travers, 
Histoire des Instruments de Musique du XIV. Si&cle (Paris, 1882) ; 
but I have in every instance, when possible, seen a specimen of 
the instrument I have described, in many cases in very good 
company, as suggested at p. 78, note 1. 


ABDUL Aziz, i., 124. 
ABDUL RAHMAN, first Arab governor, 
i., 125. 

I. , Amir of Spain, i. , 130-131. 

II., i. , 148-151. 

III., i., 163-171. 
ABENCERRAGES, ii., 100. 
ABENZOAR, i., 206. 
ABER, Celtic root, i. , 2. 
ABUBACER, i., 206. 
Acci, i. , 103. 

ACUNA, Bishop of Zamora, ii. , 298. 

ADELANDADO of Castile, dignity of, 
i., 326- 

ADR A, i. , 103. 

ADRIAN of Utrecht, Cardinal, ii., 289. 

./ERA, Spanish, i., 29. 

AGDE, i. , 103. 

AGERCAYA, Cantabrian system of writ- 
ing, i., 7. 

AGILA, King, i. , 74. 

AGNADEL, success of French arms at, 
ii. , 270. 

AGRIPPA, Marcus, i. , 30. 

AGUEDA, i., 103. 

AGUILAR, Alfonse de, ii., i. 

AIBAR, ii., 19 

AL AHMAR of Granada, i. , 265, 273. 

AL ASKA, mosque at Jerusalem, i., 145. 

ALARCON, battle of, i. , 233. 

ALARIC, i. , 44. 

ALAVA, i., 160-161; ii., 16. 
ALBELDA, i. , 159. 
ALBIGENSES, i., 221-223, 2 . 62 - 

derivation of word, i., 222. 
ALCABALA, a tax on sales, ii., 174. 
ALCALA" DE HENARES, L, 103, 290, 292- 

296. 355 J 165. X 7o 2o8 > 210, 

221, 240, 307, 346. 

University of, ii. , 210, 213. 

residence of students at, ii., 

ALCANIZ, i., 243, 347, 377. 

ALCANTARA, i., 37, 248. 

order of, i., 246, 248. 
ALCOY, ii., 94. 
ALEMTEJO, ii. , 109. 
ALEXANDER II., Pope, i., 228. 

IV. , Pope, i. , 290 ; ii. , 351. 

VI., Pope, i., 294, 296 ; birth and 
parentage, ii. , 139; Cardinal at Rome, 
139 ; his relative wickedness, 139 ; 
his children, 142 ; his concessions 
to the Spanish sovereigns, 142 ; his 
treatment by Charles VIII., 142; 
grants to Ferdinand and Isabella 
the title of most Catholic Kings, 

ALFONSINE TABLES, The, i. , 270-272. 
ALFONSO L, of Aragon, i., 214, 215. 

II., ,, 216. 

III., 306. 

IV., ,, 340. 

V., ,, 376-S 82 ; 

I., of Leon, i., 135, 136. 

II., 152-157- 

III., ,, 160. 

IV., ,, 178. 

V., 181. 

VI., ,, 214,231-232. 

VII., ,, 214, and Ap- 

pen. VI. 

VIII., ,, 214, 233,and 

Appen. VI. 

IX., 233,238,247. 

X ; L, his learning, 263-283 ; his 
position in Spain, 264 ; claims the 
empire in Germany, 280 ; rebellion 
of his son Sancho, 282 ; his Astrono- 
mical Tables, 270-272 ; misunder- 
stood by his contemporaries, 272 ; 
his influence upon the Castilian 
language, 273 ; his Cronica General, 
277, 281 ; his Cantigas, his Siete 
Partidas, 281. 

XI., of Leon, i., 319-324. 

XII., of Spain, i., 10. 
- XIII., 194- 



ALFONSO V., of Portugal, ii. ( 32. 
ALFONSOS, confusion of the, i., 214; 

Appendix vi., and Table, 416. 
ALGARABIA, the, i., 274. 
ALGARVES, i., 29. 
ALGEBRA, invention of, i., 285. 
ALGECIRAS, i., 18, 38, 121, 177, 320; 

"-, 95- 

ALHAMA, ii., 96. 
ALHAMBRA, the, ii., 312. 
ALHANDEGA, L, 167, 178. 
ALICANTE, i. , 9 ; ii. , 143. 
ALJAMIA, i., 275, 366. 

works in, recently printed, i. , 


ALJUBAROTTA, i., 354. 

ALLIANCE between England and Spain, 
ii., 274. 

ALMADEN, i., 9. 

ALMAGEST, i., 210, 271. 

ALMANGAR, i., 160, 172, 174. 

ALMENARE, i., 187. 

ALMERIA, i. , 74, 177; ii., 99. 

ALMOGAVARES, i., their mode of fight- 
ing, 301. 

ALMOHADES, i. , 204, 205, 233, 243. 

derivation of word, i. , 204. 
AL MONDHIR, i., 166. 
ALMORAVIDES, i., 201-204, 241. 
ALPUJ ARRAS, ii., 186. 

ALVA, Duke of, delays to join the 
Marquis of Dorset, ii. , 279-80. 

in Navarre, ii., 279. 
ALVAR FANEZ, i., 189, 203, 
ALVARO DE LUNA, i., 384-388; ii., i. 
AMADIS DE GAUL, ii., 205. 
AMALARIC, King, i. , 72-74. 

AMIR AL MAR, first Admirallof Spain, 

i., 131. 
AMPURDAN, history and geography of, 

i., 213. 

AMPURIAS, i., 7, 9, 103. 
ANAS, i. , 24, 33, and Introd. x. 
ANDALUS, i., 201. 
ANDALUSIA, L, 29, 67, 76, 158, 160, 

214, 239. 

etymology of, i. , 410, 411. 
ANGORA, battle of, i., 357. 
ANJOU, Charles of, i. , 300, 303. 

Louis of, 378. 

Ren6 of, i. , 378 ; ii. , 24. 
ANNE, Princess, sister and heiress of 

Ladislaus II. of Hungary, ii., 272. 
ANTEQUERA, L, 321 ; ii., 98. 
AQUJE SEXT/E, i. , Introd. x. 
AQU>E URIENTES, i., 103. 
ARAB OCCUPATION of Spain, nature of, 

i., 126, 127. 

ARAB RACE, weakness of, i. , 171. 
Granada, ii., 235 note i. 

spoken by Christian Spaniards 
i., 286. 

ARAGON, rise of, i., 213-218. 

Pentranilla, Queen of, 216. 

constitution of, i. , 252-257. 

specially referred to, i., 213, 252- 


ARCHBISHOP, title of, 102, 103. 
ARCHIDONA, i., 123, 128. 
ARCHITECTURE, Christian, ii., 302-309. 

Obra de los Godos, ii. , 302. 

Moslem, ii. , 310-317. 

Arab origin, ii. , 310. 

Mudejar, ii. , 307. 
ARCOS, i. , 103, 265. 
ARGANAM, battle of, i., 247, 248. 
ARIANS, i., 70, 73, 85-87. 
ARISTOTLE, i., 209. 

ARMS, royal, of Spain, ii., 39 note i. 
ARMY, private, of Duke of Medina 

Sidonia, ii. , 97 note i. 
ARTE CISORIA, ii., 4. 
ARTHUR, Prince of Wales, marriage of, 

ii. , 160. 

death of, ii. , 161. 
ARTIETA, Captain, entrusted by Ferdi- 
nand the Catholic with disposal of 
Don John Manuel, ii. , 282 note i. 

ASTORGA, i., 30, 31, 37, 103, 106, 123, 
135, 160; ii., 125. 

Marquis de, opposition to Ferdi- 
nand in Castile, ii. , 244. 

ASTURIAS, the, i., 17, 30, 76, 152, 161, 
175, 180, 184 ; ii., 16. 

kingdom of, i., 133-142. 

Prince of, origin of title, i. , 349- 

ASTURICA AUGUSTA, i.e., Astorga, i., 

3. 3i. 33- 
ATASPA, i., 15. 
ATAWULF, King, i., 65-67. 
ATHANAGILD, King, i. , 74, 75. 

II., i., 133. 
ATHANASIUS, St., L, 35. 
ATHENS, Dukedom of, i., 253, 309. 
AUGUSTINE, St., as to early Spaniards, 

i., 9. 13- 

AUGUSTUS, the Emperor, i. , 29, 34. 

tyrant in Britain, i., 45. 
AURELIUS, King, i., 137. 
AVEMPACE, i. , 206. 

AVERROES, i. , 201, 2o6, 285 ; position 
of in Europe, i. , 206 ; his contem- 
poraries, 207 ; birth, parentage and 
life, 208 ; works, 209 ; philosophy, 



aio, 211 ; contrasted with St. Domi- 
nic, 227 ; decay of science on his 
death, 263 ; commentary on the 
Almagest, 271 ; teaching at Cor- 
dova, 285, 287. 

AVILA, i., 103, 135, 296, 372; ii., 125, 

210, 304. 
deposition of, ii. , 28-29. 

AVILES, L, 277. 

Avis, Order of, L, 243. 

AYALA, Pedro Lopez de, the chronicler, 

i-, 354. 362-365- 
AYBAR, i., 161. 
AYESHA, Queen in Granada, ii. , 98 note 


AXARQUIA, ii., 98. 
AZUA IN HlSPANIOLA, ii., 234. 
AZZAHIRAH, i., 170. 

Az ZAHRA, i., 168, 169, 176, 179. 

BADAJOZ, i., 31, 33, 177, 188. 
BJETICA, i., n, 27, 29, 33, 36, 41, 67, 

78, 103. 

BJETIS, i., 8, 15, 24, 33, 68. 
BAJAZET I., Sultan, i., 357. 

