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Full text of "History of Spanish literature"

LIBRARY OF 
WELLESLEY COLLEGE 




PRESENTED BY 



'^- 




HISTORY OF SPANISH LITERATURE. 



VOL. III. 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2010 with funding from 

Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries 



http://www.archive.org/details/historyofspanish03tick 



HISTORY 



OF 



SPANISH LITERATURE 



BY 



GEORGE TICKNOR. 




IN THREE VOLUMES. 
VOL. III. 



SIXTH AMERICAN EDITION, CORRECTED AND ENLARGED. 



BOSTON: 
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY. 

SDbc Eiijerfittie Press, Cambrilfff . 



\^z%^'^ 



Copyright, 1863, 
By TICKNOR AND FIELDS. 

Copyright, 1872, 

Br ANNA TICKNOR. 

Copyright, 1891, 

By anna E. TICKNORo 

All rights reserved. 



Go:):. 

X 



CONTENTS OF YOL. III. 



SECOND PERIOD 

(continued.) 



CHAPTEE XXIX. 



Lyric Poetry. 



Early Lyric Tendency 
Italian School of Boscan . 
National School . 
Lonias De Cantoral . 
Francisco de Figueroa 
Vicente Espinel 
Montemayor 
Barahona de Soto, Rixfo 
Vegas, Padilla 
Lopez Maldonado . 
Fernando de Herrera 
His Odes . 
His Castilian Style 
Pedro Espinosa 
His Flores de Poetas Ilustres 
Key de Artieda 
Manoel de Portugal 
Carrillo .... 
Cristdval de Mesa 
Francisco de Ocaiia 
Lope de Sosa 
Alonso de Ledesma . 
The Conceptistas . 
Cultismo and its Causes . 
Luis de Gongora . 



3 

4 

4 

5 

5 

5 

6 

6 

6 

7 

7 

9 

12 

13 

13 

15 

15 

15 

15 

15 

15 

16 

16 

18 

20 



His earlier Poetry 
His later Poetry 
His Extravagance 
His Obscurity . 
His Commentators 
His Followers . 
Count Villamediana 
Felix de Arteaga 
Roca y Serna 
Antonio de Vega 
Anastasio Pantaleon 
Violante del Cielo 
Manoel de Melo . 
Moncayo, La Torre 
Vergara 
Rozas, Ulloa . 
Salazar 

Spread of Cultismo 
Contest about it . 
Francisco de Medrano 
Pedro Venegas . 
Baltasar de Alcazar 
Arguijo 
Antonio Balvas 



20 
22 
24 
24 
25 
26 
26 
28 
28 
29 
29 
29 
29 
30 
30 
30 
30 
31 
31 
33 
33 
33 
34 
34 



The Argensolas 
Lupercio . 
Bartolom^, . 
Their Poetry . 



CHAPTER XXX. 
Lyric Poetry, concluded. 



36 


Juan de Jauregui . * 


. 39 


36 


His Orfeo . . . . 


40 


37 


His Aminta .... 


. 40 


37 


His Lyrical Poetry . 


41 



VI 

Est^van Manuel de Villegas 
Imitates Anacreon . 
Bernardo de Balbuena 
Barbadillo 

Polo, Rojas . . , . 
Francisco de Kiqja . 
Borja y Esquilache 
Antonio de Mendoza 
Bernardino de Rebolledo 
Ribero, Quiros, Estrella 



CONTENTS. 




. 42 


Barrios, Lucio y Espinossa . 


. 50 


43 


Evia, Inez de la Cruz 


50 


. 44 


Soil's, Candamo, Marchante 


. 50 


44 


Montoro, Negrete . 


50 


. 45 


Success of Lyric Poetry 


. 51 


45 


Religious ..... 


51 


. 47 


Secular and Popular . 


. 52 


48 


SecxiLir and more formal . 


53 


. 49 


Its General Character , 


. 53 


50 







CHAPTER XXXI. 

Satirical Poetry, Epistolary, Elegiac, Pastoral, Epigrasimatic, Didactic, 

AND Descriptive. 



Satirical and Epistolary Poetry . 


. 56 


Mendoza, Boscan 


55 


Castillejo 


. 55 


Montemayor, Padilla, Cantoral 


56 


Murillo, Artieda .... 


. 56 


Barahoha de Soto . 


56 


Juan de Jauregui . . . 


. 56 


The Argensolas 


56 


Quevedo, Gongora 


. 57 


Cervantes .... 


57 


Espinel, Arguijo, Riqja 


. 58 


Salcedo, Ulloa, Melo 


58 


Borja, Rebolledo, Villegas . 


. 58 


Satire discouraged . 


69 


Elegiac Poetry .... 


. 60 


Garcilasso .... 


60 


Figueroa, Silvestre 


. 61 


Cantoral, the Argensolas . 


61 


Borja, Hei^era .... 


. 61 


Rioja, Quevedo 


61 


Villegas 


. 61 


Elegy does not succeed . . 


62 


Pastoral Poetry .... 


. 62 


Garcilasso, Boscan, Mendoza . 


62 


Figueroa, Cantoral 


. 62 


Montemayor .... 


62 


Saa de Miranda .... 


. 62 


Polo, Balbuena 


64 


Barahona de Soto 


. 64 


Padilla, Silvestre . 


65 


Pedro de Enzinas 


. 65 


Morales, Tapia, Espinel . 


66 


Balvas, Villegas .... 


. 65 



Carrillo, Esquilache . 


. 65 


Quevedo, Espinosa . 


65 


Soto de Roxas, Zarate . 


. 66 


Ulloa, Los Reyes 


66 


Barrios, Inez de la Cruz 


. 66 


Pastorals successful 


66 


Epigrams, amatory 


. 66 


Maldonado, Silvestre 


66 


Villegas, Gongora 


. 66 


Camoens 


67 


Argensolas, Villegas, Lope de V( 


3ga . 68 


Quevedo, Esquilache 


68 


Francisco de la Torre . 


. 68 


ReboUedo .... 


69 


Didactic Poetry . 


. 69 


Earliest 


69 


In the Cancioneros 


. 69 


Boscan, Silvestre, Mendoza . 


69 


Guzman, Aldana, Rufo 


. 71 


Virues, Cantoral 


71 


Murillo 


. 71 


Salas 


71 


The Argensolas, Artieda 


. 72 


Mesa, Espinel .... 


72 


Juan de la Cueva 


. 72 


Pablo de Cdspedes . 


73 


Lope de Vega 


. 74 


Rebolledo, Trapeza. 


74 


Emblems 


. 75 


Daza, Covarrubias . 


75 


Descriptive Poetry 


. 75 


Dicastillo 


75 


Didactic Poetry fails . 


. 77 



CONTENTS. 



Vll 



CHAPTER XXXII, 



Ballad Poetky. 



Effect of the Romanceros . 


. 78 


Lorenzo de Sepulveda 


78 


Alonso de Fuentes 


. 80 


Juan de Timoneda . 


82 


Pedro de Padilla . 


. . 83 


Juan de la Cueva . 


84 


Gin^s Perez de Hita . 


. 84 


Hidalgo, Valdivielso 


85 


Lope de Vega 


. 85 


Arellano 


85 


Roca y Serna, Esquilache . 


. 86 


Mendoza, Quevedo . 


86 


Silva de Romances 


. 86 



Los Doce Pares . 
Romancero del Cid . 
Primavera de Perez 
Silvestre, Montemayor . 
Espinel, Castillejo 
Lopez de Maldonado 
Gongora, Arteaga, Pantaleon 
Villamediana, Coronel . 
Cervantes, Lope de Vega . 
Quevedo, Fereira, Alarcon 
Diego de la Chica 
Universal Love of Ballads 



87 
87 
87 
88 

88 
88 



89 
89 
89 
90 



CHAPTEE XXXIII. 



Romantic Fiction. — Prose Pastorals. 



Romances of Chivalry 


. 91 


Changed Taste 


91 


Seen in Pastoral Fictions . 


. 92 


Shepherd's Life in Spain 


92 


Sannazaro in Italy 


. 93 


Montemayor .... 


94 


His Diana Enamorada. 


. 94 


Continued by Perez 


97 


And by Gil Polo . . . . 


. 98 


Antonio de Lo Frasso 


99 


Luis Galvez de Montalvo . 


. 99 


His Filida .... 


100 


Cervantes 


. 100 


Bartolom^ Lopez de Enciso 


. 101 



Bovadilla .... 

Bernardo de la Vega 

Lope de Vega 

Bernardo de Balbuena 

His Siglo de Oro . 

Suarez de Figueroa . 

His Aixiarjdlis and Pastor Fido 

Adorno, Botelho 

Quintana Cuevas . 

Corral, Saavedra 

Popularity of Pastorals 

Their Incongruities . 

Their Foundation 

Their Failure . 



102 

102 
102 
103 

103 
104 
104 
105 
105 
105 
106 
107 
108 
108 



CHAPTER XXXIY. 
Romantic Fiction, continued. — Stories in the Gusto Picaresco. 



Their Origin . . . . 


. 109 


Military Life .... 


. 109 


Contempt for honest Labor . 


. 110 


Feeling of the lower Classes . 


111 


The Pfcaros . . . . 


. 113 


Lazarillo de Tdrmes 


113 


IMateo Aleman . . . . 


. 113 


His Guzman de Alfarache 


. 114 


Spurious Second Part . 


. 115 


Genuine Second Part 


116 


Andreas Perez . . . . 


. 121 



His Pfcara Justina 


. 121 


Drama and Short Tales . 


122 


Vicente Espinel . 


. 122 


His Marcos de Obregon . 


. 123 


Yanez y Rivera . 


. 126 


His Alonso .... 


126 


Quevedo, Solorzano . 


. 327 


Enriquez Gomez 


. 128 


Estevanillo Gonzalez . 


. 129 


Success of Picaro Stories 


- 130 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 



EoMAjjTic Fiction, coxttkued. — Serious and Historical Romances. 



Early Specimens .... 132 

Jnan de Flores .... 132 

Nunez de Reinoso .... 133 

Luzindaro y Medusina . . . 133 

Hieronimo de Contreras . . . 134 

Relations with Italy and Algiers . 134 
Giu^s Perez de Hita . . . .135 

His Guerras de Granada . . 135 

Little imitated 140 

La Cryselia de Lidaceli . . . 142 



Benito Eemigio Noj^dens . . . 143 

Gonzalo de Cespedes . . . 143 

Cervantes, Lamarca .... 144 

Dos Verdaderos Amigos . . 145 

Valladares de Valdelomar . . . 145 

Grave Fictions discouraged . . 146 

Cosm^ de Texada .... 146 

Cliristoval Lozano .... 148 

Serious Fictions not successful . . 149 



CHAPTEE XXXVI. 
Romantic Fiction, concluded. — Tales. 



Arise from the State of Society 


. 150 


Antonio de Villegas 


150 


His Story of Narvaez 


. 151 


Juan de Timoneda 


153 


His Patraiiuelo .... 


. 154 


Cervantes, Hidalgo 


155 


Suarez de Figueroa . 


. 156 


Salas Barbadillo .... 


156 


Eslava, Agreda .... 


. 160 


Linan y Verdugo . . . 


160 


Lope de Vega .... 


. 160 


Salazar, Lugo, Camerino 


161 


Changed Form of Tales 


. 161 


Tirso de Molina . . .■ . 


162 


Montalvan 


. 163 


Matias de los Reyes 


164 


Fernandez y Peralta . 


. 165 



Montalvan 


165 


Cespedes y Meneses, Moya . 


165 


Castro y Anaya .... 


166 


Mariana de Carbajal 


166 


Marfa de Zayas ..... 


166 


Mata, Castillo, Lozano . 


167 


Solorzano ...... 


167 


Alcala, Villalpando 


168 


Prado, Isidro de Robles . 


168 


Luis Velez de Guevara . 


169 


Jacinto Polo ..... 


170 


Marcos Garcia .... 


172 


Francisco Santos .... 


172 


Tales ever\^where .... 


177 


Early Appearance of Romantic Fic- 




tion ...... 


178 


Its early Decay ..... 


179 



CHAPTER XXXVII, 



Eloquence. —Epistolary Correspondence. 



Forensic Eloquence little cultivated . 180 

Courts of Justice .... 180 

Cortes 180 

Kloquence of the Pulpit . . 181 

Luis de Leon ..... 182 

Luis de Granada . . . . 182 

Cultismo in the Pulpit . . . 186 

Para vie ino 187 

Pulpit Eloquence fails . . . 187 



Letter-Avr-iters formal . 
Queen Isabella, Columbus 
Guevara, Avila . 
Zurita and his Friends . 
Antonio Perez . 
Santa Tei'esa . 
Argensola, Lope de Vega . 
Qnevedo, Cascales . 
Antonio, Soils . 



188 
188 
189 
169 
190 
19^ 
197 
197 
197 



CONTENTS. 



IX 



CHAPTEE XXXVIII. 



Historical Composition. 



Fathers of Spanish History 

Geronimo de Zurita 

Ambrosio de Morales 

Diego de Mendoza . 

Ribadeneyra, Siguenza 

Juan de Mariana . 

His Persecutions 

His History of Spain 

Prudencio de Sandoval 

Spanish Discoveries and Conquests 



. 199 


Antonio de Hen-era . 


. 217 


199 


Bartolome de Argensola 


219 


. 202 


Garcilasso de ia Vega, Inca 


. 219 


204 


Francisco de Moucada . 


223 


. 205 


Coloma 


. 224 


206 


Manuel Melo .... 


225 


. 207 


Saavedra Faxardo 


. 228 


210 


Antonio Solis. 


228 


. 214 


Character of Spanish History . 


. 232 


3 216 







CHAPTER XXXIX. 
Didactic Prose. 



Proverbs 


. 234 


Oldest 


234 


Marquis of Santillana 


. 236 


Garay, Valles, Nuiiez . 


236 


Mai Lara, Palmireno . 


. 9.37 


Oudin, Soi-apan 


237 


Cejudo, Juan de Yriarte . 


. 238 


Great Number of Proverbs . 


238 


Didactic Prose .... 


. 239 


Antonio de Torquemada 


239 


Christoval de Acosta . 


. 241 


Luis de Granada . 


242 


Juan de la Cruz 


. 243 


Santa Teresa .... 


244 


School of Spiritualists 


. 246 


Malon de Chaide . 


246 


Agustin de Roxas 


. 248 


Suarez de Figueroa 


249 



]Marquez, Vera y Zuiiiga . 
Fernandez de Navarrete 
Saavedra Faxardo 
Quevedo, Antonio de Vega . 
Nieremberg, lienavente 

Guzman 

Dantisco, Andrada . 
Villalobos, Paton . 
Aleman, Faria y Sousa 
Francisco de Portugal . 
Cultismo in Spanish Prose 
Paravicino .... 
Baltazar Gracian 
Cultismo prevails . 
Juan de Zabaleta 
Lozano, Heredia, Ramirez 
Small Success of Didactic Prose 



25> 
251 

252 
253 
253 
255 
255 
255 
256 
256 
257 
259 
260 
262 
263 
263 
264 



CHAPTER XL. 
CoNCLUDiKG Remarks on the Period. 



Decay of the Spanish Character . 267 
Charles the Fifth, Philip the Second 268 
Philip the Third . . . .270 
Philip the Fourth .... 271 
Charles the Second .... 273 



Degi'adation of the Country . . 274 

Religion sinks into Bigotry . . 275 

Loyalty sinks into Servility . . 278 

Literature fails with Character . 280 



CONTENTS. 



THIED PEEIOD. 

The Literature that existed in Spain between the Accession of the 
Bourbon Family and the Invasion of Bonaparte ; or from the Be- 
ginning OF the Eighteenth Century to the early Part of the Nine- 
teenth. 

CHAPTER I. 
Reign of Philip the Fifth. 



D^ath of Charles the Second 

His Will 

War of the Succession 
Peace of Utrecht . 
Philip the Fifth . 
Academy of the Language . 
State of the Language 
Dictionaries of the Language 
Dictionary of the Academy'- 
Its Orthography . . . . 
Its Grammar 



285 
286 
286 
286 
287 
288 
289 
291 
292 
293 
295 



Its other Labors . 
Other Academies . 
State of Poetry . 
Moraes . . . 
Barnuevo . 
Reynosa, Zevallos . 
Lobo, Benegasi y Luxan 
Alvarez de Toledo . 
Antonio Munoz . 
Sagradas Flores 
Jorge de Pitillas 



296 
297 
298 
298 
299 
300 
301 
301 
301 
302 
302 



CHAPTER II, 



Reign of Philip the Fifth, concluded. 



Marques de San Plielipe . . . 304 

French Influences .... 306 

Translations from the French . . 307 

Ignacio de Luzan .... 307 

Elder Works on Criticism . . . 310 

Enzina, Rengifo, Lopez . . . 310 

Cascales, Salas 311 

Luzan's Po^tica .... 312 



Suate of the Moral and Physical Sci- 
ences 314 

State of the Universities . . . 315 

Low State of Spanish Culture . 316 

Benito Feyjoo ..... 317 

His Teatro Cn'tico .... 319 

His Cartas Eruditas ... 319 

Effect of his Works . . 319 



CHAPTER III, 



Reigns of Philip the Fifth and Fekdinand the Sixth. 



The Inquisition . 
Intolerance . . . 
Autos de F^ and -Judaism . 
Culture under Ferdinand 
The Inquisition . 
Policy of the State 



322 
828 
824 
326 
327 
327 



Condition of Letters . 
Salduena, Moraleja, Ortiz 
Academy of Good Taste . 
Velazquez 
Mayans y Siscar 
Bias Nasarre . 



327 

328 
328 
329 
830 

830 



CONTENTS. 



XI 



CHAPTER IV. 



Reign of Charles the Third. 



State of the Country . 


. 332 


Character of the King . 


333 


The Jesuits .... 


. 334 


The Universities . 


834 


The Inquisition .... 


. 835 


Dawn of Better Things . 


337 


Father Isla 


. 337 


His Juventud Triunfante 


337 


His Dia Grande .... 


. 337 


His Sermones .... 


339 


His Fray Gerundio . 


. 339 


His Exile .... 


343 


His Cicero 


. 344 


His Letters .... 


344 


His Translation of Gil Bias 


. 346 



Question of its Authorship . . 346 

Efforts to restore the Old School . 350 

Huerta 350 

Sedano, Sanchez .... 351 

Sarmiento 3'1 

Efforts to encourage the French School 352 
Moratin the Elder . . . .352 

Club of Men of Letters . . . 355 

Cadahalso 356 

Yriarte 358 

His Fables 360 

Samaniego 361 

His Fables . . . . . .362 

Arroyal, Montengon . . . 363 

Salas, Meras, Norona . . . 364 



CHAPTER V. 
Reign of Charles the Fourth. — School of Salamanca and other Poets. 



State of Literary Parties 

Melendez Vald^s . 

His Works . 

His Exile and Death 

Gonzalez . 

Forner .... 

Iglesias 

Cienfuegos 

Jovellanos . 

Connected with Melendez 



366 
366 
367 
372 
374 
375 
376 
377 
379 
380 



His Political Services 


. 380 


His Exiles .... 


382 


His Share in the Revolution 


. 382 


His Death .... 


386 


His Character .... 


. 386 


Muiioz 


387 


Escoiquiz 


. 388 


Moratin the Younger 


389 


His Relations to Godoy 


. 390 


Quintana .... 


391 



CHAPTER VI. 



The Theatre in the Eighteenth Century. 



Important Movement . . . 395 

Translations from the French . 395 

Cafiiizares ...... 395 

Torres, Lobo . . . . . 396 

Lower Classes rule .... 396 

The old Court-Yards ... 397 
The new Theatres . . . .397 

The Opera ..... 398 

Castro, Anorbe, Montiano . . . 399 

The Virginia and Athaulpho . . 400 

Translations from the F'rench . . 401 

The Petimetra of Moratin the Elder 401 



His Hormesinda . . . . 


. 402 


His Guzman el Bueno . 


403 


Cadahalso 


. 403 


Sebastian y Latre . 


403 


Yriarte 


. 404 


Melendez, Ayala . 


405 


Huerta 


. 406 


Jovellanos .... 


406 


Autos suppressed 


. 408 


Low State of the Theatre 


409 


Ramon de la Cruz 


. 411 


Sedano Lassala, Cortes 


414 



Xll 



CONTENTS. 



Cienfuegos . 
Pliierta . 
Discussions 
Valladares, Zavala 
Cornelia 

Moratin the Younger 
Patronized by Godoy 
His first PLiy 



414 
415 
416 
417 
417 
418 
419 
421 



His Nueva Comedia . 
His Baron and Mogigata 
His Si de las Niiias . 
His Translations 
State of the Drama . 
Actors of Note 
State of the Theatre . 
Prospects 



422 
423 
4^4 

425 
426 
426 
427 
428 



CHAPTER VII. 
Eeigns of Charles the Fourth axd Ferdinand the Seventh. — Conclusion. 



Charles the Fourth and Godoy . . 430 

French Revolution .... 430 

Index Expurgatorius .... 431 

Affair of the Escorial . . . 431 

Abdication 432 

French Invasion .... 432 

French expelled 433 



Ferdinand the Seventh . . . 433 

Effect of the Times on Letters . 434 

Interregnum in Culture . . . 436 

Eevival of Letters .... 436 

Character of the People . . . 437 

Hopes for the Future . . . 438 



APPENDIX, A. 
Origin of the Spanish Language. 



Spain and its Name . 


. 441 


The Arabs .... 


. 457 


The Iberians in Spain . 


442 


Their Invasion . . . . 


458 


The Celts 


. 443 


Their Effect on the Proven9als . 


. 459 


The Celtiberians .... 


443 


Their Refinement . . . . 


459 


The Phoenicians 


. 444 


The Christians and Pelayo 


. 460 


The Carthaginians 


445 


The Mozarabes . . . . 


461 


The Romans .... 


. 446 


Their Influence .... 


. 462 


Their Colonies .... 


448 


Their Reunion . . . 1 


464 


Their Language. 


. 449 


The Language of the North 


. 464 


Their Writers .... 


449 


How modified . . . . 


466 


Christianity introduced 


. 451 


First written Spanish 


. 466 


Its Effects on the Language . 


451 


Cartas Pueblas . . . . 


467 


Irruption of the Northern Tribes 


. 453 


The Romance .... 


. 469 


The Franks, Vandali, etc. 


454 


The Spanish or Castilian 


469 


The Goths 


. 454 


Materials that compose it . 


. 469 


Their Culture .... 


455 


Its rapid Prevalence 


471 


Their Effect on the Language . 


. 456 







Ballads on separate Sheets 
Oldest Ballad-Book 
That of Antwerp 
Other early Ballad-Books 
Ballad-Book in Nine Parts 



APPENDIX, B. 
The Romanceros. 



472 

473 
473 
476 
476 



Romancei'o General .... 481 
Early Selections from the Romance- 
ros 482 

Recent Selections .... 482 

Latest and Best 484 



CONTEx^TS. 



Xlll 



APPENDIX, C. 
Fernan Gomez de Cibdareal, amd the Centon Epistoi.aeio. 



Suggestions on its Genuineness . . 486 

Probably a Forgery . . . 486 

No such Person mentioned early . 487 

No IManuscript of the Letters . 487 

Date of the earliest Edition false . 487 

Second Edition admits it . . 487 

No Date to the Letters at first . . 488 

Their Style 488 



That of the First Edition . . . 488 

Misstatements about Juan de Mena 4£8 

About Barrientos .... 4£9 

About Alvaro de Luna . . . 490 

Appeared in an Age of Forgeries . 490 

State of the Question . . . 4B1 

Postscript, 1861, Reply to Objections 491 



APPENDIX, D. 
The Buscapee. 



Statement by Los Rios 

By Ruydiaz . . . . 

Effect of their Statements 

Don Adolfo de Castro . 

Publishes a Buscapie 

What it is . 

Contradicts Los Rios and Ruydiaz 

Its long Concealment suspicious 

Its External Evidence 

Argote de Molina . 

The Duke of Lafoes . 



. 495 


Don Pascual de Gandara 


. 


501 


495 


Its Internal Evidence 


. 


502 


. 497 


Resemblances to the Style 


of Cervan- 




497 


tes ... . 


. 


502 


. 497 


Mistake about Enzinas 


• . . 


503 


498 


About an old Proverb . 


, . 


503 


. 499 


Its Title-page 


. . 


504 


499 


Its Notice of Alcala 


. . 


505 


. 499 


State of the Question 


. 


505 


500 


Postscript, 1S61, Reply to 


Objections 


605 


. 501 









APPENDIX, E. 
Editions, Translations, and Imitations of the Don Quixote. 



First Part .... 


. 508 


Of Pellicer 


. 511 


Second Part .... 


609 


Of Clemencin 


511 


Both Parts 


. 509 


Translations 


. 512 


Lord Carteret's Edition . 


509 


Imitations out of Spain . 


514 


That of the Academy 


. 610 


In Spain . . . . , 


. 515 


Of Bowie .... 


510 


Its Fame everywhere 


516 



APPENDIX, F. 
Early Collections of Old Spanish Plays. 



Comedias de Diferentes Autores . 518 
Comedias Nuevas Escogidas . . 519 



Various smaller Collections 



521 



XIV 



CONTENTS. 



APPENDIX, G. 
On the Origin of Cultismo. 



Controversy about it in Italy 
Bettinelli and Tirabosclii 
Spanish Jesuits in Italy 
Serrano and Andres 
Vannetti and Zorzi . 



I. Poema de Jos^ el Patriarca 
II. Danza General de la Muerte 



. 523 


Arteaga and Isla 


523 


Lampillas 


. 524 


End of the Controversy 


524 


Result of it . 


. 524 




APPENDIX, H. 


Inedita. 


. 628 


III. El Rabi Santob . 


531 





624 
526 

526 
526 



531 



INDEX 533 



HISTORY 



OF 



SPANISH LITERATURE. 



SECOND PERIOD. 



THE LITERATURE THAT EXISTED IN SPAIN FROM THE ACCESSION OF 

THE AUSTRIAN FAMILY TO ITS EXTINCTION ; OR FROM THE 

BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO 

THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH. 

(continued.) 



VOL. III. 



HISTORY OF SPANISH LITERATURE. 



SECOND PERIOD 

(CONTIKUED. ) 



CHAPTEE XXIX. 

LYRIC POETRY. — ITS CONDITION FROM THE TIME OF BOSCAN AND GARCILASSO 

DE LA VEGA. CANTORAL, FIGUEROA, ESPIXEL, MOXTEMAYOR, BARAHOXA 

DE SOTO, RUFO, DAMIAN DE VEGAS, PADILLA, MALDONADO, LUIS DE LEOK, 
FERNANDO DE HERRERA AND HIS POETICAL LANGUAGE, ESPINOSA's COL- 
LECTION, MANOEL DE PORTUGAL, MESA, LEDESMA AND THE CONCEPTISTAS. 
— CULTISMO, AND SIMILAR BAD TASTE IN OTHER COUNTRIES. — GONGORA 
AND HIS FOLLOWERS, VILLAMEDIANA, PARAVICI^^O, EOCA Y SERNA, ANTONIO 
DE VEGA, PANTALEON, TIOLANTE DEL CIELO, MELO, 3IONCAYO, LA TORRE, 

VERGARA, ROZAS, ULLOA, SALAZAR. FASHION AND PREVALENCE OF THE 

SCHOOL OF GONGORA. EFFORTS TO OVERTURN IT BY LOPE DE VEGA, 

QUEVEDO, AND OTHERS. MEDRANO, ALCAZAR, ARGUIJO, BALVAS. 

A DECIDEDLY lyric tendency is perceptible in Spanish 
literature from the first. The ballads are full of it, and 
occasionally we find snatches of songs that seem almost 
as old as the earliest ballads. All this, of course, be- 
longs to a period so remote and rude, that what it pro- 
duced was national, because Spain had as yet no inter- 
course with other European countries that drew after 
it any of their culture and refinement. Later, we 
have seen how the neighboring Provenc^al sometimes 
gave its measures and tones to the Castihan ; and 
how both, so far as Spain vas concerned, were 
* fashioned by the tastes of the different courts ^ 4 



4 LYEIC POETKY. [Period II. 

of the country down to the time of Ferdinand and 
Isabella. 

But, from the next age, which was that of Boscan 
and Garcilasso, a new element was introduced into 
Spanish lyric poetry ; for, from that period, not only 
the forms, bat the genius, of the more cultivated Italian 
are perceptible, in a manner that does not permit us 
for a moment to question their great influence and 
final success. Still, the difference between the charac- 
ters of the two nations was so great, that the poetry of 
Spain could not be drawn into such relations with the 
Italian models set before it as was at first attempted. 
Two currents, therefore, were at once formed ; and 
after the first encounter between them, in wdiich Cas- 
tillejo was the most prominent, if not the earliest, of 
those who strove to prevent their union, the respective 
streams have continued to flow on, side by side, but 
still separate from each other, down to our own days. 

At the end of the sixteenth century, the influence 
of such poetry as had filled the Cancioneros from the 
time of John the Second was still acknowledged, and 
Bibero, Costana, Heredia, Sanchez de Badajoz, and 
their contemporaries, continued to be read, though 
they no longer enjoyed the fashionable admiration 
which had once waited on them. But the change that 
was destined to overthrow the school to which these 
poets belonged was rapidly advancing ; and if it were 
not the most favorable that could have been made in 
Spanish lyric poetry, it was one which, as we have 
seen, the brilliant success of Garcilasso, and the cir- 
cumstances producing and attending it, rendered in- 
evitable.^ 

Am.ong those who contributed avowedly to this 

1 See what is said in Chap. III. on Acuna, Cetina, Silvestre, etc. 



Chap. XXTX.] TWO SCHOOLS. 5 

change was Cantortil, who, m 1578, published a vol- 
ume of verse, m the Preface to which he does not hesi- 
tate to say that Spain had hardly produced a poet 
deserving the name, except Garcilasso ; — a poet, as 
he truly adds, formed on Italian models, and one 
whose footsteps he himself follows, though at a 
Yery ^ humble distance.^ Another of the lyric * 5 
poets of the same period, and one who, with bet- 
ter success, took the same direction, was Francisco 
de Figueroa, a gentleman and a soldier, whose few 
Castilian poems are still acknowledged in the more 
choice collections of his native literature, but who 
hved so long m Italy, and devoted himself so earnestly 
to the study of its language, that he wrote Italian verse 
Avith purit}^, as well as Spanish.^ To these should be 
added Vicente Espinel, wdio invented the decimas, or 
revived the use of them, and wdio, in a volume of po- 
etry printed in 1591, distinguishes the Italian forms, to 
which he gives precedence, from the Castilian, in which 
his efforts, though fewer in number, are occasionally 
more beautiful than anything he wrote in the forms 
he preferred.* 

But the disposition to follow the great masters of 
Italy was by no means so general as the examples of 
Cantoral, Figueroa, and Espinel might seem to imply. 

2 " Obras Poeticas de Lomas de Can- not printed, I tliink, till it appeared in 

toral," Madrid, 1578, 12mo. It opens 1626, at Lisbon, in a niinnte rolame 

M^tli a translation from Tansillo, and under the auspices of Luis Tribaldo de 

the lyrical portions of the three books Toledo, chronicler of Portugal. It is 

into which it is divided are in the Ital- also in the twentieth volume of the col- 

ian manner ; but the rest is often more lection of Fernandez, Madrid. But, 

national in its forms. though it is highh^ polished, it is not 

^ Figueroa, (born 1540, died 1620,) inspired by a masculine genius, 
often called El Divino, was perhaps * "Diversas Eimas de V. Espinel," 
more known and admired in Italy, dur- Madrid, 1591, 18mo. His lines o:i 
ing the greater part of his life, than he Seeking Occasions for Jealousy (f. 78) 
was in Spain ; but he died at last, are very ha]ipy, and his Complaints 
much honored, in Alcala, his native against Past Hapjjiness (f. 128) are bet- 
city. His poetry is dated in 1572, and ter than those on the same subject by 
was cir-culated in manuscript quite as Silvestre, Obras, 1599, f. 71. 
early as that date implies; but it was 



d TWO SCHOOLS. [Period II. 

Their cases are, in fact, extreme cases, as we can see 
from the circumstance, that, though Montemayor, in 
his " Diana," was a professed imitator of Sannazaro, 
still, among the poems scattered through that prose 
pastoral, and in a volume which he afterwards printed, 
are found many pieces — and some of them among the 
best he has left — that belong decidedly to the older 

and more national school.^ Similar remarks may 
* 6 be applied to other ^ authors of the same period. 

Luis Barahona de Soto, of whose lyric poems only 
a few have reached us, was by no means exclusively 
of the Italian school, though his principal work, the 
famous '' Tears of Angelica," is in the manner of Ari- 
osto.^ And Eufo, while he strove to tread in the foot- 
steps of Petrarch, had yet within him a Castilian genius, 
which seems to have compelled him, as if against his 
will, to return to the paths of the elder poets of his own 
country^ A still larger number of the contemporary 
lyrics of Damian de Vegas ^ and Pedro de Padilla ^ are 

5 Montemayor, as wft shall see here- prohibited in the Index of 1667, and in 

after, introduced the prose pastorals, in tl at of 1790. 

imitation of Sannazaro, into Spanish, ® The lyric poetry of Barahona de 
in 1542 ; and a collection of his poetry, Soto is to be sought among the works, 
called a " Cancioxero," was printed in of Silvestre, 1599, and in the " Flores 
1554. In the editions of Madridj 1588, de Poetas Ilustres," by Espinosa, Val- 
and Alcala, 1563, 12mo, which I use, ladolid, 1605, 4to. 
about one third of the volume is in the ''' "Las Seyscientas Apotegmas de 
Castilian measures and manner ; after Juan Eufo, y otras Obras en Verso," 
which it is formally announced, "Here Toledo, 1596, 8vo. The Apotegmas are, 
begin the sonnets, canciones, and other in fact, anecdotes in prose. His son- 
pieces in the measures of Italian verse." nets and canciones are not so good as 
A cancion occurs in tlie first book of the his Letter to his Son and his other 
"Diana," on the regrets of a shepherd- more Castilian poems, such as the one 
ess who had driven her lover to despair, relating to the war in Flanders, where 
which is very sweet and natural, and he served. 

is well translated by old Bartholomew ^ '^ Librode Poesia, por Fray Damian 
Yong in his version of the Diana (Lon- de Vegas," Toledo, 1590, 12mo, above 
don, 1598, folio, p. 8). Polo, who con- a thousand pages ; most of it religious ; 
tinned the Diana, pursued the same most of it in the old manner ; and near- 
course in the poems he inserted in his ly all of it very duIL See ante, Chap, 
continuation, and good translations of XX. 
several of them may be found in Yong. ^ "Pedro de Padilla, Eglogas, Sone- 

" The works of Montemayor touching tos," ec, Sevilla, 1582, 4to, ff. 246. 

on Devotion and Religion" — those, I There are many lyrics in this collec- 

presume, in his "Cancionero" — are tion, glosas, villancicos, and letrillas^ 



Chap. XXIX.] FEKNANDO DE HERRERA. 7 

national in their tone ; but best of all is this tone 
heard, at this period, from Lopez Maldonado, who. 
sometimes in a gay spirit, and sometimes in one full 
of tenderness and melancholy, is almost uniformly 
inspired by the popular feeling and true to the pop- 
ular instincts.^^ 

* But it should not be forgotten that during the ^ 7 
same period lived the two greatest lyrical poets 
that Spain has ever produced, — exercising little influ- 
ence over each other, and still less over their own 
times. Of one of them, Luis de Leon, who died in 
1591, after having given hardly anything of his poetry 
to the world, we have already spoken. The other was 
Fernando de Herrera, an ecclesiastic of Seville,^^ of 
whom we know only that he lived in the latter part of 
the sixteenth century; that he died in 1597, at the age 
of sixty-three years ; that Cervantes wrote a sonnet in 
his honor ; -^^ and that, in 1619, his friend Francisco 

that are quite Castilian ; some of them in 1580. But the whole volume is 

spirited and pleasant. Others may be marked with conceits and quibbles, 
found in his "Thesoi^o de Varias Po- ^^ Herrera' s praises of Seville and the 

esi'as," (Madrid, 1587, 12mo,) where, Guadalquivir sufficiently betray his ori- 

however, there are yet more in the gin, so constant are they. They are, 

Italian fornis. He published, also, too, sometimes among the happy speci- 

" Jardin Espiritual," 1584, a collection mens of his verse ; for instance, in the 

of religious lyrical poetry, the least de- ode in honor of St. Ferdinand, who 

sirable of his works, and in 1587 a re- rescued Seville from the Moors, and in 

ligious narrative poem in nine cantos the elegy, " Bien debes asconder sereno 

of octave verse, entitled, " Grandeza cielo." 

y Excelencias de la Virgen, Nuestra ^^ Kavarrete, Vida de Cervantes, 

Senora." 1819, p. 447. The date of Herrera's 

1'^ The "Cancionero" of Maldonado death is given on the sure authority 

was printed at Madrid, 1586, ff. 189, of some MS. notes of Pacheco, his friend, 

in 4to, and the best parts of it are the published in the Semanario Pintoresco, 

amatory poetry, some of which is found 1845, p. 299 ; before which it was un- 

in the third volume of Faber's "Flo- known. These notes are taken from an 

resta." One more poet might have interesting MS. Avhich seems to have 

been added here, as writing in the old been the rough and imperfect draft of 

measures, ^ Joachim Ptomero de Cepe- the "Imagines" and " Elogia Virorum 

da, — whose works were printed at Se- Illustrium," which Antonio"( Bib. Nov., 

ville, 1582, in 4to, and contain a good Tom. I. p. 456) says Pacheco gave to 

many cancioires, motes, and glosas ; the w^ell-known Count Duke Olivares, 

among the rest, three remar^iable son- and out of which a notice of Lope de 

nets, presented by him to Philip II. as Vega, constituting its leading article, 

he passed through Badajoz, where Cepe- was printed with the first edition of the 

da lived, to take possession of Portugal, " Jerusalen Conquistada, " 1609. They 



FERNANDO DE HERRERA. 



[Pepjod II. 



Paclieco, the painter, piiblislied his works, with a Pref- 
ace by the kindred spirit of Rioja.^'^ 

That Herrera was acquainted with some of the un- 
published poetry of Luis de Leon is certain, because he 
cites it in his learned commentary on Garcilasso, 
printed in 1580 ; but that he placed Garcilasso de la 
yega above Luis de Leon is no less certain from the 

same commentary, where he often expresses an 
* 8 opinion that Garcilasso * was the greatest of all 

Spanish poets ;^^ — an opinion sufficiently obvious in 
the volume of his own poetry published by himself in 
1582, which is altogether in the Italian manner adopted 
by Garcilasso, and which, increased by poems of a dif- 
ferent character in the editions of Pacheco, in 1619, and 
of Fernandez, in 1808,^^ constitutes all we possess of 
Herrera's verse, though certainly not all he wrote .^® 



are in the Semanario Erudito, 1844, pp. 
374, etc. See also Navarrete, Vida de 
Cervantes, pp. 536, 537. Pacheco was 
a good painter, and Cean Bermudez 
(Diccionario, Tom. IV. p. 3) gives a 
life of him. He was, too, a man of 
some learning, and entered into a con- 
troversy with Quevedo on the question 
of making Santa Teresa a co-patroness 
of Spain with Santiago, which Quevedo 
resisted ; besides which, in 1649, he 
published in 4to, at Seville, his "Arte 
de la Pintura, su Antiguedad y Gran- 
dezas," a rare work, praised by Cean 
Bermudez, which I have seldom seen. 
Pacheco died in 1654. Sedano (Par- 
naso Espanol, Tom. III. p. 117, and 
Tom. VII. p. 92) gives two epigrams 
of Pacheco, which are connected with 
his art, and which Sedano praises, I 
think, more than they deserve to be 
])raised. By far the best account of 
Pacheco and his Treatise on Painting 
is to be found in Stirling's "Artists of 
Spain," 1848, Vol. I. pp. 462-479. 
HiS few poems, imitated from Herrera, 
are in Rivadeneyra's Biblioteca, Tom. 
XXXII., 1854. 

^^ Pacheco's edition is accompanied 
with a fine portrait of the author from 
a picture by the editor, which has often 
been engraved since. But though Her- 



rera thus had Pacheco for a friend, he 
was, we are told, very deficient in taste 
for the arts. Cean Bermudez, Diccion., 
Tom. III. p. 240. 

1* "In our Spain, beyond all com- 
parison, Garcilasso stands first," he 
says, (p. 409,) and repeats the same 
opinion often elsewhere. 

1^ The edition of Fernandez, the most 
complete of all, and twice printed, is in 
the fourth and fifth volumes of his "Po- 
esias Castellanas." The longer poems 
of Herrera, which we know only hj 
their unpromising titles, are "The Bat- 
tle of the Giants," "The Rape of Pro- 
serpine," "The Amadis," and ''The 
Loves of Lausino and Corona." Per- 
haps we have reason to regret the loss 
of his unpublished Eclogues and " Ca,s- 
tilian Verses," which last may have 
been in the old Castilian measures. 
In 1572, he published a descriptive 
account of the war of Cyprus ancl the 
battle of Lepanto, and, in 1592, a Life 
of Sir Thomas More, taken from the 
Latin "lives of the Three Thomases," 
by Stapleton, the obnoxious English 
Papist. (Wood's Athense, ed. Bliss, 
Tom. I. p. 671.) A History of Spain, 
said by Rioja to have been finished by 
Herrera about 1590, is probably lost. 

1^ In some remarks by the Licentiate 



Chap. XXIX.] FERXAXDO DE IIERRERA. 9 

Some parts of the volume published by himself have 
little value, such as most of the sonnets, — a form of 
composition on which he placed an extravagant esti- 
mate.^'' Other parts are excellent. Such are his ele- 
gies^ which are in terza rima, and of which the one 
addres.sed to Love beseeching Repose is full of passion, 
w^hile that in which he expresses his gratitude for the 
resource of tears is full of tenderness and the gentlest 
harmony .^^ But his principal success is in his canzones. 
Of these he wrote sixteen. The least fortunate of them 
is, perhaps, the one where he most strove to imitate 
Pindar ; — that on the rebellion of the Moors in the 
Alpuxarras, which he has rendered cold by founding it 
on the Greek mythology. The best are one on the 
battle of Lepanto, gained by Herrera's favorite 
hero, the young and generous ^ Don John of Aus- * 9 
tria, and one on the overthrow of Sebastian of 
Portugal, in his disastrous invasion of Africa. Both 
were probably written when the minds of men were 
everywhere stirred by the great events that called 
them forth ; and both were fortunately connected with 
those feelings of loyalty and religion that always 
seemed to spring up together in the minds of the 
Spanish people, and to be of kindred with all their 
highest poetical inspirations. 

The first — that on the battle of Lepanto, which 
emancipated many thousand Christian captives, and 

Enrique de Duarte, prefixed to the edi- he says, "The sonnet is the most beau- 

tiou of Herrera's x^oetry printed in 1619, tiful form of composition in Spanish 

he says, that, a few days after Herrera's and Italian poetry, and the one that 

death, a hound volume, containing all demands the most art in its construction 

his poetical works, prepared by himself and the greatest grace." (p. QQ.) 

for the press, was destroyed, and that i^ The lady to whom Herrera dedi- 

his scattered manuscripts would proba- cated his love, in a spirit of pure and 

bly have shared the same fate, if they Platonic affection little known to Span- 

had not been carefully collected by ish poetry, is said to have been the 

Pacheco. Countess of Gelves. 
^'^ la his commentary on Garcilasso 



10 FERNANDO DE HERRERA. [Period II. 

stopped the second westward advance of the Crescent 
— is a lofty and cheerful hymn of victory, mingling, to 
a remarkable degree, the jubilant exultation which 
breaks forth in the Psalms and Prophecies on the con- 
quests of the Jews over their unbelieving enemies, 
with the feelings of a devout Spaniard at the thought 
©f so decisive an overthrow of the ancient and hated 
enemy of his faith and country. The other, — an ode 
on the death of Sebastian of Portugal, — composed, on 
the contrary, in a vein of despondency, is still romantic 
and striking, even more, perhaps, than its rival. That 
unfortunate monarch, who was one of the most chival- 
rous princes that ever sat on a throne in Christendom, 
undertook, in 1578, to follow up the great victory of 
Lepanto by rescuing the whole of the North of Africa 
from the Moslem yoke, under which it had so long 
groaned, and to restore to their homes the multitudes 
of Christians who were there suffering the most cruel 
servitude. He perished in the generous attempt; 
hardly fifty of his large army returning to recount the 
details of the fatal battle, in which he himself had dis- 
appeared among the heaps of unrecognized slain. But 
so fond and fervent was the popular admiration, that, 
for above a century afterwards, it was believed in Por- 
tugal that Don Sebastian would still return and resume 
the power which, for a time, had both dazzled and de- 
luded the hearts of his subjects.^^ 

'^ There is a book on this subject ' the fraud. The story is interesting 
which should not be entirely over- and well told, and was first printed in 
looked in a history of Spanish litera- 1595, at Cadiz, under the title of " A 
ture. It is an account of a pastry-cook History of Gabriel de Espinosa, the 
of Madrigal, who, seventeen years after Pastry-cook of Madrigal, who pretended 
the rout in Africa, passed himself off in to be King Don Sebastian of Poi'tugal." 
Spain as Don Sebastian, and induced Of course, Philip II. did not deal gen- 
Anna of Austria, a natural daughter of tly with one who made such pretensions 
Don John of Austria, living in a con- to the crown he himself had clutched, 
vent at Madrigal, to give? him rich or with any of liis abetters. The pas- 
jewels, which led to the detection of try-cook and a monk on whom he had 



Chap. XXIX.] FERNAT^DO DE TIERRERA. 11 

*To the main facts in this melancholy disaster * 10 
Herrera has happily given a religious turn. He 
opens his ode vnth a lament for the affliction of Por- 
tugal, and then goes on to show that the generous 
glory which should have accompanied such an effort 
against the common enemy of Christendom had been 
lost in a cruel defeat, because those who undertook the 
great expedition had been moved only by human am- 
bition, foroi-ettins: the hi2:her Christian feelino:s that 
should have carried them into a war against the infidel. 
In this spirit, he cries out, — 

But woe to them who, trusting in the strength 

Of horses and their chariots' multitude, 

Have hastened, Lybia, to thy desert sands ! — 

0, woe to them ! for theirs is not a hope 

That humbly seeks for everlasting light, 

But a presumptuous pride, that claims beforehand 

The uncertain victory, and ere their eyes 

Have looked to Heaven for help, with confident 

And hardened hearts divides the unwon spoils. 

But He who holds the headstrong back from ruin — 

The God of Israel — hath relaxed his hand. 

And they have rushed — the chariot and the charioteer. 

The horse and horseman — down the dread abyss 

His anger has prepared for their presumption.^^ 

Complaints, not entirely without foundation, 
have been ^ made against Herrera's poetry, on * 11 
the ground that he w^ants a sufficiently discrimi- 

imposed his fictions were both hanged, to have been written by Geronymo de 

after undergoing the usual appliances Cuellar. See Miinch von Bellinghau- 

of racks and tortures ; and the poor sen, p. 69. 

princess was degraded from her rank, 

and shut up in a conventual cell for 20 Aide los quepassaron.confiados 

^•c rri, • i % En sus cayallos, y en la mucnedumbre 

lite, ihere is an anonymous play of De sus carros, en ti, Libia desierta! 

moderate merit belonging to the reign Y en su vigor y fuercjas enganados, 

of Philip IV. entitled " El Pastelero de Noalcaron su esperan^a & aquella cumbre 

Tvr 1 • ^ ,, J ,1 -r> ^ T-> iJ eterna luz : mas eon sobema cierta 

JVladrigal ; and the Romance of Pa- S' ofrecieron )a incierta 

tricio de la Escosura, — "Ni Rey ni Victoria, y sin bolver 4 Dios sus ojos, 

Roque," in four small volumes, 1835, Con ierto cuello y coraqon ufano, 

^r, ^„+^„«i r A J 4--U 4. i^olo atendieron piempre a los despojos I 

— is entirely founded on the account Y el Santo de Israel abri^ su mano, 

printed m 1595, using sometimes its Y los dex6 ; — y cayo en despenadero 

very words, but assuming always that El carro, y el caTallo y cavallero. 

the pastry-cook was really the unhappy Versos de Fern. Herrera, Sevilla, 1619, 

king of Portugal. The play is believed *'''> P- ^^- 



12 FERNAl^DO DE HERRERA. [Period IL 

nating taste in the choice of his words. Qiieveclo, who. 
when he printed the poems of the Bachiller de la 
Torre as models of purity in style, first made this sug- 
gestion, intimates that his objections do not apply to 
the volume of jyoetry published by Herrera himself, but 
to the additions that were made to it after the author's 
death by his friend Pacheco.^^ But, without stopping 
to inquire whether this intimation be strictly true or 
not, it is enough to say, that, wdien Herrera's taste was 
formed and forming, the Castilian was in the state in 
which it was described to have been about 1540 by the 
wise author of the " Dialogue on Languages," — that 
is, it was not, in all respects, fitted for the highest 
efibrts of the more cultivated lyric poetry. Herrera 
felt this difiicalty, and somewhat boldly undertook to 
find a remedy for it. 

The course he pursued is sufficiently pointed out in 
the acute, but pedantic, notes w^hich he has published 
to his edition of Garcilasso.^^ He began by clainting 
the right to throw out of the higher poetry all words 
that gave a common or familiar air to the thought. 
He introduced and defended inversions and inflections 
approaching those in the ancient classical languages. 
And he adopted, and sometimes succeeded in natural- 
izing in the Castilian, words from the Latin, the Italian, 
and the Greek. A moderate and cautious use of means 
like these was, perhaps, desirable in his time, as the 
author of the "Dialogue on Languages" had already 
endeavored to show. But the misfortune with Herrera 
was, that he carried his practice, if not his doctrines, 
too far, and has thus occasionally given to his poetry a 

21 See the address of Quevedo to his oguized since as good Castilian, Avhich 

readers in the " Poesias del Bachiller from their nature they were when Her- 

de la Torre." Some of the v/ords, how- rera used them. 

ever, to which he objects, like ^jc7isoso, ^^ Obras de Garcilasso, 1580, , pp. 75, 

infamia, dudanza, etc., have been rec- 120, 126, 573, and other places. 



Chap. XXIX.] PEDEO ESPINOSA. 13 

stiff and formal air, and made it, not only too mucli an 
imitation of the Latin or the Italian, but a slight antici- 
pation of the false taste of Gongora, that so soon became 
fashionable. This is particularly true of his son- 
nets ^'and sestinas, which are often involved and ^12 
aAvkward in their structure ; but in his more sol- 
emn odes, and especially in those where the stanzas 
are regular, each consisting of thirteen or more lines, 
there is a " long-resounding march " and a grand lyric 
movement, that sweep on their triumphant way in old 
Castilian dignity, quite unconscious of a spirit of imita- 
tion, and quite beyond its reach. 

Perhaps a better idea of the lyric poetry in highest 
favor among the more cultivated classes of Spanish 
society, at the end of the sixteenth century and the 
beginning of the seventeenth, can be obtained from 
the collection of Pedro Espinosa, entitled " Flowers 
from the Most Famous Poets of Spain," than from any 
other single volume, or from any single author. ^^ It 
was printed in 1605, and contains more or less of the 
works of about sixty poets of that period, including 
Espinosa himself, of whom we have sixteen pieces that 
are worthy of their place. Most of the collection con- 
sists of lyric verse in the usual forms, — chiefly Ital- 
ian, but not unfrequently national, — and many of the 

23 "Primera Parte de las Flores de lusian, — a circumstance tliat renders 
Poetas Ilustres de Espana, ordenada por the omission of Herrera the more strik- 
Pedro Espinosa, Natural de la Ciudad ing. A collection, similar to that of 
de Antequera," Valladolid, 1605, 4to, Espinosa, was made hj Josef Alfay, a 
ff. 204, reprinted in Rivadeneyra's Bib- bookseller, and published at Zaragoza 
lioteca, Tom. XLIL, 1857. No poetry in 1654, 4to, ff. 150, entitled "Poesias 
of Herrera, however, is to be found in varias de Grandes Ingenios Espanoles," 
this collection. Antonio (Bib. Nov., ec. It contains the works of thirty-five 
Tom. II. p. 190) says Espinosa was at- poets, but those who stand in the first 
tached to the great Andalusian family rank and occupy the largest space are 
of the Dukes of Medina-Sidonia, the Quevedo, Gongora, Lope de Vega, Fran- 
Guzmans ; and of the three or four cisco de la Torre, and Antonio de Men- 
works he produced, two are in honor doza. The burlesque tone prevails. 
of his patrons, and one was published See Spanish translation of this History, 
by himself as late as 1644. Much of Tom. III., 1854, p. 505. 
the poetry in the "Flores" is Anda- 



14 VARIOUS LYRIC POETS. [Period II. 

writers are familiar to us. Among them are Lope de 
Vega, Quevedoj and others already noticed, to^^ethcr 
with Gongora, the Argensolas. and some of their con- 
temporaries. 

Several of the poets from whom it gives selections 
or contributions are to be found nowhere else, — such 
as two ladies named Narvaez, and another called Dona 
Christovalina ; while, from time to time, we find poems 
by obscure authors, like those of Pedro de Linan 
* 13 and * Agustin de Texada Paez, which, from their 
considerable merit, it would have been a misfor- 
tune to lose.^* But Fernando de Herrera does not 
appear there at all; and of more than two thirds of its 
authors, only one or two short pieces are given. It is 
to be regarded, therefore, as an exhibition of the taste 
of the age when it appeared, rather than as a selection 
of what was really best and highest in the older and 
more recent Spanish lyric poetry at the opening of the 
seventeenth century. But, whatever we may think of 
it in this point of view, it is certainly among the more 
curious materials for a history of that poetry ; and be- 
fore we condemn Espinosa for selecting less wisely 
than he might have done, we should remember, that, 
after all, his taste was probably more refined than that 
of his age, since a second part of his collection which 
he proposed to publish was not called for, though he 
continued to be known as an author many years after 
the appearance of the first. 

But Herrera is not the only lyrical poet of the period 

^* Of tlie ladies whose poems occur nothing, nor of Pedro de Lilian, except 

in Espinosa, I think one. Dona Chris- that he was a friend of Lope de Vega, 

tovalina, is noticed hy Antonio (Bib. and occurs in the crowds of the " Lanrel 

Nov., Tom. II. p. 349), and by Lope de Apolo." Texada, as we are told by 

in his "Laurel de Apolo," as well as Antonio, died in 1635, at the age of 

in Rivadeneyra (Bib., Tom. XXXV. p. sixty-seven ; — the five poems printed 

276) and in Gallardo's Ciiticon, No. 1, thirty years before by Espinosa being 

pp. 44 - 46. Of the others I know all we have of his works. 



Chap. XXIX.] VARIOUS LYRIC POETS. 15 

who does not appear in Espinosa's collection. Eey de 
Artieda, whose sonnets are among the best in the 
language, — Manoel de Portugal, whose numerous re- 
ligious poems are often in the national forms, — and 
Carrillo, a soldier of promise, who died young, and 
who wrote sometimes with a simplicity and freshness 
that never fail to be attractive, but sometimes with 
offensive affectations, — are all omitted; though their 
works, published at just about the same time with the 
collection of Espinosa, had been known in manuscript 
long before, as much as those of Luis de Leon and 
Gongora.^^ 

^ Christoval de Mesa comes a little later. His * 14 
lyric poems were printed in 1611, and again, 
more amply, in 1618. He professes to have taken 
Herrera for his master, or for one of his masters ; but 
he was long in Italy, where, as he tells us, he changed 
his style, and from this time, at least, he belongs with 
absolute strictness to the school of Boscan and Garci- 
lasso.^^ 

Francisco de Ocana and Lope de Sosa, on the con- 
trary, are as strictly of the old Spanish school. The 
reason may be that their poetry is almost all religious, 

2^ Andres Key de Artieda, better death by bis brother, at Madrid, 1611, 

known under his academical name of 4to, and were reprinted in 1613 ; but 

Artemidoro, is praised by Cervantes as they had been circulated in MS. from 

a well-known poet in 1584, though his the time he was at the University of 

works were not printed till they ap- Salamanca, where he resided six years, 

peared at Qaragoga, 1605, 4to. He died He died in 1610. Pellicer, Bib., Tom. 

in 1613. (Ximeno, Tom. I. p. 262.) II. p. 122. 

Manoel de Portugal, one of those Por- ^^ "Rimas de Christoval de Mesa," 

tuguese who, in the time of Philip II. Madrid, 1611, 12mo ; to which add 

and III., sought favor with the op- about fifty sonnets in the volume of 

pressors of their country by writing in his translation of Virgil's Eclogues, 

Spanish, was known from 1577 ; but Madrid, 1618, 12mo. His notice of 

the collection of his poems in nearly a himself is in a poetical epistle to the 

thousand pages, some in Portuguese and Count de Lemos, when he was going 

all of little value, did not appear till it as viceroy to Naples, (Rimas, f. 155,) 

was printed at Lisbon, 1605, 12mo, the and is such as to show that he was 

year before his death. (Barbosa, Tom. anxious to be a member of that poetical 

III. p. 345.) Luys de Carrillo y Soto- court, and much disappointed at his 

mayor's poems were published after his failure. 



16 LEDESMA AND THE CONCEPTISTAS. [Pepiod II. 

— such as is found among the sacred verses of Silves^^re 
and Castillejo in the preceding century, — and that 
the J wrote for popular effect, seeking to connect them- 
selves with feeUngs that had grown old in the hearts 
of the multitude. The little hymns of the former, on 
the Approach of the Madonna to Bethlehem, vainly 
asking for shelter, and one by the latter, on the Love 
and Grief of a Penitent Soul, are .specimens of what is 
best in this peculiar style of Spanish poetry, which, 
marked as it is with some rudeness, carries back our 
thoughts to the spirited old villancicos in which it origi- 
nated.^^ 

Alonso de Ledesma, of Segovia, who was born in 
1552, and died in 1G23, wrote, or rather attempted 
to write, in the same style, but failed \ though he suc- 
ceeded in what may be regarded as a corruption 
* 15 of it. His "Spiritual ^Conceits," as he called a 
volume which was first printed in 1600, and 
which afterwards appeared six times during its author's 
life, are so full of quaintnesses and exaggerations as to 
take from them nearly all poetical merit. They are 
religious, and owed their success partly to the preser- 
vation of the old familiar forms and tones, but more 
to the perverse ingenuity with which they abound, and 
which they contributed much to make fashionable. In- 
deed, at that time, and very much under the leading 
influence of Ledesma, there was a well-known party in 
Spanish literature called the " Conceptistas " ; — a sect 
composed, in a considerable degree, of mystics, who 

27 The poetry of both Avas printed in "La Conversion de la Magdalena," con- 

1603 ; but I do not lind any mention of sisting of sonnets, versions of the Psahns, 

the exact time when either of them etc., which are very pleasing. The best, 

lived, and am not quite certain that however, — an ode on the love of ilary 

Lope de Sosa is not the poet who occurs Magdalen to the Saviour after his resur- 

often in tlie old Cancioneros. I might rection, — is so grossly amatory in its 

have added to the notice of their i:)oetry tone, that its poetical merit is much 

a notice of some of the verse in an dimmed by it. Ed. Alcala, 1592, 12mo, 

ascetic work by Malon de Chaide, called f. o3(3. 



Chap. XXIX.] THE CULTOS. 17 

expressed themselves in metaphors and puns, alike in 
the pulpit and in poetry, and whose influence was so 
extensive, that traces of it may be found in many of 
ijhe principal writers of the time, including Quevedo 
and Lope de Vega. Of this school of the Conceptistas, 
though Quevedo w^as the more brilliant master, Le- 
desma was the orio;inal head. His " Monstruo Imagri- 
nado," or Fanciful Monster, first printed in 1615, is 
little else than a series of alle2:ories hidden under the 
quibbles that are heaped upon them ; beginning Avith 
ballads, and ending with the short prose fiction that 
gives its name to the volume. Several of the poems 
it contains are on the death of Philip the Second, and 
sound very strangely, from the irreverence with wliich 
that important event is treated, both in its political 
and its religious aspects. Others, wdiich are on secular 
subjects, are in a tone even more free But the little 
he has left that is worth reading; is to be souoiit in his 
"Spiritual Conceits," where there are a few somiets 
and a few lyrical ballads that are not likely to be 
forgotten.^^ 

* But there was a more formidable party in ^16 
Spanish literature than that of the Conceptistas ; 
one that arose about the same time, and prevailed 
longer and more injuriously. It was that of the " Cul- 
tos" ', or the writers who claimed for themselves a pecu- 

• 28 Sedano, Parnaso Espanol, Tom. V. lieve, one of the best, of the imitators 

p. xxxi. Lope de Vega praises Le- of Ledesma was Alonso Bon ilia, who is 

desma more than once, unreasonably. said by Gayangos to have written, not- 

His "Conceptos," in the first edition, withstanding his affectations, "elegan- 

Madrid, 1600, is a small volume of 258 tes y harmoniosos versos." Antonio 

lea,ves, but I believe the subsequent (Bib. Nov., 11. 13) gives the titles of 

editions contain more poems. His four of his poetical publications, among 

"Juegos de la Noche Buena," Barce- which are his " Nuevo Jardili de Flores 

lona, ieil, (Ptivadeneyra, Tom. XXV.,) divinas," (Baeza, 1617,) chiefly sacred 

is strictly forbidden by the Index Ex- lyrical verse, and "JSTombres y Atri- 

purgatorius of 1667, p. 64. He also butos de la Virgen," ec, (Baeza, 1624,) 

wrote " Epigram as y Geroglificos a la a religious poem of considerable lengthy 

Vida de Christo," ec, Madrid, 1625, much praised by Lope de Vega. 
12mo. One of the earliest, and, I be- 
VOL. III. 2 



18 THE CULTOS. [Period II. 

liarlj elegant and cultivated style of composition, and 
who, wlille endeavoring to justify their claims, ran into 
the most ridiculous extravagances, pedantry, and affec- 
tations. 

That such follies should thrive more in Spain than 
elsewhere was natural. The broadest and truest paths 
to intellectual distinction were there closed ; and it 
was not remarkable, therefore, that men should wander 
into by-ways and obscure recesses. They were for- 
bidden to struggle honestly and openly for truth, and 
pleased themselves with brilliant follies that were at 
least free from moral mischiefs. Despotic govern- 
ments have sometimes sought to amuse an oppressed 
multitude with holiday shows of rope-dancers and fire- 
works. Neither the ministers of Philip the Third and 
Philip the Fourth nor the Inquisition particularly 
patronized the false style of writing that prevailed in 
their time, and served to amuse the better educated 
portions of society. But they tolerated it; and that 
was enough. It became fashionable at court imme- 
diately, and in time struck such root in the soil of the 
whole country, and so flourished there, that it has not 
yet been completely eradicated.^^ 

It was not, however, in Spain alone that such follies 
were known. From the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, when a knowledge of the great masters of antiq- 
uity had become, for the first time, common among 
scholars throughout the West, efforts had been made 
to build up and cultivate a style of writing not 

17 unworthy of their ^example in the languages 



# 



'29 Moro Exposito, Paris, 1834, 8vo, decay of letters in Eome : "Puesquien 

Tom. I. p. xvii. In a sort of Dialogue no ve liaber sucedido esto mismo en 

of the Dead, written with more judg- nnestra Espana y haber sido igualmente 

ment and taste than was common at el deseo de brillar el que con-ompio 

tlie time when it appeared, (1786,) Luis nuestros estudios ?" Desengano a ma- 

Vives, the great Spanish scholar, is los Tradnctores por Arnoldo Eilonco. 

)aade to say, when speaking of the Madrid, 1786, 18mo, p. 29. 



Chap. XXIX.] 



PERIOD OF BAD TASTE. 



19 



of the principal countries of Europe. Some of tliese 
efforts were wisely made, and resulted in the produc- 
tion of a series of authors that now constitute the 
recognized poets and prose-writers of Christendom, and 
emulate the models on which they were more or less 
formed. Others, misled by pedantry and an unsound 
judgment, have long since fallen into oblivion. But 
the period when such efforts were made with the least 
taste and discretion was the latter part of the sixteenth 
century and the beginning of the seventeenth ; the 
j)eriod when the Pleiades, as they were called, prevailed 
in France, the Euphuists m England, and the Marinisti 
in Italy. 

How far the bad taste that was fashionable for a time 
m these several countries had an effect on the contem- 
porary tendencies of a similar kind in Spain, cannot be 
exactly determined. Probably what was the favored 
literature of London or Paris was little known at Ma- 
drid, and less cared for. But that whatever was done 
in Italy was immediately carried to Spain, in the times 
of Philip the Second and Philip the Third, we have 
abundant proofs 



^ It is a striking and important fact, 
to be taken in this connection, that 
Lope de Vega, though opposed to the 
new school npon principle, was a cor- 
respondent and admirer of Marini, — 
who 1 think was of Spanish origin and 
partly educated in Spain, — to whom 
he sent his portrait and dedicated a 
play ; and of whom, in the extrava- 
gance of his flattery, he said that Tasso 
Avas biit as a dawn to the full glory of 
Marini. Through this channel, there- 
fore, and through many others, traces 
of which may be found in the collection 
of Italian eulogies on Lope de Vega, we 
can at once see how Marini maj^ easily 
have exercised an influence over the 
poets of Spain contemporary with him. 
See Lope's ''Jardin," (Obras, Tom. I, 
p. 486,) first ])rinted in 1622, and his 
Dedication to " Virtud, Pobreza y j!>Iu- 



jer" (Comedias, Tom. XX., Madrid, 
1629, f. 203). But Lope's taste Avas 
far from sure. He has elsewhere (Ded- 
ication of the " Verdadero Amante") 
placed Ronsard on the same footing 
with Petrarca and Garcilasso de la Vega, 
Of the influence of classical antiquity 
in corrupting the proper Castilian s-tyle, 
I know of no instance earlier than that 
of Vasco Diaz de Frexenal, who pub- 
lished as early as 1547, and who lived 
much in Galicia and in Portugal. His 
object seems to have been to introduce 
Latin words and constructions, just as 
the Pleiades did in France, at the same 
time and a little later. This can be 
seen in his "Veinte Triunfos," chiefly 
devoted to a poetical account of events 
in the life of Charles V. ; such as his 
marriage, the birth of his son Philip 
II., his coronation at Bologna, etc.. — 



20 LUIS DE GONGOEA. [Period 11. 

* 18 * The poet who introduced " the cultivated 
style " into Spanish literatnrCj and whose name 
that style has ever since worn, was Luis de Gongora, a 
gentleman of Cordova, who was born in 1561, and was 
educated at Salamanca, where it was intended he 
should qualify himself for the profession of the law, of 
which his father was a distinguished ornament. But it 
was too late. The young man's disposition for poetry 
was already developed, and the only permanent result 
of his studies at the University is to be sought in a 
large number of ballads and other slight compositions, 
often filled with bitter satire, but written with sim- 
plicity and spirit. 

In 1584 he is noticed by Cervantes as a known 
author. ^^ He was then only twenty-three years old ; 
but he continued to live in his native city, poor and 
unpatronized, yet twenty years longer, when, to insure 
a decent subsistence for his old age, he took the ton- 

all written in the old measures, and " Triumpho Nuptial Vandalieo " (f. ix) 

published without notice of the place prove plainly : — 

or year, but necessarily after 1530, since Al tiempo que el fuiminado 

that was the date of the Emr)eror's cor- Apolo nmy radial 

onation Thus in the " Prohemio " Entrava en el primer grado, 

onaiion ±nus, m tne rionemio,^ Do nasci el vello dorado 

where he speaks of dedicating his En el equinocial ; 

"Twenty Triumphs" to the twenty Pasado el puerto final 

Spanish Dukes, Frexenal says : ' ' Baste ^^ ^^ hesperica nacion 

^ T I, ... ^ ."^ 1 1 Su machma mundanal, 

que laferventisima afeccion, y la obser- por el cnr?o occidental 

vantisima veneracion, que a vuestras Equitando en Phelegon. 

dignisimas y felicisiinas Senoras devo, This is very different from what was 

a la dedicacion de mis veinte triunphos attempted by Juan de Mena a century 

me han convidado. Como quiera que "before ; he having desired only to take 

mas coronas ducales segun mi noticia individual Latin words, and knowing 

en la indomita Espaiia no hay, verda- jittle of classical antiquity ; whereas 

deramente el ])resente es de poco precio, Frexenal wishes, in Montaigne's phrase, 

y las obras del de menos valor, y el "to latinize," and give to his Castilian 

autor dellas de menos estima. Pero su sentences a Eoman air and construction, 

apetitosa observancia, su afeccionada and so may have been, to a certain ex- 

fidelidad, y su optativa servidumbre, tent, the predecessor of Gongora. An- 

por las nobilisimas bondades, y prestan- tonio mentions two or three other works 

tisimas virtudes de vuestras excelentes of Frexenal in prose, chiefly i-eligious, • 

J dignisimas Senorias en algun precio which I have never seen ; but I have 

estimadas ser merecen." some ridiculous verses, printed at the 

He latinizes less in the poems that end of his treatise entitled " Jardin del 

follow, because it is more difficult to do Alma Christiana," 1552, 4to. He wrote 

it in verse, but not because he desires a ^reat deal, 

it less, as the following lines from the *3i Galatea, ed. 1784, Tom. 11. p. 2S4. 



Chap. XXIX.] LUIS DE GONGORA. 21 

sure and became a priest. About the same time, he 
resorted to the court, then at Valladohd, and was there 
in 1605, the year m which Espinosa published his col- 
lection of poetry, to which Gongora was the largest 
contributor.^^ But he was not more favored at court 
than he had been at Cordova ; and, after waiting and 
w\atching eleven years, we do not find that he had ob- 
tained anything more than a titular chaplaincy 
to the king, a pleasant note from the ^patron- ^19 
izing Count de Lemos,^^ the good-natured favor 
of the Duke de Lerma and the Marquis de Siete Igle- 
sias, and the general reputation of being a wit and a 
poet. At last he was noticed by the all-powerful fa- 
vorite, the Count Duke Olivares, and seemed on the 
point of obtaining the fortune for which he had waited 
and watched so long. But at this moment his health 
failed. He returned, languishing, to his native city, 
and died there in peace soon afterwards, at the age of 
sixty-six.^^ 

Much of the early poetry of Gongora is in short 
lines, and remarkable for its simplicity. One of his 
lyrical ballads, — beginning. 

The loveliest maiden 
Our village has known, 
Only j^esterday wed, 
To-day, widow'ed, alone, ^^ — 

contains an admirably natural expression of grief, by a 

^2 Pellicer, Vida de Cervantes, in Don Castile, — and tells us how he did it. 

Quixote, Tom. I. p. cxiv. Pasagero, 1617, f. 289. 

^ Mayans y Siscar, Cartas, Tom. I. s* See his life, by his friend Hozes, 

p. 125. This solicitation of public ser- prefixed to his Works, Madrid, 1654, 

vice, which^ was an unhappy w' eakness 4to. His portrait was painted by Ve- 

of the Castilian character closely con- lazqnez, and is now in the Eoyal Gal- 

nected with its loyalty, injured many lery at Madrid. Stirling's Artists of 

Spanish men of letters. But the full Spain, 1848, Vol. II. pp. 587, 588. 
character of a cultivated j^rctendiente, 

as such a person called himself, is frank- ^^ ^^ Jnas bella nina 

ly drawn in his own case by Figueroa, Oy vkSar/iX ' 

who teased an office from the Governor y ayer poVcasar. 

of Milan, — then Grand Constable of Obras de G ngora, 1654, f, 84. 



22 LUIS DE g6]^G0EA. [Period II. 

young bride to her mother, on the occasion of her hus- 
band's being suddenly called to the wars. Another yet 
more lyrical^ — which begins, 

Ye fresh and soft breezes, 
That now for the spring 
Unfold your bright garlands, 
Sweet violets fling, ^^ — 

is, again, full of gentle tenderness. And so are some 
of his religious popular poems, which occasionally ap- 
proach the character of the old villancicos. 

His odes of the same period are grave and stately. 
That on the Armada, which must have been written as 
early as 1588, since it contains the most confident pre- 
dictions of a victory over England, is one of the best ; 
and that on Saint Hermenegild — a prince, who, 
* 20 in the sixth century, * partly for his resistance to 
Arianism and partly for political rebellion, was 
put to death by his own father, and afterwards canon- 
ized by the Church of Rome — is full of fervor and of 
the spirit of Catholic devotion. Both are among the 
good specimens of the more formal Spanish ode. 

But this poetry, which is of a high order, and all of 
which seems to have been written before he went to 
court, and while he lived neglected at Cordova, failed 
to give him the honors to which he aspired. It failed 
even to give him the means of living. Moved, per- 
haps, by these circumstances, and perhaps by the suc- 
cess of Ledesma and his conceited school, Gongora, 
with extraordinary boldness and decision, adopted an- 
other style, and one that he thought more likely to 
command attention. The most obvious feature in this 
style is, that it consists almost entirely of metaphors, so 
heaped one upon another, that it is sometimes as diffi- 

36 Frescos ayrecillos, Destexeis guirnaldas, 

Que d la primauera Y esparceis vfoletas. 

ObraG de Gongora, 1654, f. 89. 



Chap. XXIX.] LUIS DE GONGORA. 23 

cult to find out the meaning hidden under their gro- 
tesque mass as if it were absolutely a series of confused 
riddles. Thus, when his friend Luis de Bavia, in 1G13, 
published a volume containing the history of three 
Popes, Gongora sent him the following words, thrown 
into the shape of a commendatory sonnet, to be pre- 
fixed to the book : — 

" This poem, which Bavia has now offered to the 
world, if not tied up in numbers, yet is filed down into 
a good arrangement, and licked into shape by learning, 
is a cultivated history, whose gray-headed style, though 
not metrical, is combed out, and robs three pilots of the 
sacred bark from time and rescues them from oblivion. 
But the pen that thus immortalizes the heavenly turn- 
keys on the bronzes of its history is not a pen, but the 
key of ages. It opens to their names, not the gates 
of failing memory, which stamps shadows on masses of 
foam, but those of immortalitv." 

The meaning of this, as it is set forth in ten pages 
of commentary by one of his admirers, is as follows : — 

" The history which Bavia now offers to the world is 
not, indeed, in verse, but it is written and finished in 
the spirit of wise learning and of poetry. Im- 
mortalizing ^ three Po|)es, it becomes the key of ^ 21 
ages, opening to their names, not the gates of 
memory, which often give passage to a transient and 
false fame, but the gates of sure and perpetual re- 
nown. ^^ 

^ A la Tercera Parte de la Historia Pluma, pues, que daueros celestiales 

Pontifical, que escriuio el Doctor Bavia, f^*^™^^ ^"t i°',^«°tT/^ f' ±*T' 

1 1 /-( -n -D 1 1 /~i 1 Llaue es ya de los siglos, y no pluma ; 

tapellan de la Capilla Keal de Granada. Ella 4 sus nombres puertas immortales 

_, T. • n -. 1^-1 Abre, no de caduca no niemoria 

Este que Bavia al mundo oy ha ofrecido Q^e sombras sella en tumulos de espuma. 

Poema, SI no a numeros atado, ^. rw „ -yar.A f r. 

De la dispo^icion antes limado, ' (^°^SOv^> O^ras, 1654, f. 5. 

Y de la erudicion despues lamido, The commentary is in Coronel, Obras 

Historia es culta, cuyo encanecido ([q Gonffora Comentadas, Tom. II. Parte 

Estilo, sino metrico, peinado, t i^t t • i -i r- a" -i ao i en i ,,4- ;<- 

Tres ya Pilotos del ^agel sagrado ^ • ' Madrid, 1 6 4o, pp. 148-159; l)ut 1 1 

Hurta al tiempo, y rcdime del oluido. should be noted, that the coiicludiug 



24 LUIS DE GoNGOEA. [Period IL 

The extravagance of the metaphors used by Gongora 
was often as remarkable as their confusion and obscu- 
rity. Thus, Avhen, in 1619, just after the appearance 
of two comets, one of his friends proposed to accom- 
pany PhiHp the Third to Lisbon, — a city founded, ac- 
cording to tradition, by Ulysses, — G6ngora wrote to 
him, " Wilt thou, in a year when a plural comet cuts 
out mourning of evil augury to crowns, tread in the 
footsteps of the wilj Greek ?"^ And again, in his 
first " Solitude," speaking of a lady whom he admired, 
he calls her " a maiden so beautiful, that she might 
parch up Norway with her two suns, and bleach Ethi- 
opia with her two hands." But though these are ex- 
treme cases, it is not to be denied that the later poems 
of Gongora are often made unintelligible or absurd by 
similar extravagances.^ 

He did not, however, stop here. He introduced new 
words into his verse, chiefly taken from the ancient 
classical languages ; he used old Castilian words in new 
and forced meanings ; and he adopted involved and 
unnatural constructions, quite foreign from the genius 
of the Spanish. The consequence was, that his 
* 22 poetry, though not * without brilliancy, soon be- 
came unintelligible. This is the case with one or 
two of his sonnets and other poems, printed as early 
as 1605 ; ^*^ and still more with his longer poems, such 

lines are so obscure, that Luzan (Poeti- their times, — who reproached Luzan, 
ca. Lib, II. c. 15) gives them a differ- when they reviewed his "Poetica" in 
ent interpretation, and understands the 1738, with being too severe on this ex- 
phrase, "stamping shadows on masses traordinary nonsense. Lanuza, Discur- 
of foam," to refer to the art of printing, so Apologetico de Luzan, Pamplona, 
which so often praises those who do not 1740, 12mo, pp. 46-78. 
deserve it. The whole sonnet is cited ^^ Obras, f. 32. 
with admiration by Gracian, " Agudeza ^^ In the second coro. 
y Arte de Ingenio," Discurso XXXII. ; *'^ I suppose he changed his style 
a work which we must mention here- about the time he went to court ; and 
after as the art of poetry for the culto the very first of his sonnets in Espinosa's 
school ; and by the editors of the "Di- "Flores" is proof that he had changed 
ario de los Literatos de Espaiia," — men it as early as 1605. 
of better taste than was common in 



Chap. XXIX.] 



LUIS DE G^NQOKA. 



25 



as his " Solitudes," or Deserts, liis " Polypliemus/' his 
^^ Panegyric on the Duke of Lerma," and his " Pjra- 
mus and Thisbe " \ none of which appeared till after 
his death.*^ 

Commentaries, therefore, were necessary to explain 
them, even while they still circulated only in manu- 
script. The earliest were prepared, at his own re- 
quest, by Pellicer, a scholar of much reputation, w^ho 
published them in 1630, under the title of " Solemn 
Discourses on the Works of Don Luis de Gongora," ex- 
pressing, at the same time, his fears that he might 
sometimes have failed to detect the meaning of 
^ what was often really so obscure.*^ They were *^ 23 



*i Gongora made no collection of his 
works. Like many other Spaniards, 
either the difficulty of procuring per- 
mission to print, — or the dangerous 
consequences of jDrinting what might 
be subse<]^uently found obnoxious to 
ecclesiastical censure, — or an unwill- 
ingness to appear as a professed author, 
which was thought to interfere some- 
what with the dignity of a cahallero, 
— some one of these considerations, or 
all together, prevented him from offer- 
ing himself to the public as a poet. 
But his poetry was, according to the 
fashion of his time, much circulated in 
MS., and greatly admired by the ex- 
clusives and the courtly during all the 
latter part of his life. Among those 
most earnest in their homage was Don 
Juan Lopez de Vicuna, who, for twenty 
years before the poet died, was em- 
jjloyed in gathering all he could find of 
Gongora's poems, and in 1627, hardly a 
year after his death, published them 
with the imposing title of "Dbras en 
verso del Homero Espanol," not deem- 
ing it needful to announce their author 
more distinctly. They make a volume 
of 320 pages, in 4to, and it is so rare, 
that I have never seen any copy of it, 
except my own. It is, however, an im- 
portant book, as it is the foundation of 
all the subsequent editions and collec- 
tions of Gongora's works. Li his Pref- 
ace, Vicuna says that Gongora never 
kept the originals of his poems, and 
that when the copies in circulation 



were shown to him he often failed to 
recognize them, — so much were they 
altered by successive transcriptions. 
The volume of Vicuna is the more im- 
portant, because we receive all the 
poems it contains in the best form such 
a case permits, from a friend of their 
author, and because several of them 
are not found in the later collections, 
though these later ones are more ample. 
Two of the poems, omitted afterwards, 
are particularly interesting from their 
obvious reference to himself ; — one be- 
ginning, "Si a gastar y pretender," 
(f. 159,) on the life of a person at court 
suing, as Gongora did so long, for place 
and patronage ; and the other, begin- 
ning, " Dulce musa picaril," (f. 157,) 
which describes his own more mischiev- 
ous vein of poetry with pleasant wit. 

Fantastic titles, like the one of the 
volume just described, seem to have 
been thought appropriate to Gcnigora's 
works, and in fact were so. Most of 
his poems were published at Barcelona 
in 1640, with the following title, — 
" Delicias del Parnaso en que se cifran 
todos los Eomauces liricos, amorosos, 
burlescos, glosas y decimas del regosijo 
(sic) de las Musas, el prodigioso Don 
Luis de Gongora." It is in long 12mo, 
pp. 761, and there is a copy in the 
Bibliotheque de I'Arsenal at Paiis, — 
the only one I have ever seen. 

^2 Jos. Pellicer y To oar, in his "Lec- 
ciones Solemnes," (Madrid, 1630, 4to, 
col. 610-612 and 684,) explains his 



26 



SCHOOL OF GONGORA. 



[Pekiod II. 



followed, in 1636, by a defence and explanation of the 
"Pjramus and Tliisbe," from Salazar Mardones."^^ And, 
between that year and 1646, the series was closed 
with an elaborate commentary of above fifteen hundred 
pages, by Garcia de Salcedo Coronel, himself a poet.^* 
To th^se were added contemporary discussions, by Juan 
Francisco de Amaya, a jurist ; by Martin Angulo, in 
reply to an attack of Cascales, the rhetorician ; and by 
others, until the amount of the notes on Gongora's 
poetry was tenfold greater than that of the text they 
were intended to elucidate.*^ 

Followers, of course, would not be wanting to one 
who was so famous. Of these, the most distinguished 
in rank, and perhaps in merit, was the Count of Vil- 



position in relation to Goiigora, and liis 
trouble about finding the meaning of 
some passages in his works ; thus justi- 
fying Avhat the Prince of Esquilache 
said, probably in reference to these very 
commentaries : — 

Un docto comentador 
(El mas presumido digo) 
Es el mayor enemigo, 
Que tener pudo el autor. 

El Principe & su Libro. 

There is an immense list of Pellicer's 
works in Antonio, (Bib. 'Nov., II. 811- 
816,) but all I have ever seen of them 
are in the worst taste. He was born in 
1602 and died in 1679 ; and as he be- 
gan to write when he was only nineteen, 
he had time enough in his long life to 
write a great deal. 

*^ " llustracion y Defensa de la Fabu- 
la de Piramo y Tisbe de Christoval de 
Sahizar Mardones," Madrid, 1636, 4to. 

** There is a notice of Coronel in An- 
tonio, Bib. Nova. The three volumes 
of his commentary (Madrid, 4to, 1636- 
1646) contain six or seven hundred 
pages each ; — the second being divided 
into two parts. As a poet himself, he 
printed in Madrid, 1650, 4to, a volume 
which he called "Crystals from Pleli- 
con," one of the worst productions of 
the school of Gongora. 

*^ Antouio, article Ludovicus de Gon- 
goi-a, mentions the inferior commen- 
tators. I'he attack of (Jascales, who 
seems afraid to be thorough with it, is 



in his "Cartas Philologicas." Martin 
de Angulo's reply to Cascales is enti- 
tled ' ' Epistolas satisfactorias a las ob- 
jecciones que opuso a los poemas de D. 
Luis de Gongora el licenciado Francisco 
Cascales," Granada, 1635. At the end 
he inserts a list of the poets belonging 
to Gongora's school, which is copied by 
Gayangos. It comprises nearly thirty 
names, few of which are now remem- 
bered. 

A work entitled ' ' Gongora, an His- 
torical and Critical Essay on the Times 
of Philip III. and IV. of Spain, with 
Translations by Edward Churton," was 
published in 2 vols., 8vo, London, 1862, 
It is full of knowdedge of the state of 
manners and society during the period 
to which it refers, and is written with a 
very attractive and agreeable vivacity 
of manner. It is not in my power to 
accept as just Archdeacon Churton's 
admiration for Gongora, nor do I think 
that his translations, though very free, 
and often better than the originals, 
will justify it. But I have read few 
books on Spanish literature and man- 
ners with so much pleasure. 

Perhaps I ought to add that Nicholas 
Antonio was even more an admirer of 
Gongora than Archdeacon Churton, for 
he goes out of his way (Bib. Nov., 
Pref., § 26) to give his opinion that, if 
Gongora had only taken to epic po- 
etry, Spain would have had no occasion 
to envy Homer, Virgil, or Tasso. 



Chap. XXIX.] SCHOOL OF G^NGOKA. 27 

lamediana, — the same unfortunate nobleman wliose 
very bold and public assassination was attributed to 
the jealousy of Philip the Fourth, and created a sensa- 
tion, at the time it happened, in all the courts of 
Europe. Yillamediana was a man of wit and fashion, 
whose poetry was a part of his pretensions ptS a cour- 
tier, and was not printed till 1629, seven years 
after his death. * Some of it is written without * 24 
affectation, — probably the earlier portions ; but, 
in general, both by the choice of his subjects, — such 
as those of Phaeton, of Daphne, and of Europa, — and 
by his mode of treating them, he bears witness to his 
imitation of the worst parts of Gongora's works. His 
sonnets, of which there are two or three hundred, are 
in every style, satirical, religious, and sentimental, and 
a few of his miscellaneous poems have something of the 
older national air and tone. But he is rarely more in- 
telligible than his master, and never shows his master's 
talent.^*^ 

Another of those that favored and facilitated the 
success of the new school was Paravicino, who died in 

*^ The queen, who was a daughter of 1629, 4to ; but not the better for it. 
Henry IV. of France, was — it has been The story of the Count's unhappy ])re- 
pretended — one day passing through sumption and fite, told a little diifer- 
a gallery of the palace, when some one ently, may be found in Mad. d'Aulnoy's 
came behind her and covered her eyes "Voyage d'Espagne," ed. 1693, Tom. 
with his hands. "What is that for, II. pip.'l7-21, and in the striking bal- 
Count ? " she exclaimed. But, unhap- lads of the Duke of Pdvas, Eoniances 
pily for her, it was not the Count, — it Historicos, Paris, 1841, 8vo. See, also, 
Avas the king. Soon afterwards Villa- Quevedo's " Grandes Anales de Quince 
mediana received a hint to be on his Dias," and the notes on it in the Bib- 
guard, as his life was in danger. He lioteca de Rivadeneyra, Tom. XXIII. 
neglected the friendly notice, and was p. 214. Gayangos says that there is a 
assassinated the same evening, August volume of the unpui3lished poetry of 
21, 1622. He had been very open in Villamediana, chiefly filled with ridi- 
his admiration of the queen, having, on cule of events and persons of the times 
occasion of a tournament, covered his of Philip III. and IV., which is well 
person with silver reals and taken the known to persons curious in such mat- 
punning motto, — "Mis amores son ters. But the tales referred to are all 
reales.'' (Velazquez, Dieze, Gottingen, idle. Other stories, of the same gossip- 
1796, 8vo, p. 2.5.5.) An edition of his ing sort, may be found in the " Me- 
AVorks, Madrid, 1634, 4to, with a dedi- moires de Tallemant des Eeaux" (ed. 
cation in my copy dated 1642, is a lit- Bruxelles, 1834, Vol. II. pp. 42-46). 
tie more ample than that of Carago^a, 



28 SCHOOL OF GJNGORA. [Period II. 

1633j and whose position as the popular court preacher, 
during the last sixteen years of his life, enabled him to 
introduce ^^ the cultivated style " into the pulpit, and 
help its currency among the higher classes of society. 
His poetical works were not collected and published 
till 1641, when they appeared under the imperfect dis- 
guise of a part of his family name, — Felix de Arteaga. 
They fill a small volume, which abounds in sonnets, and 
contains a single drama of no value. The best parts 
of it are the lyrical ballads, which, though mystical and 
obscure, are not without poetry ; a remark that should 
be extended to the narrative ballad on the Loves of 

Alfonso the Eighth and the Jewess of Toledo, 
^ 25 which Arteaga ^ seems to have been willing to 

write in the older and simpler style.^' 
These were the principal persons whose example 
gave currency to the new style. Its success, however, 
depended, in a great degree, on the tone of the higher 
class of society and the favor of the court, to which 
they mostly belonged, and in which their works were 
generally circulated in manuscript long before they 
were printed, — a practice always common in Spain, 
from the rigorous supervision exercised over the press, 
and the formidable obstacles thrown in the way of all 
who were concerned in its management, whether as 
authors or as publishers. Fashion was, no doubt, the 
great means of success for the followers of Gongora, 
and it was able to push their influence very widely. 
The inferior poets, almost vv^ithout exception, bowed to 
it throughout the country. Roca y Serna published, in 
1623, a collection of poems, called '^ The Light of the 

*'^ Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. eras, which were not printed till after 

p. 389. His entire name was Hortensio his death, ifc is not easy to tell. There 

Felix Paravicino y Arteaga. Why the are editions of them in 1641, 1645, and 

whole of it was not given with his po- 1650 ; the last, Alcala, 12mo. 



Chap. XXIX.] 



SCHOOL OF GONGORA. 



29 



Soul/' which was often reprinted between that time 
and the end of the century.^^ Antonio Lopez de 
Yega, neither a kinsman nor a countryman of his 
great namesake^ who, however, praises him much be- 
yond his merits, printed his "Perfect Gentleman" in 
1620 ; a political dream, to Avhich he added a small col- 
lection of poems of a natnre not more substantial.^^ 

Anastasio Pantaleon, a young cavalier, who enjoyed 
great consideration at court, and was assassinated in 
the streets of Madrid, from being mistaken for another 
person, had his poems collected by the affection of his 
friends, and published' in 1634, five years after 
his ^ death.^^ A nun at Lisbon, Yiolante del * 26 
Cielo, in 1646,^^ and Manoel de Melo, in 1649,^^ 
gave proofs of a pride in the Castilian wtich we should 
hardly have expected just at the time when their 



^^ Ambrosio de la Roca y Serna was 
a Valencian, and died in 1649. (Xime- 
no, Tom. I. p. 359, and Fuster, Tom. 
I. p. 249.) He seems to have been 
valued little, except as a religious poet, 
but he was valued long, I have a copy 
of his "Luz del Alma," without year 
or place, but printed as late as 172.5, 
12mo. 

49 "El Perfeto Senor, Poesias Varias, " 
etc., Madrid, 1652, 4to. He wrote sil- 
vas darker than Gongora's " Soledades." 
His madrigals and shorter poems are 
more intelligible, though none are good. 
He was a Portuguese by birth, but 
lived in Madrid, where he died after 
1656. (Barbosa, Tom. I. p. 310.) 
There are two editions of his works. 

50 Baena, Tom. I. p. 93. The works 
of Pantaleon are obvious imitations of 
Gongora, as may be seen in his " Fabu- 
la de Proserpina," "Fabula de Alfeo y 
Aretusa," etc., though perhaps still 
more in his sonnets and decimas. They 
were first printed in 1634, but appeared 
several times afterwards, with slight ad- 
ditions. My copy is of Madrid, 1648, 
18mo. 

^1 Violante del Cielo (do Ceo, in Por- 
tuguese) died in 1693, ninety-two years 
old, having written and published many 
volumes of Portuguese poetry and pi-ose, 



some of the contents of which are too 
gallant to be very nunlike. Her "Ei- 
mas," chiefly Spanish, were printed in 
Euan, 1646, 12mo. One of the few 
poems among them that can be read is 
an ode on the death of Lope de Vega 
(p. 44) ; though it should be added, 
that some of her short religious poems, 
scattered elsewhere in her works, are 
better. A number of other Portuguese 
continued to write wholly or occasion- 
ally in Spanish after the separation of 
the two kingdoms in 1640. But they 
are not of sufficient consequence to be 
noted. That the literatures of the two 
countries were intimately connected, 
and that Portuguese often wrote in 
Spanish, though few Spaniards returned 
the compliment, we have had occasion 
frequently to observe, from the time of 
Gil Vicente and Saa de Miranda. 

5^ Melo, who died in 1666, was one 
of the most successful Portuguese au- 
thors of his time. (Barbosa, Tom. II. 
p. 182.) His "Tres Musas del Melo- 
dino," a volume containing his Spaiiish 
poetry, and consisting, in a great meas- 
ure, of sonnets, ballads, odes, and other 
short lyrics, much in the manner of 
Quevedo, as well as of Gongora, was 
printed twice, in 1649 and 1665, — the 
former, Lisboa, 4to. But he was a true 



30- SCHOOL OF GONGORA. [Period II. 

native country was emancipating itself from the Span- 
ish yoke ; but which enabled them to claim the favor 
of fashion alike at home and in Madrid. In 1652^ 
Moncayo published a, volume of his own extravagant 
verses ; ^^ and, two years later, j)6i'suaded his friend 
Francisco de la Torre to publish a similar collection in 
equally bad taste.^^ Vergara followed, in 1660, under 
the affected title of "Ideas de Apolo,"^^ and Eozas, in 
1662, under one still more affected, — " Conversation 
without Cards." ^^ 

Ulloa, who prepared his poetry for the press 
* 27 as early as * 1653, but did not print it till six 
years afterwards, wrote sometimes pleasantly 
and in a pure style, but often followed that prevailing 
in his time.^^ ' And finally, in 1677, appeared " The 
Harp of Apollo," by Salazar, much like its predecessors, 
and quite worthy in all respects to close up the series.^^ 

Portuguese at heart. His " Ecco Po- ^^ "N'oches de Invierno ; Conversa- 

lytico," (1645,) which is an attack on cion sin Naypes," Madrid, 1662, 4to. 

the government of Philip IV., proves The second part of this vokime consists 

this beyond all doubt. See j^ost, Chap, of burlesque poems, full of miserable 

XXXVIII. puns and rudenesses. 

^^ Moncayo is also knoAvn by his title ^'^ " Obras de Don Luis de Ulloa, 

of Marques de San Felices. His poems Prosas y Versos," of which the second 

are entitled " Eimas de Don Juan de edition was published by his son, at 

Moncayo i Guerrea," (Qarago^a, 1652, Madrid, 1674, 4to. Some of the re- 

4to,) and coiisist of sonnets, a " Fabu- ligious poems, in the old measures, are 

la cle Venus i Adonis," ballads, etc. among the best of the volume ; but the 

Latassa, Bib. Nueva, Tom. III. p. 320. very best is the "Kaqiiel," in about 

5* " Entretenimiento de las Musas en eighty octave stanzas, on the story of 

esta Baraxa Nueva de Versos, dividida the love of Alfonso VIII, for the fair 

en Quatro Manjares, ec, por Fenix de Jewess of Toledo. 

la Torre," Qarago(ja, 1654, 4to. The ^^ " Cy thara de Apolo," — published 
title speaks for itself. His proper name after its author's death by Vera Tassis 
was Francisco, and he was a Murcian, y Villaroel, "his greatest friend"; — 
the translator of Owen's Epigrauis and the same person who collected and pub- 
author of the " Delicias de Apolo," iished the plays of Calderon, giving 
1670, as well as of other works of small himself again the same boastful title, 
value. Among his works is a Soledad, in pro- 

55 '' Ydeas de Apolo y Dignas Tareas fessed imitation of Gongora, and Fabu- 

del OcioCortesano," Madrid, 1661, 4to ; las or Stories of Venus and Adonis, 

abounding in sonnets, religious ballads, and Orpheus and Eurydice, in the man- 

and courtly lyrics. A few of its poems ner of Villamediana. Aug. de Salazar 

are narrative, like one in the ballad was born in 1642, and died in 1675. 

form on the story of Danae, and another Some of his shorter and lighter poems 

at the end in ottava rima, on the find- are written in a graceful and pure 

lug of the Virgin of Balvanera. style. 