II., ., ii., 198. 
BALAGUER besieged and taken, L, 


BALBASTRO, or Barbastro, i., 216. 
BALBUS the Consul, L, 35. 
BALEARIC ISLANDS, i., 32, 40, 41, 177, 

217, 258, 341. 
BALLADS, Moorish, ii., 203. 

i., 276-281. 

of the Cid. , i. , 198. 
BAMBALA, near Calatayud, i. , 7. 
BARBARIANS, the, first invasion of 

Spain by, i., 46, 48. 

causes of their success, i., 48, 52. 
BARBARY CORSAIRS, origin of, ii. , 189 

note i. 

BARBATE, near Medina Sidonia, i. , 122. 

BARCELONA referred to, i. , ii, 33, 66, 
80, 96, 103, 123, 139, 153, 154, 175, 
187, 214, 217, 252, 253, 258, 261 
297, 298, 300, 331, 348; ii., 81, 
114, 115, 135. 25- 

convention of, ii., 135; torn up 

BARCINO, i., 33. 
BARI, ii., 195. 
BARLETTA, ii., 195, 196. 
BARRAGANERIA, or customary concu 

binage, i., 404, 405. 
BASQUE ETYMOLOGIES, i., 14, 15 and 


music, ii., 336. 

JASQUES, The, i., i, a, 399, 402. 
JAYONNE, ii., 280. 
BAZA, i., 103; ii., 101, 345- 
tinued warfare between, ii., 18, 

iEDEL, university officer, i., 291. 

iEHETRIAS, L, 366, 367. 

3EJA, i., 94, 103. 

3ELISARIUS, i. , 73. 

3ELTRAN DE LA CUEVA, i., 363, 388. 

BELTRANEJA, Juana la, birth of, ii., 27. 

proposed marriage of, ii. , 34 note i . 

pretensions of, ii. , 35, 237. 
BENEDICT, rule of Saint, i., 106. 

I., Pope, i., 81, 103. 

II., Pope, i., 103. 

XIII., anti-Pope, i., 244, 292, 
345. 349- 380-384. 

BENEVENTE, Count of, opposition to 
Ferdinand in Castile, ii., 244. 

BENEVENTO, battle of, i. , 300. 

BERA, Duke of Barcelona, i., 155. 

BERENGARIA, i., 233-240. 

BERENGUELA, i., Introduction. 

BERENGUER, RamonII.,Capd'Estopa, 
duke or count, i., 217. 

BERGENROTH, views as to Joanna, ii., 

attacked by Don Vicente de La- 
fuente, ii. , 222. 

as to Isabella's ill health, ii. , 231 
note 3. 

BERMUDO I., King of Leon, i., 152. 

- II.. 175- 

III., 183. 

BEZIERS, i., 103, 216, 226. 
BIBIESCA, i., 371. 

BIBLE, translation of, into Castilian, i., 
279, 280. 

into Limousin, i. , 260. 
BICLARA, John of, i., 81. 
BIDASSOA, ii., 24. 

BlGASTRA, i., 103. 

BIGOTE, signification of, in modern 

Spanish, i., 119. 
BILBAO, L, 401 ; ii., 157. 
BILBILIS, i., 6, 38, 401. 
BISCAY, i., 99, 182, 329, 336 ; ii., 16. 
BISHOPRICS in the fourth century, L, 


BIVAR, i., 185. 
BLANCHE DE BOUHBON, wife of Peter 

the Cruel, i. , 327. 



BLOIS, ii., 194. 

Treaties of, ii., 242, 244. 
BOABDIL, last king of Granada, ii. , 96. 
BODYGUARD, Spanish imperial, i., 34. 
BONIFACE VIII., Pope, i., 291, 307-308. 

IX. Pope, i. , 345. 
BOOKS at Cordova, i., 288. 

scarcity of among mediaeval 
Christians, i. , 288. 

BORGIA, Caesar, i. , 380; ii., 142, 144 
note i, 277 note 2. 

married to a sister of Jean d'Al- 
bret, ii. , 277. 

killed in Navarre, ii., 277. 

family of, i. , 381-382 ; ii., 63. 

cardinals, i., 380. 
BOURBONS, decay of Spain under the, 

ii., 225. 

BRACARA AUGUSTA, i., 30, 31, 33, 103. 
BRAGA, i., 30, 31, 103, 107. 
BRAVO, signification of, i., 313. 
BRIDGES, Roman, i. , 37. 
BRIGANTIUM, i., 27. 
BRITONA, i., 103. 
BRIVIESCA, Cortes of, i. , 355. 
BRUNHILDA, i., 75, 77, 89. 
BRUSSELS, ii., 194. 
BULL FIGHT, modern, ii., 334. 

history of the, ii., 328. 

in Staffordshire, ii., 330. 

origin of, ii. , 329. 

development of, ii., 339. 

BURGO DE OSMA, ii., 34. 

BURGOS, i., 100, 103, 105, 161, 185, 186, 
192, 267, 320, 326, 332, 336, 337, 
3S3> 364, 37, 372, ii. , 53, 259. 

BURGUNDY, Mary, duchess of, ii., 156 
note i. 



CABENA, protest of, ii., 48. 
CABRA, bishopric of, i., 103. 

Count of, ii. , 98. 
CADIR, the Amir, i., 188-189. 
CADIZ, i., 8, 15, 33-38, 74, 107. 
CJRSAR, Julius, i. , 26. 

Augustus, i. , 26. 

BORGIA, Cardinal Legate, ii., 

C/ESARAUGUSTA, i., 31, 32, 46. 

CALABRIA, ii. , 193. 

Duke of, betrayed at Taranto, ii., 

CALAGURRIS, i., 26, 62, 219. 
CALAHORRA, i., 26, 38, 62, 96, 103, 
219, 332, 337- 

CALAHORRANS, terrible determination 

of the, i. , 26. 
CALAROGA, i. , 219. 
CALATAYUD, i., 7, 38, 205, 346. 
CALATRAVA, Order of, i. , 241. 

etymology of word, i. , 242. 
CALIABRA, bishopric of, i., 103. 
CALIPH OF CORDOVA, title, L, 166, 167. 

of the, i. , 177. 

CALIXTUS III., Pope, i., 347, 381, 384 
CALPE, i., 32, 122. 
CALVERLEY, Sir Hugh, of Carrion, i., 

331, 332, 334. 

CAMBRIDGE, Earl of, i. , 352. 
CANARY ISLANDS, i., 359-362 ; ii., 211. 

bibliography of, i. , 359. 
CANCELLARIUS, University of, i. , 291. 
CANCIONERO, General, i. , 276. 
CANGAS, i., 134, 135, 137, 302 note i. 
CANNAE, ii., 197. 

CANOSSA, ii., 195. 
CANTABRIA, i., 2, 30, 69, 74-75. 
CARACALLA, i. , 39, 108. 
CARCASSONNE, i. , 73, 82, 216. 
CARDENA, San Pedro de, i., 192. 
CARDINALS, small number of Spanish, 
ii., 63. 

of the name of Borgia, i. , 380. 
CARDONA, i., 153. 

CARDONA, Don Hugo de, ii. , 239 note i. 


CARMONA, i. , 123, 351. 
CARRILLO, Archbishop, ii., 30. 
CARRION, L, 332-334. 

Lordship of, i. , 334. 
CARTEIA, i., 18, 121. 
CARTHAGENA, i., n, 15, 25, 30, 32, 

34. 36, 37, 74, 76. 81, 87, 97, 103. 
CARTHAGINIANS, i., 10-13. 
CARTHAGINIENSIS, i., 40, 41, 103. 
CASPE, i. , 346 ; ii. , 28. 
CASTELAR, Don Emilio, upon Peter 

IV. of Aragon, i.. 341-343. 
CASTELNAU, Raoul and Pierre, in Lan- 

guedoc, i., 220, 222. 
CASTILE (Old), i., 21, 161, 182, 184, 

185, 214, 233, 234, 236, 263, 265, 

313-. . 

origin of name, i., 160. 
CASTRO-TARAF, i., 249. 
CASTULO, i., 103. 

CATALAN LANGUAGE, study of, i. , 261, 


CATALANAZOR, i., 176. 
CATALONIA, i., 27, 32, 37, 73, 152-155, 

182, 217, 252-254, 346; ii., 66. 



CATALONIA, rise of, i., 216, 218. 
CATHEDRALS OF EUROPE, relative size 

of, ii., 305 note i. 
CATHOLIC KINGS, origin of title of, ii., 


CAUCA, i., 19, 35. 
CAZLONA, i., 103. 
CELESTINA, La, tale of, ii., 202. 

authorship of, ii. , 203. 
CELESTINE III., Pope, i., 220. 

V., Pope, i. , 307. 
CELIBACY, sacerdotal, i., 104. 
CELTIBERIA, i., 10, 34. 

boundaries of, i., 16. 
CELTIBERIANS, i., 1-7, 10, 14. 
CELTIC ROOTS in Basque and Spanish 

languages, i., 401. 
CELTS, i. , 127. 

CEPHALONIA, taking of, ii., 191. 
CERDA, Infantes de, L, 314. 
CERDAGNE, ii., 23, 36, 134. 
CERIGNOLA, battle of, ii., 197. 
CERVERA, i., 292. 
CHALONS (Moirey), battle of, i., 68. 
CHANDOS, Sir John K. B., i., 330, 333, 

CHARLEMAGNE, capitulary of, i., 94. 

invasion by, i. , 138-141. 

subsequent policy of, i. , 147. 

spelling of the proper name, 
Introduction xii. 

CHARLES I. of Spain, accession of. ii., 

his unpopularity in Castile, ii., 289. 

returns to Germany, ii., 291. 

his treatment of the Communeros , 
ii., 300. 

CHARLES THE BAD of Navarre, i., 355 ; 

ii., 13- 

CHARLES THE VIII. of France invades 

Italy, ii. , 144 ; crowned Emperor 

and King of Naples, ii. , 146. 
CHAUCER'S perfect knight at Algesir i., 


CHAVES, i., 103. 
CHILDEBERT, i., 72. 
CHILDREN of Ferdinand and Isabella, 

ii., 154- 

CHILPERIC, i., 75, 79, 80. 
CHINDASWINTH, or Kindtasvindt, King, 

i-,93, 94- 

CHINTILLA, King, i., 92. 
CHRISTIANITY in Spain, i., 35. 

rise and progress of, i., 54, 
CHRISTIANS, Spaniards' ignorance of 

mediaeval, i. , 288. 