Chai'. XXIX.] CONTEST CONCERNING CULTISMO. 31 

More names might be added, but they would be of per- 
sons of less note ] and even of those just enumerated 
little is now remembered, and less read. The whole 
mass, indeed, is of consequence chiefly to show the 
wide extent of the evil, and the rapidity with which 
it spread on all sides. 

The depth to which it struck its roots may, however, 
be better estimated, if Ave consider two things : the 
unavailing efforts made by the leading spirits of the 
age to resist it, and the fact, that, after all, they them- 
selves—Lope de Yega, Quevedo, and Calderon — 
yielded from time to time to the popular taste, and 
wrote in the very style they condemned.^^ 

Of these distinguished men, the most prominent, 
whether we consider the influence he exercised over 
his contemporaries or the interest he took in this par- 
ticular discussion, was, undoubtedly. Lope de Vega. 
Gongora had, at some period, been personally known 
to him, probably when he was in Andalusia in 1603, 
or earlier, when he was hastening to join the Armada ; 
and from this time Lo23e always retained an unaffected 
respect for the Cordovan poet's genius, and always 
rendered full justice to his earlier merits. But 
he did not * spare the extravagances of Gon- * 28 
gora's later style ; attacking it in his seventh 
Epistle ; in an amusing sonnet where he represents 
Boscan and Garcilasso as unable to understand it; in 
the poetical contest at the canonization of San Isidro ; 
in the verses prefixed to the " Orfeo " of Montalvan ; 
and in many other places ; but, above all, in a long 

59 Of Quevedo and Calderon I have the o\)scnre style of poetry in his 

already spoken ; and Montalvan, Zarate, " Uustre Fregona," 1613, giving a 

Tirso de Molina, and most of the dram- specimen of it, and alludes to it again 

atists of note, might have been added, in the second part of his Don Quixote, 

Cervantes, in his old age, heeded the c. 16. 
new school little, but he complains of 



32 CO^^TEST C0:N^CEROTNG CULTISMO. [Period II. 

letter to a friend, who had formally asked his judgment 
on the whole subject.^*^ 

There can be no doubt, then, as to his deliberate 
opinion in relation to it. Indeed, Gongora assailed 
him with great severity for it ; and though Lope con- 
tinued to praise the uneasy poet for such of his works 
as deserved commendation, the attack on his " culti- 
vated style" was never forgiven by Gongora, and a 
small volume of his unpublished verse still shows that 
his bitterness continued to the last.^^ And yet Lope 
himself not unfrequently fell into the very fault he so 
sharply and wittily reprehended ; as may be seen in 
many of his plays, particularly in his " Wise Man in his 
own House," w^here it is sino^ularlv unsuited to the sub- 
ject; and in many of his poems, especially his " Circe" 
and his "Festival at Denia," in which, if they had not 
been addressed to courtly readers, it can hardly be 
doubted that he would have used the simple and flow- 
ing style most natural to him. 

The affected style of Gongora was attacked by 
others ; — by Cascales, the rhetorician, in his " Poet- 
ical Tables," printed in 1616, and in his "Philological 
Letters," printed in 1634;^^ by Jauregui, the poet, in 
his "Discourse on the Cultivated and Obscure Style," 
in 1628;^^ and by Salas, in 1633, in his "In- 
* 29 quiries concerning Tragedy."^^ But ^ the most 

'^^ Lope de Vega, Obras Sueltas, Tom. de Piramo e Tisbe," 1636 (ante, note 

I. pp. 271, 342; Tom. XII. pp. 231- 43). — Totum nil. 

234 ; Tom. XIX. p. 49; and Tom. IV. ^^ I have never seen this book, but 

pp. 4.59-4S2. In the last cited passage, Antonio, in his article on Jauregui, 

Lope says he alwaj^s placed Fernando gives its title, and Fiogel (Gesch. der 

de Herrera as a model before himself. Komischen Literatur, Tom. II. p. 303) 

®i National Library, Madrid, Estante gives the date of its publication, Jau- 

M, Codex 132, 4to. At least, it was regui, however, in his translation of the 

there in 1818, at which date I saw it. " Pharsalia" of Lucan, falls into the 

^2 Tablas Poeticas, ed. 1779, p. 103. false style of Gongora. Declamacion 

Cart. Phil. Dec. I. Cart. 8-10. Christ. contra los Abuses de la Lengua Castel- 

de Salazar Mardones defended Gongora lana, 1793, p. 138. 

in a volume of nearly 400 pages, en- ^* Tragedia Antigua, Madrid, 1633, 

titled " Ilustracion de la Fabula, ec, 4to, pp. 84, 85. 



Chap. XXIX.] LTEIC POETHY IX SIMPLER TASTE. oo 

formidable attack sustained by this style was made by 
Quevedo, who, in 1631, published both the Bachiller 
de la Torre, and the poetry of Luis de Leon, intending 
to show by them what Spanish lyrical verse might 
become, when, with a preservation of the national 
spirit, it was founded on pure models, whether ancient 
or modern, whether Castilian or foreign. From this 
attack — made; it should be observed, about the time 
Gongora's Avorks and those of his most successful fol- 
lowers were published, rather than at the time when 
they were written and circulated in manuscript — 
Gongora and his 'school never entirely recovered the 
measure of their former triumphant success.^^ 

Quite unconscious of this discussion, if we may judge 
by his style and manner, lived Francisco de Medrano, 
one of the purest and most warm-hearted of Spanish 
lyric poets, and one who seemed to be such without an 
effort to avoid the follies of his time. His poems, few 
in number, are better than anything in the " Sestinas " 
of Yenegas, to which they form a sort of supplement, 
and with which they were printed in 1617. Some of 
his religious sonnets are especially to be noticed ; but 
his Horatian odes, and, above all, one on the Worth- 
lessness of Human Pursuits, beginning, " We all, we all 
mistake," must be regarded as the best of his graceful 
remains.^^ 

Another writer of the same class, who can be traced 
back to 1584, but who did not die till 1606, is Baltasar 
de Alcazar, a witty Andalusian, who has left a moderate 
number of short lyrical poems, written with great spirit, 

65 See Appendix (G). EivadenejTa's Biblioteca, Tom. XXXTT., 

^^ We know nothing of Medrano, 1854. But Pedro Venegas de Saaredra 

except liis poems, printed at Palermo, was a Sevilian gentleman, and Antonio 

in 1617, at the end of an imitation, (Bib. Nov., Tom. 11. p. 246) hints that 

rather than a translation, of Ovid's the imprint of the volume ina}^ not 

Eemedium Amoris by Venegas, and in show the true place of its publication. 

VOL. III. 3 



34 LYRIC POETRY IN SIMPLER TASTE. [Peiuod XL 

most of tliem gay, and all of them in a much better 

taste than was common when they appe- red.^^ 
* 30 ^ Shuilar praise, if not the same, may be given 
to Arguijo, a Sevihan gentleman of fortune, and 
a veintequatro of his native city, distinguished by his 
patronage of letters, to whom Lope de Vega dedicated 
three poems, and whose verses Espinosa — apparently 
to attract favor for his book — placed at the opening 
of his selections from the poets of his time. He flour- 
ished from 1590 to 1622, and wrote, if we are to judge 
from the little that has come down to us, in the Italian 
forms; for his sixty-one sonnets, — which, with a sin- 
gularly antique air, are sometimes quite poetical, — a 
good ccmcion on the death of a friend, and another on a 
religious festival at Cadiz, constitute the greater part 
of his known works. But his little lyric to his guitar, 
which he calls simply a " Silva," is worth all the rest. 
It is entirely Spanish in its tone, and breathes a gentle 
sensibility, not unmingled with sadness, that finds its 
way at once to the heart.^^ 

Antonio Balvas, who died in 1628, is of more humble 
pretensions as a poet than either of the last, but per- 
haps was more distinctly opposed than either of them 
to the fashionable taste. When, in his old age, he had 

^■^ He is mentioned in Cervantes, 88-124, with the Biblioteca of Eivade- 

" Canto de Caliope," and there is a ne3a'a, Tom, XXXII., 1854. It may, 

life of him in the notes to Sismondi, pei'haps, he noted here, that the "Hijos 

Spanish translation (Tom. I. p. 274). de Sevilla Ilustres en Santidad, Letras, 

His poems are fonnd in the "Flores" Armas, Artes 6 Dignidad," published 

of Espinosa, and in the eighteenth vol- in that city in 1791, in 8vo, is a poor 

nme of Fernandez, in Rivadeneyra, book, but one that sometimes contains 

Tom. XXXII. and XLIL, and in the facts not elsewhere to be found, and one 

" Biblioteca de Libros Raros," 1863, that is now become very rare, from the 

ad verb. Alcazar. They ought all to circumstance that it was published in 

be collected and printed together. separate numbers. On its title-page it 

^® Arguijo's sonnets were printed anew is said to have been written by Pon 

withadditionsby Colony Colon in 1841. Firmin Arana de Varflora ; but Blanco 

See, likewise, Varflora, No. III. p. 14; AVhite, in " Doblado's Letters," 1822, 

Sismondi's Lit. Espaiiola por Figueroa, p. 469, says its author was Padre Val- 

Tom. I. p. 282 ; Espinosa, Flores ; and derrama. 
Fernandez, Coleccion, Tom. XVIII. pp. 



Chap. XXIX.] LYEIC POETEY IN SIMPLEE TASTE. 35 

prepared for publication a volume of his verse, he 
called it, after some hesitation, " The Castilian Poet," 
and Lope de Vega pronounced it to be purely written, 
and well fitted to a period " when," as he added, " the 
ancient language of the country was beginning to 
sound to him like a strange tongue." Still, in this 
very volume, humble in size and modest in all its pre- 
tensions, Balvas compliments Gongora and praises 
Ledesma : so necessary was it to conciliate the favored 
school. ^^ 

69 "El Poeta Castellano, Antonio Balvas Barona, Natural de la Ciudad de 
Segovia," Valladolid, 1627, 12mo. 



*31 *CHAPTEE XXX. 

LYRIC POETRY, CONTINUED. — THE ARGENSOLAS, JAUREGUI, ESTEVAN YILLE- 
GAS, BALBUENA, BARBADILLO, POLO, ROJAS, RIOJA, ESQUILACHE, MENDOZA, 
REBOLLEDO, QUIROS, EVIA, INEZ DE LA CRUZ, SOLIS, CANDAMO, AND OTH- 
ERS. DIFFERENT CHARACTERISTICS OP SPANISH LYRICAL POETRY, RE- 
LIGIOUS AND SECULAR, POPULAR AND ELEGANT. 

Among the lyric poets who flourished in Spain at the 
beginning of the seventeenth century, and who were 
opposed to what began to be called the " Gongorism " 
of the time, the first, as far as their general influence 
was concerned, were the two brothers Argensola, — 
Aragonese gentlemen of a good Italian family, which 
had come from Ravenna in the time of Ferdinand 
and Isabella. The eldest of them, Lupercio Leo- 
nardo, was born in 1563 ; and Bartolome Leonardo, 
the other, was his junior by only a year. Lupercio 
was educated for the civil service of his country, and 
married young. Not far from the year 1587 he wrote 
the three tragedies which have already been noticer^ 
and two years later was distinguished at Alcala a^ 
Henares in one of the public poetical contests then so 
common in Spain. In 1591, he was sent as an agent 
of the government of Philip the Second to Saragossa, 
when Antonio Perez fled into Aragon ; and he subse- 
quently became chronicler of that kingdom, and pri- 
vate secretary of the Empress Maria of Austria. 

The happiest part of the life of Lupercio was prob- 
ably passed at Naples, where he went, in 1610, with 
the Count de Lemos, when that accomplished noble- 
man was made its viceroy, raid seemed to be hardly 



Chap. XXX.] THE AEGENSOLAS. 37 

less anxious to have poets about him than statesmen, 
— taking both the brothers, as part of his official 
suite, and not only giving ^ Lupercio the post of "^ 32 
Secretary of State and of War, but authorizing 
him to appoint his subordinates from among Spanish 
men of letters. But his life at Naples was short. In 
March, 1613, he died suddenly, and was buried with 
much solemnity by the Academy of the Odosi, which 
he had himself helped to establish, and of which 
Manso, the friend of Tasso and of Milton, was then 
the head. 

Bartolome, who, like his brother, bore the name of 
Leonardo, was educated for the Church, and, under the 
patronage of the Duke of Villahermosa, early received 
a living in Aragon, which finally determined his posi- 
tion in society. But until 1610, when he went to 
Naples, he lived a great deal at the University of Sala- 
manca, where he was devoted to literary pursuits, and 
prepared his history of the recent conquest of the 
Moluccas, which was printed in 1609. At Naples, he 
was a principal personage in the poetical court of the 
Count de Lemos, and showed, as did others with whom 
he was associated, a pleasant facility in acting dramas, 
that were improvisated as they were performed. At 
Rome, too, he was favorably known and patronized ; 
and before his return home in 1616, he was made 
chronicler of Aragon ; a place in which he succeeded 
his brother, and which he continued to enjoy till his 
own death, in 1631. 

There is little in what was most fortunate in the 
career of these two remarkable brothers that can serve 
to distinguish them, except the different lengths of 
their lives and the different amounts of their works ; 
for not only were both of them poets, and possessed of 



S8 THE AKGENSOLAS. [Period II. 

intellectual endowments able to command general re- 
spect, but both had the good fortune to rise to positions 
in the world which gave them a wide influence, and 
enabled them to become patrons of men of letters, 
some of whom were their superiors. But both are now 
seldom mentioned, except for a volume of poetry, 
chiefly lyrical, published in 1634, after their deaths, by 
a son of Lupercio. It consists, he says, of such of his 
father's and his uncle's poems as he had been able to 
collect, but by no means of all they had written ; for 

his father had destroyed most of his manuscripts 
^33 just before he died ; and his ^ uncle, though he 

had given about twenty of his poems to Espi- 
nosa in 1605, had not, it is apparent, been careful to 
preserve what had been only an amusement of his 
leisure hours, rather than a serious occupation. 

Such as it is, however, this collection of their poems 
shows the same resemblance in their talents and tastes 
that was apparent in their lives. Italy, a country in 
which their family had its origin, where they had them- 
selves lived, and some of whose poets they had famil- 
iarly known, seems almost always present to their 
thoughts as they write. Nor is Horace often absent. 
His philosophical spirit, his careful but rich versifica- 
tion, and his tempered enthusiasm, are the character- 
istic merits to which the Argensolas aspired, alike in 
their formal odes and in the few of their poems that 
take the freer and more national forms. The elder 
shows, on the whole, more of original power ; but he 
left only half as many poems, by which to judge his 
merits, as his brother did. The younger is more 
graceful, and finishes his compositions with more care 
and judgment. Both, notwithstanding they were Ara- 
gonese, wrote with entire purity of style, so that Lope 



Chap. XXX.] JAUEEGUI. 39 

de Yega said '^ it seemed as if they had come from 
Aragon to reform Castilian verse." Both, therefore, 
are to be placed high in the list of Spanish lyric poets ; 
— next, perhaps, after the great masters; — a rank 
which we most readily assign them, when we are con- 
sidering the shorter poems addressed by the elder to 
the lady he afterwards married, and the purity of man- 
ner and sustained dignity of feeling which mark the 
longer compositions of each.^ 

Among those who followed the Argensolas, the ear- 
Kest of their successful imitators was probably Jau- 
regui, a Sevilian gentleman, descended from an old Bis- 
cayan family, and born about 1570. Having a 
* talent for painting as well as poetry, — a fact "^34 
we learn in many ways, and among the rest from 
an epigrammatic sonnet of Lope de Yega, — he went 
to Eome and devoted himself to the study of the art to 
which, at first, he seems to have given his life. But 
still poetry drew him away from the path he had 
chosen. In 1607, while at Rome, he published a trans- 
lation of the " Aminta " of Tasso, and from that time 
was numbered among the Spanish poets who were val- 
ued at home and abroad. On his return to Spain, he 
seems to have gone to Madrid, where, heralded by a 
good reputation, he was kindly received at court. 
This was probably as early as 1613, for Cervantes in 
that year mentioned in his ^^ Tales " a portrait of him- 
self, painted, as he says, " by the famous Jauregui." 

1 All needful notices of the two Ar- (Zaragoza, 1634, 4to,) two editions are 
gensolas and theii' works — and more found in Fernandez, "Coleccion," the 
too — can be found in the elaborate last being of 1804. The sonnet of Bar- 
lives of them by Pellicer, in his "Bib- tolome on Sleep is commonly much ad- 
lioteca de Traductores," 1778, pp. mired; but of liis poems I prefer the 
1-141; and by Latassa, in the "Bib- sonnet on Providence, (p. 330,) and 
lioteca Nueva de Escritores Arago- the ode in honor of the Church aft'^r 
neses," Tom. II. pp. 143, 461. Besides the battle of Lepanto, ed. 1634, p. 
the original edition of their "Eimas," 372. 



40 JAUKEGUI. [Period II. 

In 1618, however, he was again in Seville, and pub- 
lished a collection of his works ; but in 1624 his " Or- 
feo " appeared at Madrid, — a poem in five short cantos, 
on the story of Orpheus. It is written with much less 
purity of style than might have been ex23ected from 
one who afterwards denounced the extravagances of 
Gongora. Still, it attracted so lively an interest, that 
Montalvan thought it worth while to publish another 
on the same subject, in competition with it, as soon as 
possible ; — a rivalship in which he was openly abetted 
by his great master. Lope de Yega.^ Both poems seem 
to have been well received, and both authors continued 
to enjoy the favor of the capital till their deaths, which 
happened, that of Montalvan in 1638, and, in 1649, 
that of Jauregui, who, in 1640, had finished a too free 
translation, or rather a presumptuous and distasteful 
rearrangement, of Lucan's " Pharsalia." 

The reputation of Jauregui rests on the volume of 
poems he himself published in 1618. The trans- 
* 35 lation of * Tasso's " Aminta," with which it opens, 
is elaborately corrected from the edition he had 
previously printed at Rome, without being always im- 
proved by the changes he introduced. But, in each of 
its forms, it is probably the most carefully finished and 
beautiful translation in the Spanish language ; marked 
by great ease and facility in its versification, and es- 
pecially by the charming lyrical tone that runs with 
such harmony and sweetness through the Italian. 

2 It is a curious fact, and one some- find nothing altered but tlie first stanza, 

what characteristic of the carelessness and the title of the poem, which, instead 

with which works in Spain were at- of being simply called "Orfeo," as it 

tributed to persons who did not write was by its author, is entitled, in imita- 

them, that the "Orfeo" of Jauregui is tion of Gongora' s school, 'Tabula de 

printed in the "Cythara de Apolo," a Euridice y Orfeo." This was, 1 hope, 

collection of the posthumous poems of a blunder of Salazar's Gongoresque 

Agustin de Salazar, (which appeared at friend. Vera Tassis y Villarvel, who 

Madrid, 1694, 4to,) as if it were his. edited the volume. 
So far as I have compared the two, I 



Chap. XXX.] JAUREGUI. 41 

Jauregui's original poems are few, and now and then 
betray the Ksame traces of submission to the influence 
of Gongora that are to be seen in his " Orfeo " and 
" Farsalia." But the more lyrical portions — which, 
except those on religious subjects, have a very Italian 
air — are almost entirely free from such faults. The 
Ode on Luxury is noble and elevated ; and the silva on 
seeing his mistress bathing, more cautiously managed 
than the similar scene in Thomson's " Summer," is 
admirable in its diction, and betrays in its beautiful 
picturesqueness something of its author's skill and 
refinement in the kindred art to which he had devoted 
himself. His sonnets and shorter pieces are less suc- 
cessful.^ 

* Another of the followers of the Argensolas — * 36 
and one who boasted that he had trodden in 
their footsteps from the days of his boyhood, when 
Bartolome had been pointed out to his young admira- 

^ Seclano, Tom, IX. p. xxii. Lope Another translation that is naturally 

de Vega, Obras Sueltas, Tom. I. p. 38. compared with it — the contemporary 

Signorelli, Storia de' Teatri, 1813, Tom. translation, I mean, of the Thebaid of 

VI. p. 13. Cervantes, ISTovelas, Pro- Statins — was not published until 1855, 

logo. Orfeo de Juan de Jauregai, Ma- when it appeared in the thirty-sixth 

drid, 1624, 4to. Fernandez, Coleccion, volume of the Biblioteca de Autores 

Tom. VII. and VIII. , containing th3 Espanoles. The first nine books are by 

"Farsalia"; and Rimas de Juan de Juan de Arjona, a friend of Lope de 

Jauregui, Sevilla, 1618, 4to, reprinted Vega, but Arjona's death prevented 

by Fernandez, Tom. VI. Bat the best him from going further, after six years' 

text of the " Aminta" is that in Seda- labor on it. It was finished modestly 

no, (Parnaso, Tom. I.,) which is made by Gregorio de Morillo or Murillo. 

by a collation of both the editions that Both are better translations than that 

were prepared by Jauregui himself, — of Jauregui, but neither deserves the 

the first of which is a small neat vol- high praise given by the editor who 

ume of only eighty-seven pages, printed publishes them. 

at Rome in 1607, with a modest and Jauregui's slYva on seeing his mistress 
somewhat anxious dedication. Of this bathing can be compared, much to its 
beautiful version it may be noted that advantage and honor, with a longer 
Cervantes (Don Quixote, Parte II. c. silva on the same subject, entitled 
62) says, as he does of the "Pastor "Anaxarete," and published at the end 
Fido " by Figueroa, " We happily doubt of his " Gigantomachia," by Manuel de 
which is the translation and which the Gallegos, Lisboa, 1628, 4to, ten years 
original." The " Farsalia " of Jauregui after the appearance of Jauregui's poem, 
was not published till 1684, and was The " Anaxarete " is not without grace- 
then printed at Madrid very ill, but as ful passages, but it is much too long, 
well as it deserves. Jauregui hardly and shows frequent traces of the school 
recognizes the part Lucan had in it. of Gongora. 



42 STEYAN MANUEL DE YILLEGAS. [Period II. 

tion in the streets of Madrid — was Estevan Manuel de 
Villegas.* He was born at Naxera, in 1596, and was 
educated partly at court and j^^'^^'tly at Salamanca, 
where he studied the law. After 1617, and certainly 
as early as 1626, when he was married, he almost 
entirely abandoned letters, and gave himself up to 
such profitable occupations connected with his pro- 
fession as would afford subsistence to those dependent 
on his labors. He, however, found leisure to prepare 
for publication a number of learned dissertations on 
ancient authors; to make considerable progress in a 
professional commentary on the " Codex Theodo- 
sianus"; and to j^ublish, in 1665, as a consolation for 
his own sorrows, a translation of Boethius, which, be- 
sides its excellent version of the poetical parts, is 
among the good specimens of Castilian prose. But 
he remained, during his whole life, unpatronized and 
poor, and died in 1669, an unfortunate and unhappy 
man.^ 

The gay and poetical part of the life of Villegas — 
the period when he presumptuously announced him- 
self as the rising sun, and attacked Cervantes, think- 
ing to please the Argensolas^ — began very early, and 

* This allusion occurs in a satire on plain its meaning : the first, "Sicutsol 

the cuUo style of poetry, not found in matutinus," and the other, "Me sur- 

his collected works, but in Sedano, gente, quid isttie ? " — the wte whom he 

(Tom. IX., 1778, p. 8,) where it ap- thus slights being Lope de Vega, Que- 

peared for the first time. vedo, and indeed the whole galaxy of 

^ An excellent life of Villegas is pre- the best period of Spanish literature, 
fixed to the edition of his Works, Ma- Lope seems to have been a little an- 
drid, 1774, 2 tom. 8vo, said by Guari- noyed at this impertinence and vanity 
nos (Biblioteca de Escritores del Eeina- of Villegas ; for, in allusion to it, he 
do de Carlos III., Madiid, 1785, 8vo, says, in the midst of a passage other- 
Tom. V. p. 19) to have been written by wise laudatory, — 
Vicente de los Eios. 

6 In the edition of his rioetrv iwb- Aunque dixo que todos se escondiesen, 

in xne eaition Ol nis poetiy puD- Quando los rayos de su ingenio viesen. 

Jished by himself and at his own ex- _. , ^ » , -.t i -i -icon a^^ 

• ir--tn ix. 4- AT V Laurel de Apolo, Madrid, IbdU, Ito, 

pense, m 1617, 4to, at JNaxera, his Silvaiii. 

birthpla,ce, he gives on the title-page a 

print of the rising sun, Avith the stars For the harsh words of Villegas about 

growing dim, and two mottoes to ex- Cervantes, see Navarrete, Vida, § 128. 



Chap. XXX.] ESTEYAI^ MANUEL DE YILLEGAS. 43 

was soon darkened by the cares and troubles of 
the world. ^He tells us hnnself that he wrote * 37 
much of his poetry when he was only fourteen 
years old ; and he certamly ^oublished nearly the whole 
of it when he was hardly twenty-one.^ And yet there 
are few volumes in the Spanish language that aiford 
surer proofs of a poetical temperament. It is divided 
into two parts. The first contains versions of a num- 
ber of Odes from the First Book of Horace, and a trans- 
lation of the whole of Anacreon, followed by imitations 
of Anacreon's manner, on subjects relating to their 
author. The secf)nd contains satires and elegies, which 
are really epistles ; idyls in the Italian ottava rima ; 
sonnets, in the manner of Petrarch j and "Latinas," 
as he calls them, from the circumstance that they are 
written in the measures of Roman verse. 

A poetical spirit runs through the whole. The trans- 
lations are generally free, but more than commonly 
true to the genius of their originals. The " Latinas " 
are curious. They fill only a few pages ; but, except 
slight specimens of the ancient measures in the cho- 
ruses of the two tragedies of Bermudez, forty years 
before, they are the first and the only attempt worthy 
of notice, to introduce into the Castilian those forms 
of verse which, a httle before the time of Bermudez, 
had obtained some success in France, and which, a 
little later, our own Spenser sought to establish in 
English poetry. 

But though Yillegas did not succeed in this, he suc- 
ceeded in his imitations of Anacreon. We seem, in- 
deed, as we read them, to have the simple and joyous 
spirit of ancient festivity and love revived before us, 

y Mis dulces cantilenas, A los veinte limadas 

Mis suaves delicias, I a los catorce escritas. 

Ed. 1617, f. 88. 



44 YAEIOUS LYKICAL POETS. [Peiiiod IT. 

with nothing, or ahnost nothing, of what renders that 
spirit offensive. The ode to a httle bird whose nest 
had been robbed; one to himself; "Love and the 
Bee " ; the imitation of " Ut flos in Septis," by Catul- 
lus ; and, indeed, nearly every one of the smaller 
pieces that compose the third book of the first divis- 
ion, with several in the first book, are beautiful 
* 38 in their kind, and give * such a faithful impres- 
sion of the native sweetness of Anacreon as is 
not easily found elsewhere in modern literature. We 
close the volume of Yillegas, therefore, with sincere 
regret that he, who in his boyhood c«ould write poetry 
so beautiful, — so deeply imbued with the spirit of 
antiquity, and yet so full of the tenderness of modern 
feeling, — so classically exact, and yet so fresh and 
natural, — should have survived its publication above 
forty years without finding an interval when the cares 
and disappointments of the world permitted him to 
return to the occu23ations that made his youth happy, 
and that have preserved his name for a posterity of 
which, when he first lisjDcd in numbers^ he could hardly 
have had a serious thought.^ 

We pass over Balbuena, whose best h^ric poetry is 
found in his prose romance ; ^ and Salas Barbadillo, 
who has scattered similar poetry through his various 
publications, and collected more of it in his " Castilian 
Khymes." ^^ Both of them flourished before 1630, and 

^ There is an interesting notice of where, censures the obscure and affected 

Yillegas and his works by the kindred writers of his time, yet sometimes him- 

spirit of Wieland, in the Deutsche self writes in the bad style he condemns, 

Merkur, 1774, Tom. V. pp. 237, etc. ; and devotes his sixth Elegy to praise of 

the first time, I suspect, that his name the absurd "Phaeton" of the Count 

had been mentioned with the praise it Villamediana. 

deserves, out of Spain, for a century. ^ In the Academy's edition of the 

It should be remembered, however, that "Siglo de Oro," Madrid, 1821, 8vo, 

Yillegas, though he generally wrote there is other poetry besides that con- 

with very great simplicity, and, in his tained in the pastoral itself. 

Elegy to Bartolome de Argensola (Ero- i° Poems are found in all the stories 

ticas, 1617, Tom. II. f. 28) and else- of Salas Barbadillo, which would, per- 



Chap. XXX.] RIOJA. 45 

— like Polo,^^ whose talent lay chiefly in lighter com- 
positions ; Mira de Mescua, famous for at least one 
ode ;^^ and Rojas, who succeeded best in pastorals of a 
very lyric tone^^ — they lived at a time wdien 
Lope de * Yega was pouring forth floods of verse, * 39 
which were not only sufiicient to determine the 
main current of the literature of the country, but to 
sweep along, undistinguished in its turbulent flood, the 
contributions of many a stream, smaller, indeed, than 
its own, but purer and more graceful.^^ 

Among these was the poetry of Francisco de Rioja, 
a native of Seville, who was born in 1600, and died in 
1658 or 1659. From the circumstance that he occu- 
pied a high place in the Inquisition, he might have 
counted on a shelter from the storms of state, if he had 
not connected himself too much with the Count Duke 
Olivarez, whose fall drew after it that of nearly all who 

haps, double tlie amount publislied "by gensola. I have sometimes thought 
himself in his " Eiraas Castellanas, " that such mistakes occurred oftener in 
Madrid, 1618, 12mo, and by his friends Spain than anywhere else, because the 
after his death, in the "Coronas del difficulties of publication, from the 
Parnaso," Madrid, 1635, 12m*. The Inquisition and other causes, were so 
volume of Eimas is more than half great there, that they not infrequent- 
made up of sonnets and epigrams. ly involved an obscurity as to author- 

11 "Obras de Salvador Jacinto Polo," ship. 

Zaragoca, 1670, 4to. His "Apolo and i^ "Desengano del Amor en Pdmas 

Daphne" is partly in ridicule of the por Pedro Soto de Eojas," Madrid, 1623, 

culto style. His "Academias del Jar- 4to. He was of Granada, and, as his 

din" were printed in 1630; and his sonnets show, a great admirer of Gon- 

"Buen Humor de las Musas," which gora. 

contains the greater part of his poetry, i* One of them — but not one of the 

was printed, I believe, the same year, better sort — was Gabriel Bocangel y 

although my copy is of an edition UD5ueta, who was attached to the ser- 

printed in 1637. vice of the warlike Cardinal-Infante 

1'^ See the Cancion "Ufano, alegre, Ferdinand in the time of Philip IV., 

altivo, enamorado"; — an ode in the and who published in 1635 a volume 

manner of Petrarca, which Quintana in chiefly of lyrical verse in the Italian 

his Tesoro (Paris, 1838, p. 403) pro- forms, but with a few good ballads, en- 

nounces to be, among Spanish odes, titled "Lira de las Musas." Some of 

"elexemplar mas excelente 6, por mejor it had appeared as "Rimas Heroj^cas " 

decir, unico en su genero." in 1627, and he wrote many occasional 

It is among the strange circumstances pieces afterwards, that were printed in 

of the sort in Spanish Literature, that editions of his Lira of 1637 and 1652, 

Sedano (Parnaso, Tom. HI. p. 222) but none of much value. He figures 

prints this remarkable ode as if it were in Lope's " Laurel de Apolo, " 1630, and 

an inedited work of Bartolome de Ar- died in 1658. 



46 EIOJA. [Period II. 

had shared in his intrigues, or sought the protection 
of his overshadowing patronage. But the disgrace of 
Kioja was temporary ; and the latter part of his hfe, 
which he gave to letters at Seville, seems to have 
been as happy and fortunate as the first. 

The amount of his poetry that has come down to us 
is small, but it is all valued and read. Some of his 
sonnets are uncommonly felicitous. So are his ode 
" To Riches," imitated from Horace, and the corre- 
sponding one " To Poverty," which is quite original. 
In that "To the Opening Year," exhorting his young 
friend Fonseca, almost in the words of Pericles, not to 
lose the springtime out of his life, there is much ten- 
derness and melancholy; a reflection, perhaps, of the 
regrets that he felt for mistakes in his own early and 
more ambitious career. But his chief distinction has 
generally come from an ode, full of sadness and genius, 
'^ On the Ruins of Italica," — that Roman city, near 
Seville, which claims the honor of having given birth 

to Trajan, and which Rioja celebrates with the 
^ 40 enthusiasm of one whose childish fancy had ^ been 

nourished by wandering among the remains of its 
decaying amphitheatre and fallen palaces. This dis- 
tinction has, however, been contested ; and the ode in 
question, or rather a part of it, has been claimed for 
Rodrigo Caro, known in his time rather as an anti- 
quarian than as a poet, among whose unpublished 
works a sketch of it is found with the date of 1595, 
which, if genuine, carries the general conception, and 
at least one of the best stanzas, back to a period before 
the birth of Rioja.-^^ 

15 The poetry of Eiojca was not pub- and Caro are printed together in the 

lished till near the end of the eigh- Spanish translation of Sismondi's His- 

teenth century, when it appeared in the tory of Spanish Literature," Sevilla, 

collections of Sedano and Fernandez in 1842, in the notes to which is the best 

1774 and 1797. The two odes of Eioja account to be found of Rioja, (Tom. 



Chap. XXX.] rKA:NrCISCO DE BOEJA. 47 

Among those who opposed the school of Gongora, 
and perhaps the person who, from his influence in 
society, could best have checked its power, if he had 
not himself been sometimes betrayed into its bad taste, 
was Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache. His 
titles — which are, in fact, corruptions of the great 
names borne by the Italian principalities of Borgia and 
Squillace — betray his origin, and explain some of his 
tendencies. But though, by a strange coincidence, he 
was great-grandson of Pope Alexander the Sixth, and 
grandson of one of the heads of the Order of the 
Jesuits, he was also descended from the old royal 
family of Aragon, and had a faithful Spanish heart. 
From his high rank, he easily found a high place in 
public affairs. He was distinguished both as a soldier 
and as a diplomatist; and at one time he rose to be 
viceroy of Peru, and administered its affairs during six 
years with Visdom and success. 

But, like many others of his , countrymen, he never 
forgot letters amidst the anxieties of public life ; and, 
in fact, found leisure enough to write several volumes 
of poetry. Of these, the best portions are his lyrical 
ballads. His sonnets, too, are good, especially those 
in a gayer vein, and so are his madrigals, which, like 
that " To a Nightingale," are often graceful, and 
sometimes * tender. In general*, those of his "^ 41 
shorter compositions which are a little epigram- 
matic in their tone and very simple in their language 
are the best. They belong to a class constantly reap- 
pearing in Spanish literature, of which the following 
may be taken as a favorable specimen: — 

II. p. 173.) Rioja, it may be added, Works of Caro, who was born in 1573 

was a friend of Lope de Vega, who ad- and died in 1647, may be found in the 

dressed to him a pleasant poetical epistle Memorial Historico of the Spanish 

on his own garden, which was first print- Academy of History, Tom. I., 1851, 

ed in 1622. A notice of the Life and pp. 347, etc. 



48 



BORJA. 



MENDOZA. 



[PEiaoD II. 



Ye little founts, that laughing flow 

And frolic with the sands, 
Say, whither, whither do ye go, 

And what such speed demands ? 
From all the tender flowers ye fly. 
And haste to rocks, — rocks rude and high ; 
Yet, if ye here can gently sleep, 
3V^hy such a wearying hurry keep ? i^ 

Borja was much respected during his long life ; and 
died at Madrid, his native city, in 1658, seventy-seven 
years old. His religious poetry, some of which was 
first published after his death, has little value. -^^ 

Antonio de Mendoza, the courtly dramatist, who 
flourished about 1630- 1660, is also to be numbered 
among the lyric poets of his time ; and so are Cancer 
y Velasco, Cubillo, and Zarate, all of whom died some- 
what later in the same period. Mendoza and 
* 42 Cancer ^ inclined to the old national measures, 



16 Fuentecillas, que reis, 

Y con la arena jugais, 
Donde vais ? 

Pues de las flores huis, 

Y los penascos buscais. * 
Si reposais 

Donde risueiia dormis , 
Porque correis, y os cansais? 

Obras en Verso de Borja, Amberes, 1663, 4to, 
p. 395. 

1'^ The life of Borja is in Alvarez y 
Baena, Tom. 11, p. 175 ; and his opin- 
ions on poetry, defending the older and 
simpler school, are set forth in some 
decimas prefixed to his " Obras en Ver- 
so," of which there are editions of 1639, 
1654, and 1663. Gayangos notices a 
volume of Prince Esquilache, which I 
have never seen separate, entitled "La 
Pasion de IST. S. Jesu Christo en terce- 
tos," (Madrid, 1638, 4to,) but it is in 
his "Obras en Verso," 1663, pp. 598, 
sqq. Of his lyrical ballads, I would 
notice particularly, in the edition of 
Amberes, 1663, 4to, Nos. 40, 66, and 
129. The trifle translated in the text 
is No. 20 among the poems which he 
calls Bueltas, a sort of refrain, with a 
gloss, where much poetical ingenuity is 
shown, in the turn both of the thought 
and of the phraseology. 

Except the "Napoles Eecuperada," 



the "Pasion de N. S." and "Obras en 
Verso," only one work of the Prince of 
Esquilache has been printed, I believe ; 
— a quarto volume of ' ' Meditaciones y 
Oraciones," translated in his old age 
from some of the smaller Latin treatises 
attributed to Thomas a Kempis. It is 
in flowing, pure Castilian prose, and is 
one of those tributes so frequently of- 
fered by Spaniards of noble rank to the 
demands of their Church from an anx- 
ious desire to escape its suspicions, and 
leave behind them a reputation for un- 
spotted orthodoxy. It was j^rinted, 
with more pretensions to typographical 
beauty than the Prince's other works, 
at Brussels in 1661, three years after 
his death. A play for the solemnity 
of swearing fealty to Prince Balthasar 
in 1632, which was written bj^ him and 
acted at the palace, was never, I be- 
lieve, printed. An account of it, how- 
ever, as well as an account of the other 
two plays acted on the occasion, - — one 
by Ant. de Mendoza and the other by 
Enciso, — may be found in the oflicial 
publication of Mendoza describing all 
the ceremonies. (1665, f. 46.) Lotti, 
the Florentine, was employed for the 
machinery, and the whole affair seems 
to have been magnificently got up. 



Chap. XXX.] REBOLLEDO. 49 

and the two others to the Itahan. None of them, 
however, is now 'often remembered.^^ 

Not so the Count Bernardino de Rebolledo, a gen- 
tleman of the ancient CastiUan stamp, who, though not 
a great poet, is one of those that are still kept in the 
memory and regard of their countrymen. He was 
born at Leon, in 1597, and from the age of fourteen 
was a soldier; serving first against the Turks and the 
powers of Barbary, and afterwards, during the Thirty 
Years' war, in diiferent parts of Germany, where, from 
the Emperor Ferdinand, he received the title of Count. 
In 1647, when peace returned, he was made ambassador 
to Denmark, and lived long in the North, connected, 
as his poetry often proves him to have been, with the 
Danish court and with that of Christina of Sweden, in 
whose conversion one of his letters shows that he bore 
a part.^^ From 1662 he was a minister of state at Ma- 
drid; and when he died, in 1676, he was burdened 
with offices of all kinds, and enjoyed pensions and 
salaries to the amount of fifty thousand ducats a year. 

It is singular that the poetry of a Spaniard should 
have first appeared in the North of Europe. But so it 
was in the case of Count Rebolledo. One volume of 
his works was published at Cologne in 1650, and an- 
other at Copenhagen in 1655. Each contains lyrical 
poems, both in the national and the Italian forms ; and 

IS "El Fenix Castellano de Ant. de "Hercules Furens y (Eta, con toclo el 

Mendoza," Lisboa,_1690, 4to ; " Obras rigor del Arte'' Zarate, however, was 

Poeticas de Geronimo Cancer y Velas- much admired in his time, and a son- 

00," 1650, and Madrid, 1761, 4to ; with net of his to a Eose was praised by 

Latassa, Bib. Nueva, Tom. III. p. 224 ; everybody. Gayangos cites an edition 

" EI Enano de las Musas de Alvaro Cu- of his "Poesias" of 1619, which is 

billo de Aragon," Madrid, 1654, 4to, dedicated to the Duke of Medina-Sido- 

who was, however, of Granada ; and nia, and says that, when Zarate sent this 

"Obras Varias de Fr. Lopez de Zarate, nobleman a copy of his poetical works, 

Alcala, 1651, 4to, which, after a great the Duke returned him as many golden 

deal of worthless poetry, both in Span- crowns as the volume co:itained verses. 
ish and Italian measures, contains, at i^ Obras, Madrid, 177M, 8vo, Tom. I. 

the end, his equally worthless tragedy, p. 571. 
VOL. III. 4 



50 DECAY OF LYRIC POETRY. [Period II. 

if none of them are remarkable, many are written 
with simphcity, and a few are beyond the spirit of 

their time.^^ 
* 43 ^ The names of several other authors might 

be added to this list, though they would add 
nothing to its dignity or value. Among them are 
Ribero, a Portuguese ; Pedro Quiros, a Sevilian of 
note ; Paulino de la Estrella, another Portuguese, who 
went to England with the Queen of Charles IL, and 
published in London a small volume of Spanish poems 
chiefly in the ballad measure ; Barrios, the persecuted 
Jew ; Lucio y Espinossa, an Aragonese ; Evia, a native 
of Guayaquil in Peru ; Inez de la Cruz, a Mexican nun ; 
Soils, the historian ; Candamo, the dramatist ; Mar- 
chante, both dramatist and lyrical poet, and Montoro 
and Negrete ; — all of whom lived in the latter part of 
the seventeenth century, and the last of whom reached 
the threshold of the eighteenth, when the poetical 
spirit of their country seems to have become all but 
absolutely extinct.^^ 

2° There is a notice of Rebolledo, Majestad de la Serenissima Reyna de la 

which must have been prepared by his Gran Bretaiia," etc., 1667, 18mo, pp. 

own authority, in the Preface to his 164, a very curious volume, of which I 

" Ocios," printed at Antwerp, 1650, found a copy in the British Museum. 

18mo ; but there is a better life of him Barbosa has a notice of the author, who 

in the fifth volume of Sedano's "Par- died in 1683. (Bib., Tom. III. p. 

naso" ; and his poetry, and everything 616.) — Pedro Quiros, 1670, best found 

relating to him, is found in his Works, in Sismondi, Lit. Esp., Sevilla, 1842, 

printed at Madrid, 1778, 3 tom. 8vo, Tom. II. p. 187, note ; Varflora, No. 

the first volume being in two parts. IV. p. 68, and in Rivadeneyra's Bibli- 

Some of his poetry falls into Gongo- oteca, Tom. XXXIL, 1854. —Miguel 

resqiie, affectations; more of it is pro- de Barrios, " Flor de Apolo, " Bruselas, 

saic. Rewrote a single play, "Amar 1665, 4to, and "Coro de las Musas," 

despreciando Riesgos," which he called, Bruselas, 1672, 18mo. — "Ociosidad 

a tragicomedy, and which is not with- Ocupada y Ocupacion Ociosa de Felix 

out merit. de Lucio y Espinossa," Roma, 1674, 

21 Ant. Luiz Ribero de Barros, " Jor- 4to ; a hundred bad sonnets. (Latassa, 

nada de Madrid," Madrid, 1672, 4to ; Bib. Nov., Tom. IV. p. 22.)— Jacinto 

a poor miscellany of prose and verse, de Evia, "Ramillete de Flores Poeti- 

whose author died in 1683. (Barbosa, cas," Madrid, 1676, 4to, which contains 

Bib., Tom. I. p. 313.) — Paulino de la other poems besides his own. — Inez de 

Estrella, "Flores del Desierto cogidas la Cruz, la Decima, Musa, "Poemas," 

em [sic] el Jardin de la Clausura Mino- Zaragoza, 1682-1725, 3 tom. 4to, etc. 

ritica de Londres, offrecidas [sic] a la — Ant, de Solis, "Poesias," Madrid, 



Chap. XXX.] CHARACTER OF SPANISH LYRIC POETRY. 51 

^ But though its latter period is dark and dis- "^ 4:4: 
heartening, lyric poetry in Spain, from the time 
of Charles the Fifth to the accession of the Bourbons, 
had, on the whole, a more fortunate career than it en- 
joyed in any other of the countries of Europe, except 
Italy and England, and shows, in each of its different 
classes, traits that are original, striking, and full of the 
national character. 

Perhaps, from the difficulty of satisfying the popular 
taste in what was matter of such solemn regard, with- 
out adhering to the ancient and settled forms, its re- 
Ugioiis portions, more frequently than any other, bear a 
marked resemblance to the snnplest and oldest move- 
ments of the national genius. Generally, they are pic- 
turesque, like the little songs we have by Ocana on the 
Madonna at Bethlehem, and on the Flight to Egypt. 
Sometimes they are rude and coarse, recalling the 
villandcos sung by the shepherds of the early religious 
dramas. But almost always, even when they grow 
mystical and fall into bad taste, they are completely 
imbued with the spirit of the Catholic faith, — a spirit 
more distinctly impressed on the lyric poetry of Spain^ 

1692, 4to. — Canfbmo, " Ol3ras Liri- contains poems by Ant. Hiirtado de 

cas," s. a. 18mo. — Joseph Perez de Mendoza, by Solis, and by the follow - 

Montoro, "Obras Postumas Lyricas, ing poets, otherwise unknown to me : 

Humanas y Sagradas," Madrid, 1736, namely, Francisco de la Torre y Sebil, 

2 torn. 4to ; not printed, I think, till Rodrigo Artes y Muiioz, Martin Juan 

that year, though their author died in Barcelo, and Juan Bautista Aguilar ; 

1694. — Manuel de Leon Marchante, — all worthless. Of the persons men- 

"Obras Postumas," Madrid, 1733, 2 tioned in this note, the one that pro- 

tom. 4to ; where some of the villancicos, duced the greatest sensation, after Solis, 

by their rudeness, not their poetry, was Inez de la Cruz, — a remarkable 

recall Juan de la Enzina. — And, Joseph woman, but not a remarkable poet, who 

Tafalla jSTegi'ete, " Kamille^e Poetico," was born near Mexico in 1651, and died 

Zaragoca, 1706, 4to ; to which last add in the city itself in 1695. Semanario 

Latassa, Bib. TSTueva, Tom. IV. p. 104. Pintoresco, 1845, p. 12. She was very 

— P(n-haps a A'olume printed in Valen- popular at one time and often called 

cia, 1680, 4to, and entitled "Varias "the Mexican Phoenix" or "the Tenth 

Hermosas- Flores del Pamaso," will, Muse." I possess, besides several of 

es])ecially if compared with the similar her separate works, copies of two edi- 

work of Espinosa printed in 1605, give tions of the Avhole in three volumes 

the fairest idea of the low state of quarto, — the best at Madrid, 1725, — 

pDatry at the time it appeared. It and' I think there were others. 



52 



CHARACTER OF SPANISH LYRIC POETRY. [Period II. 



in this department, than it is on any other of modern 

times.^^ 
^45 ^ Nor is the secular portion less strongly marked, 

though with attributes widely different. In its 
popular divisions, it is fresh, natural, and often rustic. 
Some of the short canciones^ with which it abounds, and 
some of its clianzonetas^ overflow with tenderness, and 
yet end waywardly with an epigrammatic point or a 
jest. Its villancicos^ letras^ and letrillas are even more 
true to the nature of the people, and more fully ex- 
press the popular feeling. Generally they seize a com- 
mon incident or an obvious thought for their subject. 
Sometimes it is a little girl, who, in her childish sim- 
plicity, confesses to her mother the very passion she is 
instinctively anxious to conceal. Sometimes it is one 
older and more severely tried, deprecating a power she 



22 Don Pascual de Gayangos, in a 
note on this passage of bis translation, 
(Tom. III. pp. 516, etc.',) cites several 
Cancioneros and other works containing 
sacred lyrical poetry of this period, 
which, although in the nature of bib- 
liogi-aphical rather than of literary no- 
tices, should not perhaps be wholly 
passed over here. They are : (1.) Can- 
cionero de Juan de Luzon, Zaragoza, 
1508, 4to. (2.) Cancionero de diver- 
sas obras, ec, por el Padre Fray Am- 
brosio Montesino, Toledo, 1508, 4to, 
the same person that I have mentioned 
at the end of Chap. XXI. of the First 
Period. (3.) Flor de Virtudes, ec, por 
Alonso de Zamora, Alcala, 1525. (4.) 
Vergel de ISTuestra Senora, translated 
by Juan de IMolina from the Valencian, 
and published, Sevilla, 1542. (5.) Can- 
cionero Spiritual por el Reverend Padre 
Las Casas, Mexico, 1546. (6.) Canci- 
onero espiritual de un Religioso, Valla- 
dolid, 1549. (7.) Vergel de Flores di- 
vinas, por el Liceuciado Juan Lopez de 
Ubeda, Alcala, 1588, and earlier, 1586, 
1587. And (8.) Vergel de Plantas di- 
vinas, ec, por Fr. Arcangel de Alarcon, 
Barcelona, 1594. The best of these 



and, I suppose, 
consequence, io 



the only one of any 
Ubeda's Vergel, and 



from this Don Pascual has given good 
extracts. His note, however, was pub- 
lished in 1854. The next year, 1855, 
there appeared (in Vol. XXXV. of Riva- 
deneyi-a's Biblioteca, entitled "Poman- 
cero y Cancionero Sagrados," edited by 
Don Justo de Sancha) a most ample 
and satisfactory collection of whatever 
is worth reading in Spanish sacred 
lyrical poetry, arranged under appro- 
jiriate heads, such as Sonnets, Ballads, 
Villancicos, Canciones, etc., but be- 
ginning, not perhaps quite appropri- 
ately, with the "Cortes de la Muerte," 
a curious but rude sort of drama on the 
''Dance of Death," by Miguel de Cai*- 
vajal and Luis Hurtado, for the last of 
whom see ante, Period I. Chap. XL, 
and Period II. Chap. VII., note. Of 
most of the poems thus collected by 
Sanchez from the literature of the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries, I 
have spoken sufficiently when speaking 
of their authors ; such as Luis de Leon, 
Lope de Vega, Gregorio Silvestre, Pe- 
dro de Padilla, the Argensolas, and 
perhaps forty or fifty others. For the 
remainder, the curious will look in this 
volume, where they can hardly fail to 
find what they may need. But a no- 
tice of them does not belong here. 



Chap. XXX.] CHARACTER OF SPANISH LYRIC POETRY. 53 

is no longer able to control. And sometimes it is a 
fortunate and liappy maiden, openly exulting in her 
love as the light and glory of her life. Many of these 
little lyrical snatches are anonymous, and express the 
feelings of the lower classes of society, from whose 
hearts they came as freshly as did the old ballads, with 
which they are often found mingled, and to which they 
are almost always akin. Their forms, too, are old and 
characteristic, and there is occasionally a frolicsome and 
mischievous spirit in them, — not unimbued with the 
truest tenderness and passion, — which, again, is faith- 
ful to their origin, and unlike anything found in the 
poetry of other nations. 

In the division of secular lyric poetry that is less 
popular and less faithful to the traditions of the coun- 
try, a large diversity of spirit is exhibited, and exhib- 
ited almost always in the Italian measures. Sonnets, 
above all, were looked upon with extravagant favor 
during the whole of this period, and their number 
became enormously large ; larger, perhaps, than that 
of all the ballads in the language. But from this 
restricted form up to that of long grave odes, in regu- 
larly constructed stanzas of nineteen or twenty lines 
each, we have every variety of manner ; much that is 
solemn, stately, and imposing, but much, also, that is 
light, gay, and graceful. 

^ Taking all the different classes of Spanish ^46 
lyric poetry together, the number of authors 
whose works, or some of them, have been preserved, 
between the beginning of the reign of Charles the 
Fifth and the end of that of the last of his race, is not 
less than a hundred and twenty.^ But the number of 

■^■^ I possess, I believe, works of more pp. .523, sqq., of tlie Spanish translation 
than one hundred and twenty lyric of this History, Don Pascual de Gay- 
poets of this period. In Tom. Ill, angos adds a few lyrical poets to those 



54 CHARACTER OF SPANISH LYRIC POETRY. [Period II. 

those who were successful is small, as it is everywhere, 
and the amount of real poetry produced, even by the 
best, is rarely considerable. A little of what was writ- 
ten by the Argen solas, more of Herrera, and nearly 
the whole of the Bachiller de la Torre and Luis de 
Leon, — with occasional efforts of Lope de Yega and 
Quevedo, and single odes of Figueroa, Jauregui, Ar- 
guijo, and Eioja, — ^make up what gives its character 
to the graver and less popular portion of Spanish lyric 
poetry* And if to these we add Yillegas, who stands 
quite separate, uniting the spirit of Greek antiquity to 
that of a truly Castilian genius, and the fresh, graceful, 
popular songs and roundelays, which, by their very 
nature, break loose from all forms, and submit to no 
classification, we shall have a body of poetry, not 
indeed large, but one that, for its living national feel- 
ing on the one side, and its dignity on the other, may 
be placed without question among the more successful 
efforts of modern literature. 

I have already discussed more or less iti peared in 1622 ; but is spoiled by the 

this chapter ; — but so few that I am cuUismo of the time. The third is 

gratified at the smallness of their num- Antonio de Paredes, whose "Rimas," 

ber, since it implies that my researches printed at Cordova, 1623, belong rather 

have not been wholly without success, to the good school of the preceding 

The first noticed by him is Bartolome century. Fourth, Geronimo de Porras, 

Cayrasco de Figueroa, who was born in who died, where he was bom, at Ante- 

the Canaries in 1540, and died there in quera, in 1643. His "Rimas Varias," 

1610. I have already (Period 1. Chap, published there in 1639, are generally 

II.) had occasion to allude to his "Tem- free from affectations, but not more 

plo Militante,'* a sort of Versified Lives free than those of his friend Montalvan. 

of the Saints, which he published at And, fifth, Pedro Alvarez de Lugo, 

Valencia in 1602, and of which the who, like Cayrasco, was a native of the 

fourth edition appeared at Lisbon in Canaries, and who published at Madrid, 

folio in 1615. His style is affected and in 1664, his " Vigilias del Sueno." But 

his sketches very dull and heavy. The the poetical value of these five authors 

next is Diego de Vera y Ordonez, whose is small. 
"Heroydas Belicas y Amorosas" ap- 



*CHAPTEK XXXI. *47 

SATIRICAL poetry: THE ARGENSOLAS, QTJEVEDO, AND OTHERS. — ELEGIAC 

POETRY AND EPISTLES : GARCILASSO, HERRERA, AND OTBERS. PASTORAL 

POETRY : SAA DE MIRANDA, BALBUENA, ESQUILACHE, AND OTHERS. — EPI- 
GRAMS : TILLEGAS, REBOLLEDO, AND OTHERS. DIDACTIC POETRY: RUFO, 

CUEVA, CESPEDES, AND OTHERS. EMBLEMS : DAZA, COVARRUBIAS. — DE- 
SCRIPTIVE POETRY : DICASTILLO. 

Satirical poetry, whether in the form of regular 
satires, or in the more famihar guise of epistles, has 
never enjoyed a wide success in Spain. Its spirit, in- 
deed, was known there from the times of the Arch- 
priest of Hita and Rodrigo Cota, both of whom seem to 
have been thoroughly imbued with it.^ Torres Na- 
harro, too, in the early part of the sixteenth century, 
and Silvestre and Castillejo a little later, still sustained 
it, and wrote satires in the short national verse, with 
much of the earlier freedom, and all the bitterness, that 
originally accompanied it. 

But after Mendoza and Boscan, in the middle of 
that century, had sent poetical epistles to one another, 
written in the manner of Horace, though in the Italian 
terza rima, the fashion was changed. A rich, strong in- 
vective, such as Castillejo dared to use when he wrote 
the "Satire on Women," which was often reprinted 
and greatly relished, was almost entirely laid aside ; 
and a more cultivated and philosophical tone, suited 

1 Poetical satires or libels, publicly severely punished by Ms code. Parti- 
circulated, and sometimes thrown se- da Vll. Tit. IX. Leyes 3, 20. These 
cretly into the houses of the persons "cantigas" or "rimas" or " dictados 
they ridiculed, or into the churches, malos," as they are here called, are like- 
seem to have been common in the time ly enough, 1 conceive, to have been vrit- 
of Alfonso X., 1252-1284, and were ten in the ballad measure and manner. 



66 SATIEICAL POETET. [Period IL 

to tlie stately times of Charles the Fifth and 
* 48 Phihp the Second, took its place. ^ Montemayor, 
it is true, and Padilla, with a few wits of less note, 
wrote in both manners ; but Cantoral with little talent, 
Gregorio Morillo, or Murillo, with a good deal, and Rey 
de Artieda in a familiar style that was more winning 
than either, took the new direction so decidedly, that, 
from the beginning of the seventeenth century, the 
change may be considered as substantially settled.^ 

Barahona de Soto was among the earlier that wrote 
in this new form, which was a union of the Eoman w^ith 
the Italian. We" have four of his satires, composed 
after he had served in the Morisco wars ; the first and 
the last of which, assailing all bad poets, show plainly 
the school to which he belonged, and the direction he 
wished to follow. But his efforts, though seriously 
made, did not raise him above an untolerated medioc- 
rity.^ 

A single satire of Jauregui, addressed to Lydia, as if 
she might have been the Lydia of Horace, is better.* 
But in the particular style and manner of the philo- 
sophical Horatian satire, none succeeded so well as the 
two Argensolas. Their discussions are, it is true, some- 
times too grave and too long ; but they give us spirited 
pictures of the manners of their times. The sketch of 
a profligate lady of fashion, for instance, in the one to 
Flora, by Lupercio, is excellent, and so are long pas- 
sages in two others against a court life, by Bartolome. 
All three, however, are too much protracted, and the 

2 All these satires are found in the ber. The best are one against the life 
works of their respective authors, here- of a sportsman, and one in ironical de- 
tofore cited, except that of Morillo " On fence of the follies of society, 
the Corrupted Manners of his Times," ^ They were ilrst printed in Sedano, 
which is in Espinosa, Flores, 1605, f. Parnaso, Tom. IX., 1778. 
119. The "Epistolas" of Artieda were * Kimas, 1618, p. 198. It is a re- 
printed the same year, under tlie name markably happy union of the Italian 
of " Artemidoro," and are six in num- form of verse and the Eoman spiiit. 



Chap. XXXI.] SATIRICAL POETRY. 57 

last contains a poor repetition of the fable of the Coun- 
try Mouse and the City Mouse, in which, as almost 
everywhere else, its author's relations to Horace are 
apparent.^ 

* Quevedo, on the other hand, followed Juvenal, * 40 
whose hard, unsparing temper was better suited 
to his own tastes, and to a disposition imbittered by 
cruel persecutions. But Quevedo is often free and in- 
decorous, as well as harsh, and offends that sensibility 
to virtue which a satirist ought carefully to cultivate. 
It should, however, be remembered in his favor, that, 
though living under the despotism of the Philips, and 
crushed by it, no Spanish poet stands before him in the 
spirit of an independent and vigorous satire. Gongora 
approaches him on some occasions, but Gongora rarely 
dealt with grave subjects, and confined his satire almost 
entirely to burlesque ballads and sonnets, which he 
wrote in the fervor of his youth. At no period of his 
life, and certainly not after he went to court, would he 
have hazarded a satirical epistle like the one on the 
decay of Castilian spirit and the corruption of Castilian 
man'ners, which Quevedo had the courage to send to 
the Count Duke Olivares, when he was at the height 
of his influence.^ 

The greatest contemporaries of both of them hardly 
turned their thoughts in this direction ; for as to Cer- 
vantes, his " Journey to Parnassus " is quite too good- 
natured an imitation of Caporali to be classed among 
satires, even if its form permitted it to be placed there ; 

s Rimas, 1634, pp. 56, 234, 254. It an imitator of Juvenal by Ms conteni- 
is singular, however, that, while Bar- poraries ; for Guevara, in his "Diablo 
tolonie imitates Horace, he expresses Cojuelo," Tranco IX., calls him "Divi- 
Ms preference for Juvenal. no Juvenal Aragones." But it is im- 
Pero quando a escribir satiras llegues, possible not to see that he is full of 
A ningun irritado cartapacio, Horatiau turns of thought. 
Sino al del cauto Juvenal, te entregues. « It is the last poem in the "Mel- 
He seems, too, to have been accounted pomene." 



58 SATIRICAL POETRY. [Period IL 

and as to Lope de Yega, though some of his sonnets 
and other shorter poems are full of spirit and severity, 
especially those that pass under the name of Burguillos, 
still his whole course, and the popular favor that fol- 
lowed it, naturally prevented him from seeking occa- 
sions to do or say anything ungracious. 

Nor did the state of society at this period favor the 
advancement, or even the continuance, of any such 
spirit. The epistles of Espinel and Arguijo are, there- 
fore, absolutely grave and solemn ; and those of Rioja, 
Salcedo, Ulloa, and Melo are not only grave, but are 
almost entirely destitute of poetical merit, 
* 50 ^ except one by the first of them, addressed to 
Fabio, which, if neither gay nor witty, is an 
admirably wise moral rebuke of the folly and irksome- 
ness of depending on royal favor. Borja is more free, 
as became his high station, and speaks out more plainly ; 
but the best of his epistles — the one against a court 
life — is not so good as the j^outhful tercetos on the 
same subject by Gongora, nor equal to his own jesting 
address to his collected poems. Rebolledo, his only 
successor of an 3^ note at the time, is moral, but tire- 
some ; and Solis, like the few that followed him, is too 
dull to be remembered. Indeed, if Yillegas, in his old 
age, when, perhaps, he had been soured by disappoint- 
ment, had not written three satires which he did not 
venture to publish, we should have nothing worth 
notice as we approach the disheartening close of this 
long period.^ 

Nearly all the didactic satires and nearly all the 
satirical epistles of the best age of Spanish literature 

"^ The satires of all these authors are or rather, two of them on bad ])oets 

in their collected works, except those were so printed, for the third seems to 

of Villegas, which were printed from have been suppressed, on account of its 

manuscripts, supposed to be the oricri- indelicacy, 
nals, by Sedano (Tom. IX. pp. 3-lo) ; 



Chap. XXXI. ] SATIEICAL POETRY. 59 

are Horatian in their tone, and written in the Italian 
icrza rlma. In general, their spirit is light, though 
philosophical, — - sometimes it is courtty, — and, taken 
together, they have less poetical force and a less de- 
cided coloring than we might claim from the class to 
which they belong. But they are frequently graceful 
and agreeable, and some of them will be oftener read, 
for the mere pleasure they bestow, than many in other 
languages which are distinguished for greater wit and 
severity. 

The truth, however, is, that wit and severity of this 
kind and in this form were never heartily encouraged 
in Spain. The nation itself has always been too grave 
and dignified to ask or endure the censure they imply ; 
and if such a character as the Spanish has its ridiculous 
side, it must be approached by anything rather than 
personal satire. Books like the romances of chivalry 
may, indeed, be assailed with effect, as they were 
by Cervantes ; men in classes may be * carica- * 51 
tured, as they are in the Spanish picaresque novels 
and in the old drama ; and bad poetry may be ridi- 
culed, as it was by half the poets who did not write it, 
and by some who did. But the characters of indi- 
viduals, and especially of those in high station and of 
much notoriety, are protected, under such circum- 
stances, by all the social influences that can be brought 
to their defence, and cannot safely be assailed. 

Such, at least, was the case in Spain. Poetical satire 
came there to be looked upon with distrust, so that it 
was thought to be hardly in good taste, or according 
to the conventions of good society, to indulge in its 
composition.^* And if, with all this^ we remember the 

^ Cervantes is a strong case in point, to Parnassus," immediately after sp'^ak- 
In the fourth chapter of his "Journey ing of his Don Quixote, he disavows 



60 



ELEGIAC POETEY. 



[Period II. 



anxious nature of the political tyranny which long 
ruled the country, and the noiseless, sleepless vigilance 
of the Inquisition, — both of which are apparent in 
the certificates and licenses that usher in whatever suc- 
ceeded in finding its way through the press, — we 
shall have no difficulty in accounting for the fact, that 
poetical satire never had a vigorous and healthy exist- 
ence in Spain, and that, after the latter part of the 
seventeenth century, it almost entirely disappeared till 
better times revived it. 



Elegies, though from their subjects little connected 
with satire, are yet, by their measure and manner, 

* 52 connected with it in Spanish poetry ; for ^ both 
are generally written in the Italian tei^za rima^ and 

both are often thrown into the form of epistles.^ Gar- 



having ever written anything satirical, 
and denounces all such compositions as 
low and base. Indeed, the very words 
sdtira and satirico came at last to be used 
in a bad sense oftener than in a good 
one. Huerta, Sinonimos Castellanos, 
Valencia, 1807, 2 torn. l'2mo, adverb. 
PoGsias burlescas, or poetry in the 
nature of broad farce or parody, took 
much the place of satirical poetry prop- 
erly so called ; and unless when the 
Inquisition interfered with it for its 
immorality or for other less justifiable 
causes, it had good success in Spain. 
Of many writers I have already spoken, 
such as Castillejo, Mendoza, Quevedo, 
etc., and Gayangos in his translation 
(Tom. III. pp. 530, etc.) adds two or 
three others, who, though of very little 
comparative importance, should be men- 
tioned because they devoted themselves 
to this style of verse. They are, — (1.) 
Jacinto Alonso Malvenda, for whose 
"Bureo de las Musas," 1631, and his 
"Tropezon dela Risa," (sine anno,) see 
Ximeno, Tom. I. p. 321, and Fuster, 
Tom. I. p. 252. Gayangos adds, "La 
Cozquilla del Gusto,'' 1629. And (2.) 
Luis Antonio, who published at Zara- 
goza, in 1658, his "Nuevo Plato de 
Manjares," in which the Ballads and 
Letrillas are claimed to be good. 



^ A striking instance of this is to be 
found in the " Prin)era Parte del Par- 
naso Antartico," by Diego Mexia, print- 
ed at Seville, 1608, 4to, and the ouly 
portion of it ever printed. It consists 
of an original poetical letter by a lady 
to Mexia, and a translation of twenty- 
one of the Epistles of Ovid and his 
"Ibis'.'; all in terzct riina, and nearly 
all in pure and beautiful Castilian verse. 
In the edition in the collection of Fer- 
nandez, Tom. XIX., 1799, the epistle 
by the lady is omitted, which is a pity, 
since it contains notices of several South 
American poets. 

Diego Mexia was a native of Seville, 
but became an Oydor in Ciudad de los 
Reyes,. [Lima,] in Peru. While there, 
in 1596, he went to Mexico. He was 
nearly shipwrecked on his passage, and 
had a painful journey by land after- 
wards to the place of his destination ; 
but in the course of three months that 
his travels lasted he wrote the greater 
part of these translations, which he 
calls " las primicias de mi pobre musa," 
and which, having completed them in 
Mexico, he sent to his native city in 
Spain for publication. He says in his 
Preface, that he uses the terza rima 
as being peculiarly appropriate to ren- 
der Latin elegiac verse ; — an opinion 



Chap. XXXI.] ELEGIAC POETRY. 61 

cilasso could write elegies in their true spirit ; but tlie 
second that passes under that name in his works is mere- 
ly a familiar epistle to a friend. So is the first by Figue- 
roa, which is followed by others in a tone more appro- 
priate to their titles. But all are in the Italian verse 
and manner, and two of them in the Italian lano-uao-e. 
The eleven " Lamentations," as he calls them, of Sil- 
vestre, are elegiac epistles to his lady-love, written in 
the old Castilian measures, and not without the old 
Castilian poetical spirit. Cantoral fails ; nor can the 
Argensolas and Borja be said to have succeeded, though 
they wrote in different manners, some of which were 
scarcely elegiac. Herrera is too lyric — too lofty, per- 
haps, from the very nature of his genius — to write good 
elegies ; but some of those on his love, and one in 
which he mourns over the passions that survive the 
decay of his youth, have certainly both beauty and 
tenderness. 

Eioja, on the contrary, seems to have been of the 
true temperament, and to have written elegies from 
instinct, though he called them Silvas ; while Quevedo, 
if he were the author of the poems that pass under the 
name of the Bachiller de la Torre, must have done 
violence to his genius in the composition of ten short 
pieces, which he calls Endechas^ in Adonian verse, but 
which read much like imitations of some of the gentler 
among the old ballads. If to these we add the 
thirteen elegies of Yillegas, ^ nearly all of which ^ 53 
are epistles, and one or two of them light and 
amusing epistles, we shall have what is most worthy 
of notice in this small division of Spanish poetry dur- 
ing the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, that has 

contrasting strongly witli that expressed "by Villegas. See ante, Chap. II. note 
22, and notes of Gayangos. 



62 PASTOKAL POETEY. [Period IL 

not been already considered. From the whole, we 
should naturally infer that the Spanish temperament 
was little fitted to the subdued, simple, and gentle tone 
of the proper elegy ; a conclusion that is undoubtedly 
true, notwithstanding the examples of Garcilasso and 
Kioja, the best and most elegiac portions of whose po- 
etry do not even bear its name.^^ 

Pastoral poetry in Spain is directly connected with 
elegiac, through the eclogues of Garcilasso, which unite 
the attributes of both. To his school, indeed, including 
Boscan and Mendoza, we trace the earliest successful 
specimens of the more formal Sj^anish pastoral, with 
the characteristics still recognized. But its origin is 
much earlier. The climate and condition of the Penin- 
sula, which from a very remote period had favored the 
shepherd's life and his pursuits, facilitated, no doubt, if 
they did not occasion, the first introduction into Span- 
ish poetry of a pastoral tone, whose echoes are heard 
far back among the old ballads. But the Italian forms 
of pastoral verse were naturalized as soon as they were 
introduced. Figueroa, Cantoral, Montemayor, and Saa 
de Miranda — the last two of whom were Portuguese, 
and all of w^hom visited Italy and lived there — 

i*^ The best elegiac poetry in the the poem was said to be written in en- 
Spanish language is, perhaps, that in dechas rcalcs. See Covarrubias, and 
the two divisions of the first eclogue of the Academy, ad verhum, who give no 
Garcilasso. Elegies, or mournful po- opinion. Wolf thinks it comes from 
ems of any kind, are often called En- the Pro ven9al i)cc, i)ecAa, etc., "want," 
dechas in Spanish, as La Torre called "loss," etc., (see Julius, German trans- 
his sad amatory poems ; but the origin lation of this History, Vol. II. pp. 734, 
of the word is not settled, nor its mean- 735,) and Diez, in his excellent " Ety- 
ing well defined. Vanegas, in a vocab- mologisches Worterbuch der Roma- 
ulary of obscure words at the end of his nischen Sprachen," (1853, in verb. 
"Agonia del Transito de la Muerte," Dec, p. 607,) comes to the same conclu- 
1574, p. 370, says he thinks it comes sion. I think they are right. In fact, 
from inde jaces, as if the n^.ourner ad- EndecJios itself, in the sense of some- 
dressed the dead body. But this is thing wanted or rrdssing, is in Ray- 
absurd. It may come from the Greek nouard, Lexique Roman, 1840, Tom. 
evbeKa, for when the last vei'se of each IL p. 20. 
stanza contained just eleven syllables, 



Chap. XXXL] PASTOKAL POETEY. 63 

contributed their efforts to those of Garcilasso 
^ and Boscan, by writing Spanish eclogues in ^ 54 
the Italian manner. All had a good degree 
of success^ but none so much as Saa de Miranda, who 
was born in 1495, and died in 1558, and who, from the 
promptings of his own genius, renounced the profession 
of the law, to which he was bred, and the favor of the 
court, where his 23rospects were high, in order to devote 
himself to poetry. 

He was the first of the Portuguese who wrote in the 
forms introduced by Boscan and Garcilasso, and none, 
perhaps, since his time has appeared in them with 
more grace and power, — certainly none in the par- 
ticular form of eclogues. His pastorals, however, are 
not all in the new manner. On the contrary, some of 
them are in the ancient short verse, and seem to have 
been written before he was acquainted with the change 
that had just been effected in Spanish poetry. But all 
of them are in one spirit, and are marked by a sim- 
plicity that well becomes the class of compositions to 
which they belong, though it may rarely be found in 
them. This is true, both when he writes his beautiful 
pastoral story of" The Mondego," which is in the man- 
ner of Garcilasso, and contains, an account of himself 
addressed to the king ; and when he writes his seventh 
eclogue, which is in the forms of Enzina and Vicente, 
and seems to have been acted amidst the rejoicings of 
the noble family of Pereira, after one of their number 
had returned from military service against the Turks. 

But a love of the country, of country scenery and 
country occupations, pervades nearly everything Saa 
de Miranda wrote. The very animals seem to be 
treated by him with more naturalness and familiarity 
than they are elsewhere ; and throughout the whole of 



64 PASTORAL POETRY. [Peeiod II. 

his poetry, there is an ease and amenity that show it 
comes from the heart. Why he wrote so much in Span- 
ish, it is not now easy to tell. Perhaps he thought the 
language more poetical than his native Portuguese, or 
perhaps he had merely personal reasons for his prefer- 
ence. But whatever may have been the cause, six 
out of his eight eclogues are composed in natu- 
* 65 ral, flowing Castilian ; and the result of ^ the 
whole is, that, while on all accounts he is placed 
among the four or five jorincipal poets of his own 
country, he occupies a position of enviable distinction 
among those of the prouder nation that soon became, 
for a time, its masters.^^ . • 

Montemayor, Polo, and their followers in prose pasto- 
rals, scattered bucolic verse of all kinds freely through 
their fictions ; and sometimes, though seldom, they 
added to the interest and merit of their stories by this 
sort of ornament. One of those who had least 
success in it was Cervantes ; and of those who had 
most, Balbuena stands in the first rank. His " Golden 
Age " contains some of the best and most original 
eclogues in the language ; written, indeed, rather in 
the free, rustic tone of Theocritus, than with the care- 
ful finish of Virgil, but not on that account the less 
attractive .^^ 

Of Luis Barahona de Soto, we possess an eclogue 

11 There are many editions of the reira, in the fifth volume of the ' ' INIe- 

Works of Saa de Miranda ; but the morias de Litt. Portugueza " of the 

second and best (s. 1. 1614, ito) is pre- Royal Academy of Sciences, Lisboa, 

ceded by a life of him, which claims to 1793, pp. 99, etc. Some of his works 

have been composed by his personal are in the Spanish Index Expurgato- 

friends, and which states the odd fact, rius, 1667,- p. 72. 

that the lady of whom he was en am- i"^ Of the poets whose eclogues are 

orecl was so ugly that the family de- found in their prose pastorals I shall 

clined the match until he had well con- speak at large when I examine this 

sidered the matter ; but that he perse- division of Spanish romantic fiction, 

vered, and became so fondly attached Montemayor, it should be noted here, 

to her, that he died, at last, from grief wrote other eclogues, which are in his 

at her loss. His merits as a poet are Cancionero, 1588, ft". Ill, etc. 
well discussed by Ant. das Neves Pe- 



Chap. XXXL] PASTORAL POETET. 65 

better than anything else he has left us ; ^^ and of 
Pedro de Padilla, the friend of Cervantes and of Sil- 
vestre, a remarkable improvisator and a much-loved 
man, we have a number of pastoral poems which carry 
with them a striking antique air, from being made up 
in part of ballads and villancicos}^ Pedro de Enzinas 
attempted to write religious eclogues, and failed ;^^ 
but, in the established * forms, Juan de Morales * 56 
and Gomez Tapia, who are hardly known except 
for single attempts of this kind,^^ and Vicente Espinel, 
— among whose eclogues, that in which a Soldier and 
a Shepherd discuss the Spanish wars in Italy is both 
original and poetical,^^ — were all successful. 

The eclogues of Lope de Yega, of which Ave have 
already spoken, drew after them a train of imitations, 
like his other popular poetry. But neither Balvas, nor 
Villegas, nor Carrillo, nor the Prince of Esquilache 
equalled him. Quevedo alone among his compeers, 
and he only if he is the author of the poems of 
the Bachiller de la Torre, proved himself a rival 
of the great master, unless we must give an equal 
place to Pedro de Espinosa, whose story of " The 
Genii/' half elegiac and half pastoral, is the happiest 

1^ It is found in the important col- i^ There are six of them, in Urza and 

lection, the "Flores," of Espinosa, f. ottavci rinia, with a few lyrical poems 

66, where it first appeared. interspersed, in other measures and in 

1* "Eglogas Pastoriles de Pedro de a better tone, in a volume entitled 

Padilla," Sevilla, 1582, 4to ; thirteen "Versos Espirituales, " Cuenca, 1596, 

in number, in all measures, and the 12mo. Their author was a monk, 

last one partly in prose. Of Padilla, i^ The eclogue of Morales is in Espi- 

who was much connected with the men nosa, f. 48, and that of Tapia occurs — 

of letters of his time, all needful no- where we should hardly look for it — in 

tices may be found in IS^avarrete, " Vi- the " Libro de Monte ria, que mando 

da de Cervantes," pp. 396-402, and in escribir el Eey Don Alfonso XL," ed- 

Clernencin's Notes to Don Quixote, ited by Argote de Molina, 1582. It is 

Tom. I. p. 147. The curate well says on the woods of Aranjuez, and was 

of his "Tesoro de Poesias," (Madrid, written after the birth of a daughter of 

1587, 12mo,) " They would be better if Philip II. ; but its descrijitious are long 

they were fewer." They fill above nine and wearisome, 

hundred pages, and are in all forms ^'^ Rimas, 1591, ff. 50-57. 
and styles. Padilla died as late as 1599. 
See ante, Period II. Chap. XXIX. note 9. 
VOL. III. 5 



66 EPIGRAMMATIC POETRYo [Period II. 

and most original specimen of that peculiar form of 
which Boscan in his "Hero and Leander" gave the 
first imperfect example.^^ Pedro Soto de Eoxas, — 
who wrote short lyric poems with spirit, as well as 
eclogues, — Zarate, and Ulloa, belong to the same 
school, which was continued, by Texada Gomes de los 
Reyes, Barrios the Jew, and Inez de la Cruz the Mexi- 
can nun, down to the end of the century. But in all 
its forms, whether tending to become too lyrical, as it 
does in Figueroa, or too narrative, as in Espinosa, 
Spanish pastoral poetry shows fewer of the defects that 
accompany such poetry everywhere, and more of the 
merits that render it a gentle and idealized represen- 
tation of nature and country life, than can perhaps be 
found in any other literature of modern times. The 
reason is, that there was more of a true pastoral char- 
acter in Spain on which to build it.^^ 
* 57 * Quite as characteristic of the Spanish national 
genius as its pastorals were short poems in dif- 
ferent forms, but in an epigrammatic spirit, which ap- 
peared through the whole of the best age of its litera- 
ture. They are of two kinds. The first are generally 
amorous, and always sentimental. Of these, not a few 
are very short and pointed. They are found in the old 
Cancioneros and Romanceros, and in the works of Mal- 
donado, Silvestre, Yillegas, Gongora, and others of less 
merit, to the end of the century. They are generally 

1^ Espinosa includes it in his " Flo- Italian manner, the best of which are 

res," f. 107, and it is reprinted in the the madrigals and eclogues. Gayangos 

Biblioteca of Eivadeneyra, Tom. XXIX. cites two other poetical works of Eoxas, 

p. 474. "Los Rayos del Faeton," 1639, and 

1^ The authors mentioned in this para- " Parayso cerrado," 1652; neither of 
graph are, I believe, all more amply no- value, and the last, which is an account 
ticed by me elsewhere, except Pedro of a pleasure garden he had in the Al- 
Soto de Roxas. He was a friend of baycin, being disfigured with the ex- 
Lope de Vega, and published in Ma- travagances of cultismo to a degree re- 
drid, 1623, 4to, his " Desengafio de markable even in the middle of the 
Amor," — a volume of poems in the sixteenth century. 



CiiAP. XXXL] EPIGRAMMATIC POETRY. G7 

in tlie truest tone of popular verse. One, which was 
set to music, was in these few simple words : — 

To what ear sliall I tell my griefs, 

Gentle love mine ? 
To what ear shall I tell my griefs. 

If not to thine ? ^^ 

And another, of the same period, which was on a Sigh, 
and became the subject of more than one gloss, was 
hardly less simple : — 

gentle sigh ! gentle sigh ! 
For no more happiness 1 pray, 
Than, every time thou goest to God, 
To follow where thon lead'st the way.^^ 

But of those a little longer and more elaborate a 
favorable specimen may be found in Camoens, who 
wrote such with tenderness and beauty, not only in his 
own language, but sometimes in Spanish, as in 
the following lines on a * concealed and unhappy ^ 58 
passion, the first two of which are probably a 
snatch of some old song, and the rest his own gloss 
upon them : — 

Within, Avithin, my sorrow lives, 
But outwardly no token gives. 

All young and gentle in the soul. 
All hidden from men's eyes, 
Deep, deep within it lies. 

And scorns the body's low control. 
As in the flint the hidden spark 
Gives outwardly no sign or mark. 

Within, within my sorrow lives, ^'^ 

20 A quien contarg yo mis quejas, who paraphrased this epigram ; hut 

f^^n^Zlk mis quejas, ^^^re he discovered it I do not know. 

Si k vos no ? 22 De dentro tengo mi mal, 

Faber found this and a few more in ^^.*^^ ^°^^ ^"L^T '^'^^^^ „ 

CI T > j_ .- Tvt- • -, ^nr, ^ Ml nueva y dulce querella 

baimas treatise on Music, 1577, and Es invisible a la gente : 

placed it, Avith a considerable number El alma sola la siente, 

of similar short compositions, in the Qu' el ouerpo noes dino della: 

n J. 1 xy ^ • M J.- o/^r> Como la viva sentolla 

first volume of his collection, pp. 303, g, encubre en el pedernal, 

etc. De dentro tengo mi mal. 

21 dulce suspiro mio I Camoes, Rimas, Lisboa, 1595, 4to, f. 179. 

No qui-iera dicha mas, 

Que las veres que a Dios vas Several that precede and folloAv, both 

Hallarme donde te envio. i^ Spanish and Portuguese, are wo: til 

Ubeda, 1588, was the first, I think, notice. 



68 EPIGRAMMATIC POETRY. [Period II. 

The number of such compositions, in their different 
serious forms, is great ; but the number of the second 
kind — those in a hghter and livelier tone — is still 
greater. The Argensolas, Yillegas, Lope de Vega, 
Quevedo, the Prince Esquilache, Rebolledo, and not a 
few others, wrote them with spirit and effect. Of all, 
however, w^ho indulged in them, nobody devoted to 
their composition so much zeal, and on the whole ob- 
tained so much success, as Francisco de la Torre, who, 
though of the ciilto school, seemed able to shake off 
much of its influence, when he remembered that he 
was a fellow-countryman of Martial. 

He took for the foundation of his humor the remark- 
able Latin epigrams of John Owen, the English Prot- 
estant, who died in 1622, and whose witty volume has 
been often translated and printed at home and abroad 
down to our own times ; — a volume, it should be noted, 
so offensive to the Romish Church as to have been 
early placed on its Index Expurgatorius. But La 
Torre avoided whatever could give umbrage to the 
ecclesiastical authorities of his time, and, adding a 
great number of original epigrams quite as good 
* 59 as those he translated, ^ made a collection that 
fills two volumes, the last of which was printed 
in 1682, after its author's death.^^ 

But though he wrote more good epigrams, and in a 
greater variety of forms, than any other individual 
Sj^aniard, he did not, perhaps, write the best or the 

23 "Agudezas de Juan Oven, etc., Miguel Moreno, whicli belong to the 
con Adi clones por Francisco de la reign of Philip IV., but were not pub- 
Torre," Madrid, 1674, 1682, 2 torn. lished, I believe, till 1735, might have 
4to, Oven is the Owen or Audoenus of been mentioned here, but they are, in 
Wood's "Athenye Oxon." Tom. II. p. general, very spiritless. There are just 
320. His "Epigrammata," printed two hundred of them, and they are re- 
about a dozen times between 1606 and printed by Eivadeneyra in his r)iblio- 
1795, were placed on the list of pro- teca, Tom. XLIL, but not ten of them 
hibited books in 1654. Index, PiomjB, are graceful or spirited. 
1786, 8vo, p. 216. The Epigrams of 



CHAr. XXXI.] DIDACTIC POETRY. 69 

most national ; for a few of those that still remain 
anonymous, and a still smaller number by Rebolleclo, 
seem to claim this distinction. Of the sort of wit fre- 
quently affected in these slight compositions, the fol- 
lowing is an example : — 

Fair lady, when your beads you take^ 

No doubt your prayer is still 
Either for iny poor murdered sake, 

Or else for yours that kilL^* 

Eebolledo was sometimes happier than he is in this 
epigram, though rarely more national. 

Didactic poetry in imsettled and uncertain forms ap- 
peared early in Spain, and took, from time to time, the 
air both of moral philosophy and of religious instruc- 
tion. Specimens of it in the old long-line stanza are 
found from the age of Berceo to that of the chancellor 
Ayala ; few, indeed, in number, but sufficiently marked 
in character to show their purpose. Later, examples 
become more numerous, and present themselves in 
forms somewhat improved. Several such occur in the 
Cancioneros, among the best of which are Luduena's 
^' Eules for Good-Breeding " ; '^ The Complaint of For- 
tune," in imitation of Bias, by Diego de San Pedro ; 
and the " Coplas " of Don Juan Manuel of Portu- 
gal, on the * Seven Deadly Sins ; — all of them * 60 
authors known at the court of Ferdinand and 
Isabella. Bo scan's poem on his own Conversion, that 
of Silvestre on "Self-knowledge," that of Castilla on 
^^ The Virtues," and that of Juan de Mendoza on " A 
Happy Life/' continue the series through the reign of 

24 Fues el rosario tomais, Camoens had the same idea in some 

?orttr?« m„Sr„,e habei,, P'l^'r'"' ralorulillas, (Eimas 1598, 

por vos, que me matais. I- 159j) SO that I suspect both ot them 

ReboUedo, Obras, 1778, Tom. I. p. 337. ^^^^ ^^ f^'O™ so^^e old popular epigram. 

See ante, Chap, XXll. note 45. 



70 



DIDACTIC POETKY. 



[Period II. 



Charles the Fifth, but without materially advancing its 
claims or its character.^^ 



2^ The poems of Boscan and Silvestre 
are foimd in their respective works, al- 
ready eXatnined ; hut of Francisco de 
Castilla and of Juan de Mendoza and 
their poetry it may be proper to give 
Some notice, as their names have not 
occurred before. 

Castilla was a gentleman apparently 
of the old national type, descended 
from an illegitimate branch of the fam- 
ily of Pedro el Cruel. He lived in the 
time of Charles V. , and passed his youth 
hear the person of that great sovereign ; 
but, as he says in a letter to his broth- 
er, the Bishof) of CalahoiTa, he at last 
"withdrew himself, disgusted alike 
■Udth the abhorred rabble and senseless 
life of the coilrt," and "chose the estate 
of matrimony, as one more safe for his 
soul and better suited to his worldly 
condition." How he fared in this ex- 
periment he does Hot tell us ; but, miss- 
ing, in the retirement it brought with 
it, those pleasures 6f social intercourse 
to which he had been accustomed, he 
bought, as he says, ' ' with a small 
sum of money, other surer and wiser 
friends," whose counsels and teachings 
he put into verse, that his Weak mem- 
ory might the better preserve them. 
The res^ult of this life merely contem- 
plative was a book, in which he gives 
lis, first, his "Theofica de Virtudes," 
or an explanation, in the old short 
Spanish verse, accompanied with a prose 
gloss, of the different Virtues, ending 
with the vengeful Nemesis ; next, a 
Treatise on Friendship, in long nine- 
line stanzas ; and then, successively, 
a satire on Human Life and its vain 
comforts ; an Allegory on Worldly Hap- 
piness ; a series of Exhortations to Vir- 
tue and Holiness, which he has un- 
suitably called Proverbs ; and a short 
discussion, in decivias, on the Immacu- 
late Conception. At the end, sepa- 
rately paged, as if it were quite a dis- 
tinct treatise, we have a counterpart to 
the "Theorica de Virtudes," called the 
' ' Pratica de las Virtudes de los Buenos 
Reyes de Espana " ; a poem iii above 
two hundred octave stanzas, on iJie 
Virtues of the Kings of Spain, begin- 
ning with Alaric the Goth and ending 
with the Emperor Charles V., to whom 
he dedicates it with abundance of court- 
ly flattery. The whole volume, both 



in the prose and verse, is written in 
the manly old Castilian style, some- 
times encumbered with learning, but 
oftener rich, pithy, and flowing. The 
following stanza, written apparently 
when its author was already disgusted 
with his court life, but had not given 
it up, may serve as a specimen of his 
best manner : — 

Nunca tanto el marinero 

Desseo llegar al puerto 

Con fortuna ; 

Ni en batalla el bnen guerrero 

Ser de su victoria cierto 

Quando puna ; 

Ni madre al ausente hijo 

Por mar con tanta aficion 

Le desseo, 

Como haver un escondrijo 

Sin contienda en un rincon 

Desseo yo. 

f. 45, b. 

Never did mariner desire 

To reach his destined port 

With happy fate ; 

Ne'er did good warrior, in the fire 

Of battle, victory court, 

With hopes elate ; 

Nor mother for her child's dear life, 

Tossed on the stonny wave, 

So earnest pray, 

As I for some safe cave 

To hide me from this restless strife 

In peace away. 

An edition of Castilla' s very rare vol- 
ume may have been printed about 1536, 
when it was licensed ; but I have never 
seen it, nor any notice of it. The copies 
1 have are a small 4to, black-letter, print- 
ed at Saragossain 1552, and two inl2mo, 
printed at Alcala, 1563 and 1564 ; the 
last two being really one edition, with 
different dates on the title-pages. Gay- 
angos notes an edition of Murcia, 1518, 
and says that when Castilla wrote his 
poetry he was Governor of Baza, Guadix, 
and some other places. But this seems 
to be contrary to the intimations of his 
retirement from affairs contained in the 
poems themselves. 

The poetry of Juan Hurtado de Men- 
doza, who was Regidor of Madrid, and 
a member of the Cortes of 1544, is, per- 
haps, more rare than that of Castilla, 
and is contained in a small volume 
printed at Alcala in 1550, and entitled 
" Buen Placer trovado en treze dis- 
cantes de quarta rima Castellana segun 
imitacion de trobas Francesas," ec. It 
consists of thirteen discourses on a hap- 
py life, its means and motives, all 



Chap. XXXL] DIDACTIC POETRY. 71 

* In the age of Philip the Second, the didactic, * 61 
like most of the other branches of Spanish po- 
etry, spreads out more broadly. Francisco de Guz- 
man's " Opinions of Wise Men," and especially his dull 
allegory of "Moral Triumphs," are, for their length, 
the most important of the different didactic poems 
which that period produced.^^ But more characteristic 
than either is the deeply religious letter of Francisco 
de Aldana to Montano, in 1577 ; and much more beau- 
tiful and touching than either is one written at about 
the same time by Juan Rufo to his infant son, filled 
with gentle affection and wise counsels. 

Neither should a call made by Aldana, in the name 
of military glory, to Philip himself, urging him to de- 
fend the suffering Church, be overlooked. It breathes 
the very spirit of its subject, and may well be put in 
direct contract with the earnest and sad persuasions to 
peace by Yirues, who was yet a soldier by profession, 
and with Cantoral's winning invitation to the quietness 
of a country life. Some of the religious poetry 
of Diego de Murillo and * Pedro de Salas, in the ^ 62 
next reigns, with several of the wise epistles of 

written in stanzas of four lines each, De buen principio y de buen fin ageno, 
which their author calls French, I sup- ^'° ^^^^ ^"^ ''^^ '^'^^ "'^ ^^P«'°- 
pose because they are longer lines than Mendoza was a person of much consid- 
those m the old national measures, and eration in his time, and is noticed as 
rhymed alternately, — the rhymes of g^ch by Quintana, (Historia de Madrid, 
one stanza runnmg mto the next. At Madrid, 1629, folio,) who gives one of 
the end is a Canto Real, as it is called, ^is sonnets at f. 27, and a sketch of his 
on a verse m the Psalms, composed m character at f. 245. There are several 
the same manner ; and several smaller p^ems by him in the Cancionero of 
poems, one of which is a kind of re- 1554. gee ante. Vol. I. p. 393, note 8. 
ligious villancico, and four of them son- 26 ^\^q a Xriunfos Morales de Fran- 
nets. The tone of the whole is didac- cisco de Guzman " (Sevilla, 1581, 12mo) 
tic and Its poetical value small. I cite are imitations of Petrarca's " Trionfi," 
eight hues as a specimen of its pecuhar i^^^t are much more didactic, giving, 
manner and rhymes : — for instance, under the head of "The 
Erradova quien busca ser contento Triumph of Wisdom," the opinions of 
Jiiii mal plazer mortal, que como leno j-i ■ v ^- -i. ^ i ^ 
Se seca V passa como humo en viento, ^he Wise men of antiquity ; and under 
De vano"^s tragos de ayre muy relleno. the head of " The Triumj:)h of Pru- 
Quando las negras veias van en Ueno dence," the general rules for prudent 
Del mal plazer, Tillano peligroso, conduct. 



72 



DIDACTIC POETKY. 



[Period II. 



the Argensolas, Artieda, and Mesa, should be added ; 
but they are all comparatively short poems, except 
those by Murillo on three of the Words of Christ upon 
the Cross, which extend to several hundred lines on 
each word, and which, though disfigured by antithesis 
and exaggeration, are strongly marked specimens of 
the Catholic didactic spirit.^^ 

In the mean time, and in the midst of this group, — 
partly because the way had been already prepared for 
it by the publication, in 1591, of a good translation of 
Horace's " Art of Poetry " by Espinel, and joartly from 
other causes,^^ — we have, at last, a proper didactic 
poem, or rather an attempt at one. It is by Juan de 
la Cue va, who in 1605 wrote in terzarima three epistles, 
which he entitled " Egemplar Poetico," and which con- 
stitute the oldest formal and original effort of the kind 
in the Spanish language. Kegarded as a whole, they 



27 The works of Francisco de Aldana 
were collected by his brother Cosme 
and published in successive editions 
in 1589, 1591, and 1593. 

The volume containing the poem of 
Murillo — " Sobre las tres primeras 
Palabras de las siete que dixo Christo 
en la Cruz " — contains, also, several 
poems of equal length, and a considera- 
ble number of shorter ones, which last 
are the best. It is entitled "Divina, 
dulce y provechosa Poesia compuesta 
por el Padre Fray Diego Murillo," ec, 
garagoga, 1616, 12mo, ff. 264. Its 
Castilian purity of style is, for the time 
when it was published, remarkable ; 
but it is equally remarkable for the 
grossness of its religious ideas. The 
following lines from the opening of a 
poem on Sta. Teresa are a specimen of 
what I mean, and of feelings then very 
common and deemed devout. 

Quando Dios se enamoro 
De vos, Teresa gloriosa, 
Y OS escogi > por esposa, 

Lo que en esto pretendio 
Fue una sucesioa copiosa. 

f. 205, b. 

Equally strange phrases ai'e found in 
the x^oem on the " Maddalena." 