CHRISTIAN King, origin of title of, ii., 
144 note 3. 

CHRONICLERS, early Spanish, i., 119. 

CHURCH, the Spanish, i., 102-107. 

CICERO, on Spanish Latinity, i. , 34. 

CID, The, i., 185 ; authorities for life of, 
193; birth and parentage of, 185; 
marriage of Ximena, 187 ; takes 
service with Moctadir, 187 ; ad- 
vances on Valencia, 189 ; his riches, 
190 ; taking of Valencia, 192 ; death, 
192 ; his position in Spanish history, 
194 ; the Cid ballads, 198 ; Cor- 
neille drama, 198 ; the Cid's stan- 
dards of morals, 199-200 ; poem of, 
278 ; chronicle of, 281. 

CINTRA, i., 160. 

CITERIOR, Spain, i., 16. 

CLARENCE, Duke of, and the rebels in 
Aragon, i., 348. 

CLAVIJO, i., 158-159, 245. 

Don Gonzalez, travels of, i. , 358. 
CLEANLINESS of the Arabs, i., 168. 
CLEMENT V., Pope, i., 241, 292. 

VI., Pope, i., 291. 

VII., anti-Pope, i., 293, 355, 


VII., Pope, i., 296. 

VIII., Pope, i., 157. 
CLENARDUS' visit to Granada, ii. 
CLOAKS, early Spanish, i. , 19. 
CLOISTERS, Spanish, ii., 308. 
CLOTILDA, i., 72, 73. 

CLOVIS, i., 70, 72 ; and Introduction xi. 
CLUNY, immense influence of, ii. , Ap- 
pendix II. 

mediaeval abbey of, ii., ibid. 

modern town of, ii., ibid. 
Co A, river of, i., 247. 

COCA, i., 19. 

CODE, Napoleon, the, i., 282. 
CODES, Visigothic, i., 93, 94. 
COGOLLA, Mount, i., 105. 

COIMBRA, L, 103, 175, 133, 289. 

COINAGE, earliest, ii., 318. 

Arab, ii. , 319. 
COINAGE, early Christian, ii., 319. 

fourteenth century, ii., 321. 

reformed by Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, 322. 

modern, ii., 323. 

COINS, Celtiberian and early Spanish, 

L, 7. 

COLEGIOS mayores, i. , 295. 
COLUMELA, i., 38. 

COLUMBUS, Christopher, discoverer of 
America, ii., 107; birth of, 108 ; at 
Lisbon, 108; at Seville, 116 ; at 
Salamanca, in; admiral of the 
ocean, 114 ; discovery of and return 
from America, 114; at Barcelona, 



115 ; his second voyage, 116 ; char- 
acter of the adventurers, 117 ; 
denounced by Father Boil, 176 ; 
returns to Spain, 178 ; supplanted 
by Ovando, 179 ; schemes for the 
recovery of the holy sepulchre, 179 ; 
last voyage of, 233 ; discovers Ver- 
agna, 234 ; death of, 235; biographies 
of, 236. 

COMBERMERE, Viscountcy of, i. , 334. 

COMEDIETA de Poza, ii. , 7. 

COMMENTARI of James of Aragon, i., 

COMMUNAL SYSTEM in Roman Spain, 

COMMODUS, Emperor, i. , 39. 


COMPLUDO, i., 106. 

COMPOSTELLA, i., 55, 94, 103, IO6, 107, 
I5S-I62, 354; ii., 303. 

COMUNEROS of Castile, insurrection of, 
ii., 293. 

CONCHILLOS, Lope de, envoy to Flan- 
ders, ii. , 238. 

CONDE LUCANOR, El, i. , 322; ii., i. 

CONRAD, Duke of Suabia, i. , 299-300. 

CONSISTORIES, or feasts of poetry, ii. , 3. 

CONSTANCE, Princess of Sicily, i., 300, 
302, 303. 


division of the empire by, i. , 41. 


of Aragon, i. , 374. 
CORDOVA, i., 8, 19, 33, 34, 37, 57, 58, 

74, 79, 80, 103, 123, 132, 142, 143, 
145, 146, 149, 154, 157, 174, 175, 
176, 177, 179, 202, 204-8, 239, 268, 
271, 285, 288, 337, 372. 

refinement of, i. , 148, 163-172. 

Council of, i. , 164. 

learning of, i., 205-208. 
CORDUBA, i., 33, 41, 76, 91. 
CORIA, i., 103. 
CORNEILLE, his Cid, i. , 198. 
CORREGIDOR, origin of, i., 282, 368. 
CORSAIRS, early Saracen, i. , 99. 
CORSICA, i., 377. 

CORTES, origin of, i., 369, 371. 

character of, 372, 374. 

supreme power of, ii. , 45. 

OF SANTIAGO, (1520), ii., 291. 
CORUNNA, i., 27, 37, 158, 176, 332, 354. 
COTTON FAMILY, connected with Sir 

Hugh Calverley of Carrion, i., 334. 
COUNCIL, of Arian Bishops, i., 86. 

Braga, i., 62. 

COUNCIL, Cordova, i., 164. 

Coyanza, i., 106, 183, 289, 370. 

Elvira, (fliberis), 57, 104. 

Leon, i. , 181, 290. 

Nicaea, 57, 104. 

Saragossa, i., 105. 

Sardica, i. , 58. 

or Synod of Seville, 88. 

Tarragona, i. , 61, 105. 
COUNCIL I. of Toledo, i., 62, 87, 104. 

II. 117. 

III. 87, 88. 

IV. ,, 92, 109. 
V. no. 

VI. ,, no. 

VII. 117. 

VIII. ,, 103, 117. 

IX. . no. 

X. , 117. 

XI. , 117. 

XII. , no. 

XIII. , 117. 

XIV. , 103. 
XV. , 101, 103. 

XVI. 103. 

XVII. , no. 

of Troyes, i., 242. 
COUNCILS, Visigothic, 117. 

COUNT, antiquity of title, i., 160, 331. 

ceremony of creation, i., 331-332. 
COVADONGA, i. , 133, 134, 135. 
CRETE, settlement of Spanish Moslems 

at, i., 148. 

CROY, William de, Lord of Chievres, ii. , 


his nephew appointed Primate of 
Spain, ii., 290. 

CUENCA, i. , 233, 348, 372. 
CIUDAD REAL, i., 267. 


DACIAN, persecution by, i., 56. 

DAGOBERT, King, i., 92. 

DAHN, Herr, the great authority on 

Visigothic period, i. , 92, in. 
D'ALBRET, Jean, his marriage and 

death, ii. , 280. 
DAMASUS I., Pope, i., 61, 380. 

II., Pope, i. , 229. 
DANCES, Spanish, ii., 339. 
DANTE, influence of, upon Spanish 

literature, ii., 4-5. 
DARRO RIVER, ii., 94. 
DECALVATION, Visigothic punishment 

of, i., 408. 
DENIA, or Dianium, i., 10, 32, 103. 


DEPARTMENT of the Indies, established 

at Seville, ii., 115. 
DEZA, Inquisitor-general, ii., 221. 

his accusation of Talavera, ii., 

DIANIUM, J., 9, 25, 32. 
DIOCIONARIO de Rimas, ii., 2. 
DIOCLETIAN, Emperor, i., 40. 

Divisions of the Peninsula into 
provinces of the Roman Empire, i. , 

J 6, 35- 

DOMINIC, Saint, birth of, i., 219; at- 
tached to Arnold of Citeaux, 220 ; 
his convent at Prouille, 221 ; Simon 
de Montfort, 222, 223 ; at Muret, 

224 ; establishment of the Order of, 

225 ; compared with Averroes, 226. 
DON, origin of title, i. , 108. 

Quixote, ii., 204. 

DORSET, Lord, deceived by Ferdinand 

the Catholic, ii., 280. 
DOURO, i., 18, 21, 23, 69, 135, 161. 
DRACONTIUS, i., 62. 
DRAGOONS, Celtiberian, i., 6. 
DRAPER, his Intellectual Development 

in Europe constantly criticised in 

Spain, ii., 87 note i. 
Du GUESCLIN. Bertrand, i. , 330, 334. 
DUMIUM, i., 105. 

DUNAM, bloodthirstiness of, i., 136. 
DURAN, Domingo Marcos, ii., 346. 
DURIUS, Duero or Douro, i., 3. 

EBORA, i., 103. 
EBRO, etymology of, 2. 
ECIJA, battle, i., 103; ii., 94. 
EDWARD I. of England, i., 237, 302. 

the Black Prince, i., 332, 337. 
EGICA, King, i. , 101, no, in. 
EGILONA, wife of Abdul Aziz, i., 124. 
ELCHE, i., 103. 

ELEANOR, Queen of Navarre, ii., 277 ; 
her grandson Francis, surnamed 
Phoebus, ii., 277. 

PLANTAGENET, i., 233, 234, 265. 
ELECTORS, German, in 1519, ii. , 290, 

note i. 

ELMAN, a Celtiberian deity, i., 5. 
ELNE, i., 103, 304, 305. 
EL PADRON, i. , 103. 
EL VIERZO, i. , 106. 
ELVIRA, i., 57, 128, 401. 
EMERITA -AUGUSTA, i., 31, 41. 
EMILIANUS, St., i., 105. 
EMPORIUM, i., 32. 
EPILA, L, 256, 344, 375. 
ERA, Spanish, origin of, i. , 29. 



ERA, abolition of, i., 343, 355. 
ERASMUS, his translation of the Bible, 

ii., 215. 

ERISANE, i., 20. 
ERMENGILD, i., 76-83. 

Order of Saint, i. , 246. 
ERWIG, King, i., 101. 
ERYTHEA, i., i. 
ESCUALDUNAC, or Basque, i., 399-403. 

ESTELLA, ii., 10. 

ESTOY, bishopric of, i., 103. 
ESTRADA, Duke of, Spanish envoy, ii., 
161, 162. 

ESTREMADURA, i., 2O, 29, 37. 

EUGENIUS, IV., Pope, i., 379, 381. 
EULOGIUS, bishop and martyr, i., 164. 
EURIC, King, i., 69, 70. 
EVORA, i., 55. 

EYMERIC, Nicolas, his Inquisitor's 
Manual, ii. , 76 note 2. 


FADRIQUE of Aragon, King of Sicily, i., 


FAKIHS, The, i. , 146. 
FALCONRY introduced into Spain by the 

Arabs, i., 363. 

Spanish terms of, i. , 363. 
FAVILA, King, i., 134-135. 

FELIPE DE XATIVA, San, Bishopric of, 
L, 103. 

FERDINAND the Catholic, birth, ii., 19; 
takes the constitutional oaths, 22 ; 
assists his father in war, 24 ; favoured 
suitor of Isabella, 32-33 ; marriage, 
35 ; commands Isabella's army, 41 ; 
establishes Inquisition in Castile, 
69 ; treaty with Boabdil, 98 ; letter 
to Archduke Philip on death of 
Isabella, 237 ; supercession of Queen 
Joanna, 238 ; proposes to marry la 
Beltraneja, 239 ; marriage with Ger- 
mainedeFoix, 242 ; imprisons Joanna 
in Tordesillas, 261 ; demands an 
army of invasion from Henry VIII., 
278 ; birth and death of his son 
John, 284 ; orders arrest of Great 
Captain, 286 ; his death, 287. 

FERDINAND I. of Castile, i. , 182. 
II., i., 233. 

III., Saint, King, i., 236 
IV., King, i., 319-324. 
the Good, Regent of Castile, 

i-. 383- 

I., the Honest, King of Ara- 
gon, L, 348. 

FERNAN GONZALEZ, of Castile, i., 172, 
178, 179, 181. 



FERRETING, ancient mode of, i., 33. 
FIELD of the Cloth of Gold, ii., 292. 
FINISTERRE, i. , 27. 
FITERO, Abbot of, i., 242. 
FLORINDA la Cava, i., 113. 
FONCEBADON, Mount, i., 106. 
FONSECA, Bishop of Burgos, ii., 241. 
FOSSE, day of the, i., 174. 
FRAGA, i., 216. 
FREDERICK, King of Naples, ii., 194. 

II., Emperor, i. , 210, 211, 299. 
FRIARS, flight of Castilian, to Africa, ii. 

FRUCTUOSUS, St., founder of monas 

teries, i. , 106-107. 
FRUELA I. , King, i. , 136. 

II., King, i., 178. 
FUERO JUZGO, the, L, 216, 282. 


GADEIRA, or GADES, i., 8, 10, 32, 33, 


GAETA, i., 378; ii., 198, 199. 
GAISERIC, i., 68. 
GALBA, the Praetor, i., 19. 
GALLAECIA, i., 40, 41. 
GALLA PLACIDIA. i., 65, 67. 
GALLICIA, i., 36, 37, 55, 69, 76, 83, 103, 

124, 153, 156, 160, 162, 176, 184, 


GALLIC, Marcus Novatus, i., 88. 
GANDIA, St. Francis, Duke of, ii., 63 

note i. 

Duke of, eldest son of Alexander 
VI., ii., 142. 

GARCIA, King of Leon, i., 162, 178. 
GARCIA DE TOLEDO, son of the Duke of 

Alva, killed at Gelbes, ii. , 367. 

of Castile, i. , 326. 

poetry of, ii. , 203. 
GARIGLANO, rout of the, ii.. 199. 
GASTON DE Foix, ii., 14. 

death of, ii. 275. 
GAYA CIENCIA, ii., 4. 

204, 375. 

GENSALIC, King, i., 72. 
GEORGE OF CYPRUS, Descriptio orbis 

Romani, 91. 

St., origin of his legend, i. , 412. 

orders of knighthood, i., 245, 


patron Saint of Aragon, i. , 213. 
GERMAINE DE Foix, Queen of Aragon, 


birth of her son John, ii., 285. 

GERMANIA, the, at Valencia, ii. , 292. 
GERONA, Prince of, title of Crown 
Prince of Aragon, i., 349. 

referred to, i., 80, 96, 103, 123, 
139, iS3, 217, 294, 296, 305, 349 ; 
n., 306. 

GERYON, oxen of, i., i. 

GIBRALTAR, i., 24, 38, 68, 69, 121, 122, 


GIJON, i., 158. 
GIRON, Don Pedro, Grand Master of 

Calatrava, ii., 29. 

leader of the Comuneros, ii., 

turns traitor, ii., 298. 
GOLPEJARA, battle, i., 185. 
GONSALVO DE CORDOVA, ii. , 103 ; birth, 

103 ; at Grenada, 105, 106 ; ap- 
pointed to chief command in 
Italy, 143 ; lands at Reggio, 147 ; 
surnamed the Great Captain, 148 ; 
enters Naples in triumph, 149 ; 
returns to Spain, 149 ; character of 
his victories, 150; orders to put 
down Moorish revolt, 186 ; takes 
Cephalonia, 191 ; his bad faith at 
Taranto, 193 ; conference with 
Stuart d'Aubigny, 195 ; retires 
to Barletta, 197 ; battle of Berig- 
nola, 197 ; occupies Naples, 198 ; 
victory at the Gariglano, 198 ; 
viceroy of Naples, 254 ; receives 
Ferdinand at Naples, 255 ; execu- 
tion of the Treaty of Blois, 256 ; las 
cuentas del Gran Capitan, 258 ; 
with the Kings at Savona, 275; 
he returns to Castile, 268; Grand 
Mastership of Santiago, 268 ; raises 
an army for the service in Italy, 
275 ; his death, 287. 

GRAND MASTERS of Military Orders, 
i., 248, 250. 

GRENADA, i., 29, 74, 103, 128, 177, 204, 
205, 210, 265, 273, 286, 297, 320, 
372; ii., 92 

GREEK TESTAMENT, editio princeps of. 
ii., 215. 

GREGORY, The Great, Saint and Pope, 
i., 81, 88, 103. 
and St. Leander, i., 81, 90. 









REY, Marquis of Dorset, commands 
an English contingent, ii. , 280. 




GUADALAJARA, i., 323, 355, 372; ii., 
143. 37- 

GUADALETK, i., 113, 122. 

GUADALQUIVIR, i., 8, 15, 24, 33, 37, 
68, 113, 158, 259, 357. 

etymology of, i., 131. 
GUADIANA i., 24, 33. 
GUADIX. i., 103, 128. 

bishopric of, i., 103. 

civil, i., 375. 

origin of, ii., 48. 
GUIENNE, Duke of, ii., 32, 37. 

to be the price of the English 
intervention, ii. , 280. 

GUIPERZCOA, i., 400; ii., 16. 
GUMIEL, Pedro, architect, ii., 212. 
GUNDEMAR, King, i., 91. 
GUZMAN the Good, i,, 315. 
GYMNESLE, the, i., 32. 


HADRIAN, i., 36, 37, 40, 51. 
HAKAM, Caliph, i., 147, 149. 
HAKLUYT, quoted as to Spanish pro- 
duce, ii., 324 note 5. 
HAMILCAR, i., n, 12. 
HANNIBAL, i. , 12. 
HARO, the good count of, ii., n. 
HASDRUBAL, i., ii, 14. 
HENRY I. of Castile, i., 236. 

II. of Trastamara, King, i., 349. 


III., the Invalid, King, i., 355. 

IV. of Castile, ii., 26; public 
dethronement of, 28 ; recognition of 
his daughter Joanna, 239. 

II. of England, i., 216. 

VII. of England seeks alliance 
with Spain, ii. , 133 ; lands an army 
at Calais, 134 ; proposes to marry 
his daughter-in-law Katherine of 
Aragon, 160 ; receives Philip and 
Joanna at Windsor, 243 ; project 
of marriage with Joanna, 253. 

VIII., his desire to conquer Aqui- 
taine, 274 ; concludes a treaty 
with the Emperor at Malines, ii., 
281 ; treaty with France (August, 
1514), ii., 282. 

HERALDIC CHARGES, early, i., 31, 254. 
HERACLIUS, i., 91. 
HERCULES, i., ii. 

HEREDITARY system in Visigothic king- 
dom, i., 76, no. 
HERMANDAD, i., 314, 317, 319, 375. 

La Santa, h., 47. 

HERRERA, the ancient Pisoraca, i., 30. 

HlGUERUELA, i. , 387. 

HISHAM, Caliph, i., 142, 146. 
HISPALIS, i., 16, 33, 113. 
HISPANIA, i., 23. 

citerior, i., 18. 

ulterior, i., 17. 
HISPANIOLA, ii., 234. 

HITA, archpriest of, i., 323; his list of 
musical instruments, ii., 343, and 
Appendix III. 

HOLY LEAGUE, signature of, i8th Feb- 
ruary, 1512, ii., 278. 

HOLYWOOD, John, or John of Halifax, 
i., 271. 

HOLMES, Sir Ralph, i., 337. 

HONORIUS, Emperor, i., 65. 

III., Pope, i. , 250. 

HOODS worn in Spanish Universities, 

>., 294. 
Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, L, 35, 57, 

HOSTILIUS, the Consul, exposed outside 

Numantia, i., 21. 
HUEJAR, ii., 186. 
HUELVA, i., 33; ii., 109. 
HUESCA, i., 25, 96, 103, 123, 159, 284, 

291, 296. 
HUMBOLDT, Alex, von, on the Basques, 

i., 400. 


IBERIA, i., 9. 

IBERIANS, the, i. , i, 3, 4, 7, 10. 

IDACIUS, Bishop of Merida, i. , 35, 60. 

IDAN"A, bishopric of, i., 103. 

IGUALADA, i., 350. 