Murillo was born in 1555 and died 
in 1616;^ — the volume of his poetry 
being posthumous, and held, no doubt, 
of small account compared with his ser- 
mons and religious works in prose. Of 
these I possess the " Escala Espiritual," 
(1598,) and the " Discursos Predica- 
bles," (1603,) but they give me no de- 
sire to see more works by their author 
of the same sort. 

2« The "Arte Poetica" of Espinel is 
the first thing published in the ' ' Par- 
naso Espaiiol" of Sedano, 1768, and 
was vehemently attacked by Yriarte, 
when, in 1777, he printed his own 
translation of the same work. (Obras 
de Yriarte, Madrid, 1805, 12mo, Tom. 
IV.) To this Sedano replied in the 
ninth volume of his "Parnaso," 1778. 
Yriarte rejoined in a satirical dialogue, 
" Donde las dan las toman" (Obras, 
Tom. VI.) ; and Sedano closed the con- 
troversy with the ' ' Coloquios de Espi- 
na," Malaga, 1785, 2 tom. 12mo, under 
the pseudonyme of Juan Maria Chavero 
y Eslava. It is a very pretty liter- 
ary quarrel, quite in the Spanish man- 
ner. 



Chap. XXXI. ] DIDACTIC POETRY. 73 

are, indeed, far from being a complete Art of Poetry, 
and in some parts they are injudicious and inconse- 
quent ; but thej^ not unfrequently contain passages of 
acute criticism in flowing verse, and they have, 
besides, the merit * of nationahty in their tone. * 63 
In all respects, they are better than an absurd 
didactic poem, by the same author, on " The Inventors 
of Things," which he wrote three years later, and which 
shows, as }ie showed elsewhere, that he adventured in 
too many departments.^^ 

Pablo de Cespedes, a sculptor and painter of the same 
period, — now better known as a man of learning and 
a poet, — came nearer to success than Cueva. He was 
born in 1538, at Cordova, and died there, in 1608, a 
minor canon of its magnificent cathedral, at the age of 
seventy ; but he spent a part of his life in Italy and at 
Seville, and devoted much of his leisure to letters. 
Among other works, he began a poem, in ottava rima^ 
on " The Art of Painting." Whether it was ever fin- 
ished is uncertain ; but all we possess of it is a series 
of fragments, amounting, when taken together, to six 
or seven hundred lines, which were inserted in a prose 
treatise on the same subject by his friend Francisco 
Pacheco, and printed above forty years after their 
author's death. They are, however, such as to make 
us regret that we have received no more. Their ver- 
sification is excellent, and their poetical energy and 
compactness are uniform. Perhaps the best passage 
that has been preserved is the description of a horse, 
— the animal of whose race the poet's native city has 

29 The " Egemplar Poetico " of Cueva nintli volume of the same collection, 

was first printed in the eighth volume 1778. How absurd the last is, may be 

of the "Parnaso Espanol," 1774; and inferred from the fact that it makes 

the '^Inventores de las Cosas," taken Moses the inventor of hexameter verse, 

generally from Polydore Virgil, and and Alexander the Great the oldest of 

dated 1608, was first published in the paper-makers. 



74 DIDACTIC POETET. [Period II. 

always been proud, — and of which, it is evident, a 
single noble individual stood pictured before his mind 
as he wrote. But other portions show much talent, — 
perhaps more than this does ; especially one in which 
he explains the modes of acquiring practical skill in 
his art, and that more poetical one in which he dis- 
cusses color. ^^ 
* 64 ^ But the poems of Cueva and Cespedes were 
not printed till long after the death of their au- 
thors ; and none of their contemporaries was inspired 
by like influences. The best that was done in didactic 
poetry, at about the same time, was the slight, but 
pleasant, sort of defence of his own irregularities pro- 
duced by Lope de Vega, under the name of " The New 
Art of Writing Plays " ; and the best, written later in 
the century, were the " Selvas," as he called them, long 
poems in irregular verse^ by Count Eebolledo, on the 
Arts of War and Civil Government, which date from 
1652, but which are little more than rhymed prose. A 
tedious poem in ten cantos, and in the old quintilla 
verse, by Trapeza, published in 1612, and entitled 

^ What remains of Cespedes's poetry failed to find a well-drawn and rich 
is to be found in the eighteenth volume picture, grand and fit for Michel An- 
of Fernandez's collection. His life is gelo to paint." He was a friend of 
well set forth in the excellent ' ' Diccio- Carranza, the great archbishop, who, 
nario de los Profesores de las Bellas after administering to Charles V. the 
Artes, por A. Cean Bermudez," Madrid, last offices of religion, and after being 
1800, 6 tom. 12mo, Tom. I. p. 316 ; a leading member of the Council of 
Desides which, its learned author, at Trent, and confessor of Mary of Eng- 
the end of Tom. V., has republished land as the wife of Philip II., was 
the fragments of the poem on Painting worried to death by the Inquisition in 
in a better order than that in which 1576. (See a^tfe. Vol. I. p. 427.) Ces- 
they had before appeared ; adding a pedes himself came near suffering fi'om 
pleasant prose discourse, in a pure a similar persecution, in consequence of 
.style, on Ancient and Modern Painting a letter he wrote to Carran/a in 1559, 
and Sculpture, which Cespedes wrote in which he spoke disrespectfully of the 
in 1604, when recovering from a fever, Grand Inquisitor and the Holy Office, 
and two other of his trifles ; to the an off'ence which was beyond all par- 
whole of which is prefixed a judicious don. Llorente, Hist., Tom. II. p. 
Preface by Cean himself. Cespedes had 440. — An excellent account of Ces- 
been a Greek scholar in his youth, and pedes is to be found in Stirling's Art- 
says, that, in his old age, when he ists of Spain, 1848, 8vo, Vol. I. pp 
chanced to open Pindar, he "never 321-344. 



Chap. XXXL] DESCRIPTIVE POETRY. 75 

'^ The Cross," because it is a sort of exposition of all the 
theological virtues attributed to that holy emblem, is 
too dull to be noticed, even if it were more strictly 
didactic in its form.^^ 

Some other kindred attempts should, however, be 
remembered, of which the oldest, made in the spirit of 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries throughout 
Europe, were in .the form called " Emblems," or expla- 
nations in verse for hieroglyphical devices. The 
* most successful of these were probably the Em- ^ ^b 
blems of Daza, in 1549, imitated from the more 
famous Latin ones of Alciatus • and those of Covarru- 
bias, published originally in Spanish by their author in 
1591, and afterwards translated by him into Latin ; — 
both of them curious specimens of this peculiar style of 
composition, and as agreeable, perhaps, as any which 
the age of Emblems produced.^^ 

The other form was that in which the didactic runs 
into the descriptive. Of this the most poetical ex- 
ample in Spanish is by Miguel Dicastillo or Del Cas- 
tillo, a Carthusian monk, at Saragossa, who published 
in 1637, under the auspices of his friend Mencos, a long 
poetical correspondence, intended to teach the vanity 
of human things, and the happiness and merit to be 

^1 Lope's "Arte Nuevo" has been seem hardly to deserve tlie name. One 

abeady noticed. The "Selva Militar is "Tropheo del Oro," in glorification 

y Politica " of Rebolledo was first print- of the power of gold, by Blasco Pelegrin 

ed at Cologne, in 1652, 18mo, its author Cathalan, Zaragoza, 1579 ; and the oth- 

being then Spanish Minister in Den- er is " Elogio a el Retrato de Philip]io 

mark, of whose kings he has given a IV.," de Don Pedro Geronimo Galtero, 

sort of genealogical history in another Sevilla, 1631. 

poem, his "Selvas Danicas," of which ^2 .^L^g Emblemas de Alciato, ec, 

there is an edition with the well-en- anadidos de nuevos Emblemas," Lyon, 

graved portrait of the little Prospero, 1549, 4to, — on the Index Expurgato- 

son of Philip IV., to whom the volume rius of 1790. Those of Covarrubias 

is dedicated from Copenhagen, Jan. 3, were printed in Spanish in 1591 ; and 

1661, where it was printed. — "La in Spanish and Latin, Agrigenti, 1601, 

Cruz, por Albanio Ramirez de la Tra- 12mo ; — the last, a thick volume, with 

peza," Madrid, 1612, 12mo, pp. 368, a long and learned Latin dissertation on 

to which are added a few pages of short Emblems prefixed. Covarrubias was 

poems on the Cross. — Gaj^angos adds brother of the lexicographer of the same 

two other didactic poems ; but they name. Tesoro, Art, Emblema. 



76 DESCKIPTIVE POETRY. [Period II. 



found ill a life of penitential seclusion. The parts that 
relate to the author himself are sometimes touching; 
but the rest is of very unequal worth, — the better 
portions being devoted to a description of the grand 
and sombre monastery of which he was an inmate, and 
of the observances to which his life there was devoted.^^ 
Castilian verse, however, did not often take a descrip- 
tive character, except when it appeared in the form of 
eclogues and idyls ; and even then it is almost always 
marked by an ingenuity and brilliancy far from the 
healthy tone inspired by a sincere love of what is 
grand or beautiful in nature ; — a remark which finds 
ample illustration in the poems devoted to the Spanish 
conquests in America, where the marvellous tropical 
vegetation of the valleys through which the wild ad- 
venturers wound their w^ay, and the snow-capped vol- 
canoes that crowned the sierras above their heads, 
* 66 seem * to have failed alike to stir their imagina- 
tions or overawe their courage.^* 

^^ "Aula de Dios, Cartuxa Eeal de people who never ceased to hate him 

Zaragoza. Descrive la Vida de sus and his race. The poem is divided into 

Monjes, acusa la Vanidad del Siglo, ec, six cantos and makes about nine hun- 

consagrala a la Utilidad Piiblica Don dred octave stanzas. Its author was a 

Miguel de Mencos," Zaragoza, 1637, kinsman of Lope de Vega, but had lit- 

4to. They are written in silvas, and tie of Lope's poetical power. The most 

their true author's name is indicated curious part of his work is an account, 

"hj puiis in some of the laudatory verses in Canto V., of a magnilicent dramatic 

that precede the work. In the third entertainment given to the royal party 

edition, 1679, additions are made by by the monks of the Convent of St. 

Agustin Nagore, " otro monje de la Anthony; — a strong case to prove how 

misma Cartuxa," — the most curious much the ecclesiastics of the seventeenth 

parts of which are two sonnets, some century encouraged the theatre. See 

octaves, and a ballad immediately pre- ante. Chap. XXVI. note 11. 
ceding the preface of the "Adiciona- On the same subject a poem by Vas- 

dor," — all of them being acrostics, in co Mausinho de Quevedo is mentioned 

which the monk shows the cloven foot by Gayangos. It is called ' ' Triunfo 

of a worldly love. del Monarca Filippe III.," and was 

Another example of descriptive po- printed in six cantos of ottava rivia. 

etry should here be noticed : "El Tri- An account of the author, who is among 

umpho mas famoso, ec, por Gregorio the prominent poets of Portugal, may 

de San Martin" (Lisboa, 1624, 4to, ff. be found in Barbosa, Bib., fol. III., 

158). It is an account of the visit of 1752, p. 777. 

Philip III. to Lisbon in 1619; — his ^* The pleasantest, if not the most 

triumphal entry there ; — and the gor- important exception to this remark, 

geous hospitalities shown to him by a which I recollect, is to be found in an 



Chap. XXXL] DIDACTIC POETEY. 77 

But except these irregular varieties of didactic 
poetry^ we have, for the whole of the sixteenth and sev- 
enteenth centuries, nothing to add to what we have 
already noticed, beyond a repetition of the old forms 
of epistles and silvas^ which so frequently occur in the 
works of Castillejo, Ledesma, Lope de Vega, Jauregui, 
Zarate, and their contemporaries. Nor could we rea- 
sonably expect more. Neither the popular character 
of Spanish poetry, nor the severe nature of the Span- 
ish ecclesiastical and political constitutions of govern- 
ment, was favorable to the development of this partic- 
ular form of verse, or likely to tolerate it on any impor- 
tant subject. Didactic poetry remained, therefore, at 
the end of the period, as it was at the beginning, one 
of the feeblest and least successful departments of 
the national literature .^^ 

epistle by the friend of Lope de Vega, marked with the feeling of that stern 

Cristoval de Virues, to his brother, scenery. Obras, 1609, f. 269. 

dated June 17, 1605, and giving an ac- ^^ The shorter poems, noticed as di- 

count of his passage over the Saint dactic, are found in the Cancioneros 

Gothard with a body of troops. It is and other collections already referred 

in blank verse that is not very exact, to, or in the works of their respective 

but the descriptions are very good, and authors. 



*67 *CHAPTEE XXXII. 

BALLAD POETRY CULTIVATED : SEPULVEDA, EUENTES, TIMONEDA, PADILLA, 
CUEVA, HITA, HIDALGO, VALDIVIELSO, LOPE DE VEGA, ARELLANO, ROCA T 
SERNA, ESQUILACHE, MENDOZA, QUEVEDO. — ROMANCEROS OF MORE POPU- 
LAR BALLADS : THE TWELVE PEERS, THE CID, AND OTHERS. — GREAT 
NUMBER OF WRITERS OF BALLADS. 

The collection and publication of the ballads of the 
country in the Cancioneros and Komanceros, in the 
course of the sixteenth century, attracted to them a 
kind and degree of attention they had failed to re- 
ceive during the long period in which they had been 
floating about among the unrecorded traditions of the 
common people. There was so much that was beauti- 
ful in them, so much that appealed successfully to the 
best recollections of all classes, so much directly con- 
nected with the great periods of the national glory, 
that the minds of all were stirred by them, as soon as 
they appeared in a permanent form, and they became 
at once favorites of the more cultivated portion of the 
people, as they had always been of the humble hearts 
that gave them birth. The natural consequence fol- 
lowed ; — they were imitated ; — and not merely by 
poets who occasionally wrote in this among other forms 
of verse, but by persons who composed them in large 
numbers and published them by volumes.^ 

The first of these persons was Lorenzo de Sepulveda, 

1 When looking througli any of the lent remark of Rengifo, in his "Arte 

large collections of ballads, especially Poetica," 1592, p. 38 : " There is noth- 

those produced in the seventeenth cen- ing easier than to make a ballad, and 

tury by the popularity of the whole nothing more difficult than to make it 

class and the facility of their metiical what it ought to be." 
structure, we find pertinent an excel- 



Chap. XXXIL] BALLADS. SEPULYEDA. 79 

whose Ballad-book can be traced back to 1551, the very 
year after the a^Dpearance, at Saragossa, of the col- 
lection * of popular and anonymous ballads by * 68 
Nagera. The attempt of Sepulveda was made 
in the right direction ; for he founded it almost entirely 
on the old Castilian Chronicles, and appealed, as they 
did, to popular tradition and the national feelings for 
his support. In his Preface, he says that his ballads 
" ought to be more savory than many others, because 
not only are they true and drawn from the truest his- 
tories he could find, but written in the Castilian meas- 
ure and in the tone of the old ballads, which," he adds, 
"is noiu in fashion. They were taken," he declares, 
"literally from the Chronicle which was compiled by 
the most serene king Don Alfonso ; the same who, for 
his good letters and royal desires, and great learning 
in all branches of knowledge, was called ^The Wise.' " 
In fact, more than three fourths of this curious volume 
consist of ballads taken from the " General Chronicle 
of Spain," often employing its very words, and always 
imbued with its spirit. The rest is made up chiefly of 
ballads founded on sacred and ancient history, or on 
mythological and other stories of an imaginary nature. 
But, unfortunately, Sepulveda was not truly a poet, 
and therefore, though he sought his subjects in good 
sources and seldom failed to select them well, he yet 
failed to give any more of a poetical coloring to his 
ballads than he found in the old chronicles he followed. 
He was, however, successful as far as the general favor 
was concerned ; for not only was his entire work re- 
printed at least four times, but the separate ballads in 
it constantly reappear in the old collections^ that 

2 " Romances nuevamente sacados de Espafia, comptiestos por Lorenco de Se- 
Historias Antiguas de la Cronica de piilveda," ec, en Anvers, 1551, ISrno. 



80 BALLADS. — FUENTES. [Period IL 

were^ from time to time, published to meet the popular 
demand. 

Quite as characteristic of the period is a collection 
of forty ballads by Alonso de Fuentes, printed, for the 
first time, in 1564. They were sent by some person, 
apparently of much distinction, to a man of let- 
* 69 ters, with a request that he would ^ write a be- 
coming commentary on them. This he did, but 
as the patron who had imposed the task on him died 
before it was completed, the volume was finally dedi- 
cated to Afan de Ribera, Duke of Alcala; the commen- 
tator intimating that the verses were hardly worth the 
time he had bestowed on them. Ten of the forty bal- 
lads — Quarenta Cantos, as they are called — are on 
subjects from the Bible ; ten from Roman history ; ten 
from other portions of ancient history; and the re- 
mainder from the history of Spain down to the fall of 
Granada. The principal merit of the whole, in the 
eyes of those who were concerned in their publication, 
consisted, no doubt, in the wearisome historical and 
moral commentary by which each is followed. 

The Editor, however, may have had a better taste in 
su.ch things than the person who employed him ; for, 
in a prefatory epistle, he gives us, of his own accord, 
the following ballad, evidently very old, if not very 
spirited, which he attributes to Alfonso the Wise. But 
it is no otherwise the work of that monarch than that 
all but the last stanzas are taken from the remarkable 
letter he wrote on the disastrous position of his affairs 
in 1280, when, by the rebellion of his son and the 
desertion of the higher ecclesiastics of his kingdom. 

There were editions, enlarged and al- not then published for the first time — - 

tered, in 1563, 1566, 1580, and 1584, contains one hundred and forty-nine, 

mentioned by Ebert. That of 1584 Many of them are in the Eomanceros 

contains one hundred and fifty-six bal- Generales, and not a feAV in the recent 

lads; that of 1551 — but, I think, collections of Depping and Duran. 



Chap. XXXIL] BALLADS. FUENTES. 81 

he was reduced, in his old age, to misery and despair, 
— a letter already cited, and more poetical than the 
ballad founded on it. 

I left ray land, I left my home. 

To serve my God against liis foes ; 
"Roy deemed, that, in so short a space, 

My fortunes could in ruin close, 

Tor tTTO short months were hardly sped. 

And April was but gone, and May, 
"When Castile's towers and Castile's towns 

From my fair realm were rent away. 

And they that should have counselled peace 

Between the father and his son, 
M}^ bishops and my lordly priests, 

Forgetting what they should have done, — 

IsTot by contrivance deep and dark, 

Not silent, like the secret thief, 
But trumpet-tongued, rebellion raised, 

And filled my house with guilt and grief. 

* Then, since my blood denies my cause, * 70 

And since my friends desert and ilee, — 
Since they are gone, who should have stood 
Between the guilty blow and me, — 

To thee I bend, my Saxiour Lord, 

To thee, the Virgin Mother, bow. 
For your support and gracious help 

Pouring my daily, nightly vow : 

For your compassion now is all 

My child's rebellious power hath left 
To soothe the piercing, piercing woes 

That leave me here of hope bereft. 

And since before his cruel might 

My friends have all in terror fled. 
Do thou, Almighty Father, thou, 

Protect my unprotected head. 

But I have heard in former days 

The story of another king. 
Who — fled from and betrayed like me — 

Eesolved all fears away to fling, 
VOL. Ill, 6 



82 BALLADS. — TIMONEDA. [Peeiod IL 

And launch irpon the wide, wide sea, 
And find adventurous fortune there, 

Or perish in its rolling waves, 
The victim of his brave despair. 

This ancient monarch far and near — 

Old ApoUonius — was known : 
I '11 follow where he sought his fate, 

And where he found it find my own.^ 

Juan de Timoneda, partly bookseller and partly 
poet, — the friend of Lope de Rueda, and, like him, 
the author of farces acted in the public squares of 
Valencia, — was, both from his occupations and tastes, 
a person who would naturally understand the general 

poetical feeling and wants of his time. In conse- 
^ 71 quence of *" this, probably, he published, in 1573, 

a collection of ballads, entitled '^ The Rose," con- 
sisting, in no small degree, of his own compositions, 
but containing, also, some by other and older poets. 
Taken together, they constitute a volume of nearly 
seven hundred pages, divided into " The Rose of Love " ; 
" The Spanish Rose " ; " The Gentile Rose," so called, 
because its subjects are heathen ; and '^ The Royal 
Rose," which is on the fates and fortunes of princes ; 
— the whole being followed by about a hundred pages 
of popular, miscellaneous verse, rustic songs, and fanci- 
ful glosses. 

The best parts of this large collection are the bal- 
lads gathered by its author from popular tradition, 
most of which were soon published in other Roman- 
ceros, with the variations their origin necessarily 
involved. The poorest parts are those written by him- 

2 The "Cantos de Fuentes," in the Zuniga, in his "Annals of Seville," 

Epistola to which this ballad is found, 1377, p. 585, as a knight of Seville 

were printed three times, and in the "of an illustrious lineage." See al.-o 

edition of Alcala, 1587, 12mo, fill, with ante, Vol. I. pp. 33, 34. I have seen 

their tedious commentary, above eight an edition of Fuentes cited as of 1550. 

hundred pages. Fuentes is noted by But this mu.st undoubtedly be a mistake. 



Chap. XXXII.] BALLxVDS. ^ TIMO:NrEDA, PADILLA. 83 

self, — such as the last division^ which is entirely his 
own, and is not superior to the similar ballads in Se- 
pulveda and Fuentes. As a collection, however, it is 
important ; because it shows how true the Spanish 
people remained to their old traditions, and how con- 
stantly they claimed to have the best portions of their 
history repeated to them in the old forms to which 
they had so long been accustomed. In another point 
of view, also, it is of consequence. It furnishes ballads 
on the early heroes of Spain, some of which are needed 
to fill up two or three of the best among their tradi- 
tional stories, while others come down, with similar ac- 
counts of later heroes, to the end of the Moorish wars.* 
In 1583, the series of such popular works was still 
further continued by Pedro de Padilla, who pub- 
lished a Eomancero containing sixty-three long 
* ballads of his own, — about half of them taken * 72 
from uncertain traditions, or from fables like 
those of Ariosto, and the others from the known his- 
tory of Spain, which they follow down through the 
times of Charles the Fifth and the Flemish wars of 
Philip the Second. The Italian measures several times 
intrude, Avhere they can produce only an awkward and 
incongruous effect ; and the rest of the volume, not 
devoted to ballads, — except fifty villancicos^ which are 
full of the old popular spirit, — is composed of poems 
in the Italian manner, that add nothing to its value. ^ 

* The only copy of this volume known The " Eomancero Historiado " of Lu- 

to exist is ajiiong the rare and precious cas Eodriguez (Alcala, 1579) belongs 

Spanish books given by Reinhart to the here ; but I have never seen it. Du- 

Imperial Library at Vienna ; but an ran, in his Eomancero, 1849 - 1851, 

excellent account of it, followed by prints above sixty ballads from it, and 

above sixt}' of the more important bal- says that more than half of the volume 

lads it contains, was published at Leip- of Eodriguez consists of poetry of this 

zig, 1846, 12mo, under the title of class, which, though not strictly in the 

" Eosa de Eomances," by Mr. Wolf, the earlier popular tone, is yet nearer to it 

admirable scholar, to whom the lovers than most of what followed, 

of Spanish literature owe so much- ^ "Eomancero de Pedro de Padilla," 



84 BALLADS. CUEYAj HITA. [Period IL 

Juan cle la Cueva, finding the old national subjects 
thus seized upon by his predecessors, resorted, it would 
seem, from necessity, to the histories of Greece and 
Eome for his materials, and in 1587 published a vol- 
ume containing above a hundred ballads, which he 
divided into ten books, placing nine of them under the 
protection of the nine Muses, and the other under that 
of Apollo. Their poetical merit is inconsiderable. 
The best are a few whose subjects are drawn from the 
old Castilian Chronicle, like that on the sad story of 
Dona Teresa, who, after being wedded against her will 
to the Moorish king of Toledo, was miraculously per- 
mitted to take refuge in a convent, rather than con- 
summate her hated marriage with an infidel. Two 
ballads, however, in which the author gives an account 
of himself and of his literary undertakings, are more 
curious ; — the latter containing an amusing criticism 
of some of the bad poets of his time.^ 

The publication of the first part of ^* The Civil Wars 
of Granada," by Hita, in 1595, containing about sixty 
ballads, some of them very old, and several 
* 73 "^ of great poetical merit, increased, no doubt, 
the impulse which the frequent appearance of 
volumes of popular anonymous ballads continued to 
give to Spanish poetry in this attractive form.^ This 
is yet more apparent in the new direction taken by 
ballad-writing, which from this time began to select 

Madrid, 1583, 12mo. The ballads fill 1587, 12mo, — a volume of nearly seven 

about three hundred and sixty pages, hundred pages. Only four or five are 

The first twenty-two are on the wars on Spanish subjects; — that on Doiia 

in Flanders ; afterwards there are nine Teresa (f. 215) being obvioitsly taken 

taken from Ariosto's stories ; then sev- from the " Cronica General, " Parte III. 

eral on the story of Rodrigo de Narvaez, c. 22. The ballad addressed to his 

and on other Spanish traditions, etc. book, " Al Libro," is at the end of the 

^ Cueva, whom we have found in "Melpomene," and is of value for his 

several other departments of Spanish personal history. 

literature, printed his ballads with the ''' Hita's " Guerras Civiles de Grana- 

title of ' ' Coro Febeo de Romances His- da ' Avill be noticed when I come to 

toriales," in his native city, Seville, speak of romantic fiction. 



Chap, XXXII.] MANY BALLAD-WRITERS. 85 

particular subjects, and address itself to separate classes 
of readers. Thus, in 1609, we have a volume of bal- 
lads in the dialect of the rogues, written in the very 
spirit of the vagabonds it represents, and collected by 
some one who concealed himself under the name of 
Juan Hidalgo : ^ — while in 1612, at the other extreme 
of the circle, Valdivielso, the fashionable ecclesiastic^ 
printed a large ^^ Spiritual Ballad-Book," whose ballads 
are all on religious subjects, and all intended to pro- 
mote habits of devotion.^ In 1614 and 1622, Lope de 
Yegu, always a lover of such poetry, gave to the relig- 
ious world a collection of similar devout ballads, often 
reprinted afterwards ; ^*^ and in 1629 and 1634 he con- 
tributed materials to two other collections of the same 
character, — the first anonymous, and entitled " A 
Bouquet of Divine Flowers " ; and the other by Luis de 
Arellano, which, under the name of " Counsels for the 
Dying," contains thirty ballads, several of which are 
by the principal poets of the time.^^ 

^ *' Eomances de Germama," 1609; ?"o,9 of Valencia a G*^er?>ia?ti(X, or CGmbina- 
reprinted, Madrid, 1779, 8vo. The tioii, which can leave little deubt about 
words Germanla, G-ermano, etc., were the origin ' of the word from Her^ 
applied to the jargon in which the mandad, Hermano, — brotherhood and 
rogues talked with one another. Hi- brother, — though Covarrubias does not 
dalgo, who wrote only six of the bah seem sure about it, in verb. Ale7)ianut. 
lads he published, gives at the end of The whole subject is discussed by 
Ms collection a vocabulary of this dia- Adolf Ebert in his Quellenforschungen 
lect, which is recognized as genuine by zu der Geschichte Spanien's, Kassel, 
Mayans y Siscar, and reprinted in his 8vo, 1849, where see especially p. 123 
"Origenes" ; so that the suggestion of and note; but the whole of the first 
Clemencin, which I have followed in chapter of the Geschichte der Germa- 
tlie text, where I speak of Juan Hidal- nia, beginning p. 111, is interesting. 
go as a pseudonyme, may not be well ® Valdivielso's name occurs very often 
founded ; — - a suggestion further dis- in the Aprobacion of books in the six- 
countenanced by the fact, that, in Tom, teenth century. His "Eomancero Es- 
XXXVllI. of the Comedias Escogidas, piritual," Valencia, 1689, 12mo, first 
1672, the play of "Los Mozarabes de printed in 1612, was several times re- 
Toledo " is attributed to a Juan Hidal- printed, and fills above three hundred 
go. That the ballads of Hidalgo had and fifty pages. It is not quite all in 
nothing to do with the Gypsies, though the ballad measure or in a grave tone, 
otherwise supposed in the last edition, ^^ In Lope's Obras Sueltas, Tom. 
is shown in Borrow's *'Zincali," Lon- XIII. and XVIL 

don, 1841, 8vo, Tom. II. p. 143. San- ^i " Ramillete de Divinas Flores para 

doval (Carlos V., Lib. III. § 38) more el Desengaiio de la Vida Humana," 

than once calls the rebellious Comune- Amberes,'1629, 18mo, p. 262. '' A^d- 



86 EOMANCEROS. [Period II. 

* 74 ^ Others^ like Roca y Serna^ wrote large num- 
bers of ballads, but did not print them sep- 
arately.^^ Those of the Prince Esquilache, some of 
which are excellent, amount to nearly three hundred. 
Antonio de Mendoza wrote about two hundred ; and 
perhaps as many, in every possible variety of character, 
are scattered through the works of Quevedo ; so that, 
by the middle of the seventeenth century, there can 
be no doubt that large and successful efforts had been 
made by the known authors of the period to continue 
the old ballad spirit by free contributions, both in sep- 
arate volumes and in masses of ballads inserted among 
their other published works. 

Meantime the old spirit itself had not been lost. 
The ballad-book known originally under the name of 
'^Flor de Romances," which we have already traced in 
its individual parts to five small volumes, — published 
between 1593 and 1597, in such widely different por- 
tions of Sp.ain, that its materials were gathered from 
the soil of nearly the whole country, — continued to 
be valued, and was reprinted and enlarged four times, 
under the name of " El Romancero General " ; till, with 
the Ballad-Book of 1550-1555, it comprehended nearly 
all the old ballads that have been preserved by tradi- 
tion, together with not a few by Loj)e de Vega, G6n- 
gora, and other living authors. Out of these two vast 
storehouses, and from such other sources as could still 
yield suitable materials, smaller and more popular bal- 
lad-books were now selected and published. One ap- 
peared at Barcelona in 1582, and was reprinted there in 
1602 and 1696, taken in a considerable degree from the 

SOS paria la Miierte pof L. de Arellano," disfigured by his Gongorism, are found 

Zaragoza, 1634, 1648, etc., 18mo, 90 in his " Luz del Alma," Madrid, 1726, 

leaves. See ante, Vol. II. pp. 353, 12mo, first printed in 1634, and fre* 

354, note. quently since. 
1^ The ballads of Roca y Sernd,, often 



Chap. XXXIL] BALLAD-BOOKS. 87 

collection of 1550, but containing, besides, ballads not 
found elsewhere until lately, and, among the rest, sev- 
eral on the history of the triple league and on the 
death of Philip the Second.^ A ballad-book ^ for * 75 
"The Twelve Peers," and their marvellous 
achievements, published for the first time in 1608, has 
continued to be a favorite ever since ; ^* and four years 
afterwards appeared "The Ballad-Book of the Cid," 
which has been printed and reprinted again and again, 
at home and abroad, down to our own times.^^ These 
were followed, in 1623, by the "Primavera," or Spring 
of Ballads, by Perez, of which a second part was col- 
lected and published by Segura in 1629, comprehend- 
ing together nearly three hundred ; — most, but not 
all, of them known before, and many of them of great 
beauty .^^ And other ballad-books of the same sort, as 
Avell as these, continued to be printed in cheap forms 
for popular use till the old Castilian culture disappeared 
with the decay of the old national character. 

But during the long period of a century and a half 
when this kind of poetry prevailed so widely in Spain, 
the ballads were not left to the formal Romanceros, 

1^ It is entitled "Silva de Varios Eo- Bivar, recopilado por Juan de Escobar," 

niances," and contains the well-known Alcala, 1612, 18mo, and many other 

ballads of the Conde d' Irlos, the Mar- editions, the most complete being that 

qnis of Mantua, Gayferos, and the of Stuttgard, 1840, 12mo. 

Conde Claros, with others, to the nam- ^^ Besides the editions of 1623 and 

ber of twenty-three, that are in the 1629, I know that of Madrid, 1659, 

Ballad-Book of 1550. Those on the ISmo, in two parts, containing addi- 

death of Philip II. and Dona Isabel de tions of satirical ballads, letrillas, etc., 

la Paz are, of course, not in the first by Francisco de Segura. Segura also 

edition of this Silva. They occur in published " Primera Parte del Rom an- 

that of Barcelona, 1602, ISmo. cero Historiado," ec, Ano 1610, Lis- 

1* " Fk)resta de Varios Romances, boa, 12mo, ff. 182. He was a Spaniard 

sacados de las Historias Antiguas de los by birth, but had long been in the ser- 

Hechos Famosos de los Doce Pares de vice of Portugal, to the honor of whose 

Francia," Madrid, 1728, 18mo, first kings these ballads, thirty-eight in 

printed in 1608, and collected by Da- number, are devoted. They are gen- 

mian Lopez de Tortajada. See Sar- erally very poor ; the best, I think, re- 

miento, § 528, for its popularity; but lating to the capture of Lisbon, 13-18. 

the later ballads in the volume do not His "Rosario Sacratissimo," Zar?.goca, 

relate to the Twelve Peers. 1613, 12mo, flf. 156, in five cantos, is 

1^ " Romancero y Historia del muy no better. 
Valeroso Cavallero, el Cid Ruy Diaz de 



88 GKEAT NUMBER OF BALLAD- WPvlTEES. [Period II. 

whether anonymouS;, like the largest^ or by known 
authors^ hke those of Sepulveda and Cueva, nor even 
to persons who wrote them in great numbers, and 
printed them in a separate department of their col- 
lected works, as did Prince Esquilache. On the con- 
trary, between 1550 and 1700, hardly a Spanish poet 
can be found through whose works they are not scat- 
tered with such profusion, that the number of popular 
ballads that could be collected from them would, if 
brought together, greatly exceed in amount all that 
are found in the ballad-books proper. Many of the 

ballads which thus occur either separately or in 
"^ 76 small * groups are poetical and beautiful in the 

same way the elder ones are, though rarely to 
the same degree. Silvestre, Montemayor, Espinel, Cas- 
tillejo, and, above all of his time, Lopez de Maldonado, 
wrote them with success, towards the end of the six- 
teenth century .^^ A little later, those of Gongora are 
admirable. Indeed, his more simple, childlike ballads, 
and those in which a gay, mischievous spirit is made 
to conceal a genuine tenderness, are unlike almost any 
of their class found elsewhere, and can hardly be sur- 
passed.^^ But Gongora afterwards introduced the same 
affected and false style into this form of his poetry 
that he did into the rest, and was followed, with con- 
stantly increasing absurdities, by Arteaga, Pantaleon, 

17 Lopez Maldonado was a friend of lished in 1587, and of which, as well 

Cervantes, and his Cancionero (Madrid, as of other subsequent publications of 

1586, 4to) was among the books in Don Lasso de la Vega, Duran has made 

Quixote's library. There is a beautiful free use in his " Koniancero de Pvoman- 

ballad by him, (f. 35,) beginning, — ceros." 

Ojosiienosdebeldad, , f ^ome of G6ngora's i-oinantic bal- 

Apartad de vos la ira, lads, like his "Angelica and Medoro, 

Y no pagueis con mentira and sonie of his burlesque ballads, are 

A los que os tratan verdad. ^^^^ . ^^^ ^^xe best are the simplest. 

The other authors referred to in the There is a beautiful one, giving a dis- 

text have been before noticed. But to cussion between a little boy and girl, 

all shouhl be added Gabriel Lasso de la how they will dress up and spend a 

Vega's " Manojuelo de Romances," pub- holiday. 



Chap. XXXIL] GREAT NUMBER OF BALLAD-WRITERS. 89 

YLllamediana, Coronel, and tlie rest of his imitators, 
whose ballads are generally worse than anything else 
they wrote, because, from the very simplicity and truth 
required by the proper nature of such compositions, 
they less tolerate any appearance of affectation. 

Cervantes, who was Gongora's contemporary, tells 
us that he composed vast numbers which are now lost ; 
and, from his own opinion of them, we have no reason 
to regret their fate. Lope's, on the contrary, which he 
23re served with a care for his own reputation that was 
not at all characteristic of Cervantes, are still numer- 
ous and often excellent ; especially those that relate to 
himself and his loves, some of the best of which seem 
to have been produced at Valencia and Lisbon.^^ 
At the same * period, and later, good ballads were * 77 
written by Quevedo, who descended even to the 
style of the rogues in their composition ; by Bernarda 
de Fereira, a nun in the romantic convent of Buzaco, 
in Portugal ; by ReboUedo, the diplomatist ; and per- 
haps, though with some hesitation, we should add, by 
Solis, the historian.^^ Indeed, wherever we turn, in the 
Spanish poetry of this period, we find ballads in all 
their varieties of tone and character, — often by authors 
otherwise little known, like Alarcon, who, in the end 
of the sixteenth century, w^rote excellent devout bal- 
lads,^^ or Diego de la Chica, who is remembered only 
for a single satirical one, preserved by Espinosa in the 
beginning of the seventeenth;^^ — but we always find 

19 Cervantes speaks of his "number- 21 "Vergel de Plantas Divinas, por 

less ballads" in his " Viage al Parnaso." Aroangel de Alarcon," 1594. 

Those of Lope de Vega soon came into ^^ It is a ballad about money, (Espi- 

the popular ballad-books, if, indeed, nosa, Flores, ]605, f. 30,) and is the 

some of the best of them were not, as I only thing I know by Diego de la Chi- 

suspBct, originally AA'ritten for the " Flor ca. I might add ballads by other au- 

de Romances " of Villalta, printed at thors, which are found where they would 

Valencia in 1593, 18mo. least be looked for ; like one by Eufo, 

2"^ Solis, " Poesras Sagradas y Huma- in his "Apotegmas," — one by Jau- 

nas," 1692, 1732, etc. regui, in his "Rimas," — andabeauti- 



90 GEEAT POPULARITY OF BALLADS. [Pehioij II. 

them in the works of those poets of note who desired 
to stand well with the mass of their countrymen. 

Nor could it be otherwise ; — for ballads, in the 
seventeenth century, had become the delight of the 
whole Spanish people. The soldier solaced himself 
with them in his tent, and the muleteer amidst the 
sierras ; the maiden danced to them on the green, and 
the lover sang them for his serenade ; they entered 
into the low orgies of thieves and vagabonds, into the 
sumptuous entertainments of the luxurious nobility, 
and into the holiday services of the Church ; the blind 
beggar gathered alms by chanting them, and the pup- 
pet-showman gave them in recitative to explain his 
exhibition ; they were a part of the very foundation of 
the theatre, both secular and religious, and the theatre 

carried them everywhere, and added everywhere 
* 78 to their effect and authority. No ^ poetry of 

modern times has been so widely spread through' 
all classes of society, and none has so entered into the 
national character. The ballads, in fact, seem to have 
been found on every spot of Spanish soil. They seem 
to have filled the very air that men breathed.^^ 

fill one by Camoens, (Eimas, 1598, f. Novelas of Cervantes, especially "Tlie 

187,) worthy of Gongora, and begin- Little Gipsy," who sings her ballads in 

ning. — the houses of the nobles and the eh arch 

Irme quiero, madre, of Santa Maria; and " Einconete and 

A aqiieila galera, Cortadillo," where they make the coarse 

STer m'SrinerT merriment of the thieves of Seville. 

Indeed, as the puppet-showman says, in 

I long to go, dear mother mine, Don Quixote, (Parte II. c. 26,) "They 

Aboard yon galley fair, ^^^.^ ^^ ^-^^ mouths of everybody, — of 

With the young sailor that I love, ,, , . ^i . j_ .j mi 

His sailor life to stiare. "the very boys m the streets. Ihe 

theatre, it should be added, which 

2^ There is no need of authorities to owed so much to the ballads, has in 

prove the universal prevalence of bal- part paid back the debt ; for many 

lads in the seventeenth century ; for popular ballads now current are taken 

the literature of that century often from the long narratives in the plays 

reads like a mere monument of it. But of the seventeenth century. I have 

if I wished to name anything, it would many such, and Wolf gives a list of 

be the Don Quixote, where Sancho is more, Ueber die Eomanzen-poesie der 

made to cite them so often ; and the Spanier, Wien, 1847, 8vo, pp. 68 - 70. 



*CHAPTEE XXXIII. * 79 

EOMANTIC FICTION. — CHAXGE OF MANTSTERS PRODUCES A CHANGE OF THE 
FICTIONS FOUNDED UPON THEM. — PASTORAL ROMANCE AND ITS ORIGIN: 
MONTEMATOR AND HIS DIANA, WITH ITS CONTINUATIONS BY PEREZ AND 
PODO : LO FRASSO, MONTALVO, CERVANTES, ENCISO, BOVADILLA, BERNARDO 
DE LA VEGA, LOPE DE VEGA, RALBUENA, FIGUEROA, ADORNO, BOTELHO, 
QUINTANA, CORRAL, SAAVEDRA. — CHARACTERISTICS OF PASTORAL FICTION. 

The romances of chivalry, like the institutions on 
which they were founded, lingered long in Spain. 
Their grave fictions were suited to the air of the stern 
old castles with which the Moorish contest had studded 
large portions of the country, while their general tone 
harmonized no less happily with the stately manners 
which the spirit of knighthood had helped to impress 
on the higher classes of society, from the mountains of 
Biscay to the shores of the Mediterranean. Their in- 
fluence, therefore, was great; and, as one natural result 
of its long continuance, other and better forms of prose 
fiction were discountenanced in Spain, or appeared later 
than they might have done under different circum- 
stances ', — a fact to which Cervantes alludes, when, 
even at the opening of the seventeenth century, he 
complains that Spanish books of the latter character 
were still rarely to be found.^ 

Fifty years, however, before that period, signs of a 
coming change are perceptible. The magnificent suc- 
cesses of Charles the Fifth had already filled the minds 
of men with a spirit of adventure very different 
from that of * Amadis and his descendants, though ^80 

1 Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 28. 



92 PKOSE PASTORAL EOMANCES. [Period II. 

sometimes hardly less wild and extravagant The cruel 
wars unceasingly kept up with the Barbary powers, 
and the miseries of the thousands of captives who re- 
turned from Africa, to amaze their countrymen with 
tragical stories of their own trials and those of their 
fellow-sufferers, were fall of that bitter romance of real 
life which outruns all fiction. Manners, too, — the old, 
formal, knightly manners of the nobility, — were be- 
ginning to be modified by intercourse with the rest of 
the world, and especially with Italy, then the most 
refined and least military country of Christendom; so 
that romantic fiction — the department of elegant 
literature, which, above every other, depends on the 
state of society — was naturally modified in Spain by 
the great changes going on in the external relations 
and general culture of the kingdom. Of this state of 
things, and of its workings in the new forms of fiction 
produced by it, we shall find frequent proofs as we 
advance. 

The first form, however, in which a change in the 
national taste manifested itself with well-defined suc- 
cess — that of prose pastorals ■ — is perhaps not one 
which would have been anticipated even by the more 
sagacious ; though, when we now look back upon its 
history, we can easily discover some of the foundations 
on which it was originally built. 

From the Middle Ages the occupations of a shep- 
herd's life had prevailed in Spain and Portugal to a 
greater extent than elsewhere in Europe ; ^ and, prob- 
ably in consequence of this circumstance, eclogues and 
bucolics were early known in the poetry of both coun- 

^ The laws of the "Partidas," about toral life in Spain at that period, and 
1260, afford abundant illustrations of for a long time before, 
the extent and importance of the pas- 



Chap. XXXIIL] PEOSE PASTOKAL EOMANCES. 93 

tries, and became connected in both with the origin of 
the popular drama. On the other hand, the mihtary 
spirit of such a civiHzation as existed in Spain down to 
the sixteenth century may have gladly turned away 
from such a monotonous exaggeration of its own 
character as is ^ found in the romances of chiv- "^81 
airy, and sought refreshment and repose in the 
peace and simplicity of a fabulous Arcadia. At least, 
these are the two obvious circumstances in the con- 
dition and culture of Spain, that favored the appear- 
ance of so singular a form of fiction as that of prose 
pastorals, though how much influence either exercised 
it may now be impossible to determine. 

. On one point, however, we are not left in doubt. 
We know whence the impulse came that called forth 
^uch a work for the first time in Castilian literature, 
and when it appeared there. It was Sannazaro, — a 
Neapolitan gentleman, whose family had been carried 
from Spain to Naples by the political revolutions of 
the preceding century, — who is the true father of the 
modern prose pastoral, which, from him, passed directly 
to Spain, and, during a long period of success in that 
country, never entirely lost the character its author 
had originally imjDressed upon it. His "Arcadia" — 
written, probably, without any reference to the Greek 
pastoral of Long as, but hardly without a knowledge 
of the "Ameto" of Boccaccio and the Eclogues of 
Bembo — was first published entire, at Naples, in 
1504.^ It is a genuine pastoral romance in prose and 
verse, in which, with a slight connecting narrative, and 
under the disguise of the loves of shepherds and shep- 
herdesses, Sannazaro relates adventures that really oc- 
curred to him and to some of his friends ; — he himself 

^ Ginguene, Hist. Litt. d'ltalie, Tom. X-., par Salvi, pp. 87, 92. 



94 THE DIANA ENAMORADA. [Period II. 

appearing under the name of Sincere, wlio is its prin- 
cipal personage. Such a work, of course, is somewhat 
fantastic from its very nature ; but the fiction of Sanna- 
zaro was written in the purest and most graceful Italian, 
and had a great success ; — a success which, perhaps, 
from the Spanish connections of his family, was early 
extended to Spain. At any rate, Spain was the first 
foreign country where the Arcadia was imitated, and 
was afterwards the only one where such works appeared 
in large numbers, and established a lasting influence. 

It is singular, however, that, like the romances 
^ 82 of "^'chivalry, pastoral romance w^as first intro- 
duced into Spain by a Portuguese, — by George of 
Montemayor, a native of the town of that name, near 
Coimbra. When he was born we are not told ; prob- 
ably it was before 1520. In his youth he was a sol- 
dier; but later, from his skill in music, he became 
attached to the travelling chapel of the prince of 
Spain, afterwards Philip the Second, and thus enjoyed 
an opportunity of visiting foreign countries, especially 
Italy and Flanders. But his mind was little cultivated 
by study. He knew no Latin, which even those of the 
humblest literary attainments were wont to acquire, in 
the age when he lived ; so that his success is due to 
his own genius and to the promptings of that passion 
which gave its color to his life. Probably he left Spain 
from disappointment in love ; probably, too, he perished 
in a duel at Turin, in 1561. But we know nothing 
more of him with any tolerable certainty.* 

His '^ Diana Enamorada," the chief of his works, 
was first printed at Valencia, in 1542.^ It is written 

* Barbosa, Bib. Lusitana, Tom. II. the Diana cited earlier tlian that of 

p. 809, and the Prologo to the Diana Madrid, 1545 ; but I possess one in 

of Perez, ed. 1614, p. 362. 4to, 112 leaves, well printed at Valen- 

^ 1 have never seen any edition of cia, in 1542, without the name of the 



Chap. XXXIIL] THE DIANA ENAMOEADA. 



95 



in good * Castilian, like his poetry, which is pub- * 83 
lishecl separately, though, like that, >^ith some in- 
termixture of his native Portuguese ; ^ and it contains, as 
he tells us, stories of adventures which really occurred^ 
We know, too, that under the name of Sereno, he was 
himself its hero ; and Lope de Yega adds, that Diana, 
its heroine, was a lady of Valencia de Don Juan, a 
town near the city of Leon.^ Montemayor's purpose, 
therefore, like that of Sannazaro, is to give, in the 
forms of a pastoral romance, an account of some events 
in his own life and in the lives of a few of his friends. 



printer. The story of Narvaez, of which 
I shall have occasion to speak when we 
come to Antonio Villegas, does not 
stand in the fourth book of this copy, 
as it does in the copies of most subse- 
quent editions. The first in which it 
is known to me to be inserted is one 
published by Alonso de Ulloa (see ante, 
Chap. II. note 10) at Venice in 1568, 
18mo, on the title-page of which Ulloa 
says, — ' ' Hanse anadido en esta ultima 
impresion los verdaderos amores de 
Abencerrage y la hermosa Xarifa," — 
from which I infer that Ulloa, who was 
somewhat free in handling the Spanish 
books he reprinted, was the first to 
insert the tale of ISTarvaez in the Ro- 
mance of Montemayor, from which, I 
think, it has never since been dropped. 
The Diana of Montemayor was so pop- 
ular, that at least sixteen editions of 
the original appeared in eighty years ; 
six French translations, according to 
Gordon de Percel (Bib. de 1' Usage des 
Romans, Paris, 1734, 12mo, Tom. II. 
pp. 23, 24) ; two German, according to 
Ebert ; and one English. The last, by 
Bartholomew Yong, (London, 1598, fo- 
lio,) is excellent, and some of its happy 
versions of the poetry of Montemayor 
are found in "England's Helicon," 
1600 and 1614, reprinted in the third 
volume of the " British Bibliographer," 
London, 1810, 8vo. The story of Pro- 
teus and Julia, in " The Two Gentle- 
men of Verona," was supposed by Mrs. 
Lenox and Dr. Farmer to be taken 
from that of Felismena, in the second 
book of Montemayor's Diana, and there- 
fore Collier has republished Yong's 



translation of the last in the second 
volume of his " Shakespeare's Library," 
(London, s. a. 8vo, ) though he doubts 
whether Shakespeare were really in- 
debted to it. Malone's Shakespeare, 
Bosw ell's ed., London, 1821, 8vo, Vol. 
IV. p. 3, and Brydges, Restituta, Lon- 
don, 1814, 8vo, Vol. I. p. 498. Poor 
abridgments of the Diana of Monte- 
mayor, and of Polo's Continuation, 
were published at London, 1738, 12mo. 
Sir Philip Sidney translated two or 
three of the short poems in Monte- 
maj^or's Diana; — the one in Book I. 
beginning, ' ' Cabellos quanta mudanza, ' ' 
being done very well. It was natural 
that the author of the Countess of Pem- 
broke's Arcadia should be familiar with 
Montemayor, especially as he was edu- 
cated at a time when a good deal of at- 
tention was paid to Spanish literature 
in England. 

^ Sometimes he wrote in both lan- 
guages at once ; at least he did so in 
his Cancionero, 1588, f. 81, where is a 
sonnet which may be read either as 
Spanish or as Portuguese. 

'^ In his Argumento to the whole ro- 
mance. 

^ Dorotea, Act II. Sc. 2. Obras Su- 
eltas, Tom. VII. p. 84. Lope adds 
that the Filida of Montalvo, the Gala- 
tea of Cervantes, the Camila of Garci- 
lasso, the Violante of Camoens, the Sil- 
va of Bernaldes, the Fills of Figueroa, 
and the Leonor of Cortereal, were all 
real persons disguised under fictitious 
names. See ante, Chap. X. note 23, 
Chap. XVI. note 12. 



96 THE DIAN"A ENAMORADA. [Pekiud II. 

To effect this, he brino-s tos^ether on the banks of the 
Ezla, at the foot of the mountains of Leon, a number 
of shepherds and shepherdesses, who relate their re- 
spective stories through seven books of prose, inter- 
mingled with verse. But the two principal personages, 
Sereno and Diana, who were introduced at first as 
lovers, are separated by magic ; and the romance is 
brought to an abrupt conclusion, little conformable to 
all the previous intimations, by the marriage of Diana 
to Delio, the nn worthy rival of Sereno. 

On first reading the Diana of Montemayor, it is not 
easy to rmderstand it. The separate stories of which 
it is composed are so involved with each other, and so 
inartiiicially united, that we are constantly losing the 
thread of the principal narration ; a difficulty which is 
much increased by the mixture of true and false geog- 
raphy, heathenism, magic, Christianity, and all the 
various contradictory impossibilities that naturally fol- 
low an attempt to place in the heart of Spain, and near 
one of its best-known cities, a poetical Arcadia, that 
never existed anywhere. The Diana, however, better 
merits the name of a romance than the Arcadia, which 
served for its model. Its principal fiction is ampler 

and more ingeniously constructed. Its episodes 
^ 84 are more interesting. ^ Much of it is warm with 

the tenderness of a disappointed attachment, 
which, no doubt, caused the whole to be written. Some 
of the poetry is beautiful, especially the lyric poetry ; 
and if its prose style is not so pure as that of San- 
nazaro, it is still to be remarked for its grace and rich- 
ness. Notwithstanding its many defects, therefore, the 
Diana is not without an interest for us even at this 
remote period, when the whole class of fictions to 
which it belongs is discountenanced and almost for- 



Chap. XXXIII.] THE DIANA ENAMORADA, 97 

gotten; and we feel tliat only poetical justice was 
done to it when it was saved, by the good taste of the 
curate, in the destruction of Don Quixote's library.^ 

The Diana, as has been intimated, was left unhnished 
by its author; but in 1564, three years after his death, 
Alonso Perez, a physician of Salamanca, to whom 
Montemayor, before he finally left Spain, had commu- 
nicated his plan for completing it, published a second 
part, which opens in the enchanted palace of Felicia, 
where the first ends, and gives us the adventures and 
stories of several shepherds and shepherdesses, not in- 
troduced before, as well as a continuation of the origi- 
nal fiction. But this second part, like the first, fails 
to complete the romance. It advances no further than 
to the death of Delio, the husband of Diana, — which, 
according to the purpose of Montemayor, was to have 
been followed by her union with Sereno, her first 
and true lover, — and * then stops abruptly, with ^85 
the promise of yet a third part, which never ap- 
peared. Nor was it, probably, demanded with any 
earnestness ; for the second, protracted through eight 
books, and considerably longer than its predecessor, is 

^ The extreme popularity of Monte- he goes on, "era tan acepta quanto yo 

mayor's Diana not only oansed many jamas otro libro en Eomance aya visto," 

imitations to be made of it, which must • — and that, in consequence of this, he 

be noticed hereafter, but was the occa- had sought the acquaintance of ilonte- 

sion of a curious travesty of it for re- mayor and met him at a friend's. The 

ligious piirposes, like the travesties of result of their intercourse was, that the 

Garcilasso de la Vega. The fiction to Friar wrote this spiritual parod}?^ of the 

which I refer is called ' ' Primera Parte Diana in the same number of books and 

de la Diana a lo Divino repartida en with parallel characters ; announcing at 

siete Libros compuesto por el muy Reve- the end a continuation, which was nev- 

rendo Padre Fray Bartholome Ponce," er published. He alludes to Monte- 

ec, (Caragoga, 1599, 12mo, 367 ff., but .mayor's death in a dull poem, and 

the authority to print is dated in 1571, seems to regard it as a judgment from 

and there Avas an edition at Zaragoza Heaven. The Friar died about 1595, 

in 1581.) Its purpose is to do honor and a slight notice of him will be found 

to the Madonna. In the Dedicatoria in Latassa, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 569, 

del Autor al Prudente Lector, Fray The only copy I ever saw of this very 

Bartholome says that, in 1559, being curious book belongs to Mons. Victor 

at court on business connected with his Cousin, Paris, and was inherited by 

monastery, he found everybody reading him from Fauriel. 
the Diana of Montemayor, — "la qual," 

VOL. III. 7 



98 THE DIA]S"A E^AMORADA. [Peeiod II. 

much inferior to it in merit. It lacks, in all its many 
stories^ the tenderness which the disappointment of 
Montemayor had given to the first portion of the work ; 
and, what perhaps is of no less consequence in this 
kind of composition, the prose is heavy and monoto- 
nous, and the verse worse.^^ 

But this unfortunate attempt was not the only con- 
sequence of Montemayor's success. The same year 
with that in which the work of Perez was published, 
another continuation appeared at Valencia, by Gaspar 
Gil Polo, a gentleman of that city, who was a Pro- 
fessor of Greek in itsTFniversity.^^ The Diana of Polo 
has the merit of being shorter than either of its prede- 
cessors. It is divided into five books, and contains an 
account of the falsehood and death of Delio, and the 
marriage of Diana to Sereno, whom she finds when 
she is seeking the husband who had basely abandoned 
her for another shepherdess. Several episodes and 
much pastoral poetry of different kinds are skilfully 
inserted ; but though the original plan of Montemayor 
appears to be completed, the book ends with the prom- 
ise of a still further continuation, which, though the 
author lived nearly thirty years after he made 
^ 86 it, seems never to have been fulfilled.^^ * His 

1° The first edition cited (Ant., Bib. a Latin one ; for whicli see post, note 

Nova, Tom. I. p. 539) is of 1564, and 13. It is well translated by Bart. Yong, 

there are others printed with Monte- as the third part of the Diana, in the 

mayor's Diana, Venice, 1568, 1585, same volume with the others ; but is 

Barcelona, 1614, etc., but its populari- really the seco^ic? part, 
ty was small, and I think it was never ^'^ There is a third part of the Diana, 

printed by itself after 1564. The edi- entitled "La Diana de Montemayor, 

tions of 1568 and 1614, which I possess, nuevamente compuesta por Hieronymo 

are curious. It was, however, trans- de Texeda, Castellano Interprete de 

lated into French, and by Ba,rt. Yong Lenguas, Eesidente en la Villa de Paris," 

into English ; and was printed in the etc. A Paris, xl Costa del Auctor, 1627. 

original more than once with the Diana It is dedicated to the Prince de Join- 

of Montemayor. ville, and fills tAvo volumes, — the first 

11 Polo's "Diana Enamorada" was of 346 pages and the second of 394, — 

first printed in 1564, and seven editions but my copy is bound as one volume, 

of the original appeared in half a cen- and seems never to have had but one 

tury, with two French translations and title-page. The Castilian style of the 



Chap. XXXIII. J 



THE FiLIDA. 



99 



work, however, was successful. Its prose has always 
found favor, and so have some portions of its verse ; 
especially the cancion of Nerea in the third book, and 
several of the shorter poems in the last.^^ 

The "• Ten Books of Fortune and Love," by Antonio 
de Lo Frasso, a Sardinian and a soldier, published in 
1573, is another Spanish romance of the same class 
with the Diana; but it is without merit, and was for- 
gotten soon after it appeared.^^ Nine years later, in 
1582, a better one was published, — the "Filida," — 
which passed early through five editions, and is still 
valued and read.^^ Its author, Luis Galvez de Mon- 



whole is simple but meagre, and the 
inveiitiou (luite worthless ; — made up 
occasionally of old and well-known 
stories, like that of the Cid, in the 
sixth book, — the Abencerrages, in the 
seventh, — the tribute of a hundred 
damsels extorted by Mauregato, in the 
ninth, — and so on. At the end of 
the tenth and last book a fourth part 
is promised, which was happily never 
published. 

13 The best edition of Gil Polo's Di- 
ana is that with a life of him by Cerda, 
Madrid, 1802, 12mo ; particularly val- 
uable for the notes to the "Canto de 
Turia," in which, imitating the "Canto 
de Orfeo," where Montemayor gives an 
account of the famous ladies of his 
time, Polo gives an account of the fa- 
mous j^octs of Valencia. For lives of 
Polo see, also, Ximeno, Escritores de 
Valencia, Tom. I. p. 270, and Fuster 
Bib. Valentina, Tom. I. p. 150. It is 
singular that Polo, who had such suc- 
cess with his Diana, should have print- 
ed nothing else, except one or two short 
and trifling poems. His Diana was 
translated into Latin by Caspar Barth, 
(see ante. Period I. Chap. XIII. note 
29,) under the name of " Erotodidasca- 
lus sive jSTemoralium," Libri V., Hano- 
viffi, 162.5, 12mo, pp. 315. Some of 
the metrical versions are very good. 

Gayangos notes among the earliest 
imitations of the Diana, one by Hyero- 
nimo de Arbolanches, printed at Zara- 
goza in 1566, and entitled "Las Havi- 
das," from Abido, one of the personages 
that figure in it. The story is strange, 



and in part disgusting, but Gayangos 
describes some of the poetry as worth 
reading. 

He gives similar praise to "El Prado 
de Valencia," in honor of Philip III. 
and the Duke of Lerma, who appear in 
the guise of shepherds, and in the course 
of which there are two Gertmn&ne^, or 
poetical joustings, in which Lopez Mal- 
donado, El Capitan Artieda, Guillen de 
Castro, and other known poets of the 
time, figure. It was published in Va- 
lencia in 1601. 

i'^ It is the same book that Cervantes 
ridicules in the sixth chapter of the 
first part of Don Quixote, and in the 
third chapter of his "Journey to Par- 
nassus " ; and is curious for some speci- 
mens of Sardinian poetry which it con- 
tains. But Pedro de Pineda, a teacher 
of Spanish in London, taking the ii^ony 
of the good curate in Don Quixote on 
Lo Frasso's romance to be sincere praise, 
printed a new edition of it, in two very 
handsome volumes, (London, 1740, Svo^) 
with a foolish Dedication and Prologo, 
alleging the authority of Cervantes for 
its great merit. Hardly any other of 
the Spanish prose pastorals is so absurd 
as this, or contains so much bad verse ; 
a great deal of which is addressed to 
living and known persons by their 
titles. The tenth book, indeed, is al- 
most entirely made up of such poetry. 
I do not recollect that Cervantes is fco 
.severe on any poet, in his "Journey to 
Parnassus," as he is on Lo Frasso. 

15 The best edition of the "Ffida" 
is the sixth, (Madrid, 1792, 8vo, ) witli 



100 THE FILIDA. [Period II. 

talvo, was born in Guadalaxara, a town near Alcala, 
the birthplace of Cervantes ; and, perhaps from this 

circumstance, they soon became acquainted, for 
* 87 they *were long friends, and often praised each 

other in their respective works.^^ They seem, 
however, to have had very different characters ; for, 
instead of the life of adventure led by Cervantes, 
Montalvo attached himself to the great family of 
Infantado, descended from the Marquis of Santillana, 
and passed most of his life as a sort of idle courtier 
and retainer in their ducal halls, near the place of his 
nativity. Subsequently he went to Italy, where he 
translated and published, in 1587, ^^ The Tears of Saint 
Peter," by Tansillo, and had begun a translation of 
the "Jerusalem Delivered" of Tasso, when he was cut 
off in the midst of his labors by an accidental death, 
in Sicil}^, about the year 1591.^' 

His "Filida," in seven parts, was written while he 
was attached to the Duke of Infantado • for he an- 
nounces himself on the title-page as " a gentleman and 
a courtier," and, in his Dedication to one of the family, 
says that " his greatest labor is to live idle, contented, 
and honored as one of the servants of their house." 
The romance contains, as was usual in such works, the 
adventures of living and known personages, among 
whom were Montalvo himself, Cervantes, and the 
nobleman to whom it is dedicated. But the tone of 
pastoral life is not better preserved than it is in the 
other fictions of the same class. Indeed, in the sixth 
part, there is a most inappropriate critical discussion 

a biographical prologue by Mayans i'^ Lope de Vega, Obras Sueltas, Tom. 

y Siscar ; ill-digested, as are all the I. p. 77, and Tom. XL p. xxviii. Don 

similar prefaces by himself and his Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Tom. I. p. 

brother ; but not without valuable 146, ancl Tom. III. p. 14, in the notes, 

matter. The "Tears" of Tansillo enjoyed the 

^^ Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, pp. honor of being six times translated into 

66, 278, 407. Spanish. 



Chap. XXXIII. ] YAKIOUS PROSE PASTORALS. 101 

on tlie merits of the two vschools of Spanish poetry 
then contending for fashionable mastery; and in the 
seventh is a courtly festival, with running at the ring, 
in which the shepherds appear on horseback with 
lances and armorial bearings, like knights. The prose 
style of the whole is pure and good ; and among the 
poems with which it abounds, a few in the old Spanish 
measure may be selected that are nearly, if not quite, 
equal to the similar poems of Montemayor. 

Cervantes, too, as we have already noticed, was led 
by the spirit of the times, rather, perhaps, than 
by his own *^ taste, to begin — as an offering to ^ 88 
the lady of his love — tlie "Galatea," of which 
the first six books, published in 1584, were all that 
ever a23peared.^^ This was followed, in 1586, by 
^^ Truth for the Jealous " ; again a romance in six 
books, and, like the last, unfinished. It was written 
by Bartolome Lopez de Enciso, of whom we know from 
himself that he was a young man when he wrote it, 
and that it was his purpose to publish a second part, 
of which, however, nothing more was heard. Nor can 
we regret that he failed to fulfil his promise. His 
fictions, which are occupied chiefly with the nymphs 
and shepherds of the Tagus, are among the most con- 
fused and unmeaning that have ever been attempted. 
His scene is laid, from its opening, in the days of the 
most ancient Greek mythology ; but the Genius of 
Spain, in the fifth book, carries the same shepherds 
who thus figure in the first to a magnificent temple, 
and shows them the statues of Charles the Fifth, of 
Philip the Second, and even of Philip the Third, who 
was not yet on the throne -, — thus confounding the 
earliest times of classical antiquity with an age which, 

'^^ Ante, Vol. II. pp. 98-101. 



102 VARIOUS PROSE PASTORALS. [Period II. 

at tlie end of the sixteenth century, was yet to come. 
Other inconsequences follow, in great numbers, as mat- 
ters of course, while nothing in either the prose or the 
poetry is of value enough to compensate for the ab- 
surdities in the story. Indeed, few portions of Spanish 
literature show anything more stiff and wearisome than 
the long declamations and discussions in this dull 
fiction.-^^ 

Another pastoral romance in six books, entitled 
" The Nymphs of the Henares," by Bernardo Gon- 
zalez de Bovadilla, was printed in 1587. The author, 
who was a native of the Canary Islands, confesses that 
he has placed the scene of Ms story on the banks of 
the Henares without having ever seen them ; but both 

he arid his romance have long since been for- 
^89 gotten. So has * " The Shepherds of Iberia," in 

four books, by Bernardo de la Vega, supposed to 
have been a native of Madrid, and certainly a canon 
of Tucuman, in Peru, whose ill-written story appeared 
in 159L But that these, and all that preceded them, 
enjoyed for a time the public favor is made plain 
by the fact, that they are all found in the library of 
Don Quixote, and that three of them receive high 
praise from Cervantes ; — much higher than has been 
confirmed by the decision of subsequent generations.^*^ 
Some time, however, elapsed before another came 
to continue the series, except the " Arcadia " of Lope 
de Vega^ which, though written long before, was not 
printed till 1598.2^ At last, '' The Age of Gold," by 

19 "Desengano de Celos, compuesto longed to Cerda y Rico, and which Pel- 

pof Bartholome Lopez de Enciso, Natu- licer borrowed of him to make the need- 

i-al de Tendilla," Madrid, 1586, l2mo, ful note on Enciso for his edition of 

821 leaves. There is, I believe, abso- Don Quixote, Parte I, c. 6. 

lutely nothing known of the author, ^^ Don Quixote, ed. Pellicer, Parte I- 

except what he tells us of himself in Tom. I. p. 67, and ed. Clemencin, Tom. 

this romance ; — an extremely rare book, I. p. 144. 

of which I possess the copy that be- ^i jinte, Vol. II. p. 156. The 



Chap. XXXIIL] EL SIGLO DE ORO. 10 



o 



Bernardo de Balbuena, appeared. Its author^ born on 
the vine-clad declivities of the Val de Penas, in 1568, 
early accompanied his family to Mexico, where he was 
educated, and where, when only seventeen j^ears old, 
he was already known as a poet. Once, at least, he 
visited his native country, and perhaps oftener ; but 
he seems to have spent most of his life, either in Ja- 
maica, where he enjoyed an ecclesiastical benefice, or 
in Puerto Rico, of which he was afterwards bishop, 
and where he died in 1627. 

Of the manners of the New World, however, or of 
its magnificent scenery, his "Age of Gold in the Woods 
of Eriphile " shows no trace. It was printed at Ma- 
drid, in 1608, and might have been written if its au- 
thor had never been in any other city. But it is not 
without merit. The poetry with which it abounds is 
generally of the Italian school, but is much better 
than can be found in most * of these doubtful * 90 
romances ; and its prose, though sometimes af- 
fected, is oftener sweet, simple, and flowing. Probably 
nothing^ in the nine ecloo;ues — as its divisions are un- 
suitably called — is connected with either the history 
or the scandal of the times ; and if this be the case, 
we have, perhaps, an explanation of the fact that it 
was less regarded by those contemporary with its pub- 
lication than were similar works of inferior merit. But 
whatever may have been the cause, it was long over- 
looked; no second edition of it being demanded till 

" Enamorada Elisea" of Geronimo de enumerating. It was written in the 

Covarrubias Herrera, printed in 1594, author's early youth, in fifteen " Ec- 

8vo, shouLl also be excepted ; but I logues," as he calls the books into 

know this work only from the account which it is divided, and it vms first 

of it by Gayangos. And certainly piiblished when he Avas twenty-eight 

an exception might be made for the years old ; but he ventured to give 

"Tragedias de Amor" of Juan Arze the world only five of the fifteen, add- 

Solorzauo, published in 1604, and again ing to each, after the fashion of the 

in 1607, — a prose pastoral, — if it were age, a miserable allegorical interpreta- 

not so poor that it is hardly worth tiou. 



104 THE CONSTANTS AMAKILIS. [Period IL 

1821, when it received the rare honor of being pub- 
Hshed anew by the Spanish Academy.^ 

The verjr next year after the first appearance of 
•' The Age of Gold/' Christoval Suarez de Figiieroa, a 
native of Valladohd^ a jurist and a soldier, published 
his " Constant Amaryllis, in Four Discourses," crowded, 
like all its predecessors, with short poems, and, like 
most of them, claiming to tell a tale not a little of 
which was true.^^ Its author, who lived a great deal 
in Italy, was already known by an excellent transla- 
tion of Guarini's " Pastor Fido,"^* and published, at 
different times afterwards, several original works which 

enjoyed much reputation.^^ 
* 91 * But he seems to have been a man of an unkind 

and unfaithful character. In a curious account of 
his own life which appeared in his " Traveller," he speaks 
harshly and insidiously of many of his contemporaries ; 

^■^ The prefatory notice to tliis edition claimed by the fair sex of its author's 

contains all that is known of Balbuena. faith ; but it is not worthy of much 

2^ There was an edition with a French praise. Ginguene complains of the 

translation in 1614, but the best is that original, which extends to seven thou- 

of Madrid,. 1781, 8vo. sand lines, for being too long. It is 

'^* It was first printed, I believe, at so ; but this translation of Dona Isabel 

Naples, in 1602, but was improved in is much longer, containing, I think, 

the edition at Valencia, 1609, 12mo, above eleven thousand lines. Its worst 

pp. 278, from which I transcribe the fault, however, is its bad taste. — There 

opening of Act. III. : — is a drama with the same title, "El 

Oprimaverajuventuddelano, Pastor Fido," in the Comedias Escogi- 

Nueya madre de flores, das, Tom. VIII. , 1657, f. 106; — but. 

Be nuevas^yervezillas y d' amores, though it is said to be written by 

Nobuelvenlorserenof" three poets no less famous than Soiis, 

Y aventurosos dias de mis gustos ; Coello, and Calderon, it has very little 

Tu buelves, si, tu buelves, value 

£r,5;f^eS*r,a „ Z V*™"" («'> ^ova Tom. I. p 

Miserable y doiiente 251) gives a list of nine ol the works ot 
De mi caro tesoro ya perdido. Figueroa, some of which must be no- 
P- 9*- ticed under their respective heads ; but 
This passage is so nearly word for it is probably not complete, for Figue- 
word, that it is not worth while to copy roa himself, in 1617, (Pasagero, f. 377,) 
the Italian, and yet its fluency and ease says he had already published seven 
are admirable. books, and Antonio gives only six be- 
There is a translation of the " Pastor fore that date ; besides which, a friend, 
Fido," by a Jewess, Dona Isabel de in the Preface to Figueroa's Life of the 
Correa, of which I know only the third Marquis of Caiiete, 1613, says he had 
edition, that of Antwerp, 1694, 12mo. written eight works in the ten years 
It is one of the few trophies in poetry then preceding. 



Chap. XXXIIL] THE COXSTANTE AMARILIS. 105 

and towards Cervantes — who had just died, after prais- 
ing everybody most generously during his whole life — 
he is absolutely malignant.^^ His last work is dated in 
1621, and this is the last fact we know in relation to 
him. His "Amaryllis," which, as he intimates, w^as 
composed to please a person of great consideration, 
did not satisfy its author.^^ It is, however, written in 
an easy and tolerably pure style ; and though it con- 
tains formal and wearisome discussions, like that in the 
first part on Poetry, and awkward machinery, such as 
a vision of Yenus and her court in the second, it is the 
only one of his works that has been reprinted or much 
read within the last century. 

A few pastoral romances appeared in Spain after the 
Amaryllis, but none of so much merit, and none that 
enjoyed any considerable degree of favor. Espinel 
Adorno ; ^^ Botelho, a Portuguese ; ^^ Quintana, who as- 
sumed the name of Cue vas -, ^^ Corral ; ^^ and Saave- 

26 JSTavaiTete, Vida de Cervantes, pp. ^^ " Experiencias de Amor y Fortuna, 

179-181, and elsewhere. The very cu- por el Licenciado Francisco de las Cue- 

rious notices given by Figueroa of his vas de Madrid, " Barcelona, 1649, 12mo. 

own life, which have never been used See also Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. 

for his biograjihy, are in his " Pasa- II. pp. 172 and 189. Francisco d« 

gero," from f. 286 to f. 392, and are, Quintana dedicated this pastoral to 

like many other passages of that singu- Lope de Vega, who wrote him a com- 

lar book, full of bitterness towards his plimentar}^ reply, in which he treats 

contemporaries, Lope de Vega, Villegas, Quintana as a young man, and this as 

Espinosa, etc. his first work. There were editions of 

■-^" Pasagero, f. 96, b. it in 1626, 1646, 1654, as well as the 

28 a YA Premio de la Constancia y one at Barcelona, above noted, and one 
Pastores de Sierra Bermeja, por Jacinto at Madrid, 1666, 12mo ; and in the 
de Espinel Adorno," Madrid, 1620, nineteenth volume of Lope's Obras 
12mo, 162 leaves. I find no notice of Sueltas, pp. 353-400, is a sermon 
it, except the slight one in Antonio, which Quintana delivered at the ob- " 
Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 613 ; but it is sequies of Lope, in the title of which 
better than some that were more gen- he is called Lope's "intimate friend." 
erally valued. 3i " La Cintia de Aranj aez, Prosas y 

29 "El Pastor de Clenarda de Miguel Versos, por Don Gabriel de Corral, 
Botelho de Carvalho," Madrid, 1622, Natural de Valladolid," Madrid, 1629, 
8vo. He wrote, also, several other 12mo, 208 leaves. I know of no other 
works ; all in Castilian, except his edition. He lived in Eome from 1630 
"Fills," a poem in octave stanzas, to 1632, and probably longer. (Anto- 
which is rather a story of his own life nio. Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 505.) He 
and adventures than anything else. is Gongoresque in his style, as is Quiu- 
Barbosa, Bib. Lus., Tom. III. p. 466. tana. 



106 INCONGRUITIES OF PASTORAL FICTION. [Period II. 

* 92 dra/^ * close up the series ; — the last bringing 
us down to just about a century from the first 
appearance of such fictions in the time of Montemayor, 
and all of them infected with the false taste of the 
period. Taken together, they leave no doubt that 
pastoral romance was the first substitute in Spain for 
the romances of chivalry, and that it inherited no 
small degree of their popularity. Most of the works 
we have noticed were several times reprinted, and the 
" Diana " of Montemayor, the first and best of them all, 
was probably more read in Spain during the sixteenth 
century than any Spanish work of amusement except 
the " Celestina." 

All this seems remarkable and strange, when we 
consider only the absurdities and inconsequences with 
which such fictions necessarily abound. But there is 
another side to the question, which should not be over- 
looked. Pastoral romance, after all, has its foundation 
in one of the truest and deepest principles of our com- 
mon nature, — that love of rural beauty, of rural 
peace, in short, of whatever goes to constitute a coun- 
try life, as distinguished from the constrained life of a 
city, which few are too dull to feel, and fewer still so 
artificial as wholly to reject. It has, therefore, pre- 
vailed more or less in all modern countries, as we may 
see in Italy, from the success that followed Sannazaro ; 
in France, from the " Astrea " of Durfe ; and in Eng- 
land, from the " Arcadia " of Sir Philip Sidney ; — the 
two latter being pastoral romances of enormous length, 
compared with any in Spanish • and the very last en- 

3^ " Los Pastores del Betis, por Gon- phon is dated 1634, there are, as a 

zalvo de Saavedra," Trani, 1633, 4to, separate tract, four leaves of religious 

pp. 280. It seems to have been written and moral advice to the author's son, 

in Italy ; but we know nothing of its when he was going as governor to one 

author, except that he was a Veinti- of the provinces of Naples ; betU-v 

((uatro of Cordova. His style is affect- written than the romance that precedes 

ed. In my copy, which in the coio- it. 



Chap. XXXIIL] INCOIS'GRUITIES OF PASTOPtAL FICTI0:N". 107 

joying for above a century a popularity wliicli may 
Avell be compared with that of the " Diana " of Monte- 
mayor, if, indeed, it did not equal it.^^ 

^ No doubt, in Spain, as elsewhere, the incon- * 93 
gruities of such fictions were soon perceived. 
Even some of those who most indulged in them showed 
that it was not entirely from a misapprehension of 
their nature. Cervantes, who died regretting that he 
should leave his " Galatea " imfinished, still makes him- 
self merry more than once in his " Don Quixote " with 
all such fancies; and, in his " Colloquy of the Dogs," 
permits one of them, who had been in shepherd ser- 
vice, to satirize the false exhibition of life in the best 
pastorals of his time, not forgetting his own among the 
rest.^* Lope de Vega, too, though he published his 
" Arcadia " under circumstances which show that he set 
a permanent value upon its gentle tales, could still, in 
a play where shepherds are introduced, make one of 
them — who found a real life among jflocks and herds 
in rough weather much less agreeable than the life he 
had read of in the pastorals — say, wdien suffering in a 
storm, — 

And I should like just now to see those men 

Who write such books about a shepherd's life, 

Where all is spring and flowers and trees and brooks.^ 

Still, neither Cervantes, nor Lope, nor anybody else 
in their time, thought seriously of discountenancing 

^^ Portugal might have been added. ^ Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 6, in the 
The " Menina e JMo9a," of Bernardino examination of the library, where his 
Pibeyro, printed in 1557, is a beautiful niece begs that the pastorals m.a.j be 
fragment; and the " Prima veira" of burnt as well as the books of chivalry, 
Francisco Rodriguez de Lobo, in three lest, if her uncle were cured of knight- 
long parts, printed between 1601 and errantry, he should go mad as a shep- 
1614, — the first of which was translat- herd; — and Parte IL c. 67 and 73, 
ed into Spanish by Juan Bart. Morales, where her fears are very nigh being 
1629, — is among the best full-length realized. 

pastoral romances extant. Both for a ^ Comedias, Parte VI., Madrid, 1615, 

long time M^ere favorites in Portugal, 4to, f. 102. El Cuerdo en su Casa, Act 

and are still read there. Barbosa, Bib. L He rejieats the same jest in the 

Lus., Tom. I. p. 518, Tom. 11. p. 242. Dorotea, Act II. Sc. 5. 



108 POPULARITY OF PASTOEAL FICTIONS. [Period 11. 

pastoral fictions. On the contrary, there was in their 
very style — which was generally an imitation of the 
Italian, that gave birth to them all — something attrac- 
tive to a cultivated Castilian ear, at a time when the 
school of Garcilasso was at the height of its popularity 
and favor. Besides this, the real events they recorded, 
and the love-stories of persons in high life that they 
were known to conceal, made them sometimes 
* 94 riddles and ^^ sometimes masquerades, which en- 
gaged the curiosity of those who moved in the 
circles either of their authors or of their heroes and 
heroines.^^ But more than all, the glimpses they af- 
forded of nature and truth — such genuine and deep 
tenderness as is shown by Montemayor, and such fre- 
quent descriptions of natural scenery as occur in Bal- 
buena — were, no doubt, refreshing in a state of society 
stiff and formal as was that at the Spanish court in the 
times of Philip the Second and Philip the Third, and 
in the midst of a culture more founded on military 
virtues and the spirit of knighthood than any other of 
modern times. As long, therefore, as this state of 
things continued, pastoral fictions and fancies, filled 
with the dreams of a poetical Arcadia, enjoyed a de- 
gree of favor in S23ain which they never enjoyed any- 
where else. But when this disappeared, they disap- 
peared with it. 

38 a '•pj^g Diana of Montemayor," says and the Filis of Figneroa, were real pet- 
Lope deVega, in the passage from his sonages." Others might be added, on 
"Dorotea" already cited, (n. 8,) "was the authority of their authors, such as 
a lady of Valencia de Don Juan, near "Los Diez Libros de Fortunay Amor," 
Leon, and he has made both her and "La Cintia de Aranjuez," etc. See a 
the river Ezla immortal. So the Filida note of Clemencin, Don Quixote, Tom. 
of Montalvo, the Galatea of Cervantes, VI. p. 440. 



*CHAPTEE XXXIV. * 95 

ROMANCES IN THE STYLE OP ROGUES. STATE OF MANNERS THAT PRODUCED 

THEM. — MENDOZa's LAZARILLO DE TORMES. — ALEMAN'S GUZMAN DE AL- 
FARACHE, WITH THE SPURIOUS CONTINUATION OF IT BY SAYAVEDRA AND 

THE TRUE ONE BY ALEMAN. PEREZ. ESPINEL AND HIS MARCOS DE 

OBREGON. — YANEZ. QUEVEDO. SOLORZANO. — ENRIQUEZ GOMEZ. ES- 

TEYANILLO GONZALEZ. 

The next form of prose fiction produced in Spain, 
and the one whicli, from its greater truth, has enjoyed 
a more permanent regard than the last, is found in 
those stories that have commonly gone under the 
name of "tales in the gusto picaresco,'' or tales in the 
style of rogues. Taken as a class, they constitute a 
singular exhibition of character, and are, in fact, as 
separate and national in their air as anything in the 
whole body of modern literature. 

Their origin is obvious, and the more so from what 
is most singular in their character. They sprang di- 
rectly from the condition of some portions of society 
in Spain when they appeared ; — a condition, it should 
be added, which has existed there ever since, and con- 
tributed to preserve for the stories that bear its impress 
no little of the favor they have always enjoyed. Be- 
fore speaking of them in detail, we must, therefore, 
notice the peculiar circumstances of the country, and 
the peculiar state of manners that gave them birth. 

The wars of the opposing races and religions, that 
had constituted so much of the business of life, and so 
long engrossed the thoughts of men, in Spain, had, in- 
deed, nearly ceased from the time of Ferdinand and 



110 THE GUSTO PICARESCO AND ITS ORIGIN. [Period II, 

Isabella. But the state of character they had pro- 
duced m the Spanish people had by no means 
* 96 ceased with them. On ^ the contrary, it had 
been kept in the freshest activity by those vast 
enterprises which Charles the Fifth had pushed for- 
ward in Italy, France, and Germany, with such success, 
that the Spanish nation, always marked by a sanguine 
enthusiasm, had become fully persuaded that it w^as 
destined to achieve an empire which, covering the 
whole of the New World and whatever was most de- 
sirable in the Old, should surpass in glory and power 
the empire of the Csesars in the days of its jDalmiest 
supremacy. 

This magnificent result was a matter of such general 
faith, that men often felt a desire to contribute their 
personal exertions to accomplish it. Not only the high 
nobility of Spain, therefore, but all cavaliers and men 
of honor who sought distinction, saw, with the excep- 
tion of places in the civil administration of affairs or in 
the Church, no road open before them on which they 
were so much tempted to enter as that of military 
enterprise. Laborious occupation in the business of 
common life and practical and ' productive industry 
were, in consequence, discountenanced, or held in 
contempt, while the armies Avere thronged, and multi- 
tudes of gentlemen and men of culture, like Cervantes 
and Lope de Vega, gladly served in them as simple 
soldiers. 

But large as were the armies of Charles the Fifth 
and Phihp the Second, all who desired it could not be 
soldiers. Many persons of decent condition, therefore, 
remained idle, because they found no occupation which 
was not deemed below their rank in society ; while 
others, having made an experiment of military life 



Chap. XXXI V.] THE GUSTO PICARESCO AND ITS ORIGIN". Ill 

sufficient to disgust them with its hardships, returned 
home unfitted for everything else. These two sorts 
of persons formed a chiss of idlers that hung loose 
upon society in the principal cities of Spain, thriving 
at best by flattery and low intrigue, and sometimes 
driven for subsistence to crime. Their number was 
by no means small. They were known and marked 
wherever they went ; and their characters, represented 
with much spirit, and often with great faithfulness, are 
still to be recognized in the proud, starving cavaliers 
of Mendoza and Quevedo, who stalk about the streets 
upon adventure, or crowd the antechamber of the 
minister, "^and weary his patience with their ab- * 97 
ject supplications for the meanest places it is in 
his power to bestow.-^ 

But there was yet another body of persons in Spain^ 
nearly akin to the last in spirit, though differing from 
them in their original position, who figure no less in 
this peculiar form of fiction. They were the active, 
the shrewd, and the unscrupulous of the lower portions 
of society ; — men who were able to perceive that the 
resources and power of the jcountry, with all the ad- 
vantages they desired to reach, were already in pos- 
session of an aristocratic caste, who looked to them 
for nothing but a sincere and faithful loyalty. During 
a long period, — the period of danger and trouble at 
home, — the fidelity of this class had been complete 
and imhesitating ; bringing with it little feeling of 
wrong, and perhaps no sense of degradation ; for such 
men, in such times, claimed from their superiors only 
protection, and, receiving this, asked for nothing else. 

1 Of these poor, proud Hidalgos, quella, suppliscono con superbia, 6, 

Favagiero, with a single touch, gives a come dicono loro, con fantasia, della 

living picture as he saw them at Toledo quale sono si ricchi, che, se fossero 

in 1525. " De' cavalieri pochi sono che eguali le faculta, non bastaria il mondo 

habbino raolta intrata j ma, in loco di contra loro." Ed. 1563, f, 10. 



112 THE GUSTO PICAKESCO AND ITS OEIGIN. [Period II. 

At last, howeverj other prospects opened upon them. 
Peace came gradually, as the Moors were driven out ; 
and with it came a sense of independence and personal 
rights, which sometimes expressed itself in social rest- 
lessness, as in the frequent troubles at the universities ; 
and sometimes, as in the wars of the Comuneros, in 
open rebellion. Contemporary, too, with these up- 
ward struggles of the masses of the people, which 
were always successfully rebuked and repressed, came 
the conquests in America, pouring such floods of wealth 
as the world had never before seen upon a country 
that had for ages been one of the poorest and most 
suffering in Europe. The easily got treasure — which 
was at first only in the hands of military adventurers 
or of those who had obtained grants of office and terri- 
tory in the New World — was scattered as lightly as it 
was won. The shrewd and unprincipled of the less 
favored classes soon learned to gather round 
* 98 its "^ possessors, as they came home with their 
tempting burdens, and found ready means to 
profit by the golden shower that fell on all sides, with 
a profusion which carried an unhealthy action through 
every division of society. Little, however, could be 
obtained by men so humble and in a position so false, 
except by the arts of cunning and flattery. Cunning 
and flattery, therefore, were soon called forth among 
them in great abundance. The wealth of the Indies 
was a rich compost, that brought up parasites and 
rogues with other noxious weeds ; and Paul, the son 
of a barber, and nephew of a hangman ; Cortadillo, a 
young thief, whose father was a village tailor, and 
Little Lazarus, who could never settle his genealogy 
to his own satisfaction, became, in the literature of 
their country, the permanent representatives of their 



Chap. XXXIV.] GUZMAX DE ALFARACHE. 113 

class ; — a class well known under the degrading name 
of the Catariheras^ or the gayer one of Picaros. 

The first instance of a fiction founded on this state 
of things was, as we have already seen, the " Lazarillo 
de Tormes " of Mendoza, which was published as early 
as 1553 ; a bold, unfinished sketch of the life of a 
rogue, from the very lowest condition in society. This 
was followed, forty-six years afterwards, by the ^^ Guz- 
man de Alfarache " of Mateo Aleman, the most ample 
portraiture of the class to which it belongs that is to 
be found in Spanish literature.^^ What induced Ale- 
man to write it we do not know. Indeed, we know 
httle about him, except that he was a native of Seville, 
and wrote three or four other works of less conse- 
quence than this tale ; that he was long employed in 
the treasury department of the government, and sub- 
jected to a vexatious suit at law in consequence 
of it; and that at * last, retiring of his own choice * 99 
to private life, he visited Mexico in 1609, and de- 
voted the remainder of his days, either there or in 
Spain, to letters.^ He may, at some period, have been 

2 For these low, vagabond attorneys, of the base distinction the name im- 

or jackals of attorneys, ^ the Cataribe- plies. Lib. II. c. 2. 
ras, — see ante. Vol. I. pp. 478, 479, ^ Antonio, Bib. Nova, Article Mat- 

note. The effect of the wealth of the thce-us Aleman; and Salva, Eepertorio 

Indies in corrupting the manners of the Americano, 1827, Tom. III. p. 65. For 

Spanish people, and especially those of his troubles with the government, see 

the middling and lower classes, is no- Navarrete, " Vida de Cervantes," 1819, 

ticed by Canipanella in his remarkable p. 441. He seems to have been old 

discourse written in prison to persuade when he went to Mexico ; and Don 

Philip IV. to strive for universal mon- Adolfo de Castro, at the end of the 

archy, and showing him how to obtain "Buscapie," 1848, gives us a letter, 

it. "Vere affirmare possumus," he dated at Seville, April 20, 1607, from 

says, "mundum novum quodammodo Aleman to Cervantes, of whose origin 

perdidisse niundum veterem" ; — add- or discovery we receive no account what- 

ing, that men gave np everything for ever, and into which its author seems 

American gold, — "mancipantes seipsos to have thrust all the p)ro verbs and allu- 

fertilitati pecunire et divitum doraibus." sions he could collect; — none, how- 

Th. Campanellae de Monarehia Hispani- ever, so obscure that the curious learn- 

caDiscursus, Ed. Elzevir, 1640, cap. 16, ing of Don Adolfo cannot elucidate 

pp. 170, 171. them. The Avhole letter is a complaint 

H Guzman de Alfarache is, indeed, of Aleman's own hard fortune, and a 

ths true lAcaro ; — he is proud, even, prediction of that of Cervantes, ending 

VOL. Ill, 8 



114 GUZMAN DE ALFAKACHE. [Period II. 

a soldier ; for one of his friends^ in a eiilogium prefixed 
to the second part of " Guzman de Alfarache/' sums 
up his character by saying that " never soldier had a 
poorer purse or a richer heart, or a life more unquiet 
and full of trouble, than his was ; and all because he 
accounted it a greater honor to be a poor philosopher 
than a rich flatterer." 

But whatever he may have been, or whatever he 
may have suffered, his claims to be remembered are 
now centred in his " Guzman de Alfarache." As it has 
reached us, it is divided into two parts, the first of 
which was published at Madrid, in 1599. Its hero, 
who supposed himself to be the son of a decayed and 
not very reputable Genoese merchant established at 
Seville, escapes, as a boy, from his mother, after his 
father's ruin and death, and plunges into the world 
upon adventure. He soon finds himself at Madrid, 
though not till he has passed through the hands of 
justice ; and in that capital undergoes all sorts of suf- 
fering, serving as a scullion to a cook, and as a ragged 
errand-boy to whomsoever would employ him ; until, 
seizing a good opportunity, he steals a large sum of 
money that had been intrusted to him, and escapes to 
Toledo, where he sets up for a gentleman. But there 
he becomes, in his turn, the victim of a cunning like 

his own ; and, finding his money nearly gone, 
* 100 ^ enlists for the Italian wars. His star is now 

on the wane. At Barcelona, he again turns 
sharper and thief. At Genoa and Rome, he sinks to 
the lowest conditions of a street beggar. But a cardi- 

with a declaration of the purpose of its that Cervantes intended to speak slight- 
writer to go to Mexico. It does not ingly of the " Guzman de Alfarache " ; 
seem to me to be genuine ; but if it is, — a conjecture not to be sustained, if 
it gives the coup de grace to Clemencin's the relations of Cervantes with Aleraan 
conjectures, in his notes to both the were as friendly as this letter, published 
first and second part of Don Quixote, by Don Adolfo de Castro, implies. 
(Parte I. c. 22, and Parte 11. c. 4,) 



Chap. XXXI V.] GUZMAN DE ALFARACHE. 115 

nal picks liim up in the last city and makes him his 
page ; a place in which, but for his bold frauds and 
tricks, he might long have thriven, and which at last 
he leaves in great distress, from losses at play, and 
enters the service of the French ambassador. 

Here the First Part ends. It was very successful ; 
falling in with the vices and humors of the times, just as 
the loose court of Philip the Third, and the corrupting 
influences of his favorite, the Duke of Lerma, came to 
offer a sort of carnival to f3lly and vice, after the 
hypocrisy and constraints of the last dark years of 
Philip the Second. The Guzman, therefore, within a 
twelvemonth after it appeared, passed through three 
editions; and, in less than six years, as we are told, 
through twenty-six, besides being translated into 
French and Italian.* It was imitated, too, in a Second 
Part by some unknown person, probably by Juan 
Marti, a Yalencian advocate, who disguised himself 
under the name of Mateo Luxan de Sayavedra, and 
published in 1603 what he boldly called a continua- 
tion of the Guzman.^ But it was a base attempt, 

* The first three editions, those of to be, if Heaven should not stop it." 

iladrid, Barcelona, and Saragossa, are Parte 11. c. xvi. 

well known, and are all of 3 599; but ^ This continuation, not quite so long 

most of the remaining three-and-twenty as the fu'st part of the original work, 

rest on the authority of Valdes, in a was printed at Madrid, 1846, Svo, in 

letter prefixed to the first edition of the the third volume of the " Biblioteca" 

second part, (Valencia, 1605, 12mo,) an of Aribau. Previously, it had been 

authority, however, which there seems hardly known in literary history, and 

no sufficient reason to question, remark- much overlooked by the bibliographers ; 

able as the story is. Valdes says ex- Ebert, who had found some traces of it, 

pi'essly, "the number of printed volumes attributing it to Aleman himself, and 

exceeds fifty thousand, and the num- considering it as a true second part of 

ber of impressions that have come to the Guzman. But this is a mistake. 

my notice is twenty-six." If the con- Both Aleman himself and his friend 

jecture of Clemencin mentioned in the Valdes are exjdicit on the subject, in 

last note is sustained, I should think their epistles prefixed to the first edition 

Cervantes meant to ridicule this state- of the second part ; — Valdes declarinsj 

ment of Aleman's friend, when he makes that the author of the continuation in 

Don Quixote say of the first part of his question was "a Valencian, who, falsi- 

own history, "Thirty thousand vol- fying his own name, called hiu;h';elf 

umes of my life have been printed, and Mateo Luxan, to assimilate himse'f to 

thirty times thirty thousand are likely Mateo Aleman." Aleman hiinself says 



116 



GUZMAN DE ALFARACHE. 



[Period II. 



* 101 * which, though not without Hterary merits 
brought upon its author the just reproaches 
of Aleman, who intimates that his own manuscripts 
had been improperly used in its composition, and the 
just sarcasm of Aleman's friend, Luis de Yaldes, who 
exposed the meanness of the whole fraud.^ 

In 1605, the genuine Second Part appeared/ It 
begins with the life of Guzman in the house of the 
French ambassador at Eome, where he serves in some 
of the most dishonorable employments to which the 
great of that period degraded their mercenary depen- 



he Avas obliged to rewrite "his Second 
Part, because he had, through a prod- 
igal communication of his papers, been 
robbed and defrauded of the materials 
out of which he had originally composed 
it. Fuster, in his " Biblioteca," Tom. 
I. p. 198, gives strong reasons for sup- 
posing the spurious Second Part was 
written by Juan Marti, a Valencian ad- 
vocate. But he need not have given 
himself the trouble he did. Aleman 
in the Second Part of the Guzman 
makes the matter plain enough. See 
Book II. Chaps. II. and IV., as well as 
Book I. c. 8. 