ILLIBERIS, or ELVIRA, i., 57, 103. 

mond Lull, i. , 310, 312. 

INDIA, non-regulation provinces in 
British, i., 30. 

INFIRMARY, or university hospital, at 
Alcala, ii., 213. 

INIESTRA, lordship of, ii., 4. 

INNOCENT III., Pope, L, 218, 220, 222, 
225, 234, 235, 243, 250. 

IV. , Pope, i. , 294 ; his Bull ad ex- 
tirpanda, ii. , 351. 

VIII., Pope, i. , 295, 361. 
INQUISITION, rise of, in Aragon, ii. , 


tardy adoption in Castile, ii. , 67. 

how suggested to Ferdinand, ii. , 

responsibility of introduction, ii., 

first proceedings, ii., 70, 75. 



INQUISITION, the, how established in 
Castile, ii., 74, 75. 

Council of the Supreme, ii. , 76. 

rapacity of, ii., 78. 

revived in Aragon, ii. , 80, 82. 

number of victims of, ii. , 83. 

modern orthodox defence of, ii., 
85, 89. 

operations in 1506-1516, ii. , 220 
note 5. 

INQUISITORS, Dominican, i., 220, 221. 

INSTRUMENTS, musical, ii., 338, and 
Appendix III. 

IRIA FLAVIA, i., 103, 156, 157. 

ISABELLA of Portugal, wife of John II. 
of Castile, i., 387. 

ISABELLA, the Infanta, marries Alfonso 
of Portugal, ii. , 155 ; remarries Em- 
manuel of Portugal, 157. 

387 ; marriage negotiations, ii., 28 ; 
independence of, 29 ; seeks to se- 
clude Joanna, 30 ; desires to marry 
Ferdinand, 32 ; her ancestry, 34 ; 
marriage, 35 ; proclaimed queen, 
38 ; division of power with Ferdi- 
nand, 39 ; her reforms in Castile, 
46, 49 ; establishes the Santa Her- 
mandad, 48 ; her character, 48 ; 
resumption of royal grants, 51 ; her 
beneficent influence, 51 ; establishes 
the Inquisition in Castile, 67 ; in- 
fluence of Torquemada upon, 72 ; 
responsibility for Inquisition, 73 ; 
coerces or bribes the Popes, 79 ; 
her influence upon siege of Granada, 
100 ; patronage of Gonsalvo de Cor- 
dova, 104 ; receives Columbus, no ; 
education of her children, 153 ; 
correspondence as to Katharine in 
England, 162 ; encouragement of 
literature, 207, 209 ; death of, 219 ; 
anxiety as to Joanna's succession, 
220 ; disinherits Joanna by will, 
223 ; general provisions of codicils, 
223 ; as to the oppressed Indians, 
223 ; her character, 224 ; her mili- 
tary administration, 225-6 ; her 
religion, 232 ; her conduct to 
Joanna at Medina del Campo, 241. 

ISCHIA, Frederic of Naples at, ii. , 193. 

ISIDORE of Seville, Saint, i., 89, 90. 

musical service book of, i. , 78. 

decretals of, i. , 90, 229. 

toleration of, i., no. 

exhumation of body of, i., 184. 

treatise on music, ii. , 335. 
ITALICA, i. , 16, 33, 35, 103. 

Roman remains at, i., 35, 37. 

ITALY, invasion of, by Charles VIII., 

ii., 136, 138. 

ITHACUS, Bishop, i. , 35, 60. 
IVIZA, i., 258. 


JACME (Don Jayme), of Aragon, i. , 257, 

34 1 - 

JAMES I. of Aragon, the Conqueror, i. , 
252 ; his accession, 257 ; conquest of 
Majorca, 258 ; character of, 260 ; 
his commentary, 261 ; encourages 
the Troubadours, 261 ; and the uni- 
versity of Montpelier, 291. 
II., King, i. , 291, 307, 310. 

JAPHETH, claimed as ancestor of the 
Iberians, i., 2. 

JATIVA described, ii., 294. 

JEREZ de la Frontera, i. , 76, 265. 

JEWS, the, under the Roman Empire, 
i. , 108 ; under the earlier Visigoths, 
109 ; persecution at the convent of, 
108, 112; welcome the Arabs into 
Spain, 124 ; tolerated in mediaeval 
Spain, 103 ; foolish attack upon 
administration of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, ii., 68; their banishment, 
118 ; previously regarded with 
favour, 119 ; first persecution of, 
122 ; persecuted by the Inquisition, 
122 ; proposed banishment of, 127 ; 
edict of banishment, 127 ; effect of 
edict, 128 ; number of the expelled, 
127 ; settlement of banished, 128. 

Castile, birth, ii. , 153 ; ultimate fate, 
155 ; marries the Archduke Philip, 
157 ; subsequent proposals to marry 
Henry VII. of England, 164, 261 ; 
disinherited by Isabella's will, 223 ; 
proclaimed Queen of Castile, 237 ; 
mission of Conchillos, 238 ; her 
temper, 240 ; at Villafafila, 244 ; 
proclaimed queen proprietress of 
the kingdom of Castile, 238 ; con- 
duct and position on the death of 
Philip, 251 ; birth of her daughter 
Katharine, 251 ; at Tordesillas, 252, 
259 ; receives her father at Castile, 
259 ; finally imprisoned, 252 ; her 
treatment in prison, 262; approached 
by Cardinal Adrian, 296 ; grants a 
commission to Joan de Padilla, 296. 

JOANNA, Queen of Naples, i., 349, 377. 

JOHN MANUEL, Don, envoy of Isa- 
bella, ii., 156, 238, 282. 

JOHN, Prince of Asturias, marriage of, 
ii., 156-157 ; death of, 157. 



JOHN I., King of Castile, i., 354-356. 372. 

I., the Hunter, King of Aragon, 

344> 345 - 

II., King of Castile, i., 383388. 

II., King of Aragon, marries 
Queen Blanche of Navarre, i. , 349 ; 
importance of, ii. , 16 ; crowned 
King of Navarre, 17; his second 
wife Juana Henriquez of Castile, 
18 ; at war with his son Charles of 
Viana, 19 ; succeeds to the throne 
of Aragon, 20 ; poisons his eldest 
son Charles of Viana, 21 ; and his 
daughter Blanche of Navarre, 22 ; 
mortgages Roussillon to Louis XI. 
of France, 23 ; successfully treated 
for cataract, 25 ; prepares Bull of 
Dispensation of Isabella of Castile, 
34 ; and negotiates her marriage 
with his son Ferdinand, 34, 35 ; his 
death, 42. 

XXL, Pope, i., 263, 380. 
XXII., Pope, i., 244. 

JOHNS, four royal, in Peninsula at the 
same time, i., 355. 


JUCAR, river on which is situated Alar- 
con, i., 233. 

JULIAN, Count, i., 113, 121. 

Metropolitan and Primate of 
Spain, i., 100, 103. 

JULIUS II., Pope, succeeds Alexander 
VI., ii., 199; induces Maximilian 
and Louis XII. to sign League of 
Cambray, 270 ; his greatness as a 
warrior, 271 note 2 ; said to be 
rather Carnifex than Pontifex, 271 
note 2 ; alarmed at the defeat at 
Ravenna, 275 ; death, 281; succeeded 
by Leo X., 281. 

JURISFIRMA, or Firma del Derecho, 
writ of, in Aragon, i., 375. 

JUSTICIARY of Aragon, i., 259, 342, 


JUVENCUS, Caius Vettius, i., 62. 


KAABA AT MECCA, i., 144, 145. 

Arthur Prince of Wales, ii., 158; 
and his brother Henry, 161 ; her 
diplomatic functions at Court of 
England, 164 ; receives Philip and 
Joanna at Windsor, 243. 

K i BLAH, indicating direction of Mecca 
in mosques, i. , 144. 

KNIGHTHOOD, list of Orders of, i., 250. 


LABERINTO, work of Juan de Mena, 

", 5- 

LABOURD, Pays de, ii., 15 note 2. 

LACORDAIRE, on St. Dominic, i., 223- 

LACTANTIUS, on the decay of the em- 
pire, i., 50, 51. 

LADISLAUS II., King of Bohemia and 
Hungary, ii., 272. 

LA GUARDIA, el Santo Nino de, ii., 

LA MANCHA, i., 337. 

LAMEGO, Bishopric of, i. , 103. 

LANCASTER, Duke of, John of Gaunt, 

i-i 335. 337. 35 1 . 355- 
LANCASTRIAN claims to Castile, i., 

LANGUAGE, rise of Castihan, i., 273- 


LANJARON, ii., 186. 
LA ROCHELLK, naval victory at, i., 


LAS HUELGAS, i., 332, 353; n., 309 
note i. 

LASI DE LA VEGA, Don Pedro, Cap- 
tain-General of the Comuneros, ii. , 

LA SISLA, capitulation of, ii. , 300. 

LATRO, Marcus Portius, i., 34. 

LAURIA, Roger de, i., 300-310. 

LAWS, Visigothic, i., 406-409. 

LEANDER, St., i., 77, 89, 90. 

LEBRIJA, or NEBRIXA, ii., 208, 214 
note i. 

LEGION, the city of the, i., 31. 

LEO II., Pope, i. , 103. 

III., Pope, i., 157. 

X., Pope, ii., 281. 

XIII., Pope, i., 157, 176. 
LEON, i., 29, 30, 31, 37, 103, 106, 161, 

162, 175, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 
369, 372; ii., 303-304. 
LEONORA DE GUZMAN, i., 315-317. 323, 


LEOVGILD, King, i. , 76-84. 

LERIDA, i., 103, 123, 154, 187, 215, 
220, 296 ; ii., 24, 81, 304. 

LERIN, Count of, his massacre of Mos- 
lems at Lanjaron, ii., 186. 

LEX VISIGOTHORUM, i., 93, 94. 

LIBOURNE, Treaty of, i., 333. 

LIBRARIES OK HAKAM, i. , 147, 174. 

LILLE, alliance between Henry VIII. 
and the Emperor signed at, ii., 281. 

LIMOUSIN and Catalan languages, i., 
260, 263. 

LISBON, i., 32, 103, 153, 160; ii., 155. 



LITERATURE of Castile, in fourteenth 
century, i. , 321-324. 

Spanish, in fourteenth and fif- 
teenth centuries, ii., 1-12. 

LITURGY of St. Isidore, i., 90. 
LIUVA I., King, i., 76. 

II., King, i. , go. 
LLORENTE, Juan Antonio, ii. , 85. 
LODEVE, Bishopric of, i. , 103. 
LoGRONO, i. , 106. 

LOJA, ii., 98. 

LONDON, Treaty of (1720), i., 309. 

LONGUEVILLE, Due de, commands 

French army, ii. , 280. 
LORRAINE, Duke of, ii. , 24, 25. 
Louis VII., of France, i. , 217. 

XL, ii., 22, 36. 

XII., signs League of Cambray, 
ii., 270 ; his treaty of Orthez (1573), 

LUCAN, i. , 38. 

LUCENA, ii., 94, 98. 

LUCERO, inquisitor, at Cordova, ii., 
188, 221, 249. 

Lucio MARINEO, ii., 154, 207. 

LUGO, i., 31, 103, 106, 135. 

LULL, Raymond, i., 311-313; best edi- 
tion of his works, 311. 

LUNA, Alvaro de, i., 384-389 ; ii., i, 328. 

Chronicle of, i., 388. 

LUNA, Pedro de, afterwards Benedict 
VIII., i.,299, 335, 345, 349- 

LUSITANIA, L, 3, 18, 20, 29, 36, 41, 67, 

69, 103, 123, 151, 158, 160, 162, 
176, 181. 
LYONS, Treaty of, ii., 196, 197, 198. 


MACHIAVELLISM of Peter IV. of Ara- 

gon, i., 344. 
MADELEINE of France, mother of 

Francois Phe"bus and sister of Louis 

XL, ii., 277. 
MADRID, i., 19, 297, 370-372. 

tourney held at, ii. , 27. 

bull ring established at, 331. 
MADRIGALEJO, death of Ferdinand at, 

ii. , 287. 

MAESTRESCUELAS, the, i., 288. 
MAGOLONA, i., 96, 103. 
MAGO the Carthaginian, i., 15. 
MAHDI the Almohade, i., 204. 
MAIDEN TRIBUTE, the, i., 137. 
MAJORCA, i., 258, 306-310, 341 ; ii., 53, 

66, 210. 
MALAGA, afterwards Malaga, i., 8, 32, 

33, 36, 91, 103, 177, 204. 
MALAGA, i., 358 ; ii., 98, 102 note i. 

MAMUN, El, of Toledo, i., 186, 189. 
MANFRED, King of Sicily, i., 300. 
MANRESA, i., 153; ii., 306. 
MANRIQUES, family of the, ii., 9. 
MANUEL, Don John, ii. , 243 note i, 251, 

attempt by Ferdinand to kidnap, 
ii., 282. 

MSS., Arab, destruction of, ii. , 183, 

MARAVEDI, earliest national coin of 

Spain, ii., 319. 

of gold, 320. 

value of, compared with copper 
money, ii., 322. 

MARCH, Ausias, ii., 2 note 2. 
MARCHENA, Antonio, friar, ii.', 107 

note i. 

MARCUS AURELIUS, i., 36, 37. 
MARGANT, the Archduchess, married to 

John of Castile, ii., 156. 
MARIA, Dona Regent, i., 316-319. 

de Padilla, i., 326-328. 
MARINA, Don Francisco, Martinez his 

Ensayo, i., 283. 
MARRIAGES of children of Isabella, ii. , 

MARSEILLES, i. , no, 151. 

plunder of, by Alfonso V. of 
Aragon, i., 377. 

MARTIAL, i. , 37, 38. 

MARTIN, Saint, of Dumium, i., 105. 

the Humane King, i. , 345, 346. 

IV., Pope, i., 268, 301. 

V., Pope, i., 293, 349, 377, 381. 
MARTOS, i. , 103 ; ii. , 94. 
MARTYRS, early Spanish, i. , 56. 
MAULEON, ii., 16. 
MAUREGATO, King, i. , 138. 
MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, his designs 

upon Brittany, ii. , 133 ; character 
of, 155 note i ; signs League of Cam- 
bray, ii. , 270 ; death of, 290. 

MAXIMUS, rebel emperor, or tyrant, i. , 
36, 61. 

MEDINA CELI, i., 176. 

MEDINA DEL CAMPO, i., 296; ii. , 53, 
69, 97, 224, 241 ; riches and im- 
portance of, 295 ; destruction of, 

MEDINA SIDONIA, town of, i., 8, 103, 
122, 127. 

Duke of, ii., 268 note 2. 
MELKARTH, the Phoenician Hercules, 

i. , i. 

MENA, Juan de, ii., 5. 

MENDOZA, Cardinal, ii. , 37, 166, 167, 
168 ; his encouragement of litera- 
ture, ii., 207, 239 note 2, 



MENENDEZ Pelayo, Senor, vindication 
of religious policy of Spain, ii., 88, 

MERIDA, i., 31, 33, 34, 62, 77, 79, 109, 

123, 178 ; ii., 311 note i. 
MERINOS, Castilian judges, i., 368. 
MESSINA, ii., 20. 191. 
METROPOLIS, Ecclesiastical, of Spain, 

i., 103. 

METROPOLITANS, the great, i., 76. 
MEZQUITA, building of, at Cordova, i., 


MIGUEL, Prince, heir apparent of Portu- 
gal, Aragon and Castile, birth and 

death of, ii., 157, 158, 219. 
MIHRAB of mosques, i. , 144. 
MILAN, Duke of, and Alfonso V. of 

Aragon, i. , 378. 
MILITARY administration revolutionised 

by Isabella, ii. , 228. 
- Orders, the great, i., 241, 252. 
MILITIA OF CHRIST, or Third Order of 

Dominicans, i., 226. 

MINGO REVULGO, Coplas de, ii., 7. 
MINTS, early Spanish, i. , 37. 
MIR, old French word for physician, 

i., 285. 
MIRAMAMOLIN, Spanish corruption of 

Amir al Momenin, i., 166. 
MISSAL, Visigothic, i. , 228-230. 
MOHAMMED I. of Cordova, i., 167. 
MOLDENHAWER, Doctor, visit to Alcala, 

ii. , 216. 

MOLINA, River, i., 116. 
MONARCHY, Visigothic, character of, i., 

MONASTERIES, early Spanish, i., 104- 


corruption of, ii., 170-171. 
MONDONEDO Bishopric of, i., 103. 
MONTESA, Order of, i., 244. 
MONTFORT, Simon de, i., 222, 224. 

MONTPELLIER, i. , 222, 291. 

MONTILLA, birthplace of Gonsalvo de 
Cordova, ii., 103. 

surrendered to the crown, ii., 268. 
MONZON, i., 257, 244 ; ii., 82. 
MORA, massacre at (Good Friday, 1521), 

ii., 298-9. 

MORABATINS, coins of the time of King 
James I. of Aragon, ii., 320 note 4. 

MORALES, Cristobal, ii., 347. 

MORELLA, Charles of Viana, impri- 
soned at, ii., 21 ; resists the Ger- 
mania in 1520, ii., 293. 

MORISCOS, origin of, ii., 181-189; re- 
bellion of, 186 ; origin of name 
of, 187. 

MOROSENES, incorrectly attributed to 

Celtiberians, i., 34, 35. 
MOZARABIC Liturgy and Ritual, i., 90, 

130, 228, 230; ii., 336 note 3. 
MOSEN, Louis FERRER, left in Castile 

by Ferdinand of Aragon, ii. , 246. 

his treatment of King Philip in 
Castile, ii., 250 

gaoler of Queen, 262. 
MOSLEM SPAIN, divisions of, i., 128, 


culture, greatness of, ii. , 90. 

decay of , ii., 91. 

slender results of, ii. , 92. 

architecture, ii., 310, 316 note i. 
MOSLEMS, Indian, English treatment 

of, ii., 181. 
MOSQUES, architectural character of, i., 

143. J 44- 

MOST HOLY LEAGUE, the, ii., 145. 
MOYA, Marchesa de, her influence upon 

the fortunes of Columbus, ii., 113 

note 2. 
MUCETA, or university hood, colours 

of, i., 294. 

MUDEJAR architecture, ii., 307. 
MuDEjARES, the, ii., 189 note 2. 
MULEY, signification of, ii. , 96 note 2. 
MUNTANER, Ramon, chronicler, i. , 262. 
MUNDA, i. , 27, 33, 401. 
MURCIA, i., 124, 127, 165, 176, 259, 

260, 372 ; ii., 158 note i. 
MURET, massacre at, i. , 224. 
MURVIEDRO, i. , 10, 342. 
MUSA, Arab conqueror of Spain, i., 


his disgrace, 125. 

Music, ii., chapter Ixv., pp. 335-346 ; at 
court of Aragon, i. , 344 ; St. Isidore 
of Seville upon, ii., 341 ; character 
of, 336-7 ; Arab, 340-1. 

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, ii. , 336, 343; 
Raymond Lull, 344, 345 ; early 
Arab, ii., App. I. (i) ; in the 
thirteenth century, ibid. (2) ; in the 
fourteenth century, ibid. (3). 


NAHARRO, his Propaladia, ii., 203 note 

NAJERA, i., 333. 

Duke of, ii. , 268 note 2. 
NAPLES, i., 349, 376, 378; ii., 20, 135, 

187, 192, 197-8, 256, 272. 
NARBONENSIS, i., 113. 
NARBONNE, i., 37, 41, 73, 76, 83, 103, 




NAVARRE, i. , rise of, 182; referred to, 
232, 268, 335, 401 ; fully described, 
ii. , 13; great officers of state, 18 ; 
annexation of, to Spain, 277-280. 