^ In the edition of the First Part, 
printed at Brussels, in 1600, (and prob- 
ably, therefore, in the first edition, 
which was printed in 1599,) Aleman 
says his Second Part was already writ- 
ten, and was made to end as the true 
S.'cond Part really does end, with Guz- 
man's punishment in the gall< ys ; — a 
fact which confirms what he afterwards 
said about the plunder of his MS. for 
the- spurious Second Part, which did 
not appear till 1603, and ends in the 
same way. 

"^ There has been some confusion in 
the various statements about the time 
of the appearance of these two Second 
Parts ; both being amoug the rarest 
books in Castilian literature. But I 
j)ossess both, and cau have no doubt 
about the matter. 

The spurious Second Part was first 
printed at Madrid, in 1603, with the 
following title : " Segunda Parte de la 
Vida del Picaro Guzman de Alfarache, 
compuesta por Mateo Luxan de Saya- 



vedra, ISTatural Vezino de Sevilla. Con 
Licencia, en Madrid en la Imprenta 
Real," 1603, 12mo, pp. 437. It has 
one A2Jrovacion dated Valencia, August 
8, 1602, and another at Valladolid, the 
last of May, 1603;- — the license to 
print, Valladolid, 1 Julj^ 1603 ; the 
Tassa, 3 September, 1603; — and a 
somewhat disingenuous Preface by Fran- 
cisco Lopez, its bookseller and publish- 
er, dated September 23, 1603. 

The gentiine Second Part was first 
printed at Valencia in 1605 with the 
following title : "Segunda Parte de la 
Vida de Guzman de Alfarache, Atalaya 
de la Vida humana, por Mateo Aleman, 
su vercladero autor. Y advierta el Letor, 
que la Segunda Parte cpie salio antes 
desta no era mia ; solo esta roconozco 
por tal. Dirigida," ec. Ano 1605, Va- 
lencia. The license to print is dated 
Valencia, 22 September, 1605, aud the 
Jjjrovacion, which, like the first one 
of the false Second Part, is given by 
Petrus Joannes de Assensius, is dated 
17 October, 1605. Aleman, therefore, 
seems to have chosen to publish it in 
the city where Marti lived, and in the 
manner most off'ensive to him. It is 
dedicated to Don Juan de Mendoza, 
and has a Preface full of bitterness 
about the false Second Part and the 
laudatory notice by El Alferez Luis de 
Valdes already cited. It makes 585 pp., 
12mo, after which come the Tahla and 
a Latin epigram and a Spanish sonnet 
by a Portuguese friar named Lope, in 
honor of the work. 

Each of these Second Parts promises 
a third, which never appeared. 



Chap. XXXIY.] GUZMAN DE ALFARACHE. 117 

dants. But liis own follies and crimes drive him away 
from the place for which he seems to have been in 
most respects well fitted, and he goes to Siena, At 
this point in his story, it seems to have occurred to 
Aleman to attack the Sayavedra wdio had endeavored 
to impose upon the world with a false second part of 
the Guzman. He therefore introduces a person who 
is made thus to describe himself: — 

*"He told me/' says Gruzman, who always * 102 
writes in the style of autobiography, — "he told 
me, that he was an Andalusian, born in Seville, my 
own native city, Sayavedra by name, with papers to 
show that he belonged to one of the oldest and most 
distinguished families among us. Who would susj^ect 
fraud under such a fair outside ? And yet it was all 
a lie. He was a Yalencian. I do not give his true 
name, for good reasons; but what with his flowing 
Castilian, his good looks, and his agreeable manners, 
it was impossible for me to suspect that he was a thief, 
a sponge, and a cheat, who had dressed himself up in 
peacock's feathers only to obtain by falsehood such an 
entrance into my apartments that he could rob me of 
whatever he liked." ^ 

This personage, his history and adventures, fill too 
large a space in the second par? of the Guzman ; for 
when once Aleman had seized him, he seemed not to 
tire of inflicting punishment so soon as the reader 
does of witnessing it. Sayavedra robs and cheats 
Guzman early in this portion of the story; but after- 
wards accompanies him, in an equivocal capacity, 
through Milan, Bologna, and Genoa, to Spain, where, 
partly perhaps to get rid of him, and partly perhaps, 
as Cervantes did afterwards in the case of Don Quixote 

8 Parte 11. Lib. I c. 8. 



118 GUZMAN DE ALFARACHE. [Period II. 

and Avellaneda^ in order to end his story and prevent 
his enemy from continuing it any further, Aleman 
brings his victim's Kfe to a close. 

The remainder of the book is filled with the adven- 
tures of Guzman himself, which are as wild and vari- 
ous as possible. He becomes a merchant at Madrid, 
and cheats his creditors by a fraudulent bankruptcy. 
He marries, but his wife dies soon ; and then he be- 
gins, as a student at Alcala, to prepare himself for the 
Church 5 — a consummation of wickedness which is 
prevented only by his marriage a second time. His 
second wife, however, leaves him at Seville, where he 
had established himself, and elopes with a lover to 
Italy. After this, he is reduced again to abject pov- 
erty ; and, unable to live with his old, wretched, and 
shameless mother, he becomes major-domo to a lady 
of fortune, robs her, and is sent to the galleys, 
* 1 03 where he has ^ the good luck to reveal a con- 
spiracy, and is rewarded with his freedom and 
a full pardon. 

With this announcement the second part abruptly 
ends, not without promising a third, which was never 
published, though the author, in his Preface, says it 
was already written. The work, therefore, as it has 
come to us, is imperfect. But it was not, on that ac- 
count, the less favored and admired. On the contrary, 
it was translated and printed all over Europe, in 
French, in Italian, in German, in Portuguese, in Eng- 
lish, in Dutch, and even in Latin ; a rare success, 
whose secret lies partly in the age when the Guzman 
appeared, and still more in the power and talent of the 
author.^ The long moralizing discourses with which it 

^ The common bibliographers give English is by Mabbe, and is excellent, 
lists of all the translations. The first (See Wood's Athense, ed. Bliss, Tom. 



Chap. XXXIV.] GUZMAN DE ALFAKACHE. 119 

abounds^ written in a pure Castilian style, with mucli 
quaintness xind skill, though in fact to us dull, were 
then admired, and saved it from censures which it could 
otherwise hardly have failed to encounter. These are, 
no doubt, the passages that led Ben Jonson to speak 
of it as 

" The Spanish Proteus, which, though wi'it 
But in one tongue, was formed with the world's wit, 
And hath the noblest mark of a good booke, 
That an ill man doth not securely looke 
Upon it ; but will loathe or let it passe, 
As a deformed face doth a true glasse." ^'^ 

This, however, is not its real, or at least not its main 
character. The Guzman is chiefly curious and interest- 
ing because it shows us, in the costume of the times, 
the life of an ingenious, Machiavellian rogue, who is 
never at a loss for an expedient; who always treats 
himself and speaks of himself as an honest and re- 
spectable man ; and who sometimes goes to 
mass and says his prayers just before ^ he en- * 104 
ters on an extraordinary scheme of roguery, as 
if on purpose to bring it out in more striking and bril- 
liant relief So far from being a moral book, there- 
fore, it is a very immoral one, and Le Sage spoke in 
the spirit of its author, when, in the next century, 
undertaking to give a new French version. of it, he 
boasted that he " had purged it of its superfluous moral 
reflections." ^^ 

III. p. 54, and Eet. Eeview, Tom. V. 1° See the rerses prefixed to the trans- 

p. 189.) It went through at least four lation of Mabbe, and signed by Ben 

editions, the fourth being printed at Jonson. 

London, 1656, folio ; besides which i^ There ai-e four French translations 

there has been a subsequent transla- of it, beginning with one by Chappuis, 

tion by several hands, taken, however, in 1600, and coming down to that of 

I think, from the French of Le Sage. Le Sage, 1732, which last has been 

The Latin Translation was by Gaspar many times reprinted. The third in 

Ens, and I have seen editions of it re- the order of dates was made by Bre- 

ferred to as of 1623, 1624, and 1652. mont, while in prison in Holland ; and. 

Everything, indeed, shows that the out of spite against the administration 

popular success of the Guzman was of justice, from v/hich he was sufferinr:, 

immense throughout Euroi^e. he made bitter additions to the origin>d 



120 THE PiCARA JUSTINA. [Period II. 

It has, naturally, a considerable number of episodes. 
That of Sayavedra has already been noticed, as occupy- 
ing a space in the work disproportionate to everything 
but the anger of its author. Another — the story of 
Osmyn and Daraxa, which occurs early — is a pleasing 
specimen of those half-Moorish, half-Christian fictions 
that are so characteristic a portion of Spanish litera- 
ture,^^ And yet another, which is placed in Spain and 
in the time of the Great Constable, Alvaro de Luna, is^ 
after all, an Italian tale of Masuccio, used subsequently 
by Beaumont and Fletcher in " The Little French 
Lawyer." ^^ But, on the whole, the attention of the 
reader is fairly kept either upon the hero or upon the 
long discussions in which the hero indulges himself, 
and in which he draws striking, though not unfre- 
quently exaggerated and burlesque, sketches of all 
classes of society in Spain, as they successively pass 
in review before him. At first, Aleman thought of 
calling his work " A Beacon-light of Life." The name 
would not have been inappropriate, and it is the quali- 
ties implied under it — the sagacity, the knowledge of 
life and character, and the acuteness of its reflections 
on men and manners — that have preserved for it 
somewhat of its original popularity down to our own 

times. 
^'lOS * In 1605 another story of the same class ap- 
peared, the " Picara Justina," or the Crafty 
Justina, — again a seeming autobiography, and again 

whenever a judge or a bailiff came whither he went as fast as he could to 

into his hands. See the Preface of Le escape pursuit. 

Sage. ^^ Beaumont and Fletcher, ed. Weber, 

^2 Parte I. Lib. I. c. 8. It is related Edinburgh, 1812, 8vo, Vol. V. p. 120. 

by Guzman, however, who is much too Le Sage omits it in his version, because, 

young to tell such a story. It may be he says, Scarron had made it one in his 

noted, also, that Guzman grows very collection of tales. It has, in fact, 

suddenly to man's estate, aft^r leaving been often used, as have many other 

Madrid and liefore reaching Toledo, stories of the same class. 



Chap. XXXIV.] THE PiCARA JUSTINA. 121 

a fiction of very doubtful morality. It was written by 
a Dominican monk, Andres Perez of Leon, who was 
known, both before and after its appearance, as the 
author of works of Christian devotion, and who had so 
far a sense of the incongruity of the Picara Justina 
with his religious position, that he printed it under the 
assumed name of Francisco Lopez de Ubeda. He 
claims to have written it when he was a student at 
the University of Alcala, but admits that, after the 
appearance of the "Guzman de Alfarache," he made 
large additions to it. It is, however, in truth, a mere 
imitation, and a very poor one, of Aleman. The first 
book is filled with a tedious, rambling account of Jus- 
tina's ancestors, w^ho are barbers and puppet-showmen ; 
and the rest consists of her own life, brought down to 
the time of her first marriage, marked by few adven- 
tures, and ending with an intimation, that, at the time 
of writing it, she had already been married yet twice 
more ; that she was then the wife of Guzman de Alfa- 
rache ; and that she should continue her memoirs still 
further, in case the public should care to hear more 
about her. 

The Justina discovers little power of invention in the 
incidents, which are few and uninteresting. Indeed, the 
author himself declares that nearly all of them were 
actual occurrences within his own experience ; and 
this circumstance, together with the meagre " improve- 
ments," as they are called, — or warnings against the 
follies and guilt of the heroine, with which each chap- 
ter ends, — is regarded by him as a sufficient justifica- 
tion for publishing a work whose tendency is obviously 
mischievous. Nor is the style better than the inci- 
dents. There is a constant efibrt to say witty and 
brilliant things, but it is rarely successful ; and besides 



122 MARCOS DE OBREGON. [Period II. 

this, there is an affectation of new words and singular 
phrases which do not belong to the genius and analo- 
gies of the language, and which have caused at least 
one Spanish critic to regard Perez as the first 
"^106 author who left the sober ^ and dignified style 
of the elder times, and, from mere caprice, 
undertook to invent a new one.^^ 

But though the "Picara Justina" proved a failure, 
the overwhehiiing popularity of ^^ Guzman de Alfa- 
rache," when added to that of " Lazarillo," rendered this 
form of fiction so generally welcome in Spain, that it 
made its way into the ductile drama, and into the style 
of the shorter tales, as we have already seen when 
treating of Lope de Yega and Cervantes, and as we 
shall see hereafter when we come to speak of Salas 
Barbadillo and Francisco de Santos. Meantime, how- 
ever, the " Escudero Marcos de Obregon " appeared; a 
work which has, on many accounts, attracted attention, 
and which deserves to be remembered, as the best of 
its kind in Spanish literature, except " Lazarillo " and 
" Guzman." 

It was written by Vicente Espinel, who was born, 
probably in 1551, at Honda, a romantic town, boldly 
built in the mountain range that stretches through the' 
southwestern portion of the kingdom of Granada, and 

1* The first edition of the " Picara prefixed to the first part of Don Quix- 

Jiistina" is that of Medina del Campo, ote ; and as botli that part and the 

1605, 4to, since which time it lias been "Picara Justina" were originally pub- 

often printed; the best edition being lished in the same year, 1605, some 

probably that of Madrid, 1735, 4to, question has arisen with Pellicer and 

edited by Mayans y Siscar, who, in a Clemencin, Avho is the inventor of these 

prefatory notice, makes the reproach poor, truncated verses. Le jeu ne vaut 

against its author, as the oldest cor- pas la chandelle. But, as the first part 

rupter of the Spanish prose style, al- of Don Quixote, according to the Tassa 

luded to in the text. There is a good prefixed to it, was struck off" as early as 

deal of J oetry scattered through the the 20th of December, 1604, though 

volume ; all very conceited and poor. the full copyright was not granted till 

Some of it is in that sort of verses from the 9th of February following, there 

which the final syllable is cut olf, — can be little doubt that Cervantes was 

such vei'ses, 1 mean, as C/crvantes has the earliest. 



Chap. XXXIV.] MARCOS DE OBREGO?^. 123 

strikingly described by himself in one of the most 
happy of his ]3oems.^^ He was educated at Salamanca, 
and, when Lope de Yega appeared as a poet before the 
publiC; Espinel was already so far advanced in his own 
career, that the young aspirant for public favor sub- 
mitted his verses to the critical skill of his elder 
friend ; ^^ — a favor * which Lope afterwards re- ^107 
turned by praises in " The Laurel of Apollo/' 
more heartfelt and effective than he has usually given 
in that indiscriminate eulogium of the poets of his 
time^^ 

What was the course of Espinel's life we do not 
know. It has generally been supposed that man}^ of 
its events are related in his "Marcos de Obretron " ; 
but though this is probable, and though some parts of 
that story are evidently true, yet many others are as 
evidently fictions, so that, on the whole, we are bound 
to regard it as a romance, and not as an autobiography. 
We know, however, that Espinel's life in Italy was 
much like that of his hero ; that he was a soldier in 
Flanders ; that he wrote Latin verses ; that he pub- 
lished a volume of Castilian poetry in 1591 ; and that 
he v/as a chaplain in Ronda, though he lived much in 
Madrid, and at last died there. He was re2:arded as 
the author of the form of verse called sometimes 
cUcimas, and sometimes, after himself, Espinelas ; and 
he is said to have added a fifth string to the guitar, 
which soon led to the invention of the sixth, and thus 

1^ See the_ "Cancion a su Patria," Marcos de Obregon, and the people did 

•which is creditable alike to his personal not know whether he wanted " a man 

feelings and — with the exception of a or a book." W. G. Clarke, Gazpacho, 

few foolish conceits — to his poetical London, 1850, p. 199. 

character. Diversas Eimas de V. Es- i^ Espinel's own Prologo to "Marcos 

pinel, Madrid, 1591, 12mo, f. 23. But de Obregon." 

Espinel seems now to be wholly for- i" End of the first siYya- in the "Lau- 

gotten in the city and neighborhood he rel de Apolo," w^hich was published in 

so much loved. An English gentleman 16-30. 
in 1819 asked there diligently for his 



124 



MARCOS DE OBREGOX. 



[Period II. 



completed that truly national instrument.-^^ He died, 
according to Antonio, in 1634 ; but according to Lope 
de Vega, he was not alive in 1G30. All accounts, how- 
ever, represent him as having lived to a great age,^^ 
and as having passed the latter part of his life in 
poverty and in unfriendly relations with Cervantes ; — 
a fact the more observable, because both of them en- 
joyed pensions from the same distinguished ecclesi- 
astic, the kindly old Archbishop of Toledo.^^ 

The ^^Escudero Marcos de Obregon " was first pub- 
lished in 1618, and therefore appeared in the old age 
of its author.^^ He presents his hero, at once, 
"^108 as a person ^ already past the middle years of 
life ; one of the esquires of dames, who, at that 
period, were personages of humbler pretensions and 
graver character than those who, with the same title, 
had followed the men-at-arms of old.^^ The story of 
Marcos, however, though it opens upon us, at first, 
with scenes later in his life, soon returns to his youth. 



1^ Lope de Vega, Dorotea. Acto I. 
Sc. 8. 

19 NoTenta anos viviste, 

Nadie te dij favor, poco escribiste, — 

says Lope, in the " Laurel." But this 
inust be a mistake, if ISTavarrete is right 
in giving the baptism of Espinel on 
the'28th of December, 1551. See Bib- 
lioteca de Autores Espaiioles, Tom. 
XXXIIL, 1854, p. Ixxv, note 2. 

'^^ Salas Barbadillo, Estafeta del Dios 
Momo, 1627, Dedicacion. ISTavarrete, 
Vida de Cervantes, 1819, 8vo, pp. 178, 
406. 

'■^1 The first edition is dedicated to 
his patron, the Archbishop of Toledo, 
whose daily pension to him, however, 
may have well been called "alms" — 
litnosna — by Salas Barbadillo. Other 
editions followed, and "Marcos" has 
continued to be reprinted and read in 
Spain down to our own times. In 
London, a good English translation of 
it, by Major Algernon Langton, was 
published in 1816, in two volumes, 8vo ; 
and in Breslau, in 1827, there appeared 



a very spirited, but somewhat free, 
translation into German, by Tieck, in 
two volumes, 18mo, with a valuable 
Preface and good notes. The original is 
on the Lidex of 1667 for expurgation. 
The first edition Avas printed by Juan 
de la Cuesta, who, the same year, 1618, 
published an edition of the Second Part 
of Ijope de Vega's Cotnedias, in the 
Preface to which he says he paid Espi- 
nel a hundred gold crowns for the Mar- 
cos de Obregon ; but that he had suf- 
fered much in the sale of that, the 
Araucana, and other books that he enu- 
merates, by the reprints of piratical 
booksellers. 

^'- The Escudero of the plays and 
novels of the seventeenth century is 
wholly different from the Escudero of 
the romances of chivalry of the six- 
teenth. Covarrubias, m wr&., well de- 
scribes both sorts, adding, "Nowa- 
days " (1611) "esquires are chiefly used 
by ladies, but inen who have anything 
to live upon prefer to keep at home ; 
for as esquires they earn little, and have 
a hard service of it." 



Chap. XXXIV.] MARCOS DE OBREGON. 125 

and nearly the whole volume is made up of his own 
account of his adventures, as he related them to a 
hermit whom he had known when he was a soldier in 
Flanders and Italy, and at whose cell he was now acci- 
dentally detained by a storm and flood, while on an 
excursion from Madrid. 

In many particulars his history resembles that of his 
predecessor, Guzman de Alfarache. It is the story of a 
voutli who left his father's house to seek his fortune ; 
became first a student, and afterwards a soldier; visited 
Italy ; was a captive in Algiers \ travelled over a large 
part of Spain ; and after going through a great variety 
of dangers and trials, intrigues, follies, and crimes, sits 
down quietly in his old age to give an account of them 
all, with an air as grave and self-satisfied as if the 
greater part of them had not been of the most dis- 
creditable character. It contains a moderate number 
of wearisome, well-written moral reflections, intended 
to render its record of tricks, frauds, and crimes more 
savory to the reader by contrast ; but though it falls 
below both the "Guzman de Alfarache" and the "Laza- 
rillo " in the beauty and spirit of its style, it has more 
life in its action than either of them, and the 
* series of its events is carried on with greater * 109 
rapidity and brought to a more regular conclu- 
sion.^^ 

23 "Marcos de Obregon " has been d'Obrego.'" (CEuvres, ed. Beaiiraar- 
occasionally a good deal discussed, botb chais, Paris, 1785, 8vo, Tom. XX. p. 
by those who have read it and those 155.) This is one of the remarks Vol- 
who have not, from the use Le Sage taire sometimes hazarded with little 
has been supposed to have made of it knowledge of the matter he was discuss- 
in the composition of Gil Bias. The ing, and it is not true. That Le Sage 
charge was first announced by Voltaire, had seen the " Marcos de Obregon " 
who had personal reasons to dislike Le there can be no doubt ; and none that 
Sage, and who, in his "Siecle de Louis he made some use of it in the compo- 
XIV.," (1752,) said, boldly enough, sition of the Gil Bias. This is apparent 
that "The Gil Bias is taken entirely at once by the story which constitutes 
from the Spanish romance entitled its Preface, and which is taken from a 
' La Vidad de lo Escudiero Dom Marcos similar story in the Pruiogo to the 



126 ALONSO MOZO DE MUCHOS AMOS. [Peuiod II. 

Ten years later, another romance of tlie same sort 
appeared. It was by Yanez y Rivera, a physician of 
Segovia ; who, as if on purpose to show the variety of 
his talent, published two works on ascetic devotion, as 
well as this picaresque romance ; all of them remote 
from the cares and studies of his regular profession. 
He calls his story "Alonso, the Servant of Many 
Masters " ; and the name is a sort of index to its 
contents. For it is a history of the adventures of 
its hero, Alonso, in the service, first of a military 
officer, then of a sacristan, and afterwards of a gentle- 
man, of a lawyer, and of not a few others, who hap- 
pened to be willing to employ him ; and it is, in fact, 
neither more nor less than a satire on the different 
orders and conditions of society, as he studies them all 
in the houses of his different masters. It is evidently 
written with experience of the world, and its Castilian 
style is good ; but something of its spirit is diminished 
by the circumstance, that it is thrown into the form 

of a dialogue, and that it much resembles the 
^ 110 Marcos de Obregon. ^ When Yanez published 

the first part, in 1624, he said that he had 
already been a practising physician twenty-six years, 
and that he should print nothing more, unless it related 
to the profession he followed. His success, however, 

Spanish romance ; and it is no less lez, Guevara, Roxas, Antonio de Men- 
plain frequently afterwards, in the body doza, and others, with no more cere- 
of the work, where the trick played on mony. He seemed, too, to care very 
the vanity of Gil Bias, as he is going little about concealment, for one of the 
to Salamanca, (Lib. I. c. 2,) is substan- personages in his Gil Bias is called 
tially the same with that played on Marcos de Obregon. But the idea that 
Marcos, (Relacion I. Desc. 9, ) — where the Gil Bias w^as taken entirely from the 
the stories of Camilla (Gil Bias, Liv. I. Marcos de Obregon of Espinel, or was 
c. 16, Marcos, Rel. III. Desc. S^t and very seriously indebted to that work, 
of Mergellina, (Gil Bias, Liv. II. c. 7, is as absurd as Voltaire's mode of spell- 
Marcos, Rel. I. Desc. 3,) with many ing the title of the book, which evi- 
other matters of less consequence, cor- dently he had never seen, and of which 
respond in a manner not to be mis- he could even have heard very little, 
taken. But this was tlie way with Le See the next Period, Chap. IV., note 
Sage, who has used Estevanillo Gonza- on Father Isla. 



Chap. XXXI Y.] CASTILLO SOLOEZANO. 127 

with liis Alonso was too tempting. He printed, in 
1626, a second part of it, containing his hero's adven- 
tures among the Gypsies and in Algerine captivity, 
and died in 1632.^'* 

Quevedo's ^^Paul the Sharper," which we have al- 
ready noticed, was pubUshed the year after Yanez had 
completed his story, and did much to extend the favor 
with which works of this sort were received. Castillo 
Solorzano, therefore, well known at the time as a writer 
of popular tales and dramas, ventured to follow him, 
but with less good fortune. His "Harpies of Madrid/' 
four tales of four intriguing women, who plunder cred- 
ulous men, appeared in 1631 ; his " Teresa^ the Child 
of Tricks," was published in 1632, and was succeeded 
immediately by " The Graduate in Frauds," of which a 
continuation appeared in 1634, under the whimsical 
title of "The Seville Weasel, or a Hook to catch 
Purses." This last, which is an account of the adven- 
tures of the Graduate's daughter, proved, though it 
was never finished, the most popular of Solorzano's 
works, and has not only been often reprinted, but was 
early translated into French, and gained a reputation 
in Europe generally. All four, however, are less 
strictly joicaresque tales than the similar fictions that 

2* The name of this author is one of culty which occurs in many cases of the 

the many that occur in Spanish litera- same sort, and should be noticed once 

ture and history, where it is difficult to for all. The title of his romance is 

determine which part of it should be "Alonso M090 de Muchos Amos," and 

used to designate its owner. The whole the first part was first printed at Madrid, 

of it is Geronymo de Alcala Yanez y in 1624 ; but my copy is of the edition 

Eivera ; and, no doubt, his personal of Barcelona, 1625, 12mo, showing that 

acquaintances knew him as ' ' Doctor it was well regarded in its time, and 

Geronymo," or "Doctor Geronymo de soon came to a second edition. Many 

Alcala." In the Index to Antonio's Bib. editions have been published since; 

Nova, he is placed under ^ZcaZd; but sometimes, like that of Madrid, 1804, 

as that name only implied, I presume, 2 tom. 12mo, with the title of "El 

that he had studied in Alcala, I have Donado Hablador," or The Talkative 

preferred to call him Yanez y Eivera, Lay -Brother, that being the character in 

the first being his father's name and the which the hero tells his story. Yanez 

second his mother's ; and I mention the y Rivera was born in 1563. 
circumstance only because it is a diffi- 



128 ENEIQUEZ GOMEZ. [Period II. 

had preceded them ; — not that they are 
*111 ^wantmg in coarse sketches of Kfe and cari- 
catures as broad as any in Guzman, but that 
romantic tales, ballads, and even farces, or parts of 
dramas, are introduced, showing that this form of 
romance was becoming mingled with others more 
poetical, if not more true to the condition of man- 
ners and society at the time.^^ 

Another proof of this change is to be found in " The 
Pythagoric Age " of Enriquez Gomez, first published in 
1644 ; a book of little value, which takes the old doc- 
trine of transmigration as the means of introducing a 
succession of pictures to serve as subjects for its satire. 
It begins with a poem in irregular verse, describing the 
existence of the soul, first in the body of an ambitious 
man; then in that of a slanderer and informer, a co- 
quette, a minister of state, and a favorite ; and it ends 
with similar sketches, half in poetry and half in prose, 
of a knight, a schemer, and others. But in the middle 
of the book stands " The Life of Don Gregorio Gua- 
dana," in prose, which is a tale in direct imitation of 
Quevedo and Aleman, sometimes as free and coarse as 
theirs are, but generally not offending against the pro- 
prieties of life ; and occasionally, as in the scenes dur- 
ing a journey and in the town of Carmona, pleasant 
and interesting, because it evidently gives us sketches 
from the author's owui experience. Like the rest of its 
class, it is most successful when it deals with such reali- 

2^ Alonso de Castillo Solorzano seems all of which I have. But, except the 

to have had his greatest success between few hints concerning their author to be 

1624 and 1649, and was at one time in gathered from the titles and prefaces 

the service of Pedro Faxardo, the Mar- to his stories, and the meagre but too 

quis of Velez, who was Captain-General laudatory notices in Lope de Vega's 

of Valencia. There is an edition of the "Laurel de Apolo," Silva VII I., and 

" Harpias de Madrid yCoche de Esta- Antonio, Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 15, we 

fiis" of 1631 ; one of the " Niiia de los know little of him. He sneers at cul- 

Embustes" as early as 1632 ; and one tism-o on one page of his "Nina de los 

of the " Garduna de Sevilla" in 1634 ; Embustes," and falls into it on the next. 



Chap. XXXIY.] ESTEVANILLO GONZALEZ. 



129 



ties, and least so when it wanders off into the regions 
of poetry and fiction.^^ 

^ But the work which most plainly shows the * 112 
condition of social life that produced all these 
tales, if not the work that best exhibits their char- 
acter, is " The Life of Estevanillo Gonzalez," Avhich ap- 
j)eared in 1646. It is the autobiography of a buffoon, 
who was long in the service of Ottavio Piccolomini, the 
great general of the Thirty Years' war ; but it is an 
autobiography so full of fiction, that Le Sage, sixty 
years after its appearance, easily changed it into a 
mere romance, which has continued to be republished 
as such with his works ever since.^'' 



2^ "EI Siglo Pitagorico y la Yida de 
Don Gregorio Guadana" was written 
by Antonio Enriqnez Gomez, a Portu- 
guerse by descent, Avbo was educated in 
Castile, and lived much in France, 
where several of liis works were first 
printed, and where he himself was in 
the service of Louis XIII. The earliest 
edition of the "Siglo Pitagorico" is 
dated Eouen, 1644, but the one I use 
is of Brussels, 1727, in 4to. There is a 
notice of the life of Gomez in Barbosa, 
Tom. 1. p. 297, and an examination of 
his works in Amador de los Eios, " Ju- 
dios de Espana," 1848, pp. 569, etc. 
He was of a Jewish Portuguese family, 
and Barbosa says he was born in Portu- 
gal, but Amador de los Kios says he 
was born in Segovia. That he re- 
nounced the Christian religion, which 
his father had adopted, that he fled to 
France in 1638, and afterwards to Hol- 
land, and that he Avas burnt in effigy by 
the Inquisition in 1660, are facts not 
doubted. His Spanish name was Euri- 
quez de Paz ; and in the Preface to his 
"Sanson ISTazareno" he gives a list of 
his published works. 

^"^ " Vida y Hechos de Estevanillo 
Gonzalez, Hombre de Buen Humor, 
compuesta por el mismo," which has 
sometimes been attributed to Guevara, 
the author of the "Diablo Cojuelo," 
was printed at Antwerp in 1646, and 
at Maddd in 1652. Whether there is 
any edition between these and the one 
of 1795, Madrid, 2 torn. 12mo, I do not 
VOL. III. 9 



know. The rifacimeiifo of Le Sage ap- 
peared, I believe, for the first time in 
1707. 

Another work, connected with the 
state of society that produced Esteva- 
nillo, and illustrating that sti^ange story, 
should not be wholly passed over. It 
is entitled ' ' La Vida del Falso Nuncio 
de Portugal, Alonso Perez de Saavedra." 
My copy of it, without date on the 
title-page, seems to have been printed 
in 1739, but the original story came 
from a MS. of the time of Pliilip II. in 
the Escurial. It is the autobiography, 
g.^nuine or pretended, of a. brilliant 
rogue of mean origin, who, during the 
reign of Charles V., by a series of lucky 
adventures, rose high enough to be able 
to present himself at the court of Por- 
tugal as Papal Nuncio, — then one of 
the great dignities of Christendom, — 
and, as he pretends, to establish the 
Inquisition in that kingdom in 1539. 
Traces of this Portuguese adventurer 
can be found in known history as far 
back as Gonzalo de Illescas, who, in 
his "Historia Pontifical," 1574, relates 
it as an occurrence of his own time 
which he believed, adding of Saavedra 
personally, " I saw him aftenvards row- 
ing in his Majesty's galleys, where he 
remained many years." Luis de Para- 
mo also mentions the same story in 
1598, and Pedro de Salazar in 1603 ; — 
so that there can be no doubt there 
was a successful impostor of the name 
of Saavedra who lived in the time of 



130 ESTEYANILLO GONZALEZ. [Period II. 

Bo til in the original and in the French translation, 
it is called " The Life and Achievements of Este- 
* 113 vanillo Gonzalez, ^ the Good-natured Fellow/' 
and gives an account of his travels all over 
Europe, and of his adventures as courier, cook, and 
valet of the different distinguished masters whom he 
at different times served, from the king of Poland down 
to the Duke of Ossuna. Nothing can exceed the cool- 
ness with which he exhibits himself as a liar by pro- 
fession, a constitutional coward, and an accomplished 
cheat, whenever he can thus render his story more 
amusing ; — but then, on the other hand, he is not 
without learning, writes gay verses, and gives us 
sketches of his times and of the great men to whom 
he was successively attached, that are anything but 
dull. His life, indeed, would be worth reading, if it 
were only to compare his account of the battle of Nord- 
lingen with that in De Foe's " Cavalier," and his draw- 
ing of Ottavio Piccolomini with the stately portrait of 
the same personage in Schiller's " Wallenstein." Its 
faults, on the other hand, are a vain display of his 
knowledge ; occasional attempts at grandeur and elo- 
quence of style, which never succeed ; and numberless 
intolerable puns. But it shows distinctly, what we 
have already noticed, that the whole class of fictions 

Charles V. and Philip II. ButFeyjoo, tiiry, and — rather than the prose nar- 

iu his "Teatro Critico," (Tom. VI. rative — to have provoked the critical 

Disc. TIL, lirst printed in 1734,) also anger of Feyjoo. 

leaves no doubt that so much of the I have already noticed {ante, Chap, 

tale as relates to the establishment of XXIX. note 19) "The Pastry-Cook of 

the Inquisition in Portugal is a fiction. Madrigal," — who (also in the time of 

Whether this curious piece of autobi- Philip II.) was hanged for passing him- 

ography was lirst printed in the precise self oil as King Sebastian of Portugal, 

form in which we now have it, I do not and, like the False ISTuncio, had a play 

know, but I have two copies of a play made about him. 

with the same title, " El Falso Nuncio Both are curious and even important 

de Portugal," containing substantially to us, because they show some of the 

the same story, — one without date, elements of a state of society which 

and the other printed in 1769, — which gave birth to the Gusto Picaresco in 

seems to have had a consiilerable vogue romantic fiction, and justify it. 
iu the early part of the eighteenth cen- 



Chap. XXXI7.] ESTEYANILLO GONZALEZ. 



]31 



to which it belongs had its foundation in the manners 
and society of Spain at the period when they appeared, 
and that to this they owed, not only their success at 
home, in the age of Philip the Third and Philip the 
Fourth, but that success abroad which subsequently 
produced the Gil Bias of Le Sage, — an imitation more 
brilliant than any of the originals it folio wed. ^^ 



^^ Clemencin (notes to Don Quixote, 
II. 412 and V. 68) S];)eaks of an auto- 
biography of Diego Garcia de Parades, 
Avho died 1533, dj& incaresciiLe, placing it 
with Lazarillo de Tornies and Guzman 
de Alfarache, where indeed, if we are to 
take Don Quixote's account of the ad- 
ventures of Paredes, (Parte I. cap. 33,) 
it might well belong, so ridiculous are 
they. Nicolas Antonio (Bib. Nov., I. 
285) says such an account was pub- 
lished with the Life of Gonzalvo de 
Cordova, printed at Alcala de Hena- 
res, in 1584. In my copy of that 
work (Zaragoza, 1559) there is, indeed, 
a good deal about Paredes, who figured 
largely in the military adventures of 
the jjeriod when Gonzalvo flourished, 
but there is no separate autobiography 
of him, such as Antonio describes. It 



can, however, hardly have been a mere 
work of the imagination like the gran, 
volumen which Don Quixote, in his 
madness, supposes Gines de Passamonte 
to have written, (Parte II. e. 27,) nor 
a mere novela picaresca, as Clemencin 
supposes. Indeed I am curious to know 
what it can have been ; for if it were 
really a incaresqi(£, story written by 
Paredes himself, who died in 1533, it 
may contest priority with the "Laza- 
rillo," of which we have no edition 
earlier than 1553. The Lazarillo, how- 
ever, it should be remembered, is sup- 
posed to have been written at the Uni- 
versity of Salamanca by Mendoza, who 
was born in 1503, and there is no no- 
tice of the autolDiogi'aphy of Paredes 
before 1584. 



*114 *CHAPTEE XXXV. 

SERIOUS AXD HISTORICAL ROMANCES. JUAN DE FLORES, EEINOSO, LUZINDA- 

RO, CONTRERASj HITA AND THE WARS OF GRANADA, FLEGETONTE, NOYDENS, 
CESPEDES, CERVANTES, LAMARCA, VALLADARES, TEXADA, LOZANO. FAIL- 
URE OF THIS FORM OF FICTION IN SPAIN. 

It was inevitable that grave fiction suited to the 
changed times should appear in Spain, as well as fiction 
founded on the satire of prevalent manners. But there 
were obstacles in its way, and it came late. The old 
chronicles, so full of the same romantic spirit, and the 
more interesting because they w^ere sometimes built 
up out of the older and longer-loved ballads; the old 
ballads themselves, still oftener made out of the chron- 
icles ; the romances of chivalry, which had not yet lost 
a popularity that, at the present day, seems nearly in- 
credible ; — all contributed, in their respective propor- 
tions, to satisfy the demand for books of amusement, 
and to repress the appearance and limit the success of 
serious and historical fiction. But it was inevitable that 
it should come, even if it should win little favor. 

We have already noticed the attempts to introduce 
it, made in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, by 
Diego de San Pedro and his imitator, the anonymous 
author of "The Question of Love." Others followed, 
in the reign of Charles the Fifth. The story, that very 
imperfectly connects the discussions between " Aurelio 
and Isabella," on the inquiry whether man gives more 
occasion for sin to woman, or woman to man, is one of 
them. It is a sliglit and meagre fiction, by Juan de 
Flores, which dates as far back as 1521, and which, 



Char XXXV.] VAEIOUS GRAVE ROMANCES. 133 

in an earty English translation, was at one time 
* tliou2rlit to have furnished hints for Shake- * 115 
speare's "Tempest,"^ "The Loves of Clareo 
unci Florisea/" published in 1552, by Nunez de Reinoso, 
at A^enice, where he then lived, is another ; ; — a fiction 
partly allegorical, partly sentimental, and partty in the 
manner of the romances of chivalry, but of no value 
for the invention of its incidents, and of very little for 
its style.^ The story of "Luzindaro and Medusina," 
printed as early as 1553, which, in the midst of en- 
chantments and allegories, preserves the tone and air 
of a series of complaints against love, and ends tragi- 
cally with the death of Luzindaro, is yet a third of 
these crude attempts ; ^ — all of which are of conse- 
quence only because they led the way to better things. 
But excepting these and two or three more trifles of 
the same kind, and of even less value, the reign of 
Charles the Fifth, so far as grave fiction was concerned, 
was entirely given up to the romances of chivalry.^ 

In the reign of Philip the Second, when the litera- 
ture of the country began to develop itself on all sides, 

1 I know only the edition of Ant- 1553, 12mo, which is in my library, 

werp, 1556, 12mo, but there are several entitled " Quexa y Aviso de un Caval- 

others. Lowndes, Bib. Manual, Article lero llamado Luzindaro." But, as G^- 

Avrclio, and Malone's Shakespeare, by yangos well says, these attempts, and 

Boswell, Vol. XV. »the similar earlier ones of L)iego de San 

^ "Historia de los Amores de Clareo Pedro and others, noticed at the end of 

y Florisea, |x)r Alonso ]^unez de Eeino- Chap. XXII. of the First Period, came 

so," Venecia, 1552, reprinted in the from Italy, and were soon found unable 

third volume of Aribau's Bibliot^ca, to contend against the books of chiv- 

1846. The author is said by Antonio airy. 

to have been a native of Guadalaxara, * "Historia de la Eeyna Sevilla," 

and, from his poems, published at the 1532, and 1551 ; — and "Libro de los 

same time with his story, and of no Honestos Amores de Peregrine y de 

value, he seems to have led an unhappy Jinebra," 1527, 1548. They are in the 

life, divided between the law, for which tone of books of chivalry, and mark 

h-e felt he had no vocation, and arms, the transition in a manner not to be 

in which he had no success. mistaken. For the first of them, " La 

^ It claims to be "" samdo del estilo Eeyna Sevilla," see F. Wolf, " Ueber 

Griego," and in this imitates one of the die neuesten Leistungen der Franzosen 

common fictions in the title-pages of fiir die Herausgabe ihrer national Hel- 

the romances of chivalry. There are dengedichte," Wien, 1833, 8vo, pp. 

several editions of it, — one at Venice, 124— 159. 



134 SELVA DE AVENTUEAS. [Period II. 

serious romances appeared in better forms, or at least 
with higher pretensions and attributes. Two instances 
of attempts in new directions, and with more consider- 
able success, present themselves at once. 

The first was by Hieronimo de Contreras, and bears 

the affected title of " A Thicket of Adventures." 
* 116 It was published ^ in 1573, and is the story of 

Luzuman, a gentleman of Seville, who had been 
bred from childhood in great intimacy with Arboleda, 
a lady of equal condition with himself; but when, as 
he grows up, this intimacy ripens into love, the lady 
rejects his suit, on the ground that she prefers a re- 
ligious life. The refusal is gentle and tender; but he 
is so disheartened by it, that he secretly leaves his 
home in sorrow and mortification, and goes to Italy, 
where he meets with abundance of adventures, and 
travels through the whole peninsula, down to Naples. 
Wearied with this mode of life, he then embarks for 
Spain, but on his passage is taken by a corsair and 
carried to Algiers. There he remains in cruel slavery 
for five years. His master then gives him his freedom, 
and he returns to his home as secretly as he left it ; 
but finding that Arboleda had taken the veil, and that 
the society to which he belonged had forgotten him, 
and had closed over the place he had once filled, he 
avoids making himself known to anybody, and retires 
to a hermitage, with the purpose of ending his days in 
acts of devotion.^ 

^ The "Selva de AA^entufas," some- was translated into French by G. Chap- 
times called " Luzman y A rbolea," was puis, and printed in 1580. (Biblio- 
printed at Salamanca, in 1573, l2mo, theque de DuVerdier, Tom. IV. p. 221.) 
and probably earlier, besides which Contreras wrote, also, a volume of Eu- 
there are subsequent editions of Bar- logics in prose and Verse, (Dechado de 
celona, Saragossa, etc. (Antonio, Bib. Yarios Subjetos, Zaragoza, 1572, and 
Nova, Tom. I. p. 572) ; but it is in the Alcala, 1581, 12mo,) very formal and 
Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 529. dull,— all under the poor i)retext of a 
Philip il., in the Licencia, calls Con- series of visions, 
treras "nuestro cronista<" The Selva 



Chap. XXXV.] GUEREAS CIYILES DE GEANADA. 135 

The whole story, somewhat solemnly divided into 
seven books, is dull, from want both of sufficient vari- 
ety in the details, and of sufficient spirit in the style. 
But it is of some importance, because it is the first in 
a class of fictions, afterwards numerous, which — rely- 
ing on the curiosity then felt in Spain about Italy, as a 
country full of Spaniards enjoying luxuries and refine- 
ments not yet known at home, and about Algiers, 
crowded with thousands of other Spaniards suffering 
the most severe forms of captivity — trusted, for no 
small part of their interest, to the accounts they gave 
of their heroes as adventurers in Italy, and as slaves 
on the coast of Barbary. Lope de Yega, Cervantes, 
and several more among the most popular 
* authors of the seventeenth century, are among * 117 
the writers of fictions like these. 

The other form of grave fiction, which appeared in 
the time of Pliilip the Second, was the proper historical 
romance ; and the earliest specimen of it, except such 
unsuccessful and slight attempts as we have already 
noticed, is to be found in " The Civil Wars of Gra- 
nada," by Gines Perez de Hita. The author of this 
striking book was an inhabitant of Murcia, and, from 
the little he tells us of himself, must not only have 
been familiar with the wild mountains and rich valleys 
of the neighboring kingdom of Granada, but must 
have had an intimate personal acquaintance with many 
of the old Moorish families that still lingered in the 
homes of their fathers, repeating the traditions of 
their ancient glory and its disastrous overthrow. Per- 
haps these circumstances led him to the choice of a 
subject for his romance. Certainly they furnished 
him with its best materials ; for the story he relates is 
founded on the fall of Granada, regarded rather from 



136 GUERRAS CIVILES DE GRAXADA. [Period IL 

witlim^, amidst the fends of the Moors themselves, 
than, as we are accustomed to consider it, from the 
Christian portion of Spain, gradually gathered in mili- 
tary array outside of its walls. 

He begins his story by seekii^g a safe basis for it 
in the origin and history of the kingdom of Granada, 
according to the best authorities within his reach. 
This part of his work is formal and dry, and shows 
how imperfect were the notions, at the time he lived, 
of what an historical romance should be. But as he 
advances and enters upon the main subject he had 
proposed to himself, his tone changes. We are, indeed, 
still surrounded with personages that are familiar to 
us, like the heroic Muza on one side and the Master 
of Calatrava on the other ; we are present with Boab- 
dil, the last of the long line of Moorish sovereigns, as 
he carries on a fierce war against his own father in the 
midst of the city, and with Ferdinand and his knights, 
as they lay waste all the kingdom without. But to 
these historical fi o;:ures are added the more imagi- 
native and fabulous sketches of the Zegris and Aben- 
cerrages, Reduan, Abenamar, and Gazul, as full 
*118 of knightly * virtues as any of the Christian 
cavaliers opposed to them ; and of Haja, Zayda, 
and Fatima, as fair and winning as the dames whom 
Isabella had brought with her to Santa Fe to cheer 
on the conquest. 

But while he is thus min ogling- the creations of his 
own fancy with the facts of history, Hita has been 
particularly skilful in giving to the whole the manners 
and coloring;: of the time. He shows us a luxurious 
empire tottering to its fall, and yet, while the streets 
of its capital are filled with war-cries and blood, its 
princes and nobles abate not one jot of their accus- 



Chap. XXXV.] GUERRAS CIYILES DE GRANADA. 137 

tomed revelry and riot. Marriage festivals and 
midnight dances in the Alhambra, and gorgeous 
tournaments and games in presence of the court, 
alternate with duels and feuds between the two 
great preponderating families that are destroying the 
state, and with skirmishes and single combats against 
the advancing Christians. Then come the cruel accu- 
sation of the Sultana by the false Zegris, and her 
defence in arms by both - Moors and Christians ; the 
atrocious murder of his sister Morayma by Boabdil, 
who suddenly breaks out with all the jealous violence 
of an Oriental despot ; and the mournful and scanda- 
lous spectacle of three kings contending daily for 
empire in the squares and palaces of a city destined 
in a few short weeks to fall into the hands of the 
enemy that already surrounded its walls. 

Much of this, of course, is fiction, so far as the de- 
tails are concerned ; but it is not a fiction false to 
the spirit of the real events on which it is founded. 
When, therefore, we approach the end of the story, 
we come again without violence upon historical 
ground as true as that on which it opened, though 
almost as wild and romantic as any of the tales of 
feuds or festivals through which we have been led to 
it. In this way, the temporary captivity of Boabdil 
and his cowardly submission, the siege and surrender 
of Albania and Malaga, and the fall of Granada, are 
brought before us neither unexpectedly nor in a man- 
ner out of keeping with what had preceded them; 
and the story, if it does not end with a regular catas- 
trophe, which such materials might easily have fur- 
nished, ends at least with a tale in the tone of all 
the rest, — that which records the sad fate 
'■•' of Don Alonso de Aguilar. It should be "^119 



138 



GUEERAS CIYILES DE GRANADA. [Period IT. 



added, that not a few of the finest of the old Spanish 
ballads are scattered through the work, furnishing 
materials for the story, rich and appropriate in them- 
selves, and giving an air of reality to the events 
described, that could hardly have been given to them 
by anything else. 

This first part, as it is commonly called, of the 
"Wars of Granada" was written between 1589 and 
1595.^ It claims to be a translation from the Arabic 
of a Moor of Granada, and in the last chapter Hita 
gives a circumstantial account of the way in which he 
obtained it from Africa, where, as he would have us 
believe, it had been carried in the dispersion of the 
Moorish race. But though it is not unlikely, that, in 
his wanderings through the kingdom of Granada, he 
may have obtained Arabic materials for parts of his 
story, and though, in the last century, it was more 
than once attempted to make out an Arabic origin for 
the whole of it,^ still his account, upon its very face, is 



^ The Chronicle of Pedro de Moncayo, 
published in 1589, is cited in Chap. 
XII., and the first edition of the first 
part of the " Guerras Civiles," as is 
well known, appeared at Saragossa in 
1595, 12mo. This first part was re- 
printed much oftener than the second. 
There are editions of it in 1598, 1603, 
1604 (three), 1606, 1610, 1613, 1616, 
etc., besides several without date. Ro- 
mero, in his " Paseos por Granada," 
(1764, 4to, Tom. I. Paseo XXV.,) says, 
that in Granada a father accounted 
himself unhappy if he could not give a 
copy of the "Guerras Civiles" to his 
son when he went to school, so that 
the people, by reading it in their child- 
hood, had come to believe it all to be 
true history ; — a fact for which the 
eood Romero sorrows much more than 
is needful. 

"^ Bertuch, Magazin der Spanischen 
und Portugiesischen Literatur, Tom. I., 
1781, pp. 275-280, with the extract 
there from " Carter's Travels." A sug- 
gestion recently reported — not, how- 



ever, without expressing doubts of its 
accuracy — by Count Albert de Cir- 
court, in his curious and important 
" Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne," (Par- 
is, 1846, 8vo, Tom. III. p. 346,) that 
Don Pascual de Gayangos, of Madrid, 
has in his possession the Arabic original 
of the Guerras de Granada, is equally 
unfounded. From Don Pascual him- 
self, I learn that the MS. referred to 
is one obtained by him in London, 
where it had been carried from Madrid 
as a part of Conde's collection, and 
that it is merely an ill-made transla- 
tion, or rather abridgment, of the Ro- 
mance of Hita ; — probably the work 
of some Morisco Spaniard, not thor- 
oughly ac(][uainted with his own lan- 
guage. 

Similar suggestions about an Arabic 
original for the romance are made in the 
preface to a French translation of it by 
A. M. Sane, Paris, 1809, 2 tom., 8vo. 
At p. xlvii he notices different French 
imitations of it, beginning with the 
" Guerres Civiles de Grenada," by Mile. 



Chap. XXXV.] GUERRAS CIVILES BE GRA^S'ADA. 139 

not at all probable ; besides which, he repeatedly ap- 
peals to the chronicles of Garibay and Moncayo as 
authorities for his statements, and gives to the 
main current of his work — ^ especially in such ^ 120 
passages as the conversion of the Sultana — a 
Christian air, which does not permit us to suppose 
that anv but a Christian could have written it. Not- 
Avithstanding his denial, therefore, we must give to 
Hita the honor of being the true author of one of the 
most attractive books in the prose literature of Spain ; 
a book written in a pure and rich style, which seems 
in some respects to be in advance of the age, and in 
all to be worthy of , the best models of the best period. 
In 1604, he published the second part, on a subject 
nearly connected with the first. Seventy-seven years 
after the conquest of Granada, the Moors of that king- 
dom, unable any longer to bear the oppressions to 
which they were subjected by the rigorous govern- 
ment of Philip the Second, took refuge in the bold 
range of the Alpuxarras, on the coast of the Mediter- 
ranean, and there, electing a king, broke out into open 
rebellion. They maintained themselves bravely in 
their mountain fastnesses nearly four years, and were 
not finally defeated till three armies had been sent 
against them ; the last of which was commanded by 
no less a general than Don John of Austria. Hita 
served through the whole of this war; and the second 
part of his romance contains its history. Much of 
what he relates is true ; and, indeed, of much he had 
been an eyewitness, as we can see in his accounts of 
the atrocities committed in the villages of Felix and 
Huescar, while elsewhere, as for the horrors of the 

de la Roche Guillen, which I have never translation of Hita's Avork published iu 
seen, but which I believe was rather a 1683, than an imitation of it. 



140 GUERRAS CIVILES DE GRAJN'ADA. [Period II. 

siege of Galera^ he relies on testimony no less trust- 
worthy. But other portions, like the imprisonment 
of Albexari, with his love for Almanzora, and the 
jealousies and conspiracy of Benalguacil, must be 
chiefly or wholly drawn from his own imagination. 
Tlie most interesting part is the story of Tuzani, which 
he relates with great minuteness, and which he de- 
clares he received from Tazani himself and other 
persons concerned in it ; — a wild ta.le of Oriental 
passion, which, as we have seen, Calderon made the 
subject of one of his most powerful and characteristic 
dramas. 

If the rest of the second divisio^i of Hita's romance 
had been like this story, it might have been worthy 

of the first. But it is not. The ballads with 
* 121 which it is * diversified, and which are probably 

all his own, are much inferior in merit to the 
older ballads he had inserted before ; and his narrative 
is given in a much less rich and glowing style. Per- 
haps Hita felt the want of the old Moorish traditions 
that had before inspired him, or perhaps he found him- 
self awkwardly constrained when dealing with facts 
too recent and notorious to be manageable for the 
purposes of fiction. But whatever may have been 
the cause of its inferiority, the fact is plain. His 
second part, regarded as genuine hist ry, is not to be 
compared with the account of the same events by 
Diego de Mendoza ; while, regarded as a romance, he 
had already far surpassed it himself.^ 

The path, however, which Hita by these two works 
had opened for historical fiction amidst the old tra- 

^ The second part appeared for the 1833, 2 torn. 12mo, and both are in the 
first time at Alcala, in 1604, but has third volume of Aribau's Biblioteca, 
been reja-inted so rarely since, that old 1846. Hita says that he tini.-,hed copy- 
copies of it are very scarce. There is ing the second volume of his Gruerras de 
a neat edition of both parts, Madrid, Granada on the 22d of November, 1597. 



Chap. XXXV.] GUERRAS CIYILES DE GRANADA. 141 

ditions and striking manners of the Moors, tempting 
as it may now seem, did not, in his time, seem so 
to others. His own romance, it is true, was often 
reprinted and much read. But from the nature of 
his subject, he showed the Moorish character on its 
favorable side, and even went so far as to express his 
horror at the cruelties inflicted by his countrjanen on 
their hated enemies, and his sense of the injustice 
done to the vanquished by the bad faith that kept 
neither the promises of Ferdinand and Isabella nor 
those of Don John.^ Such sympathy with the infidel 
enemj^ that had so long held Spain in fee was not 
according to the spirit of the times. Only five years 
after Hita had jDublished his account of the rebellion 
of the Alpuxarras, the remainder of the Moors against 
ivhom he had there fought were violently expelled 
from Spain by Philip the Third, amidst the rejoicings 
of the whole Spanish people; few even of the most 
humane spirits looking upon the sufferings they thus 
inflicted as anything but the just retributions of an 
offended Heaven. 

Of course, while this was the state of feel in or throug-h- 
out the nation, it was not to be expected that 
works of ^ fiction representing the Moors in ^ 122 
romantic and attractive colors^ and filled with 
adventures drawn from their traditions, should find 
favor in Spain. A century later, indeed, a third part 
of the Wars of Granada — whether written by Hita 
or somebody else we are not told — was licensed for 
the press, though never published ;^^ and, in France, 

9 Parte I. c. 18, Parte 11, c. 25. uscript. T know no other notice of 

1° In my copy of the second part, this third part. Circourt (Histoire des 

printed at Madrid, 1731, 12mo, the Maures Mudejares et des Moresques) 

Ajjrobacion, dated 10th of September has frequently relied on the second part 

of that year, speaks distinctly of as an authority, and, in the passage just 

three parts," mentioning the second as cited, gives his reasons for the confi- 

the one that was printed at Alcala in dence he re^joses in it. 
1604, and the third as if still in man- 



142 EIDICULE OF SERIOUS ROMANCES. [Period II. 

Madame de Scuderi soon began, in "The Almaliide," a 
series of fictions on this foundation, that has been con- 
tinued down, through the " Gonsalve de Cordoue " 
of Florian, to " The Abencerrage " of Chateaubriand, 
without giving any token that it is Ukelj soon to 
cease. ^^ But in Spain it struck no root, and had no 
success. 

Perhaps other circumstances, besides a national 
feeUng of unwillingness that romantic fiction should 
occupy the debatable ground between the Moors and 
the Christians, contributed to check its progress in 
Spain. Perhaps the publication of the first part of 
Don Quixote, destroying, by its ridicule, the only form 
of romance much known or regarded at the time, was 
not without an effect on the other forms, by exciting a 
prejudice against all grave prose works of invention, 
and still more by furnishing a substitute much more 
amusing than they could aspire to be. But whether 
this were so or not, attacks on all of them followed in 
the same spirit. " The Cry sella of Lidaceli," which 
appeared in 1609, — and Avhich, as well as a dull prose 
satire on the fantastic Academies then in fashion, bears 
the name of Captain Flegetonte, — assails freely what- 
ever of prose fiction had till then enjoyed regard in 
Spain, whether the pastoral, the historical, or 
* 123 the chivalrous.^^ Its attack, however, * was so 

11 Scott is reported to liave said, on Edin., 1839, A^'gI. I. p. 183.) I think 
being sliown the Wars of Granada in Quinault knew something about the 
the latter part of his life, that, if he romance of Hita when he wrote his 
had earlier known of the book, he " Genereuse Ingratitude," 1654, for 
might have placed in Spain the scene there are resemblances between the two 
of some of his own fictions. Denis, not otherwise easily accounted for. 
Chroniixues Chevalresques, Paris, 1839, ^^ "La Cryselia de Lidaceli, Famosa 
8vo, Tom. T. p. 323. But this may y Verdadera Historia de Varios Aeon- 
have been merely another version of tecimientos de Amor y Fortuna," was 
the story about his having, not far from first printed at Paris, 1609, 12mo, and 
the year 1786, written a jioem on the dedicated to the Princess of Conti ; be- 
conquest of Granada in four books. sides which I have seen a third edition, 
(Lockhart's Life of Scott, 2d edition, of Madrid, 1720. At the end a second 



Chap. XXXV.] OTHER SERIOUS ROMANCES. 143 

ineffectual, as to show only the tendency of opin- 
ion to discourage romance-writing in Spain ; a ten- 
dency yet more apparent a little later, not only in 
some of the best ascetic writers of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, but in such works as " The Moral History of the 
God Momus," by Noydens, published in lg66, which, 
as its author tells us distinctly in the Prologue, was in- 
tended to drive out of society all novels and books of 
adventure wluose subject was love.-^^ 

Still, serious romance was written in Spain during 
the whole of the seventeenth century, and written in 
several varieties of form and tone, though with no real 
success. Thus, Gonzalo de Cespedes, a native of Ma- 
drid, and author of several other works, published the 
first part of his " Gerardo " in 1615, and the second in 
1617. He calls it a Tragic Poem, and divides it into 
discourses instead of chapters. But it is, in fact, a 
prose romance, consisting of a series of slightly con- 
nected adventures in the life of its hero, Gerardo, and 
episodes of the adventures of different persons more 
or less associated with him ; in all which, amidst much 
that is sentimental and romantic, there is more that is 
tragic than is common in such Spanish stories. It was 
several times reprinted, and was succeeded, in 1626, by 
his "Various Fortunes of the Soldier Pindaro," a simi- 

part is announced, which never ap- thor of a number of moral and ascetic 
eared. The other work of El Capitan works. The ' ' Historia Moral del Dios 



legetonte is entitled "La Famosa y Momo" (4to, Madrid, 1666, 12mo) is 

Temeraria Compania de Rompe Colum- an account of the exile of the god Mo- 

nas," and was also printed in 1609, mus from heaven, and his transmigra- 

with two Dialogues on Love ; all as tion through the bodies of persons in 

poor as can well be imagined. The all conditions on earth, doing mischief 

"Cryselia" is a strange confusion of wherever he goes. Each chapter of the 

the pastoral style with that of serious eighteen into which it is divided is fol- 

romance ; — the whole mingled with lowed by a moralizing illustration ; as, 

accounts of giants and enchantments, for instance, (c. 5,) the disturbance 

and occasionally with short poems. El Momus excites on earth against heaven 

Capitan Flegetonte is, of course, a pseu- is illustrated by the heresies of Ger- 

donyme ; but hardly worth in(i[uiring many and England, in w^hich the Duke 

after. of Saxony and Henry VIII. appear to 

1'^ Benito Remigio Noydens was au- very little advantage. 



144 OTHER SERIOUS ROMANCES. [Period II. 

lar work, but less interesting, and perha'ps, on that 
account, never finished according to the origi- 
* 124 nal purpose of its * author. Both, however, 
show a power of invention which is hardly to 
be found in works of the same class produced so early, 
either in France or England, and both make preten- 
sions to style, though rather in their lighter than in 
their more serious portions.^* 

Again in 1617, — the same year, it will be recol- 
lected, in which the " Persiles and Sigismunda" of Cer- 
vantes appeared, — Francisco Loubayssin de Lamarca, 
a French Biscayan or Gascon by birth, published his 
"Tragicomic History of Don Enrique de Castro"; in 
which known facts and fanciful adventures are mingled 
in the wildest confusion. The scene is carried back, 
by means of the story of the hero's uncle, Avho has 
become a hermit in his old age, to the Italian wars of 
Charles the Eighth of France, and forward, in the per- 
son of the hero himself, to the conquest of Chili by 
the Spaniards ; covering meanwhile any intermediate 
space that seems convenient to its author's purposes. 
As an historical novel, it is an entire failure.^^ 

14 "Poema Tragico del Espanol Ge- Barcelona in 1634 in a folio volume of 

rardo y Desengaiio del Amor Lascivo " 562 pages, which yet covers less than 

is the title of" the story; and, besides four years of that monarch's reign. It 

the first edition, it was printed in 1617, is ill written, and being published while 

1618, 1623, 1625, 1654, etc. The "Va- Philip was hardly thirty years old, it 

ria Fortuna del Soldado Pindaro," who, is full of flattery as well as Gongorism. 

notwithstanding his classical name, is The most interesting passage in it that 

represented as a native of Castile, was I have read is the account of Rodrigo 

less favored. I know only the editions Calderon, Marques de Siete Iglesias, 

of 1626 and 1661, till we come to that (Lib. 11. cap. 27,) — the unprincipled 

of Madrid, 1845, 8vo, illustrated with favorite of Philip III. and the same 

much spirit. Of Cespedes y Meneses a minister who figures in Gil Bias, 
slight notice is to be found in Alvarez ^^ The " Historia Tragicomica de Don 

y Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. p. Enrique de Castro" was printed at Par- 

362. The Gerardo is much injured by is, in 1617, when its author was twen- 

Gongorism, — the Pindaro less, but its ty-nine years old. Two years earlier 

stories are more disconnected and ex- he had published " Enganos deste 

travagant. Siglo." (Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. 

Cespedes y Meneses, also, began a p. 358.) I believe he sometimes wrote 

history of Philip IV., of which the in French, and that he was a professed 

only part ever published appeared at teacher of the Spanish language. 



Chap. XXXV.] EL CABALLERO VENTUROSO. 145 

A similar remark may be made on another work 
published in 1625, which takes in part the guise of 
imaginary travels, and is called " The History of Two 
Faithful Friends " ; a story founded on the supposed 
adventures of a Frenchman and a Spaniard in Persia, 
and consisting chiefly of incredible accounts of their 
intrio;ues with Persian ladies of rank. Much of it is 
given in the shape of a correspondence, and it ends 
with a promise of a continuation, which never ap- 
peared.^^ 

Many, indeed, of the works of fiction begun 
in Spain, "^ during the seventeenth century, re- * 125 
mained, like the Two Faithful Friends, un- 
finished, from want of encouragement and popularity ; 
while others that were written were never published 
at all.^' One of these last, called " The Fortunate 
Knight," by Juan Valladares de Yaldelomar, of Cor- 
dova was quite prepared for the press in 1617, and is 
still extant in the original manuscript, with the proper 
licenses for printing and the autograph approbation of 
Lope de Yegi:a. It is an historical novel, divided into 
forty-five "Adventures"; and the hero, like many 
others of his class, is a soldier in Italy, and a captive 
in Africa ; serving first under Don John of Austria, 
and afterwards under Sebastian of Portus^al. How 
much of it is true is uncertain. Eegular dates are 
given for many of its events, some of which can be 
verified ; but it is full of poetry and poetical fancies, 
and several of the stories, like that of the* loves of the 
knight himself and the fair Mayorinda, must have 
been taken from the author's imagination. Still, in 

1^ I do not know who was the author ^'^ The names of a good many uu- 

of this foolish fancy, which is, perhaps, published manuscripts of such works 

a chronique scandaleuse of the court. can be found in the Bibliotheca of 

It was printed at Roussillon, and is a Antonio, and in Baena, " Hijos de 

small 18mo volume. Madrid." 
VOL. III. 10 



146 THE LEON PEODIGIOSO. [Period II. 

the Prologue, all books of fiction are treated with con- 
tempt, as if the whole class were so little favored, that 
it was discreditable to avow the intention of publish- 
ing another, even at the moment of doing it. In the 
style of its prose, the Fortunate Knight is as good as 
other similar works of the same period ; but the poems 
with which it is crowded, to the number of about a 
hundred and fifty, are of small merit.^^ 

The discouragement just alluded to, whether pro- 
ceeding; from the ridicule thrown on lono; works of 
fiction by Cervantes, or from the watchfidness of the 
ecclesiastical authorities, or from both causes combined, 
was probably one of the reasons that led persons writ- 
ing serious romances to seek new directions and un- 
wonted forms in their composition ; sometimes going 
as far as possible from the truth of fact, and sometimes 

coming down almost to plain history. Two in- 
* 126 stances of such deviations from the ^ beaten 

paths — perhaps the only examples in their 
time of the class to which each belonged — should be 
noticed, for their singularity, if not for their literary 
merit. 

The first is by Cosme Gomez de Texada, and is 
called " The Marvellous Lion." It was originally pub- 
lished in 1636, and consists of the history of "the 
great Lion Auricrino," his wonderful adventures, and, 
at last, his marriage with Crisaura, his lady-love. It is 
divided into fifty-four Apologues, which might rather 
have been called chapters; and if, instead of the 
names of animals given to its personages, it had such 
poetical names as usually occur in romantic fiction, it 

18 The MS. of "El Caballero Ventii- amined it. It fills 289 closely written 

roso," which is evidently autograph leaves, in 4to. A second part is an- 

throughout, belongs to Don Pascual de nounced, but was probably never writ- 

Gayangos, Professor of Arabic in the ten. 
University of Madrid, and I have ex- 



Chap. XXXV.] THE LEON PEOpiGIOSO. 147 

would — except where it involves satirical sketches of 
the follies of the times — be a mere love romance, 
neither more unnatural nor more extravagant than 
many of its fellows. 

Such as it is, however, it did not entirely satisfy its 
author. The early portions had been written in his 
youth, while he was a student in theology at Sala- 
manca i and w^hen, somewhat later, he resumed his 
task, and brought it to a regular conclusion, he was 
already far advanced in the composition of another 
romance still more grave and spiritualized and still 
further removed from the realities of life. This more 
carefully matured fiction is called " Understanding and 
Truth, the Philosophical Lovers " ; and all its person- 
ages are allegorical, filling up, with their dreams and 
trials, a shadowy picture of human life, from the cre- 
ation to the general judgment. How long Texada 
was employed about this cold and unsatisfactory alle- 
gory, we are not told ; but it was not published till 
1673, nearly forty years after it was begun, and then 
it was given to the public by his brother as a post- 
humous work, with the inappropriate title of " The 
Second Part of the Marvellous Lion." Neither ro- 
mance had a living interest capable of insuring it a 
permanent success, but both are written in a purer 
style than was common in such works at the same 
period, and the first of them occasionally attacks the 
faults of the contemporary literature with spirit and 
good-humor.^^ 

1^ " Leon Prodigioso, Apologia Moral, on tlie physical sciences and moral phi- 

por el Lieenciado Cosme Gomez Texada losopli}^ in 1650. In the "Leon Pro- 

de los Eeyes," Madrid, 1670, 4to ; — digioso " is a good deal of poetry ; par- 

■'SegTinda Parte del Leon Prodigioso, ticularly, in the first part, a poem eallt^d 

Entendimientoy Verdad, AmautesFilo- "La Nada," which is veiy dull, and 

-oiicos," Alcahi, 1673, 4to. The first one m the second, called " El Todo," 

part was licensed in 1634. The author which is still worse. His ridicule 'K 

p iblished "EtFilosopho," a miscellany the cidto style, in Parte L x^P- '^^^y 



148 LOS EEYES JiTUEYOS DE TOLEDO. [Period IL 

* 127 * Quite different from both cf them, "The 
New Kings of Toledo/' by Christoval Lozano, 
introduces only real personages, and contains little but 
the facts of known history and old tradition, slightly 
embellished by the spirit of romance. Its author was 
attached to the metropolitan cathedral of Toledo, and, 
with Calderon, served in the chapel set apart for the 
burial of the New Kings, as the monarchs of. Castile 
were called from the time of Henry of Trastamara, 
who there established for himself a cemetery, separate 
from that in which the race ending with the dishonored 
Don Pedro had been entombed. 

The pious chaplain, who was thus called to pray 
daily for the souls of the line of sovereigns that had 
constituted the house of Trastamara, determined to 
illustrate their memories by a romantic history ; and, 
beo-inninp; with the old national traditions of the ori- 
gin of Toledo, the cave of Hercules, the marriage of 
Charlemagne with a Moorish princess whom he con- 
verted, and the refusal of a Christian princess to marry 
a Moor whom she could not convert, he gives us an 
account of the building of the chapel, and the adven- 
tures of the kings who sleep under its altars, down 
as late as to the death of Henry the Third, in 1406. 
From internal evidence, it was written at the end of 
the reign of Philip the Fourth, when Spanish prose 
had lost much both of its purity and of its dignity ; 
but Lozano, thouD:h not free from the affectations of 
his age, wrote so much more simply than his con- 
temporaries generally did, and his story, though little 
indebted to his own invention, was yet found so at- 
tractive, that, in about half a century, eleven editions 

391 - 395, is acute and succRssful. He wrote a number of religious dramas 
which were published in 1661. * 



Chap: XXXY.] SMALL AMOUNT OF SERIOUS FICTIOIS". 149 

of it were publisliecl, and it obtained for itself a 
place in Spanish, literature which it has never entirely 
lost?« 

^ After all, however, the serious and historical * 128 
fictions produced in Spain, that merit the name 
of full-length romances, were, from the first, few in 
number, and, with the exception of Hita's " Civil Wars 
of Granada," deserved little favor. Subsequent to the 
reign of Philip the Fourth, thej^ almost disappeared for 
above a century ; and even at the end of that period 
they occurred rarely, and obtained little regard.^^ 

2^ My copies are of the second edi- raga Martel de la Fuente," (Madrid, 

tion, Madrid, 1674, and of the eleventh 1701, 4to, ) — a very had imitation of 

edition, Madrid, 1734, 4to ; and Lib. the " Gerardo Espanol" of Cespedes y 

III. c. 1, p. 237, was written just at Meneses. Perhaps I should also men- 

the moment of the accession of Charles tion an unfinished romance, entitled 

II. The story is connected with the " Enganos y Desenganos del profano 

favorite doctrine of the Spanish Church, Amor," written in CagUari in Sardinia 

— that of the immaculate conception, about 1686, by Don Joseph Zatrilla y 

whose annunciation by the Madonna is Vico, Count of Villasalto, etc. ; but it 

described with dramatic effect in Lib. is quite without value, though it is in 

I. c. 10. The earliest edition I have a better style than was then common, 

seen noticed is of 1667. It is intended as a religious warning 

^1 The only grave romance of this against licentious passion. I know it 

class, after 1650, that needs, I believe, only in the edition of Barcelona, 1737, 

to be referred to, .is "La Historia de 4to, pp. 391, but I think it was origi- 

Lisseno y Fenisa, por Francisco Par- nally printed in two volumes. 



*129 *CHAPTEB XXXVI. 

TALES. -*-VILLEGfAS^ TIMONEDA, CERVANTES, HIBALGO, EIGUEROA, BARBADILLO, 
ESLAVA, AGREBA, LINAN Y VERl>UGO, LOPE DE VEGA, SALAZAR, LUGO, CAME< 
RINO, TELLEZ, MONTALVAN, REYES', PERALTA, CESPEDES, MOYA, ANAYA, 
MARIANA DE CARBAJAL, MARf A DE ZAYAS, MATA, CASTILLO, LOZANO, SOLOR- 
ZANO, ALONSO DE ALCALA, VILLALPANDO, PRADO, ROBLES, GUEVARA, POLO, 
GARCIA, SANTOS. — GREAT NUMBER OP TALES. — GENERAL REMARKS ON 
ALL THE PORMS OF SPANISH FICTION. 

Short stories oi* tales were more successful in Spain^ 
dnring the latter part of the sixteenth century and the 
whole of the seventeenth, than any other form of prose 
fiction, and were produced in greater numbers. They 
seem, indeed, to have sprung afresh, and with great 
vigor, from the prevailing national tastes and manners^ 
not at all connected with the tales of Oriental origin, 
that had been introduced above two hundred years 
earlier b}^ Don Juan Manuel, and little affected by the 
brilliant Italian school, of which Boccaccio was the 
head ; but showing rather, in the hues they borrowed 
from the longer contemporary pastoral, satirical, and 
historical romances, how truly they belonged to the 
spirit of their own times, and to the state of society in 
which they appeared. We turn to them, therefore, 
with more than common interest. 

The oldest Spanish tales of the sixteenth century, 
that deserve to be noticed, are two that are found in 
a small volume of the works of Antonio de Villegas, 
somewhat conceitedly called '^El Inventario," and pre- 
pared for the press about 1550, though not 
*" 130 known to *have been published till 1561.^ 

i The "Inventario" of Villegas was well x^rinted, in 4to, 1565, and in small 



Chap. XXXVI.] SHOET PROSE TALES. 151 

The first of them is entitled "Absence and Solitude/' 
a pastoral consisting of about equal portions of prose 
and poetry, and is as affected and in as bad taste 
as the ampler fictions of the class to which it belongs. 
The other — " The Storv of Narvaez " — is much bet- 
ter. It is the Spanish version of a romantic adventure 
that really occurred on the frontiers of Granada, in the 
days when knighthood was in its glory among Moors 
as well as among Christians. Its ]3rincipal incidents 
are as follows. 

Rodrigo de Narvaez, Alcayde of Alora, a fortress on 
the Spanish border, grows weary of a life of inaction, 
from which he had been for some time suffering, and 
goes out one night with a few followers, in mere 
wantonness, to seek adventures. Of course they soon 
find what they seek, in such a spirit. Abindarraez, a 
noble Moor, belonging to the persecuted and exiled 
familv of the Abencerrag-es, comes well mounted and 
well armed along the path they are watching, and 
sings cheerily through the stillness of the night, — 

In Granada was I born, 

In Cartama was I bred; 
But in Coyn by Alora 

Lives the maiden I would wed. 

A fight follows at once, and the gallant young Moor 
is taken prisoner; but his dejected manner, after a 
resistance so brave as h^ had made, surprises his con- 
queror, who, on inquiry, finds that his captive was on 
his way that very night to a secret marriage with the 
lady of his love, daughter of the lord of Coyn, a Moor- 
ish fortress near at hand. Immediately on learning 

12mo, 1577, 144 leaves; — bo+b times print it was granted in 1551. There 

at Medina del Campo, of whirh its an- is, in fact, an edition of 1561, and prob- 

thor is supposed to have been a native, ably one earlier ; and it is in the thii-d 

and both times with a note especially volume of the Biblioteca de Autores 

prefixed, signifying that the license to Espanoles, 1846. 



152 ANTONIO DE VILLEGAS. [Pekiod IL 

thIS; the Spanish knight^ Kke a true cavalier, releases 
the young Moor from his present thraldom, on 
* 131 condition that he will ^voluntarily return in 
three days and submit himself again to his fate. 
The noble Moor keeps his word, bringing with him 
his stolen bride, to whom, by the intervention of the 
generous Spaniard with the king of Granada, her 
father is reconciled ; and so the tale ends to the honor 
and content of all the parties who appear in it. 

Some passages in it are beautiful, like the first dec- 
laration of his love by Abindarraez, as described by 
himself; and the darkness that, he says, fell upon his 
very soul, when his lady, the next day, was carried 
away by her father, " as if," he adds, " the sun had 
been suddenly eclipsed over a man wandering amidst 
wild and precipitous mountains." His Moorish honor 
and faith, too, are characteristically and finely ex- 
pressed, when, on the approach of the time for his 
return to captivity, he reveals to his bride the pledge 
he had given, and in reply to her urgent offer to send 
a rich ransom and break his word, he says, " Surely I 
may not now fall into so great a fault : for if, when 
formerly I came to you all alone, I kept truly my 
pledged faith, my duty to keep it is doubled now that 
I am yours. Therefore, questionless, I shall return to 
Alora, and place myself in the Alcayde's hands ; and 
when I have done what I ought to do, he must also do 
what to him seems right." 

The story, as claimed to be told by Arabian writers, 
is found at the end of " The History of the Arabs in 
Spain," by Conde, who says it was often repeated by 
the poets of Granada.^ But it was too attractive in 

2 Gayangos doubts whether Conde third volume, Conde often resorts to 
found this story in any Arabic histo- the old Spanish chronicles, 
rian, and adds that, especially in his 



KO. 



Chap. XXXVL] TIM0N"EDA. 15 

itself, and too flattering to the character of Spanish 
knighthood, not to obtain a similar place in Spanish 
literature. It was, therefore, unscrupulously taken 
from the Inventario of Villegas, and either by Monte- 
mayor himself or by his Venetian editor inserted, after 
altering its style materially for the worse, in the 
Diana Enamorada, though it harmonizes not at all 
with the pastoral scenery which there surrounds it. 
Padilla, too, soon afterwards took possession of it, and 
wrought it into a series of ballads; Lope de Vega 
founded on it his play of " The Remedy for Mis- 
fortune " ; * and Cervantes introduced it into ^132 
his " Don Quixote." On all sides, therefore, 
traces of it are to be found, but it nowhere presents 
itself with such grace or to such advantage as it does 
in the simple tale of Villegas.^ 

Juan de Timoneda, already noticed as one of the 
founders of the popular theatre in Spain, was also an 
early writer of Spanish tales. Indeed, as a bookseller 

^ The story of ISTarvaez, who is hon- Narvaez from Villegas nobody will 

orably noticed in Pulgar's " Claros Va- donbt who compares both together and 

rones," Titnlo XVII., and who is said remembers that it does not appear in 

to have been the ancestor of Narvaez, the first edition of the "Diana" ; that 

the minister of state to Isabella II., is it is wholly unsuited to its place in such 

found in Argote de Molina (N'obleza, a romance ; and that the difference be- 

1588, f. 296) ; in Conde (Historia, Tom. tween the two is only that the story, as 

ill. p. 262); in Villegas (Inventario, told by Montemaj^or, in the "Diana," 

1565, f. 94) ; in Padilla (Romancero, Book IV., though it is often, for sev- 

1583, If. 117- 127) ; in Lope de Vega eral sentences together, in the same 

(Remedio de la Desdicha ; Comedias, words "\vith the story in Villegas, is 

Tom. XIII., 1620, and Dorotea, Acto made a good deal longer by mere ver- 

II. Sc. 5) ; in Don Qnixote, (Parte I. biage. See ante, Chap. XXXIIL, note, 
c. 5,) etc. I think, too, that it may In the " ISTobiliario " of Ferant de 

•have been given by Timoneda, under Mexia, (Sevilla, 1492, folio,) — a curi- 

the title of "Historia del Enamorado ous book, written with Castilian dig- 

Moro Abindarraez, " suie anno, (Fus- nity of style, and full of the feudal 

ter. Bib., Tom. I. p. 162,) and it is spirit of an age that believed in the in- 

certainly among the ballads in his herent qualities of noble blood, — its 

" Eosa Espanola," 1573. (See Wolf's author (Lib. II. c. 15) boasts that 

reprint, 1846, p. 107.) It is the sub- ISTarvaez was the brother of his grand- 

ject, also, of a long poem by a Corsi- father, calling him " cavallero de los 

can, Francisco Balbi de Corregio, 1593. bienaventurados que ovo en nuestros 

(Depping's Romancero, Leipsique, 1844, tiempos desde el Cid aca batalloso e 

12mo, Tom. IL p. 231.) That Monte- victorioso." 
mayor took his version of the story of 



154 TIMONEDA. [Period II.. 

who souglit to make profit of whatever was agreeable 
to the general taste, and who wrote and published in 
this spirit several volumes of ballads, miscellaneous 
poetry, and farces, it was quite natural he should ad- 
venture in the ways of prose fiction, now become so 
attractive. His first attempt seems to have been in 
his "Patranuelo," or Story-teller, the first part of which 
appeared in 1576, but was not continued.* 

It is a small work, which draws its materials from 

widely different sources, some of them being 
* 133 found, like ^'the well-known story of Ajoollonius, 

Prince of Tyre, in the " Gesta Komanorum," but 
many more in the Italian masters, like the story of 
Griselda in Boccaccio, and the one familiar to English 
readers in the ballad of " King John and the Abbot of 
Canterbury," which Timoneda probably took from Sac- 
chetti.^ Three or four — of which the first in the 
volume is one — had already been used in the con- 

* Rodriguez, Biblioteca, p. 283. Xi- rum," Tale 153, in the edition of 1488. 

meno, Bib., Tom. 1. p. 72. Fuster, The story of Griselda he no doubt took 

Bib., Tom. I. p. 161, Tom. II. p. 530. from the version of it with which the 

The " Sobremesa y Alivio de Caminan- "Decamerone" ends, though he may 

tes," by Timoneda, printed in 1569, have obtained it elsewhere. (Manni, 

and probably earlier, is merely a col- Istoria del Decamerone, Firenze, 1742, 

lection of a hundred and sixty-one an- 4to, p. 603. ) As to the story so fa- 

ecdotes and jests, in the manner of Joe miliar to us in Percy's "Eeliques," he 

Miller, though sometimes cited as a probably obtained it from the fourth 

collection of tales. They are preceded ISTovella of Sacchetti, written about 

by twelve similar anecdotes, by a per- 1370 ; beyond which I think it cannot 

son who is called Juan Aragones. In be traced, though it has been common 

all the editions of the " Patraiiuelo, " I enough ever since, down to Biirger's 

believe, except the first, and that in version of it. Similar inquiries would 

Aribau's Biblioteca, Vol. III., there are no doubt lead to similar results about 

only twenty-one tales; — the eighth, other tales in the "Patraiiuelo"; but 

which is a coarse one borrowed from these instances are enough to sliow that " 

Ariosto, (the Joconde of Lafontaine, ) Timoneda took anything he found suited 

being omitted. There is an ample ar- to his purpose, just as the Italian A^o- 

ticle on Timoneda in Barrera. velUeri and the French Trouveurs had 

^ The story of Apollonius — the same done before him, without inquiring or 

with that in Shakespeare's "Pericles" caring whence it came. Indeed from 

— Avas, as we have seen, {Vol. I. p. the note of Felix Liebrecht to his Ger- 

23,) known in Spanish poetry very man translation of Dunlop's History of 

early, though the old poetical version Fiction, (Berlin, 1851, pp. 500, 501,) 

of it was not printed till 1844 ; but it it should seem that Timoneda rarely 

is more likely to have been taken by took the trouble to go beyond the No- 

Timoneda from the "Gesta Iloniano- wZZi'eri for his mater als. 



Chap. XXXVI.] CERVAN^TES. HIDALGO. 155 

strnction of dramas by Alonso de la Vega and Lope 
de Eueda. All of them tend to show, what is proved 
in other ways, that such popular stories had long been 
a part of the intellectual am'usements of a state of 
society little dependent on books ; and, after floating 
for centuries up and down through the different coun- 
tries of Europe, — borne by a general tradition or by 
the minstrels and Trouveurs, — were about this period 
first reduced to writing, and then again passed onward 
from hand to hand, till they were embodied in some 
form that became permanent. What, therefore, the 
Novellieri had been doing in Italy for above two hun- 
dred years, Timoneda now undertook to do for Spain. 
The twenty-two tales of his " Patranuelo " are not, in- 
deed, connected, like those of the " Decamerone," but 
he has given them a uniform character by investing 
them all with his own easy, if not very pure, style ; 
and thus, with little real merit on their part, he has 
sent them out anew to constitute a portion of the 
settled literature of his country, and to draw after 
them a long train of similar fictions, some of 
which bear * the most eminent names known * 134 
among those of Spanish prose-writers. 

Indeed, the very next is of this high order. It is 
that of Cervantes, who began by inserting such stories 
in the first part of his "Don Quixote" in 1605, and, 
eight years later, produced a collection of them, which 
he published separately. Of these tales, however^ we 
have already spokefn, and will therefore now only 
repeat, that, for originality of invention and happmess 
of style, they stand in Spain at the head of the class 
to which they belong.^ 

Others followed, of very various character. Hidalgo 

^ See ante. Vol. 11. p. 119. 



156 FTGUEROA. SALAS BARBADILLO. [Period 11. 

published^ in 1605, an acconnt of the frolics permitted 
during the last three days of Carnival, in which are 
many short tales and anecdotes, like the slightest and 
gayest of the Italian novelle ; '' and Suarez de Figueroa, 
who was no friend of Cervantes, if he was his follower, 
inserted other tales of a more romantic tone in his 
"Traveller," which he published in 1617.^ Perhaps, 
however, no writer of such fictions in the early part 
of the seventeenth century had more success than 
Salas Barbadillo, who was born at Madrid, about 1580, 
and died in 1635.^ During the last eighteen years of 
his life, he published not less than twenty different 
works, all of which, except three or four that are filled 
with such dramas and poetry as Lope de Vega had 

made fashionable, consist of popular stories, 
* 135 ^ neither so short as the tales of Timoneda, 

nor long enough to be accounted regular ro- 
mances, but all written in a truly national spirit, and 
in a strongly marked Castilian style. 

" The Ingenious Helen, Daughter of Celestina," 
which is one of the earliest and most spirited of these 

*^ It is in the form of dialogues, and modern fictions, — the Emperor, in this 

called "Carnestolendas deCastilla, divi- version of it, being named Ponciano, 

dido en las tres Noches del Domingo, and being called the son of Diocletian. 

Lunes y Martes de Antruexo, por Gas- The style is somewhat better than that 

par Lncas Hidalgo, Vezino de la Villa of the " Donzella Teodor," (ante, II. 

de Madrid," Barcelona, 1605, 12mo, fi'. 236,) but seems to be of about the same 

108. Editions are also noted of 1606 period. 

and 1618, and it is reprinted in the ^ Notices for the life of Barbadillo 

Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, Tom. may be found in Alvarez y Baena (Hi- 

XXXVI., 1855. jos\le Madrid, Tom. I. p. 42) ; in An- 

^ " El Pasagero" (Madrid, 1617, tonio (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 28) ; and 

12mo, flf. 492) is in ten dialogues, car- in tlie Prefaces to his own " Estafeta 

ried on in the pauses or rests of two del Dios Momo," (Madrid, 1627, 12nio,) 

travellers, and thence affectedly called and his "Coronas del Parnaso" (Ma- 

Alivios. I have a small volume enti- drid, 1635, 12mo). He was associated 

tied " Historia de los Siete Sabios de with Cervantes in the same religious 

Roma, compuesta por Marcos Perez, fraternity, and gave his strong testi- 

Barcelona por Eafael Figuero," 12mo, mony in favor of the tales of his friend 

— no date; but, I think, printed in in their lirst edition. (Navarrete, Vi- 

the eighteenth century. It contains da, §§ 121, 132.) He seems to have 

the story of ' ' The Seven Wise Mas- had an office at court, for he calls liim- 

ters," which is one of the oldest of self " Criado de su Magestad. " 



Chap. XXXVL] Si^LAS BARBADILLO. 157 

fictions, appeared in 1612, and was frequently printed 
afterwards. It is the story of a courtesan, whose ad- 
ventures, from the high game she undertakes to play 
in life, are of the boldest and most desperate kind. 
She is called the daughter of Celestina, because she 
is made to deserve that name by her talent and her 
crimes ; but, with instinctive truth, she is at last left 
to perish by the most disgraceful of all the forms of a 
Spanish execution, for poisoning an obscure and vulgar 
lover. One or two minor stories are rather inartifi- 
cially introduced in the course of the main narrative, 
and so are a few ballads, which have no value except 
as they serve to illustrate the rufl&an life, as it was 
called, then to be found in the great cities of Spain. 
The best parts of the book are those relating to Helen 
herself and her machinations ; and the most striking 
scenes, and perhaps the most true to the time, are 
those that occur when she rises to the height of her 

fortunes by setting up for a saint and imposing on all 

Seville.^o 

Of course, with such materials and incidents, the 
Helena takes much of its tone from the stories in the 
gusto picaresco^ or the style of Spanish rogues. Quite 
opposite to it, therefore, in character and purpose, is 
" The Perfect Knight," — a philosophical tale, not 
without some touch of the romances of chivalry. It 
is addressed to all the noble youth of the realm, at a 
time when the Cortes were assembled, and is intended 
to set the ideal of true knighthood before them, as 
before an audience the younger part of which might 

i'^ "La Ingeniosa Helena, Hija de ISTouvelles Tragicomiques, Paris, 1752, 

Celestina," Lerida, 1612, and often Tom. I. The " Ingeniosa Helena " was 

since. The edition I have is of Ma- first published and edited by Barba- 

drid, 1737, 12mo. It was cut to pieces dillo's friend, Francisco de Segura, 

and altered, in the way he treated other well known as the continuator of the 

Spanish fictions, by Scarron, who used " Prima vera de Romances " of Arias Pe- 

it for his story called *' Les Hypocrites." rez. 



158 SAL AS BARBADILLO. [Period II. 

be excited to strive after its attributes and lion- 
* 136 ors. To accomplish ^ this, Barbadillo gives the 
history of a Spanish cavaHer, who, travelling 
to Italy during the reign of Alfonso of Aragon, the 
conqueror of Naples, obtains the favor of that mon- 
arch, and, after serving him in the highest military 
and diplomatic posts, — commanding armies in Ger- 
many, and mediating between imaginary kings of 
England and Ireland, — retires to the neighborhood 
of Baia and enjoys a serene and religious old age.-^^ 

Again, '^ The House of Respectable Amusements " 
differs from both of the preceding fictions, and ex- 
hibits another variety of their author's very flexible 
talent. It relates the frolics of four gay students of 
Salamanca, who, wearied by their course of life at the 
University, come to Madrid, open a luxurious house, 
arrange a large hall for exhibitions, and invite the 
rank and fashion of the city, telling stories for the 
amusement of their guests, reciting ballads, and act- 
ing plays \ — all of which constitute the materials that 
fill the volume. Six tales, however, are really the 
effective part of it ; and the whole is abruptly termi- 
nated by the dangerous illness of the most active 
among the four gay cavaliers who had arranged these 
lenten entertainments.^^ 

But it is not necessary to examine further the light 
fictions of Barbadillo. It is enough to say of the 
rest, that " The Point-Device Knight," in two parts, 
is a grotesque story in ridicule of those who pretend 
to be first in everything ; ^^ — that "The Lucky Fool" 

11 "El Caballero Perfeto," Madrid, Madrid, 1619, 12mo. At the end of 
1620, 12mo. the second part is a play, "Los Pro- 

12 "Casa del Plazer Honesto," Ma- digios de Amor." A work not entirely 
drid, 1620, 12mo. nnlike tlie "Caballero Puntual" was 

13 "El Caballero Puntual," Priniera printed at Rouen in 1610, 12mo, called 
Parte, Madrid, 1614; Segunda Parte, " Rodomontadas Castellanas." It is in 



Chap. XXXVI.] 



SALAS BARBADILLO. 



159 



137 



is what its name implies ; ^* — that " Don Diego " con- 
sists of the love-adventures^ during nine succes- 
sive nights, of a gentleman who ^ always fails ^ 
in what he undertakes ; ^^ — and that all of 
them, and all Barbadillo's other productions, are within 
the range of talent of not a very high order, but un- 
commonly ductile, and dealing rather with the surface 
of manners than with the secrets of character which 
manners serve to hide. A later work, entitled " Par- 
nassian Crowns and Dishes for the Muses," is made up 
of a medley of verse and prose, stories and dramas, 
which were arranged for the press, and licensed in 
October, 1630 ;^^ but the last published during his life- 



Spanish, as were many other books 
printed at that time in France, from 
the connection of the French court 
with Spain, and it consists of the in- 
credible boastings of a braggadocio, 
something like Baron Munchausen. 
But it has little value of any sort, and 
I mention it only because it preceded 
the fiction of Barbadillo by four j^ears. 
It should not be confounded, however, 
with a small volume of very poor jests 
bearing nearly the same title, — "Ro-. 
domontadas Espaiiolas," — printed in 
1675, at Venice, in Spanish, Italian, 
French, and German. 

1* "El K'ecio bien Afortunado," Ma- 
drid, 1621, 12mo, translated by Philip 
Ayres, the verse-maker, and printed in 
1670. 

1° "Don Diego de IsToche," Madrid, 
1623, 12mo. Don Diego de Noche 
means any cavalier who goes about 
upon adventure in the night, disguised. 
It is a sobriquet. All nine of his un- 
happy adventures occur in the night. 
For some reason, I know not what, this 
story appears among the translated 
works of Quevedo, (Edinburgh, 1798, 
3 vols. 8vo,) and, I believe, may also 
be found in the previous translation 
made by Stevens. There is a play with 
the same title, " Don Diego de Noche," 
by Roxas (in Tom. VII. of the Come- 
dias Escogidas, 1654) ; but it has, I 
think, nothing to do with the tale of 
Barbadillo. 

Perhaps two more fictions of Barba- 



dillo, a little different in tone from the 
preceding, but written with no less 
spirit, should be mentioned. The first 
is, " El Sagaz Estacio, ]\Iarido examina- 
do," (Madrid, 1620, 12mo, ff. 155,) a 
dramatic story in three acts, founded 
on the same idea with Fletcher's "Rule 
a AVife and have a AVife" ;• — Estacio, 
the hero, passing himself off upon a 
lady of fortune as a manageable fool 
while he is her suitor, but governing 
her with great spirit as soon as she is 
his wife. The other is "Las Fiestas 
de la Bocla de la Incasable mal Casada," 
(Madrid, 1622, 12mo, ff. 167,) being 
the marriage of a lady of great fortune, 
talent, and accomplishments, who de- 
liberately chooses a fool, from the ab- 
surd vanity of showing herself off by 
contrast, and is thoroughly ridiculed 
and mortified for it in a series of dra- 
matic and other entertainments given 
to the married pair by a party of mis- 
chievous students, — the whole ending 
with the open disgrace of the silly bride- 
groom. Each of these tales has poetry 
intermingled with its prose, and the 
last gives, in a lively manner, hints 
how private theatricals were managed 
in the times of Philip III. and IV. 

16 "Coronas del Parnaso y Platos 
de las Musas," Madrid, 1635, 12mo. 
There is some resemblance in the idea 
to that of the "Convito" of Dante; 
but it is not likely that Salas Barba- 
dillo imitated the philosophical alle- 
gory of the great Italian master. It is 



160 LINAN Y YEKDUGO; AND OTHERS. [Period IL 

time, though written earher, was a series of satirical 
character-drawings, entitled " El Curioso y Sabio Alex- 
andro/' which was licensed anew in October, 1634, only 
a few months before he died. 

During the life of Barbadillo, and probably in some 
degree from his example and success, such fictions be- 
came frequent. " The Winter Evenings " of Antonio 

de Eslava, published in 1609, belong to this class, 
^ 138 but are, indeed, so early in their date, * that 

they may have rather given an impulse in some 
respects to Barbadillo than received one from him.^^ 
But " The Twelve Moral Tales " of Diego de Agreda y 
Vargas, in 1620, belong clearly to his manner,^^ as does 
also " The Guide and Counsel for Strangers at Court," 
published the same year, by Linan y Verdugo, — a 
singular series of stories, related by two elderly gen- 
tlemen to a young man, in order to warn him against 
the dangers of a gay life at Madrid.^^ Lope de Vega, 

announced as a postliunious work, but ment, I believe no second part followed, 

the Tassa is dated July 9, 1635, and he It is ordered to be expurgated in the 

died the next day, a miserably poor and Index of 1667, p. 67. 
suffering man. Gayangos notes two or ^^ " Doce Novelas Morales y exem- 

three more of the tales of Salas Barba- plares, por Diego de Agreda y Vargas," 

dillo, such as " Correccion de Vicios," Madrid, 1620 ; reprinted by one of his 

1615 ;_ " El Subtil Cordoves Pedro de descendants, at Madrid, in 1724, 12mo. 

Urdemalas," 1620 ; — "El Cortesano Diego de Agreda, of whom there is a 

descortes," 1621 ; — "La Sabia Flora notice in Baena, (Tom. I. p. 331,) was 

Malsabadilla," 1621 ; — and "La Esta- a soldier as well as an author, and, in 

feta del Dios Momo," 1627. A list the tale he called "El Premio de la 

nearly or quite complete may be found Virtucl," relates, apparently, an event 

in Alvarez y Baena, loc. cit. In 1627, in the history of his own family. 0th- 

when he published the "Estafeta del ers of his tales are taken from the Ital- 

Dios Momo," Bocangel y Uncueta says, ian. That of "Aurelio y Alexandra," 

in an Elogio ])refixed to it, that Bar- for instance, is a rifacimcnto of Ban- 

badillo had then published seventeen dello's story of " Eomeo and Juliet," 

stories. Three ap]')eared subsequently, used at just about the same time by 

In the Estafeta, among other odd things Shakespeare. 

is (Epistola 8) a sort of parody of the ^^ " Gui a y Avisos de Forasteros, etc., 

first chapter of Don Quixote. From a por el Licenciado Don Antonio Jjinan y 

sonnet at the end we learn that Barba- Verdugo," Madrid, 1620, 4to. In a 

dillo was deaf. discourse preceding the tales, which are 

1'^ The ' ' Primera Parte de las Noohes fourteen in number, their author is 

de Invierno, por Antonio de Eslava," spoken of as having written other 

was printed at Pamplona in 1609, and works, and as being an old man ; but 

at Brussels in 1310, 12mo ; but, as was I find no notice of him except that in 

so common in these works of amuse- Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 141,) 



Chap. XXXVI.] LI]N"A^ Y VERDUGO^ AND OTHERS. 161 

as iisualj followed where success Imcl alreaclj^ been ob- 
tained by others. In 1621^ he added a short tale to 
hib " Philomena/' and^ a little later, three more to his 
'^ Circe " -, but he himself thought them a doubtful 
experiment, and thev, in fact, proved an unhappy 
one.^^ Other persons, however, encouraged by the 
general favor that evidently waited on light and amus- 
ing collections of stories, crowded more earnestly along 
in the same path ; — Salazar, with his '^ Flowers of Eec- 
reation," in 1622;^^ — Lugo, with his " Novelas," the 
same year ; ^^ — and Camerino, with his '' Love 
Tales," ^^ only a year later; — all the last ^ six *' 139 
works having been produced in three years, and 
all belonging to the school of Timoneda, as it had been 
modified by the genius of Cervantes and the practical 
skill of Salas Barbadilio, 

This was popular success ; but it was so much in one 
direction, that its results became a little monotonous. 
Yariety, therefore, was soon demanded ; and being de- 
manded by the voice of fashion, it was soon obtained. 
The new form, thus introduced, was not, however, a 
violent change. It was made by a well-known dra- 
matic author, who — taking a hint from the " Decame- 
rone," already, in part adopted by Barbadillo, in his 
"House of Eospectable Amusements" — substituted a 

wliicli gives only the titles of the tales, he was secretary to the queen. Anto- 

and mistakes the year in which they nio, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 68. 

were printed. Some of the stories, it 22 "Novelas de Francisco de Lugo j 

may be added, seem true, and some of Avila," Madrid, 1622, 12mo. 

the sketches of manners are lively. 23 " JSTovelas Amorosas por Joseph 

'^^ See ante, Vol. II. pp. 184, 185, an Camerino," Madrid, 1623 and 1736, 

account of these tales of Lope, and 4to. (Antonio, Bib. JSTova, Tom. II. 

the way in which four others that are p. 361.) He was an Italian, as a])pears 

not his were added to them, and yet from the hint in Lope de Vega's sonnet 

appear in his collected works, Tom. prefixed to his tales, as well as from his 

VI II. OAvn Proemio. His Sj)anish, however, 

21 Literally, Pinks of Eecreation, — is pure enough, except in those afFecta- 

" Clavellinas de Recreacion, por Ambro- tions of style which he shared with 

sio de Salazar," Ruan, 1622, 12mo. many Castilian writers of his time. 

He wrote several other Spanish works. His " Dama Beata," a longer tale, was 

printed, as this was, in France, where printed at Madrid, in 1655, in 4to. 

VOL. ITI. 11 



162 TIRSO DE MOLINA. [Period II. 

theatrical framework to connect his separate stories, 
instead of the merely narrative one used by Boccaccio 
and his followers. This fell in, happily, with the pas- 
sion for the stage which then pervaded all Spain, and 
it was successful. 

The change referred to is first found in the " Cigar- 
rales de Toledo," published in 1624, by Gabriel Tellez, 
who, as we have already observed, when he left his 
convent and came before the public as a secular author, 
always disguised himself under the name of Tirso de 
Molina. It is a singular book, and takes its name from 
a word of Arabic origin peculiar to Toledo ; Oigarral 
there signifying a small country-house in the neigh- 
borhood of the city, resorted to only for recreation and 
only in the summer season.^* At one of these houses 
Tirso supposes a wedding to have happened, under cir- 
cumstances interesting to a large number of persons, 
who, wishing in consequence of it to be much together, 
agrreed to hold a series of entertainments at their dif- 
ferent houses, in an order to be determined by lot and 
under tlie superintendence of one of their company, 
each of whom, during the single day of his authority, 
should have supreme control, and be responsible for 

the amusements of the w^hole party. 
=^240 * The '^ Cigarrales de Toledo " is an account 

of these entertainments, consisting of stories 
that were read or related at them, poetry that was 
recited, and plays that were acted, — in short, of all 
that made up the various exhibitions and amusements 
of the party. Some portions of it are fluent and har- 
monious beyond the common success of the age ; but 

2* Gayangos doubts this etymology, larger Dictionary of tlie Spanish Acad- 

I certainly shall not contest with him emy. Indeed, I suppose Gayangos ad- 

a point of Arabic learning ; but would mits its Arabic origin, but doubts this 

only observe that I took my idea from particular form of it. 
Covarrubias ad verb., and from the 



Chai'. XXXVL] TIESO DE MOLINA. MONTALVAN. 163 

in nearly all the prose, such as the descriptions and 
in the poor contrivance of the "Labyrinth/' it is dis- 
figured by conceits and extravagances, belonging to 
the follies of Gongorism. The work, however, pleased, 
and Tirso himself prepared another of the same kind, 
called " Pleasure and Profit," — graver and more re- 
ligious in its tone, but of less poetical merit, — which 
was written in 1632, and printed in 1635. But, though 
both were well received, neither was finished. The 
last ends with the promise of a second part, and the 
first, which undertakes to give an account of the en- 
tertainments of twenty days, embraces, in fact, only 

The style they adopted was soon imitated. Mon- 
talvan, who, like his master, never failed to follow the 
indications of the popular taste, printed, in 1632, his 
"Para Todos," or For Everybody, containing the im- 
aginary amusements of a party of literary friends, who 
agreed to cater for each other during a week, and 
whose festivities are ended, as those of the " Cigar- 
rales " began, with a wedding. Some of its inven- 
tions are very learnedly dull, — not a few passages 

2^ Baena, "Hijos de Madrid," Tom. at Toledo when he was there in the lat- 

II. p. 267. I find no edition of the ter part of the eighteenth century are 

" Cigarrales de Toledo" cited earlier described by him as anything but at- 

than 1631 ; but my copy is dated Ma- tractive. (Voyage en Espagne, 1789, 

drid, 1624, 4to, and is evidently of the 8vo, Tom. III. p. 323.) They were 

first publication. Covarrubias (ad verb, hardly better, I suppose, in the time 

Cifjarral) gives the proper meaning of of Tirso. But, in truth, as Boui-going 

the word, which is perhaps plain enough has elsewhere noticed, the more culti- 

from the Avork itself. The "Deleytar vated and wealthy classes of Spaniards 

Aprovechando " was reprinted at Ma- have had little taste for countiy life, 

drid in 1677 in one 4to, and in 1765, " Les plaisirs innocens et sains de la 

in 2 torn. 4to. In the "Cigarrales" campagne leur sont a pen pres incon- 

Tirso promises to publish twelve 710 ys^as, nus II seroit facile de compter 

with an argument to connect them, leursmaisonsde campagne," etc. (Tom. 

adding, satirically, ''Not stolen from II. p. 310.) This, perhaps, is connected 

the Tuscans"; — but they never ap- with their deficiencies in descriptive 

I>eared. The excellence of his " Tres poetry and landscape paintinii'. See 

Maridos burlados " in the Cigarrales ante, Vol. II. 2">- 472, note, and YuL 

may make us regret their loss. 111. p. 65. 

The CifjanxdeswYiiiAi Bourgoing found 



164 



MONTALVAN; AIS^D OTHERS. 



[Period II. 



# 



are in the very bad taste then prevalent, — 
141 * and it is throughout less well arranged than 
the account of the entertainments near Toledo, 
and falls less naturally into a dramatic framework. 
But it show^s its author's talent. The individual stories 
are generally pleasantly told, especially the one called 
"At the End of the Year One Thousand"; and, as a 
whole, the "Para Todos" was popular, going through 
nine editions in less than thirty years, notwithstanding 
a very severe attack on it by Quevedo.^^ Its popu- 
larity, too, had the natural effect of producing imita- 
tions, among which, in 1640, appeared, ^^Para Algu- 
nos," — For a Few, — by Matias de los Reyes ; ^^ and in 



2' Baena, Tom. III. p. 157. I own 
the ninth edition of "Para Todos," 
Alcala, 1661, 4to. In the Preface to 
the first volume of his Comedias, he 
says that six editions of it were pub- 
lished in two years, and, upon the 
strength of such encouragement, prom- 
ises a second part. But he was broken 
down by insanity the next year. Que- 
vedo seems to have borne some personal 
ill-will against Montalvan, whom he 
calls "a little remnant of Lope de 
Vega," and says his "Para Todos" is 
' ' like the coach from Alcala to Madrid, 
full of all sorts of passengers, including 
the worst." (Obras, Tom. XI. p. 129.) 
Quevedo does not appear among those 
who in 1639 offered verses or other 
tributes to the memory of Montalvan, 
though their number is above a hundred 
and fifty, and includes, I think, nearly 
or quite every other Spanish author of 
any note then living. See ' ' Lagrimas 
Panegyricas en la Muerte de Montal- 
van," 1639. ■ 

2^ Matias de los Reyes was the author 
of other tales besides those in his " Para 
Algunos." His "Curial del Parnaso," 
(Madrid, 1624, 8vo, ) of which only the 
iirst part was published, contains several. 
He also wrote for the stage. His " Para 
Algunos" was printed at Madrid, 1640, 
ff. 218, in (juarto, and is not ill written 
for its time. It supposes two persons 
travelling from Madrid on a vow to Our 
Lady of Guadalupe. They stop at the 
house of a friend of one of them ; read 



a play of Los Eeyes (El Agravio Agra- 
decido) ; discuss questions of magic ;' 
and tell two long stories connected with 
it ; — after which they pursue their 
journey. The whole is divided into 
Treze Discursos, and is quite elaborate. 
Baena, Hijos, Tom. IV. p. 97. 

A poor work of the same sort by El 
Maestro Ambrosio Bondia appeared at 
Zaragoza, (1651, 4to, pp. 676,) entitled 
"Cythara de Apolo i Paraaso en Ara- 
gon," 60. It consists of four days' 
amusements in a " casa de recreo" 
near the citj^, where a party of gentle- 
men and ladies meet for the Easter 
holidaj^s, and is a mixture of prose and 
verse, — dramas, etc., etc., chiefly in 
glorification of the kingdom of Aragon, 
— and all very Gongoristic. 1 found a 
copy in the Hof Bibliothek, Vienna. 
(For the author, see Latassa, Bib. Nue- 
va. III. 132.) In the Bibliotheca Ee- 
gia at Parma I found a work of the 
same sort, better than Bondia' s, but 
written by a countryman of his, JMatias 
de Aguirre del Pozo y Felices. It was 
printed in Carago9a, 1654, 4to, pp. 390, 
and is called "Navidad de Zaragoza." 
It is an account of four evenings of the 
Christmas holidays and their amuse- 
ments as provided in a palace fitted up 
for the occasion, where plays were acted, 
poetry recited, questions of ])liilosophy 
discussed, stories told, and luxurious 
su])pers eaten. Another part is jjrom- 
ised, but never appeared. 



Chap. XXaVI.] MORTAL VAI^, A:ND OTHERS. 



165 



1661, '' Para Si/' — For one's own Self, — by Juan Fer- 
nandez y Peralta."^ 

^ Meantime the succession of separate tales * 142 
had been actively kept up. Montalvan pub- 
lished eight in 1624^ Avritten with more than the usual 
measure of grace in such Spanish compositions ; one 
of them, ^^ The Disastrous Friendship," founded on the 
sufferings of an Algerine captivity, being one of the 
best in the language, and all of them so successful, 
that they were printed eleven times in about thirty 
years.^^ Cespedes y Meneses followed, in 1628, with 
a series entitled "Rare Histories" ; ^*^ — Moya, at 
about the same time, published a single whimsical 
story on " The Fancies of a Fright " ; in which he re- 
lates a succession of marvellous incidents, that, as he 



2*^ I have seen the '* Para Si de Don 
Juan Fernandez y Peralta " (Zaragoza, 
1661, pp. 279) only in the Imperial 
Librai'v at Vienna. It is divided iiito 
eleven "Discursos" and has poetry in 
it, an allegory, a drama, a love- story, 
etc. , all in the culto style, and not 
Avithout recollection of the " Para To- 
dos," to which reference is made in a 
*' Carta de Apolo" pi*efixed. Two oth- 
er similar Avorks, of a later date, may 
he added to these. The first is "El 
Entretenido," by Antonio Sanchez Tor- 
toles, which was licensed to be printed 
in 1671, but of which I have seen no 
edition except that of Madrid, 1729, 
4to. It sets forth the amusements of 
an Academy during the Christmas holi- 
days ; namely, a i')lay, cntremes, and 
poems, with discussions on subjects of 
natural history, learning, and theology. 
But it contains no tales, and goes 
through only ten of the fourteen even- 
ings whose enterminments it announces. 
The remaining four were filled up by 
Joseph JMoraleja, (j\Iadrid, 1741, 4to,) 
with materials generally more light and 
gay, and, in one instance, with a tale. 
The other work referred to is " Gustos 
y Disgustos del Lentiscar de Cartagena, 
por el Licenciado Gines Campillo de 
Bayle " (Valencia, 1689, 4to). It takes 
its name from the "Lentiscar," a spot 
near Carthagena where the Lentisco or 



mastic-tree abounds ; and it consists of 
twelve da3^s' entertainment, given at a 
country-house to a young lady who 
hesitated about taking the veil, but, 
finding her mistake from the unha])])}'' 
ending of each of these days of pleasure, 
returns gladl}'- to her convent and com- 
pletes her profession. IST either of these 
works is Avorth the trouble of reading. 
The four "Academias" of Jacinto Polo, 
the amusements of four days of a wed- 
ding, (Obras, 1670, pp. 1-106, first 
edition 1630,) are better, but consist 
chiefly of poems. 

^^ They. were translated into French 
by Eampale, and printed at Paris in 
1644 (see Baena and Brunet) ; and are 
in the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, 
p. 735. 

^ Gonzalo de Cespedes y Meneses, 
" Historias Peregrinas, " Zaragoza, 1628, 
1630, and 1647, the last in 12mo. Only 
the first part was ever published. It is 
a curious book. It opens with "An 
Abridgment of the Excellences of 
Spain," and each of the six tales of 
which it consists, haAnng its scene laid 
in some famous Spanish city, is preceded 
by a similar abridgment of the excel- 
lences of the particular city to which it 
relates. Cespedes is the author of the 
"Gerardo Espanol," noticed ante, p. 
124, and, like many of the story-writers 
01 his time, was a native of Madrid. 



166 MARIANA DE CARBAJAL. [Period 11. 

declares, flashed through his own iniagmation while 
falling down a precipice in the Sierra Morena ; ^^ — and 
Castro J Anaya published, in 1632, five tales called 
" The Auroras of Diana," because thev are told in the 
early dawn of each morning, during five suc- 
* 143 cessive ^ days, to amuse Diana, a lady who, after 
a long illness, had fallen into a state of melan- 
choly.^^ 

The fair sex, too, entered into the general fashion- 
able competition. Mariana de Carbajal, a native of 
Granada, and descended from the ancient ducal fami- 
lies of San Carlos and Eivas, published, in 1663, eight 
tales, pleasing both by their invention and by the sim- 
plicity of their style, which she called " Christmas at 
Madrid," or "Evening Amusements." ^'^ And in 1637 
and 1647, Maria de Zayas, a lady of the court, and a 
sturdy defender of women's rights, printed two col- 
lections ; the first called simply " Tales," and the last 
'^ Saraos," or Balls ; each a series of ten stories within 
itself, and both connected together by the entertain- 
ments of a party of friends at Christmas, and the 
dances and fetes at the wedding of two of their num- 
ber, during the holidays that followed;^* 

31 Juan Martinez de Moya, "Fan- "Novelas Entretenidas," Madrid, 1663, 

tasias de un Susto," It reminds us of 4to. At the end of these eight stories, 

the theory of Coleridge about the ra- she promises a second part ; and in the 

pidit}'' with which a series of events can edition of 1728 there are, in fact, two 

he hurried through the thoughts of a more stories, marked as the ninth and 

drowning man, or any person under a tenth, but I think they are not hers, 

similar excitement of mind. It is, ^ Baena Hijos, Tom. IV. p. 48, 

however, a very poor story, intended Both collections are plinted together in 

for a satire on manners, and is full of the edition of Madrid, 1795, 4to ; — 

bad verses. There is a reprint of it, the first being called Novelets, and the 

Madrid, 1738, 12mo. second Saraos. One of the stories, — 

^^ "Auroras de Diana, por Don Pe- El Prevenido Engana.clo, I mean, — 
dro de Castro y Anaya." He was a though written by "a lady of the 
native of Murcia, and there are editions court," is one of the most gross I re- 
ef his "Auroras " of 1632, 1637, 1640, member to have read, and was used by 
and 1654, the last printed at Coimbra, Scarron in his "Precaution Inutile," 
in 12ino. with little mitigation of its shameless 

^ Mariana de Carbajal y Saavedra, indecency. 



Chap. XXXVI.] LOZAIS^O^ AND OTHERS. 167 

Again, slight changes in such fictions were at- 
tempted. Mata, in two dull tales, called " The Soli- 
tudes of Aurelia," published in 1637, endeavored to 
give them a more religious character ;^^ and in 1641, 
Andre del Castillo, in six stories misnamed '^ The Mas- 
querade of Taste," sought to give them even a lighter 
tone than the old one.^^ Both found successors. Lo- 
zano's "Solitudes of Life," which are four stories sup- 
posed to be told by a hermit on the wild peaks of the 
Monserrate, belong to the first class, and, not- 
withstanding ^ a somewhat afiected style, were ^ 144 
much praised by Calderon, and went through at 
least six editions ; ^' — while, in the opposite direction, 
between 1625 and 1649, we have a number of the 
freest secular tales, by Castillo Solorzano, among which 
the best are probably " The Alleviations of Cassandra," 
and "The Coun try-House of Laura," both imitations of 
Castro's " Diana." ^^ 

^ Geronimo Fernandez de Mata, of Gaspar Lozano, as if he were not the 

"Soledades deAnrelia," 1638, to which, same. I found also in the Imperial 

in the edition of Madrid, 1737, 12mo, Library at Vienna "Las Persecuciones 

is ad<Ied a poor dialogue between Crates de Lucinda, Dama Valeneiana y tragi- 

and his wife, Hipparcha, against am- cos Sucesos de Don Carlos, por el Doc- 

bition and worldliness ; originally print- tor Christoval Lozano," Valencia, 1664, 

ed in 1637. 12mo, pp. 285 ; — a poor fiction, divided 

^^ Andre del Castillo, " La Mogiganga into eight Persecuciones, like chap- 
del Gusto," Zaragoza, 1641. Segunda ters, and containing a play in one of 
Lnpresiun, Madrid, 1734. They are writ- them, 
ten in the affected style of the ciiltos. ^^ Of Alonso del Castillo Solorzano 

^'^ Christoval Lozano, "Soledades de I have spoken, ante, p. 110, as the 

la Vida," 6a impresion, Barcelona, 1722, author oi picaresque tales. A list of 

4to. After the four connected stories most of his works may be found in 

told by the hermit, there folloAv, in this Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. L p. 15,) 

edition, six others, which, though sepa- among which is a sort of suite with the 

rate, are in the same tone and style. As following titles: ^' Jornaclas Alegres," 

originally published in 1658, the Sole- 1626; — " J'arc^cs Entretenidas, " 1625; 

dades were followed by hve dramas, and — and Noches de Placer," 1631. None 

appeared under the name of Gaspar Lo- of these had much success ; nor, indeed, 

zano ]\rontesinas, who, I think, was a did he succeed much in any of his tales, 

kinsman of Christoval. Lozano wrote except "La Garduiia de Sevilla," al- 

the " Reyes Nuevos de Toledo," noticed ready noticed. But his " Quinta de 

ante, p. 127 ; the "David Perseguido," Laura" was printed three times, and 

and other similar works ; — at least, I his "Alivios de Cassandra," wlucli first 

beli-eve they are all by one person, appeared in 1640,- — and is something 

though the Index Expurgatorius of like the "Para Todos" of Montalvan, 

1790 makes the " Soledades " the work being a collection of dramas, poetry. 



168 ALONSO DE ALCALA^ AND OTHERS. [Period II. 

In the same waj^ the succession of short fictions was 
continued unbroken, until it ceased witli the general 
decay of Spanish Hterature at the end of the century. 
Thus we have, in 1641, " The Various Effects of Love 
and Fortune," by Alonso de Alcala ; five stories, such 
as may be imagined from the fact, that, in each of 
them, one of the five vowels is entirely omit- 
* 145 ted ; ^^ — in ^ 1645, " The Warnings, or Experi- 
ences, of Jacinto," hj Villalpando, which may 
have been taken fi^om his own life, since Jacinto was 
the first of his own names ;*^ — in 1663, "The Fes- 
tivals of Wit and Entertainments of Taste," by Andres 
de Prado;*^ — and, in 1666, a series collected from 
different authors, by Isidro de Robles,*^ and published 
under the title of " Wonders *of Love." All these, as 
their names indicate, belong to one school; and al- 
though there is an occasional variety in their individ- 
ual tones, some of them being humorous and others 
sentimental, and although some of them have their 

etc., iDesides six stories, — was trans- sliould be cited, as they are, not only 

lated into French, and printed at Paris, by Clemencin, but by the Spanish 

both in 1683 and 1685. His "Salade Academy in the Preface to their Dic- 

Eecreacion," (Zaragoza, 1649, 12mo, tionary, to prove the richness of their 

pp. 352,) consists of five tales and a language. 

play entitled '^ La Torre de Florisbella," ^'^ Jacinto de Villalpando, " Escar- 

being like " Para Todos." mientos de Jacinto," Zaragoza, 1645. 

^^ Alonso de Alcala yHerrera, "Varios He was Marquis of Osera, and pub- 

Efetos de Amor," Lisboa, 1641, 18mo. lished other works in the course of the 

He was a Portuguese, but was of Span- next ten years after the appearance of 

ish origin, and Avrote Spanish with the "Jacinto," one of which, at least, 

purity, as well as Portugiiese. (Bar- appeared under the name of "Fabio 

bosa. Bib. Lus., fol., Tom. I. p. 26.) Clymente." See ante, Vol. II. p. 487, 

Clemencin cites these stories of Alcala note. 

as proof of the richness of the Spanish *i Literallj^, Luncheons of Wit, etc. 

language. (Ed. Don Quixote, Tom. "Meriendas del Ingenio y Entretenimi- 

IV. p. 286.) There is a tale, printed entos del Gusto," Zaragoza, 1663, 8vo, 

by Guevara, called "Los Tres Herma- Six tales. 

nos," in the volume with his "Diablo ^^ Isidro deRobles collected the "Va- 

Cojuelo," (Madrid, 1641,) in which the rios Efetos de Amor" (Madrid, 1666, 

letter A is omitted ; and in 1654 Fer- 4to). They were published again, with 

nando Jacinto de Zarate published a the iive tales of Alcala, already noted, 

dull love-story, called " Meritos dis- in 1709, 1719, and 1760; — the num- 

ponen Premios, Discurso Lirico," omit- ber of tales being thus eleven, with 

ting the same vowel; — but the live three "Sucesos" at the end, — all of 

tales of Alcala are better done than which then appeared as the " Varios 

either, though I cannot think that they Prodigios de Amor." 



Chap. XXXYL] ALLEGORICAL TALES. 169 

scenes in Spain and others in Italy or Algiers, still, as 
the purpose of all was only the lightest amusement, 
the}^ may all be grouped together and characterized in 
the mass, as of little value, and as falling off in merit 
the nearer they approach the period when such fictions 
ceased in the elder Spanish literature. 

One more variety in the characteristics of this style 
of writing in Spain is, however, so distinct from the 
rest, that it should he separately mentioned, — that 
wdiich has sometimes been called the Allegorical and 
Satirical Tale, and which generally took the form of a 
Vision. It was, probably, suggested by the bold and 
original " Visions " of Quevedo ; and the instance of it 
most worthy of notice is ^^ The Limping Devil " of Luis 
Velez de Guevara, wdiich appeared in 1641. It is a 
short story, founded on the idea that a student releases 
from his confinement, in a magician's vial, the Limping 
Devil, who, in return for this service, carries his liber- 
ator through the air, and, unroofing, as it were, the 
houses in Madrid and elsewhere during the stillness 
of the night, shows him the secrets that are 
* passing within. It is divided into ten " Leaps," * 146 
as they afterwards spring from place to place 
in different parts of Sj^ain, in order to pounce on their 
prej^, and it is satirical throughout. Parts of it are 
very happy ; among which may be selected those re- 
lating to fashionable life, to the life of rogues, and to 
that of men of letters, in the large cities of Castile and 
Andalusia, though these, like the rest, are sometimes 
disfigured with the bad taste then so common. On 
the whole, however, it is a most amusing fiction, — 
partly allegorical and partly sketched from living man- 
ners, — and is to be placed among the more spirited 
prose satires in modern literature, both in its original 



1^' 



GUEVARA. 



POLO. 



[Period IL 



form and in the form given to it by Le Sage, whose 
rifacimento has carried it, under the name of " Le Diable 
Boiteux/' wherever letters are known.^^ 

Earher than the appearance of the Limping Devil, 
however, Polo had written, in 1636, his "Hospital of 
Incurables," a direct imitation of Quevedo ; and in 
1640 there appeared as his the "University of Love, 
or School for Selfishness," a satire against mercenary 
matches, thrown into the shape of a vision of the 
University of Love, where the fair sex are brought 
up in the arts of profitable intrigue, and receive de- 
grees according to their progress.^* It is, in 
^ 147 general, an ill-managed allegor}^, "^ filled with 
bad puns and worse verse; bat there is one 



# 



*3 Antonio (Bib. Nov., Tom. IL p. 
68) and Montalvan (in the catalogue at 
the end of his "Para Todos," 1661, p. 
545) make him one of the principal 
and most fashionable dramatic authors 
of his time. (See ante, Vol. II. p. 
309.) The " Diablo Cojuelo " has been 
very often reprinted in Spanish since 
1641. Le Sage published his "Diable 
Boiteux" in 1707, chiefly from Gueva- 
ra ; and nineteen years afterwards en- 
larged it by the addition of more Span- 
ish stories from Santos and others, and 
more Parisian scandal. In the mean 
time, it had been carried upon the 
stage, where, as well as in its original 
form, it had a prodigious success. 

Gayangos mentions two other incon- 
siderable writers of tales, belonging to 
this period, viz. : (1.) Juan Cortes de 
Tolosa, whose continuation of Laza- 
rillo, 1620, has already been noticed in 
Chap. IV. of this Period, and wdio pub- 
lished his "Discursos Morales y Nove- 
las," in 1617 ; and (2.) Francisco de 
Navarrete y Pabera, who published, in 
1644, his "Casa de Juego," to expose 
the gambling-houses of his time and 
the tricks and frauds of those who kept 
them . 

Another writer of tales may be added, 
— Pedro Alvarez de Lugo, a native of 
Palma in the Canaries, — who in 1664 
published a poor little volume of alle- 
gorical fictions in prose and verse und^r 



the title of " Primera y Segunda Parte 
de las Vigilias del Sueno. It is not 
always as decent as it should be. See 
ante, p. 46, note. 

** " Universidad de Amor y Escuela 
del Interes, Verdades Sonadas 6 Sueno 
Verdadero." The first part appeared 
under the name of Antolinez de Piedra 
Buena, (author of Carnestolendas de 
Zaragoza," 1661,) and the second under 
that of El Bachiller Gaston Daliso de 
Orozco ; but both were printed subse- 
quently in the works of Jacinto Polo, 
and both appear together in a separate 
edition, 1664, filling sixty-three leaves, 
18mo, and including some of Polo's 
poetry. Latassa, however, (Bib. Nue- 
va, Tom. III. p. 62,) makes the first 
part anonymous, and attributes the sec- 
ond to Juan Francisco Andres de Us- 
tarroz, the historian, as does also N. 
Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 693,) 
who (Tom. II. p. 340) gives the first 
part to Benedictus Ruiz. Gayangos 
continues these doubts and settles noth- 
ing ; but the " Universidad de Amor," 
he sa3^s, was printed as early as 1640, 
with other works of Polo, and is, he 
thinks, inferior to Polo's somewhat sim- 
ilar work, "Hospital de Incurables y 
Viage deste Mundo y el Otro " ; which 
may be found in the edition of 1670, 
pp. 220 - 241, but was published as 
early as 1636. 



Chap. XXX YI.] POLO. 171 

passage so characteristic of Spanish wit in this form 
of fiction, that it may be cited as an illustration of the 
entire class to which it belongs. 

" ^ That yomig creature whom you see there/ said 
the God of Love, as he led me on, ' is the chief 
captain of my war, the one that has brought most 
soldiers to my feet, and enlisted most men under my 
banners. The elderly person that is leading her along 
by the hand is her aunt.' ^ Her aunt^ did you say ? ' I 
replied ; ' her aunt ? Then there is an end of all my 
love for her. That word aunt is a counter poison that 
has disinfected me entirely, and quite healed the 
wound your well-planted arrow was beginning to 
make in my heart. For, however much a man may 
be in love, there can be no doubt an aunt will always 
be enough to purge him clean of it. Inquisitive, sus- 
picious, envious, — one or the other she cannot fail to 
be, — and if the niece have the luck to escape, the 
lover never has ; for if she is envious, she wants him 
for herself; and if she is only suspicious, she still 
spoils all comfort, so disconcerting every little project, 
and so disturbing every little nice plan, as to render 
pleasure itself unsavory.' ' Why, what a desperately 
bad opinion 3^ou have of aunts ! ' said Love. ' To be 
sure I have,' said I. ' If the state of innocence in 
which Adam and Eve were created had nothins^ else 
to recommend it, the simple fact that there could have 
been no aunts in Paradise would have been enough for 
me. Why, every morning, as soon as I get up, I cross 
myself and say, " By the sign of the Holy Kood, from 
all aunts deliver us this day. Good Lord ! " And every 
time I repeat the Paternoster^ after "Lead us not into 
temptation," I always add, "nor into the way of 
aunts either." ' " 



172 MAKCOS GARCIA. SANTOS. [Periui. 11. 

The example of Qiievedo was again followed, partly 
in jest, by Marcos Garcia, who in 1657 published his 
" Phlegm of Pedro Hernandez," an imaginary 
* 148 * but popular personage, whose arms, according 
to an old Spanish proverb, fell out of their 
sockets from the mere listlessness of their owner. It 
is a vision, in which women-servants who spend their 
lives in active cheating, students pressing vigorously 
forward to become quacks and pettifoggers, s]3end- 
thrift soldiers, and similar uneasy, unprincipled per- 
sons of other conditions, are contrasted with those 
who, trusting to a quiet disposition, float noiselessly 
down the current of life, and succeed without an effort 
and without knowing how they do it. The gen- 
eral allegory is meagre ; but some of the individual 
sketches are well imagined. ^^ 

The person, however, who, in the latter part of the 
seventeenth century, succeeded best in this style of 
composition, as well as in tales of other kinds, was 
Francisco Santos, a native of Madrid, who died not far 
from the year 1700. Between 1663 and 1697 he gave 
to the world sixteen volumes of different kinds of 
works for popular amusement ; — generally short sto- 

*° Marcos Garcia, " La Flema de Pe- house of "Desangano," — tliat pecu- 

dro Hernandez, Discurso Moral y Po- liarly Castilian word, which may here 

litico," Madrid, 1657, 12mo. The au- be translated Truth. He is led after- 

thor was a surgeon of Madrid, and wards to the palace and tribunal of For- 

wrote "Honor de la Medicina"; and tune, where he is disabused of his errors 

another, "Papelillo," without his name, concerning all earthly good. The lic- 

which he mentions in his Prologo. tion is of little worth, and the style is 

(Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 83.) that of the school of Gongora. A more 

He shows, at the beginning of his complete specimen of Gongorism may, 

"Flema," that he means to imitate however, be found in a tale entitled 

Quevedo ; but he has a good deal of " Firmeza en los Imposibles i Fineza 

cultismo in his style. For the meaning en los Desprecios ; escrivialo Don 

of " I'lema," see Covarrubias, adverb. Baltasar Altamirano y Portocarrero, " 

— One more trifle may here be men- (Carago^a, 1646, 12mo,) — a story 

tioned ; the " Desengaho del Hombre founded on the ruthless coquetry of 

en el Tribunal de la Fortuna y Casa de the heroine and the imperturbable 

Descontentos, ideado por Don Juan constancy of the hero, who at last 

Martinez de Cuellar," 1663. It is a seeks death in a naval battle with the 

vision, in which the author goes to the French. 



Chap. XXXVL] SANTOS. 173 

rieS; but some of tliem encumbered with allegorical 
personages and tedious moral discussions.*^ The oldest 
perhaps of the series, " Dia y Noche en Madrid," or, 
as it may be translated, Life in Madrid, though a mere 
fiction founded on manners, is divided into what the 
author terms Eighteen Discourses. It opens, as such 
Spanish tales are too apt to open, somewhat 
pompously • the first scene describing ^ with * 149 
too much elaborateness a procession of three 
hundred emancipated captives, who enter Madrid 
praising God and rejoicing at their release from the 
horrors of Algerine servitude. One of these captives, 
the hero of the story, falls immediately into the hands 
of a shrewd and not over-honest servant, named Jua- 
nillo, who, having begun the world as a beggar, and 
risen by cunning so far as to be employed in the 
capacity of an inferior servant by a fraternity of 
monks, now undertakes to make the stranger ac- 
quainted with the condition of Madrid, serving him 
as a guide wherever he goes, and interpreting to him 
whatever is most characteristic of the manners and 
follies of the capital. Some of the tales and sketches 
thus introduced are full of life and truth, as, for in- 
stance, those relating to the prisons, gaming-houses, 
and hospitals, and especially one in which a coquette, 
meeting a poor man at a bull-fight, so dupes him by 
her blandishments, that she sends him back penniless, 
at midnight, to his despairing wife and children, who, 
anxious and without food, have been waiting from the 
early morning to have him return with their dinner. 
This little volume, several parts of which have been 
freely used by Le Sage, ends with an account of the 

*^ Alvarez y Baena, Hijos cle Madrid, edition of the works of Santos, in 4 
Tom. II, p. 21G. There is a coarse torn, 4to, Madrid, 1723. 



174 SANTOS. [Period II. 

captive's adventures in Italy, in Spain, and in Algiers, 
given by himself in a truly national tone, and with 
fluency and spirit.*' 

" Periquillo " — another of these collections of 
sketches and tales^ less well written than the last, 
except in the merely narrative portions — contains 
an account of a foundling, who, after the ruin and 
death of a pious couple that first picked him up at 
their door on a Christmas morning, begins the world 
for himself as the leader of a blind beggar. From 
this condition, which, in such Spanish stories, always 
seems to be regarded as the lowest possible in society, 
he rises to be the servant of a cavalier, who proves to 
be a mysterious robber, and after escaping from him 
falls into the hands of yet worse persons, and is appre- 
hended under circumstances that remind us of 
* 150 the story of Dona Mencia in " Gil Bias." ^ He, 
however, vindicates his innocence, and, being 
released from the fangs of justice, returns, weary of 
the world, to his first home, where he leads an ascetic 
life ; makes long, pedantic discourses on virtue to his 
admiring townsmen ; and proves, in fact, a sort of 
humble philosopher, growing constantly more and 
more devout till the account of him ends at last with 
a prayer. The whole is interesting among Spanish 
works of fiction, because it is evidently written both 
in imitation of the 'picaresque novels and in opposition 
to them ; since Periquillo, from the lowest origin, gets 
on by neither roguery nor cleverness, but by honesty 
and good faith ; and^ instead of rising in the world and 
becoming rich and courtly, settles patiently down into 
a village hermit, or a sort of poor Christian Diogenes. 

*" " Dia y Noclie en Madrid, Discnr- Madrid, 1663, 12mo ; besides whicli 
SOS de lo mas Notable (|ue en el passa," there are editions of 1708, 1734, ete. 



Chap. XXXVI.] SANTOS. 175 

No doubt he lias neither the wit nor the cunnins^ of 
Lazarillo ; but that he should venture to encounter 
that shrewd little beggar in any way makes Periquillo, 
at once, a personage of some consequence.*^ 

Yet one more of the works of Santos should be 
noticed ; an allegorical tale, called " Truth on the 
Eack, or the Cid come to Life again." Its general 
story is, that Truth, in the form of a fair woman, is 
placed on the rack, surrounded by the Cid and other 
forms, that rise from the earth about the scaffold on 
wdiich she is tormented. There she is forced to give 
an account of things as they really exist, or have ex- 
isted, and to discourse concerning shadowy multitudes, 
who pass, in sight of the company that surrounds her, 
over what seems to be a long bridge. The whole is, 
therefore, a satire in the form of a vision, but its char- 
acter is consistently sustained only at the beginning 
and the end. The Cid, however, is much the same 
personage throughout, — bold, rough, and free-spoken. 
He is heartily dissatisfied with everything he finds on 
earth, especially with the popular traditions and bal- 
lads about himself, and goes back to his grave well 
pleased to escape from such a world, " which," he says, 
" if they would give it to me to live in, I would not 
accept."*^ 

48 "Periquillo, el de las Gallineras," Cuidando en la mengua grande 

Madrid, 1668, 12mo. He gets his name ^^°^^ '^ ''^ ^""^^'^^ ^^ '^ S^'^'^^- ^*<'- 

from the circumstance, that, as a child, P" ^' ^'^' ^^^^' 

he was employed to take care of chick- It is quite different from the ballad on 

ens. the same subject in any of the ballad- 

*9 "El Verdad en el Potro y el Cid l^ooks. So is the one at p. 33, upon 

Resuscitado," Madrid, 1679, 12mo, and the death of Count Lozano, as well as 

again, 1686. The ballads cited or re- the one at p. 105, upon the Cid's insult 

peated in this volume, as the popular to the Pope at Rome. On hearing the 

Ijallads sung in the streets in honor of last sung in the streets, the Cid is 

the Cid, are, it is curious to observe, made, in the story, to cry out, " Is it 

twt always to be found in any of the pretended I was ever guilty of such 

Romanceros. Thus, the one on the in- effrontery ? I, whom God made a Cas- 

sult to the Cid's father begins : — tilian, — / treat the great Shepherd of 

Diego Lainez, el padre the Church SO? — 7 be guilty of such 

De Rodrigo el Castellano, folly ? By St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. 



176 GKEAT JS'UMBEE OF TALES IN SPANISH. [Period IL 

* 151 ^ Other works of Santos, like "The Devil let 
loose, or Truths of the other World dreamed 
about in this," and "The Live Man and the Dead One," 
are of the same sort with the last ; ^^ while yet others 
run even more to allegory, like his " Tarascas de Ma- 
drid," ^^ and his " Gigantones," ^^ suggested by the huge 
and unsightly forms led about to amuse or to frighten 
the multitude in the annual processions of the Corpus 
Christi , — the satirical interpretation he gives to them 
being, that worse monsters than the Tarascas might be 
seen every day in Madrid by those who could distin- 
guish the sin and folly that always thronged the 
streets of that luxurious capital. But though such 
satires were successful when they first appeared, they 
have long since ceased to be so ; partly because they 
abound in allusions to local circumstances now known 
only to the curiosity of antiquarians, and partly be- 
cause, in all respects, they depict a state of society and 
manners of which hardly a vestige remains. 

Santos is the last of the writers of Spanish tales pre- 
vious to the eighteenth century that needs to be 
"^152 noticed.^^ ^ But though the number we have 

Lazarus, Avith whom I held converse on ^^ "Los Gigantones de Madrid por 

earth, you lie, base ballad-singer!" defuera," Madrid, 1666, 12mo. "El 

Several ballads might be taken from no imjiorta de Espana " (Madrid, 1608, 

this volume and added even to the 12mo, pp. 269) is another of the same 

"Romancero del Cid," Keller, Stutt- sort, showing, in a sort of dream, that 

gard, 1840, which is the most ample of your true Spaniard has a "no matter" 

all the collections on the Cid. for everything. It is divided into 

^"^ "El Diablo anda Suelto," (Ma- twelve hours, and the doctrine it in- 

drid, 1677,) and "El Vivo y el Di- culcates is that this carelessness, which 

funto," (1692,) are both very curious illustrates every hour of the day, ruins 

fictions. everything, — "tiene perdido el mun- 

51 "Las Tarascas de Madrid y Tri- do." 

bunal Espantoso," Madrid, 1664, Va- ^^ -phe Spanish tales of the middle 

lencia, 1694, etc. "La Tarasea de and latter part of the seventeenth cen- 

Parto en el Meson del Infierno y Dias tury are much infected Avith the false 

de Fiestas por la Noche," Madrid, ta^te oi cicUismo ; no portion of Spanish 

1671, Valencia, 1694, are again inter- literature more so. As we approach 

esting, partly because they contain an- the end of the century, not one, I 

ecdotes and sketches that serve to ex- think, is free from it. Mad. d'Aulnoy, 

plain the popular religious theatre. however, who was in Spain in 1679-80, 



Chap. XXXVI.] GREAT NUMBER OF TALES IN SPANISH. 177 

gone over is large for the length of the period in 
which they appeared, not a few others might he 
added. The pastoral romances from the time of Monte- 
mayor are full of them ; — the " Galatea " of Cervan- 
tes, and the " Arcadia " of Lope de Vega, being little 
more than a series of such stories, slightly bound to- 
gether by yet another that connects them all. So are, 
to a certain degree, the picaresque fictions, like " Guz- 
man de Alfarache " and " Marcos de Obregon " ; - — and 
so are such serious fictions as " The Wars of Granada " 
and " The Spanish Gerardo." The popular drama, too, 
was near akin to the whole ; as we have seen in the 
case of Timoneda, whose stories, before he produced 
them as tales, had already been exhibited in the form 
of farces on the rude stage of the public squares; and 
in the case of Cervantes, who not only put part of his 
tale of "The Captive" in ^' Don Quixote" into his 
second play of "Life in Algiers," but constructed his 
story of " The Liberal Lover " almost wholly out of 
his earlier play on the same subject. Lideed, Spain, 
during the period we have gone over, was full of the 
spirit of this class of fictions, — not only producing 
them in great numbers, and strongly marked with the 
popular character, but carrying their tone into the 
longer romances and upon the stage to a degree quite 
unknown elsewhere .^^ 

and who certainly was a good judge in she printed four other stories, under the 
such matters, admired them very much. title " Histoire nouvelle de la Cour 
" L'on doit convenir," she says, when d'Espagne"; — very good imitations of 
speaking of the Spaniards and their the novelas of Montalvaii, Santos, and 
novelets, " qu'ils ont un genie particulier Salas Barbadillo, but a little too long. 
pour ces sortes d'ouvrages." (Voyage, s* Italy is the only country that can 
Tom. III. p. 117.) And she promises enter into competition with Spain in 
to send home to her friends in France the department of tales during the six- 
specimens of these charming tales. The teenth and seventeenth centurieo. In- 
truth is, she had already done it. In deed, I am not certain, considering the 
her fourth letter, at the end of her first short period (a little more than a cen- 
volume, the story of the Marchioness tury) during which Spanish tales were 
de los Rios is a mere fiction in the Span- fashionable, that as many in jjropiwtmh 
ish manner ; and afterwards, in 1692, were not produced as were produced of 
VOL. III. 12 



178 THEIR EARLY SUCCESS AND FAILURE. [Period XL 

* 153 * Tlie most striking circumstance, however, 
connected with the history of all romantic fic- 
tion in Spain, — whatever form it assumed, — is its 
early appearance, and its early decay. The storj^ of 
"Amadis" filled the world with its fame, when no 
other Spanish prose romance of chivahy was heard 
of; and, what is singular, though the oldest of its 
class, it still remains the best written in any language ; 
— while, on the other hand, the book that overthrew 
this same x\.madis, with all his chivalry, is the "Don 
Quixote " ; again, the oldest and best of all similar 
works, and one that is still read and admired by thou- 
sands who know nothing of the shadowy multitudes 
it destroyed, except what its great author tells them. 
The " Conde Lucanor " is older than the " Decamerone." 
The "Diana" of Montemayor soon eclipsed its Italian 
prototype in popularit}^, and, for a time, shone without 
a successful rival of its class throughout Europe. The 
picaresque stories, exclusively Spanish in their origin, 
and the multitudes of tales that followed them with 
attributes hardly less separate and national, never lose 
their Spanish air and costume, even in the most suc- 
cessful of their foreign imitations. Taken together, 
the number of these fictions is very great ; — so great, 
that their mass may well be called enormous. But 
what is more remarkable than their multitude is the 

Italian tales in Italy during the long only by a comparison of the meagre and 
period — four centuries and a half — in imperfect catalo,^aies of Spanish stories 
which they have now been prevalent in Antonio's Bibliotheca Avith the admi- 
there. And if, to the Spanish tales rably complete one of Italian stories in 
found in books professing and not pro- the " Bibliografia delle Novelle Ita- 
fessing to be collections of them, we liane," by Gamba, we should settle it 
add the thousands used irp in Spanish ditferently. But in any event, when 
dramas, to which the elder Italian the- speaking of the Italian novelU, we 
atre offers no counterpart, I suppose should remember, that, until very late- 
there can hardly be a doubt that there ly, the whole spirit and power of fiction 
are really more Spanish fictions of this in Italy, so to speak, have been taken 
class in existence than there are Italian. from the theatre and romances, and east 
If, however, we were to settle the point into these short tales. 



Chap. XXXA^L] THEIR EARLY SUCCESS AXD FAILURE. 179 

fact, that tliey were produced when the rest of Europe, 
with a partial exception in favor of Italy, was not yet 
awakened to corresponding efforts of the imagina- 
tion ; before Madame de Lafayette had published her 
"Zayde"; before Sidney's ''^^rcadia" had appeared, 
or D'Urfe's " Astrea," or Corneille's " Cid," or Le Sage's 
'^'Gil Bias." In short, they were at the height of their 
fame, just at the period when the Hotel de Rambouillet 
reigned supreme over the taste of France, and when 
Hardy, following the indications of the public 
will "^ and the example of his rivals, could do * 154 
no better than bring out upon the stage of Paris 
nearl}^ every one of the tales of Cervantes, and many 
of those of Cervantes's rivals and contemporaries.^ 

But civilization and manners advanced iii the rest 
of Europe rapidly from this moment, and paused in 
Spain. Madrid, instead of sending its influences to 
France, beo;an itself to acknowledo;e the control of 
French literature and refinement. The creative spirit, 
therefore, ceased in Spanish romantic fiction, and, as 
we shall presently see, a spirit of French imitation took 
its place. ^'^ 

^ Puibusque, Histoire Coraparee, tory, may be fonndin Volume XXXIIL 

Tom. IL c. 3. of RivadeimTa's Biblioteca, ISoi, with 

^ A collection of Spanish stories and a good historical and critical essay on 

tales of different kinds, all of wliicli, 1 this style of writing by Eusta(.|uio Fei- 

believe, have been noticed in this His- nandez de Navarrete. 



*155 *CHAPTEE XXXYII. 

ELOQUENCE, FORENSIC AND PULPIT. — LUIS DE LEON. LUIS DE GRANADA. 

PARAVICINO AND THE SCHOOL OF BAD TASTE. EPISTOLARY CORRESPOND- 
ENCE. — ZURITA. — PEREZ. — SANTA TERESA. — ARGENSOLA. — LOPE DE 
VEGA. — QUEVEDO. CASCALES. ANTONIO. SOLf S. 

We shall hardly look for forensic or deliberative elo- 
quence in Spain. The whole constitution of things 
there, the political and ecclesiastical institutions of the 
country, and, perhaps we should add, the very genius 
of the people, were unfriendly to the growth of a 
plant like this, which flourishes only in the soil of 
freedom.^ 

The Spanish tribunals, in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries, whether in the ordinary course of their ad- 
ministration of justice, or in the dark proceedings of 
the Inquisition, took less cognizance of the influences 
of eloquence than those of any other Christian country 
of modern times. They dealt with the wheel and the 
fagot, — not with the spirit of persuasion. Nor was 
this spirit truly known or favored in the political 
assemblies of the kingdom, though it was not sup- 
planted there by the formidable instruments familiar 
in the courts of justice. In the ancient Cortes of 
Castile, and still more in those of Aragon, there may 
have been discussions wdiich were raised by their 

1 A person calling liimself Don Ga- as well cultivated under one form of 

briel Garcia Caballero published at government as under another, — under 

Madrid, in 1770, a pam])lilet entitled a despotism as under a repuldic. The 

" Discurso sobre la Elo(]ueneia del doctrine was fitted to the latitude in 

Foro," in which he denied all the old which it was taught, but no elofjuenee 

teachings of Cicero and Quintilian, ap])eared in Spain till the Coi'tes were 

and maintained that elospienee can be revived after the French came. 



Chap. XXXVll.] FORENSIC AND PULPIT ELOQUENCE. 181 

fervor to sometliing like what we now call delibera- 
tive eloquence. We have, in fact, intimations of such 
discussions in the old chronicles ; especially 
* in those that record the troubles and violence ^ 156 
of the oTcat nobles in the reims of John the 
Second and Henry the Fourth. But a free living de- 
bate on a great political principle, or on the conduct of 
those who managed the affairs of the country, — such 
a debate as sometimes shook the popular assemblies 
of antiquity, and in modern times has often controlled 
the destinies of Christendom, — was, in Spain, a thing 
absolutely unknown. 

Even the grave and dry discussions to which the 
pressure of affairs gave rise, were rare and accidentaL 
There was no training for them ; and they could be 
followed by none of the great practical results that 
are at once the only sufficient motive and reward that 
can make them enter freely into the institutions of a 
state. Indeed, whatever there was of discussion in 
any open assembly could occur only in the earlier 
period of the monarchy, when the language and cul- 
ture of the nation were still too little advanced to 
produce specimens of careful debate ; for from the 
time of Ferdinand and Isabella and the days of the 
Coniunidades, the Cortes were gradually restrained in 
their privileges, until at last they ceased to be any- 
thing but a part of the pageantry of the empire, 
and served only to record the laws they should them- 
selves have discussed and modelled. From this period, 
all opportunity for the growth of political eloquence 
in Spain was lost. It would have been no more toler- 
ated by one of the Philips than Lutheranism. 

The eloquence of the pulpit was checked by similar 
causes, but in a different way. The Catholic religion 



182 LUIS BE GRANADA. [Period II. 

has maintained in Spain^ down to a late period, more 
than it has in any other country, the character it had 
during the Middle Ages. It has been to an extraor- 
dinary degree a religion of mysteries, of forms, and of 
penance ; a religion, therefore, in which such modes 
of moving the understanding and the heart as have 
prevailed in France and England since the middle of 
the seventeenth century have been rarely attempted, 
and never with great success. 

If any exception is to be made to this remark, it 
must be made in the case of Luis de Leon and 
^157 in that of Luis * de Granada. Of the first we 
have already spoken. He printed, indeed, no 
sermons as such ; but he inserted in his other works, 
and especially in his "Names of Christ" and in his 
u Perfect Wife," long declamations, sometimes preceded 
by a text and sometimes not, hut regularly divided 
into heads, and wearing the general appearance and 
attributes of religious discourses. These, since they 
were printed as early as 1584, may be accounted the 
earliest specimens of a higher Spanish eloquence fitted 
for the pulpit, and, if not actually delivered, are still 
worthy of notice.^ 

The case of Luis de Granada is one more directly in 
point. That remarkable man was head of the Domin- 
ican order, or the order of the Preaching Monks, so 
that both his place and his profession led him to the 
cultivation of the eloquence of the pulpit. But, be- 
sides this, he seems to have devoted himself to it with 
the strong preference of genius, preaching extempora- 
neously, it is said, with great power and unction. In 
1576, he published a Latin treatise on the subject of 

^ The most remarkable, and perhaps the text being from Isaiah ix. 6 ; " The 
the most beautiful, specimen is in the everlasting Father." 
first book of '' The Names of Christ" j 



Chap. XXXVIL] LUIS DE GEANADA. 183 

Pulpit Eloquence ; and in 1595, after his death, his 
friends printed, in addition to those published during 
his lifetime, fourteen of his more formal discourses, in 
which he has been thought, not only to have given a 
full illustration of the precepts he inculcated, but to 
have placed himself at the head of the department of 
eloquence to which he devoted so much of his life.^ 

They are in a bold and affluent style, — somewhat 
mystical, as were his own religious tendencies, — and 
often more declamatory than seems in keeping with 
the severe and solemn nature of their subjects ; but 
they are written with remarkable purity of 
idiom, and breathe everywhere ^ the spirit of * 158 
the religion that was so deeply impressed on his 
age and country. Perhaps a more characteristic speci- 
men of Spanish eloquence can hardly be found, than 
that in which Luis de Granada desciibes the resurrec- 
tion of the Saviour ; adding to it his descent into hell 
to rescue the souls of the righteous who were pining 
there because they had died before his great sacrifice 
was completed, — a doctrine of the Catholic Church 
capable of high poetical ornament, and one which, from 
the time of Dante, has been often set forth with the 
most solemn effect. 

'' On that glorious day," exclaims Luis de Granada, 
in his sermon on the Resurrection, " the sun shone 
more brightly than on all others, serving its Lord in 
dutiful splendor amidst his rejoicings, as it had served 
him in darkness through his sufferings. The heavens, 

^ It should be observed, that Luis de these writers was so gi^eat in the reign 

Granada was one of those distinguished of Philip II. as to make, if not a revo- 

writers who, by their example, discour- lution in their native language, at least 

aged the use of words derived from the distinctly to modify it. How many 

Arabic, and resorted more and more to words of later origin it was at first 

the true foundations of the Castilian in necessary to explain we have already 

the Latin, thinking thus both to enrich seen. Vol. IL p. 22, note, and else- 

and purify it. Indeed, the influence of where. 



184 LUIS DE GEANADA. [Period II. 

which had been veiled in mourning to hide his ago- 
nies, were now bright with redoubled glory as they 
saw him rise conquering from the grave. And who 
would not rejoice in such a day ? The whole hu- 
manity of Christ rejoiced in it • all the disciples of 
Christ rejoiced in it ; heaven rejoiced, earth rejoiced ; 
hell itself shared in the general jubilee. For the tri- 
umphant Prince descended into its depths, clothed 
wuth splendor and might. The everlasting darkness 
grew bright before his steps ; the eternal lamentations 
ceased ; the realms of torment paused at his approach. 
The princes of Edom were disturbed, and the mighty 
men of Moab trembled, and they that dwelt in the 
land of Canaan were filled with fear. And the multi- 
tude of the suffering murmured and said, "' Who is this 
mighty one, so resplendent, so powerful ? Never be- 
fore was his likeness seen in these realms of hell ; 
never hath the tributary world sent such an one to 
these depths, — one who demands judgment, not a 
debtor ; one who fills us with dread, not one guilty 
like ourselves ; a judge, and not a culprit -, a con- 
queror, not a sinner. Say, where were our watch- 
men and our guards, when he burst in victory on our 
barred gates ? By what might has he entered ? And 
who is he, that can do these things ? If he were guilty, 
he were not thus bold ; if the shade of sin lay on his 
soul, how could our darkness be made bright 
* 159 with his glory? *If he be God, why should 
hell receive him ? and if he be man, whence 
hath he this might ? If he be God, why dwelt he in 
the grave ? and if man, by what authority would he 
thus lay waste our abodes ? ' 

"Thus murmured the vassals of hell, as the Con- 
queror entered in glory to free his chosen captives. 



Chap. XXXYII.] LUIS DE GRAXADA. 185 

For there stood thej, all assembled together^ — all the 
souls of the just, who from the foundation of the world 
till that daj had passed through the gates of the grave ; 
all the prophets and men of might Avho had glorified 
the Lord in the manifold agonies of martyrdom ; — a 
glorious company ! — a mighty treasure ! — the richest 
inheritance of Christ's triumph ! For there stood the 
two original parents of the generations of mankind, — 
the first in sin and the first in faith and hope. There 
stood that aged saint who rescued in the ark of safety 
those that repeopled the world when the waters of the 
deluge were spent. There stood the fiither of the 
faithful, who first received by merit the revelation of 
God's will, and wore, in his person, the marks of his 
election. There stood his obedient son, who, bearing 
on his shoulders the wood of his own sacrifice, showed 
forth the redemption of the world. There stood the 
holy progenitor of the Twelve Tribes, who, winning 
his father's blessing in the stranger guise of another's 
garb, set forth the mystery of the humanity and incar- 
nation of the Divine Word. There stood also, as it 
were guests newly arrived in that strange .land, the 
Hoh' Baptist and the blessed Simeon, who prayed that 
he might not be taken from the earth till with his own 
eyes he had seen its salvation ; who received it in his 
arms, and sang gently its canticle of peace. And 
there, too, found a place the poor Lazarus of the Gos- 
pel, who, for the patience with which he bore his 
wounds, deserved to join so noble a company, and 
share its longing hopes. And all this multitude of 
sanctified spirits stood there mourning and grieving 
for this day ; and in the midst of them all, and as the 
leader of them all, the holy king and prophet repeated 
without ceasino; his ancient lamentation: 'As the hart 



186 



LUIS DE GRANADA. 



[Period II. 



panteth after tlie water-brooks, so panteth my soul 
after thee, God ! My tears have been my 
* 160 meat clay ^ and night, while they continually 
say unto me, Where is thy God ? ' blessed 
and holy king, if this be the cause of thy lamentation, 
let it cease forever ; for behold thy God ! behold thy 
Saviour! Change, then, thy chant, and sing as thou 
wast wont to sing of old : ' Lord, thou hast been favor- 
able unto thy land ; thou hast pardoned the offences of 
thy people ; thou hast hidden thy face from the multi- 
tude of their sins.' " * 

It would not be easy to select a more striking ex- 
ample than this of the peculiar rhetoric that was most 
sought in the Spanish pulpit. But the portions of 
equal merit are few, and the amount of the whole is 



* See tlie accounts of Luis de Grana- 
da in Antonio, and in the Preface to 
the " Guia de Pecadores," Madrid, 
1781, 2 torn. 8vo. His treatise on pul- 
pit elo()[uence, entitled ' ' Hhetoricee Ec- 
clesiasticfe, sive de Eatione Concionan- 
di, Libri Sex," was valued in other 
countries, and was used two centuries 
later to stem the torrent of low and vul- 
gar preaching that flooded Spain in the 
time of Father Isla (Ferrer del Rio, 
Hist, de Carlos III., Tom. IV. p. 377). 
An edition of it, Cologne, 1611, 12mo, 
fills above 500 closely printed pages. 
It is somewhat remarkable, that, besides 
the sermon on the Resurrection, from 
which the extract I have translated was 
made, one of the best of his medita- 
tions, that entitled " De la Alegria de 
los Santos Padres," is on the same sub- 
ject. He was born in 1504, and died 
in 1588. 

Two other of his works — the only 
translations, I believe, that he ever 
'nade — may deserve notice. The first 
is the treatise " De Imitatione," attrib- 
uted to Thomas a Kempis, which Luis 
de Granada published in 1567, altering 
it, however, and prefixing to it a short 
but beaiTtiful and moving Preface. The 
other, which appeared in 1568, is the 
" Seal a Paradisi " of John, a Greek 
monk of Mount Sinai in the sixth cen- 
tuiy, who obtained the name of Jo- 



hannes Clymacus from KXt^a^, — the 
title of his book in the original. Both 
are as characteristic of Luis de Grana- 
da's mind and affections as most of his 
own "works. 

It is not out of place here to state 
that the " Scala Paradisi " enjoyed two 
other remarkable distinctions in the 
Spanish language. In 1504 it was, by 
order of Cardinal Ximenes, printed at 
Toledo in an anonymous Castilian ver- 
sion of much merit as to its style, mak- 
ing a luxurious folio of a hundred 
leaves, copies of .which, as early as 
1569, had already become very rare, and 
of which the one I possess is the only 
one of which I have any notice. 
("Paucissimi nunc inveniuntur et sui 
pretium raritate adaugent," says Alva- 
rez Gomez, De Rebus Gestis a Fr. Xime- 
nio, 1569, f. 19.) The other distinction 
of the "Scala Paradisi" is, that, in a 
translation made by Fr. Juan de Estra- 
da, it was the first book ever printed in 
Mexico, and therefore the first book ever 
printed in the New World, having ap- 
peared in 1532 (N. Ant., Bib. Nov., 
Tom. I. p. 686, and Pellicer, Bib. de 
T4'ad., Tom. II. p. 120). The existence 
of an earlier Spanish translation has 
been denied, because the one printed by 
order of Cardinal Ximenes is so nearly 
unknown. Luis de Granada, I think, 
how^ever, must have known it. 



CHAr. XXXYIL] PARAVICIXO. 187 

small. After the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, the affected style of Gongora and the conceits 
of the school of Ledesma found their way into the 
churches generally, and especially into the churches 
of Madrid. This was natural. No persons depended 
more on the voice of fashion than the preachers of the 
court and the capital, and the fashion of both 
was thoroughly infected ^ with the new doc- * 161 
trines. Paravicino, at this period, was at the 
head of the popular preachers ; himself a poet devoted 
to the affectations of Gongora ; a man of wit, a gentle- 
man, and a courtier. From 1617 he was, during six- 
teen years, pulpit orator to Philip the Third and Philip 
the Fourth, and enjoyed, as such, a kind and degree 
of popularity before unknown.^ As might have been 
expected, he had many followers, each of whom sought 
to have a fashionable audience. Such audiences were 
soon systematically provided. They were, in fact, col- 
lected, arranged, and seated by the friends and ad- 
mirers of the preacher himself, — generally by those 
who, from their ecclesiastical relations, had an interest 
in his success ; and then the crowds thus gathered 
were induced in different ways to express their appro- 
bation of the more elaborate passages in his discourse. 
From this time, and in this way, religious dignity dis- 
appeared from the Spanish pulpit, and whatever there 
was of value in its eloquence was confined to two 

^ While Paravicino's school was at affectation such as is here exposed may 

the height of its success, a modest trea- be found in Paravicino's " Jesu Christo 

tise on Pulpit Oratory, chiefly with Desagraviado," 1633 ; a discourse of 

reference to its religious character, ap- much pretension delivered on occasion 

peared, in which the cultismo of the of the jiunishment of some Jews who 

time is treated with great severity, as a had insulted a crucifix. He calls him- 

mere result of personal vanity, which, self in the Dedication, " Decano de la 

in many cases, I doubt not, it was. Universidad de Salamanca i de la Ca- 

See " Sunmlas de Doeumentos de la pilla de Palacio," and begins with an 

Predicacion Evangclica, por el P. Maes- imitation of Cicero's " Quousque tan- 

tro Juan Rodriguez, Presbitero," Se- dem Catilina." 
villa, 1640, 4to, Chap. X. Proofs of 



188 EPISTOLAEY CORRESPONDEIs'CE. [Pj:ni:;D II. 

forms^ — the learned discussions, often in Latin, ad- 
dressed to bodies of ecclesiastics, and the extempo- 
raneous exhortations addressed to the lower classcG; 
— the latter popular and vehement in their tone, and, 
bj their coarseness, often unworthy of the solemn sub- 
jects they touched.^ 
# 152 * Turning now to Spanish epistolary corre- 
spondence, we find little that requires notice as 
a portion of the elegant literature of the country. 
The heartiness of a simpler age gives, indeed, a charm 
to such letters as those which claim to have been writ- 
ten by Cibdareal, and in a less degree to those of Pul- 
gar and Diego de Valera. Later, the despatches of 
Columbus, in which he made known to the world his 
vast discoveries, are occasionally marked by the fervor 
of an enthusiasm inspired by his great subject ; and 
those of his queen and patron, though few in number 
and less interesting, are quite as characteristic and 
quite as true-hearted. 

But, with the stately court brought from the North 

^ For Paravicino and his school, see critico de la Eloquencia Espaiiola," Ma- 

Sedano, (Parnaso Espanol, Tom. V. p. drid, 1786-1794, 5 torn. 8vo,) has 

xlviii, ) Baena, (Hijos de Madrid, Tom. been able to find nothing in the seven- 

II. p. 389,) and Antonio, (Bib. Nov., teenth century, either in the way of 

Tom. I. p. 612,) who speaks as if he forensic orations or popular pulpit elo- 

had often heard Paravicino's eloquence, quence, with which to fill his pages, 

and witnessed its effects. Salas Bar- but is obliged to resort to the eloquent 

badillo, too, in his " Estafeta del Dios prose of history and philosophy, of eth- 

Momo," 1627, praises him extravagant- ics and religious asceticism, tells at 

ly. E contra is Figueroa, who, in his once, in a way not to be mistaken, the 

"Pasagero," (1617, Alivio IV.,) is se- tale of the deticieneies in Castilian elo- 

vere upon the preachers and audiences quence, as the word eloquence is nnder- 

of Madrid. Paravicino's " Panegyiico stood in English. A similar remark 

Funeral," 1625, on Philip III., was at- may be made concerning his treatise on 

tacked by an anonymous writer, who Eloquence as an art, — " Filosofia de la 

accused him of plagiarism as well as Eloijuencia," 8vo, Madrid, 1776, and 

bad taste, and it was defended by Juan London, 1812. 

de Jauregui in a tract, the same year, Capmany, to whom Ave are indebted, 

dedicated to the Conde Duque de Oli- besides his literary works, for several 

vares. See Spanish translation of this works in History and Politics, Avas born 

History, Tom. III. p. 552. ■ at Barcelona in 1743, and died in 1813. 

The fact, however, that Capmany, in See Fallecimiento de D. Antonio Cap- 

his five important volumes devoted to many y Montpalau, Madrid, 1815, 

Spanish eloquence, (" Teatro Historico- pp. 28. 



Chap. XXXYIL] ZURITA. 189 

by Charles the Fifth, all this was changed. Added 
forms^ and more than the old national gravity, passed 
into the intercourse of social life, and infected the 
style of the commonest correspondence. Graceful 
familiarity disappeared from the letters of friends, and 
even private affections and feelings v^ere either sel- 
dom expressed, or were so covered up as to be with 
difficulty recognized. Thus, what was most valued in 
this department at the time, and for a century after- 
wards, were Guevara's " Golden Epistles," which are 
only formal dissertations, and the " Epistles " of Avila, 
which are sermons in disguise, that moved the hearts 
of his countrymen because they were such earnest 
exhortations to a religious life.'' 

*From these remarks, however, we should "^163 
except portions of the correspondence of Zurita, 
the historian, extending over the last thirty years of 
his life, and ending in 1582, just before his death. 
They give us the business-like intercourse of a man 
of letters, carried on with all classes of society, from 
ministers of state and the highest ecclesiastics of the 
realm down to persons distinguished only because they 
were occupied in studies like his own. The number of 
letters in this collection is larg-e, amountino^ to above 
two hundred. More of them are from Antonio Agus- 

" These Avriters have all been men- both of them, may be seen in the sec- 
tioned earlier, (see ante, Vol. I. pp. oncl volume of Navarrete, (Viages, etc.,) 
356, II. 17, etc.,) except Queen Isa- which is rich in such curious documents, 
bella, whose letters are best found in Juan de Yaciar, a Biscayan, pub- 
Clemencin's excellent work on her char- lished, in 1569, a sort of complete let- 
acter and times, filling the sixth vol- ter-writer, which he dedicated to the 
ume of the " Memorias de la Academia well-known Prince of Eboli, at wdiose 
de la Historia." They are addressed to request it was prepared. It seems, 
her confessor, Hernando de Talavera, from Stirling's account of it, to have 
and strongly illustrate both her pru- been a curious book ; but I never saw 
dence and her submission to ecclesias- it, and do not suppose that it had so 
tieal influences. (See pp. 351-383.) much influence on letter-writing in 
Several letters addressed to Columbus, Spain as Guevara's Golden Epistles, 
and marked with her spirit rather than published thirty years before. Artists 
that of her husband, though signed by of Spain, 18i8, Vol. III. p. 1341. 



190 ANTONIO PEREZ. [Period II. 

tin^ Arclibisliop of Tarragona, an eminent scholar in 
Spanish history and civil law, than from any other 
person ; but the most interesting are from Zurita him- 
self, from his friend Ambrosio Morales, from Diego de 
Mendoza, the historian, Argote de Molina, the anti- 
quarian, and Fernan Nunez, the Greek Commander. 
Each of these series is marked by something charac- 
teristic of its author, and all of them, taken together, 
show more familiarly the interior condition of a scholar's 
life in Spain, in the sixteenth century, than it can be 
found anywhere else.^ 

But the principal exception to be made in favor of 
Spanish epistolary correspondence is found in the case 
of Antonio Perez, secretary of Philip the Second, and 
for some time his favorite minister. His father, who 
was a scholar, and made a translation of the " Odys- 
sey,"^ had been in the employment of Charles the 
Fifth, so that the younger Perez inherited somewhat 
of the court influence which was then so important; 
but his rapid advancement was owing to his own 
^ 164 genius, and to a *love of intrigue and adven- 
ture, which seemed to be a part of his nature. 
At last, in 1578, at the command of his master, he not 
unwillingly brought about the murder of Escovedo, a 

8 The correspondence of Zurita and books, he dedicated the whole anew to 
his friends is to be sought in the "Pro- Philip as king, (Anvers, 1556, 12mo,) 
gresos de la Historia en el Eeyno de correcting and amending the first part 
Aragon," by Diego Josef Dormer, (Za- carefully. Lope de Vega (in his Doro- 
ragoza, 1680, folio,) and especially pp. tea, Acto IV. sc. 3) praises the version 
362-563, which are entirely given up of Perez; but, like most of the Span- 
to it. ish translations from the ancients in the 

9 "La Ulyxea de Homero," etc., por sixteenth century, it shows little of the 
Gonzalo Perez, (Venecia, 1553, 18mo,) spirit of the original. A good life of 
is in blank verse ; but in this edition Gonzalo Perez, by Esteban de Arteaga 
we have only the first thirteen books, y Lopez, is to be found in Salva y Ba- 
with a dedication to Philip the Prince, randa, Docunientos Ineditos, 8vo, Tom. 
whose chief secretary Goi:zalo Perez XIII., 1849, pp. 531 - 549. It should, 
then was, as his son Antonio was after- perhaps, be added that Antonio Perez 
wards secretary of the same Philip on was a natural son of Gonzalo, that he 
the throne. Subsequently, when he was an only child, and that the date of 
had translated the remaining eleven his birth is unknown. Llorente III. 350. 



Chap. XXXVIL] ANTONIO PEREZ. 191 

person high in the confidence of Don John of Austria, 
whose growing influence it was thought worth while 
thus to destroy ; — a crime which, perpetrated as it 
was in consequence of the official connection of the 
secretary with the monarch, brought Perez to the very 
height of his favor. 

But it w^as not long before the guilty agent became 
as unwelcome to his guilty master as their victim had 
been. A change in their relations followed, cautiously 
brought on by the unscrupulous king, but deep and 
fatal. At first, Philip, whose murder of Montigny had 
made him an adept in crime, permitted Perez to be 
pursued by the kinsmen of the murdered man, and 
afterwards, contriving plausible pretexts for hiding his 
motives, began himself to join in the persecution. 
Eleven long years the wretched courtier was watched, 
vexed, and imprisoned at Madrid • and once, at least, 
he was subjected to cruel bodily tortures. When he 
could endure this no longer, he fled to Aragon, the 
kingdom from which his family originated, whose freer 
political constitution did not permit him to be crushed 
in secret. This was a great surprise to Philip, and, 
for an instant, seems to have disconcerted his dark 
schemes. But his resources were equal to the emer- 
gency. He pursued Perez to Saragossa, and, finding 
the regular means of justice unequal to the demands 
of his vengeance, caused his victim to be seized by the 
Inquisition, under the absurd charge of heresy. But 
this, again, in the form in which Philip found it neces- 
sary to proceed, was a violation of the ancient privi- 
leges of the kingdom, and the people broke out in 
open rebellion, and released Perez from prison ; — a 
consequence of his measures, which, perhaps, was 
neither unforeseen by Philip nor unwelcome to him. 



192 AlS'TO^^IO PEREZ. [Period II. 

At any rate, lie immediately sent an army into Ara- 
gon, sufficient not only to overwhelm all open resist- 
ance, but to strike a terror that should prevent future 
opposition to his will ; and the result, besides a vast 
number of rich confiscations to the royal treas- 
^ 165 ury, ^was the condemnation of sixty-eight per- 
sons of distinction to death by the Inquisition, 
and the final overthrow of nearly everything that re- 
mained of the long-cherished liberties of the country. 

Meantime, Perez escaped secretly from Saragossa, as 
he had before escaped from Madrid, and, wandering 
over the Pyrenees in the disguise of a shepherd, sought 
refuge in Beam, at the little court of Catherine of 
Bourbon, sister of Henry the Fourth. Public policy 
caused him to be well received both there and in 
France, where he afterwards passed the greater part 
of his long exile. During the' troubles between Eliza- 
beth and Philip, he instinctively went to England, and, 
while there, was" much with Essex, and became more 
familiar with Bacon than the wise and pious mother 
of the future Chancellor thought it well one so profli- 
gate as Perez should be.^*^ Philip, wdio could ill endure 
the idea of having such a witness of his, crimes intrigu- 
ing at the courts of his great enemies, endeavored to 
have Perez assassinated both in Paris and London, and 
failed more from accident than from want of well-con- 
certed plans to accomplish his object. 

1*^ Of his residence in England pleas- so long as he pities not himself, but 

ant and curious notices may be found keepeth that bloody Perez, yea, as a 

in the first volume of Birch's Memoirs coach-companion and bed-conipanion ; 

of the Keign of Queen Elizabeth, 1754, a proud, profane, costly fellow, whose 

and, among other things, a letter at p. being about him 1 verily fear the Lord 

143, from Lord Bacon's mother to her God doth mislike and doth less bless 

son Anthony, in which the stern old your brother in credit and otherwise in 

lady seems much disturbed that- her health ; — surely I am utterly discour- 

son Francis — of whose future greatness aged and make conscience further to 

she had no vision — should associate undo myself to maintain such wretches 

with a man so unprincipled as Perez. as he is, that never loved your brother 

She says: "1 pity your brother; yet but for his own credit." 



Chap. XXXVII. ] ANTOXIO PEREZ. 193 

At last came peace between England and Fmnce on 
one side, and Spain on the other ; and Perez ceased to 
be a person of conseqnence to those who had so long 
used him. Henry the Fourth, indeed, with his cus- 
tomary good-nature, still indulged him even in very 
extravaorant modes of life, which rather resembled 
those of a prince than of an exile. But his claims 
were so unreasonable, and were urs-ed with such bold- 
ness and pertinacity, that everybody wearied of him. 
He therefore fell into unhonorecl poverty, and dragged 
out the miserable life of a neo^lected and ruined 
courtier till 1611, when he died at Paris. "^Four ^166 
years later, the Inquisition, which had caused 
him to be burnt in ^^gj as a heretic, reluctantty did 
him the imperfect justice of removing their anathemas 
from his memory, and thus permitted his children to 
enter into civil ris^hts, of which nothino; but the most 
shameless violence had ever deprived them. 

From the time of his first imjorisonment, Perez be- 
gan to write the letters that are still extant ; and their 
series never stops till we approach the period of his 
death. Some of them are to his wife and children ; 
others, to Gil de Mesa, his confidential friend and 
agent; and others, to persons high in place, from 
whose influence he hoped to gain favor. His Nar- 
ratives, or " Kelations," as he calls them, and his " Me- 
morial" on his own case, occasionally involve other 
letters, and are themselves in the nature of long 
epistles, written with great talent and still greater 
ingenuity, to gain the favor of his judges or of the 
world. All these, some of which his position forbade 
him ever to send to the persons to whom they were 
addressed, he carefully preserved, and during his exile 
published them from time to time to suit his own 

VOL. III. 13 



194 ANTOiSriO PEREZ. [Period II. 

political purposes ; — at first anonymously, or under 
the assumed name of Raphael Peregrino ; afterwards 
under the seeming editorship of his friend Mesa ; and 
finally, without disguise of any sort, dedicating them 
to Henry the Fourth, and to the Pope. 

Their number is large, amounting in the most ample 
collection to above a thousand pages. The best are 
those that are most familiar ; for even in the slightest 
of them, as when he is sending a present of gloves to 
Lady Rich,^^ or a few new-fashioned toothpicks to the 
Duke of Mayenne, there is a nice preservation of the 
Castilian proprieties of expression. Many of them 
sparkle with genius ; sometimes most unex|)ectedly, 
though not always in good taste. Thus, to his inno- 
cent wife, shamefully kept in prison during his exile, 
he says : ^^ Though you are not allowed to write to me, 
or to enjoy what to the absent is the breath of life, 
yet here [in France] there is no j)unishment 
* 167 for ^ the promptings of natural affection. I an- 
swer, therefore, what I hear in the spirit, your 
complaints of the punishment laid on your own virtues 
and on the innocence of your children, — complaints 
which reach me from that asylum of darkness and of 
the shadow of death in which you now lie. But when 
I listen, it seems as if I ought to hear you no less" with 
my outward ears, just as the words and cries that 
come from the caves under the earth only resound the 
louder, as they are rolled up to us from their dark 
hiding-places."^^ And again, when speaking of the 
cruel conduct of his judges to his family, he breaks 

11 This is the Lady Rich so much, the fashionable toothpicks introduced 

connected with the disappointments by Perez into France has been seen in 

and sorrows of Sir Philip Sidney's life. our time by Feuillet de Conches. 
See also a letter to the Due d'Epernon, ^^ Obras, Ginevra, 1654, 12mo, p. 

sending him some fancy tooth-powder, 1073. 
eipially light and graceful. A bundle of 



Chap. XXXVII.] ANTOXIO PEREZ. 195 

out: "But let them not be deceived. Their victims 
may be imprisoned and loaded with irons ; but they 
have the two mightiest advocates of the earth to de- 
fend them, — their innocence and their wrongs. For 
neither could Cicero nor Demosthenes so pierce the 
ears of men. nor so stir up their minds^ nor so shake 
the frame of things, as can these two, to whom God 
has given the especial privilege to stand forever in his 
presence, to cry for justice, and to be witnesses and 
advocates for one another in whatsoever he has re- 
served for his own awful judgment.-^^ 

The letters of Perez are in a great variety of styles, 
from the cautious and yet fervent appeals that he 
made to Philip the Second, down to the gallant notes 
he wrote to court ladies, and the overflowings of his 
heart to his young children. But they are all written 
in remarkably idiomatic Castilian, and are rendered 
interesting from the circumstance, that in each class 
there is a strict observance of such conventional forms 
as were required by the relative social positions of the 
author and his corresj)ondents.^* 

13 Ibid., p. 96. _ His letters, how- a^^ain.st Spain. But I believe that the 

ever, often show his licentious charac- separate Relaciones of what happened 

ter. One of them begins, " Xunca me at Saragossa on the 24th of May and 

miro dama dos veces, (pie no la siguiese the 24th of September, 1.591, had betni 

y buscasse." l>iinted earlier and cu-culated to stir up 

1"* The first publication of the Relet- discontent at home. In any event, 
clones of Antonio Perez may have been however, the "Relaciones," as they a re- 
in the very rare volume entitled "Pe- commonly called, were printed again, 
dacos de Jlistoria, ec, Impreso en but mth numerous changes and addi- 
Leon," s. a., in small 4to, 389 pages, tions, at Paris, in 1598, 4to, pp. 316, 
besides the prefatory and supplementary besides the prefatorj- and supplementary- 
matter. It is dedicated to Essex, and matter, among which last are letters of 
was, judging from the type and paper, Perez, etc. At this time, however, be- 
printed in England, where Perez then ing in France, he dedicates his volume 
lived, and perhaps at the expense of to Henry IV. ; but in my copy, with a 
Queen Elizabeth, who patronized him separate })agination, is also a dedicatiou 
and is flattered extravagantly in the to the Pope and the College of Cardi- 
dedication. This Avas as early as 1594, nals, which Avas, no douljt, intended to 
for Mignet (p. 343, note) cites a trans- go (instead of the one to Henry IV.) in 
lation of it into Dutch, published in the copies sent to Rome. Indeed, Pen^z 
that year in tlie Low Countries, winch seems to have always published his 
had then been so long in rebellion works with changes to suit the plaoe 



196 SAN'TA TERESA. [Period II. 

* 168 ^ The letters of Santa Teresa, who was a con- 
temporary of the secretary of Philip the Second, 
and died in 1582, are entirely different ; for while noth- 
ing can be inore practical and worldly than those of 
Perez, the letters of the devout nun are entirely 
spiritual. She believed herself to be inspired, and 
therefore wrote with an air of authoritv, which is 
almost always solemn and imposing, but which some- 
times, through its very boldness and freedom from all 
restraint, becomes easy and graceful. Her talents 
were versatile and her perceptions acute. To each 
of her many correspondents she says something that 
seems suited to the occasion on which she is consulted ; 
— a task not easy for a nun who lived forty-seven 
years in retirement from the world, and during that 
time was called upon to give advice to archbishops 
and bishops, to wise and able statesmen like Diego de 
Mendoza, to men of genius like Luis de Granada, to 
persons in private life who were in deep affliction or 
in great danger, and to women in the ordinary course 

and the time where they appeared ; but two or three collections of acute and 

the most complete collection is that of striking aphorisms, which have been 

Geiieva, 1654, 12mo, pp. 1126. His several times printed. There are many 

lifj is admirably discussed by M. Mig- MS. letters of Perez at the Hague and 

n .^t, in his ' ' Antonio Perez et Philippe elsewhere, referred to by Mignet, and 

li." (2deedit., Paris, 1846). The work there is in the Eoj^al Library at Paris 

of Salvador Bermudez de Castro, enti- an important political treatise which 

tied "Antonio Perez, Estudios Histo- bears his name, but which, though 

ricos," (Madrid, 1841, 8vo,) is a slight, strongly marked witli his acuteness and 

pleasant book superseded by the ' ' His- brilliancy, Ochoa hesitates to attribute 

toria de las Alteraciones de Aragon en el to him. It is, however, I believe, his. 

Reynado de Phelipe II. por el Marques Perhaps it is the MS. whilih Perez, in 

de Pidal," Madrid, 3 torn. 1862, 1863. a long letter dated 24th June, 1^94, 

The lives of Perez in Baena (Tom. I., and addressed "A un gran Privado,'' 

1789, p. 121) and Latassa (Bib. Nov., opens with these words: " Embio a 

Tom. II., 1799, p. 108) show how afraid V el Advertimiento que me ha pe- 

men of letters were, as late as the end dido sobre como se debe governar, un 

of the eighteenth century, to approach Privado." At least the .subjects of the 

any subject thus connected witli roy- two seem to be similar. (See Ochoa, 

alty. The works of Perez are strictly Manuscritos Espauoles, pp. 158-166; 

forbidden by the Index Expurgatorius and Semanario Erudito, Tom. VIII. 

of the hnpiisition to the last, — in 1790 pp. 245 and 250.) Further accounts of 

and 1805. The letters of Perez to Es- Perez are to be found in Llo rente, Tom 

sex are in pretty good Latin, and out of III. pp. 316-375. 
his Spanish works there were early made 



Chap. XXXYII.J AKGEN80LA, CASCALES; SOLlS. 197 

of tiieir daily lives. Her letters fill four volumes, and 
tliougli, in general, tliey are only to be regarded 
as fervent exhortations or religious teachings, 
* still, by the purity, beauty, and womanly grace ^169 
of their style, they may fairly claim a distin- 
guished place in the epistolary literature of her coun- 
try.^^ 

Some portions of the correspondence of Bartolome 
de Argensola about 1625, of Lope de Yega before 
1630, and of Quevedo a little later, have been pre- 
served to us ; but they are too inconsiderable in 
amount to have much value. Of Cascales, the rheto- 
rician, we have more. In 1634, he printed three 
Decades of Letters ; but they are almost entirely de- 
voted to discussions of points that involve learned lore ; 
and, even where they are not such, they are stiff and 
formal. A few by Nicolas Antonio, the literary his- 
torian, who died in 1684, are plain and business-like, 
but are written in a hard style, that prevents them 
from being interesting. Those of Solis, who closes up 
the century and the period, are better. They are such 
as belong to the intercourse of an old man, left to 
struggle through the last years of a long life with 
poverty and misfortune, and express the feelings be- 
coming his situation, both with philosophical calmness 
and Christian resignation.^^ 

15 "Cartas de Santa Teresa de Je- of mortification at the failure of his 

sus," Madrid, 1793, 4 toni. 4to, — prophecy, and eight years afterwards 

chiefly written in the latter part of her was burnt in effigy by the Inquisition 

life. as an impostor. He w^as probably, as 

Sevenlettersof Juan de la Sal, Bishop Don Juan thought, only a crazy man, 

of Bona, in 1616, to the Duke of Medi- who uttered a vast deal of nonsense, 

na Sidonia, may be found in the Bib- and who attracted more attention by 

lioteca de Autores Espanoles, (Tom. his claims to miraculous foresight than 

XXXVI., 1855,) and are worth notice, they deserved. The letters are plain 

They concern the fancies or pretensions and simple, with a little humor and 

of a secular clerigo, named Francisco much good sense, but not otherwise re- 

Mendez, who said he should die on mai'kable. There is a graceful sonnet 

a certain day, but survived several addressed to their author by ]\Iedrano. 

months, and then died, it was thought, ^*^ The letters of Argensola are in the 



198 



EPISTOLARY COERESPOKDENCE. 



[Period II . 



^170 * But no writer in the history of Spanish 
epistolary correspondence can be compared for 
acuteness and brilliancy with Antonio Perez^ or for 
eloquence with Santa Teresa. 



"Cartas de Yarios Autores Espaiioles," 
by Mayans y Siscar, (Valencia, 1773, 
6 torn. 12nio,) — itself a monument of 
the poverty of Spanish literature in that 
department from which it attempts to 
make a coUectionj since by far the 
greater part of it consists of old printed 
dedications, formal epistles of approba- 
tion that had been prefixed to books 
when they were first published, lives 
of authors that had served as prefaces 
to their works, etc. Many of these 
were written by Mayans himself or ad- 
dressed to him, so that the five volumes 
are much devoted to his own honor and 
glory, while, on the other hand, not a 
line is given from Antonio Perez, prob- 
ably on political grounds. 

The letters of Quevedo and Lope are 
chiefly on literary subjects, and are 
scattered through their respective writ- 
ings. Those of Antonio and Solis are 
in a small volume published by Mayans 
at Lyons, in 1733 ; to which may be 
added those at the end of Antonio's 
" Censura de Historias Fabulosas," Ma- 
drid, 1742, fol. The "Cartas Philo- 
logicas" of Cascales, (of which there is 
a neat edition by Sanchez, Madrid, 
1779, 8vo,) are to Spain and the age in 
which they M'ere written what the terse 
£ind pleasant letters published by Mel- 



moth, under the pseudonyme of Fitzos- 
borne, are to England in the reign of 
George IL, — an attempt to unite as 
much learning as the public would bear 
with an infusion of lighter matter in 
discussions connected with morals and 
manners. To these may be added, as 
with similar but not e(j[ual ])retensions, 
the " Epistolas Varias " of Felix de Lucio 
Espinosa, or Espinossa (4to, 1675) ; — an 
author already noticed for his poor son- 
nets, {ante, Vol. 111. p. 43, note,) but 
whose letters, though they are rather 
learned essays than letters, are better 
than might be expected from their pe- 
riod. They are addressed to Nicolas 
Antonio, Josef Pellicer, Josef Dormer, 
and other scholars of the time, and 
some of them are curious, for their 
recopdite research; ex. gr., the twelfth, 
on the use of beverages artificially 
cooled. But the few letters of Gon- 
zalo Ayora, of the time of Ferdinand 
the Catholic, and of Francisco Ortiz, of 
the time of Charles V., though pressed 
into the service by the collector of the 
Epistolario Espanol that forms Vol. 
XIII. of Rivadeneyra's Biblioteca, 1850, 
do not belong in a collection of the epis- 
tolary correspondence of a nation, and 
only prove, like the collection of May- 
ans, how little there is to be gathered. 



*CHAPTEE XXXYIII. *171 

HISTORICAL COMPOSITION. — ZDBITA, MORALES, RIBADENETRA, SIGUENZA, MA- 
RIANA, SANDOVAL, HERRERA, ARGENSOLA, THE INCA GARCILASSO, MENDOZA, 

MONCADA, COLOMA, MELO, SAAVEDRA, SOLfS. GENERAL REMARKS ON THE 

SPANISH HISTORIANS. 

The fathers of Spanish history, as distinguished from 
Spanish chronicling, are Zurita and Morales, both of 
whom, educated in the reign of Charles the Fifth, show 
that they were not insensible to the influences of that 
great period in the annals of their country, and both 
of whom, after its close, prepared and published their 
works under the happiest auspices. 

Zurita was born in Saragossa in 1512, and died there 
in 1580 ; so that he had the happiness to live while 
the political privileges of his native kingdom were yet 
little impaired, and to die just before they were effect- 
ually broken down. His father was a favored physi- 
cian of Ferdinand the Catholic, and accompanied that 
monarch to Naples in 1506. The son, who showed 
from early youth a great facility in the acquisition of 
knowledge, was educated at the University of Alcala, 
where it was his good fortune to have, for his chief 
instructor, Fernan Nunez, who was commonly called 
the Greek Commander, from the circumstance, that, 
while his position in the state as a member of the 
great family of the Guzmans made him Knight Com- 
mander of the Order of Santiago, his personal acquisi- 
tions and talents rendered him the first Greek scholar 
of his age and country. 

As the elder Zurita continued to be much trusted by 



200 ZURITA. [Period II. 

Charles the Fifth, and as his son's connections 
* 172 were chiefly ^ with persons of great considera- 
tion, the progress of the future historian was at 
first rather in the direction of public affairs. But in 
1548, under circumstances peculiarly honorable to him, 
he was appointed Historiographer of Aragon -, being 
elected unanimously by the free Cortes of that king- 
dom to the office, which they had just established, and 
as a candidate for which he had to encounter the most 
powerful and learned competitors. The election seems 
to haA^e satisfied his ambition, and to have given a new 
direction to his life. At any rate, he immediately pro- 
cured a royal warrant to examine and use all docu- 
ments needful for his purpose that could be found in 
any part of the empire. Under this broad authority 
he went over much of Spain, consulting and examin- 
ing the great national records at Simancas,^ and then 
visited Sicily and Naples, from whose monasteries and 
public archives he obtained further ample and learned 
spoils. 

The result was, that between 1562 and 1580 he pub- 
lished, in six folio volumes, " The Annals of Aragon," 
from the invasion of the country by the Arabs to 1516 ; 
;the last third of his labor being entirely given to the 
reign of Ferdinand the Catholic, for which the recol- 
lections of his father's life at the court of that mon- 
arch probably afforded some of the most interesting 
materials. The whole work is more important for 
Spanish history than any that had preceded it. It has 
hardly anything of the monkish credulity of the old 

1 An account of this remarkable col- vista Literaria del Espanol," 28 de 

lection of records, which from 1561, Julio, 1845. It is very curious. The 

when it was begun, has been in charge first suggestion of forming national 

of one and the same family, who pre- archives is due, I believe, to Cardinal 

serve a traditionary knowledge of its Ximenes. 
resources, may be found in the ' ' Re- 



Chap. XXXVIII.] ZURITA. 201 

chronicles, for Zurita was a man of the world, and 
always concerned in the stirring interests of his time ; 
first, from having been intrusted with the municipal 
affairs of one of the principal cities of the kingdom ; 
next, from being charged with the general corre- 
spondence of the Inquisition ; and finally, from his 
duties as one of the secretaries of Philip the Second, 
which kept him much at court and about the king's 
person. It shows, too, not unfrequently, a love for the 
ancient privileges of Aragon, and a generosity 
of opinion on political subjects, remarkable *in * 173 
one who was aware that whatevei? he wrote 
w^ould not only be submitted before its publication to 
the censorship of jealous rivals, but read by the wary 
and severe monarch on whom all his fortunes de- 
pended, and to whom, on some occasions, he has been 
accused of a submission or subserviencv imconsistent 
with his independence as an historian ; although, per- 
haps, not more than was needful to insure his success 
or even his safety as such.^ Its faults are its great 
length and a carelessness of style, scarcely regarded as 
faults at the time when it was written.^ 

2 See Gayangos, Translation, Tom. from the king in Dormer, (p. 109,) 

III. p. 554. which shows that he enjoyed much of 

^ The best notice of Geronimo de Zu- the royal consideration ; though, as I 

rita is the one at the end of Part II. have intimated, and as may be fully 

Chap. I. of Prescott's "Ferdinand and seen in Dormer, (Lib. II. c. 2, 3, 4,) 

Isabella " ; — tlie most ample is the he was much teased, at one time, by 

folio volume of Diego Josef Dormer, the censors of his History. The first 

entitled " Progresos de la Historia en edition of the "Anales de la Corona de 

Aragon " (Zaragoza, 1680, folio) ; really Aragon" was published in different 

a life of Zurita, published in his honor years, at Saragossa, between 1562 and 

by the Cortes of his native kingdom. 1580, to which a volume of Indices was 

There are several editions of his An- added in 1604, making seven volumes, 

nals ; and Latassa (Bib. Nueva, Tom. folio, in all. The third edition, Zara- 

I. pp. 358-373) gives a list of above goza, 1610-1621, 7 torn, folio, is the 

forty of his works, nearly all unpub- one that is pi-eferred. 
lished, and none of them, probably, of Another volume was added to the 

much value, except his History, to Annals of Zurita (Zaragoza, 1630, fol.) 

whicli, in fact, they are generally sub- by Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola, 

si liiry. He held several offices under the poet, who brought them down to 

Piiilip II., and there is a letter to him 1520 ; but it is too diffuse, filling above 



202 MORALES. [Period II. 

Morales, who was an admirer of Zurita, and defended 
him from one of his assailants in a tract published at 
the end of the last volume of the " Annals of 
* 174 * Aragon/' was born in 1513, a year after his 
friend, and died in 1591, having survived him 
by eleven years. He was educated at Salamanca, and, 
besides early obtaining Church preferments and dis- 
tinctions, rose subsequently to eminence as a Pro- 
fessor in the University of Alcali. But from 1570, 
when he was appointed Historiographer to the Crown 
of Castile, he devoted himself to the completion of 
the History begun on so vast a scale by Ocampo, whose 
work he seems to have taken up in some degree out of 
regard for the memory of its author. 