NAVARETTE, i. , 335, 336, 362. 

NAVARRO, Pedro, accompanies Xi- 
menez to Oran, ii. , 266 ; commands 
Spanish infantry at Ravenna, 275 ; 
his death, 267 note 4. 

NAVAS DE TOLOSA, i., 204, 224. 

battle, 235, 244. 
NERO, the Emperor, i. , 35. 

NEUMS, a system of musical signs or 

notation, ii., 341. 
NEW CARTHAGE, i., ii, 13, 41. 
NIC^A, i., 35, 57. 
NICHOLAS III., Pope, i., 299, 300. 

V., Pope, i., 294, 380, 381. 
NIEBLA, bishopric of, i., 103. 
NINO DE LA GUARDIA, the, ii., 126. 
NISMES, i., 72, 97, 103, 109. 
NiVARiA, ancient name of Teneriffe, i. , 

NOAH, said to be the Basque for wine, 

i., 400. 
NORMANS, invasion of Catalonia by, i. , 

NOTATION, early system of musical, ii., 


NUMANTIA, L, 3, 14-28, 33. 


OCA??A, i., 18, 367; ii., 32, 33. 

OjOS DE HUESCAR, ii. , 102. 

OLD CHRISTIANS, meaning of the term, 

i., 366. 

OLISIPO, i., 32, 103. 
OLITE, ii., 309 note 2, 23. 
OLMEDO, i., 386 ; ii., 5, 18, 30, 104, 237 

note i. 

OPPAS, Bishop of Seville, i., 113, 135. 
ORAN, taken and sacked, ii., 266. 

a sham bishop of, appears, ii., 

ORBIGO, tourney at, ii., 10. 
320, 371. 

de Lanzas, i. , 354. 

de Perlados, i. , 354, 374. 

de Sacas, i. , 354. 

de Menestrales, i., 374. 
ORDENANZAS REALES, preparation of, 

ii., 50. 
ORDERS of knighthood, 

extinction of, ii., 51. 

revenues of, ii., 52 note 2. 
ORDONA I., King, i., 159, 160. 

II., King, i., 162, 178. 

ORDON"A III., King, i., 178, 179. 

ORENSE, i. , 103, 135. 

ORETA, bishopric of, i., 103. 

ORIHUELA, i., 124. 

ORLEANS, truce of (1514), ii., 283 note i. 

ORTHEZ, treaty of, ii., 281. 

renewal of treaty, ii., 282. 

Blanche of Navarre poisoned at, 
ii. , 22. 

OSMA, i., 103, 219, 220, 227. 

OSSETUS, Ermengild at, i. , 79. 

OTTOMAN EMPIRE, power of, in mediae- 
val Europe, ii., 191. 

OVIEDO, i., 135, 137, 153, 159, 161, 162, 
178, 297; ii., 302, 306. 


PACHECO, Marquis of Villena, ii., 27, 

32, 37- 

PADILLA, JUAN DE, leader of the Com- 
uneros. ii., 296 ; commissioned by 
Queen Joanna, ii. , 297 ; defeats the 
Imperialists, ii., 298 ; taken and 
executed, 299. 

Dona Maria de, his wife, defends 
Toledo, ii., 299 ; escapes into Por- 
tugal, ii., 300. 

Maria de, ancestress of Lan- 
castrian claimants to crown of 
Castile, i., 327. 

PALATINES, Visigothic, i., 87. 
PALENCIA, i. , 30, 103, 236, 289; ii., 

309 note i. 

PALMA, i., 41, 294, 296; ii., 211. 

de Oliva, ii., 206. 
PALOS, ii., 107, 109, 114, 117. 
PAMPLIEGA, monastery of, i., 100. 
PAMPLONA, i., 103, 139, 140, 178, 179, 

182 ; ii., 16, 19. 

treaty or truce of, ii. , 280. 
PAOLO GIOVIO, Bishop of Nocera, ii., 

193, 201 Note 2. 

PAREJA, Bartolome' Ramos de, ii., 346. 
PAROCHIAL system in Spain, i., 103. 
PASAJES, English squadron cast anchor 

at, ii. , 279. 
PASSO HONROSO, El libro del, i., 388 ; 

ii. , 10. 

PAUL, Saint, in Spain, i., 55. 

II. , Pope, ii., 34, 139. 

IV., Pope, i., 312. 
PAX AUGUSTA, i. , 31, 33. 

Ecclesiae, i. , 57. 

Romana, i. , 31. 
PELAGIUS, Pope, i., 81. 
PELAYO, King, i., 133, 135, 136. 



PEN"ALVA, i., 106, 199. 
PEREZ, FRAY JUAN, of La Rabida, his 
hospitality to Columbus, ii., 107, 


PERPIGNAN, L, 304, 305; iL, 36, 38, 

PERSECUTION, early Christian, i., 58-63. 

of Jews, Visigothic, 109-112. 
PETER THE CRUEL, overthrows the 

Guzmans, i., 325 ; treatment of 
Blanche de Bourbon, 326 ; treat- 
ment of Maria de Padilla, 327 ; 
murder of his brother Fadrique, 
328 ; murder of Abu Said of Gra- 
nada, 330 ; opposed by Henry of 
Trastamara, 331 ; flies the kingdom, 
332 ; succoured by Edward the 
Black Prince, 332 ; who invades 
Spain to reinstate him, 334 ; at the 
battle of Navarette, 335 ; ingrati- 
tude and treachery to the English, 
336; killed by Henry of Trasta- 
mara, 338 ; Meiimee's life of, 339. 
PETER I. of Aragon, i., 213. 

II. of Aragon, i. , 217-218. 

IV. (the Ceremonious), i., 3, 340, 

III. (the Great), i., 298-312. 

Martyr, ii. , 144, 154, 208. 

the Venerable, i., 287. 
PETERS, three reigning Kings in the 

Peninsula at one time, i., 354. 
PETRONILLA, Queen, 214. 
PHILIP, the Archduke, stormbound, ii. , 

163, 194; visits Henry VII., 243; 

Villafafila, 245 ; brief reign, 247 ; 

poisoned, 250. 

PHOCIANS, early colonists, i., 8. 
PHOENICIANS, i., 8, 10. 
PIRACY, mediaeval, ii. , 326. 
PisANS, summoned to Valencia, i. , 194 ; 

sacrificed to secure the adhesion of 

the Medicis, ii., 270. 
PISORACA, ancient name of Herrera, i., 

Pius VII., Pope, i., 341. 

IX., Pope, i. , 312. 

PLINY, procurator in Tarraconensis, i., 


PLUS ULTRA, motto, how changed from 
ne plus ultra, i., i. 

POITIERS, battle on the Campus Vo- 
cladensis (507)- near, i., 71. 

POLYGLOT edition of the Bible, pre- 
pared at Alcald, ii. , 202, 214. 

names of translators, 214. 

versions, how disposed in text, 


character of the MSS., 216 note a. 

POLYGLOT quotation from introduction, 

present value of the work, 217 
note 2. 

POMPEY, L, 21. 

PONTIFFS, Roman, i., 42. 
PONZA, battle of, i., 379. 

Comedieta de, ii., 6. 
POPES, Spanish, i., 381. 
POPES referred to 

Sylvester I. (314), i., 58. 

Liberius (352), 59. 

Damasus (366), 61-62. 

Benedict I. (574), 81, 88. 

Pelagius II. (578), 81, 88. 

Gregory the Great (590), 81, 88, 120. 

Leo II. (682), 103. 

Benedict II. (684), 103. 

Gregory II. (715), 103. 

Leo III. (795), 157. 

Nicholas I. (858), 91. 

Sylvester II. (999), 209. 

Damasus II. (1048), 229. 

Alexander II. (1061), 228. 

Gregory VII., Hildebrand (1073), 

229-230 ; ii., 120 note 2. 
Urban II. (1088), 103. 
Alexander III. (1159), 243, 246; ii., 

1 20 note 2. 

Gregory VIII. (1187), 243. 
Celestine III. (1191), 220. 
Innocent III. (1198), ii., 124 note i. 
Honorius III. (1216), 226. 
Gregory IX. (1227), ii., 65. 
Innocent IV. (1243), 294. 
Alexander IV. (1254), 290. 
Urban IV. (1261), 289, 300. 
Gregory X. (1271), 260. 
John XXI. (1276), 263, 379, 381. 
Nicholas III. (1277), 300-301. 
Martin IV. (1281), 267, 300. 
Nicholas IV. (1288), 291. 
Celestine V. (1294), 307. 
Boniface VIII. (1294), 291 306, 307 ; 

ii., 141. 

Benedict XI. (1303), 309 ; ii., 141. 
Clement V. (1305), 291-309; ii. , 120 

note 2. 

John XXII. (1316), 243; ii., 140 note 4. 
Benedict XII. (1334), 229. 
Clement VI. (1342), 291, 360. 
Urban V. (1362), 331. 
Gregory XI. (1370), 311. 
Urban VI. (1378), ii.. 140 note 4. 
Clement VII. (1378), anti-Pope, 293, 

355. 3 8 i; i"-. *40 note 4. 
Boniface IX. (1389), 345, 346; ii., 

141 note i. 



POPES (continued). 
Benedict XIII. (1394), 245, 292, 293, 
345- 346, 35^, 379, 3^1 ; ., 210. 
John XXIII. (1410), 229. 
Martin V. (1417), 293, 349, 378. 
Eugenius IV. (1431), 293, 379, 381. 
Nicholas V. (1447), i. , 294, 381. 
Calixtus III. (1455), 347, 379. 3 Sl '< 

ii., 19-20, note 3, 63. 
Pius II. (1458), 381 ; ii., 139, 212. 
Paul II. (1464), ii. , 34, 165. 
Sixtus IV. (1471), 250, 294; ii., 232. 
Innocent VIII. (1484), 294, 361 ; ii., 

76, 129, 139, 232. 