He began his task, however, too late. He was 
already sixty-seven years old, and when he died, 
eleven years afterwards, he had been able to bring 
it down no further than to the union of the crowns of 
Castile and Leon, in 1037, — a point from which it 
was afterwards carried, by Sandoval, to the death of 

eleven hundred pages with the events 1 have said that Zurita was employed 
of only four years, — 1516 to 1520, — as secretary of Philip II., from time to 
and is less Avise and impartial than Zu- time ; and such Avas the fact. But this 
rita's great work, though better writ- title often implied little except the 
ten, in point of style. In its turn, the right of the person who bore it to re- 
history of Argensola was continued by ceive a moderate salary from the public 
Fran. Diego de Sayas, in his " Anales treasury; — a circumstance which I 
de Aragon," (fol. 1667,) in a manner mention because I have occasion fre- 
almost equally diffuse, giving above quently to notice authors who were 
eight hundred pages to about four years royal secretaries or scribes, from the 
more ; i. e. from the end of 1520 to time of Baena, the Jew, in the days of 
1525. Saj^as, who died in 1680, wrote John II., down to the disappearance 
other works, but none, I think, of con- of the Austrian family. Thus Gonzalo 
serpience. (Latassa, Bib. Nov., Tom. Perez and his son Antonio were royal 
III. p. 551.) Dormer, who did so secretaries; so were the two Quevedos, 
much for Zurita in other ways, piib- and many more. In 1605, Philip HI. 
lished, in 1697, as siibsidiary to Zuri- had twenty-nine such secretaries. Cle- 
ta's greater work, a folio volume, enti- niencin, note to Don Quixote, Parte 
tied "Anales de Aragon, desde 1625 II. c. 47. Eanke (Zur Kritik neuerer 
hasta 1640," yjp. 700 ; but, like a great Geschichtschreiben 1824, ]). 122) says 
many other historical works that he of Zurita that he " has learnt more from 
gave to the world, it is chronicling and his Annals than from any book he has 
documentary, and makes little ])reten- read on modern history"; — a tribute 
sion to style. Dormer died in 1705. worth having from such high authority. 



Chap. XXX VI I L] 



MORALES. 



203 



Alfonso the Seventh, m 1097, where it finally stops. 
Imperfect, however, as is the portion compiled in his 
old age by Morales, we can hardly fail to regard it, 
not, indeed, as so wise and well weighed an historical 
composition as that of Zurita, bnt as one marked with 
mucrh more general ability, and showing a much more 
enlightened spirit, than the work of Ocampo, to which 
it serves as a continuation. Its style, unhappily, is 
wanting in correctness ; — a circumstance the more 
to be noticed, since Morales valued himself on his 
pure Castilian, both as the son of a gentleman of high 
caste, and as the nephew of Fernan de Oliva, by whom 
he was educated, and whose works he had published 
because they had done so much to advance prose com- 
position in Spain.* 



* The History of Ambrosio de Morales 
was first publislud in three folios, Al- 
cala, 1574-1577 ; but the best edition 
is that of Madrid, 1791, in six small 
quartos, to which are commonly added 
two volumes, dated 1792, on Spanish 
Anti(piities, and three more, dated 
1793, of his miscellaneous works; — 
the whole being preceded by the work 
of Ocampo, in two volumes, already 
noticed, and followed by the continua- 
tion of Sandoval, in one volume, a work 
of about e(pial merit with that of Mo- 
rales, and first printed at Pamplona, in 
1615, folio. The three authors, Ocam- 
po, Morales, and Sandoval, taken to- 
gether, are thus made to fill twelve vol- 
umes, as if they belonged to one work, 
to which is given the unsuitable title of 
" Coronica General de Espaiia." 

Morales, in his youth, cruelly muti- 
lated his person, in order to insure a 
priestly purity of life, and wellnigh 
died of the consequences. 

I might have mentioned here the 
"Comentario de la Guerra de Alemana 
de Luis de Avila y Zuniga," a small 
volume, (Anvers, 1550, 12mo,) first 
printed in 1548, and frequently after- 
wards, in Latin, Italian, and French, 
as well as in Spanish. It is an account 
of the campaigns of Charles V. in Ger- 
many, in 1546 and 1547, prepared, 



probably, from information furnished 
by the Emperor himself, (J^avarra Dia- 
logos, 1567, f. 13,) and written in a 
natural, but by no means polished, 
Castilian style. Parts of it bear inter- 
nal evidence of having been composed 
at the very time of the events they re- 
cord, and the whole is evidently the 
work of one of the few personal friends 
Charles V. ever had ; one, however, 
who does not appear to much advantage 
in the private letters of Guillaume Van 
Male, j)i'inted by the Belgian Biblio- 
philes, in 1843. See ante, Vol. I, p. 
460, note. 

Pellicer de Tovar, in his "Gloria de 
Espana," (4to, 1650, p. 16,) speaks of 
the " Comentario " as if it were really 
the work of Charles V., and Cabrera, 
in his treatise " De Historia j^ara enten- 
derla y escrivirla," (1611, f. 7, b,) inti- 
mates the same thing ; but the account 
of iSTavarra is more likely to be true. 
Still, that Charles arranged commen- 
taries on his own reign seems certain, 
and it is extremely probable that Philip 
II. destroyed them. But they were 
compiled by himself and Van Male, 
and had nothing to do with the Com- 
mentaries of Avila, though thej^ may 
have given rise to the mistake and con- 
fusion. (Gachard, " Retraite et Mort 
de Charles V.," Tom. II., 1855, \}. 



204 



MENDOZA, AND OTHEKS. 



[Period II, 



^175 "^ Contemporary with both Zurita and 

rales, but far in advance of both of them as 
a writer of history, was the old statesman, Diego de 
Mendoza, whose fresh and vigorous account of the 
rebellion of the Moors in 1568 we have already con- 
sidered, noticing it rather at the period when it was 
written than at the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, when it was first given to the world, and when 
Siguenza, Ribadeneyra, Mariana, Sandoval, and Herrera 
had already appeared, and determined the character 
which should be finally impressed on this department 
of Spanish literature. 



cxlvi.) Both Van Male and Avila were 
much about the person of Charles V. 
His attachment to both seems to have 
continued to the last. Avila had an 
estate by his wife at Plasencia, near 
Yuste, and lived there while the Em- 
peror was in the convent ; visited his 
old master often ; and was one of the 
few persons of consideration and rank 
who Avere round his death-bed and who 
mourned at his funeral. One day, we 
are told, when the Emperor had dined 
sparingly at the convent on capon, he 
said, ' ' Put away the rest of it for Don 
Luis ; perhaps we shall have nothing 
else to give him." And, on another 
occasion, speaking of the " Comenta- 
rio," he said, "Alexander achieved 
greater things than I have, but he had 
not so good a chronicler." Vera y Fi- 
gueroa, Vida y Hechos de Carlos V. 
(Madrid, 1654, 4to, ff. 125, 129, 130,) 
— a pleasant, gossiping book, but full 
of the intolerance and false loyalty of 
its age. 

There is a German translation of the 
" Comentario," published with the title 
" Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen 
Krieges nach Don Luis de Avila y Zu- 
iiiga," (Berlin, 1853,) which seems to 
be carefully done. Eobertson used the 
Latin version of poor Van Male, printed 
in 1550. He might, however, if he 
had been curious in such matters, have 
found an English one printed in 1555, 
of which Mr. Stirling has a coj^ty in his 
very precious collection. It was made, 
I think, by John Wilkinson, and is de- 
scribed in Dibdin's Ames, 1819, Vol. 
IV. p. 427. The original is republished 



in the Biblioteca de Autores Esi:)aiioles, 
Tom. XXL, 1852. — I have an Italian 
translation of it printed at Venice in 
1548, the very year of its appearance 
in Spanish, and only one or two years 
after the events it records. It may be 
here added, that Stirling, in a pleasant 
and interesting tract printed for the 
Philobiblon Society, London, 1856, and 
entitled " Notices of the Emperor 
Charles V. in 1555 and 1556," has 
some curious facts about Avila. 

Since the preceding part of this note 
was published, new and decisive light 
has been thrown on the subject, con- 
firming the suggestion that Charles V. 
prepared Commentaries of his own, dis- 
tinct from those of Avila. .They have, 
in fact, been found in the Imperial Li- 
brary at Paris, by Baron Kervyn de 
Lettenhove, who printed them at Paris 
and Brussels in 1862. They extend 
from 1516 to 1548, and were written 
originally in French, or Avere dictated 
in that language by Charles V. to Van 
Male, but were found in a Portuguese 
translation made at Madrid in 1620 
when Portugal was a part of the Span- 
ish monarchy. We have them now 
only as translated back into French ; 
but there is no doubt of their genuine- 
ness. A S})anish letter from Charles V. , 
dated 1552, and addressed to his son 
Philip, afterwards Philip II., enclosing 
the MS., leaves no doubt on this point. 
They are, however, of little value, and 
seem to have been written for his amuse- 
ment -when he was travelling from the 
Khine to Augsburg in 1550, and fin- 
ished at the latter place. 



CiiAr. XXXVIII.] RIBADET^TEYRA. SIGUENZA. 



205 



Of this group, the first two, Avho devoted 
themselves to ^ecclesiastical history, and en- "^ 176 
tered into the religious discussions of their 
time, were, 23erhaps, originally the most prominent. 
Kibadeneyra, one of the early and efficient members 
of the Society of Jesuits, distinguished himself by his 
" History of the Schism in the English Church,'' in the 
time of Henry the Eighth, and by his " Lives of the 
Saints." Siguenza, who was a disciple of St. Jerome, 
was no less faithful to the brotherhood by whom he 
was adopted and honored, as his life of their founder 
and his history of their Order abundantly prove. Both 
were men of uncommon gifts, and wrote with a manly 
and noble eloquence ; the first with more richness and 
fervor, the last with a more simple dignity, but each 
with the earnest and trusting spirit of his peculiar 
faith.^ 



^ Pedro cle Eibadeneyra, who died, 
aged 84, in 1611, and for whom a beau- 
tiful epitaph was composed by Mariana, 
wrote several works in honor of his 
Company, and several ascetic works be- 
sides his "Cismade Inglaterra," (Bar- 
celona, 1588,) and his "Flos Sancto- 
rum," Madrid, 1599-1601, 2 tom. folio. 
The first is very unfair, but the subject 
was tempting to a Spanish Catholic, 
just as the Armada was fitting out ; 
and, besides, the persecutions of Eliza- 
beth were sufficient to justify a stern 
rebuke. The book's popularity shows 
that it was well timed. Three editions 
of it appeared in 1588. His " Tratado 
de la Religion," dedicated to Philip II. 
in 1595, and intended as an answer to 
Machiavelli's " Principe," contains elo- 
quent passages, but lacks the acuteness 
and power needful for encountering an 
adversary so formidable by his severe 
strength. 

Jose de Siguenza, who was born in 
1545, and died in 1606, as Prior of the 
Escorial, — whose construction he wit- 
nessed and described, — published his 
' ' Vida de San Geronimo, " in Madrid, 
1595, 4to, and his " Historia de la Or- 
den de San Geronimo" (Madrid, 1600- 



1605, 2 torn., folio, continued by Fran- 
cisco de los Santos, 1680, folio). He 
was persecuted by the Inquisition. Llo- 
rente, Hist, de I'lnquisition, Tom. II., 
1817, p. 474. 

It would be easy to add to these two 
writers on ecclesiastical history the 
names of many more. Hardly a con- 
vent or a saint of any note in Spain, 
during the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, failed of especial commemo- 
ration ; and each of the religious orders 
and great cathedrals had at least one 
historian, and most of them several. 
The number of books on Spanish eccle- 
siastical history to be found in the list 
at the end of the second volume of An- 
tonio's Bibliotheca Xova is, therefore, 
one that may well be called enormous. 
Some of them, too, like the History of 
the Order of St. Benedict, by Yepes, 
and several of the histories of those or- 
ders that were both knightly and relig- 
ious, are of no little importance for 
the facts and documents with which 
they are crowded. But nearly all of 
them are heavy, monkish annals, and 
not one, I believe, has literary merit 
enough to attract our attention. I 
think that above sixteen hundred au- 



206 MARIANA. [Period II. 

From the nature of their subjects, however, neither 
of them rose to be the great historian of his country ; 
— an honor which belongs to Juan de Mariana, who 
was born at Talavera in 1536, and whose extraordi- 
nary talents attracted the attention of the Jesuits, 
then fast advancing into notice as a religious 
"^177 ^power.^ Having gone through a severe course 
of studies at Alcala, he was selected, at the age 
of twenty-four, to fill the most important place in the 
great college which the members of his society — 
always sagacious in such matters — were then estab- 
lishing at Rome, and which they regarded as one of 
their principal institutions for consolidating and ex- 
tending their influence. 'After five years he was 
removed to Sicily, to introduce similar studies into 
that island • and, a little later, he was transferred to 
Paris, where he was received with honor, and taught 
for several years, lecturing chiefly on the works and 
opinions of Thomas Aquinas, to crowded audiences. 
But the climate of France was unfriendly to his health, 
and in 1574, having spent thirteen years in foreign 
countries, as a public instructor, he returned to Spain, 
and established himself in the house of his order at 
Toledo, which he hardly left during the forty-nine re- 
maining years of his life. 

This long period, which he devoted to literary labor, 
was not, however, permitted to be as peaceful as his 
merits should have made it. The Polyglot Bible — 
published by Arias Montano at Antwerp, in 1569-1572, 
which was at first received with great favor, but after- 

thors of local histories, "both ecclesiasti- mero," (Madrid, 1858,) — a curious 

cal and secular, may be fo;;nd in the book, published at the expense of the 

" Diccionario bibliografico-historico de Si)anish government, 
los antiguos Reinos, Provincias, Ciu- ^ He alludes very gracefully to the 

dadcs, Villas, Iglesias, y Santuavios ])lace of his birtli in the opening of his 

de Espaha, por D. Tonias Munoz y Po- treatise " De Rege," 1599. 



Chap. XXXYIIL] MARIANA. 207 

wards, by the intrigues of the Jesuits, was denounced 
to the Inquisition — excited so bitter a quarrel, that it 
was deemed necessary to inquire into the truth of 
the charges brought against it. By the management 
of the Jesuits, Mariana was the principal person em- 
ployed to make the investigation; and, through his 
learning and influence, they felt sure of a triumph. 
But thouo-h he was a faithful Jesuit, he was not a sub- 
servient one. His decision was in favor of Montano ; 
and this, together with the circumstance that he did 
not follow the intimations given to him when he was 
employed in arranging the Index Expurgatorius of 
1584, brought upon him the displeasure of his supe- 
riors in a way that caused him much trouble.^ 

* In 1599, he published a Latin treatise on the * 178 
Institution of Royalty, and dedicated it to Philip 
the Third ; — a work liberal in its general political tone, 
and even intimating that there are cases in which it 
may be lawful to put a monarch to death, but sustain- 
ing, with great acuteness, the power of the Church, and 
tending to the establishment of a theocracy. At home, 
it caused little remark. It was regularly approved 
by the censors of the press, and is said to have been 
favored by the policy of the government, which, in the 
time of Philip the Second, had sent assassins to cut off 
Elizabeth of England and the Prince of Orange. But 
in France, where Henry the Third had been thus put 
to death a few years before, and where Henry the 
Fourth suffered a similar fate a few years afterwards, 
it excited a great sensation. Indeed, the sixth chapter 

"^ Llorente, Tom. I. p. 479, Tom. II. the course of Mariana, in this investi- 

p. 457, Tom. III. pp. 75-82. Carva- gation, was so frank as it should have 

jal, the author of the " Elogio Histori- been. Perhaps it was not; but he 

CO " of Montano, in the seventh vohime came to the right conclusion at last, 

of the Memoirs of the Academy of His- and it was a bold and honest thing to 

tory, (1832, 4to, p. 84,) does not think do so. 



208 MARIAI^A. [Period II. 

of the first book directly mentions, and by implication 
countenances, the murder of the former of these mon- 
archs, and was claimed, though contrary to the truth 
of fact, to have been among the causes that stimulated 
Eavaillac to the assassination of the latter. It was, 
therefore, both attacked and defended with extraordi- 
nary acrimony ; and, at last, the Parliament of Paris 
ordered it to be burned by the hands of the common 
hangman.^ What was more unfortunate for its author, 
the whole discussion having brought much popular 
odium on the Jesuits, who w^ere held responsible for 
a book which was written by one of their order, and 
could not have been published without permission of 
its heads, Mariana himself became more than ever 
unwelcome to the great body of his religious asso- 
ciates.^ 
^179 "^ At last, an occasion was found where he 
could be assailed without assigning the true 
reasons for the attack. In 1609, he published;, not in 

^ The order to "burn it may he found 1602. I have a copy of it, Toleti, 4to, 
in a curious hook entitled " L'Antima- 1599, pp. 446. From the very remark- 
riana," (Paris, 1610, 8vo, pp. 284,) and able letters of Loaysa, the confessor of 
is dited June 10, ]610 ; less than a Charles V., and subsequently Arch- 
month after the assassination of Henry bishop of Seville and Inquisitor-Gen- 
IV. The book was written by Eoussel, eral, it appears that the great Emperor 
(Barbier, No. 938,) and the order is at himself was as little scrujiulous as his 
the end. son in such matters. This renders the 

■' The account of this book, and of passage in Mariana more easy of expla- 

the discussions it occasioned, is given nation, especially as Mariana praises 

amply by Bayle, in the notes to his ar- Loaysa very earnestly, p. 6. But it 

tide Mariana ; but, as is usual with can in no way be defended. See Briefe 

him, in a manner that shows his dis- an Kaiser Karl V., etc., von D. G. 

like of tlie Jesuits. The first edition Heine, Berlin, 1848, 8vo, p. 130 and 

of it contains the authority both of the note. The idea that the treatise of 

king and of the Examiner of the Order Mariana influenced Eavaillac is set 

of the Jesuits to print the work. The forth, in his rambling way, by Vaughan, 

passage in extenuation or defence of in his very curious and rare "Golden 

the murder of Henry III. by Jaques Fleece," 1626 (Part I. Chaps. 1 and 

Clemens is in Lib. I. c. 6, where it is 2) ; — a work connected with our own 

called " monimentum nobile," and Cle- Newfoundland. But Bayle — an un- 

mens himself "ffiternum GalliiB decus." willing witness in favor of a Jesuit 

p. 69. See, further, Sismondi (Hist. — shows that this notion is all a de- 

des Fran^ais, Tom. XXII., 1839, p. lusion. (Art. Mariana, H. and K.) 

191) ; but Sismondi is wrong in dating Eavaillac was not so learned by a great 

the publication of the treatise from deal. 



Chap. XXXVIIl.] MARIANA. 209 

Spain, but at Cologne, seven Latin treatises on va.rious 
subjects of theology and criticism, such as the state of 
the Spanish theatre, the Arab computation of time, 
and the year and day of the Saviour's birth. Most of 
them were of a nature that could provoke no animad- 
version ; but one, " On Mortality and Immortality," was 
seized upon for theological censure, and another, ^' De 
Mutatione Monetae," was assailed on political grounds, 
because it showed how unwise and scandalous had 
been the practices of the reigning favorite, the Duke 
of Lerma, in tampering with the currency and debas- 
ing it. The Inquisition took cognizance of both ; and 
their author, though then seventy-three years old, was 
subjected first to confinement, and afterwards to pen- 
ance, for his ofiences. Both works were placed at once 
on the Index Expurgatorius ', and Philip the Third 
gave orders to collect and destroy as many copies as 
possible of the volume in which they were contained. 
As Lope de Vega said, " His country did not pardon 
the most learned Mariana when he erred." 

His treatment on this occasion was undoubtedly the 
more severe, because among his papers was found a 
dissertation " On the Errors in the Government of 
the Society of Jesuits," which was not printed till 
after its author's death, and then with no friendly 
views to the Order .^^ But the firm spirit of Mariana 

1° *' Joli. Mariana, e Soc. Jesu, Trac- 152, 153, article Proceso del Padni Ma- 
tatus VII., nunc primum in Lueem riaiia,, ^l'^. — Lope de Vea^a, Obras Su- 
editi,'- Colon. Agrip., 1609, fol. ; my eltas, Tom. I. p. 295.) The " Discurso 
copy of which is mutilated according de las Enfermedades de la Compania," 
to the minute directions given in the written in Mariana's beautiful flowing 
Index Exi)urgatorius, 1667, p. 719, the style, was first printed at Bordeaux, 
treatise "De Mutatione Monetne" being 1625, 8vo, and then again on the sup- 
carefully cut out, and every trace of it pression of the order by Charles III. ; 
obliterated. But it may be found, as but in the Index Expurgatorius, (1667, 
translated by himself, with the title of p. 735, ) where it is strictly prohibited, 
" Sobre la Moneda de Vellon," at the it is craftily treated as if "it were still 
end of Vol. XXXI. of the Biblioteca de in manuscript, and as if its author were 
Autores Espanoles, 1854. (Santander, not certainly known. This id;'a of the 
Catalogue, 1792, Svo, Tom. IV. i)p. uncertainty of the authorshi]) ef the 
VOL. III. 14 



210 MARIANA. [Period IT. 

* 180 * was not broken by his persecutions. He went 

forward with his hterary Labors to the last ; and 
when he died, in 1623, it was of the infirmities which 
extreme age had naturally brought with it. He was 
eighty-seven years old. 

The main occupation of the last thirty or forty 
years of his life was his great History. In the for- 
eign countries where he had long lived, the earlier 
annals of Spain were so little known to the learned 
men with whom he had been associated, that^ as a 
Spaniard, he had felt mortified by an ignorance which 
seemed disrespectful to his country.^^ He determined, 
he says in consequence of this, to do something that 
should show the world by what manly steps Spain had 
come intq the larger interests of Europe, and to prove 
by her history that she deserved the consideration she 
had, from the time of Charles the Fifth, everywhere 
enjoyed. He began his labors, therefore, in Latin, 
that all Christendom might be able to read them, and 
in 1592 published, in that language, twenty out of the 
thirty books which constitute the whole work. 

But, even before he had printed the other ten books, 

which appeared in 1609, he was fortunately induced, 

like Cardinal Bembo, to become his own trans- 

* 181 lator, and to * give his work to his countrymen 

in the pure Castilian of Toledo. In doing this, 
he enjoyed a great advantage. He might use a free- 

" Discurso " was so diligently inculcated ^^ In one of the many controversial 

for a century and a half by high au- pamphlets excited by Father Feyjoo's 

thority, that in the edition of 1768 it Works, the following whimsical but 

was deemed needful to prove, by a for- truly Castilian idea is used to express 

mal Dissertation, that Mariana wrote the feeling of obligation which has al- 

it ; a point about which there should ways been entertained by the Spanish 

never have been any question. In the nation for the honor Mariana's History 

Index of 1790, he is still censured with had done them abroad. " Hasta el 

great severity. A considerable number tienipo en que este docto Jesuita esci'i- 

of his unpublished manuscripts is said vio su Historia Latina, passabamos entre 

to have been long i)reserved in the Jes- estrangeros por gente sin ahueloa.'' Es- 

uit's Library at Toledo. trado Critico, s. 1. 1727, 4to, p. 26. 



Chap. XXXVIII.] MARIANA. 211 

dom in his version that could be cLaimed by no one 
else ; for he had not only a right to change the phrase- 
ology and arrangement, but, whenever he saw fit, he 
might modify the opinions of a book which was as 
much his own in the one language as in the other. 
His "Historia de Espana," therefore, the first part of 
which appeared in 1601, has all the air and merit of 
an original work ; and in the successive editions pub- 
lished under his own direction, and especially in the 
fourth, wdiich appeared the very year of his death, it 
was gradually enlarged, enriched, and in every way 
improved, until it became what it has remained ever 
since, the proudest monument erected to the history 
of his country .^^ 

It begins with the supposed peopling of Spain by 
Tubal, the son of Japhet, and comes down to the 
death of Ferdinand the Catholic and the accession of 
Charles the Fifth ; to all which Mariana himself after- 
wards added a compressed abstract of the course of 
events to 1621, when Philip the Fourth ascended the 
throne. It was a bold undertaking, and in some re- 
spects is marked with the peculiar spirit of its age. 
In weighing the value of authorities, for instance, he 
has been less careful than became the hio-h office he 
had assumed. He follows Ocampo, and especially 
Garibay, — credulous compilers of old fables, who 
were his own contemporaries, — confessing freely that 

1- The most careful!}^ printed and and 1623 being equal, as stated by the 

beantiful edition of Mariana's History editore of that of IfSQ, to a moderate 

is the fourteenth, published at Madrid, rolume. The History of Mariana antl 

by Ibarra, (2 vols., foL, 1780,) under four of his treatises are publislied in 

tlie direction of the Superintendents of the Biblioteca of Rivadeneyra, Tom. 

the Royal Library ; — a book whose me- XXX. and XXXI., 1854, — the trt-ati.se 

(•hanical execution would do honor to *^De Rege " being translated for the ckt- 

any press in Europe. Jt is remarkable casion, and two unimportant " Escritos 

how much Mariana amended his History Sueltos," together with a "Catalogo" 

in tlie successive editions during his of his works, being added at the 

lifetime ; the additions between ItiUS end. 



212 MARIANA. [Period II. 



( 



he thought it safest and best to take the received tra- 
ditions of the country, unless obvious reasons called 
upon him to reject them. His manner, too, is, in a 

few particulars, open to remark. In the beauti- 
* 182 ful * dedication of the Spanish version of his 

history to Philip the Third, he admits that anti- 
quated words occasionally adhere to his style, from his 
^familiar study of the old writers ; and Saavedra, who 
was pleased to find fault with him, says, that, as 
other people dye their beards to make themselves 

look young, Marip^na dyed his to make himself look 
old.13 " 

But there is another side to all this. His willing be- 
lief in the old chronicles, temjDcred, as it necessarily is, 
by his great learning, gives an air of true-heartedness 
and good faith to his accounts, and a vivacity to his 
details, which are singularly attractive ; while, at the 
same time, his occasional antiquated words and phrases, 
so well suited to such views of his subject, add to the 
idiomatic richness, in which, among Spanish prose com- 
positions, the style of Mariana is all but imrivalled. 
His narratives — the most important part of an his- 
torical work of this class — are peculiarly flowing, free, 
and impressive. The accounts of the wars of Hanni- 
bal, in the second book ; those of the irruption of the 
Northern nations, with which the fifth opens ; the con- 
spiracy of John de Procida, in the fourteenth; the last 

^3 Mariana, Hist., Lib. I. c. 13. should never have finished it; but I 

Saavedra, Repi'iblica Literaria, Madrid, undertook to arrange in a becoming 

1759, 4to, ]). 44. Mariana admits style, and in the Latin language, what 

the want of critical exactness in some others had collected as materials for the 

parts of his history, when, replying to fabric I desired to raise. To look up 

a letter of Lupercio de Argensola, wlio authorities for everything would have 

had noticed his mistake in calling Pru- left Spain, for another series of centu- 

dentius a native of Calahorra, he says : lies, without a Latin History thnt could 

"1 never undertook to make a history show itself in the world." J. A. Pelli- 

of Spain, in which I should verify cer, Ensaj'-o de una Biblioteca de Tra- 

every particular fact ; for if I had I ductores, p. 59. 



Chap. XaXVIIL] MAEIANA. 213 

scenes in the troubled life of Peter the Cruel, in the 
seventeenth ; and most of the descriptions of the lead- 
ing events in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, and 
especially the description of the fall of Granada, at the 
end of the twenty-fifth, give abundant proof of this 
peculiar historical talent. Thej^ seem instinct with 
life and movement. 

His formal speeches, in which he made Livy his 
model, are, generally, less fortunate. Most of them 
want individuality and appropriateness. But the one 
which in the fifth book he has given to Ruy 
Lope Davalos, when that * nobleman offers the * 183 
crown of Castile to the Infante don Ferdinand, 
is remarkable for the courageous spirit in which it dis- 
cusses the foundations of all political government, and 
leaves the rit>:hts of kino-s to rest on the assent of their 
subjects ; — a boldness, it should be added, which is 
apparent in many other parts of his works, especially 
in his "De Rege," as it was in much of his life. 

The characters he has drawn of the prominent per- 
sonages that, from time to time, come to the front of 
the stage, are almost always short, sketched with a few 
touches, and struck off with the hand of a master. 
Such are those of Alvaro de Luna, Alfonso the Wise, 
and the unhappy Prince of Yiana, in which so few 
words could hardly be made to express more. 

As a general remark, a certain nobleness of air and 
carriage, not, perhaps, without something of the old 
Castilian sturdiness, but rarely without its dignity, is 
the characteristic that most prevails throughout the 
whole work ; and this, with its admirably idiomatic 
style, — so full, yet so unencumbered, so pure and yet 
so rich, — renders it, if not the most trustworthy of 
annals, at least the most remarkable union of pictu- 



214 



SANDOYAL. 



[Period II. 



resque chronicling with sober history that the world 

has ever seen.^^ 
* 184 ^Prudencio de Sandoval, who was one of the 

salaried chioniclers of the monarchy, and who, 
in that capacity, prepared the continuation of Morales, 
already noticed, seems to have been willing to consti- 
tute himself the successor of Mariana, and prosecute 
the general history of Spain where that eloquent 
Jesuit was likely to leave it, rather than from the 
point where he had himself officially taken it up. At 
least he began there, and wrote an elaborate life of 
Charles the Fifth. But it is too long. It fills as 
many pages as the entire work of Mariana, and, 
though written generally with a dry simplicity, is 
not attractive in its style. His prejudices are strong 
and obvious. Not only the monk, — for he was a 
Benedictine, and enjoyed successively two very rich 
bishoprics, — but the courtier of Philip the Third, is 
constantly apparent. He lays the whole crime of 



i^ There was a singular controversy, 
for a short time, concerning the trust- 
worthiness of Mariana, but it did not 
proceed far. Pedro Mantuano, a young 
Spaniard, secretary to Velasco, — Grand 
Constable of Castile, and a man of 
learning, then in the government of 
Milan, — printed there, in December, 
1607, six sheets of " Advertencias " or 
Remarks on the History of Mariana, 
and sent them to its author, who replied 
in the September following by merely 
returning them with his marginal notes. 
There the matter rested until 1611, 
when Mantuano, perhaps angiy at a 
notice so slight, published his ' ' Adver- 
tencias " at Milan, considerably en- 
larged, and again at Madrid, with 
changes, in 1613. Tamayo de Vargas, 
afterwards a voluminous writer, but 
then a young beginner, answered him 
in a book entitled ' ' Historia, ec. de 
Mariana defendida," Toledo, 1616. But 
Mariana wisely refused to read either of 
the discussions, or to enter at all into 
the controversy. Neither of them, in- 



deed, is of much consequence, as may 
be inferred from the facts, that Mantu- 
ano boasts he was only twenty-six years 
old when he wrote his book, and that 
Tamayo de Vargas replies with another 
boast, that it took him only a fortnight 
to answer it. The whole matter may 
be seen in the Pui^on or Account of it 
by Vargas at the end of his ■*' Defensa," 
which is, in general, a satisfactory, 
though somewhat bitter, reply to the 
inconsiderable objections of Mantuano. 
Tamayo de Vargas died in 1641, and 
Mantuano in 1656. The Marquis of 
Mondejar, a more respectable authority, 
renewed the discussion, and his "Ad- 
vertencias" were published, (Valencia, 
1746, folio,) with a preface by Mayans 
y Siscar, somewhat mitigating their 
force. Still, neither these, which are 
the principal criticisms that have ap- 
peared on Mariana, nor any others, 
have, in the estimation of Spaniards, 
seriously interfered with his claims to 
be regarded, as the great historian of his 
country. 



Chap. XXXVI II.] 



SANDOVAL. 



215 



the assault and capture of Eonie upon the Constable 
de Bourbon; and^ besides tracing the Austrian family 
distinctly to Adam, he connects its honors genealogi- 
cally with those of Hercules and Dardanus. Still, the 
History of Sandoval, from the many important docu- 
ments imbedded in it, is a work of authority much 
relied on hy Eobertson, and one that, on the whole, 
by its ample* and minute details, gives a more satis- 
factory account of the reign of Charles the Fifth than 
any other single history extant. It was first published 
in 1604-1606, and its author died March 12, 1620.^^ 

After this, no important and connected work on the 
history of Spain, that falls within the domain of ele- 
gant literature, appeared for a long period.-^^ Por- 



15 Antonio, Bib. Xov., Tom. II. p. 
2.55. La Motile le Vayer, in a discourse 
addressed to Cardinal Mazarin, (GEuvres, 
Paris, 16G2, folio, Tom. I. pp. 225, etc.,) 
assails Sandoval furiously, and some- 
times successfully, for his credulity, 
superstition, flattery, etc., not forget- 
ting his style, which is very imecpial. 
It was a part of the warfare of France 
against Spain. The best account of 
Sandoval is in Ferrer del Rio, " Deca- 
dencia de Espana," 8vo, 1850, pp. xix, 
XX, and 365-368. It maybe added, 
that Bart. Leonardo de Argensola, in 
his "Anales de Aragon," 1630, points 
out occasional oversights and mistakes 
of fact in Sandoval. His " Cronica de 
Alonso VII.," already noticed, (p. 174 
and note,) was printed in 1600, and 
his other works — all histoiical and all 
of less account — appeared between 
1601 and 1615. 

i** During this period, embracing a 
large part of the seveiiteenth century, 
two remarkable controversies took place 
in Spain, which, by introducing a more 
critical caution into historical compo- 
sition, were not without their effect on 
Mariana, and may have tended to di- 
minish the number of his successors, by 
subjecting history, in all its forms, to 
more rigorous rules. The discussions 
referred to arose in conseipience of two 
extraordinary foi-gerie.s, wliicli for a 
time created a ,i,a-eat ben>satiun through- 



out the country, and deluded not a few 
intelligent men and honest scholars. 

The first related to certain metallic 
plates, sometimes called " The Leaden 
Books," which, having been prepared 
and buried for the purpose several years 
before, were disinterred near Granada 
between 1588 and 1595, and, when de- 
ciphered, seemed to offer materials for 
defending the favorite doctrine of the 
Spanish Church on the Immaculate 
Conception, and for establishing the 
great corner-stone of Spanish ecclesias- 
tical history, the coming to Spain of 
the Apostle James, the patron saint of 
the country. This gross forgery was 
received for authentic history by Philip 
IT., Philip III., and Philip IV., each 
of whom, in a couiicil of state, consist- 
ing of the principal personages of the 
kingdom, solemnly adjudged it to be 
such ; so that, at one period of the dis- 
cussion, some persons believed the 
"Leaden Books" would be admitted 
into the Canon of the Scriptures. The 
question, however, was in time settled 
at Rome, and they were decided, by 
the higliest tribunal of the Church, to 
be false and forged ; a decision in which 
Spain soon accpiiesced. 

The other fraud was connected with 
this one of the " Leaden Books," whoi^e 
authority it was alleged to confirm ; 
but it was much broader and T)o':(ler in 
its claims and character. It consisted 



216 



OTHER HISTORIANS. 



[Period II. 



* 185 tions of * Spanish history, and portions of the 
history of Spanish discovery and conquest in 



of a series of fragments of chronicles, 
circulated earlier in manuscript, but 
lirsi: ])rinted. in 1610, and then repre- 
sented to have come, in 1594, from the 
moua.ster}' of Fulda, near Worms, to 
leather Higuera, of Toledo, a Jesuit, 
and a personal ac(]^uaintance of Mariana. 
They pur))orted, on tlieir face, to liave 
been wiitten by Flavins Lucius Dexter, 
Marcus Maximus, Heleca, and other 
primitive Christians, and contained im- 
portant and wholly new statements 
touching the early civil and ecclesias- 
tical history of Spain. ^They were, no 
doubt, an imitation of the forgeries of 
John of Viterbo, given to the world 
about a century before as the works of 
Berosus and Manetho ; but the Spanish 
forgeries were prepared with more learn- 
ing and a nicer ingenuity. Flattering 
fictions were fitted to recognized facts, 
as if both rested on the same authority ; 
new saints were given to churches that 
were not well provided in this depart- 
ment of hagiology ; a dignified origin 
was traced for noble families, that had 
before been unable to boast of their 
founders ; and a multitude of Christian 
conquests and achievements were hinted 
at or recorded, that gratified the pride 
of the whole nation the more because 
they had never till then been heard of. 
Few doubted what it Avas so agreeable 
to all to believe. Sandoval, Tamayo 
de Vargas, Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, 
and, for a time, Nicolas Antonio, — all 
learned men, — were persuaded that 
these summaries of chronicles, chroni- 
cones as they were called, were authen- 
tic ; and if Arias Montano, the editor 
of the Polyglot, Mariana, the historian, 
and Antonio Agustin, the cautious and 
critical friend of Zurita, held an oppo- 
site faith, they did not think it worth 
while openly to avow it. The current 
of opinion, in fact, ran strongly in favor 
of the forgeries ; and they were gener- 
ally regarded as true history till about 
1650 or a little later, and therefore till 
long after the death of their real author, 
Father Higuera, which happened in 
1624. Indeed, as late as 1667-1675, 
Gregorio de Argaiz, a man of much 
worthless learning, published in defence 
of them six large folio volumes, one of 
which 1 have. 

Such of the Leaden Books— " Libros 



de Plomo " — as were produced between 
March and May, 1595^ were solemnly 
announced to the public by episcopal 
authority in a folio sheet ])rinted at 
Granada at the time, full of the most 
extravagant absurdities. I have a cojjy 
of it ; and the fac-similes of the inscrip- 
tions are eminently ridiculous. But, 
as I have said, the Spanish people, 
having readily accepted them as gen- 
uine, were very slow to believe they 
were forgeries. The Clwonicones con- 
tinued to enjoy favor even longer than 
the Leaden Books. I have found traces 
of belief in them in the latter part of 
the eighteenth century ; — the spurious 
Flavins Dexter being cited as an au- 
thority in a work for popular instruc- 
tion called " Conversaciones del R. P. 
Capuchino Fr. Francisco de los Arcos," 
1764, Granada, 4to. See Carta por D. 
Juan Vicente, [Tomas de Yriarte,] al 
R. P. Fr. de los Arcos, Madrid, 1786, 
pp. 17, etc. The discussion about 
them, however, which, it is evident, 
was going quietly on during much of 
the seventeenth century, was useful. 
Doubts were multiplied ; the disbelief 
in their genuineness, which had been 
expressed to Higuera himself, as early 
as 1595, by the modest and learned 
Juan Bautista Perez, Bishop of Segorbe, 
gradually gained ground ; writers of 
history grew cautious ; and at last, in 
1652, ISTicolas Antonio began his "His- 
torias Fabulosas" ; a huge folio, which 
he left unfinished at his death, and 
which was not printed till long after- 
wards, but which, with its cumbrous, 
though clear-sighted learning, left no 
doubt as to the nature and extent of 
the fraud of Father Higuera, and made 
his case a teaching to all future Spanish 
historians, that does not seem to have 
been lost on them. See the Chronicle 
of Dexter at the end of Antonio's Bib- 
liotheca Vetus ; the " Historias Fabu- 
losas " of Antonio, Avith the Life of its 
author prefixed by Mayans y Siscar, 
(Madrid, 1742, folio,) to show the gross- 
ness of the whole imposture ; and the 
" Chronica UniA^ersal " of Alonso Mal- 
donado, (Madrid, 1624, folio,) to show 
how implicitly it was then believed and 
followed by learned men. The man of 
learning who was the most uncompro- 
mising about ' ' The Leaden Books " 



Chap. XXXVJII.J HERREKA. 217 

the East and the West, were indeed published from 
time to time, but the official chroniclers of the crowns 
of Castile and Arao-on no lono;er felt themselves bound 
to go on with the great works of their predecessors, 
and the decaying spirit of the monarchy made no 
earnest demands on others to tread in their steps. 
Some, however, of these historians of the outposts of 
an empire which now extended round the globe, and 
some of the accounts of isolated events in its an- 
nals at home, should be noticed. 

^ Of this class, the first in importance and * 186 
the most comprehensive in character is " The 
General History of the Indies," by Antonio de Herrera. 
It embraces the period from the first discovery of 
America to the year 1554 ; and as Herrera was a prac- 
tised w^riter, and, from his official position as histori- 
ographer to the Indies, had access to every source of 
information open at the time, his work, which was 
printed in 1601, is of great value. But he was the 
author of other historical w^orks, for which his qualifi- 
cations and resources were less satisfactory and his 
j)rejudices more abundant ; — such as a ^^ History of 
the World during the Eeign of Philip the Second," a 
History of the affairs of England and Scotland, 
daring the unhappy times of Mary Stuart; *a * 187 
History of the League in France ; and a History 

and the Chronicones, and who behaved Books, was probably Gregorio Lopez de 

with the most courage in relation to Madera, {see ante, Vol. I. Y'. 410, n.,) 

tham from the first, was, I suppose, the who, in 1603, published a folio volume 

Bishop of Segorbe, who is noticed in entitled "Certidumbre de las Reliquias 

Villanueva, " Viage Literario a las Igle- descubiertas en Granada desde el ano 

sias de Espaila," (Madrid, 1804, 8vo, 1588 hasta 1598." 

Tom. III. p. 166,) where is, also, the Geddes, "Tracts," 1730, Vol. L, gives 

document (pp. 259-278) in which the an account of the Leaden Books, to 

Bishop exposes the Avhole fraud, but Avhich, as some of them Avere found on 

which was never before published. the mountain called Valparayso, near 

The man, on the other liand, wlio Granada, he prefixes for an a})propriate 

.showed the most absurd learning in de- motto: " Parturiunt montes, nascetur 

fence of the trenuineuess of the Leaden ridiculus nuis." 



218 ARGEXSOLA. [Peiuod II. 

of the affair of Antonio Perez and the troubles that 
followed it ; — all written under the influence of con- 
temporary passions, and all published between 1589 
and 1612, before any of these passions had been much 
tranquillized. 

It is sufficient to say of them, that, in the case of 
Antonio Perez, Herrera suppresses nearly every one 
of the important facts that tend to the justification of 
that remarkable man ; and that, by way of a glorious 
termination to his Universal History, he gives Philip 
the Second, in his death-struggles, miraculous assistance 
from heaven, to enable him to end his long and holy 
life by an act of devotion. Herrera's chief reputation, 
therefore, as an historian, must rest upon his great 
work on the Discovery and Conquest of America, in 
which, indeed, his style, nowhere rich or powerful, 
seems better and more effective than it is in his other 
attempts at historical composition. He died in 1625, 
above seventy-six years old, much valued by Philip 
the Fourth, as he had been by that monarch's father 
and grandfather.^' 

But the East, as well as the West, was now opened 
to Spanish adventure. The conquest of Portugal had 
brought the Oriental dependencies of that kingdom 
under the authority of the Spanish crown ; and as the 
Count de Lemos, the great patron of letters in his 
time, and President of the Council of the Indies, 
chanced to have his attention particularly drawn in 

1" " Historia General de los Heelios History of the League, Madrid, 1598, 

de los Castellaiios en las Islas y Tierra 4to ; and the History of the Tro;:l)les 

Firme del Mar Oeeano," Madrid, 1601 - in Aragon, in 1612, 4to ; the last heing 

1615, 4 vols., fol. — " Hi:jtoria General only a tract of 140 pages. A work on 

del Miindo del Tieni])o del Sehor Key the History of Italy, from 1281 to 1559, 

Don Felipe II., desde 1559, hasta sii printed at Madrid in 1624, folio, I have 

Muerte," Madrid, 1601-1612, 3 vols., never seen. The Historia General del 

fol. — Five hoolvs on tlie History of Mundo is on the Index of 1667, for ex- 

Fcn-liigal and the Con(|iiest of tln^ Azores purgation, 
were printed, Madrid, 1591, 4to ; tiie 



Chap. XXXVIII. ] THE INCA GARCILASSO. 219 

that direction^ lie commanded the yomiger of the 
Aro^ensolas to write an account of the Moluccas. The 
poet obeyed, and published his work in 1609, dedi- 
cating it to Philip the Third. It is one of the most 
pleasing of the minor Spanish histories ; full of the 
traditions found among the natives by the Por- 
tuguese, when they first landed, and * of the * 188 
wild adventures that followed when they had 
taken possession of the islands. Parts of it are, indeed, 
inconsistent with the nature of the civilization thev 
found there, such as formal and eloquent harrtugues 
attributed to the natives ; while other parts, like some 
of its love-stories, are romantic enough to be suspected 
of invention, even if they are true. But, in general, 
the Avork is written in an agreeable poetical style, such 
as is not unbefitting an account of the mysterious isles 

" Of Ternate and Tidore, whence merchants brought 
Their spicy drugs," — 

striving, for a long time, to hide from the competition 
of other nations the history and resources of the op- 
pressed race whom they compelled to minister to their 
love of gain.^^ 

Quite as uncertain in authority and less elegant in 
style are the histories of Garcilasso de la Vega, — a 
gentle and trusting spirit rather than a wise one ; 
proud of being a captain in the service of the king of 
Spain, and allied, as a son of one of the unscrupulous 
conquerors of Peru, to the great house of Infantado ; 
but always betraying the weaker nature of his mother, 
who was of the blood royal of the Incas, and never 
entirely forgetting the glories of his Indian race, or the 

1^ " Conquista de las Islas Malucas," probable ; and the account of the Pata- 

Madrid, 1609, folio. Pellicer, Bib. de gonian giants, in the same book, turns 

Trad., Tom. I. p. 87. The love-story out to be almost true, like some of the 

of Durante, an ensign, in the third long-discredited stories of Marco Polo 

book of the " Conc[uista," is good and and Mendez Pinto. 



220 THE mCA GARCILASSO. [Period II. 

cruel injuries they IiacI suffered at the hands of Spain. 
He was born at " Cuzco^ in Peru, the seat of Atabalipa," 
in 1540j and was educated there, amidst the tumults 
of the conquest ; but when he was twenty years old 
he was sent to Spain, where, under difficult and trying 
circumstances, he maintained an honorable reputation 
during a life protracted to the age of seventy-six.-^^ 

The military part of his personal history, 
"^189 which consisted ^ of service under Don John of 
Austria against the Moriscos of Granada, was 
not of much consequence, though he seems to have 
valued himself upon it not a little. The part he gave 
to letters was more interesting and important. This 
portion he began, in 1590, with a translation of the 
'' Dialogues on Love," by Abarbanel, a Platonizing 
Jew, whose family had been expelled from Sj)ain in 
the persecution under Ferdinand emd Isabella, and 
who in Italy had published this singular work under 
the name of Leone, the Hebrew Physician. The at- 
tempt, so far as Garcilasso was concerned, was not a 
fortunate one. The Dialogues, which enjoyed con- 
siderable popularity at the time, had been already 
printed in Spanisli, — a fact evidently unknown to 
him; and though, as it appears from a subsequent 
statement by himself, he had obtained for his transla- 
tion the favorable regard of Philip the Second, still 
there was an odor both of Judaism and heathen free- 
thinking about it, that rendered it obnoxious to the 
ecclesiastical authorities of the state. Garcilasso's first 
work, therefore, was speedily placed on the Index Ex- 
purgatorius, and was rarely heard of afterwards. 

His next attempt was on a subject in which he had 

1^ There is a curious MS. Genealogia the Inca who claims to be a descendant 
de Garci Perez de Vargas, (noticed cmte, of that famous knight. See Spanish 
Period I., Chap. VI., note,) written by translation of this History, III. 555. 



CHAr. XXXYIIL] THE IXCA GARCILASSO. 221 

a nearer interest. It was a "History of Florida," or 
rather of the first discovery of that country, and was 
published in 1605, — a work which, when, twenty 
years before, he spoke of writing it, he more ap- 
propriately called " The Expedition of Fernando de 
Soto " ; since the adventures of that extraordinary 
man, and his strange fate, not only form its most bril- 
liant and attractive portion, but constitute nearly the 
whole of its substance. In this Garcilasso was more 
successful than he was in his version from the Italian ; 
and his " History of Florida," as it is still called, has 
been often reprinted since. 

But in his old age his heart turned more and more 
to the thoughts and feelings of his youth, and, gather- 
ins; too'ether the few materials he could collect from 
among his kinsmen on the Pacific, as well as from the 
stores of his own memory and the records 
already accumulated in ^ Spain, he published, ^190 
in 1609, the first part of his " Commentaries on 
Peru " ; the second of which, though licensed for the 
press in 1613, did not appear till 1617, the year after 
its author's death. It is a garrulous, gossiping book, 
written in a diffuse style, and abounding in matters 
personal to himself In its very division, he acknowl- 
edges frankly the conflicting claims that he felt 
were upon him„ The earlier half, he says, relates to 
the eighteen Incas known to Peruvian history, and 
contains an account of the traditions of the country, 
its institutions, manners, and general character; all 
which he offers as a tribute due to his descent from 
the Children of the Sun. The remainder — which, 
with many episodes and much irrelevant, but not 
always unpleasant, discussion, contains the history of 
the Spanish conquest, and of the quarrels of the Span- 



222 MENDOZA. [Period IL 

iards with each other growing out of it — he offers, in 
like manner, to the glories of the great Spanish family 
with which he was connected, and which numbered on 
its rolls some of the brightest names in the Castilian 
annals. In both parts, his Commentaries are a striking 
and interesting book, showing much of the spirit of 
the old chronicles, and infected with even more than 
the common measure of chronicling credulity ; since, 
with a natural willingness to believe whatever fables 
were honorable to the land of his birth, he mingles a 
constant anxiety to show that he is, above everything 
else, a Catholic Christian, whose faith was much too 
ample to reject the most extravagant legends of his 
Church, and too pure to tolerate the idolatry of that 
royal ancestry which he yet cannot help regarding 

with reverence and admiration .^^ 
* 191 ^ The publication, in 1610, of " The War of 

Granada," by Mendoza, had — as might have 
been anticipated from its attractive subject and style — 
an effect on Spanish historical composition ; producing, 
in the course of the century, several imitations more 

^° ' * Dialoghi di Araore composti per part of the Commentaries on Peru. 
Leone Medico Hebreo," is the title of "La Florida" was printed at Lisbon 
the original Italian in the neat Aldine in 1606, 4to ; the first part of the Peru 
edition, 1552. The Inca called his at Lisbon, 1609, folio ; and the second 
translation, " La Tradnccion del Indio part at Cordova, 1617, folio. Both of 
de los Tres Dialogos de Amor, de Leon the historical works are to be found in 
Hebreo, echado de Italiano en Espagnol, several other editions, and both have 
por Garcilasso Inga de la Vega," Ma- been translated into most of the lan- 
drid, 1590, 4to. A Spanish translation guages of modern Europe, 
of it, which I have seen, had appeared Two striking examples may be given 
at Venice in 1568, and I believe there of the opposite kinds of that credulity- 
was another at Zaragoza in 1584, of in Garcilasso which so much impairs 
which it seems strange that Garcilasso the value of his Commentaries. He 
knew nothing. (Barbosa, Bib. Lus., believed that the subjection of Peru by 
Tom. II. p. 920 ; Castro, Bib., Tom. I. the Spaniards Avas predicted by the last 
p. 371 ; and Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. of the Incas that reigned before their 
I. p. 232.) All the translations from arrival, (Parte I. Lib. IX. c. 15, and 
Leone Hebreo are on the Index Expur- Parte II. Lib. VIII. c. 18,) and he be- 
gatorius, 1667, p. 759. The letter of lieved that all the Spaniards in the 
Garcilasso to Philip II., with additional army of Peru, who were notorious bias- 
remarks by its author, containing inter- phemers, perished by wounds in the 
(^sting materials for his own life, is pre- mouth (Parte II. Lib. IV. c. 21). 
fixed to the first edition of the second 



Chap. XXXAaiL] MONCADA. 223 

worthy of notice than anything in their class that 
appeared after the great work of Mariana. 

The first of them is by Moncada, a nobleman of the 
highest rank in the South of Spain, and connected 
with several of its principal families, both in Catalonia 
and Valencia. His father was, successively, viceroy of 
Sardinia and Aragon ; he himself was governor of the 
Low Countries and commander-in-chief of the armies 
there ; and both of them filled, in their respective 
times, the most important of the Spanish embassies. 
But the younger Moncada had tastes widely different 
from the cares that beset his life. In 1623 he pub- 
lished his " Expedition of the Catalans against the 
Turks and Greeks " ; and when he died, in 1635, just 
after putting to rout two hostile armies, he left several 
other works, of less value, one or two of which have 
since been printed. The History of the Catalan Expe- 
dition, by which alone he has been much known in 
later times, is on the romantic adventures and achieve- 
ments of an extraordinary band of mercenaries, who, 
under Eoger de Flor, — successively a freebooter, a 
great admiral, and a Csesar of the Eastern Empire, — 
drove back the Turks, as they approached the Bos- 
phorus in the beginning of the fourteenth century, and 
then, after being for some time no less formidable to 
their allies than they had been to the infidel, settled 
down into a sort of uneasy tranquillity at Athens^ 
where their Spanish historian leaves them. 

It is an account, therefore, of a most wild 
passage in ^ the affairs rather of the Middle * 192 
Ages than of the Spanish peninsula; one that 
may be trusted, notwithstanding its air of romance, 
since its foundations are laid in the great work of 
Zurita ; and one by no means wanting in picturesque 



224 COLOMA. [Period II. 

effect, since its details are often taken from Ramon 
Muntaner, the old Catalan, who had himself shared 
the perils of this very expedition, and described them 
in his own Chronicle with his accustomed spirit and 
vigor. Parts of it are very striking in themselves, and 
strikingly told ; especially the rise of Roger de Flor 
till he had reached the highest place a subject could 
hold in the Greek empire, and then his assassination 
in the presence and by the command of the same Em- 
peror who had raised him so high, — his blood soiling 
the imperial table, to which, with treacherous hospi- 
tality, he had been invited. The whole is written in a 
bold and free, rather than in a careful style ; but the 
colorino; is well suited to the dark g-roundwork of the 
picture, and though less energetic in its tone than 
Mendoza's " War of Granada," of which, from the first 
sentence, we see it is an imitation, it is often more 
easy, flowing, and natural.^^ 

Another military history written by a nobleman con- 
nected with the service of his country, both in its 
armies and its diplomacy, is to be found in an account 
of eleven campaigns in Flanders by Carlos Coloma, 
Marquis of Espinar, published in 1625. A translation 
which he made of the " Annals " of Tacitus has been 
regarded as the best in the language ] but, in his own 
work, he shows no tendency to imitate the ancients. 
On the contrary, it is, as it were, fresh from the fields 
of the author's glory, and full of the honorable feelings 
of a soldier, sketching the adventures of the army 

21 "Expedicioii de los Catalanes con- same subject with the History, and in 

tra Griegos y Turcog, por Francisco de 1841 gained a prize at Barcelona for its 

Moncada, Conde de Osona," Barcelona, success at a festival, that reminds us of 

1623, and Madrid, 1772 and 1805, 12mo. the days of the Floral Games and of 

There is an edition, also, of Barcelona, Don Enrique de Villena. The best edi- 

1842, 8vo, edited by Don Jaime Tio, tion of Moncada, however, is in the 

with a ])oem at the end by Calisto Fer- " Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles," 

nandez Camporedondo, which is on the Tom. XXL, 18u2. 



Chap. XXXVIIL] MELO. 225 

when in camp, when in immediate action, and when in 
winter-quarters ; and adding to his main narra- 
tive occasional ghmpses of "^ the negotiations * 193 
then going on in the Low Countries respecting 
Spanish affiiirs, and of the intrigues of the courtiers at 
Madrid round the death-bed of PhiHp the Second. 
The style of Coloma is unequal; but much of what he 
describes he had seen, and the rest had passed within 
the compass of what he deemed sure information ; so 
that he speaks, not only with authority, but with the 
natural vivacity which comes from being so near the 
events he records, that their color is imparted to his 
lano-uasre.^^ 

To the same class with the last belongs the spirited 
history of a portion of the Catalan rebellion in the 
time of Philip the Fourth. It was written by Melo, a 
Portuguese gentleman, who remained attached to the 
service of Spain till 1640-41, when he joined the 
standard of the Braganzas, and fought for the inde- 
pendence of his own country. His life, which extended 
from 1611 to 1667, was full of adventure. He was in 
the dreadful tempest of 1627, when the whole navy, as 
it were, of Portugal suffered shipwreck ; and it fell to 
his lot to superintend the burial of above two thousand 

22 "Las Guerras de los Estaclos Bax- I think, until it appeared in the Bib- 
os, desde Maio, 1588, hasta el Ano lioteca de Aiitores Espanoles, Tom. 
1599," Amberes, 1625 and 1635, 4to, XXVIIL, 1853. It did not deserve 
and Barcelona, 1627. Ximeno, Tom. such neglect, for although it is much 
I. p. 338. He was ambassador to devoted to strategetic science, as ex- 
James I. of England, viceroy of Ma- hibi ted in that long and disastrous war, 
jorca, etc., and died in 1637, sixty-four it is written with great purity of style, 
years old. He was son of Juan de It had been preceded by a work of his 
Coloma already noticed, ante, Vol. II. strictly on the art military, and en- 
pp. 463 and 464, note. Don Bernar- titled " Theorica y Practica de la 
dino de Mendoza had partly anticipated Guerra," which w^as first printed in 
him, and given an account of ten years 1577, and went through two or three 
of the war of Flanders, in his "Comen- editions, besides being translated into 
tarios de la Guerra de lo sucedido en Italian. Mendoza died, blind and very 
los Paises Baxos, 1566-1577," printed old, in a cell of the convent of his 
at Madrid in 1592, and not reprinted, namesake St. Bernard at Madrid. 
VOL. III. 15 



226 MELO. [Period II. 

bodies of those who had perished in the waves, from 
which he himself had hardly escaped. He was in the 
wars of Flanders and of Catalonia. Twelve years he 
was in prison in his own country, under an accusation 
of murder that was at last proved to be without 
foundation ; and six years he was an exile in Brazil. 
But under all circumstances, and through all his trials, 
he sought consolation in letters. His published works, 
in prose and verse, in Spanish and in Portuguese, 
some of which have been already noticed, 
* 194 ^ exceed a hundred volumes, and the unpub- 
lished would materially increase even this 
vast amount. What is more remarkable, he is, in 
both languages, admitted to the honors of a classic 
writer. 

His " History of the War of Catalonia," which em- 
braces only the short period during which he served in 
it, was written while he was in prison, and was first 
published in 1645. Owing to political causes he did 
not give his name to it ; and when one of his friends 
in a letter expressed surprise at this circumstance, he 
answered, with a characteristic turn of phrase, " The 
book loses nothing for want of my name, and I shall 
lose nothing for want of the book." It was, however, 
successful. The accounts of the first outbreak in Bar- 
celona, on the feast of Corpus Christi, when the city 
was thronged with the bold peasantry of the interior ; 
the subsequent strife of the exasperated factions ; the 
debates in the Junta of Catalonia, and those in the 
king's council, under the leading of the Count Duke 
Olivares ; and the closing scene of the whole, — the 
ineffectual storming of the grand fortress of Mon Juich 
by the royal forces, and the disastrous retreat that fol- 
lowed, — are all given with a freshness and power that 



Chap. XXXVIII. ] MELO. 227 

could come only from one who had shared in the feel- 
ings he describes, and had witnessed the very move- 
ments he sets before us with such a lifelike spirit. His 
stj'le, too, is suited to his varying subjects ; sometimes 
animated and forcible, sometimes quaint and idiomatic, 
and sometimes in its dark hints and abrupt turns re- 
minding: us of Tacitus. But the work is short, — not 
longer than that of Mendoza, which was its model, — 
and it covers only the sjDace of about six months at the 
end of 1640 and the beginning of 1641. 

Whether Melo intended to carry his narrative far- 
ther is uncertain. From his striking conclusion, where 
he says, " The events that followed — greater in them- 
selves than those I have related — are perhaps reserved 
for a greater historian/' we might infer that he was 
desirous to describe only what he had witnessed. But, 
on the other side, in his Preface we have the following 
characteristic address to his readers, alluding to 
the concealment ^ of his name as the author of * 195 
the work he offers them. "If in anything I 
have served you, I ask only that you would not en- 
deavor to know more of me than it pleases my humor 
to tell you. I present to you my faithful opinion of 
things, just as it has been my lot to form it; — I do 
not present myself to you ; for a knowledge of my 
person is not necessary to enable you to j udge either 
kindly or harshly of what I have written. If I do not 
please you, read me no further ; — if I do, I make no 
claims on your gratitude. I speak without fear and 
without vanity. The theatre before us is vast ; the 
tragedy long. We shall meet again. You will know 
me by my voice ; I shall know you by your judgment." 
But, whatever may have been Melo's original inten- 
tions, he survived the publication of this interesting 



228 MELO. SAAYEDRA FAXARDO. [Period 11. 

work above twenty years^ and yet added nothing to its 
pages.^^ 

From this period, prose composition, which had been 
long infected with the bad taste of the age, suffered a 
still farther and more marked decline. Saavedra Fax- 
ardo, indeed, w^ho lived forty years ont of Spain, em- 
ployed in diplomatic missions, was educated in a better 
school, and formed himself on more w^orthy models, 
than he could have found among his contemporaries at 
home ; but his " History of the Goths in Spain " 
* 196 *is an imperfect work, published in 1646, at 
Munster, when he was there as a member of the 
congress that made the peace of Westphalia, and was 
left unfinished at his death, which occurred at Madrid 
two years later.^* The only historian of eminence that 
remains to be noticed in this period is, therefore, Solis. 

Of him we have already spoken as a lyrical poet 

23 " Historia de los Movimientos, ograpliy ever published; but, unliap- 

Separacion, y Guerra de Cataluna, por pily, it is also one of the rarest, a large 

Francisco Manuel de Melo," Lisboa, part of the impression of the first three 

1645, and several other editions ; one volumes having been destroyed in the 

by Sanchez, 1808, 12mo, and one at fire that followed the great earthquake 

Paris, 1830. In reference to the suf- at Lisbon in 1755. Its author, who 

ferings of Manoel de Melo, mentioned gives some account of himself in his 

in the text, I would observe that there own work, was born in 1682, and died, 

is a discrepancy in the accounts. The I believe, in 1770. 

common statement of the length of his Another historical work of the same 

imprisonments and exile is eighteen sort with that of Melo, and referring to 

years, and Barbosa makes it fifteen ; the same period, may be noticed hei*", 

but I hope, from a careful comparison though it is of less consequence, — I 

of dates, that his imprisonment ex- mean, " Tumultos de la Ciudad y Rey- 

tended only from 1644 to 1648, and no de Napoles en el Ano 1647, por 

that his exile did not last above four Don Pablo Antonio de Tarsia," (Leon 

years more. But this is bad enough. de Francia, 1670, fol.,)^ — a curious and 

His poetry in Spanish has been men- interesting book on the wild and strange 

tioned, ante, p. 26. For his life and troubles in Masaniello's time, regarded 

multitudinous works, see the " Biblio- from the Spanish point of view, 

theca Lusitana " of Diogo Barbosa Ma- '-^^ The work of Saavedra was con- 

chado, (Lisboa, 1741 - 1759, 4 torn., tinned, very j)oorly, by Alonso ISTuiiez 

folio,) which I have often referred to, de Castro, through the reign of Henry 

as to the great authority on all matters II., the labors of both making seven 

of fact in Portuguese literary history, volumes in the edition of Madrid, 

though of little or no value for the lit- 1789-90, 12mo, of which the first 

erary opinions it expresses. It is one two only, coming down to 716, are by 

of the ampltist and most important Saavedra. 
works of literary biography and bibli- 



Chai". XXXVIIL] SOLIS. 229 

and a dramatist, who in 1667 had retired from the 
world, and dedicated himself to the separate service 
of religion. He w\as, however, the official Histori- 
ographer of the Indies, and thought himself bound to 
do something in fulfilment of the duties of an office to 
which a poor salary was attached, that, after all, seems 
to have been ill paid. He chose for his subject " The 
Conquest of Mexico," and, beginning with the condi- 
tion of Spain wdien it was undertaken, and the appoint- 
ment of Cortes , to command the invading force, he 
brings his history dow^n to the fall of the city and the 
capture of Guatimozin. The period it embraces is, 
indeed, short, — less than three years; but they are 
years so crowTled with brilliant adventures and atro- 
cious crimes, that hardly any portion of the history of 
the world is of equal interest The subject, too, from 
this circumstance, is more easily managed ; and Solis, 
who looked upon it with the eye of an artist, as well as 
of an historian, has succeeded in giving his work, to an 
extraordinary degree, the air of an historical epic ; — 
so exactly are all its parts and episodes modelled into 
an harmonious wdiole, wdiose catastrophe is the fall of 
the great Mexican empire. 

The style of Solis is somewhat peculiar. That he 
had the Roman historians, and especially Liv}^, before 
him, as he wrote, is apparent both in the general air 
of his work and in the structure of its individual sen- 
tences. Yet there are . few writers of Spanish prose 
who are more absolutely Castilian in their idiom than 
he is. His language, if not simple, is rich and 
beautiful; suited to the * romantic subject he * 197 
had chosen for his history, and deeply imbued 
with its poetical spirit. In boldness of manner he falls 
below Mendoza, and in dignity is not equal to Mari- 



230 SOLIS. [Period II. 

ana ; but for copious and sustained eloquence, he may 
be placed by the side of either of them. That his 
work is as interesting as either of theirs is proved by 
the unimpaired popularity it has enjoyed from its first 
appearance down to our own times. 

But the Conquest of Mexico was written in the old 
age of its author, and is darkened by the feelings that 
shut him out from the interests and cares of the world. 
He refused to see the fierce and marvellous contest 
which he recorded, except from the steps of the altar 
where he had been consecrated. The Spaniards, there- 
fore, are in his eyes only Christians ; the Mexicans, 
only heathen. The battle he witnesses and describes 
is wholly between the powers of light and the legions 
of darkness \ and the unhappy Indians, — whom the 
Spaniards had no more right to invade, in order to 
root out religious abominations, of which they had 
never heard till after their landing, than Henry the 
Eighth or Elizabeth had to invade Spain, in order to 
root out the abominations of the Spanish Inquisi- 
tion, — the unhappy Indians receive none of the his- 
torian's sympathy in the extremity of suffering they 
underwent during their vain, but heroic, struggle for 
all that could make existence valuable in their eyes. 

The work of Soils, beautifully written and flattering 
to the national vanity, was at once successful. But 
success was then a word whose meaning was different 
from that which it bears now, or had borne in Spain in 
the time of Lope de Vega. The publication, which 
took place in 1684, by the assistance of a friend who 
defrayed the charges, found its author poor, and left 
him so. On this point there are passages in his cor- 
respondence which it is painful to read : one, for 
instance, where he says, " I have many creditors who 



Chap. XXXVIIL] SOLlS. 231 

would stop me in the street, if they saw I had new 
shoes on " ; and another, where he asks a friend for a 
warm garment to protect him from the winter's cold. 
Still, he was gratified at the applause with which 
his work was received, though, at the end of a 
*year, only two hundred copies had been sold. * 198 
Two years afterwards he died^, at the age of 
seventy-six, " leaving," in the technical phrase and the 
technical habit of the time, "his soul to be the only 
heir of his body," or, in other words, giving the rem- 
nants of his poverty to purchase expiatory masses.^^ 
Diego de Tebar, the same ecclesiastic who had been 
confessor to Quevedo and Nicolas Antonio, stood by 
the bedside of the dying man, and consoled the last 
moments of Solis, as he had consoled theirs. ^^ 

Soils was the last of the good writers in the elder 
school of Spanish history, which, even during its best 
days, numbered but few names, and which, now that 
the whole literature of the country was decaying, 
shared the general fate. Nor could it be otherwise. 
The spirit of political tyranny in the government, and 
of religious tyranny iii the Inquisition, — now closer 

2S Mad. d'Auln 05^ (Voyage, ed. 1693, the latter being the sumptuous one 

Tom. II. i^p. 17, 18) explains this cus- which Stirling calls "the triumph of 

tom, and shows to what an absurd and the press of Sancha." Whether the 

ridiculoas length it was cai'ried in the finely engraved head of Solis prefixed 

time of Solis. An instance not cited to it is the one by Cano I do not know. 

by her, however, but one that deserves It looks as if it might be woi'th}^ of 

to be called magnificent, may be added. him ; but there was another by Tomas 

When Philip IV. died in 1665, it was de Aguiar, which Solis himself praised 

found that he had laid hy jrrivc/teli/ a in a sonnet. Stirling's Artists of Spain, 

thousand doubloons to pay for five-and- 1848, pp. 1234, 803, 1377. The author 

thirty thousand masses for his soul im- of the life prefixed to his poems says : 

mediatel}^ after his death, besides a " Solis left materials for a continuation 

hundred thousand ordered by his will. of the History of Mexico, but they are 

Pedro Rodriguez de Monforte, Descrip- not now known to exist." A few of 

cion de las Honras de Phelippe IV., his letters, with a sketch of his life, by 

Madrid, 1666, 4to, f. 29. Mayans y Siscar, were published, as I 

^° There are many editions of the have already noticed, in 1733. They 

" Conquista de Mexico," the first being appear again, carefully revised, in the 

that of Tiladrid, 1684, folio, and the " Cartas INIorales," etc., 1773. See 

best in two vols., 4to, Madrid, 1783, — ■ ante, II. 42a, III. 43, 169. 



2oJ CHARACTER OF SPANISH HISTORIAISTS. [Period II. 

than ever united^ — was more hostile to bold and 
faithful inc|uiry in the department of history than in 
almost any other ; so that the generous national inde- 
pendence and honesty annomiced in the old chronicles 
were stopped midway in their career, before half of 

their power had been put forth.^'^ 
^199 "^ Still, as we have seen, several of the histo- 
rians that were produced even under the over- 
shadowing influence of the Austrian family were not 
unworthy of the national character. Mariana shows 
much manly firmness, Solis much fervor, Zurita much 
conscientious diligence, while Mendoza, Moncada, Colo- 
ma, and Melo, who confined themselves to subjects em- 
bracing shorter periods and less wide interests, have 
given us some of the most striking sketches to be 
found in the historical literature of any country. All 
of them are rich and dignified, abounding rather in 
feeling than philosophy, and written in a tone and 
style that mark, not so much, perhaps,* the peculiar 
genius of their respective authors, as that of the 
country that gave them birth ; so that, though they 
may not be entirely classical, they are entirely Span- 
ish ; and what they want in finish and grace, they 
make up in picturesqueness and originality.^^ 

2^ How little the true character of spectful to Berosus, Manetho, and the 

history and the just attributes of an his- other miserable forgeries of Annius of 

torian were understood in Spain even Viterbo, (Disc. 16,) and is full of super- 

in its better days, may be well seen in stition and credulity (Disc. 17). 

the treatise of Luis de Cabrera, the his- '^^ From the times of Charles V. and 

torian of Philip II., entitled "De His- Philip II., when, in Aragon and Cas- 

toria para entenderla y para escrivirla. " tile, chroniclers were multiplied as a 

(Madrid, 1611, 4to.) It is a mere piece part of the pageantry of the court, the 

of pedantry and pretension, wholly un- rest of the kingdoms that entered into 

worthy a jierson who must then have the united Spanish monarchy began to 

been considering how lie should himself desire to have their own separate histo- 

write one of the most important reigns ries, as we can see in Valencia, where 

in the affairs of modern Europe. He those of Beuter, Escolano, and Diago 

hardly notices any of the preceding were written. Besides this, a great 

Spanish historians, and when he refers number of the individual cities obtained 

to Mariana (f. 33) it is only to carp at their own separate annals from the hand 

him, while on the other hand he is re- of at least one author, — sometimes 



Chap. XXXVIII.] CHARACTER OF SPANISH HISTORIANS. 233 

works of authority, like that on Sego- as to be noticeable in the literary his- 
via by Colmenares, and that on Seville tory of the country. Still, the spirit 
by Ortiz de Zuiiiga. But though more that produced them in sucli great num- 
of such local histories were written in bers, and especially the spirit which, 
Spain between the middle of the six- during the reign of Philip II., made, 
teenth and the end of the seventeenth with so much care and cost, the vast 
century than were written during the collections of documents yet to be found 
same period, I believe, in any other in the Castle of Simancas and the con- 
country in Europe, none of them, so vent of the Escurial, should not be 
far as I know, has such peculiar merit overlooked. See ante, p. 176. 



*200 *CHAPTEE XXXIX. 

PROVERBS : SANTILLANA, GARAY, NUNEZ, MAL LARA, PALMIRENO, OUDIN, SORA- 
PAN, CEJUDO, YRIARTE. — DIDACTIC PROSE : TORQUEMADA, ACOSTA, LUIS DE 
GRANADA, JUAN DE LA CRUZ, SANTA TERESA, MALON DE CHAIDE, ROXAS, 
FIGUEROA, MARQUEZ, VERA Y ZUNIGA, NAVARRETE, SAAVEDRA, QUEVEDO, 
ANTONIO DE VEGA, NIEREMBERG, GUZMAN, DANTISCO, ANDRADA, VILLALO- 
BOS, PATON, ALEMAN, FARIA Y SOUSA, FRANCISCO DE PORTUGAL. — GONGO- 
RISM IN prose: GRACIAN, ZABALETA, LOZANO, HEREDIA, RAMIREZ. — FAIL- 
URE OF GOOD DIDACTIC PROSE. 

The last department in the literature of any country, 
that comes within the jurisdiction of criticism on ac- 
count of its style, is that of Didactic Prose ; since in 
this branch, so remote from everything poetical, the 
ornaments of manner are more accidental than they 
are elsewhere, and, beyond it, are not at all to be 
exacted. In modern times, the French seem to have 
been more anxious than any other nation, not except- 
ing even the Italians, to add the grace of an elegant 
style to their didactic prose, while, on the other hand, 
none have been more unsuccessful than the Spaniards 
in their attempts to cultivate it. 

In one particular form of didactic composition, how- 
ever, Spain stands in advance of all other countries ; I 
mean that of Proverbs, which Cervantes has happily 
called "short sentences drawn from long experience."^ 
Spanish proverbs can be traced back to the earliest 
times. One of the best known — " Laws go where 

1 Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 39. Lope she relies on for rendering her conver- 
says much the same thing in his " Do- sation savory, adds, " Hijo, estos son 
rotea," where Gerarda, a coarse and todos los lihros del mundo en quinta 
nnsucoessfnl imitation of Cc/c,s;;m«, after essencia. Compusolos el uso y con- 
pouring out to her dupe the proverbs firmolos la experiencia, Acto V. sc. 1. 



% 



Chap. XXXIX.] PEOVERBS. 235 

kings please they should " — is connected with an 
event of importance in the reign of Alfonso the Sixth, 
who died in the beginning of the tAvelfth cen- 
tury, when ^ the language of Castile had hardly "^ 201 
a distinct existence.^ Another has been traced 
to a custom belonging to the days of the Infantes de 
Lara, and is itself probably of not much later date;^ 
Others are found in the General Chronicle, which is 
one of the oldest of Spanish prose compositions, and 
among them is the happy one on disappointed expecta- 
tions, cited in Don Quixote more than once : " He went 
for wool and came back shorn." ^ Several occur in the 
'- Conde Lucanor " of Don John Manuel,^ and many in 
the poetry of the Archpriest of Hita,^ both of whom 
lived in the time of Alfonso the Eleventh. 

Thus far, however, we have only separate and iso- 
lated sayings, evidently belonging to the old Spanish 
race, and always used as if quite familiar and notorious. 
But in the reign of John the Second, and at his re- 

2 In the great contest between the Et non cates a quien," — so that the 

two liturgies, the Roman and the Goth- proverb was old in the thirteenth cen- 

ic, which disturbed tlie Church of Spain tury. Cuatro Palmetazos bien planta- 

for so long a period, Alfonso VI. deter- dos, Cadiz, 1830, 4to, p. 12, and note 5. 

mined to throw a copy of each into a Another very old one and full of Avis- 

fire duly kindled and blessed for the dom is — "Fijo eres y padre seras ; 

purpose, aud give the supremacy to qualficieres, talhabras," — "A son thou 

the one that should come out uncon- art, but father shalt be ; and what thou 

sumed. The Gothic MS. was success- dost shall be done to thee." 
ful ; but the king broke his word, and ^ Dissertation of Cortes in Mayans y 

tossed it back into the flames, thus Siscar, Origenes, Tom. 11. p. 211. 
giving rise, it is said, to the proverb, * Chronica General, 1604, Parte III. 

"Alia van leyes adondequierenreyes" ; f. 61, and Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 7. 
or, " Laws are things that follow kings " ^ For example : " Ayudad vos, y Dios 

(Sarmiento, § 411). A similar histor- ayudarvos ha," — "Help yourself and 

ical origin is given to the proverb, "ISTi God will help you," — near the end; 

quito rey, ni pongo rey," — "No king and " El Bien nunca muere," — "Good 

I take, no king 1 make"; which is never dies," — which is in the first tale, 
traced to the personal quarrel of Peter ^ "Quien en 1' arenal sembra, non 

th? Cruel and his brother and successor, trilla pegujares," — " He that sows on 

Don Enrique. Clemenciii, ed. Don the sea-beach reaps little for himself." 

Quixote, Tom. VI., 1839, p. 225. And Stanza 160. Pegujares, a singular word, 

in the "Castigos" of King Sancho, which occurs once in Don Quixote, is 

chap. 38, (see cuite, Peiiod I. Chap. IV., said by Clemencin (Tom. IV. p. 34) to 

note 14,) written about 1293, we have come from pecuUo. See, also, Partida 

the following words: " Por eso diz la I., Tit. xxi. Ley 3, and Partida IV., 

palabra del proverbio antiguo, Faz bien, Tit. xvii. Ley 7. 



236 PROVERBS. [Period II. 

quest, the Marquis of Santillana collected a hundred, 
in rhyme, which we have already noticed, besides 
above six hundred, he says, such as the old women 
were wont to repeat in their chimney-corners. From 
this period, therefore, or rather from 1508, when this 
collection was published, the old and wise proverbs of 
the language may be regarded as having obtained a 

settled place in its didactic literature.^ 
^ 202 '^ The number of proverbs, indeed, was soon 

so great, — not only those floating about in 
the common talk of men, but those collected and 
printed, — that they began to be turned to account. 
Garay, who was attached to the cathedral of Toledo, 
and therefore lived in the centre of whatever was 
peculiarly Castilian, wTote a long letter, every sentence 
of which was a popular saying ; to which he added two 
similar letters, found, as he says, by accident, and made 
up, in the same way, of proverbs. But, in the middle 
of the century, a still higher honor awaited the old 
Spanish adages. Pedro Valles, who wrote the history 
of the great Marquis of Pescara, published an alpha- 
betical series of four thousand three hundred of them 
in 1549;^ and the famous Greek scholar and distin- 
guished nobleman, Hernan Nuiiez de Guzman, Profes- 
sor successively at AlcaU and at Salamanca, found 

■^Reprinted in Mayans, Origenes, have seen is that of Venice, 1553, 12mo ; 

Tom. II. pp. 179-210. See also the probably not the first. The second of 

Proverbs from Seneca by Pero Diaz, the letters of Garay is not in proverbs, 

mentioned in note 34 to Period I. and, in this edition, is followed by a 

chap. 19, and pp. 340, 341, of Vol. I. devout prayer ; the whole being in- 

^ I have never seen the Proverbs col- tended, as the author says, "to wm 

lected by Pedro Valles, the Aragonese, the attention not so much of the wise 

1549, but Mayans y Siscar had in his as of those who are wont to read noth- 

■ library a copy of them, which is de- ing but Celestina and such books." 

i-cribe"d in the "Specimen Bibliothec!« The "Prcverbios" of Francisco de Cas- 

His]>ano-Majansian8e, etc., ex Musreo tilla, in the volume with his " Theorica 

Davidis dementis," Hannoverse, 1753, de Virtudes," (1552, ff. 64-69,) are not 

4to, p. 67. The "Cartas de Blasco de proverbs, but an exhortation in verse 

Garay " have been often printed ; but to a wise aiid holy life, 
the oldest and most complete edition I 



Chap. XXXIX.] PROVERBS. 237 

amusement for his old age in making another series of 
them, which amounted in all to above six thousand. 
To some he- added explanations ; to others, various 
parallel sayings from different languages ; but finding 
his strength fail him, he gave the task to a friend, who, 
like himself, was a Professor in Salamanca, and who 
published the whole in 1555, two years after the death 
of Nunez ; rather, as he intimates, from respect to the 
person from whom he received the charge, than from 
regard to the dignity of the employment.^ 

^ Out of these proverbs, another friend of * 203 
Hernan Nunez — Mai Lara, a Sevilian — se- 
lected a thousand, and, adding a commentary to each, 
published them in 1568, under the not inappropriate 
title of '^ Philosophy of the Common People " ; a vol- 
ume which, notwithstanding its cumbersome learning, 
can be read with pleasure, both for the style in which 
many parts of it are written, and for the unusual his- 
torical anecdotes with which it abounds. Another 
collection, made by Palmireno, a Valencian, in 1569, 
consisting of above two hundred proverbs appropriate 
to the table, shows how abundant popular aphorisms 
must be in a language that can furnish so many on 
one subject. Yet another, by Oudin, was published at 
Paris in 1608, for the use of foreigners, and shows no 
less plainly how much the Spanish had become spread 
throughout Europe. Sorapan, in 1616 and 1617, pub- 
lished two collections, in which it was intended that 
the condensation of popular experience and wisdom 

^ "Eefranes, ec, que coligio y gloso, II. c. 34. Geronimo de Serrano, in his 

el Coniendador, Hernan Nunez, Pro- biographical notice to the " Laude de 

fesor de Retorica en la Universidad de Mugeres," Milano, 1580, says that its au- 

Salanianca," Madrid, 1619, 4to. The thor, Joan de Spinosa, had " mas de seis 

preface, by Leo de Castro, implies that mil proverbios vulgares, que ha recogido 

the volume was printed during the life y parte dellos compuesto." If many of 

of ISTunez, who died in 1553 ; but I find them were over and above the six thou- 

no edition older than that of 1555. See sand of Hernan ISTunez, we should be 

the note of Pellicer to Don Quixote, Parte very curious to»see this early collection. 



238 



PEOYERBS. 



[Period II. 



should teack medicine, as, in the hands of Mai Lara, 
they had been made to teach the philosophy of life. 
And finally, in 1675, Cejudo, a schoolmaster of Val de 
Penas, gave the world about six thousand, with the 
corresponding Latin adages, whenever he could iind 
them, and with explanations more satisfactory often 

than had been furnished by his predecessors.^*^ 
# 204 * Still, though so many thousands have been 

collected, many thousands still remain unpub- 
lished, known only among the traditions of the hum- 
bler classes of society, that have given birth to them 
all. Juan de Yriarte, a learned man, who was nearly 
forty years at the head of the King's Library at Madrid, 
collected, about the middle of the eighteenth century, 
no less than twenty-four thousand ; and yet it is not to 
be supposed that a single individual, however industri- 
ous, living in Madrid, could exhaust their number, as 



1° "La Filosofia Vulgar de Juan de 
Mai Lara, Vezino de Se villa," (Sevilla, 
1558, Madrid, 1618, 4to, etc.,) — a per- 
son of note in his time, whom we have 
mentioned {ante, II. 61) among the 
dramatic poets, and who died in 1571, 
forty-four years old. (Seman. Pinto- 
resco, 1845, p. 34.) The collection of 
Lorenzo Palmireno is reprinted in tlie 
fourth volume of Nunez, ed. Madrid, 
1804, 12mo. Oudin's collection was 
reprinted at Brussels in 1611, 12mo, 
and at Paris in 1659. Juan Sorapan 
de Rieros, " Medecina Espaiiola, en 
Proverbios Vulgares de Nuestra Len- 
gua," was printed at Granada, 1616-17, 
4to, in two parts. "Refranes Castella- 
nos con Latinos, ec, por el Licenciado 
Geronimo Martin Caro y Cejudo," Ma- 
drid, 1675, 4to ; reprinted 1792. I do 
not notice the "Apotegmas" of Juan 
Rufo, (1596,) nor the " Floresta de 
Apotegmas of Santa Cruz," (first printed 
in 1574, and often aft( rwards ; e. g. 
Bruselas, 1629, Madrid, 1665, etc.,) — 
the last of which is a pleiXoant book, 
praised by Lope de Vega in his iirst 
tale, and of which a curious account 
may be found in Wolf, on Frances de 
Zuniga's Clironik, pp. 2, 3, — because 
both of them are rather jest-books than 



collections of proverbs. The "Pro- 
verbios Morales " of Christ. Perez de 
Herrera (Madrid, 1618, 4to) are in 
rhyme, — learned imitations of Varros, 
— and too poor to deserve notice. 

The " Proverbios de Alonso de Varros 
concordados por el Maestro Bartolome 
Ximenez Paton" (Bae9a, 4to, 1605, ff. 
78) are eleven hundred Greek and Latin 
Proverbs translated into terse Castilian 
rhymes, and sometimes, though rarelj^ 
rendered by corresponding national 
proverbs. They were very popular in 
their time, for the first edition was of 
1567, and was followed by at least five 
others. I have an Italian translation 
of them, Venice, 1622. All the prov- 
erbs of Varros except the first five begin 
with the word " Ni " ; — a poor afiecta- 
tion. Other collections are mentioned 
by Gaj'-angos . ■ — viz. Alonso de Fu- 
entes, 1548 ; Juan Ruiz de Bustamente, 
1551 ; and Francisco Thamara, 1552, 
(See Spanish translation of this Histo- 
ry, Tom. III. p. 556.) About seven- 
teen hundred national proverbs, taken 
from the Dictionary of the Academy 
and elucidated, may be found in "Re- 
franes de la Lengua Castellaua " (Bar- 
celona, 1815, 2 vols., 12mo). 



Chap. XXXIX.] DIDACTIC PROSE. 239 

they belong rather to the provinces than to the 
capital^ and are spread everywhere among the com- 
mon people, and through all their dialects.^^ 

Why proverbs should abound so much more in 
Spain than in any other country of Christendom, it is 
not possible to tell. Perhaps the Arabs, whose lan- 
guage is rich in such wisdom, may have furnished 
some of them -, or perhaps the whole mass may have 
sprung from the original soil of the less cultivated 
classes of Spanish society. But however this may 
be, we know they are often among the pleasantest 
and most characteristic ornaments of the national lit- 
erature ; and those who are most familiar with them 
will be most ready to agree with the wise author of 
the " Dialogue on Languages," when he says, and 
repeats the remark, that we must go to the old na- 
tional proverbs for what is purest in his native Cas- 
tilian.^2 

^ Turning now to the proper Didactic Prose * 205 
of Spanish literature, the first instance we 
find — after those formerly noticed as imitating the 
Italian philosophical discussions of the sixteenth cen- 
tury — is one that comes near to the borders of fiction. 
It is the " Garden of Curious Flowers," by Torque- 
mada, originally published in 1570, of which the cn- 

11 Vargas y Ponce, Declamacion, Ma- ^^ Mayans y Siscar, Origenes, Tom. 

drid, 1793, 4to, App., p. 93. An anony- T. pp. 188 - 191, and the Dialogo de las 

mous author, however, who speaks of Lenguas, p. 12, where the author says, 

the collectors of proverbs, and, among "In our proverbs, you see the puritj'" 

the rest, of Yriarte, says the most com- of the Castilian language" ; and p. 170, 

plete collection had been made by D. where he says, ',' The purest Castilian 

Gonzalo Correa. " Defensa de D. Fern. we have is in our proverbs." The 

Perez, Autor de la Carta de Paracuellos, " "Don Quixote" will occur to every- 

Madrid, 1 790, p. 30. Thei-e is a very body as a book that proves how much 

good life of Yriarte in Vol. II. of the proverbs enter into Spanish literature ; 

" Espagne Litteraire," 1774; a poor but I should rather cite the " Celes- 

periodical by Nicolas Bricaire de Dix- tina," where their number is, T think, 

merie, which did not survive the 5^ear equally great in proportion, and their 

of its birth, although in 1810 a sort of serious application more eifective. 
rifacimento of it was published at Paris. 



240 TOKQUEMADA. [Perioi> II. 

rate, in the scrutiny of Don Quixote's library, says, 
that " he does not know whether it is more true, or, to 
speak strictly, less full of lies, than the Olivante de 
Laura," a book of chivalry by the same author, w^hich, 
for its peculiar absurdities, he sends at once to the 
bonfire in the court-yard. " The Garden of Curious 
Flowers," however, is still a curious book. It consists 
of six colloquies between friends, who talk for their 
amusement on such subjects as the monstrous produc- 
tions of nature, the terrestrial paradise, phantasms and 
enchantments, the influence of the stars, and the his- 
tory and condition of those countries that lie nearest to 
the North Pole. It is, in fact, a collection of whatever 
strange and extravagant stories a learned man could 
make, beginning with such as he found in Aristotle, 
Pliny, Solinus, Glaus Magnus, and Albertus Magnus, 
and including those told by the most credulous of his 
own time. Being put into a form then popular, and 
related in a pleasing style, they had no little success. 
They were several times printed in the original, and, 
besides being translated into Italian and French, are 
well knowm. to those who are curious in the literature 
of Queen Elizabeth's time, under the much-abused 
name of " The Spanish Mandeville." It may be 
added, that some of Torquemada's accounts of spec- 
tres and visions are still pleasant reading; and that, 
though Cervantes spoke slightingly of the whole book 
in his "Don Quixote," he afterwards resorted to it^ 

both for facts and for fancies respecting the 
^206 wonders of Friesland and Iceland, *when he 

wrote the first part of his " Persiles and Sigis- 
munda." ^^ 

13 "Jardin de Flores Curiosas, ec, 1575, 18mo, fills 536 pages. "The 
por Ant. de Torquemada," 1570, 1573, Spanish Mandeville of Miracles, or the 
1587, 1589. The edition of Auveres, Garden of Curious Flowers," (London, 



Chap. XXXIX.] ACOSTA. 241 

Christy val cle Acost.i, a Portuguese botanist, — who 
was accustomed to call himself " the African," because 
he happened to be born in one of the African posses- 
sions of Portugal, — travelled much in the East, and 
after his return published, in 1578, a work on Ori- 
ental plants and drugs, to which he added at the end 
a treatise on the natural history of the Elephant. 
But, thouorh he succeeded in attractino; the attention 
of EurojDC to this publication, and though the early 
part of his life had been that of a soldier, an adven- 
turer, and a captive among pirates and robbers, he 
spent many of his later years, if not all of them, in 
religious retirement at home, where, besides other 
things, he wrote a discourse on " The Benefits of Soli- 
tude," and a treatise on "The Praise of Women." 
The last was printed in 1592, and, except that it is too 
full of learning, may still be read with some interest, 
if not with pleasure.^^ 

It was not, however, moral and philosophical writers, 
like Oliva and Guevara, nor writers on subjects con- 

1600, 4to, ) is a translation into good "bosa, in his life of Acosta, spells his 

old English, by Lewes Lewkenor, as name Da Costa. All the works of Acos- 

appears by the second Dedication in ta were printed at Venice by Giacomo 

the second edition, 1618, though it Cornetti, 1592, 4to. 
is commonly attributed to Ferdinand A work not unlike Acosta's "Loor 

Walker, who originally published it. de las Mugeres" was published at Milan 

I have also an Italian translation of it in 15S0, after the death of its author, 

by Celio Malespina, printed at Ven- Joan de Spinosa, and entitled "Dia- 

i 'C, 1612, but with a dedication dated logo en Laude la las Mugeres," but it 

1590. The original is strictly prohib- was dedicated by himself to Mary, Era- 

itc-d in the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, press of Austria and daughter of Charles 

p. 68. The " Coloquios Satiricos," by V. Spinosa was distinguished as a 

tic same author, (1553,) I have never soldier from the time of the battle of 

seen. Ravenna, and aftenvards as a diploraa- 

1* "Tractado de las Drogas y Medi- tist ; but he loved letters, and Avrote 

cinas de las Indias Orientales, por Chris- with vigor in the pure style of the time 

toval Acosta," Burgos, (1578, 4to,) of Philip II., though with a little os- 

where its author was a surgeon ; but tentation of learning. He maintains 

there are other editions, (1582 and (fF. 45, etc.) that woman by her organi- 

1592,) and early Italian and French zation is more perfect than man. An- 

translations. The "Tractado en Loor other work by him, of which he speaks 

de las Mugeres, por Christoval Acosta, in this one, — the Micracanthos, — ■ I 

Affricano," was printed at Venice, 1592, have never seen, and am not sure that 

4to, and I know no other edition. Bar- it was ever |)rinted. 

VOL, III. 16 



242 LUIS DE GRAN'ADA. [Period IL 

nected with' natural history, like Torquemada 
* 207 and Acosta, that ^ were most favored in the 
reigns of PhiHp the Second and his immediate 
successors. It was the ascetics and mystics, — the nat- 
ural produce of the soil of Spain, and, almost without 
exception, faithful to the old Castilian genius. 

Among the most prominent of this class was Luis de 
Granada, distinguished as a Spanish preacher, but still 
more remarkable for his eloquence as a mystic. His 
" Meditations for the Seven Days and Nights of a 
Week," his treatises " On Prayer " and " On Faith," 
and his " Memorial of a Christian Life," were early 
translated into Latin, Italian, French, and English, — 
one of them into Turkish, and one into Japanese, — 
and, Hke his other Spanish works, have continued to 
be printed and admired in the original down to our 
own times. 

The most effective of them all was his " Guide for 
Sinners," first published in 1556. It makes two mod- 
erate volumes, and portions of it are marked with a 
diffuse declamation, which is perhaps imitated from 
that of Juan de Avila, the Apostle of Andalusia, whose 
friend and follower he more than once boasts himself 
to have been. But its general tone is that of a moving 
and harmonious eloquence, which has made it a favor- 
ite book of devotion in Spain ever since it first ap- 
peared, and has spread its reputation so widely that it 
has been translated into nearly all the languages of 
Europe, including the Greek and Polish, and at one 
time seemed likely to obtain a place in the religious 
literature of Christendom very near that of the great 
ascetic work which passes under the name of Thomas 
a Kempis. In its native country, however, the Guide 
for Sinners encountered at first not a little opposition. 



CHAr. XXXIX.] SA^^ JUA>7 DE LA CRUZ. 243 

As early as the year after it was published, it had been 
placed on the Index Expurgatorius, and no edition 
except the first seems to have been permitted till we 
find that of Salamanca, in 1568. But the very Index 
that condemned it became itself the subject of con- 
demnation ; and, in the case of the Guide for Sinners, 
the ecclesiastical powers went so far in the opposite 
direction as to grant special indulgences by proclama- 
tion to all who should have read or heard a 
* chapter of the very work they had earlier so * 208 
harshly censure d.^*^ 

Luis de Granada passed all the latter part of his life 
in Lisbon, — perhaps because he had been repeatedly 
annoyed by the Inquisition at home, perhaps because 
his duties seemed to lead him there. But, wdiatever 
may have been the cause, it is certain that he enjoyed 
much more favor in Portugal than he did in Spain ; 
and when he died, in 1588, eighty-four years old, he 
could boast that he had refused the highest honors of 
the Portuguese Church, and humbly devoted the whole 
of his long life to the reformation and advancement of 
the Order of Preachers, of which, during its best years, 
he had been the active and venerated head.^^ 

San Juan de la Cruz, who was in some respects an 
imitator of Luis de Granada, was born in 1542, and, 

i^i 111 the preface to " Cervantes liaring liad an edition of them pub- 
Vindicado," by Juan Calderon, Ma- lished by Planta, at the expense of 
drid, [London/] 1854, p. 9,vit is said' the Duke of Alva, the minister and 
that the "Guiade Pecadores" was miich general of Philip II. A Avhimsical in- 
altered by ecclesiastical authorit}" m the timation of the Y>opularity in Fj'ance, 
editions permitted subseq[iient to the about 1660, of the French translation 
first; so much as to make them seem of the " Guia de Pecadores," may be 
different works, dos diversos tratados. found in Moliere's " Cocii Imaginaire," 

1^ Preface to Obras de Luis de Gra- (sc. 1,) where the father, endearoring 

nada, Madrid, 1657, folio, and Preface to give his daughter what he deems 

to Guia de Pecadores, ]\Iadrid, 1781, proper notions about life, recommends 

8vo. Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. to her several books instead of the 

33. Llorente, Hist., Tom. III. p. 123. fashionable romance of "Clelie," and, 

Biblioteca de Autores Esp., Tom. VI., among the others, says of tins one, 

A'^ITL, XI. His woi'ks are numerous, " La Guide des Pecheurs est encore im 

and he enjoys the singular honor of bon livre." 



244 SANTA TERESA. [Pekiod II. 

having spent tlie greater part of his Hfe in reforming 
the discipUne of the Carmehte monasteries, died in 
1591, and was beatified in 1674. His works, which are 
mostly contemplative, and obtained for him the title 
of the Ecstatic Doctor, are w^ritten with great fervor. 
The chief of them are the allegory of " The Ascent to 
Mount Carmel," and "The Dark Night of the Soul," — 
treatises whicli have given him much reputation for a 
mystical eloquence, that sometimes rises to the sub- 
lime, and sometimes is lost in the unintelligible. His 
poetry, of which a little is printed in some of the many 
editions of his works, is of the same general character, 
but marked by great felicity and richness of phrase- 
ology.-^^ 
* 209 * Santa Teresa, who was associated with Juan 
de la Cruz in the work of reforming the Car- 
melites, — or rather with whom he was associated, since 
hers was the leading spirit, — died in 1582, sixty-seven 
years old. Her didactic works, the most remarkable 
of which are " The Path to Perfection " and " The 
Interior Castle," are less obscure than those of her 
coadjutor, though more declamatory. But all she 
wrote, including an account of her own life, and sev- 
eral discussions connected with the religious duties to 
which she dedicated herself, were composed with 
apparent reluctance on her part, and in obedience to 
the commands of her superiors. She believed herself 

1^ Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Se- character of Juan de la Cruz, whose 
villa, 1703, folio, twelfth, edition. A secular name was Yepe,% in the twenty- 
very curious Life of him was written in seventh volume of the Biblioteca de 
]623, entitled " Suma de la Vida y Autores Espaiioles, -written in the very 
Milagros del Venerable Padre, Fray spirit of the saint, and well worth read- 
Juan de la Cruz." My copy is in 4to, ing. His works are in the same volume. 
and was printed at Antwerp in 1625. His poetry has been printed in a neat 
It was a popular work, intended prob- volume, Munster, 1854, edited by W. 
ably to prepare the way for his canoni- Storck, who has well translated it into 
zation, and is well calculated for its Gei;man, in another neat volume, piint- 
purpose. There is a discussion of the ed at the same time and place. 



Chap. XXXIX.] SANTA TERESA. 245 

to be often in direct communion with Gocl ; and as 
those about her shared her faith on this point, she was 
continually urged by them to make known to the 
world what were thus regarded as revelations of the 
Divine will. On one occasion she says : " Far within, 
God appeared to me in a vision, as he has been wont 
to do, and gave me his right hand, and said, — Behold 
this print of the nail ; it is a sign that, from this day 
forth, thou art my spouse. Hitherto, thou hast not 
deserved it ; but hereafter not only shalt thou regard 
my honor as that of thy Creator, and King, and God, 
but as that of a true spouse ; — for my honor is now 
thine, and thine is mine." 

Living, as she undoubtedly did, under the persuasion 
that she was favored with numberless revelations of 
this kind, she wrote boldly and rapidly, and corrected 
nothing. Her style, in consequence, is diffuse and open 
to objections, which, in Spain, the spirit of a merely 
literary criticism is too reverent to desire to remove. 
But wdiatever she wrote is full of earnestness, sincerity, 
and love ; and therefore her works have never ceased 
to be read by those of her own nation and faith. 
During her ^life, she was persecuted by the In- *.210 
quisition ; but after her death, her manuscripts 
were collected with pious care, and published, in 1588, 
by Luis de Leon, who exhorts all men to follow in the 
bright path she has pointed out to them ; adding, ^' She 
has seen God face to face, and she now shows him to 
you."^^ 

1" Obras de Santa Teresa, (Madrid, ton, March, 1849. Her works are ac- 

1793, 2 torn. 4to,) Tom. I. p. 393. Of comx)anied with many offers of indnl- 

her letters I have spoken at the end of gence to those who read a chapter or a 

Chapter XXX VI I. of this Period, and letter of any of them, or hear it read. 

an excellent discussion of her charac- For her troubles with the Inquisition, 

ter, and that of the mystical school to see Llorente, Tom. III. p. 114. Santa 

whi^h she belonged, may be found in Teresa was beatified in 1614, and can- 

the'' Christian Examiner, No, 152, Bos- onized in 1622 ; besides which, in 1617 



246 SCHOOL OF SPIRITUALISTS. [Peeiod II. 

This school of spirituahstS; to which belonged Juan 
de Avila and Luis de Leon^ of whom we have before 
spoken, had, no doubt, a very considerable effect on 
Spanish didactic prose. They raised its tone, and did 
more towards placing it on the old foundations, where 
the chronicles and the earlier writers of the country, 
like Lucena, had left it, than had been done for nearly 
two centuries. Such efforts gave dignity, if not purity 
or an exact finish, to the proper Castilian style ; so 
that, at the end of the reign of Philip the Second, it 
was not only of more consequence to an author's repu- 
tation to write well upon any grave subject in prose 
than it had ever been before, but, with such examples 
before him, it was easier to do so. In all this, the 
movement made was in the right direction, and pro- 
duced happy results. But, on the other hand, we 
should remember that it confirmed in the didactic 
literature of the country that tendency to a diffuse 
and florid declamation, which was early one of its 
blemishes, and from which, with such authority in its 
favor, Castilian prose has never since been able com- 
pletely to emancipate itself 
* 211 "^ A remarkable proof of this is to be found 
in " The Magdalen " of Malon de Chaide, first 
published in 1592, after the death of its author. It is 
a religious work, and is divided into four parts; the 
first being merely introductory, and the three others 

and 1626, the Cortes chose her to be ing the exclusive right of St. James in 

the co-patroness and advocate of Sjmin his "Patronato de St. lago," — a tract 

with Santiago ; an honor that was long which cost him an exile and imprison- 

resisted, but was urged anew by the ment of several months, — so fierce 

testament of Charles II., and confirmed was the quarrel in 1628. 

by the Cortes of 1812, June 28, at the The Works of Santa Teresa, it may 

urgent petition of the Carmelites, in a be noted, are attracting regard in the 

spirit worthy of the age in which she United States, where her " Aatobiogra- 

lived. See Southey's Peninsular War, phy" and "Way of Perfection" are 

London, 1832, 4to, Tom. III. p. 539. announced among the standard publi- 

Quevedo entered into the discussion cations of the Catholic Church, 
about the patronship of Spain, defend- 



Chap. XXXIX.] MALOX DE CHAIDE. 247 

on the three characters of Mary Magdalen as a sinner^ 
a penitent; and a saint. It has a very rhetorical air 
tlirouo;hout, and sometimes reads almost like a ro- 
mance ; — so free is its conception of the character 
and conversations of the saint. But some of its dis- 
cussions, like one on fashionable dress, and one on re- 
ligious pictures, are curious ; and some of its religious 
exhortations, like that to repent before old age comes 
on, are moving and powerful. The moral tone of the 
whole is severe. With a great deal of the spirit of a 
monk, the author is earnest against books of chivalry ; 
and he not only rebukes the habit of reading the 
ancient classics, but even such Spanish poets as Gar- 
cilasso de la Yega, because he thinks admiration of 
them inconsistent with a preservation of the Christian 
character. Occasionally, he grows mystical ; and then, 
though his style is more than ever prodigal, his mean- 
ing is not always plain. But, on the whole, and re- 
garded as an exhortation to a religious life^ the Con- 
version of Mary Magdalen is written with so much 
richness of language, and is often so eloquent, that it 
was much read when it first appeared, and has not, 
even in recent times, ceased to be reprinted and ad- 
mi red. ^^ 

_ IS ]\ralon de Chaide was an Augus- as a courtly offering to Isabella, wife of 
tinian monk, and Professor at Salanian- Philip II., whose chaplain Horosco was. 
ca ; and there are editions of his Jlag- The best of Horosco's works is said by 
dalen of 1592, Alcala, 12mo, of 1596, Gayangos to be the " Epistolario Chris- 
1598, 1603, 1794, etc., and it is in the tiano " (1567, 12mo. ff. 301). It con- 
Bib] ioteea de Autores Espanoles, Tom, sists of twelve long epistles, much like 
XXVII. 1853. A somewhat similar sermons, addressed to persons in differ- 
book had preceded it, " The History of ent conditions of life, such as a bishop, 
the Queen of Sheba, when she dis- a priest, Don Carlos, to whom the 
coursed with King Solomon in Jerusa- book is dedicated, etc. Horosco wrote 
lem." It was written by another An- a great deal, and died in 1591. Of the 
gusHnian monk, Alonso de Horosco, same class with the jMagdalena, and 
and was printed at Salamanca in 1568, more like it than Horosco's woik, in 
12mo. But it is little more than a col- some respects, is the treati-^e on the 
lection of ordinary sermons, some of Love of God — "Amor de Dios" — by 
which do not mention the Qu^en of Christoval de Fonseca, a<:;:iin an Auf'.is- 
Sheba at all, and is to be regarded only tinian monk, wiio died above seventy 



248 EOXAS. [Period IL 

^^212 ^ Quite different from all these grave works 
is '' The Amusing Journey " of Agustin de 
Koxas, — a book that hardly falls within the strict 
limits of any class^ but one which has always been 
popular in Spain, and is didactic if it is anything. 
Its author was an actor ; and his travels consist of an 
account of some of his personal adventures and expe- 
riences, thrown into the form of dialogues between 
three of his fellow-comedians and himself, as they visit 
some of the principal cities of Spain in the exercise 
of their profession as strolling players. They travel 
on foot ; and their conversations, which are little mo- 
lested by scruples of any sort, make up a very amus- 
ing book. 

In some parts of it, we have sketches of the places 
they visit, with notices of the local history belonging 
to each. In others, Roxas himself, in a spirit that not 

years old, about the year 1614. It was subjects, commonly fill three volumes, 
first prmted, I believe, in 1594, but and are written in the solemn, learned, 
there were many editions of it, called pure style of the sixteenth century, 
forth, no doubt, by the gentleness of its They were first published in 1605, but 
spirit, no less than by the- Castilian the number of editions since has been 
purity of its style, worthy the neighbor- very great, and they have, besides, 
hood of Toledo, where Fonseca was born been translated two or three times into 
and always lived. Latin, twice into French, and once, at 
The "Discursos de la Paciencia Chris- least, into Italian, English, and Flemish, 
tiana," which was the only work of A very similar work, of about equal 
Fray Fernando de Zarate, — first pub- size, and, if of somet^'hat less j)ower and 
lished in 1593, again in 1597, and now popularity, yet to be noted for both, 
lately in 1853, in the Biblioteca of Ei- was published at Seville in 1614, when 
vadeneyra, Tom. XXVIl., — should be he was eighty-eight years old, by Al- 
added, but it is not of equal merit with phonso Eodriguez, another Jesuit, born 
the works of the ju'incipal mystical and in Valladolid, but who lived chiefly at 
ascetic writers whom we have already Seville, and died there, February 21, 
noticed. Parts of it are very flat, — 1616, the day he had completed his 
some parts are even vulgar, — but it is ninetieth year. This work, the child 
always clear in its style, and sometimes of his extreme old age, was, I believe, 
forcible. the only one he ever wrote, and is en- 
Better, however, than either of the titled "Exercicio de Perfeccion," being 
last are the " Meditaciones Espiritu- the result, in some sort, of his long re- 
ales," the princijial and best of several ligious experience. Like the "Medita- 
similar works of Luis de la Puente, an clones" of La Puente, it is written in a 
eminent Jesuit who died at Valladolid, pure style, becoming its nature and 
his native city, in 1624, seventy years purpose, and embraces almost all the 
old. His Meditations on the Mysteries subjects of Chiistian reflection and 
of Christian Faith, on Mental Prayer, meditation. Like that, too, it was 
and on a multitude of other similar translated and read all over Europe. 



Chap. XXXIX.] SUAREZ DE FIGUEROA. 249 

imfrequentlj reminds us of Gil Bias, relates his own 
previous adventures, as a soldier, as a captive in 
France, and as a play-actor at home. In yet others, 
we have fictions, or what seem to be such, and among 
them the story on which Shakespeare founded his 
Christopher Sly and the Induction to " The Taming of 
the Shrew." But, in general, it is rather an account 
of what relates to the theatre and the affairs of the 
four gay companions at Seville, Toledo, Segovia, 
Valladolid, Granada, and on the roads "^ between * 213 
all of them, interspersed wuth forty or fifty has, 
which Roxas wrote w^ith recognized success, and of 
wdiich he is evidently very proud. It is a pleasant 
book, loosely and carelessly put together, but impor- 
tant for the history of the Spanish drama, and with 
talent enough to attract the attention of Scarron, who 
took from it the hint for his "- Eoman Comique." 
From internal evidence, " The Amusing Journey " was 
wa'itten in 1602, and, at the end, a continuation is 
announced; but, like so many other promises of the 
same sort in Spanish literature, this one was never 
kept.^^ 

Perhaps the work of Roxas served, also, as a hint for 
the " Pasagero," or Traveller, of Suarez de Figueroa. 
At any rate, the well-known author of the " Amarilis," 
published in 1617 a half-narrative, half-didactic work 
wuth this title, containing ten long discussions, on a 

19 An edition of 1583 is cited by An- of Roxas, called " El Biien Republico," 

tonio, (Bib. Xov., Tom. I. p. 178,) but 1611, was wholly prohibited, meddling 

this cannot be. See Viage, Madrid, too much with questions of state. 
1640, 12mo, f. 66, a. The Hrst edition Roxas, when he was in Malaga, in 

must be that of Madrid, 1603, cited in 1599, says that he was twenty-two 

the Index Expurgatorius, 1667, where years old, so tliat he was probably born 

it is roughly handled, but since which in 1577. When he died is not known, 

it has been often re])rinted. Clemen- but he seems to have led a merry life, 

cin, (Don Quixote, Tom. III. p. 395,) and wrote a book to match. A part 

when speaking of Spanish actors, right- of the time, during which he was an 

ly calls the Viage of Roxas ' ' libro ma- actor, lie was in the troupe of the famous 

gisti-al en la materia." Another work Rios, mentioned ante, II. 265, note. 



250 STIAREZ DE FIGUEROA. [Peuiod II. 

great variety of subjects, held by four persons as they 
journey from Madrid to Barcelona, in order to embark 
for Italy ; — the discussions themselves being called 
alivios^ or rests by the way. The chief conversation is 
in the hands of Figueroa, the principal person in his 
ovvm drama ; and so far as he is concerned, and so far 
as the discussions relate to the men of letters of his 
own time, the Pasagero is somewhat cynical. His 
autobiography, which, mingled with fiction and extra- 
neous matter, is contained in the sixth, seventh, and 
eighth dialogues, is interesting, and so are the ninth 
and tenth dialogues, in ^vhich he gives his view of the 
state of Spain at the time he wrote, and the means of 
leading an honest and honorable life there. But the 
most important conversations are the third, which 
relates to the theatre, and the fourth, which is on the 
popular and courtly mode of preaching. The whole 
work is too diffuse in its style, though less declamatory 
than much in the didactic prose of the period. ^^ 

T> ii^ Pasagero, Advertencias iiti- other respects, seems to "be fitted to the 
lissmias a la Vida Humana, por el Doc- time when it Avas published, with a 
tor Christ. Suarezde Figueroa," Madrid, skill in recasting it,_ acquired, I sus- 
1617, 12mo, it'. 492. Figueroa also pect, among the Jesuits, 
published (Madrid, 1621, 4to) a volume A more serious book of travels might 
of five hundred pages, entitled " Varias here have been added ; that of Pedro 
Noticias importantes a la Humana Co- Ordonez de Cevallos, entitled ' ' Viage 
municacion," which he divides into del Mundo," and first printed at Ma- 
twenty essays, entitled " Variedades." drid, 1614, 4to. It is an agreeable and 
It is less well wiitten than the Pasa- often interesting autobiography of its 
gero, falling more into the faults of the author, beginning Avith his birth at 
time. The seventeenth Essay, how- Jaen and his education at Seville, and 
ever, which is on Domestic Life, with giving his travels, for thirty-nine years, 
illustrations from Spanish history, is all over the world, including China, 
pleasant. His "Plaza Universal de America, many parts of Africa, and the 
las Ciencias," first printed at Madrid, northern kingdoms of Europe. Its 
in 161.5, 4to, and reprinted in folio, spirit is eminently national, and its 
with large changes and additions, in style simple and Castilian. 
1737, is an attempt, from the Italian of "This work of Cevallos furnished some 
Thomas Garzoni, at a compendium of of the materials for an amusing French 
human knowledge, curious in the first fiction of the picaresque sort, entitled 
edition, as showing the state of knowl- " Les Aventures de Don Juan de Var- 
edge and opinion at that time in Spain, gas racontees par lui-meme. Traduites 
but of less importance in the second, del' Espagnol sur le manuscrit inedit." 
which omits many passages of Fi'jueroa (Paris, 1853, 18mo.) Some of the_ re- 
that are now of value, 'and which, ixi views that noticed it were deluded into 



Chap. XXXIX.] VARIOUS DIDACTIC PROSE WRITERS. 251 

^ Some of tlie best portions of the didactic ^214 
literature of Spain during the seventeenth cen- 
tury were partly or wholly political. Marquez, a 
writer in the rich old style of the reign of Philip the 
Second, published in 1612 his " Christian Governor," 
as set forth in the lives of Moses and Joshua, a work 
composed at the request of the Duke of Feria, then 
viceroy of Sicily, and intended to serve as an answer 
to Machiavelli's " Prince." ^^ Yera y Zuniga, author 
of a strange epic on the conquest of Seville, who was 
a better minister of Philip the Third than he was poet, 
published in 1620 a treatise, in four discourses, on the 
character and duties of an ambassador, full of learn- 
ing, and occasionally illustrated with appropriate anec- 
dotes drawn from Spanish history, but citing indiscrim- 
inately books of authority and no authority on the 
grave subjects he discusses, and relying appar- 
ently with as much confidence, in questions *of * 215 
diplomacy, upon an opinion of Ovid as upon one 
of Comines.^^ Fernandez de Navarrete, a secretary of 
the same monarch, chose his subject a little higher up, 
and in 1626, rmder the disguise of an assumed name, 
and in a letter to a Polish prime -minister who never 
existed, gave the world his notions of what " a royal 
favorite " should be ; but it is evident that Spain only 
was in his thoughts when he wrote, and his little trea- 

accepting it as a genuine translation por Juan Marquez." There are edi- 

from the Spanish, — so national is its tions of 1612, 1619, 1634, 1651, etc., 

tone and manner, — but it is really the withtranslations into Italian and French, 

work of Mons. Henri Ternaux-Compans, The same author wrote also "Dos Esta- 

the well-known Spanisli scholar. dos de la Espiritual Jerusalem," 1608. 

There is also another smaller work of He was born in 1564, and died in 1621. 

Cevallos, entitled "Relaciones verda- CajDmany (Eloquencia, Tom. IV. pp. 

deras de los Eeynos de la China, Cochin- 103, etc.) praises him highly, but not 

China, Champaa," ec, (Jaen, 1660, too much. 

4to,) full of wild stories of the author's ^^ " El Embaxador, por Don Juan An- 

ad ventures and of the progress of Chris- tonio de Vera y Zuniga," Se villa, 1620, 

tianity in China. 4to, 280 leaves. I have noticed him as 

■^1 "El Governador Christiano, dedu- an epic poet, Vol. II. p. 503, 
cido de las Vidas de Moyses y Josua, 



252 SAAYEDRA FAXARDO. [Period TI. 

tise is so enciiinbered with ill-assorted learning and 
ungraceful conceits that it was soon forgotten.^^ 

Not so the " Idea of a Christian Prince," by Saavedra 
Faxardo, who died at Madrid in 1648, after having 
been long in the diplomatic service of the Spanish 
crown. It was a still higher subject than either of 
those taken by Navarrete and Figueroa, and managed 
with more talent, and with a large and liberal wisdom 
rare in his time. Under the awkward arrangement of 
a hundred ingenious Emblems, with mottoes, that are 
generally well chosen and pointed, he has given a hun- 
dred essays on the education of a prince ; — his rela- 
tions with his ministers and subjects ; his duties as the 
head of a state in its internal and external relations ; 
and his duties to himself in old age and in preparation 
for death ; — all intended for the instruction of Bal- 

thasar, son of Philip the Fourth, to whom it is 
* 216 dedicated, but who died too "^ young to profit 

by its wisdom. It is written in a compact, 
sententious, somewhat dainty style, with much quaint 
and curious knowledge of history, and with a large 
and not always judicious display of learning. But in 

23 "-^i Perfecto Privado, Carta de them attempts at wisdom and wit in 

Lelio Peregrine a Estanislao Borbio, the worst taste of their tunes. 

Privado del Rey de Polonia." It is It may be noted, that the " Conser- 

found in a letter with the date of May vaeion de Monarquias " of ISTavarrete 

30, 1612, at the end of the author's — a bold work, in which many whole- 

" Conservacion de Monarquias," folio, some truths, not unmixed with jmla- 

Madrid, 1626, and also in " Varios Elo- table errors, are told to Philip IV. — 

quentes Libros recogidos eu uno," (Ma- was originally published in 1621, in the 

drid, 1726, 4to,) a volume which, besides time of Philip III., with the title of 

the above work of Navarrete, contains " Discursos Politieos," and that in this 

the ' ' Retrato Politico del Rey Alfonso form it is much shorter, although 

VIII.," by Gaspar Mercader y Cervel- equally plain-spoken. Both this work 

Ion, (see Ximeno, Tom. II. p. 99,) the and the "Carta de Lelio" are in the 

" Govierno Moral" of Polo, (noticed, twenty-fifth volume of the Biblioteca 

ante, pp. 38, and 146, 147,) with some de Autores Espaiioles, 1853. Navar- 

discussions which it excited, and the rete is strong upon the causes of the 

" Lagrimas de Heraclito defendidas," decay of Spain, among Avhich he enu- 

a tract by Antonio de Vieyra, i^ead be- merates the expulsion of the Jews and 

fore Christina of Sweden, at Rome, to Moriscoes, the monastic establislmients, 

])rove that the world, is more worthy of the contenq^t of labor, mayorazgos, for- 

being wept over than lauglied at ; all of eign wars, etc. 



Chap. XXXIX.] YAEIOUS DIDACTIC PROSE WRITERS. 253 

many points it reminds us of Sir Walter Raleigh's 
"Cabinet Council" and Owen Feltliam's "Resolves"; 
— a measure of praise that can be given to few such 
prose works in the Spanish language. Its success was 
great; nor is it yet fallen into neglect. The first 
edition was published in 1640, at Munster. Many 
others followed in the course of the century. It was 
translated into all the languages of Europe, and, in 
Spain at least, has continued to be printed and valued 
down to our own days.^* 

" The Divine PoUtics " of Quevedo, a part of which 
was published before the Christian Prince and a part 
after it, may have suggested his subject to Saavedra, 
but not the mode of treating it ; and, in the same way, 
the great satirist may have had some influence in 
determining Antonio de Yega, the Portuguese, to 
write his "Political Dream of a Perfect Nobleman," 
in 1626 ;^^ Nieremberg, the Jesuit, to w^ite his " Man- 
ual for Gentlemen and Princes," which appeared in 
1629 ; ^^ and Benavente, his " Advice for Kings, 

2* "Empresas Politicas, Idea de un in an unaffected style. The poetry of 

Principe Chiistiano, por Diego Saavedra Antonio de Vega has been noticed, 

Faxardo." The number of editions is ante, p. 25. 

Tery great, — above twenty, — and so ^^ " Obras y Dias, Manual de Senores 

is that of the translations. There are, y Principes, por Juan Eusebio Nierem- 

I think, two in English, one of which berg," Madrid, 1629, 4to, ff. 220. His 

is by Sir J. Astry, London, 1700, 2 father and mother were Germans, who 

vols. 8vo. A Latin version which ap- came to Spain -with the Empress of 

peared at Brussels in 1640, the year in Austria, Dona Maria, but he himself 

which the original Spanish appeared at was born at Madrid in 1595, and died 

Munster, has also been reprinted. there in 1658. Antonio (Bib. Nov., 

25 " El Perfeto Senor, ec, de Antonio Tom. L p. 686) and Baena (Tom. III. 
Lopez de Vega," 1626 and 1652, the p. 190) give long lists of his works, 
latter, Madrid, 4to. He published also chiefly in Latin. The " Contempla- 
(Madrid, 1641, 4to) a series of moral tions on the State of Man," published 
Dialogues, on various subjects connect- in 1684, seventeen years after the death 
ed with Rank, Wealth, and Letters, of Jeremy Taylor, as Ms icork, turns 
under the title of ' ' Heraclito y Demo- out to have been substantially taken 
crito de nuestro Siglo," and giving the from a treatise of Nieremberg, pub- 
opposite views of each, which the names lished as early as 1654, and as late as 
of the interlocutors imply ; a book that 1765, and entitled "Diferencia de lo 
affords sketches of manners and opin- Temporal y Eterno" ; the "Contem- 
ions at the time it was written, that are plations," however, being a rifacirnento 
often amusing, and generally delivered of an English translation of the work 



254 



SAAYEDRA FAXARDO^ AND OTHERS. [Peiiiod II. 



-217 Princes, "^and Ambassadors," which appeared in 
1643.^"^ But none of these works, nor anything 
else in the nature of didactic prose that appeared in 
the seventeenth century, is equal to the Christian 
Prince of Saavedra ; unless, indeed, we are to except 
his own vision of a state, which he calls " The Literary 
Eepublic," and in which he discusses somewhat satiri- 
cally, but in a vein of agreeable criticism, the merits 
of the principal writers of ancient and modern times, 
foreign and Spanish. The Literary Republic, how- 
ever, was not published till after its author's death, 
and never enjoyed a popularity like that enjoyed by 
his longer and elder work; which leaves far behind 
everything in the class of books of emblems, that so 
long served to tax the ingenuity of the higher classes 
of society in Europe. ^^ 



of Nieremberg, by Sir Vivian Mulli- 
neaux, published in 1672. (See an in- 
teresting pamplilet on this subject, 
"Letter to Joshua AVatson, Esq., etc., 
by Edw. Churton, M. A., Archdeacon 
of Cleveland," London, 1848, 8vo.) 
Why the mistake was not earlier detect- 
ed, since Heber and others had noted 
the difference between the style of this 
work and that of Bishop Taylor's works 
generally, it is difficult to tell. The 
treatise of Nieremberg has always been 
valued in Spanish, and, besides being 
early translated into Latin, Italian, 
French, and English, was published in 
Arabic in 1733-31:, at the Convent of 
St. John, on the Mountain of the 
Druses. See Brunet. 

Nieremberg's works, though popular 
in their time, are of little worth. One 
of the more characteristic of them is 
his "Curiosa Filosoiia y Tesoro de Ma- 
ravillas de la jSTaturaleza," 1630 ; — in- 
tended to be a philosophical discussion 
on subjects of interest relating to the 
physical sciences ; but as full of credu- 
lity as ignorance and superstiion united 
can make it. No book could more 
plainly show the want of Father Fey- 
joo's "Tcatro Critico," wliich was yet 
a century off". 



^'^ " Advertencias para Reyes, Pii'n- 
cipes, y Embaxadores, por Don Chris- 
toval de Benavente y Benavides," Ma- 
drid, 1643, 4to, pp. 700. It a good 
deal resembles the "Embaxador" of 
Vera y Zuniga ; and, like the author 
of that work, Benavente had been an 
ambassador of Spain in other countries, 
and wrote on the subject of what may 
be considered to have been his profession 
with experience and curious learning. 

2^ His " Republica Literaria " is a 
light work, in the manner of Lucian, 
written with great purity of language, 
and was not printed till 1670. Faxar- 
do's claim to its authorship has been 
questioned ; but the dedication in Riva- 
deneyra's Biblioteca (Tom. XXV. p. 
389) ought, I think, to remove all 
doubt. From this, the "Republica" 
seems to have been its author's first 
Avork, — a circumstance which will ac- 
count for that light and festive tone 
which, among other things, caused the 
question to be raised. A spirited dia- 
logue between Mercury and Lucian, on 
"The Follies of Europe," in which 
Saavedra defends the House of Austria 
against the attacks of the rest of the 
world, remained in manuscript till it 
was produced, in 1787, in the sixth 



Chap. XXXIX.] YATJOUS DIDACTIC PROSE WRITERS. 255 

To these writers of the end of the sixteenth and 
the first half of the seventeenth century a few more 
might be added, of less consequence. Juan de Guzman, 
in 1589, published a formal treatise on Rhetoric, in 
the seventh dialoo;ue of which he makes an 
^ ingenious application of the rules of the Greek * 218 
and Roman masters to the demands of modern 
sermonizing in Spain.^^ Gracian Dantisco, one of the 
secretaries of Philip the Second, published in 1599 a 
small discourse on the minor morals of life, which he 
called the " Galateo," in imitation of Giovanni della 
Casa, whose classical Italian treatise bearing the same 
name was already w^ell translated into Spanish by Do- 
mingo Becerra.^^ In the same year appeared a curious 
work by Pedro de Andrada, on "The Art of Horseman- 
ship," well written and learned, with amusing anec- 
dotes of horses; and this was followed, in 1605, by a 
similar treatise of Simon de Yillalobos, but one which, 
from its more military character, and from the exag- 
gerated importance it gives to its subject, might well 
have been made a part of Don Quixote's library.^^ 
Both of them bear strong marks of the state of society 
at the time they were written. 

Paton, the author of several works of little value, 
published, in 1604, a crude treatise on "The Art of 
Spanish Eloquence," founded on the rules of the 

volume of the SemanarioErudito. But, taining, in the edition of Madrid, 1664, 

with the rest of his works, it is found onl)^ 126 leaves in 18mo. Antonio, 

in the twenty-fifth volume of the Bibli- Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 17. Dantisco 

oteca de Autores Espanoles, 1853. was also an amateur painter, and seems 

29 "Prim era Parte de la Ehetorica, to have been a man of fashion at court, 

ec, por Juan de Guzman," Alcala, 1590, and much favored there. Stirling's 

12mo, 291 leaves. It is divided affect- Artists of Spain, 1848, Vol. I. p. 416. 
edly into fourteen "Corabites," or In- ^^ "Libro de la Gineta de Espaiia, 

vitations to Feasts. Its author was a por Fernandez de Andrada," Se^dlla, 

pupil of the famous Sanctius, "ElBro- 1599, 4to, 182 leaves. — " Modo de 

cense." pelear a la Gineta, por Simon de Villa- 

^'^ The " Galateo " was several times lobos," Valladolid, 1605, 18mo, 70 

reprinted. It is a small book, con- leaves. 



256 VARIOUS DIDxlCXic PROSE WRITERS. [Period II. 

aixcients ; " ^^ and^ in Mexico, Aleman, while living 
there, printed, in 1609, a treatise on " Castilian Orthog- 
raphy," which, besides what is ajDpropriate to the title, 
contains pleasant discussions on other topics connected 
with the language, over which he has himself shown 
a great mastery in his " Guzman de Alfarache." ^^ A 

series of conversations on miscellaneous sub- 
"^219 jects, divided * into seven nights, — which their 

author, Faria y Sousa, intended to have called 
simply " Moral Dialogues," but which his bookseller, 
without his knowledge, published in 1624, with the 
title of '^ Brilliant Nights," — are dull and ^^edantic, 
like nearly everythmg this learned Portuguese wrote ; 
and the second part, which he offered to the public, 
was never called fcr.^^ And, finally, another Portu- 
guese, Francisco de Portugal, who died in 1632,^^ 
wrote a pleasant treatise on "The Art of Gallantry," 
with anecdotes showing the state of fashionable, or 
rather courtly, society at the time ; but it was not 
printed till long after its author's death.^^ 

32 " Eloquencia Espanola en Arte, por ^^ " Ortografia Castellana, por Mateo 

el Maestro Bartolorae Ximenez Paton," Aleman," Mexico, 1609, 4to, 83 leaves. 

Toledo, 1604, 12mo. The extracts from ^* "Noches Claras, Primera Parte, 

old Spanish books, and hints about por Manoel de Faria y Sousa," Madrid, 

their authors, in this treatise, are often 1624, 12mo, a thick volume. Barbosa, 

valuable ; but how wise its practical Tom. III. p. 257. 

suggestions are may be inferred from ^^ Francisco de Portugal, Count Vi- 
the fact, that it recommends an orator mioso, left a son, who published his 
to strengthen his memory by anointing father's poetry Avith a life prefixed, but 
his head with a compound made chiefly I know no edition of the "Arte de 
of bear's grease and white wax. For Galanteria," etc., earlier than that of 
other, but inconsiderable, works of Pa- Lisbon, 1670, 4to. 
ton, see Spanish translation of this ^^ Before we come into the period 
History, Tom. III. p. 561, and ante, when bad taste overwhelmed every- 
note 10 of this chapter. Paton, who thing, we should slightly refer to a few 
was born in 1569 and died in 1640, authors who were not infected by it, 
promised to collect his works and pub- and who yet are not of importance 
lish them in eight volumes, but he enough to be introduced into the text, 
never did it. The friend to whom he The first of them is Diego de Estella, 
made this promise — Fernando de Bal- who was born in 1524, and died in 
lesteros y Saavedra — says that he wrote 1578. He was much connected with 
plays, autos, and other poetry when he the great diplomatist. Cardinal Gran- 
was only twenty years old. See"Elo- velle, and published many works in 
gio" to "the Proverbios, 1615. Latin and Spanish, the best of which, 



Chap. XXXIX.] 



CULTISMO IN PliOSE. 



257 



* During the period embraced by the works ^220 
last mentioned, a false taste had invaded Span- 



as to style and manner, are " Loores de 
San Juan" (1554) ; " Vanidad del Mun- 
do" (1574) ; and " Meditaciones del 
Amor de Dios" (1578) ; — the last full 
of onction. 

Several treatises in the form of biog- 
raphy, but really ascetic and didactic in 
their character, were published soon 
afterwards, which are written with some 
purity and vigor ; such as the Life of 
Pius v., (1595,) by Antonio Fuenmayor, 
who died at the earljr age of thirty ; 
" Sancto Inocente" (15S3) ; "Sancta 
Florentina" (1584) ; and "Sancta Te- 
resa," (1599,) by Diego de Yepes, one 
of her correspondents, and the confessor 
of the last dark years of Philip IJ. ; 
and the Lives of two devout women, 
Doha Sancha Carillo, and Doiia Ana 
Ponce de Leon, (1604,) by Martin de 
JRoa, a Jesuit, who long represented 
the interests of his Society at the Court 
of Rome. Roa, who died in 1637, wi'ote 
many works in Latin, and some in 
Spanish, the most popular of which last 
were his "Estado de los Bienaventura- 
dos en el Cielo, delos Nihos en el Lira- 
bo," ec. (1630) ; his "Almas en Purga- 
torio" (1631); and his " Beneficios 
del Santo Angel de nuestra Guardia" 
(1634). But there are many editions 
of each of them ; — perhaps some that 
are earlier than those here cited. 

To these may be added three other 
works of very dift'erent characters. 

The "Examen de Ingenios," or, how 
to determine, from their physical and 
external condition, who are fit for train- 
ing in the sciences, by Juan Huarte de 
San Juan, written, T think, as early as 
1557, but first published, according to 
N. Antonio, in 1575, is the most re- 
markable of them. It was the only 
work of its author, and enjoyed a pro- 
digious reputation for a long tune ; so 
that I have reckoned fourteen editions 
of it in Spanish, of which I have those 
of 1603 and 1640 ; and in Latin, Ital- 
ian, French, and English I have found 
noted so many versions, that in those 
languages it was published at least 
twenty-seven times. The last time it 
appeared in a translation was, I sup- 
pose, in that of a person no less emi- 
nent than Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, 
whose version, entitled " Priifung der 
Kopfe," was printed for the second time 

VOL. III. 17 



at AVittemberg, 1785, 12mo, with much 
added learning in the quotations. In 
English we .have it in 1594, by Richard 
Carew, who translated it from the Ital- 
ian, and in 1698 by E. Bellamy, who 
translated it from the Spanish, it is a 
work full of striking but often wild dis- 
cussions and speculations in ph3^siol- 
ogy, written in a forcible, pure style ; 
and Lessing aptly compares its author 
to a spirited horse, that, in galloping 
over the stones, never strikes fire so 
brilliantlj^ as he does when he stum- 
bles. It is noticed pleasantly by good 
old Sir Henry AVotton, (Reliquire, 1672, 
p. 87,) — it is used and commended by 
Lavater, (English translation, London, 
fol., 1792-1798, Vol. II. p. 428, and 
Vol. III. pp. 42-48,) — and it is often 
praised in more recent times b}^ Forner 
and other cultivated Spaniards. But 
it was put on the Index Expurgatorius, 
(1667, p. 734,) and so thoroughly did 
the Inquisition and the Confessional do 
their work, that in 1765, although 
eleven editions of it in Spanish had 
then been published, the learned Fey- 
joo begged a friend to procure a copy of 
it for him in Latin, Italian, or French, 
because, as he said, he could hardly 
hope to find one in Spanish, — "que 
en el idioma Espanol y en Espaha sera 
dificil hallarle." Bayle has a good ar- 
ticle on Huarte, Avho Avas an eminent 
physician in the time of Philip II., and 
I have a learned and sometimes acute 
reply to his Examen, published in 1631, 
at Paris, by another physician, Jour- 
dain Guibelet, entitled ' ' Examen de 
I'Examen des Esprits," longer than the 
original work, but by no means so well 
written. The "Examen de Maridos," 
a spirited play of Alarcon, (see ante, 11. 
336, ) and the " Vexamen de Ingenios," 
a lively prose satire of Cancer, (Obras, 
1761, p. 105,) were perhaps understood 
by their contemporaries to have refer- 
ence to the title of the "Examen de 
Ingenios," then very popular. A work 
not unlike the "Examen de Ingenios," 
and sometimes indebted to it, appeared 
at Barcelona, (1637, 4to,) entitled "El 
Sol Solo, ec, y Anatomia de Ingenios," 
taking a view of the same subject, some- 
what more in the nature of Physi- 
ognomy, and not without an apju'oach to 
what has since been called Phrenology, 



258 CTJLTISMO I:N" prose. [Period II. 

ish prose. It was the same unliappy taste which we 
have noticed in Spanish poetry by the name of " Gon- 
gorism/' but which its admirers called sometimes " the 
polite/' and sometimes ^^ the cultivated " style of writ- 
ing. Traces of it have been sought in the sixteenth 
century among some of the best writers of the coun- 
try ; but for this there seems no foundation, 
* 221 except in the fact^ that ^ a rigorous taste never 
at any time prevailed in Spain, and that the lux- 
uriant success of letters towards the end of the reign 
of Philip the Second, and the consequent difficulty of 
obtaining fashionable distinction by authorship, had 
led to occasional affectations even in the style of those 
who, like Cervantes and Mariana, stood foremost among 
the better writers of their time. 

But now, the admiration that followed Gongora 
almost necessarily introduced conceits into prose writ- 
ing, such as were thought so Avorthy of imitation in 
poetry. Those, therefore, who most coveted public 
favor, began to play with words, and seek to surprise 
by an unexpected opposition of ideas and quaintness 

of which, also, there are traces in the boy, was brought to Spain in 1585, by 

"Examen" itself. The "Sol Solo" his brother Bartolome, and died there 

was written by Estevan Pujasol, an Ara- in 1638, having risen to considerable 

gonese ; and is curious for its manner eminence in his art. In 1634, he pub- 

of treating the subjects it discusses, — lished, at Madrid, " Dialogos de la 

half anatomical, half spiritual; butisnot Pintura, su Defeusa, Origen," ec. (4to, 

otherwise interesting at the present day. 229 leaves) ; but the Ucencias are dated 

The second is the " Historia Moral y 1632 and 1633. It is written in good 
Philosophica " of Pero Sanchez de Tole- plain prose, without particular merit as 
do, published at Toledo, 1590, folio, to style, and is declared by Cean Ber- 
Avhen its author, who was connected mudez, (Diccionario, Tom. I. p. 251,) 
with the cathedral there, Avas already an in his notice of the author, to be "el 
old man. It consists of the Lives of mejor libro que tenernos de pintura en 
distinguished men of antiquity, like Castellano." At the end is an Appen- 
Plato, Alexander, and Cicero, and ends dix, in Avhich are attacks of Lope de 
with a treatise on Death ; — each of the Vega, Juan de Jauregui, and others, on 
Lives being accompanied by moral and a duty laid upon pictures, which, Cean 
Christian reflections, which are some- Bermudez says, "the efforts of Cardu- 
times written in a flowing and fervent cho and his friends succeeded in re- 
style, but are rarely appropriate, and moving in 1637." An interesting and 
never original or powerful. valuable notice of Carducho is to be 

The last is by Vincencio Carducho, a found in Stirling's Artists of Spain, 

Florentine painter, who, when quite a 1848. Vol. 1. pp. 417-428. 



Chap. XXXIX. J CULTISMO IN PROSE. 259 

of metaphor, little consistent with the old Castilian 
dignity, until at last they quite left the stately con- 
structions in which resides so much of what is pecu- 
liar to the sonorous declamations of Luis de Leon and 
Luis de Granada, and by excessive efforts at brilliancy 
became so involved and obscure in their style that 
they w^ere not always intelligible. Instances of such 
affectation may be found in Saavedra-and Francisco de 
Portugal. But the innovation itself is older than 
either of their published works. It broke out perhaps 
with Andreas Perez, and certainly was notorious in 
Paravicino, who, besides imitating Gongora's poetry, 
as we have already seen, carried similar extravagances 
of metaphor and construction into his oratorical and 
didactic prose ; intimating, in a characteristic phrase, 
that he claimed the honor of being the Columbus who 
had made this great discovery. As early as 1620, it 
was matter of censure and ridicule to Linan, in his 
" Guide and Counsel to Strangers in Madrid," and 
soon afterwards to Mateo Velazquez, in his "Village 
Philosopher " ; so that from this period we may con- 
sider cuUismo nearly or quite as prevalent in Spanish 
prose as it was in Spanish poetry .^^ 

^ The person, however, who settled its char- * 222 
acter, and in some respects gave it an air of 

^^ See Declamacion, ec, of Vargas y leaves, s. a., is a singular book, didac- 

Ponce, 1793, App., § 17, and Marina, tic in its main purpose, but illustrating 

Ensayo, in Memorias de la Acad, de with, stories its homely philosophy. I 

Hist., Tom. IV., 1804. Linan y Ver- find no notice of it, though the author, 

dugo, Avisos de Forasteros, 1620, no- in his Dedication, intimates that it is 

ticed {ante, p. 138) under the head of not his first published work. It seems 

Romantic Fiction, shows that the cuUo to have been written soon after the 

style was known as early as that date, death of Philip III. in 1621, and its 

(see edit. 1753, p. 15.5, etc.,) and it is last dialogue is against cuUismo, of the 

rebuked by name in Penalosa's " Cinco introduction of which into Spanis'.i 

Excellencias del Esx^auol," (1629, f. 87, prose I have spoken when noticing the 

a,) and in "El Filosofo del Aldea, y sus " Picara Justina " of Andr'^^as Perez, 

Conversaciones Familiares, su Autor el 1605, ante, p. 106, note, and of Para- 

Alferez Don Baltazar Mateo Velazquez," vicino, ante, p. 161. 
Zaragoza, por Diego Dormer, 12mo, 106 



260 GRACIAIS". [Peiiiod II. 

philosophical pretension, was Baltazar Gracian, a Jes- 
uit of Aragon, who lived between 1601 and 1658 ; 
exactly the period when the cultivated style took pos- 
session of Spanish prose, and rose to its greatest con- 
sideration. He began in 1630, by a tract called " The 
Hero," which is not so much the description of a 
hero's character as it is a recipe to form one, given in 
short, compact sentences, constructed in the new style. 
It was successful, and was followed by five or six other 
works, written in the same manner ; after which, to 
confirm and justify them all, there appeared, in 1648, 
his " Agudeza y Arte de Ingenio " ; a regular Art of 
Poetry, or rather system of rhetoric, accommodated to 
the school of Gongora, and showing great acuteness, 
especially in the ingenuity with which the author 
presses into his service the elder poets, such as Diego 
de Mendoza, the Argensolas, and even Luis de Leon 
and the Bachiller de la Torre. 

The most remarkable work of Gracian, however, is 
his " Criticon," published in three parts, between 1650 
and 1653. It is an allegory on human life, and gives 
us the adventures of Critilus, a noble Spaniard, wrecked 
on the desert island of Saint Helena, where he finds a 
solitary savage, who knows nothing about himself, 
except that he has been nursed by a wild beast. 
After much communication in dumb show, they are 
able to understand each other in Spanish, and, being 
taken from the island, travel together through the 
world, talking often of the leading men of their time 
in Spain, but holding intercourse more with allegorical 
personages than with one another. The story of their 
adventures is long, and its three portions represent 
the three periods of human life ; the first being called 
the Spring of Childhood, the second the Autumn of 



Chap. XXXIX.] . GEACIAiS". 261 

Manhood, and the third * The Wmter of Old ^^ 223 
Age'. In some parts it shows much talent ; and 
eloquent discussions on moral subjects, and glowing de- 
scriptions of events and natural scenery, can occasion- 
ally be taken from it, which are little infected with 
the extravagances of the Cultivated Style. Some- 
times we are reminded of the " Pilgrim's Progress," — 
as, for instance, in the scenes of the World's Fair, — 
and might almost say, that the " Criticon " is to the 
Catholic religion and the notions of life in Spain dur- 
ing the reign of Philip the Fourth what Bunyan's fic- 
tion is to Puritanism and the English character in the 
age of Cromwell. But there is little vitality in the 
shadowy personages of Gracian. He bodies nothing 
forth to which our sympathies can attach themselves 
as they do to such sharply defined creations as Chris- 
tian and Mr. Greatheart, and, when we are moved at 
all by him, it is only by his acuteness, ingenuity, and 
eloquence. 

His other works are of small value, and are yet 
more deformed by bad taste ; especially his " Polit- 
ico-Fernando," which is an extravagant eulogium on 
Ferdinand the Catholic, and his ^^Discreto," which is a 
collection of prose miscellanies, including a few of his 
letters. It is singular, that, in consequence of being 
an ecclesiastic, he thought it proper that all his works 
should be printed under the name of his brother Lo- 
renzo, who lived at Seville ; and it is yet more singular, 
perhaps, that they were published, not by himself, but 
by his friend, Lastanosa, a gentleman of literary taste, 
and a collector of ancient works of art, who lived at 
Huesca in Aragon. But however indirectly and cau- 
tiously the works of Gracian won their way into the 
world, they enjoyed great favor there, and made much 



262 



CULTISMO m PROSE. 



[Period II. 



noise. His " Hero " went early througli six editions, 
and his collected prose works, most of which were 
translated into French and Italian, and some of them 
into English and Latin, were often reprinted in the 

original Spanish, both at home and abroad.^^ 
^224 * From this period, the rich old prose style 

of Luis de Leon and his contemporaries may 
be said to have been driven out of Spanish literature. 
Lope de Vega and Quevedo, after resisting the innova- 
tions of cidtismo for a time, had long before yielded, 
and Calderon was now alternately assailing the de- 
praved taste of his audiences and gratifying it by 
running into extravagances almost as great as those 
he ridiculed. The language of the most affected po- 
etry passed into the prose of the age, and took from it 
the power and dignity which, even in its more declam- 
atory portions, had constituted its prominent merit. 
Style became fantastic, and the very thoughts that 
were to be conveyed were not unfrequently covered 



^^ There are editions of Gracian's 
Works, 1664, 1667, 1725, 1748, 1757, 
1773, etc. I use that of Barcelona, 
1748, 2 torn. 4to. His Life is in La- 
tassa. Bib. Nueva, Tom. III. pp. 267, 
etc., and a pleasant account both of 
him and of his friend Lastaiiosa is to be 
found in Aarsens, Voyage d'Espagne, 
1667, p. 294, and in the dedication to 
Lastaiiosa of the first edition of Queve- 
do's " Fortuna con Seso," 1650. Gra- 
cian's poem on "The Four Seasons," 
generally printed at the end of his 
Works, is, I believe, the worst of them •; 
certainly it would be difficult to find 
much in any language more absurd and 
extravagant in its false taste. 

Gracian's works were a good deal 
translated into French and Italian ; 
but little into English. I have his 
"Courtier's Manual Oracle," (London, 
1684,) an aphoristic work not always 
true to the original, (Oraculo Manual y 
Arte de Prudencia, ) but occasionally 
very happy in divining the author's 
meaning and giving it with point and 
effect. And I have also Gracian's 



"Hero," translated from a French ver- 
sion of it by Father Courbeville, with 
good notes, and printed both at Lon- 
don and Dublin, 1726. But except 
these I remember no English transla- 
tions. 

Perhaps two other books should have 
been noticed here. The first is, " In- 
vectiva Poetica contra cinco Vicios, 
Soberbia, Invidia, Ambicion, Murmura- 
cion y Ira, ec, por el Licenciado Luis 
Sanchez de Melo" (Malaga, 1641, 4to). 
Its author was a native of Lisbon, but 
a lawyer of Malaga, and wrote his " In- 
vectiva," as he tells us, in twenty days 
when he was busy with his profession. 
I can readily believe him. It reads, 
notwithstanding its intermixture of 
verse, like a series of poor sermons in 
the most conceited style. The other is 
" Aciertos celebrados de la Antiguedad, 
su autor Don Josef de la Torre " (Zara- 
goza, 1654, 12mo, pp. 188) ; a collec- 
tion of striking facts and anecdotes from 
classic authors, ill commented by La 
Torre, who afterwards became a monk 
and died at Madrid in 1674. 



Chap. XXXi:X.] ZABALETA. LOZANO. RAMIREZ. 263 

up with ingenuities of illustration till they disappeared. 
In the phrase of Sanclio, men wanted better bread 
than could be made of wheat^ and rendered them- 
selves ridiculous by attempting to obtain it. Tropes 
and figures of all kinds were settled into formu- 
las of speech, and then were repeated, appropri- 
ately and inappropriately, till the reader could often 
anticipate, from the beginning of a sentence, how it 
would inevitably end. Everything, indeed, in prose 
composition, as in poetry, announced that corrupted 
taste which both precedes and hastens the decay of 
a literature ; and which, in the case of Spain 
during the "^latter half of the seventeenth cen- *225 
tury, was but the concomitant of a general 
decline in the arts and the gradual degradation of the 
monarchy. 

Among those who wrote best, though still infected 
with the prevailing influences, was Zabaleta. His 
''Moral Problems" and "Famous Errors," but espe- 
cially his " Feast Days at Madrid," in which he gives 
lively satirical sketches of the manners of the metrop- 
olis at those periods when idleness brings the people 
into the streets and places of amusement, are worth 
reading. But he lived in the reign of Philip the 
Fourth; and so did Lozano, whose different ascetic 
works on the character of King David, if not so good 
as his historical romance on the New Kings of Toledo, 
are better than anything else of the kind in the same 
period. They are, however, the last that can be read. 
The reign of Charles the Second does not offer ex- 
amples even so favorable as these of the remains and 
ruins of a better taste. " The Labors of Hercules " 
by Heredia, in 1682, and the "Moral Essays on Boe- 
thius," by Ramirez, in 16 98^ if they serve for nothing 



264 CHAEACTEK OF DIDACTIC PEOSE. [Peiiiod II. 

else^ serve at least to mark the ultimate limits of 
dulness and affectation. Indeed, if it were not for 
the History of Soils, which has been already noticed, 
we should look in vain for an instance of respectable 
prose composition after this last and most degenerate 
descendant of the House of Austria had mounted the 

Spanish throne.^^ 
* 226 ^ Nor is this remarkable. On the contrary, it 

is rather to be considered worthy of notice, that 
didactic , prose should have had any merit or obtained 
any success in Spain during the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. For the end it proposes is not, like 
that of poetry, to amuse, but, like that of philosophy, 
to enlighten and amend ; and how dangerous in Spain 
was the social position of any teacher or moral mon- 
itor, who claimed for himself that degree of indepen- 
dence in matters of opinion without which instruction 
becomes a dead form, needs not now to be set forth. 
Few persons, in that unhappy country, were sur- 
rounded with more difficulties; none were more 

^^ Juan de Zabaleta flourished as an Of Antonio Perez Eamirez, I know 
author from 1653 to 1667; and his only the "Armas contra la Fortuna," 
works, which were soon collected, have (Madrid, 1698, 4to,) which is a transla- 
heen frequently printed, 1667, Madrid, tion of Boethius, with dissertations iu 
1728, 4to, 1754, etc. (Baena, Tom. the worst possible taste interspersed be- 
lli, p. 227.) — Christoval Lozano (no- tween its several divisions, 
ticed ante, pp. 127, 143) was known as One other author might, perhaps, 
an author from 1656, by his "David have been placed at the side of Lozano, 
Arrepentido," to which he afterwards — Joseph de la Vega, — who published 
added his "David Perseguido," in (at Amsterdam in 1688, 12mo) three 
three volumes, and yet another work on dialogues, entitled ' ' Confusion de Con- 
the subject of David's Example illus- fusiones," to ridicule the passion for 
trated by the Light of Christianity ; all stockjobbing which came in with the 
of little value ; for though written in a Dutch East India Company, in 1602, 
style of considerable purity for the pe- and was then at the height of its frenzy, 
riod when they appeared, they are too They are somewhat encumbered with 
fanciful in their inventions for the grav- learning, but contain anecdotes, ancient 
ity of the subject. — Juan Francisco and modern, very well told. The au- 
Fernandez de Heredia wrote "Trabajos thor was a rich Jew of Antwerp, wlio 
y Afanes de Hercules," Madrid, 1682, had fled thither from Spain, and pub- 
4to. He makes it a kind of book of lished several works betAveen 1683 and 
emblems, but it is one of the worst of 1693, but none, I think, of much value, 
its conceited class. Latassa (Bib. Nov., Amador de los Eios, Judios Espanoles, 
Tom. IV. p. 3) notices him. p. 633. 



Chap. XXXIX.] CHARACTER OF DIDACTIC PROSE. 265 

strictly watched^ or, if they wandered from the per- 
mitted paths, were jnore severely punished. 

Nor was it j)C)Ssible for such persons, by the most 
notorious earnestness in their convictions of the just 
control of the religion of the state, or any degree of 
faithfulness in their loyalty, to avoid sometimes falling 
under the rebuke of a jealousy that watched each step 
of their course ; a fact sufficiently apparent, when we 
recollect that nearly all the didactic writers of merit 
during this period, such as Juan de Avila, Luis de Leon, 
Luis de Granada, Quevedo, San Juan de la Cruz, and 
Santa Teresa, were persecuted by the Liquisition or 
by the government, and the works of every one of 
them expurgated or forbidden. 

Under such oppression, free and eloquent writers — 
men destined to teach and advance their generation — 
could not be expected to appear, and the few who ven- 
tured into ways so dangerous dwelt as much as possible 
in generals, and became mystical, like Juan de la Cruz, 
or extravagant and declamatory, like Luis de Granada. 
Nearly all — strictly prevented from using the logic of 
a wise and liberal philosophy — fell into pedantry, from 
an anxious desire, wherever it was possible, to lean 
upon authority ; so that, from Luis de Leon down to 
the most ordinary writer, who, in a prefatory letter 
of approbation, wished to give currency to the opin- 
ions of a friend, no man seemed to feel at ease 
unless he could justify and ^ sustain what he * 227 
had to say by citations from the Scriptures, the 
fathers of the Church, and the ancient and scholastic 
philosophers. Thus, Spanish didactic prose, which, 
from its original elements and tendencies, seemed des- 
tined to wear the attractions of an elevated and elo- 
quent style, gradually became so formal, awkward, and 



266 CIIAKACTEE OF DIDACTIC PROSE. [Period II. 

pedantic, that, with a few striking exceptions, it can 
only be said to have maintained a doubtful and diffi- 
cult existence during the long period when the less 
suspected and less oppressed portions of the literature 
of the country — its drama and its lyric poetry — 
were in the meridian of their success. 



*CHAPTEE XL. * 228 

CONCLUDIXG REMARKS ON THE SECOND PERIOD. DECAY OF THE NATIONAL 

CHARACTER. — DIMINISHED NUMBER OF WRITERS AND DIMINISHED INTER- 
EST OF THE PUBLIC IN LETTERS. — RUIN OF THE STATE BEGUN IN THE 
TIME OF PHILIP THE SECOND, AND CONTINUED IN THE REIGNS OF PHILIP 
THE THIRD, PHILIP THE FOURTH, AND CHARLES THE SECOND. — EFFECTS 
OF THIS CONDITION OF THINGS ON LITERARY CULTURE. FALSE INFLU- 
ENCES OF RELIGION. — FALSE INFLUENCES OF LOYALTY. 

It is impossible to study with care the Spanish litera- 
ture of the seventeenth century, and not feel that we 
are in the presence of a general decay of the national 
character. At every step, as we advance, the number 
of writers that surround us is diminished. In what 
crowds they were gathered together during the reigns 
of Philip the Second and Philip the Third, we may see 
in the long lists of poets given by Cervantes in his 
^^ Galatea," and his "Journey to Parnassus," and by 
Lope de Vega in his " Laurel of Apollo." But in the 
reign of Philip the Fourth, though the theatre, from 
accidental circumstances, flourished more than ever, 
the other departments showed symptoms of decline ; 
and in the reign of Charles the Second, wherever we 
turn, the number of authors sinks away, till it is 
obvious that some great change must take place, or 
elegant literature in Spain will speedily become ex- 
tinct. 

The public interest, too, in the few writers that re- 
mained, was gone. At least, that general, national 
interest, which alone can sustain the life it alone can 
give to the literature of any country, was no longer 



268 DECAY OF THE NATIOI^AL CHARACTER. [Period II. 

there ; and all the favor that Spanish poets and 
* 229 men of "^ letters enjoyed at the end of the cen- 
tury came from the court and the superficial 
fashion of the time, which patronized the aifected style 
of those followers of Gongora whose bad taste seemed 
to go on increasing in extravagance, as talent among 
them grew more rare. 

Everything, meanwhile, announced that the great 
foundations of the national character were giving way 
on all sides; and that the failing literature of the 
country was only one of the phases and signs of 
the coming overthrow of its institutions. The decay 
which was so visible on the surface of things had, 
however, long mined unseen beneath what had been 
thought a period of extraordinary security and glory. 
Charles the Fifth, while, on the one side, by the war 
of the Comuneros, he had crushed nearly all of political 
liberty that Cardinal Ximenes had left in the old con- 
stitutions of Castile, had given, on the other, by his 
magnificent foreign conquests, a false direction to the 
character of his people at home ; — both tending alike 
to waste away that vigor and independence which the 
Moorish wars had nourished in the hearts of the 
nation, and which had so long constituted its real 
strength. Philip the Second, who followed in the foot- 
steps of Ximenes, had been less successful than his 
father in his great labors to advance the permanent 
prosperity of the monarchy. He had, indeed, added 
Portugal and the Philippine Islands to his empire, 
which now comprehended above a hundred millions 
of human beings, and seemed to threaten the interests 
of all the rest of Europe. But such doubtful benefits 
were heavily overbalanced by the religious rebellion 
of the Netherlands, the fatal source of unnumbered 



Chap. XL.] 



PHILIP THE SECOND. 



269 



mischiefs ; by the exhausting wars with EUzabeth of 
England and Henry tlie Fourth of France -, by the 
contempt for habor, that followed the extraordinary 
prevalence of a spirit of military adventure, and broke 
down the industry of the country ; by the vast increase 
of the ecclesiastical institutions, which created a ruin- 
ous amount of pensioned idleness ; and by the wasteful 
luxury brought in with the gold of America, which 
seemed to corrupt whatever it touched; so that, 
when that wary prince died, he left an ^ impov- "^230 
erished people, whose energies he had over- 
strained and impaired by his despotism, and whose 
character he had warped and misdirected by his unre- 
lenting and unscrupulous bigotry.^ 



1 There is a remarkable paper, in 
the sixth volume of the "Semanario 
Erndito," on the causes of the decline of 
Spain ; — remarkable because, though 
written in the reign of Philip IV., by 
Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, an ecclesi- 
astic of rank, whom Charles III. after- 
wards asked to have canonized, it yet 
attributes the origin of the prostration 
under which Spain suifered in his time 
mainly to the war with the Nether- 
lands. This war, from 1567 to 1612, is 
said to have cost Spain above two hun- 
dred millions of dollars, (Havemann, 
p. 269, note,) and the debt of Spain to 
have risen in the time of Philip II. 
from thirty-hve millions of ducats to 
one hundred and forty. Ibid., p. 272. 

But the deeper difficulty of contempt 
for labor was felt much earlier. In 
the curious "Dialogue of Mercury and 
Charon," attributed to Juan Valdes, 
and printed about 1530, the good Friar 
says, that he entered a religious house 
'■^■poT loocUr honestmnente trabajar," and 
gives the reason why he was obliged to 
do it, "porque," he says, " ni mi linaje, 
ni mi estado me consentira trabajar, si 
no mudaba el habito." (Ed. Wiff'en, 
p. 306. ) That is, being well born, he 
could do nothing creditably for his 
living, unless he entered the Church 
or the army. This was in the reign of 
Charles V. But it was long before 
opinion on this subject was changed 



in Spain, if indeed it be effectually 
changed now. As late as the 18th of 
March, 1783, Charles III. found it 
necessary to issue a stringent decree 
declaring mechanical employments to 
be "honestos y honrados," and that 
they shall not prevent persons engaged 
in them from obtaining municipal offi- 
ces (Ferrer del Rio Hist, de Carlos III., 
1856, Tom. IV. p. 70). Little good, 
however, was done by it at the time. 

In 1552, the Cortes spoke plainly to 
the Emperor about the enormous in- 
crease of church property, making their 
fifty-fifth "Peticion"in the following 
words : " Ytem, por experiencia se vee 
que las haciendas estan todas en poder 
de Yglesias, Colegios, Hospitales, et 
Monasteries de que viene notable dano 
a vuestras rentas reales et a vuestros 
subditos et naturales ; et sino se reme- 
dia todas las haziendas vernan a poder 
dellos. Suplicamos a vuestra Magestad 
sea servido de mandar que de aqui 
adelante, ninguna ygiesia, ni monas- 
terio compre bienes rayzes," ec. Leyes, 
etc., Valladolid, folio, 1558, f. xiii. 

In the time of Philip II. such com- 
plaints were little likely to be heard ; 
but as soon as he was dead, even in one 
of the funeral discourses in honor of 
his memory, it is distinctly alluded to. 
(Sermones Funerales del Rey D. Felipe 
II., Madrid, 1601, f. 179; — the dis- 
course in question being by Fray Agus- 



270 



PHILIP THE THIRD. 



[Period II. 



His successor, feeble-minded and superstitious, was 
neither able to repair the results of such mischiefs, nor 
to contend with the difficulties thej entailed upon his 
country. The power of the clergy, grown enormous 
by the favor of Philip the Second and the consolidated 
influence of the Jesuits, continued to gain strength, as 
it were of itself; and, under the direct persuasions of 
this mighty hierarchy, nearly six hundred thousand 
descendants of Moors — who, though preserv- 
*231 ing, ^ as their fathers had done for a century, 
the external appearances of Christianity, were 
yet suspected of being Mohammedans at heart — -were 
now, by a great crime of state, expelled from the land 
of their birth ; a crime followed by injuries to the agri- 
culture and wealth of the South of Spain, and indeed 
of the whole country, from which they have never re- 
covered.^ 



tin Salucio.) In the time of Pliilip 
in. (1620) Geronimo de Cevallos x^ub- 
lished his " Discurso de las Kazones," 
to show how wide-spread a ruin must 
follow the great increase of ecclesiastical 
institutions, and in the same year Doc- 
tor Gutierre, Marques de Carreaga, an- 
swered him, in a " Respnesta al Discur- 
so," ec, in which he denies the injuries 
imputed to the ecclesiastical corpora- 
tions, and maintains that the kingdom 
would soon come to ruin without their 
prayers, fastings, and alms. But neither 
of these writers was equal to the grave 
subject he undertook to treat ; and be- 
sides, the mischief — still felt to be 
beyond the reach of legislation — had 
been done in the time of Philip II. and 
earlier. An extraordinary expedient 
was adopted, in 1623, by Philip III., 
to remedy it and to encourage popula- 
tion. By a solemn premotica, he grant- 
ed the privileges of nobility for four 
years to all who would marry, and for 
life to all who had six male children. 

2 There is a great discrepancy in the 
accounts of the number of Moriscos ex- 
pelled from Spain, 1609-11, — several 
making it a million, and one reducing 
it so low as a hundred and sixty thou- 



sand. But, whatever may have been 
the number expelled, all accounts agree 
as to the disastrous effects produced on 
a population already decaying by the 
loss of so many persons, who hacl long 
been the most skilful manufacturers 
and agriculturists in the kingdom ; ef- 
fects to which many of the despoblados 
noted on our recent maps of Spain still 
bear melancholy testimony. (Clemen- 
cin. Notes to Don Quixote, Parte II. 
c. 54.) In stating six hundred thou- 
sand to have been the number driven 
out, I have taken the reckoning of 
Circourt, (Tom. III. p. 103,) which 
seems made with care. 

These unhappy persons had among 
them a good deal of Castilian culture, 
whose traces still remain in manuscripts, 
which, like that of the old poem of 
Joseph, already described, (Period I. 
chap. 5,) are composed in Spanish, but 
are written throughout in the Arabic 
character. Of parts of two such manu- 
scripts I possess copies, through the 
kindness of Don Pascual de Gayangos. 
The first is a poem Avritten in 1603, and 
entitled "Discourse on the Light, and 
Descent, and Lineage of our Chief and 
Blessed Prophet, Mohammed Calain, 



Chap. XL.] 



PHILIP THE FOUKTH. 



271 



^ The easy, gay selfishness of Philip the 
Fourth, and the open profligacy of his min- 



^ 



232 



composed and compiled by his Servant, 
Avho most needs his Pardon, Moham- 
med Rabadan, a Native of Rueda, on 
the River Xalon." It is divided into 
eight Histories, of which I possess the 
fourth, entitled "History of Hexim," 
who was one of the ancestors of the 
Prophet. It contains above'two thou- 
sand lines in the short Castilian ballad 
measure, and is remarkably Arabic and 
Mohammedan in its general tone, though 
with occasional allusions to the Greek 
mythology. It is, too, not without 
poetical merit, as in the following lines, 
which open the second canto, and de- 
scribe the auspicious morning of Hex- 
im's marriage : — 

Al tiempo que el alba bella 
Easena su rostro alegre, 
Y, rompiendo las tiaieblas, 
Su clara luz resplaudece, 
Dando las nuevas que el dia 
En su seguimiento viene, 

Y el roxo Apolo tras ella, 
Dexando los campos verdes ; 
Quando las aves nocturnas 
Se recogen en su albergue, 

Y las que la luz gobiernan 
El delgado viento hienden ; 
Quando los hombres despiertan 

Y el pesado sueno vencen, 
Para dar a su Hacedor 

El debito que le deben ; — 
En este tiempo la compaiiia 
Del hijo de Abdulmunef 
Se levantan y aperciben 
Al casamiento solemne. 

In the preface to the whole poem, the 
author sa5''s Allah alone knows how 
much labor it has cost him to collect 
the materials necessary for his task, 
"scattered," he adds, "as they were, 
all over Spain, and lost and hidden 
through fear of the Inquisition." An 
account of this manuscript, of Avhich 
copies exist in the National Library at 
Paris and in the British Museum, may 
be found in the ' ' Catalogo Razonado 
de Manuscritos Espanoles," ec, por E. 
de Ochoa, 4to, Paris, 1844 ; a curious 
and valuable work, and one of many 
services Sefior Ochoa has rendered to 
the literature of his country. This 
account (pp. 57, sqq.) contains an in- 
teresting letter from Don P. de Gayan- 
gos, on similar Hispano -Arabic MSS. 
that are found elsewhere, and adds, re- 
specting this one, that it was brought 
to England in 1715, by Joseph Morgan, 
British. Consul in Tunis, who after- 



wards made a free and imperfect trans- 
lation of a part of it, which was pub- 
lished in London, in 1723-25, with 
the title of " Mahometanism full}^ ex- 
plained " ; — a very curious book. 

The other work to which I refer is 
chiefly in prose, and is anonymous. 
Its author says he was driven from 
Spain in 1610, and was landed at Tunis 
with above three thousand of his un- 
happy countrjnnen, who, through the 
long abode of their race in a Christian 
land and under the fierce persecutions 
of the Inquisition, had not only so lost 
a knowledge of the rites and ceremonies 
of their religion, that it was necessary 
to indoctrinate them like children, but 
had so lost all proper knowledge of the 
Arabic, that it was necessary to do it 
through the Castilian. The Bashaw of 
Tunis, therefore, sent for the author, 
and commanded him to write a book in 
Castilian, for the instruction of these 
singular ileophytes. He did so, and 
produced the present work, which he 
called "Mumin," or the Believer in 
Allah ; a word which he uses to signify- 
a city populous and fortified, which is 
attacked by the Vices and defended by 
the Virtues of the Mohammedan re- 
ligion, and in which one of the person- 
ages relates a history of his own life, 
adventures, and suff'erings ; all so given 
as to instruct, sometimes by direct pre- 
cept and sometimes by example, the 
newly arrived Moriscos in their duties 
and faith. It is, of course, partly alle- 
gorical and romantic. Its air is often 
Arabic, and so is its style occasionally ; 
but some of its scenes are between lovers 
at gi'ated windows, as if in a Castilian 
city, and it is interspersed with Cas- 
tilian poems by Montemayor, Gongora, 
and the Argensolas, with, perhaps, some 
by the author himself, who seems to 
have been a man of cultivation and of 
a gentle spirit. Of this manuscript I 
have eighty pages, — about a fifth, of 
the whole. 

Further notices on the Morisco-Span- 
ish literature may be found in an ac- 
count by the Orientalist, Silvestre de 
Sacy, of two manuscripts in France, 
like those just described (Ochoa, Man- 
uscritos Espanoles, 1844, pp. 6-21) ; 
but a more ample and satisfactory dis- 
cussion of it occurs in a learned article 



272 PPIILIP THE FOURTH. [Peuiod II. 

isters, gave increased activity to the causes that were 
hastening on the threatened ruin. Catalonia broke 
out into rebeUion ; Jamaica was seized by the English ; 
Roussillon was ceded to France ; Portugal, which had 

never been heartily incorporated into the mon- 
* 233 archy, resumed her ancient place ^ among the 

independent nations of the earth ; — every- 
thing, in short, showed how the external relations of 
the state were disturbed and endangered. Its internal 
condition, meanwdiile, was no less shaken. The coin, 
notwithstanding the wise warnings of Mariana, had 
been adulterated anew ; tlie taxes had been shame- 
lessly increased, while the interest on the ever-growing 
public debt was dishonestly diminished. Men^ every- 
where, began to be alarmed at the signs of the times. 
The timid took shelter in celibacy and the institutions 
of the Church. The bolder emigrated. At last, the 
universal pressure began to be visible in the state of 
the population. Whole towms and villages were de-. 
serted. Seville, the ancient capital of the monarchy, 

in the British and Foreign Review, says he had himself prepared a me- 

Jannary, 1S39. morial to the same effect, for driving 

It should he remembered that Morisco out the Gypsies ; and he adds, in a true 
was substituted for Moro, after the over- Castilian spirit, that " it is being over- 
throw of the Moorish power in Spain, nice to tolerate such a pernicious and 
as an expression of the contempt with perverse race." 

whi di the Christian Spaniards have Good remarks on the decay of Spain 

never ceased to pursue their old con- from the time of Philip III. may be 

querors and hated enemies, from the found in the "Discurso sobre la Edu- 

time of the fall of Granada to the pres- cacion Popular," by Campomanes, the 

ent day. wdse minister of Charles III. (Madrid, 

Encouraged by the expulsion of the 1775, Introd. and pp. 412, sqq.). The 

Jews, in 1492, and by that of the Moors, universities and schools, however, were 

in 1609-11, Don Sancho de Moncada, numerous and crowded at that period, 

a Professor in the University of Toledo, but were places of idle and worthless 

addressed Philip III., in a discourse learning. Fernandez de Navarrete says 

published in 1619, urging that monarch there Avere thirty universities and four 

to drive out the Gypsies. But he failed, thousand Estudios de Gramatica, or 

His discourse is in Hidalgo, "Romances schools where Lrtin was taught, temp. 

deGermania," (Madrid, 1779, 8vo,) and Philip HI. Bat he adds that they 

is translated by Borrow, in his remarka- sent out chiefly multitudes of vagabonds 

ble work on the Gypsies (London, 1841, to prey upon society. " Conservacion 

Svo, Vol. I. chap. xi.). Salazar de de Monarquias," 1626, folio, Discur- 

Mendoza, at the end of his "Digni- so xlvi. p. 299, — first published in 

dades de Castilla," published in 1618, 1621. 



Chap. XL.] CHARLES THE SECO::^D. 273 

lost three quarters of its inhabitants ; Toledo, one 
third ; Segovia, Medina del Ca.mpo, and others of the 
large cities, fell off still more, not only in their num- 
bers and opulence, but in whatever goes to make up 
the great aggregate of civilization. The whole land, 
in fact, was impoverished, and was falling into a pre- 
mature decay?^ 

The necessary results of such a deplorable state of 
things are yet more apparent in the next reign, — the 
unhappy reign of Charles the Second, — which began 
with the troTibles incident to a long minority, and 
ended with a failure in the regular line of succession, 
and a contest for the throne. It was a dreary period, 
with marks of dilapidation and ruin on all sides. Be- 
ginning at the southern borders of France, and fol- 
lowing the coast by Barcelona and Gibraltar round to 
Cadiz, not one of the great fortresses, which were the 
keys of the kingdom, was in a state to defend itself 
against the most moderate force by which it might 
be assailed. On the Atlantic, the okl arsenals, from 
which the Armada had gone forth, were empty ; and 
the art of ship-building had been so long neglected, 
that it was almost, or quite lost.^ And, in the capital 
and at court, the revenues of the country, which had 
long been exhausted and anticipated, were at last 
unable to provide for the common wants of 
"^ the government, and sometimes even failed *234 
to furnish forth the royal table with its accus- 

H There is an amnsingiy a"b.surd book cIo-\^ti. The best thing in the book is, 

on Philip IV. by Juan Antonio de I suppose, an engraving after Velazquez 

Eobles, who was attached to the court of the head of the Count Duke Oli- 

of Catherine of Austria. It is entitled varez. 

"Ilustracion del Renombre de Grande," ^ Comentario de la Guerra de Espa- 

(Madrid, 1638,) and is intended to show na, por el Marques de San Phelipe, Ge- 

that Philip IV. is as well worthy of nova, s. a., 4to, Tom. I. Lib. II., aiio 

that distinction as anybody to whom it 1701. Buckle, (Civilization, 1862,) Vol. 

has been applied, from Leo the Great II. 40, 41, 72-77. 

■ VOL. III. 18 



274 DECAY OF THE KATIONAL CHARACTER. [Period H. 

tomed propriety ; so that the envoy of Austria ex- 
pressed his regret at having accepted the place of 
ambassador at a court where he was compelled to 
witness a misery so discreditable."^ 

It was a new lesson to the world in the vicissitudes 
of empire. No country in Christendom had^ from such 
a height of power as that which Spain occupied in the 
time of Charles the Fifth^ fallen into such an abyss of 
degradation as that in which every proud S|)aniard felt 
Spain to be sunk, when the last of the great House of 
Austria ajoproached the grave, believing himself to be 
under the influence of sorcery, and seeking relief by 
exorcisms which would have disgraced the credulity of 
the Middle Ages ; — all, too, at the time when France 
was jubilant with the victories of Conde, and England 
preparing for the age of Marlborough.^ 

In any country, such a decay in the national char- 

* Tapia, Hist, de la Civilizacion Es- sides this, his reign is declared to have 

paiiola, Madrid, 1840, 12mo, Tom. TIL been eminently haj)py for his country! 

p. 167. The same fact is mentioned by ^ The details — disgusting enough — 

Stanhope, the English Ambassador at are given by L. F. Moratin, in the 

Madrid, in the curious and interesting notes to his edition of the "Auto de 

correspondence published by Lord Ma- Fe de Logrono, del Ano 1610," a work 

hon, entitled " Spain under Charles originally published for general edifica- 

II." (2d edit., London, 1844, 8vo). In tion, by one of the persons concerned 

a letter to the Under-Secretary of State, in the cmto itself, and certified to be 

dated May 26, 1698, (p. 131,) General true by others ; but reprinted (Cadiz, 

Stanhope says, " The Conde de Andero, 1812, 12mo) by Moratin, the comic 

who is Supraintendiente de las Rentas, poet, to show the ignorance and brn- 

declares he is not able to find money for tality of all who had a hand in it. 

his Majesty's suhf<istcnce." There is a play on the subject by Gil y 

The poor compliments to this miser- Zarate, 1837 ; but it does not respect 
able King by Soli's and Calderon have the truth of history, 
already been noticed, ante, Period II. Stanhope, in the correspondence re- 
Chap. XXIV. note 31. But all there ferred to in the last note, says (p. 181) 
said is as nothing when compared with that the bewitchment of the king was 
the contemptible flattery offered to his generally believed in Madrid. Sismon- 
memory after his wretched death, by di (Hist, des Fran^ais, Tom. XXV., 
the Academy of the " Desconfiados " at 1841, p. 85, Tom. XXVI. pp. 207, 208) 
Barcelona. See the "Nenias lleales," gives a revolting account of the royal 
(Barcelona, 1701, 4to, ) where he is imbecility. 

called "El mayor Monarca del Orbe," Excellent, but very sad remarks, by 

— " Un Monarca en fpiien la Natu- Count Cabarrus, the wise minister of 

raleza, el Cielo, y su Virtud heroica Charles III., on the degradation of the 

avian recopilado quanto se celebi'a de Spanish monarchy at this period, may 

grande en todos los que el Orbe celebra," be found in the sixth note to his " Elo- 

aud much more of the same sort. Be- gio del Conde de Gausa," 1786, 4to. 



Chap. XL.] BIGOTRY OF THE PEOPLE. 275 

acter and power would be accompanied by a corre- 
sponding, if not an equal, decay in its literature ; but 
in Spain, where both had always been so intimately 
connected, and where both had rested, in such a re- 
markable degree, on the same foundations, the wise 
who looked on from a distance could not fail to antici- 
pate a rapid and disastrous decline of all that was 
intellectual and elegant. And so, in fact, it proved. 
The old religion of the country, — the most prominent 
of all the national characteristics, — the mighty 
impulse which, in "^the days of the Moors, had *235 
done everything but work miracles, — was now 
so perverted from its true character by the enormous 
growth of the intolerance which sprang up originally 
almost as a virtue, that it had become a means of 
oppression such as Europe had never before witnessed. 
Through the whole period of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries which we have just gone over, — from 
the fall of Granada to the extinction of the Austrian 
dynasty, — the Inquisition, as the grand exponent of 
the power of religion in Spain, had not only maintained 
an uninterrupted authority, but, by constantly increas- 
ing its relations to the state, and lending itself more 
and more freely to the punishment of whatever was 
obnoxious to the government, had effectually broken 
down all that remained, from earlier days, of intellec- 
tual independence and manly freedom. But this was 
not done, and could not be done, without the assent 
of the great body of the people, or without such an 
active co-operation on the part of the government and 
the higher classes as brought degradation and ruin to 
all who shared in its spirit. 

Unhappily, this spirit, mistaken for the religion that 
had sustained them through their long-protracted con- 



276 BIGOTKY OF THE PEOPLE.. [Period 11. 

test with their infidel invaders^ was all but universal in 
Spain during this w^hole period. The first and the last 
of the House of Austria, — Charles the Fifth and the 
feeblest of his descendants, — if alike in nothing else, 
were alike in the zeal with which they sustained the 
Holy Office while they lived, and with which, by their 
testaments, they commended it to the support and 
veneration of their respective successors.^ Nor did 
the intervening; kinoes show less deference to its au- 
thority. The first royal act of Philip the Second, when 
he came from the Low Countries to assume the crown 
of Spain, was to celebrate an auto de ft at Yalladolid.^ 
When the young and gay daughter of Henry the Sec- 
ond of France arrived at Toledo, in 1560, that 
* 236 city offered an auto de fe ^ as part of the re- 
joicings deemed appropriate to her wedding; 
and the same thing was done by Madrid, in 1632, for 
another French princess, when she gave birth to an 
heir to the crown ; ^ — odious proofs of the degree to 
which bigotry had stifled both the dictates of an en- 
lightened reason and the common feelings of humanity. 
But in all this the people and their leaders rejoiced. 
When a nobleman, about to die for adherence to the 
Protestant faith, passed the balcony where Philip the 
Second sat in state to witness the horrors of the exe- 
cution, and appealed to that monarch not to see his 
innocent subjects thus cruelly put to death, the king 
replied, that, if it were his own son, he would gladly 
carry the fagots for his execution ; and the answer was 
received at the time, and recorded afterwards, as one 

^ Tapia, Hist, de la Civilizacion, Tom. rente is a misprint for 1623, because 

Til. p. 77 and p. 168. Sandoval, Hist., Isabel de Bourbon had no child born 

Tom. II. p. 657. in 1632, while the Infanta Dona Marga- 

7 Llorente, Hist., Tom. II., 1817, rita Maria Catalina was born 25th No- 
p. 239. vember, 1623. (Florez, Eeynas Catoli- 

8 Llorente, Hist., Tom. IT. p. 385, cas, 1770, Tom. IT. p. 940.) The date 
Tom. IV. p. 3. I think 1632 in Llo- in the text, in that case, should be 1623. 



Chap. XL.] 



BIGOTRY OF THE PEOPLE. 



277 



worthy of the head of the mightiest empire in the 
worlcl.^ And again, in 1680, when Charles the Second 
was induced to signify his desire to enjoy, with his 
young bride, the spectacle of an auto de fe, the arti- 
sans of Madrid volunteered m a body to erect the 
needful amphitheatre, and labored with such enthu- 
siasm, that they completed the vast structure in an 
incredibly short space of time ; cheering one 
another at * their work with devout exhorta- *237 
tions, and declaring that, if the materials fur- 
nished them should fail, they w^ould pull down their 
own houses in order to obtain what might be wanting 
to complete the holy task.^^ 



9 Tapia, Hist., Tom. HI. p. 88. Por- 
reiio (Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe IL, 
written 1626, Chap. XIV.) and Cabre- 
ra (Phelipe H., Lib. V. cap. iii., writ- 
ten eariier, and published in 1619) give 
the words of the Icing to Don Carios de 
Sese, the unhappy gentleman in ques- 
tion, as he was passing to his awful 
fate : " Yo traere la lena para quemar 
a mi hijo, si fuere tan malo corao vos." 
Agustin Davila, w^ho, on the 8th of No- 
vember, 1598, pronounced a funeral 
sermon on Philip II. in Valladolid, — 
the very city where Carlos de Sese had 
been burnt alive, — speaks with enthu- 
siasm of these infamous words as a 
" famosa sentencia." (Sermones Fu- 
nerales en las Honras de Felipe II. , 
Madrid, 1601, 4to, f. 78.) Perhaps, 
however, it is yet more remarkable that 
the ga}^ and Epicurean Philip IV. ex- 
pressed similar feelings, and that, in a 
similar wa}^, they were reckoned among 
his posthumous honors. Bnt such is 
the fact. On being asked, as a matter 
of form, for permission to thrust one of 
his Ministers of State into the Inquisi- 
tion, he gave it, and added, as a volun- 
teer protestation, that, " if his own son 
were guilty, he would give him up with 
an equally good will." Balthazar Avas 
then alive, and a child he passionately 
loved. But this spirit Avas infused by 
the Inquisition wdierever its influences 
extended. (See P^dro Rodriguez de 
Moniorte, Honras, ec. de Felipe IV., 
Madrid, 1666, 4to, p. 10.) It maybe 
well here to note, that Mexico claimed 



it as one of the honors of Philip H. 
that he introduced the Inquisition there 
in 1574, and that in 1596 eight persons, 
five of whom were women, were burnt 
alive as Jews. Exequias de Philippo 
IL, Mexico, 1600, 4to, ff. 133, sqq. 

1*^ One of the most remarkable books 
that can be consulted, to illustrate the 
character and feelings of all classes of 
society in Spain at the end of the sev- 
enteenth centurv, is the "Eelacion," 
etc. of this "Auto General" of 1680, 
published immediately afterwards at 
Madrid, by Joseph del Olmo, one of 
the persons who had been most busy in 
its arrangements. It is a small quarto 
of 308 pages, and gives, as if describing 
a magnificent theatrical pageant, the 
details of the scene, which began at 
seven o'clock in the morning of June 
30th, and was not over till nine o'clock 
of the following morning, the king and 
queen sitting in their box or balcony, to 
witness it, fourteen hours of that time. 
Eighty-five grandees entered themselves 
as especial fainiliarcs, or servants, of 
the Holy Office, to do honor to the oc- 
casion ; and the king sent from his own 
hand the first fagot to the accursed 
pile. The whole number of victims 
exhibited was one hundred and twenty, 
of whom twenty-one were burnt alive ; 
but it does not appear that the royal 
party actually witnessed this portion of 
the atrocities. From the whole ac- 
count, however, there can be no doubt 
that devout Spaniards generally re- 
garded the exhibition with favor, and 



278 



FALSE LOYALTY OF THE PEOPLE. 



[Period IL 



Nor had the principle of loyalty, always so promi- 
nent in the Spanish character, become less perverted 
and mischievous than the religious principle. It of- 
fered its sincere homage alike to the cold severity of 
Philip the Second, to the weak bigotry of Philip the 
Third, to the luxurious selfishness of Philip the Fourth, 
and to the miserable imbecility of Charles the Second. 
The waste and profligacy of such royal favorites as the 
Duke of Lerma^^ and the Count Duke Olivares, which 
ended in national bankruptcy and disgrace, failed seri- 
ously to affect the sentiments of the people towards 
the person of the monarch, or to change their persua- 
sions that their earthly sovereign was to be addressed 
in words and with feelings similar to those with 
which they approached the Majesty of Heaven.^^ The 



most of them with a much stronger 
feeling. Madame d'Aulnoy (Voyage, 
Tom. in. p. 154) had a description of 
the ceremonies intended for this auto 
de fe given to her, as if it were to be an 
honor to the monarchy, by o]ie of the 
Counsellors of the Inquisition ; but I 
think she left Madrid before it oc- 
curred. 

It is a strange and striking fact, that 
Madame de Villars, wife of the French 
Ambassador, notwithstanding her posi- 
tion, was unable to avoid witnessing 
some of the ceremonies and horrors of 
this auto. She says, in a letter to Ma- 
dame de Coulanges, dated July 25, 1680: 
"Je n'ai pas eu le courage cl'assister a 
cette horrible execution des Juifs. Ce 
fut un aff'reux spectacle, selon ce que 
j'ai entendu dire ; mais pour la semaine 
du jugement, 11 fallut Men y etre, a 
moins de bonnes attestations des mede- 
cins d'etre a I'extremite, car autrement 
on eut passe pour heretique. On trouva 
meme fort mauvais, que je ne parusse 
pas me divertir tout a fait de ce qui s'y 
passoit. Mais ce qu'on a vu exercer 
de cruautes a la mort de ces miserables 
c'est ce qu'on ne pent vous ecrire." 
Lettres, ed. Francfort, 1760, pp. 127/ 
128. 

11 In a series of articles in the " Re- 
vista Literaria del Espanol," 1845, the 
profligacy of this minion of an irrespon- 



sible despotism is set forth by Don L. 
L. Corradi. His income annually from 
the royal favor — excluding occasional 
gratuities — was four hundred and eigh- 
ty-eight thousand ducats at one period 
of his authority. 

1"^ See the first of Doblado's remarka- 
ble Lettei's, where he says, "You hear 
from the pulpit the duties that men 
owe to ' both their Majesties ' ; and a 
foreigner is often surprised at the hopes 
expressed by Spaniards, that 'his Majes- 
ty' will be pleased to grant them life 
and health for some years more." The 
Diet, of the Academy, 1736, verb. Ma- 
gestad, illustrates this still further. 
But a more striking instance of this 
popular use of the word than any there 
cited, occurs in a tract entitled "Epi- 
tome Historial, ec. de los on/e Mar- 
tyres Franciscanos de Gorcomio, que 
escrivio Fray Alonso Lopez Magdalena," 
(Madrid, 1676,) in which, speaking of 
a tumult in the city of Gorcum in Hol- 
land, it is said to have begun, " Empu- 
iiando los hereges las armas contra todos 
los fieles vasallos de ambas Majestades " 
(p. 18) ; — meaning God and Philip II. 

Magestad Avas also applied to the Pyx, 
as containing the sacramental Avafers. 
In a tract on a showy festival in the 
parish of Sta. Crux, in Madrid, in May, 
1628, on occasion of the transfer of the 
Sacrament to a new chapel, we have 



Chap. XL.] FAILURE OF THE NATIONAL CHARACTER. 279 

king — merely "^because he was the kmg — * 238 
was looked upon substantially as he had been 
in the days of Saint Ferdinand and the " Partidas," 
when he was accounted the direct vicegerent of 
Heaven^ and the personal proprietor of all those por- 
tions of the globe which he had inherited with his 
crown.^^ The Due de Yendome, therefore, showed his 
thorough knowledge of the Spanish character, when, 
in the War of the Succession, — Madrid being in 
possession of the enemy, and everything seeming to 
be lost, — he still declared, that, if the persons of the 
king, the queen, and the prince were but safe, he 
would himself answer for final success.^* In fact, the 
old principle of loyalty, sunk into a submission — vol- 
untary, it is true, and not without grace, but still an 
unhesitating submission — to the mere authority of 
the king, seemed to have become the only efficient 
bond of connection between the crown and its sub- 
jects, and the main resource of the state for the pres- 
ervation of social order. The nation ceased to claim 
its most important rights, if they came in conflict with 
the rights claimed by the royal prerogative ; so that 
the resistance of Aragon in the case of Perez, and that 
of Catalonia against the oppressive administration of 
the Count Duke Olivares, were easily put down by the 
zeal of the very descendants of the Comuneros of Cas- 
tile. 

such strange phrases as the following : tratados" of Cipriano Valera, 1588, re- 
"Todos nueve dias estuvo su Magestad printed s. 1. 1851, pp. 491-494. 
patente" ; — " Un Bufete donde estuvo I cite these passages, not merely to 
su Magestad," ec. ; — ^ " Breve Com pen- explain the extraordinary use of the 
dio del Aparato y Fiesta," ec. Madrid, word Magestad, but to illustrate a sen- 
4to, 1628. timent constantly reappearing in Span- 
Accounts kindred with these, and ish literature, and involving a confusion 
both revolting and ridiculous, concern- in the ideas of religious faith and per- 
ing the treatment of a consecivited wafer sonal loyalty which was mischievous to 
vomited by a priest in one case, and, the national character. 
in another, stolen and devoured by a i^ Partida Segunda, Tit. XI IT. 
magpie, may be found in the "Dos ^* Tapia, Hist., Tom. IV. p. 19. 



280 PAILUKE OF THE NATIONAL LITEKATUEE. [Period II. 

It is this degradation of the loyalty and religion of 
the country, infecting as it did every part of the na- 
tional character, which we have felt to be undermining 
the general culture of Spain during the seventeenth 

century ; its workings being sometimes visible 
^ 239 ^" on the surface, and sometimes hidden by the 

vast and showy apparatus of despotism and su- 
perstition under which it was often concealed even 
from its victims. But it is a most melancholy fact in 
the case, that whatever of Spanish literature survived 
at the end of this period found its nourishment in such 
feelings of religion and loyalty as still sustained the 
forms of the monarchy, — an imperfect and unhealthy 
life, wasting away in an atmosphere of death. At last, 
as we approach the conclusion of the century, the In- 
quisition and the despotism seem to be everywhere 
present, and to have cast their blight over everything. 
All the writers of the time yield to their influences, but 
none in a manner more painful to witness, than Calde- 
ron and Soils ; the two whose names close up the pe- 
riod, and leave so little to hope for the future. For 
the " Autos " of Calderon and the " History " of Solis 
were undoubtedly regarded, both by their authors and 
by the public, as works eminently religious in their 
nature ; and the respect, and even reverence, with which 
each of these great men treated the wretched and 
imbecile Charles the Second, were as undoubtedly ac- 
counted to them by their contemporaries for religious 
loyalty and patriotism. At the present day, we can- 
not doubt that a literature which rests in any consider- 
able degree on such foundations must be near to its 
fall 



15 



1^ See the end of "El Segundo Sci- de Austria," by Calderon ; and the 
pion," andthat of "El Segundo Blason Dedication of his History to Charles 



Chap. XL.] FAILURE OF THE NATIONAL LITERATUIiE. 281 



U. , by Soli's, in which, with a slight 
touch of tlie affectations of cultismo, 
which Soli's did not always avoid, he 
tells this " king of shreds and patches" : 
" I find, in the shadow of your Majesty, 
the splendor that is wanting in my own 
works." In the same spirit, Lupercio 



de Argensola made the canonization of 
San Diego a sort of jirophetical canoni- 
zation of Philip II., in a cancion of no 
mean merit as a poem, but one that 
shocks all religious feeling, by recall- 
ing the apotheosis of the Roman em- 
perors. 



HISTORY 



OF 



SPANISH LITERATUEE. 



THIRD PEEIOD. 



THE LITERATURE THAT EXISTED IN SPAIN BETWEEN THE ACCESSION OF 

THE BOURBON FAMILY AND THE INVASION OF BONAPARTE ; 

OR FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY TO THE EARLY PART OF 

THE NINETEENTH. 



HISTORY OF SPAOTSH LITERATURE. 

THIED PERIOD. 



^CHAPTEE I. *243 

WAR OF THE SUCCESSIOlSr. — BOURBON FAMILY. — PHILIP THE FIFTH. ACAD- 
EMY OF THE SPANISH LANGUAGE: ITS DICTIONARY, ORTHOGRAPHY, GRAM- 
MAR, AND OTHER WORKS ACADEMY OF BARCELONA. ACADEMY OF 

HISTORY. — STATE OF LETTERS. — POETRY: MORAES, BARNUEVO, REYNOSA, 
ZEVALLOS, LOBO, BENEGASI, PITILLAS. 