Alexander VI. (1492), 294, 381 ; ii., 
62, 77, 115-117, 138, 146 note i, 

Pius III. (1503), ii. , 199, 232. 
Julius II. (1503), 414; ii., 199, 215, 

257 note 2, 270, 272. 
Leo X. (1513). 4HI 215, 281, 


Clement VII. (1523), 297. 
Paul III. (1534), 414. 
Paul IV. (1555), 311. 
Gregory XIII. (1572), 414. 
Sixtus V. (1585), 82. 
Clement VIII. (1592), 157. 
Urban VIII. (1623), 157. 
Clement IX. (1667), ii., 240 note 3, 
Clement X. (1670), 296. 
Pius VII. (1800), 341. 
Pius IX. (1846), 312. 
Leo XIII. (1878), 157. 
PORT ST. MARY, i. , 358 ; ii. , 333. 
PORTO, bishopric of, i. , 103. 
PORTUGAL, i. , 29, 70, 135. 
PORTUS GALE, i. , 33. 
PR^TORS, i., 16. 

PRAVIA, i. , 137, 153; ii., 302 note i. 
PRELATES in the Cortes, i. , 372, 373. 
PREMIA, signification of, ii. , 262-3. 
PRETENDERS to crown of Aragon on 

death of King Martin, i. , 345. 
PRIEGO, Marquis of, friend of Gonsalvo 
de Cordova, ii., 249 ; sentenced to 
be fined and banished, 268. 
PRIMICIERO, officer of ecclesiastical rank 

in Spanish universities, i. , 293. 
PRINTING, early, in Spain, ii. , 209. 
PRISCILLIAN, i., 36, 41, 42. 
PRIVILEGE of union in Aragon, i., 255, 

282, 375. 

seal of the association, i. , 342. 
PRODUCTS, Spanish, i. , 36. 
PROCONSULS, i., 16, 31, 35. 
PROPOLADIA, the, of Juan de Naharro, 

ii., 172. 
PROPRIETOR, authority of, i., 30. 

PROVERBS, Spanish, ii., 8. 

PRUDENTIUS, i. , 63. 

PTOLEMY, i. , 210. 

PUBLIC instruction, earliest laws of, i., 

PUEBLA, Roderigo de, Spanish envoy 

to Henry VII., ii., 159. 

Liturgy printed at, ii., 158-9. 

PUENTE DE PlNOS, ii., 113. 


ii note 3. 
PURBACH, George^of, i., 271. 




RABBITS, an ancient device of Hispania, 
L, 33; number of, in Spain, i., 33. 
RABIDA, LA, monastery of, ii. , 109. 
RAMIRO I., King of Leon, i., 158, 159. 

II., King of Leon, i. , 178. 

III., King of Leon, i., 180. 

I., King of Aragon, i. , 213. 

II., the Monk, L, 213-218. 
RAMON BERENGUER I., Duke or Count 

of Catalonia, i. , 156, 216. 

II., Count of Catalonia, i., 190, 

III., Count of Catalonia, i., 193, 

IV., Count of Catalonia, i., 217, 

RAYMOND of Burgundy, King, i., 214, 

Archbishop of Toledo, his liber- 
ality and culture, i., 207. 

of Toulouse, i. , 222. 
RAYMOND LULL, his theory of music, 

ii., 344, and see Lull, Raymond. 
REAL, earliest Spanish coin, ii. , 319. 

silver coin in time of Peter 
III. of Aragon, ii., 320; value at 
various times, 321-3. 

RECCARED I., King, i., 79, 89. 
II., King, i., 90. 

RECCESWIND, King, i., 94. 

RECCESWINTH, King, i., 96. 

REGGIO, ii., 192. 

RELICS at Aviedo, i. , 137. 

ment of, in Spain, i., 197; ii., 55, 

RECTOR, his position in Spanish uni- 
versities, i., 291. 

RENE of Anjou, i., 378. 


RHODAS, early Greek colony, i. , 10. 
RHODIANS, i., 9. 

RHODOPE, early Greek colony, i. , 32. 
RIBAGORZA, Count of, Viceroy of 

Naples, ii., 258. 
RiBERA, lo Spagnoletto, born at Jativa, 

ii., 294 note i. 

RICHARD, Duke of Gloucester, i., 354. 
RICHARD II. of England, and John of 

Gaunt, i., 354-5. 

ROADS, Roman, in Spain, i., 37. 
ROBERTUS RETENSIS, translator of the 

Koran, i. , 287. 

ROCABERTI and Peter the Cruel, i., 338. 
RODERIC, Bishop of Toledo, i. , 336. 
RODERICK, last of the Goths, i., 112, 

113, 114, 121. 

ROIG JAYME, Valencian poet, ii., 2. 
ROLAND, the Paladin, i., 141. 
ROMANCES or ballads, i., 276-278. 

of chivalry, the rise of the, ii., 

ROMAN Empire in Spain, continuance 
of, i., 73. 

Wall, in Britain, Spanish inscrip- 
tions on, i., 51. 

RONCESVALLES, i., 138, 139, 140, 150, 


RONDA, capture of, 11., 102 note i. 
ROSARY, origin of the, i., 227. 
ROSAS, i., 7, 9, 305. 
ROUSSILLON, i., 304; ii., 23, 36, 134 

note 2, 199. 
ROWLAND, James, in the service of 

Peter the Cruel, i., 338. 
RUFFO CATALOG, Sicilian ambassador, 

>> 37- 

Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita, i., 323; his 
catalogue of contemporary musical 
instruments, ii., App. i (3). 


SAAVEDRA, Don Eduardo, new views 
upon date of Arab invasion of Spain, 
i., 123. 

SAGUNTUM, i., 10. 

SAHAGUN, i., 186, 296. 

ST. DOMINGO, ii., 177, 234, 236. 

ST. GEORGE, legend of, i., 244, Appen- 
dix V. 

ST. JEAN DE Luz, ii., 43. 

ST. JEAN PIED DE PORT, i., 139; ii., 
15, 16. 

ST. JULIAN, Order of, i., 247. 

ST. UBES, or Setubal, L, 2. 

ST. VINCENT, Cape, i., 32, 57, 76. 

SAINTS, small number of Spanish, in 
the Calendar, ii. , 64. 

SALADO, battle of the, i., 320 ; ii., 95. 
SAN JUAN DE LOS REYES, building of, 

ii., 41, 309. 
SAN LUCAR, ii., 177, 234. 
SAN PONCE, or Santiponct, i., 16. 
SANTANGELO, dukedom of, ii., 192. 
SANTA FE, ii., 112. 

MARIA DEL CAMPO, ii., 260. 

MARIA DE OCA, i., 103. 
SALAMANCA, i., 103, 135, 246, 293, 

297. 334. 372; -. i". 165, 209, 
211, 308, 347. 

University of, i,, 284, 289-297. 

colleges founded at, ii., 211. 
SALDUBA, i., 31. 

SALPENSA, Laws of, i., 36. 
SALVATIERRA, L , 244, 334. 
SALVIAN on the decay of the Roman 

Empire, i., 50. 
SAMARCAND, Castilian envoys at, i., 

SANCHO, King of Leon, the Fat, i., 177. 

the great King of Navarre, 182, 
186, 213. 

Ramirez, King of Aragpn, i. , 213. 

III., of Castile, King, i., 233. 

IV., King, i., 268, 313-317. 
SANTANDER, L, 30, 135; ii., 157. 
SANTAREM, i., 81. 

SANTIAGO, invention of, i., 151, 155, 

iS7. 159- 

El Voto de, i., 159. 

Order of, i. , 245-246. 

grand mastership of, to be con- 
ferred upon Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
ii., 254, 258 note i. 

i., 156, 157 ; referred to, 162, 171, 
297, 332; ii., 173, 211. 

Cortes at, ii., 291. 
SARAGOSSA, Archbishop of, ii., 24, 168. 
SARDINIA acquired by Aragon, i. , 309. 
SAUNTER, etymology of English word, 

i. , 145 note i. 

SCALE, division of Arab musical, ii., 

SECRET SOCIETIES, i., 60 note 2. 

388 note i. 

SEGOVIA, i., 37, 103, 135, 267, 372. 

SEMITIC RACES, characteristic weak- 
ness of, ii. , 90 note i, 91 note i. 

religious spirit of, ii., 129, 131. 
SENABRIA, ii., 245. 

SENECA, i., 37. 
SEPTIMANIA, i., 73, 95, 154. 
SERTORIUS, Quintus, i., 23-25. 
SERVITARIUM, monastery at, i., 105. 
SETUBAL, i., a. 



SEVILLE, L, 8, 16, 35, 36, 37, 61, 77, 
103, 123, 124, 128, 158, 177, 183, 
205, 297; ii., 53, 65, 69, 70, 75, 
78, 95, no, 121, 304, 305, 307, 333. 

capitulation of, i. , 240. 

SHEEP imported into Spain from the 

Cotswolds, ii. , 324. 
SICILY, succession to crown of, i. , 299. 

- i-,299. 307, 345, 3491 ii-. 20. 
SIERRA BERMEJA, ii., 188. 

- DE LOS INFANTES, ii., 95. 

MORENA, i., 161, 232. 

SIETE PARTIDAS, laws of the, i., 267, 

270, 282, 291. 
SIGERIC, King, i., 67. 
SIGUENZA, i., 103, 294, 296; ii., 304, 

309 note, 166, 211. 
SILUS, King, i., 106, 137, 138. 

SlMANCAS, i., 134, l6l, 175, 178, 365; 

ii., 54 note 2, 137 note i, 181. 
SISAPO, the modern Almaden, i., 9. 
SISEBUT, King, i., 91. 
SISENAND, King, i., 91, 92. 
SIXTUS IV., Pope, i., 250, 294; ii., 

139, 140. 

his Bull annulling marriage of 
Alfonso and Joanna, ii., 42. 

V., Pope, i., 82. 

SLAVERY, Christian, under the Visi- 
goths, i., 117, 406. 

SOBEYRA, Sultana, i., 172, 174. 

SOBHA, called