Charles the Seco:n^d was gathered to his fathers on 
the first day of November, in the year 1700. How 
low he left the intellectual culture of his country, and 
how completely the old national literature had died 
out in his reign, we have already seen. But, before 
there could be any serious thought of a revival from 
this disastrous state of things, a civil war was destined 
to sweep over the land, and still further exhaust its 
resources. Austria and France, it had been long under- 
stood, would make pretensions to the throne of Spain, 

so soon as it should be left vacant bv the extinction 

t/ 

of the reigning dynasty ; and the partisans of each of 
these great powers were numerous and confident of 
success, not only in Spain, but throughout Europe. 
At this moment, while standing on the verge of the 
grave, — and knowing that he stood there, — the 
last, unhappy descendant of the House of Austria^ 



286 WAE OF THE SUCCESSION. [Period III. 

with many misgivings and a heart-felt reluctance, 
finally announced his preference ; and, by a 
* 244 ^ secret political testament, declared the Duke 
of Anjou, second son of the Dauphin and grand- 
son of Louis the Fourteenth of France, to be sole heir 
to his throne and dominions. 

The decision was not unexpected, and was, perhaps, 
as wise as a wiser king would have made under similar 
circumstances. But it was not the more likely, on 
either account, to be acquiesced in. Austria declared 
war against the new dynasty, as soon as the will of 
the deceased monarch was divulged ; and England and 
Holland, outraged by the bad faith of Louis the Four- 
teenth, who, hardly two years before, had made an 
arrangement with them for a wholly different settle- 
ment of the Spanish question, soon joined her. The 
war, known as " the War of the Succession," became 
general in its character; Spain was invaded by the 
allied powers ; and the contest for its throne was kept 
up on the soil of that unfortunate country, partly by 
foreign troops, and partly by divisions among its own 
people, until 1713, when the treaty of Utrecht con- 
firmed the claims of the Bourbon dynasty, and gave 
peace to Europe, wearied with blood. 

So far as Spain was concerned, the results of this 
war were most important. On the one hand, she lost 
by it nearly half of her European dominions, and fell, 
if not in proportion to such a loss, yet very greatly, in 
the scale of nations. But, on the other hand, the vast 
resources of her American colonies still remained un- 
touched ; her people had been roused to new energy 
by their exertions in defence of their homes ; and 
their ancient loyalty had been, to an extraordinary 
degree, concentrated on a young and adventurous 



Chap. L] PHILIP THE FIFTH. 287 

jDrince^ who, tliougli himself a foreigner, stood before 
them as their defender against foreign invasion. It 
seemed, therefore, as if still there were life in Spain, 
and as if something remained of the old national char- 
acter, on which to bnild a new culture.^ 

^ That Philip the Fifth slionld desire to re- ^245 
store the intellectual dignity of a country that 
had so generously adopted him, was natural. But 
while the war lasted, it demanded all the care of 
his government ; and when it was over, and he turned 
himself to the task, it was plain that, in his personal 
relations and dispositions, he was but imperfectly fitted 
for it.^ Notwithstanding the sincerest efforts to assim- 
ilate himself to the people he governed, he was still a 
foreigner, little acquainted with their condition, and 
unable to sympathize with their peculiar nationality. 
He had been educated at the court of Louis the Four- 
teenth ; the most brilliant court in Europe, and that in 
which, more than in any other, letters were regarded 
as a part of the pageant of empire. His character 
was not strongly marked ; and he expressed no de- 
cided love for any definite form of intellectual cultiva- 
tion, though he had good taste enough to enjoy the 
elegance to which he had always been accustomed, 
and which had been an important part of his breed- 
ing. He was, in fact, a Frenchman ; and never could 

1 Lord Mahon's [Lord Stanhope's] ex- blar el Espaiiol aunque lo aprende con 
cellent "History of the AVar of the grande aplicacion." (Entrada del Key 
Succession in Spain" (London, 1832, nuestro Senor en Bayona, ec, y en 
8vo) leaves the same general impression Irun, primer pueblo de Espana, Ma- 
on the mind of the reader, as to the drid, 27 de Enero, 1701, 4to, pp. 7.) 
effect of that war on the Spanish char- It will he remembered that Charles, 
acter, that is left by the contemporary the first of the Austrian family, en- 
accounts of it. It is, no doubt, the tered Spain as ignorant of its language 
true one. as the first of the Bourbons did, and 

^ A contemporary semi-official ac- that each was a boy of about seventeen, 

count of his crossing the frontier to very fit to learn a new language, but 

enter his kingdom notices the fact that not fit to govern a great empire. At 

he could not speak Spanish, but was the date of the peace of Utrecht, how- 

diligently learning it. "No sabe ha- ever, Philip V. was thirty years old. 



288 SPANISH ACADEMY. [Period III. 

forget- — what his grandfather had unwisely told him 
always to remember — that he was such. When, there- 
fore, he desired to encourage elegant literature, it was 
natural that he should first recur to the means hy 
which he had seen it encouraged where, more than in 
any other country, it had been successfully fostered 
by royal patronage ; and if, in some respects, his posi- 
tion was little favorable to such a use of his power, 
in one, at least, it was eminently fortunate ; for the 
earlier literature of Spain had so nearly disappeared, 
that it could offer little resistance to any attempt that 
might be made to introduce new forms or to infuse a 
new character into the old. 

At this moment, the idea of patronizing and control- 
ling the literature of a country by academies, 
* 246 established ^ under the authority of its gov- 
ernment, and composed of the principal men 
of letters of the time, was generally favored ; — the 
French Academy, founded by Cardinal Eichelieu, and 
always the model of its class, being now at the height 
of its success and fame. To establish a Spanish Acad- 
emy, which should have similar objects and reach simi- 
lar results, was, therefore, naturally, the great literary 
project of the reign of Philip the Fifth.^ Probably 
the king himself had early entertained it. Certainly 
it was formally brought to his notice, in 1713, by the 
Marquis of Villena, a nobleman, who, amidst the cares 
of five successive viceroyalties, had found leisure to 
devote himself, not only to letters, but to some of the 

^ The Royal Library, now the ISTa- were given January 2, 1716, and it is 

tional Library, at Madrid, which was a characteristic circumstance that the 

strictly the earliest literary project of first of them requires the king's confcs- 

the reign of Philip V., was founded in sor to be, in all future time,, its respon- 

1711; but for several years it was an sible Director. (Fundacion y Estatutos 

institution of little importance. (El de la Libreria publica, Madrid, 1716, 

Bil)liotecario y el Trovador, Madrid, 4to.) It became, of course, an orthodox 

1841, folio, p. 3.) The Coast it iiciones library, and little else, for a long time. 



Chap I.] DICTIOXART OF THE ACADEMY. 289 

more severe branches of the physical and exact scien- 
ces. His first purpose seems to have been to form an 
academy whose empire should extend, on all sides, 
to the limits of human knowledge, and whose subdi- 
visions should be substantial!}^ made according to the 
system of Lord Bacon. This, however, was soon 
abandoned as too vast an undertaking ; and it was de- 
termined to begin by confining the duties of the new 
association principally to '■' the cultivation and estab- 
lishment of the purity of the Castilian language." An 
Academy for this object went into operation, by virtue 
of a royal decree dated the 3d of October, 1714.^ 

*As it was modelled almost exactly after * 247 
the form of the French Academy, so the first 
project of its members w\as that of making a Dic- 
tionary. The work was much needed. From the 
time of Fernando de Herrera the language had not 
received large additions, but it had received some that 
were of value. Mendoza and Coloma had introduced 
a few military terms, that have since passed into com- 
mon use ; and both of them, with Ercilla, Urrea, and 
many others, had been so familiar with the Italian, as 
to seize some of its wealth for their own. Cervantes, 

* "Historia de la Academia," in the second Director of the Academy, and 
Preface to the " Diccionario de la Len- died in 1751, aged thirty-eight. To 
gua Castellana, por la Real Acadernia both, the Academy offered distinguished 
Espaaola," Madrid, Tom. I., 1726, folio. funeral honors. See " Relacion de las 
Sempere y Guarinos, Biblioteca, 178-5, Exequias que la Real Academia Espa- 
Discarso Preliminar, and Tom. I. p. uola celebro por el Excmo. Senor Mer- 
55. Fundacion y Estatutos de la Real curio Antonio Lopez Pacheco, Marques 
Academia Espanola, Madiid, 1715, 4to. de Villena su Director," ec, Madrid, 
The first meeting was held July 6, 1738, 4to ; and " Elogio Historico, ec. 
1713, and eight persons were present. del Marques de Villena su Segundo 
The Marquis of Villena, its real founder Director, por D. Francisco Antonio de 
and first Director, better known in Angulo," Madrid, 1751 ; the first con- 
English history as the Duke of Escalo- sisting in part of a Eulogy bj' Bias de 
na, rendered military services to his Nasarre, the editor of the Comedias de 
country as well as ci\'il, but in the Cervantes ; and the last being by the 
War of the Succession he was taken Secretary of the Academy. 
X)nsoner, and exchanged for General See also Pelisson, Histoire de lAcade- 
iStanhope. He died in 1738, fifty-nine mie Frangaise, Amsterdam, 12niO;, 1717 
years old. His son succeeded him as p. 53. 
VOL. III. 19 



290 DICTIONARY OF THE ACADEMY. [Period III. 

however, had perhaps done more than anybody else. 
That he was insensible neither to the danger of a too 
free intermixture of foreign words, nor to the true 
principles that should govern their introduction when 
needed, he has shown in the conversations of Don 
Quixote with the printers at Barcelona, and with 
Sancho at the Duke's castle ; but still he felt the 
rights of genius within him, and exercised them in 
this respect as boldly as he did in most others. His 
new compounds, his Latinisms, his restoration of old 
and neglected phrases, and his occasional recourse to 
the Italian, have all been noted ; and, in nearly every 
instance, the words he adopted now enter into tl\e 
recognized vocabulary of the language. Other writers 
ventured in the same direction, with less success ; but 
still, from the glossaries added to the poems of Blasco, 
in 1584, and of Lopez Pinciano in 1605, there can be 
no doubt that many words, which were then thought 
to need explanation, have long since become familiar, 
and that the old Castilian stock, during the reigns of 
Philip the Second and Philip the Third, was receiving 
additions, which ought, in some way, to be recognized 
as an important part of its permanent resources.^ 
*248 ^But, on the other hand, during the seven- 
teenth century, the old language had been 
much abused. From the appearance of Gongora no 

^ Garces, Vigor y Elegancia de la ized, on whicli< in various notes else- 

Lengua Castellana, Madrid, 1791, 2 where, he seems to look with less favor 

torn. 8vo, Prologo to each volume, than Garces does. Quite as curious as 

Mendoza used reluctantly such words either are the words, which Blasco, 

as centinela, and Coloma introduced (ITniversai Redencion, 1584) and Lopez 

clique, etc. from his Dutch experience. Pinciano (El Pelayo, 1605) thought it 

Navarre te (Vida de Cervantes, pp. 163- necessary to put into vocabularies at 

169) and Garces (loc. cit.) show the the end of their respective poems, and 

value of what Cervantes did, and Cle- to define for their readers, among which 

mencin (ed. D. Quixote, Tom. V. pp. a.ve fatal, natal, fugaz, gruta, abando- 

99, 292, and 357) gives a list of the na7% adular, anhelo, a'plaitso, arrnjarse, 

Latin, Italian, and other words used assedio, etc., — -all noM^ familiar Cas- 

by Cervantes, but not always natural- tilian. 



Chap. I.] DICTIONARY OF THE ACADEMY. 291 

proper regard had been paid to the preservation of its 
purity or of its original characteristics, by many of the 
most popular authors that employed it. The Latini- 
^arla, as Quevedo called the affectation of his time, 
had brought in many Latin words and many strange 
phrases, wholly repugnant to the genius of the Span- 
ish. Such words and constructions, too, had enjoyed 
much favor; and Lope de Yega, Calderon, and the 
other leading spirits, who pronounced them to be 
affectations and refused directly to countenance them, 
yet occasionally yielded to the fashion of their time, in 
order to obtain the applause which was sure to follow.^ 
Both to receive tlie words that had been rightfully 
naturalized in the language, and to place a mark 
of disapprobation on those that were unworthy to 
be adopted, a Dictionary resting on authority was 
wanted. None such had been attempted in Spain. 
Lideed, during the whole of the preceding century, 
only one Spanish Dictionary of any kind had been 
produced that received, or deserved, the notice of 
the Academy. This was the work of Covarrubias, 
whose "Tesoro," first printed in 1611, is a curious 
book, full of learning, and, in the etymological part, 
valuable, but often conceited, and rarely showing 
philosophical acuteness in its definitions.'^ The 
* new Academy, therefore, could obtain but ^ 249 

^ It is impossible to open the works of Covarrubias, by Benito Eemigio ISToy- 

of Count Villamecliana, and the other dens, (Madrid, 1674, folio,) which is 

followers of Gongora, without linding better and ampler than the original 

proofs of their willingness to change work. Very little has been done since 

the language of Sjianish literature ; but for Spanish etymologies. The last work 

there is a small and very imperfect list on the subject of much pretension was 

of the words and phrases these inno- the " Diccionario de Etimologias," by 

vators favored, to be found in the Don Ramon Cabrera, who died in 1833, 

" Declamacion contra los Abuses de la at the age of seventy-nine, leaving liis 

Lengua Castellana," by Vargas y Ponce, work in a crude and unsatisfactory 

p. 150, which will at once illustrate state, in which condition it was pub- 

their general purpose. lished by his fiiend Don Juan I'edio 

' There is an edition of the " Tesoro" Ayegui, Madiid, 1837, 2 vols. 8va. 



292 DICTIONARY OF THE ACADEMYo [Period III. 

little help from the labors of their predecessors, 
and^ for such as was worth having, were obliged 
to go back to Lebrixa and his editors. But they 
were in earnest. They labored diligently, and be- 
tween 1726 and 1739 produced their grand work, in 
six folio volumes. On the whole, it did them honor. 
No doubt, it shows, in several parts, a want of mature 
consideration and good judgment. Many words were 
omitted that should have been inserted ; many were 
inserted which were afterward striken out ; and many 
were given on unsatisfactory authorities. But its defi- 
nitions are generally good; its etymologies — though 
this part of the work was little regarded by its authors 

— are respectable ; and its citations are ample and 
pertinent. In fact, all that had been done for the lan- 
guage, in the way of dictionaries, since its origin, was 
not equal to what was now done in this single work. 

But the Academicians were not slow to perceive, 
that a Dictionary so large could exercise little popular 
influence. They began, therefore, soon afterwards, to 
prepare an abridgment, in a single folio volume, for 
more general use, and published the first edition of it 
in 1780. The project was judicious, and its execu- 
tion skilful. It omitted the discussions, citations, and 
formal etymologies of the larger work ; but it estab- 
lished a better vocabulary, and improved many of the 
old definitions. It had, therefore, from its first appear- 
ance, a decided authority ; and, by the persevering la- 
bors of the Academy, has continued, in its successive 
editions, to be the proper standard of the language, 

— labors which, since the latter part of the eigh- 
teenth century, have been always heavy, and some- 
times disagreeable, from the constant tendency of 
even the better writers, like Melendez and his school, 



Chap. I.] ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE ACADEMY. 293 

to fall into Gallicisms, which the increasing intercourse 
with France had rendered fashionable in the society of 
their time.^ 

^Another difficulty, however, soon presented ^250 
itself to the Academy, quite as serious as trie 
size of their Dictionary. It was that of the orthogra- 
phy they had adopted. The spelling of the Castilian 
— partly, perhaps, from the very various elements of 
which it was composed, and partly from the popular 
character of its literature — had always been more un- 
settled than that of the other modern languages. Le- 
brixa, the great scholar of the time of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, first attempted to reduce it to order, and 
the simplicity of his system, which appeared in 1517, 
seemed at first likely to secure general favor and ac- 
ceptance.^ But thirty treatises, that at different times 
followed, had — w^ith the exception of the acute and 
pleasant one printed by Aleman when he was in 
Mexico, in 1609 — served rather to unsettle and con- 
fuse the whole matter, than to determine anything in 
relation to it.^*^ 

^ I have a pamphlet in 4to, 1713, peared, while the Acadeiny was busy 

entitled ' ' Planta y Metodo que deven with its work, a pamphlet, whose title 

observar los Academicos en la Compo- announces its absurdity, viz. : "Alfa- 

sicion del nuevo Diccionario " ; — and beto o nueba qoloqazion de las letras 

two smaller tracts without date, entitled qonozidas en nuestro idioma Qastella- 

*'Reglas para la Coreccion y Aumento no, ec, por Don Jose Ipolito Baliente, 

del Diccionario " ; — differing consider- Profesor de Artes en los Estudios de 

ably from each other, but all three con- la Ziudad de Plasenzia i de Leyes en la 

taiuing sensible rules fitted to successive Unibersidad de Salamanqa," 4to, 1731. 

vStages in the composition of the Diction- It was answered by a pamphlet, enti- 

ary, and all^three published by order of tied "Hypolito contra Ipolito, el Es- 

the Academy for the government of its paiiol vindicado, ec, por D. Gabriel de 

members while engaged in the task. Atarbe y Anguita," Madrid, 1732, 4to. 

^ It was reyjrinted by Mayans y Sis- This last tract maintains the vM jJossi- 

car, from a copy without a title-page, detis of the language, not very well, to 

which was the only one he could find be sure, but well enough to defeat an 

in Madrid or Salamanca, in 1735, with adversary so extravagant. The "Orto- 

prefaces and Refiecciones, which were grafia de la Lengua Castellana" (Mexi- 

little needed and explain little. It is co, 1609, 4to, ff. 83) is a pleasant and 

a very small, simple treatise, making important treatise, which, as the nov- 

hardly 50 pages, in 18mo. elist intimates, he began to write in 

^' Among the attempts to correct and Castile and finished in Mexico. It 

settle Spanish orthography, there ap- proposes to reverse the letter o in order 



294 



ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE ACADEMY. [Period III. 



'^ 251 "^ It is not surprising, therefore, that the first 
attempt of the Academy, made in the form of 
a short discourse, prefixed to its larger Dictionary, pro- 
duced little effect. A separate work, which appeared 
in 1742, did something more, but not much; and the 
successive editions of it which were called for by the 
public rather showed the uneasy state of opinion in 
relation to the points under discussion, than anything 
else. At last, in 1815, the Academy, in the eighth 
recension of its treatise on Orthograj)hy, and in 1817, 
in the fifth of its smaller Dictionary, began a series of 
important changes, which have been generally adopted 
by subsequent writers of authority, and appear to 
have nearly settled the spelling of the Castilian, 
though still it seems open to a few further modifica- 
tions, and even to invite them.^^ 



to express the soft ch, as in mucho, to 
be printed miioo ; uses two forms of the 
letter r; writes the conjunction y al- 
ways i, as Salva now insists it should 
be ; and claims j, U, and n to be sepa- 
l-ate letters, as they have long been ad- 
mitted to be. As to the use of i to ex- 
press the conjunction y, which may yet 
be adopted, it has frequently been in- 
sisted upon. It is done in the Obras 
Liricas of Virues, 1609, the printer, 
however, entering the following caveat : 
' ' La Ortografia que lleva este libro se 
puso a persuasion del Autor y no como 
en la imprenta se usa." And again it 
is done by Esteban de Villegas in his 
Eroticas, 1617 ; but again the printer 
protests that the book is printed "a 
costa del Autor i por el corregida la or- 
tografia." Aleman was contemporary 
with both, and may have had some- 
thing to do with their systems. 

In speaking of Aleman, I am re- 
minded of his " San Antonio de Padua," 
Avritten under a religious vow (Preface to 
Guzman de Alfarache^ Segunda Parte, 
1605) and printed at Seville in 12mo in 
1604 and twice afterwards. It belongs 
to the same class of books with the 
"San Patricio" of Montalvan, (see 
ante, Vol. II. pp. 313, 367, note,) but 
is more elaborate and more devout. 



The number of the Saint's miracles that 
it records is very great. Whether Ale- 
man invented any of them for the occa- 
sion, I do not know ; but they some- 
times read as much like novelas as some 
of his stories in the " Guzman " do, and 
are always written in the same idio- 
matic and unadulterated Cabtilian. It 
is introduced by a cancion in honor of 
it by Lope de Vega. It is an uncom- 
monly attractive book of its class ; — 
much better than Montalvan's, or an 
anonymous one, entitled ' ' Libro de la 
Historia y Milagros hechos a invoca- 
cion de nuestra Seiiora de Monserrat" 
(Barcelona, 1556, 12mo, ff. 269). This 
last, however, is a curious monument 
of Spanish faith, bringing down its suc- 
cession of 325 miracles to the very year 
of its publication, during which the 
last four are recorded to have been per- 
formed. 

11 The difficulties in Castilian orthog- 
raphy are set forth in the "Dialogo de 
las Lenguas" (Mayans y Siscar, Ori- 
genes, Tom. II. pp. 47-65); but the 
ino;enious author of that discussion is 
more severe than was necessary on Le- 
brixa. An anonymous writer of an ex- 
cellent essay on the same subject, in 
the first volume of the Repertorio Amer^ 
icano, (Tom. I. p. 27,) is a great deal 



Chap. I.] GRAMMAR OF THE ACADEMY. 295 

A Grammar, like a Dictionary, was provided for in 
the statutes of the Academy. But the original mem- 
bers of that body, few of whom were men of note and 
authority, showed a marked unwillingness to 
* approach the difficult discussions involved in "^ 252 
such a work, and did not undertake them at all 
till 1740. Even then, they went on slowly and with 
anxiety ; so that the result of their labors did not 
appear till 1771. For this delay they were not 
wholly in fault. They had little to guide them, ex- 
cept the rival Grammars of Gayoso and San Pedro, 
which were published while the Academy was prepar- 
ing its own, and the original attempt of Lebrixa, which 
had long been forgotten. But after so protracted a 
labor, the Academicians should have produced some- 
thing more worthy of their claims ; for what they 
gave to the world, at last, was an unphilosophical and 
unpractical work, which, though subjected to frequent 
revision since, is hardly an outline of what it ought to 
be, and quite inferior to the Grammar of Salva.^^ 

more judicious. Bat how unsettled changes, to suppress the letters h, q, v, 

rauch still remains in practice may be x, and y, giving a practical example of 

seen in the "Manual del Cajista, por his theory, in the spelling of his trea- 

Jo.se Maria Palacios," Madrid, 1845, tise. (Eeilexiones sobre la Ortografia 

18mo, where (pp. 134-154) is a "Pron- de la Lengua Casteliana, ec, Madrid, 

tuario de las Voces de dudosa Orto- 1806, 18mo, pp. 47.) An attempt so 

grafia," containing above 1800 words. absurd, of course, produced no effect, 

I do not know any country where, by ^^ Of Lebrixa's Grammar I have al- 

a general popular consent, all careful ready spoken, (Vol. II. j). 22,) and the 

spelling has been so much neglected as memory of it was now so much revived 

in Spain ; — - a fact obvious to anybody that a counterfeit edition of it was pub- 

who has noticed the signs of the shops lished, about 1775, in small folio, hard- 

and tradespeople in its different cities, ly, I should judge from its appearance, 

and one well ridiculed in a pamphlet with the intention of deceiving. But 

entitled " Bello Gusto Satirico de In- such things were not uncommon about 

scripciones," (Madrid, 1785, 18mo,) that time, as Mendez says, who thinks 

proposing, as one of IMoliere's Facheux the edition in question had been piinted 

does, to have an office of inspector of about twent}' years when he published 

shop signs, Avhich one of his annotators his work in 1796. (See Typog., p. 242. ) 

says at one time really existed in Paris. It is, however, already so rare, that I 

Madrid could not do better than to fol- obtained a copy of it with difficulty. 
low the example. That of Gayoso was first ])rinted at 

The orthography of the Academy was Madrid, in 1745, 12mo, and that of San 

attacked, in 1806, by an anonymous Pedro in Valencia, 1769, 12nio, wlii-h 

writer, who proposed, among other last Gayoso, disguising himself under 



296 OTHEK LABORS OF THE ACADEMY. [Period III. 

A History of the Castilian Language and an Art of 
Poetry, which were also expressly prescribed by the 
statutes, of the Academy, have never been prepared 
under their authority ; but, instead of these tasks, 
they have sometimes performed duties not originally 
imposed ujoon them. Thus they have published care- 
ful editions of different works of recognized authority, 
particularly a magnificent one of " Don Quixote," in 
1780 - 84. Since 1777, they have, from time to time, 
offered prizes for poetical compositions, though, as is 
usual in such cases, with less important results than 
had been hoped. And occasionally they have printed, 
with funds granted to them by the government, works 
deemed of sufficient merit to deserve such pat- 
* 253 ronage, and, among "^ others, the excellent trea- 
tise of Garces on " The Vigor and Beauty of the 
Spanish Language," which appeared under their aus- 
pices in 1791.^^ During the whole century, therefore, 
the Spanish Academy, occupied in these various ways, 
continued to be a useful institution, carefully abstain- 
ing from such claims to control the public taste as 
were at first made by its model in France, and, though 
not always very active and efficient, still never deserv- 
ing the reproach of neglecting the duties and tasks for 
which it was originally instituted. 

One good effect that followed from the foundation 
of the Spanish Academy was the establishment of 

a sort of anagram, attacked, in his ^^ Gregorio Garces, whose "Funda- 

" Conversaciones Criticas, por Don An- mento del Vigor y Elegancia de la Len- 

tonio Gobeyos," (Madrid, 1780, 12mo,) gua Castellana " was printed at Madrid, 

where he shows that San Pedro was not 1791, 2 torn. 8vo, was a Jesuit, and 

so original as he ought to have been, prepared this important work in exile 

but treats his Grammar with more at Ferrara, in which city he lived above 

harshness than it deserved. Salva's thirty years, and from which he re- 

" Gramatica de la Lengua Castellana turned home in 1798, under the decree 

como ahora se halla " was first printed of Charles IV. abrogating that of his 

in 1831, and the sixth edition a])peared father for the expulsion of the Order 

at Madrid in 1844, 12mo ; a sufficient from Spain, in 1767. 
proof of the want of such a book. 



Chap. L] OTHER ACADEMIES. 297 

other academies for kindred purposes. These acade- 
mies were entirely different from tlie social meetings, 
under the same name, that were imitated from the 
Italian Academias in the time of Charles the Fifth, — ■ 
one of the earliest of which was held in the house of 
Cortes/^ the conqueror of Mexico ; — though still the 
elder associations seem sometimes to have furnished 
materials out of which the institutions that succeeded 
them were constructed. At least, this was the case 
with the Academy of Barcelona, which has rendered 
good service to the cause of letters since 1751, after 
having long existed as an idle affectation, under the 
title of the " Academy of the Diffident." The only 
one, however, of any consequence to the general liter- 
ature of the country, was established during the reign 
of Philip the Fifth, — the Academy for Spanish His- 
tory, founded in 1738; the character and amount of 
whose labors, both published and unpublished, do its 
members much honor.^^ 

But such associations everywhere, though 
they may be * useful and even important in *254 
their proper relations, can neither create a new 
literature for a country, nor, where the old literature is 
seriously decayed, do much to revive it. The Spanish 
academies were no exceptions to this remark. All ele- 
gant culture had so nearly disappeared before the ac- 
cession of the Bourbons, and there was such an insen- 
sibility to its value in those classes of society where 

^^ See ante, Part II. c. 5, and note, fashion and been displaced by tlie mod- 

Vol. II. Y>- 11- ern Tertulias. where both sexes meet, 

1° For an account of these Academies, and which in their turn have been ridi- 

see Guarinos, " Biblioteca " ; and for a culed in the Saynetes of Ramon de la 

notice of the origin of the Royal Acad- Cruz and Castillo. Even much earlier, 

emy of History, see the first volume of Figueroa says (Placa Universal, 1615, 

its ^lemoirs. The old Academias, in f. 64\ that the Academias had given 

invitation of the Italian, — such as are occasion for such quarrelling arid scan- 

ri li:'"T'ed in the " Diablo Cojuelo," dal, that they had been discounte- 

Tiu.. xj IX., — had much gone out of nanced. 



298 POETRY IN PHILIP THE FIFTH'S TIME. [Peuiud HI. 

it should have been most cherished, that it was plain 
the resuscitation must be a work of time, and that the 
land must long lie fallow before another harvest could 
be gathered in. During the entire reign of Philip the 
Fifth, therefore, — a reign which, including the few 
months of his nominal abdication in favor of his son, 
extends to forty-six years, — we shall find undeniable 
traces of this unhappy state of things ; few authors 
appearing who deserve to be named at all, and still 
fewer who demand a careful notice. 

Poetry, indeed, or what passed under that name, 
continued to be written ; and some of it, though little 
encouraged by the general regard of the nation, was 
printed. Moraes, a Portuguese gentleman of rank, 
who had lived in Spain from his youth, wrote two 
heroic poems in Spanish ; the first on the discovery 
•of "The New World," which he published in 1701, 
and the other on the foundation of the kingdom of 
Portugal, which was printed in 1712 ; both appear- 
ing originally in an unfinished state, in consequence 
of the author's impatience for fame, and the earlier of 
of them still remaining so. But they have been long 
forgotten. Indeed, the first, which is full of extrava- 
gant allegories, soon found the fate( which its author 
felt it deserved ; and the other, though written with 
great deference for the rules of art, and more than 
once reprinted, has not at last enjoyed a better fortune. 

The most amusing w^ork of Moraes is a prose satire, 
printed in 1734, called "The Caves of Salamanca," 
where in certain grottos, which a popular tradition sup- 
posed to exist, sealed up by magic, within the banks 
of the T(Srmes, he finds Amadis of Gaul, Oriana, and 
Celestina, and discourses witli them and other 
^255 fanciful personages on ^ such subjects as his 



Chap. I.] POETRY IN PHILIP THE FIFTIl's TIME. 299 

humor happens to suggest. Parts of it are very 
wild; parts of it are both amusing and wise; espe- 
cially what is said about the Spanish language and 
academies, and about the " Telemachus " of Fene- 
lon, then at the height of its fame. The whole 
shows few of the affectations of style that still de- 
formed and degraded whatever there was of literature 
in the country, and which^ though ridiculed in " The 
Caves of Salamanca," are abundant in the other works 
of the same author.^^ 

A long heroic poem, in two parts, in honor of the 
conquest of Peru by the Pizarros, was printed in Lima 
in 1732. It is founded principally on the prose His- 
tory of the Inca Garcilasso, but is rarely so interesting 
as the gossip out of which it was constructed. The 
author, Pedro de Barnuevo, was an officer of the 
Spanish government in South America ; and he gives 
in the Preface a long list of his works, published and 
unpublished. He was, undoubtedly, a man of learn- 
ing, but not a poet. Like Moraes, he has arranged a 
mystical interpretation to his story ; some parts of 
which, such as those where America comes before God, 
and prays to be conquered that she may be converted, 
are really allegorical ; while, in general, the interpre- 
tation he gives is merely an after-thought, forced and 
unnaturah But his work is dull and in bad taste, and 

1^ There is an edition of the " ISTiievo "Las Cnevas de Salamanca" (s. I. 

Mundo," printed at Barcelona, 1701, 1734) is a small volume, divided into 

4to, containing many blanks, which seven books, written, perhaps, at Sala- 

the author announces his intention to manca itself, which Moraes loved, and 

fill up. Of the "Alfonso, 6 la Funda- M^here he retired in his old age. He 

cion del Reyno de Portugal," there are published one or two works in Spaniish, 

editions of 1712, 1716, 1731, and 1737. besides those already mentioned, and 

There is a notice of the author — Fran- one or two in Latin, but no others of 

Cisco Botelho Moraes e Vasconcellos — consequence. Gaj^angos notes a trifling 

in Barbosa, (Tom. II. p. 119,) and at poetical work of Moraes in Spanish as 

the end of the edition of the Alfonso, early as 1696. It is a panegyrical ac- 

Salamanca, 1731, 4to, is a defence of count of the great Sousa family in 

a few peculiarities in its orthograj^hy. eighty-eight stanzas. 



300 POETfiY 1^ PHILIP THE FIETE'S TIME. [Peuiod HI. 

the octave stanzas in which it is written are managed 
with less skill than usual.-^^ 

Several religious poems belong to the same 
^256 period. "^ One by Pedro de Keynosa^ printed 
in 1727, is on "Santa Casilda/' the converted 
daughter of a Moorish king of Toledo, who figures in 
the history of Spain during the eleventh century. 
Another, called " The Eloquence of Silence," by Mi- 
guel de Zevallos, in 1738, is devoted to the honor of 
Saint John of Nepomuck, who, in the fourteenth cen- 
tury, was thrown into the Moldau, by order of a king 
of Bohemia, because the holy man would not reveal to 
the jealous monarch what the queen had intrusted to 
him under the seal of the confessional. Both are in 
the octave stanzas common to such poems, and are full 
of the faults of their times. Two mock-heroic poems, 
that naturally followed such attempts, are not better 
than the serious poems which provoked them.^^ 

No account more favorable can be given of the lyric 
and miscellaneous poetry of the period, than of the 
narrative.^^ The best that appeared, or at least what 

1'^ " Lima Fundada, Poem Heroico de tist, by Antonio de Frias, 1717; — a 
Don Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo," Lima, poem on St. Jerome, by Father Fran- 
1732, 4to, about 700 pages ; but so ill cisco de Lara, 1726 ; — a metrical His- 
paged that it is not easy to determine. tory of the World, by Bernabe de Pala- 
is " Santa Casilda, Poema en Octavas fox. Marques de Lazan, 1734; — and 
Eeales, por el K. P. Fr. Pedro de Rey- San. Raphael, or a history of certain 
nosa," Madrid, 1727, 4to. It is in visions of a monk of Cordova in the 
seven cantos, and each canto has a sort sixteenth centurj^, by Father Buena- 
of codicil to it, affectedly called a Con- ventura Terrin, 1736, — all detestable 
trcqnmto. — " La Eloquencia del Silen- trash. Moreover, I have seen very 
cio, Poema Heroico, por Miguel de la ridiculous extracts from a poem by 
Reyna Zevallos," Madrid, 1738, 4to. — Father Butron on Santa Teresa, but I 
Of the mock-heroic poems mentioned in have never happened to fall in with the 
the text, one is "La Proserpina, Poema poem itself, which seems to be as bad 
Heroico, por de Pedro Silvestre," Ma- as any of its class. Gayangos says it 
drid, 1721, 4to, — twelve mortal can- was priuted in 1722. 
tos. The other is "La Burromaqnia," ^^ There was a good deal of popular 
which is better, but still not amusing, poetry during the War of the Succes- 
It is unfinished, and is found in the sion ; villancicos, dialogues, ballads, 
" Obras Postumas de Gabriel Alvarez etc., of which I possess a considerable 
de Toledo." The divisions are not collection. But they are of the most 
called "Cantos," but ^^ Brayings." — I ordinary character; — sometimes mis- 
have also a poem on St. John the Bap- erably vulgar. 



Chap. I.] POETRY IN PHILIP THE FIFTIl's TIME. 301 

was thought to be the best at the time^ is to be found 
in the poetical works of Eugenio Lobo, first printed in 
1738. He was a soldier, who wrote verses only for his 
amusement ; but his friends, who admired them much 
beyond their merit, printed portions of them, from 
time to time, until at last he himself thought it better 
to permit a religious congregation to publish the whole 
in a volume. They are very various in form, 
from fragments ^of two epics down to sonnets, ^257 
and^ equally various in tone, from that appro- 
priate to religious villancicos to that of the freest satire. 
But they are in very bad taste ; and, if anything like 
poetry appears in them, it is at rare intervals. Bene- 
gasi y Luxan, who, in 1743, published a volume of 
such light verses as were called for by the gay society 
in which he lived, wrote in a simpler style than Lobo, 
though, on the whole, he succeeded no better. But, 
except these two, and a few who imitated them, such 
as Alvarez de Toledo and Antonio Munoz, we have 
nothing from the reign of the first of the Bourbons 
that can claim notice in either of the forms of poetry 
we have thus far examined.^*^ 

More characteristic than either, however, were two 
collections of verse, written, as their titles profess, by 
the poets of most note at the time, in honor of the 

20 ' ' Obras Poeticas Lyricas, por el list, — Dona Teresa Guerra of Cadiz, — 
Coronel D. Eugenio Gerardo Lobo," who, in 1725, printed a small volume 
Madrid, 1738, 4to, and 1769, 2 torn. 4t^, of very miserable verse, 
with additions that do not increase its But it is all naught, and was some- 
value. — " Poesias Lyricas, yJoco-Serias times suspected to be so even at the 
su Autor D. Joseph Joachim Benegasi y period when it was produced. Thus, 
Luxan," Madrid, 1743, 4to. — Gab. Al- Don Francisco de la Pv,ua, who -\\Tote a 
varez de Toledo, id ante. — Antonio Mu- pamphlet entitled " Destierro de Pobres, 
noz, "Ad Venturas en Verso yen Prossa," La Poesia muerta," (Madrid, 1734,) 
{sic,) no date, but licensed 1739, and and whose taste did not prevent him 
' ' ]\Iorir viviendo en la Aldea y vivir from praising such writers as Lobo and 
muriendo en la Corte " (Madrid, 1737, Inez de la Cruz, says (p. 15) of the 
12mo) ; a poor tale ridiculing country national poetry of his time, that he en- 
gen tleraen, who sink into a clownish tirely despairs of it because " it is diffi- 
life after being bred to something bet- cult to revive a body tKat has been 
ter. — One lady may be added to the dead so many years." He advises. 



302 POETEY IN PHILIP THE FIFTH'S TIME. [Periop HI. 

king and queen^ who, in 1722, meeting the Host, as it 
was passing to a dying man, gave their own carriage 
to the priest who bore it, and then, according to the 
fashion of the country, followed reverently on foot. 
The names of Zamora the dramatist, of Diego de 
Torres, well known for his various accomplishments in 
science and letters, and a few other poets, who are still 
remembered, occur in the first collection ; but, in gen- 
eral, the obscurity of the authors who contributed to it 
is such as we might anticipate from reading their 
poetry ; while, at the same time, the character of the 
whole jhows how low was the culture which could 

attribute any value to such publications.^^ 
^258 ^ A single bright spot in the poetical history 

of this period is only the more remarkable from 
the gloom that surrounds it. It is a satire attributed 
to Herbas, a person otherwise unknown, who disguised 
himself under the name of Jorge de Pitillas, and 
printed it in a literary journal.^^ It was singularly 

therefore, that tlie thoughts of the na- D. Manuel Montafaes y Monte-alegre," 

tion should be turned only to what is is no better, and contains (pp. 85, 99, 

useful, and it seems almost as if his etc.) some of the most absurd tricks 

advice must have been wise. in versification that can be found any- 

21 * ' Sagradas Flores del Parnaso, Con- where, 
sonancias Metricas de la bien templada One striking proof of the decay and 
Lyra de Apolo, que a la reverente Ca- neglect of letters in the r-eign of Philip 
tolica Accion de haver ido accompa- ^. is to be found in the small number 
iiando sus Magestades el Ssmo. Sacra- of copies printed of books that might 
mento que iba a darse por viatico a una be reckoned of a popular cha racter. 
Enferma el Dia 28 de Novembre, 1722, Thus, in the address of the Printer to 
cantaron los mejores Cisnes de Espaiia," the Reader prefixed to the third edition 
4to. I give the title of the first collec- of the " Cryselia de Lidaceli," (1720, 
tion in full, as an indication of the bad see ante, p. 122,) he says : "Two hun- 
taste of its contents. Both collections, dred and fifty copies have been printed, 
taken together, make about 200 pages, and the same is done with other books, 
and contain poems by about fifty an- — some of them two hundred and fifty 
thors, generally in the worst and most copies, and others one hundred or two 
affected style, — the very dregs of Gon- hundred, so that the curious may not 
gorism. A volume entitled "Sacra y fail of a chance to read them." But if 
Humana Lyra, Poemas de Don Gabriel there were so few buyers and readers of 
de Leon," (Madrid, 4to, 1734,) is fit to "libros de entretenimiento, " what mo- 
go with the "Sagradas Flores," and — tive was there for writing them? In 
relating largely to the Holy Sacrament fact and in truth, they were not written, 
and other similar subjects — is much ^^ The " Satira contra los Malos Es- 
like it. Another, the next year, 1735, ciitores de su Tiempo" is commonly 
entitled " Poesias liricas que escrivia attributed to Jose Gerardo de Herbas j 



Chap. L] POETRY i:^ PHILIP THE FIFTH S TIME. 



oUo 



successful for the time when it appeared ; a circum- 
stance the more to be noticed, as this success seems 
not to have inspired any similar attempt, or even to 
have encouraged its author to venture again 
before the public. The subject he chose ^Avas ^259 
fortunate, — the bad writers of his age, — and 
in discussing it he has spoken out boldly and man- 
fully ; sometimes calling by name those whom he ridi- 
cules, and at other times indicating them so that they 
cannot be mistaken. His chief merits are the ease 
and simplicity of his style, the pungency and justness 
of his satire, and his agreeable imitations of the old 
masters, especially Persius and Juvenal, whom he 
further resembled in the commendable qualities of 
brevity and sententiousness. 



but Tapia (Civilisacion, Tom. IV. p. 
266) says it was written by Jose Cobo 
de la Torre, besides wliich it is inserted 
iu the " Eebusco de las Obras Literarias 
de J. F. de Isla," (Madrid, 1790, ]2mo,) 
as if it were unquestionably Isla's. It 
first appeared in the second edition of 
the sixth volume of the ' ' Diario de los 
Literatos " ; — the earliest periodical 
work in the spirit of modern criticism 
that Avas published in Spain, and one 
so much in advance of the age that it 
did not survive its second year, having 
been begun in 1737, and gone on one 
year and nine months, till it made seven 
small volumes. It was in vain that it 
was countenanced by the king, and 
favored by the leading persons at court. 
It was too large a work ; it was a new 
thing, which Spaniards rarely like ; and 
it was severe in its criticisms, so that 
the authors of the time generally took 
the field against it, and broke it down. 
Among the most severe assailants of 
the " Diario " was Mayans y Siscar, who 
was much off'ended by an article on his 
" Origenes de la Lengua Espanola," and 
replied by a volume, entitled ' ' Conver- 
sacion sobre el Diario de los Literatos 
de Espana ; la publico D. Placido Vera- 
nio," (Madrid, 1737,) — not, however, 
written with the gentle summer-like 
mildness intended to be announced in 
his pseudonyme. Another of their as- 



sailants was D. Vicente de la Ventura 
y Valcles, who attacked it in his ' ' Tri- 
umvirato de Eoma," (Madrid, 1738,) 
the Ain-ohaciones to which are very long 
and as bitter as the work itself. And 
yet another assailant was Aiiorbe y Cor- 
regel, the poor playwright, whose ab- 
surd religious drama, in three parts, 
"La Tutora de la Iglesia," they had 
reviewed, (Tom. IV. p. 358,) and who 
answered in the preface to his equally 
absurd Zarzuela, "Jupiter y Danae," 
claiming to stand on the same platform 
with Lope de Vega and Calderon, — as 
if he had the least right to be there, 
except so far as he followed their ex- 
travagances and follies. But "Tray, 
Blanche, and Sweetheart - — all the little 
dogs"- — barked at the "Diario" and 
its editors as well as the rest ; and so, 
as I have said, it failed of success. 
Other periodical works appeared about 
the same time, such as the " Mercurio " 
by Maner, Nifo's "Diario Curioso," 
etc. ; but they too were little encouraged. 
To the same period with the Satire 
of Pitillas and the "Diario de los Lite- 
ratos," belongs the poem on "Deuca- 
lion," by Alonso Verdugo de Castilla, 
Count of Torrepalma. It is an imita- 
tion of Ovid, in about sixty octave 
stanzas, somewhat remarkable for its 
versification. But in a better period it 
would not be noticed. 



*260 * CHAPTER II. 

MARQUIS OF SAN PHELIPE. — INFLUENCE OP FRANCE ON SPANISH LITERATURE. 

LUZAN. HIS PREDECESSORS AND HIS DOCTRINES. LOW STATE OF ALL 

INTELLECTUAL CULTURE IN SPAIN. FEYJOO. 

One historical work of some consequence belongs 
entirely to the reign of Philip the Fifth^ — the Com- 
mentaries on the War of the Succession, and the his- 
tory of the country from 1701 to 1725, by the Marquis 
of San Phelipe. Its author, a gentleman of Spanish de- 
scent, was born in Sardinia, in the latter part of the 
seventeenth century, and early filled several offices of 
consequence under the government of Spain ; but, 
when his native island was conquered by the Austrian 
party, he remained faithful to the French family, un- 
der whom he had thus far served, and made his escape 
to Madrid. There Philip the Fifth received him with 
great favor. He was created Marquis of San Phelipe, — 
a title chosen by himself in compliment to the king, — 
and, besides being m.uch employed during the war in 
military affairs, he was sent afterwards as ambassador, 
first to Genoa, and then to the Hague, where he died, 
on the 1st of July, 1726. 

In his youth the Marquis of San Phelipe had been 
educated with care, and therefore, during the active 
portions of his life, found an agreeable resource in 
intellectual occupations. He wrote a poem in octave 
stanzas on the story in the "Book of Tobit," which 
was printed in 1709, and a history of "The Hebrew 
Monarchy," taken from the Bible and Josephus, which 
did not appear till 1727, the year after his death. 



Chap. II.] MARQUES DE SA:^ PHELIPE. 305 

But his chief work was "^on the War of the "^261 
Succession. The great interest he took in the 
Bourbon cause induced him to write it^ and the posi- 
tion he had occupied in the affairs of his time gave 
him ample materials, quite beyond the reach of others 
less fivored. He called it " Commentaries on the War 
of Spain, and History of its King, Philip the Fifth, the 
Courao^eous, from the Bes-innino; of his Reim to the 
Year 1725" ; but, although the compliment to his sov- 
ereign implied on the title-page is faithfully carried 
through the whole narrative, the »book was not pub- 
lished without difficulty. The first volume, in folio, 
after being printed at Madrid, was suppressed by order 
of the king, out of regard to the honor of certain 
Spanish families that show to little advantage in the 
troublesome times it records ] so that the earliest com- 
plete edition appeared at Genoa without date, but 
probably in 1729. 

It is a spirited book, earnest in the cause of Castile 
against Ca^talonia; but still, notwithstanding its par- 
tisan character, it is the most valuable of the contem- 
porary accounts of the events to which it relates; and, 
notwithstanding it has a good deal of the lively air of 
the French memoirs, then so much in fashion, it is 
strongly marked with the old Spanish feelings of relig- 
ion and loyalty, — feelings which this very book proves 
to have partly survived the general decay of the na- 
tional character during the seventeenth century, and 
the convulsions that had shaken it at the opening of 
the eighteenth. In style it is not perfectly pure. 
Perhaps tokens of its author's Sardinian education are 
seen in his choice of words ; and certainly his pointed 
epigrammatic phrases and sentences often show that 
he leaned to the rhetorical doctrines of Gracian, of 

VOL. Ill, 20 



306 INFLUENCE OF FRANCE. [Period III. 

wliom^ in his narrative poem, we see that he had once 
been a thorough disciple. But the Commentaries are, 
'after all, a pleasant book, and abound in details, given 
with modesty where their author is personally con- 
cerned, and with a life and spirit which belong only to 
the narrative of one who has been an actor in the 

scenes he describes.^ 
^262 * But when we speak of Spanish literature 

in the reign of Philip the Fifth, we must never 
forget that the influence of France was gradually 
becoming felt in all the culture of the country. The 
mass of the people, it is true, either took no cogni- 
zance of the coming change, or resisted it; and the 
new government willingly avoided whatever might 
seem to offend or undervalue the old Castilian spirit. 
But Paris was then, as it had long been, the most re- 
fined capital in Europe ; and the courts of Louis the 
Fourteenth and Louis the Fifteenth, necessarily in in- 
timate relations with that of Philip the Fifth, could 
not fail to carry to Madrid a tone which was already 
spreading of itself into Germany and the extreme 
North. 

1 " Los Dos Tobias, su Vida escrita Antonio Palomino y Velasco, presurap- 

en Octavas, por D. Vicente Bacallar y tuonsly called "the Vasari of Spain," 

Sanna, Marques de San Phelipe," etc., — an artist who was born in 1653, and 

4to, pp. 178, without date, but licensed died in 1726. It is in two volumes 

1709. — "Monarchia Hebrea," Madrid, folio; the last being divided into two 

1727, 2 torn. 4to, En Haya, 1745, 4 parts, and is fantastically entitled "El 

torn. 12mo. Few books are more dull. Museo Pictorico y Escala Optica," be- 

— "Comentarios de la Guerra de Es- ginning with an account of Painting as 

paiia hasta el Ano 1725," Genoa, no an Art, and endiiig with Lives of the 

date, 2 torn. 4to. Of the last there is Spanish Painters. An ample account 

a poor continuation, bringing the his- of the author and of his work may be 

tory down to 1742, entitled " Continu- found in Cean Bermudez, (Diccionario, 

acion a los Comentarios, ec, por D. 1800, Tom. IV. pp. 29- 41,) and a still 

Joseph del Campo Easo," Madrid, better one in Stii-ling (Artists of Spain, 

1756-1763, 2 tom. 4to. 1848, Vol. III. pp. 1120-1134). Cean, 

An important work for the history in his Prologo, speaks tenderly of Palo- 

of Spanish Painting appeared in 1715- mino's bad' taste, remembering, no 

1725, Avhich would be fully noticed here doubt, how much he owed to his dili- 

if it were not so ill-written, but which, gence. Mr. Stirling, too, gracefully 

even such as it is, should not be en- acknowledges his obligations, 
tirely passed over. It is by Acisclo 



Chap. II.] LUZA1S-. 307 

French, in fact, soon began to be spoken in the ele- 
gant society of the capital and the court; — ^a thing 
before unknown in Spain, though French princesses 
had more than once sat on the Spanish throne. But 
now it w^as a compliment to the reigning monarch him- 
self, and courtiers strove to indulge in it. Pitillas, 
under pretence of laughing at himself for following 
the fishion, ridicules the awkwardness of those who 
did so, when he says, 

And French I talk ; at least enough to know 

That neither I nor other men more shrewd 
Can comprehend my words, thongh still endued 

With power to raise my heavy Spanish dough. 

And Father Isla makes himself merry with the idea of 
a man who fancies he has married an Andalu- 
sian or Castilian ^ wife, and finds out that she * 263 
proves little better than a Frenchwoman after 
all.'^ 

Translations from the French followed this state of 
things ; and, at last, an attempt was made to introduce 
formally into SjDain a poetical system founded on the 
critical doctrines prevalent in France. Its author, Ig-. 
nacio de Luzan, a gentleman of Aragon, was born in 
1702; and, while still a child, went to Italy and re- 
ceived a learned education in the schools of Milan, 
Palermo, and Naples ; remaining abroad eighteen 
years, and enjoying the society of several of the 
most distinguished Italian poets of the time, among 
whom were Maffei and Metastasio. At last, in 1733^ 
he returned to Spain, a well-bred scholar, according to 



2 Pitillas, Satira. — Isla, A los que, of becoming an author, is recei^ang 

degenerando del Caracter Espanol, afec- satirical advice as to his course, he is 

tan ser Estrangeros. Eebusco, p. 178. told: "The newest fasliion is always 

The fashion continued more or less the best. Write, then, in the fasliion - 

through the whole period. In 1789, able style, — th^ti?., the Fran ch.'' Carta 

when a young man, who is in danger de Paracuellos, Madrid, 1789, p. 30. 



308 LUZAN. [Period III. 

the ideas of scliolarsliip then prevalent m Ttalj, and 
with a singular facility in writing and speaking French 
and Italian. 

His personal affairs and his native modesty kept 
him for some time in retirement on the estates of his 
family in Aragon. But, in the condition to which 
Spanish literature was then reduced, a man of so 
many accomplishments could hardly fail, in any posi- 
tion, to make his influence felt. That of Luzan soon 
became perceptible, because he loved to write, and 
wrote a great deal. In Italy and Sicily he had pub- 
lished, not only Italian poetry of his own, but French. 
In his native language and at home, he naturally went 
further. He translated from Anacreon, Sappho, and 
Musaeus; he fitted dramas of Maffei, La Chaussee, and 
Metastasio to the Spanish stage ; and he wrote a con- 
siderable number of short poems, and one original 
drama, " Virtue Honored," which was privately repre- 
sented in Saragossa. 

Whatever he did was well received, but little of it 
was published at the time, and not much has appeared 
since. His "Odes on the Conquest of Oran " 
"^264 were particularly * admired by his friends, and, 
though somewhat cold, may still be read with 
pleasure. These and other compositions made him 
known to the government at Madrid, and procured 
for him, in 1747, the appointment of Secretary to the 
Spanish Embassy at Paris. There he remained three 
years, and, in consequence of the absence of the am- 
bassador, acted, for a large part of the time, as the 
only representative of his country at the French court. 
On his return home, he continued to enjoy the confi- 
dence of the king; and when he died suddenly, in 
1754, he was in great favor, and about to receivo 



Chap. II.J LUZAN". 309 

a place of more consequence than any he had yet 
helcl.^ 

The circumstances of the country, and those of his 
ov/n education, position, and tastes, opened to Luzan, 
as a critic, a career of ahnost assured success. Every- 
thing was so enfeebled and degraded, that it could 
offer no effectual resistance to what he might teack 
The political importance of his country among the na- 
tions of Europe had been crushed. Its moral dignity 
was impaired. Its school of poetry had disappeared. 
The old system of things in Spain, so far as general 
culture was concerned, had passed away, no less than 
the Austrian dynasty, with which it had come in ; and 
no attempt deserving the name had yet been made to 
determine what should be the intellectual character of 
the system that should follow it. A small effort, under 
such circumstances, would go far tov»^ards imparting a 
decisive movement ; and, in literary taste and criti- 
cism, Luzan was certainly well fitted to give the guid- 
ing impulse. He had been educated with great thor- 
oughness in the principles of the classical French 
school, and he possessed all the learning necessary to 
make known and support its peculiar doctrines. In 
1728, he had offered to the Academy at Pa- 
lermo, of ^ which he was a member, six critical ^ 2Q5 
discussions on poetry, written in Italian ; so 
that, when he returned to Spain, he had only to take 
these papers and work them into a formal treatise, 

^ Latassa, Bib. Nueva, Tom. V. p.. Solemne," etc., printed in honor of the 

12, and Preface to the edition of L\i- occasion (Madrid, folio) ; and the simi- 

zan's Poetica, by his son, 1789. His lar poems recited hj him at a distribu- 

poetry — of which he never wrote much tion of prizes by the s-ajn« A(;ademy, in 

— has never been collected and piife- 1754, and published in their " Eela- 

lished, but portions of it are found in cion," etc., (Madrid, folio, pp. 51-61,', 

Sedano, Quintana, etc. The octaves prove rather the dignity of his social 

he recited at the opening of the Acad- position than anything else. Latassa 

emy of Fine Arts, in 1752, and pub- gives a long account of his unpublished 

lished at p. 21 of the "Abertura works. 



810 EARLY TREATISES ON POETRY. [Period III. 

suited to what he deemed the pressing wants of the 
country. He did so ; — and the result was his " Art of 
Poetry," the first edition of which appeared in 1737. 

The attempt was by no means a new one. The 
rules and doctrines of the ancients, in matters of taste 
and rhetoric, had frequently before been announced 
and defended in Spain. Even Enzina, the oldest of 
those who regarded Castilian poetry as an art, was not 
ignorant of Quintihan and Cicero, though, in his short 
treatise, which shows more good sense and good taste 
than can be claimed from the age, he takes substan- 
tially the same view of his subject that Don Enrique 
de Villena and the Provencals had taken before him, — 
considering all poetry chiefly with reference to its me- 
chanical forms. ^ Rengifo, a teacher of grammar and 
rhetoric, whose "Spanish Art of Poetry" dates from 
1592, confines himself almost entirely to the structure 
of the verse and the technical forms known both to 
the elder Castilian style of composition and to the 
Italian introduced by Boscan ; — a curious discussion, 
in which the authority of the ancients is by no me^ns 
forgotten, but one whose chief value consists in what 
it contains relating to the national school and its pecu- 
liar measures.^ 

Alonso Lopez, commonly called El Pinciano, — the 
same person who wrote the dull epic on Pelayo, — 
went further, and in 1596 pubUshed his " Ancient 
Poetical Philosophy," in which, under the disguise of a 
friendly correspondence, he gives, with much learning 

* It is prefixed to the edition of Enzi- editions of 1700, 1737, etc., "by Joseph 

na's Cancionero, 1496, folio, and I sup- Vicens. It contains a Dictionary of 

pose to the other editions ; and fills Rhymes, which Moratin the Younger, 

nine short chapters. in his " Derrota de los Pedantes," 

^ "Arte Poetica Espaiiola, su Autor (1789, p. 42,) intimates was an im- 

Juan Diaz Rengifo," Salamanca, 1592, portant resource for the poets of his 

4to, enlarged, but not improved, in the time. 



Chap. II.] EARLY TREATISES ON POETRY. 311 

and some acuteness, his own views of the opinions 
held by the ancient masters on all the modes of 
poetical composition.^ Cascales * followed him, ^266 
in 1616, with a series of dialogues, somewhat 
more famihar than the grave letters of Lopez, and 
resting more on the doctrines of Horace, whose epistle 
to the Pisos Cascales afterwards published, with a well- 
written Latin commentary.^ Salas, on the contrary, in 
his "New Idea of Ancient Tragedy," which appeared 
in 1633, followed Aristotle rather than any other 
authority, and illustrated his discussion — which is the 
ablest in Spanish literature on the side it sustains — 
by a translation of the "Trojanae " of Seneca, and an 
address of the theatre of all ages to its various audi- 
ences.^ 

All these works, however, and three or four others 
of less consequence, assumed, so far as they attempted 
to lay their foundations in philosophy, to be built on 
the rules laid down by Aristotle or the Roman rhetori- 
cians.^ In this they committed a serious error. An- 
cient rhetoric can be applied, in all its strictness, to no 
modern poetry, and least of all to the poetry of Spain. 
The school of Lope de Yega, therefore, passed over 
them like an irresistible flood, leaving behind it hardly 

^ " Philosdphia Antigua Poetica del Salas faithfully returned by imitating 

Doctor Alonso Lopez Pinciano, jMcdico Quevedo's style, and, after his death, 

Cesareo," Madrid, 1596, 4to. collecting his works, of which he pub- 

■^ " Tablas Poeticas del Lieenciado lished the first part in 1648. (See ante, 

Francisco Cascales," 1616. An edition Vol. II. 279, note.) Salas was born in 

of Madrid, 1779, 8vo, contains a Life 1588, and died in 1651. 

of the author by Mayans y Siscar. ^ Of the treatise of Argote de Molina, 

Cascales is presumptuous enough to re- prefixed to his edition of the " Conde 

arrange Horace's "Ars Poetica" in Lucanor," 1575, and of the poem of 

what he regards as a better order. Cueva, I have spoken {ante, I. 467, 

^ " Nueva Idea de la Tragedia An- III. 62). A small tract, called " Libro 

tigua, 6 Illustracion Ultima al libro d^ Erudicion Poetica," published in the 

Singular de Poetica de Aris'-o'^eles, por works of Luis Carrillo, 1611, and sev- 

Don Jusepe Ant. Goncalez de Sa as," eral of the epistles of Christoval de 

Madrid, 1633, 4to. Qaevedo admired Mesa, 1618, might be added ; but the 

him extravagantly and knew his " Tro- last are of little consequence, and the 

yanas" by heart; — an admiration which tract of Carrillo is in very bad taste. 



312 LUZAN's POETICA, [Period III. 

a trace of tlie dikes and dams that liad been raised 
to oppose its progress. But Luzan took a different 
ground. His more immediate predecessors had been 
Gracian, who defended the Gongorism of the preced- 
ing period, and Artiga, who, in a long treatise " On 
Spanish Eloquence/' written in the ballad measure, 
had seemed willing to encourage all the bad taste 
that prevailed in the beginning of the eighteenth 

century .-^^ 
^267 ^ Luzan took no notice of either of them. 

He followed the poetical system of Boileau and 
Lebossu, not, indeed, forgetting the masters of antiq- 
uity, but everywhere accommodating his doctrines to 
the demands of modern poetry, as Muratori had done 
just before him, and enforcing them by the example 
of the French school, then of more authority than any 
other in Europe.^^ His object, as he afterwards ex- 
plained it, was " to bring Spanish poetry under the 
control of those precepts which are observed among 
polished nations " ; and his work is arranged with 
judgment to effect his purpose. The first book treats 
of the origin and nature of poetry, and the second, of 
the pleasure and advantage poetry brings with it. 
These two books constitute one half of the work, and 
having said in them whatever he thinks it necessary to 
say of the less important divisions of the art, — such 

^^ Gracian has been noticed in this dondo, and is called " Tratado Philoso- 
volume (p. 222). The "Epitome do la phi-Poetico," 18mo, pp. 128. 
Eloquencia Espanola, port). Francisco ^^ Blanco White (Lite by Thorn, 1845, 
Joseph Artiga, olira Artieda," was li- Svo, Vol. I. p. 21 ) says Lnzan borrowed 
censed in 1725, and contains above so freely from Muratori, "Delia Per- 
thirteen thonsand lines; — a truly ri- fetta Poesia," that the Simnish treatise 
diculous book, but of some consequence helped him (Mr. White) materially in 
as showing the taste of the age, espe- learning to read the Italian one. But 
cially in pulpit oratory. A still more Luzan has not in fact copied from Mu- 
ridiculous treatise, but a shorter one, ratori with the unjustifiable freedom 
on Logic and Natural Philosophy, fol- this remark implies, though he has 
lowed in 1758. It was written in pop- adopted Muratori's general system, with 
ular — I might say vulgar — seguidillas, abundant acknowledgment and refer- 
by a lady, Doha Maria de Campore- ences. 



Chap. IL] LOW STATE OF SPAXISH CULTUKE. 313 

as lyric poetry, satire, and pastorals, — lie devotes the 
two remaining books entirely to a discussion of the 
drama and of epic poetry, — the forms in which Span- 
ish genius had long been more ambitious of excel- 
lence than in any other. A strict method reigns 
through the whole ; and the style, if less rich than is 
found in the older prose-writers, and less so than the 
genius of the language demands, is clear, simple, and 
effective. In explaining and defending his system of 
opinions, Luzan shows judgment, and a temperate phi- 
losoph}^; and his abundant illustrations, drawn not only 
from the Castilian, the French, the Greek, and the 
Latin, but from the Italian and the Portuguese, are 
selected with excellent taste, and applied skilfully to 
strengthen his general argument and design. For its 
purpose, a better treatise could hardly have been pro- 
duced. 

The effect was immediate and great. It seemed to 
offer a remedy for the bad taste which had ac- 
companied, ^ and in no small degree hastened, * 268 
the decline of the national literature from the 
time of Grongora. It was seized on, therefore, with 
eagerness, as the book that was wanted ; and when to 
this we add that the literature of the ag-e of Louis the 
Fourteenth, which it held up as the model literature 
of Christendom, was then regarded throughout Eu- 
Tope with almost unmingled admiration, we shall not 
be surprised that the "Poetica" of Luzan exercised, 
from its first appearance, a controlling authority over 
opinions at the court of Spain, and over the few 
writers of reputation then to be found in the country.^- 

^^ The first edition of the "Poetica" Navarro and Gallinero, two of the au- 

of Lnzan was printed in folio at Sara- thor's friends. The second edition, ma- 

i^osaa, in 1737, witli long and extraor- terially improved hj additions from tlie 

di'.Kiry certitieates of approbation hj manuscripts of Luzan, after his dcatlij 



314 LOW STATE OF SPANISH CULTURE. [Period IIL 

Sometliing more^ however, than a reformation in 
taste was wanted in Spain before a sufficient foimda- 
tion could be laid for advancement in elegant litera- 
ture. The commonest forms of truth had been so 
long excluded from the country, that the human mind 
there seemed to have pined away, and to have become 
dwarfed for want of its appropriate nourishment. All 
the great sciences, both moral and physical, that had 
been for a hundred years advancing with an acceler- 
ated speed everywhere else throughout Europe, had 
been unable to force their way through the jealous 
guard which ecclesiastical and political despotism had 
joined to keep forever watching the passes of the Pyr- 
enees. From the days of the Comuneros and the Refor- 
mation of Luther, when religious sects hegan to discuss 
the authority of princes and the rights of the people, 
and when the punishment of opinion became the settled 
policy of the Spanish state, everj^thing in the shape 
of instruction that was not approved by the Church 

was treated as dangerous. At the universities, 
* 269 which from their foundation had been ^ entirely 

ecclesiastical corporations, and were used con- 
stantly to build up ecclesiastical influences, no elegant 
learning was fostered, and very little tolerated, except 
such as furnished means to form scholastic Churchmen 
and faithful Catholics ; the physical and exact sciences 
were carefully excluded and forbidden, except so far 
as they could be taught on the authority of Aristotle ; 
and, as Jovellanos said boldly in a memorial on the 

was printed at Madrid, in 2 torn. 8vo, Luzan, who was more sensitive than he 

in 1789. When the first edition ap- needed to be, replied in a small bitter 

peared, it was much pi'aised in the tract, under the name of Ihigo de La- 

"Diario de los Literatos" (Tom. VII., nuza, Pamplona, [1741,] 12mo, pp. 144, 

1738) ; but, as one of the reviewers, with cumbrous and Irarned notes by 

Juan de Iriarte, who wrote the latter Colmenares, to whom the tract is dedi- 

part of the article, made a few exceji- cated, 
tions to his general conunnidations, 



Chap. II.] LOW STATE OF SPANISH CULTURE. 315 

subject to Charles the Fourth, ^^ even medicine and 
jurisprudence would have been neglected, if the in- 
stincts of men had permitted them to forget the means 
by which life and property are protected." ^^ 

The Spanish universities, in fact, still taught from 
the same books they had used in the time of Cardinal 
Ximenes, and by the same methods. The scholastic 
philosophy was still regarded as the highest form of 
merely intellectual culture. Diego de Torres, after- 
wards distinguished for his knowledge in the physi- 
cal sciences, — a man born and educated at Salamanca 
in the first half of the century, — says, that, after he 
had been five years in one of the schools of the Uni- 
versity there, it was by accident he learned the exist- 
ence of the mathematical sciences.-^* And, fifty years 
later, Blanco White declares, that, like most of his 
countrymen, he should have completed his studies in 
theology at the University of Seville without so much 
as hearing of elegant literature, if he had not chanced 
to make the acquaintance of a person who introduced 
him to a partial knowledge of Spanish poetry .^^ 

Thus far, therefore, the old system of things was 

1^ Cean Berraudez, Memorias de Jo- Such statements seem all but incredible 

vellaiios, Madrid, 1814, 12mo, cap. x. when we remember what had been al- 

p. 221. ready accomplished' between the times 

1* Vida, Ascendencia, etc., del Doc- of Newton and Enler, and what Avas 

tor Diego de Torres Villaroel, Madrid, then doing by Lagrange and Lalande. 

1789, 4to ; — an autobiography, writ- But they are true. The learned Bayer 

ten in the worst taste of the time, i. e. took an interest in the movement for 

about 1743. He says of a treatise on reform, and prepared a long memorial 

the Sphere, by Padre Clavio : "Creo to the king, entitled " For la Libertad 

que fue la primera noticia que habia de la Literatura Espafiola," exposing 

llegado a mis oidos de que habia ciencias the low state of things in the great uni- 

matematicas en el mundo" (p. 34). In versities of the country. This Avas in 

1768, three persons, much connected 1769. In 1771 some reform was begun, 

with Salamanca, in a memorial ad- and in 1778, notwithstanding the severe 

dressed to Campomanes, the eminent resistance of the colleges, changes were 

minister of Charles III., said that effected, which, however, for a long 

"there are few graduates who know time, were little effective. See the 

what mathematics are," — "hay pocos Spanish Translation of this History, 

graduados que entiendan lo que son Tom. IV. p. 399. 
matematicas." (Ferrer del Kio, Hist. i^ Doblado's Letters, 1822, p. 113. 

de Carlos III., 1856, Tom. IV. p. 481.) 



316 FEYJOO. [Peuiud III. 

triiimpliant^ and the common forms of advan- 
* 270 cing knowledge "^ were, to an extraordinary and 

almost incredible degree, kept out of the coun- 
try. On the other hand, errors, follies, and absurdities 
sprang up and abounded, just as surely as darkness 
follows the exclusion of light. Few persons in Spain 
at the beginning of the eighteenth century were so 
well informed as not to believe in astrology, and fewer 
still doubted the disastrous influence of comets and 
eclipses.^^ The system of Copernicus was not only 
discouraged, but forbidden to be taught, on the ground 
that it was contrary to Scripture. The philosophy of 
Bacon, with all the consequences that had followed it, 
was unknown. It was not, perhaps, true, that the 
healing Avaters of knowledge had been rolled back- 
ward to their fountain, but no spirit of power had de- 
scended to trouble them, and they had now been kept 
stagnant till life was no longer in them, and life could 
no longer be supported by them. It seemed as if the 
faculties of thinking and- reasoning, in the better sense 
of these words, were either about to be entirely lost 
in Spain, or to be partly preserved only in a few scat- 
tered individuals, who, by the civil and ecclesiastical 
tyranny that oppressed them, would be prevented 
from diffusing even the imperfect light that they 
themselves enjoyed. 

But it could not be so. The human mind cannot be 
permanently imprisoned ; and it is an obvious proof of 
this consoling fact, that the intellectual emancipation 
of Spain was begun by a man of no extraordinary 
gifts, and one whose position gave him no extraor- 

1^ In 1666, in the official relation of death. ; but this is given at the side of 

the ceremonies at the interment of an equally detailed account of that 

Philip IV. the preceding year, we have monarch's gradual decay, from 1659, 

a detailed account of the comet of 1664, by disease. Monforte, Honras a Felipe 

as having announced that monarch's IV., Madrid, 4to, 1666, tf. 19-22. 



Chap. IL] FEYJOO. 317 

dinarv advantag:es for the unclertakmo; to Vv^Iiicli he 
devoted his Ufe, — the quiet monk, Benito Feyjoo. 
He was born in 1676, the eldest son of respectable 
parents in the northwestern part of Spain, wdio, con- 
trary to the opinions of their time, did not think the 
law of ^primogeniture required them to devote their 
first-born whollj^ to the duty of sustaining the 
honors of his family, and enjoying ^the income ^'271 
of the estates he was to inherit.-^' At the age of 
fourteen, his destination to the Church was determined 
upon; but he loved study of all kinds, and applied 
himself, not only to theology, but to the physical sci- 
ences and to medicine, so far as means were allowed 
him in the low state to which all intellectual culture 
was then sunk. As early as 1717, he established him- 
self in a Benedictine convent at Oviedo, and lived 
there forty-seven years in as strict a retirement as his 
duties permitted, occupied only with his studies, and 
relying almost entirely on the press as the means of 
enhghtening his countrymen. 

His personal character and resources, in some re- 
spects, fitted him well for the great task he had under- 
taken. He was a sincere Catholic, and therefore felt 
no disposition to interfere even with abuses that were 
protected by the authority of his Church ; a circum- 
stance without which he would certainly have been 
stopped at the very threshold of his enterprise. His 
mind was strong and patient of labor ; and if, on the 
one hand, his researches were restrained by the embar- 
rassments of his ecclesiastical position, he had, on the 
other, obtained, wdiat few Spaniards then enjoyed, 
the means of knowing much of what had been done 

1'^ Feyjoo offers, in his " Teatro Criti- to liis father's memory, as a man of in- 
co," (Tom. IV. Disc. xiv. § 85, ed. tellectual accomplishments and of great 
1759, pp. 4:12, 413,) a graceful tribute Christian virtues. 



318 FEYJOO. [Period III. 

in Italy^ in France, and even in England, for the ad- 
vancement of science during the century precedmg 
that in which he was educated. Above all, he was 
honest, and scrupulously devoted to his work. But, 
as he advanced, he was shocked to find how wide a 
gulf separated his own country from the rest of Eu- 
rope. Truth, he saw, had, on many important sub- 
jects, been so completely excluded from Spain, that its 
very existence was hardly suspected ; and that, while 
Cervantes and Lope de Vega, Calderon and Quevedo, 
had been riotino; unrestrained in the world of imao^ina- 
tion, the solemn world of reality — the world of moral 
and physical truth — had been as much closed against 
inquiry as if his country had been no part of civilized 

Europe. 
=^272 * At times he seems to have been anxious 

concerning the result of his labors ; but, on the 
w^hole, his courage did not fail him. He was not, in- 
deed, a man of genius. He was not a man to in- 
vent new systems of metaphysics or philosophy. But 
he was a learned man, with a cautious judgment, some- 
wdiat obscured, but not really imjDaired, by religious 
prejudices, from which he could not be expected to 
emancipate himself ^ he was a man who understood the 
real importance of the labors of Galileo, Bacon, and 
Newton, of Leibnitz, Pascal, and Gassendi; and, what 
was of vastly more consequence, he was determined 
that his own countrymen should no longer remain 
ignorant of the advancement already made by the rest 
of Christendom under the influence of master-spirits 
like these. 

So far as the War of the Succession had served to 
rouse the national character from its lethargy, and di- 
rect the thoughts of Spaniards to what had been done 



Chap. II.] FEYJOO. 319 

beyond the Pj^renees, it favored his purpose. But in 
other respects, as we have seen, it had effected noth- 
ing for the national culture. Still, when, in 1726, 
Feyjoo printed a volume of essaj^s connected with his 
main purpose, he was able to command public atten- 
tion, and was encouraged to go on. He called it " The 
Critical Theatre " ; and in its different dissertations, — 
as separate as the papers in " The Spectator," but 
longer and on graver subjects, — he boldly attacked 
the dialectics and metaphysics then taught every- 
where in Spain ; maintained Bacon's system of induc- 
tion in the physical sciences ; ridiculed the general 
opinion in relation to comets, echpses, and the arts of 
mastic and divination ; laid down rules for historical 
faith, which would exclude most of the early traditions 
of the country ; denounced torture and a multitude of 
ecclesiastical abuses ; showed a greater deference for 
woman, and claimed for her a higher place in society, 
than the influence of the Spanish Church wilhngly 
permitted her to occupy ; and, in all respects, came 
forth to his countrymen as one urging earnestly the 
advancement of education, the pursuit of truth, and 
the improvement of social life. Eight volumes of 
this stirring work were published before 1739, 
* and then it stopped, without any apparent "^273 
reason. But in 1742 Feyjoo began a similar 
series of discussions, under the name of " Learned and 
Inquiring Letters," which he finished in 1760, with the 
fifth volume, thus closing up the long series of his 
truly philanthropical, as well as philosophical, labors. 

Of course he was assailed. A work, called the 
" Antiteatro Critico," appeared early, and was soon 
followed by another, with nearly the same title, and 
by not a few scattered tracts and volumes, directed 



320 FEYJOO. [Peeiod IIL 

against different portions of what he had published. 
But he was quite able to defend himself He wrote 
with clearness and good taste in an age when the pre- 
vailing style was obscure and affected ; and^ if he fell 
often into Gallicisms, from relying much on French 
writers for his materials, his mistakes of this sort were 
not, on the whole, important ; and, in general, he pre- 
sented himself in a Castilian costume that was respect- 
able and attractive, though wanting in purity. Nor 
was he without wit, which his prudence taught him to 
use sparingly, and he had always the energy which 
belongs to good sense and practical wisdom ; a union 
of qualities not often found anywhere, and certainly 
of most rare occurrence in cloisters like those in which 
Feyjoo passed his long life. 

The attacks made on him, therefore, served chiefly 
to draw to his works the attention he solicited, and in 
the end advanced his cause, instead of retarding it. 
Even the Inquisition, to which he was more than once 
denounced, summoned him in vain before its tribu- 
nals.^^ His faith could not be questioned, and his 
cause was stronger than they were. Fifteen editions 
of his principal work, large as it was, were printed in 
half a century. The excitement it produced went on 

1^ Llorente, Hist, de I'lnq., Tom. II. Indeed, that work was received with 

p. 446. It may be deemed worthy of such interest and favor from its earliest 

notice, that Oliver Goldsmith pays an appearance, that its suppression would 

appropriate tribute to the merits of have been very difi&cult. Macanaz^ — the 

Father Feyjoo, and relates an anecdote bold statesman, who suggested so many 

of his showing the people of a village of the reforms of the eighteenth century, 

through which he happened to pass that and, even through all his long exile, 

what they esteemed a miracle was, in corresponded with Charles III. and in- 

truth, only a natural result of reflected fluenced the course of his government 

light ; thus exposing himself to a sum- for good — read with mingled surprise 

mons from the Inquisition. ( ' ' The and admiration the entire first volume 

Bee," No. III., October 20, 1759, Mis- of the " Teatro Critico " in a night, 

cellaneous Works, London, 1812, 8vo, Ferrer del Rio, Carlos III., 1856, Tom. 

Vol. IV. p. 193 ) But after Feyjoo's I. p. 177. It was, however, excluded 

death, the Inquisition ordered only a from the Universities and the religious 

trifling expurgation of his ' ' Teatro houses generally. 
Critico," iu one passage. Index, 1790. 



Chap. II.] 



FEYJOO. 



321 



increasing as long as lie lived ; and when lie died, 
in 1764, eighty-eight years old, he could look 
"^ back and see that he had imparted a move- *" 274 
ment to the human mind in Spain, which, 
though it was far from raising Spanish philosophy to 
a level with that of France and England, had yet 
given to it a right direction, and done more for the 
intellectual life of his country than had been done for 
a century.^^ 



19 The "Teatro Critico" and "Car- 
tas Eruditas y Curiosas," with the dis- 
cussions they provoked, hll lifteen and 
sometimes sixteen volumes. The edi- 
tion of 1778 has a Life of Feyjoo pre- 
fixed to it, Avritten by Campomanes, 
the distinguished minister of state un- 
der Charles III. ; the same person who, 
on the nomination of Franklin, was 
made a member of the American Philo- 
sophical Society at Philadelphia, and 
who w]'ote the Avise ' ' Discurso sobre la 
Educacion popular de los Artesanos y 
su Fomento," 1775. Clemencin says 
truly of Feyjoo, that "to his enlight- 
ened and religious mind is due the over- 
throw of many vulgar errors, and a 
great part of the progress in civilization 
made by Spain during the eighteenth 



century." Note to Don Quixote, Tom. 
v., 1836, p. 35. In a Eulogy pro- 
nounced on him soon after his death, 
we are told that he was of a cheerful 
and even gay temper ; and that, besides 
declining several ecclesiastical promo- 
tions and dignities, he refused the per- 
sonal request of Ferdinand VI. to live 
in Madrid, thinking rightly that, in his 
convent at Oviedo, he could better de- 
vote himself to the great task of his 
life, — the enlightening his country- 
men. Oracion en la Universidad de 
Oviedo, 27 de Noviembre, 1764, a la 
immortal Memoria del Ilustrissimo y 
PbCverendissimo S. D. F. Benito Ge- 
ronimo Fejgoo, por el S. Doct. Alonso 
Francisco Arango, ec, Oviedo, 4to, 
1765. 



VOL. III. 



21 



*275 * CHAPTEE III. 

IjSTTOLEEANCE, credulity, and BICxOTRY. EEIGN or FEKDINAND THE SIXTH. 

SIGNS OF IMPROVEMENT. — LITERATURE. — SALDUENA. MORALEJA. — 

ACADEMY OF GOOD TASTE. — VELAZQUEZ. — MAYANS. — NASARRE. 

It can hardly be said, that, during the forty-six 
years of the reign of Phihp the Fifth, the intolerance 
which had so long blighted the land relaxed its iron 
grasp. The progress of knowledge might, indeed, be 
gradually and silently accumulating means to resist it, 
but its power was still unbroken, and its activity as 
formidable as ever. Louis the Fourteenth, in whom 
an old age of bigotry naturally ended a life of selfish 
indulgence, had counselled his grandson to sustain the 
Inquisition, as one of the means for insuring tran- 
quillity to the political government of the country ; 
and this advice, not given without a knowledge of the 
Spanish character, was, on the whole, acted upon with 
success, if not with entire consistency. 

At first, indeed, the personal dispositions of the 
king in relation to this mighty engine of state seemed 
somewhat unsettled. When it was proposed to him to 
celebrate an auto de /e, as a part of ih^ pageant suit- 
able to the coming in of a new dynasty, the young 
monarch, fresh from the elegance of the court of 
Versailles, refused to sanction its barbarities by his 
presence. Even later he encouraged Macanaz, then 
high in office, to publish a work in defence of the 
crown against the overgrown pretensions of the 
* 276 Church, and at one time he went so far ^ as to 



Chap. III.] INTOLERAXCE AXD THE INQUliSlTION. 32c 



entertain a project for suspending the Holy Office, 
or suppressing it altogether.^ 

But these dispositions were transient. The Span- 
ish priesthood early obtained control of the king's 
mind. When, during the War of the Succession, his 
position had become very precarious, he issued — in 
order to gain strength in the hearts of the people — a 
decree favorino; the doctrine of the Immaculate Con- 
ception, always so important in their eyes ; and, again, 
when Ferreras, in his painstaking History of the coun- 
try, ventured to doubt the genuineness of the miracle 
on which rests the peculiar sanctity of the Church of 
Our Lady of the Pillar, the king compelled him to 
cancel the passage, and sent his edict to the offended 
Church to be recorded as an expiation. The death of 
the queen, in 1714, which plunged him into a deep 
melancholy, further contributed to give power to the 
clergy who surrounded him ; and, a year afterwards,- 
when the Inquisition took firm ground against Maca- 
naz and the royal prerogative, the king yielded, and 
Macanaz fled to France. And finally, when, in 1724, 
after a few months of abdication, Philip resumed the 
reins of government, which he should never have laid 
down, no small part of the increased energy with 
which he fulfilled the high duties of his place was in- 
spired by the influence of the Church. As he grew 
older, he grew more bigoted, and wearied sadly of life 
and its active interests, so that in his last years, when 

1 Llorente, Hist, de rinqnisition, Ferrer del Eio speaks of him often in 

Tom. IV., 1818, pp._ 29, 43. The the Historia de Carlos III., 18.56. He 

" Pap el" of Macanaz is on the Index probably sitffered as rawch from the 

of the Inquisition, 1790. Its author, weakness of Philip V. and Ferdinand 

who died in 1760, ninety years old, VI. as was possible under the circum- 

was a very remarkable man, to whom I stances of the case ; but still he vras 

have more than once alluded. Some able to do much good to his country, 

of his works may be found in the Semi- and would have done much more, it" fi3 

nario Ei'udito, Vols. V. and Xiii., and had been permitted. 



324 



THE IJ^QUISITION". 



[Period III. 



the accumulated power placed in liis hands by the de- 
struction of the few remaining privileges of Aragon 
and Catalonia had made him a more absolute monarch 
than ever before sat on the Spanish throne, he seemed 
to rejoice, as much as any of his predecessors, in de- 
voting the whole of his prerogatives to advance the 

interests of the priesthood.^ 
^277 "^But, from first to last, there was no real 

relaxation in the intolerance of the Church. 
The fires of the Inquisition had burnt as if Philip the 
Second were on the throne. At least one auto de fe 
was celebrated annually in each of the seventeen tri- 
bunals into which the country was divided ; so that the 
entire number of these atrocious popular exhibitions 
of bigotry during the reign of Philip the Fifth ex- 



2 " Lugubres Obsequies de la Uni- 
versidad de Alcala, ec, a Don Phelipe 
v.," Madrid, 1747, 4to, p. 23. The 
'pious orator, Fr. Francisco Freyle, de- 
clares that Philip gained the decisive 
victory of Almansa a year afterwards 
(1707) in consequence of the decree in 
favor of the Immaculate Conception. 
The hit was no doubt a happy one. 
From 1617, when this dogma — that 
the Madonna was, by divine grace, born 
without the least taint of original sin 
— was countenanced by a Papal bull, 
it was all-prevalent with the Spanish 
Church, where in fact it originated. 
Nobody could obtain a degree at the 
Universities who did not solemnly avow 
his belief in it, and even in the Paint- 
ing Academy founded by Murillo at 
Seville admission Avas granted only un- 
der a similar condition. (Ford's Hand- 
book, 1845, Vol. I. pp. 265 - 267. 
Cean Bermudez, Carta sobre la Escuela 
Sevillana, ISmo, Cadiz, 1806, p. 141.) 
It penetrated indeed into the character 
of the whole people. I remember that, 
if one peasant met another, or entered 
another's cottage, when I was in Spain, 
in 1818, he would saj^, by way of salu- 
tation, "Ave Maria purissima," to 
which the one addressed made answer, 
" Sin pecatlo concebida." Charles III. 
used exertions at Rome to have the 



Immaculate Conception made an article 
of universal faith, but failed ; — but 
traces of it are found on all sides in the 
literature of Spain, and, no doubt, 
Philip V. was well advised when he 
used it as a means of gaining popu- 
larity. 

As to the passages in Ferreras, Tom. 
I. and Tom. I J., they drew a long war 
of pamphlets after them, but at last 
Philip ended the matter — Dens ex 
machina — by his royal authority, to 
the great satisfaction of the Church. 
See " Anti-Defensa de Luis de Salazar 
y Continuacion de la Crisis Ferrerica," 
Zaragoza, 1720, 4to, pp. 4, sqq., and 
Southey's Peninsular War, 4to, Vol. I, 
p. 402, note. 

In fact, Philip V. seems to have 
been careful to accommodate himself to 
the Spanish habits and tastes from the 
time he was on his journey to receive 
his croAvn ; — for from Bayonne it was 
especially reported to Madrid, that he 
went to Mass and Vespers in bad 
Aveather, and that he and his little 
court attended a bull-tight. Eelaeion 
de la Entrada del Eey IST. S. en Ba- 
yona, ec, Madrid, 4to, 27 de Enero, 
1701. 

See also Tapia, Historia, Tom. IV. 
p. 32. San Phelipe, Comentaiios, Lib. 
XIV. 



Chap III.] THE INQUISITIOIT. 325 

ceecled seven hundred and eighty. How many per- 
sons were burnt aUve m them is not exactly known ; 
but it is beUeved that there were more than a thousand, 
and that at least twelve times that number were, in 
different ways, subjected to public punishments and 
disgrace. Judaism, which had penetrated anew into 
Spain, from the period of the conquest of Portugal, 
was the great crime, to be hunted down with all the 
ingenuity of persecution ; and undoubtedly all that 
could be found of the Hebrew nation or faith was now 
for the second time extirpated, as nearly as it is possi- 
ble to extirpate what conscience refuses to give up, 
and fear and hatred have so many ways to hide. But 
some men of letters — like Belando, who Avrote a civil 
history of part of the reign of Philip the Fifth, which 
he dedicated to that monarch, and which bore 
on its pages "^ all the regular permissions to be * 278 
printed^ — were punished without the pretence 
of being guilty of heresy or unbelief; and many more 
disappeared from society, who, like Macanaz, were 
known to entertain political opinions offensive to the 
Church or the government, but of whom nothing else 
was known that could render them obnoxious to cen- 
sure. On the whole, therefore, down to the death of 
Philip the Fifth, the old alliance between the govern- 
ment of the state and the power of the Church — an 
alliance supported by the general assent of the peo- 
ple — must still be assumed to have continued un- 
broken, and its authority must still be felt to have 
been sufficient to control all freedom of discussion, and 

^ The History of IsTicolas Jesus de stroyed, and can now hardly he found. 

Belando was printed, in three vols., It was published June 20, 1744, and 

folio, between 1740 and 1744, But, I suppressed September 6 of the same 

think, it was only the last volume, year. Belando was a Franciscan friar 

which involved the events from 1713 originally, 
to 1733, that was ordered to be de- 



326 FERDINAND THE SIXTH. [Period III. 

effectually to check and silence such intellectual ac- 
tivity as it deemed dangerous.* 

In the reign of Ferdinand the Sixth, which lasted 
thirteen years, and ended in 1759, there is evidently 
an improvement in this state of things. The seeds 
sown in the time of his father, if less cared for and 
cultivated than they should have been, were beginning 
to germinate and disencumber themselves from the 
cold and hard soil into which they had been 
* 279 cast. Foreign * intercourse, especially that 
with France, brought in new ideas. Ferreras, 
the careful but dull annalist of his country's history ; 
Juan de Yriarte, the active head of the Eoyal Library ; 
Bayer, his learned successor ; Mayans, who had a pas- 
sion for collecting and editing books ; and, above all, 
the wise and modest Father Feyjoo, had not labored 
in vain, and all except the first still survived to see the 
results of their toils. ^ 

* Lloreiite, Hist., Tom. II. pp. 420, were condemned to perpetual imprison- 
424, Tom. IV. p. 31. The data of Llo- ment and various lesser punishments ; 
rente are not so precise as they ought — a catalogue of horrors given with an 
to be, but anything approaching his air of the most judicial coolness and 
results is of most fearful import. In a authority, as if its mercy and wisdom 
pamphlet, however, printed in 1817, were alike unquestionable, 
(as he declares in his Autobiography, In a book called the ' ' History of the 
p. 170,) he asserts that, between 1680 Jews of Spain and Portugal," by E. H, 
and 1808, there perished in the fires of Lindo, (London, 1848, 8vo, p. 276,) is 
the Inquisition fifteen hundred and the following strong statement, which 
seventy-eight persons, and that eleven I cannot gainsay, although it surprises 
thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight me very much: "The bloody records 
more were subjected to degrading pun- of the Inquisition state not a single 
ishments, making a grand total of four- instance of the Hebrew people acting 
teen thousand three hundred and sixty- irreverently to the Catholic worship." 
four victims, of which the fifteen If this be true, the Jews behaved bet- 
hundred and seventy-eight burnt alive ter, or at least more discreetly, than 
must all have perished between 1680 the Protestants did. We have, how- 
and 1781, When, as we shall see in the ever, already seen something to the 
next chapter, the last victim was im- contrary on the authority of Paravi- 
niolated. I possess the official " Rela- cino, ante, Period II. Chap. XXXVII., 
clones " of Autos held in Granada, note 5. 

December 21, 1720, and November 30, ^ Juan de Ferreras, the only one of 

1721, involving ninety-eight cases, this number Avho has not already been 

ninet3'--six of which were Jews, or al- sufficiently noticed, was born in 1652, 

leged to be such ; some of whom were and died in 1735. His " Historia de 

burnt alive, while some had their dead Espaiia" was first published between 

bones dug up and burntj and the rest 1700 and 1726, in 16 vols., 4to ; a dull 



Chap. III.] FERDINAND THE SIXTH. 327 

The diurch itself began slowly to acknowledge tlie 
irresistible power of advancing intelligence, and the 
Inquisition, without acknowledging it, felt its influence. 
Not more than ten persons were burnt alive in the 
time of Ferdinand the Sixth, and these were obscure 
relapsed Jews; — men whose fate is as heavy a re- 
proach to the Inquisition as if they had been more in- 
telligent and distinguished, but the example of whose 
punishment did not strike a terror such as that of the 
dying Protestants and patriots of Aragon had once 
done. The persecutions of the Holy Oflfice, in fact, 
not only grew less frequent and cruel, but became 
more than ever subservient to the political authority 
of the country, and were now chiefly exercised in rela- 
tion to Freemasonry, which was known at this period 
in Spain for the first time, and caused much uneasiness 
to the government. But the policy of the state, 
durino; the reiom of Ferdinand the Sixth, was in the 
main peaceful and healing. Efforts, not without suc- 
cess, were made to collect materials for a history of 
the country from the earliest times. Spaniards were 
sent abroad to be educated at the public expense, and 
foreigners were encouraged to establish themselves in 
Spain, and to diffuse the knowledge they had acquired 
in their own more favored homes. Everything, 
in short, indicated a spirit * of change, if it did ^ 280 
not give proof of much absolute progress.^ 

The direction of the literature of the country, how- 

boolc, and one that was much assailed printed nothing but his History. Elo- 
at the time, but which is honest and gio de Juan de Ferreras, Decan_o de la 
trustworthy. He Avas an earnest de- Eeal Academia, ec, hecho de la Co- 
fender of the pretensions of Philip V. mision de la misma, por D. Bias Anto- 
to the crown, and wrote two short nio Nasarre y Ferriz, Madrid, 1735, 4to. 
tracts to sustain them ; — one entitled ^ Noticia del Viage de Espaua hecha 
"Deseugano Catolico," and the other, de Orden del Key, por L. J. Velazquez, 
"Desengaiio politico." But, except Madrid, 1765, 4to, passim. Llorente, 
these and a few other religious and Tom. IV. p. 51. Tapia, Tom. IV. 
political pamphlets of little value, he p. 73. 



LESS INTOLERAXCE. 



[Period III. 



ever^ was the same it had taken from the beginning of 
the century. Slight, but unsatisfactory, attempts con- 
tinued to be made to adhere to the forms of the elder 
time ; — such attempts as are to be seen in a long nar- 
rative poem by the Count Salduena on the subject of 
Pelayo, and two very poor imitations of the " Para 
Todos " of Montalvan, one of which was by Mo- 
raleja, and the other by Ortiz. But the amount of 
what was undertaken in this way was very small, 
and the impulse was constantly diminishing ; for the 
French school enjoyed now all the favor that was 
given to any form of elegant literature.^ It was, how- 
ever, but little. 

In this respect, a fashionable society, called the 
Academy of Good Taste, and connected with the 



'' " El Pelayo, Poema de D. Alonso 
de Soils Folch de Cardona Kodriguez de 
las Varillas, Conde de Salduena," ec, 
(Madrid, 1754, 4to,) tweh^e cantos in 
octave stanzas, written in the most 
affected style. — Joseph Moraleja, "El 
Entretenido, Segunda Parte " (Madrid, 
I7il, 4to) ; a continuation of the "En- 
tretenido " of Sanchez Tortoles, con- 
taining the amusements of a society of 
friends for four days, — entremeses, sto- 
ries, odds and ends of poetry, astro- 
nomical calculations, etc., a strange and 
absurd mixture. Baena (Hijos de Ma- 
drid, Tom. III. p. 81) has a life of the 
author. The " Noches Alegres " of Isi- 
dro Fr. Ortiz Gallardo de Villaroel, 
(Salamanca, 1758, 4to,) is a shorter 
hook, and nearly all in verse. Both are 
worthless. 

I have a great many broadsides and 
other exhibitions of the popular taste 
and feelings between 1700 and 1760 ; 
among the rest, above twenty on the 
accession of Ferdinand VI. in 1746. 
Nothing of the sort can well be worse. 
They richly deserve the censure cast 
on them by Melendez Valdes, who, in 
a sy)eech delivered when he was attor- 
ney-general, proposed to suppress such 
publications by law altogether, and to 
I'evive, instead of them, by means of 
the Academy or other governmental ma- 



chineiy, a ballad-spirit and ballads like 
those of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. The purpose was laudable, 
but the means more poetical than wise 
or adequate. The people will always 
have such a popular literature as suits 
their taste and culture, and the same 
sort of jacaras and ro'iiiances vulgares 
were printed in Spain in the middle of 
the nineteenth century that were printed 
there when Melendez rebuked them, 
and half a century earlier. But no 
school of poetry should be held respon- 
sible for their flatness or their extrava- 
gances. See Discursos Forenses, de 
Melendez Valdes, 1821, pp. 167, sqq. 
Melendez, I suppose, might have been 
acting under a decree of Charles III. 
dated 21st of July, 1767, to prevent 
the printing of ' ' Romances de Ciegos, 
Coplas de Ajusticiados " and such like 
trash. (Ferrer del Rio, III. 213.) But 
I think the King and the Fiscal failed 
alike with the prohibition and the 
remedy ; and that worthless and shame- 
ful ballads have never ceased to be 
printed and sung all over Spain, as 
well as good ones, and in preference to 
them. Melendez, however, should be 
commended for his courage when he 
put the "Cueva de San Patricio" 
among the worthless fictions that should 
be suppressed. 



Chap. III.] VELAZQUEZ. 329 

court of Madrid, exercised some influence. It dates 
from 1749 to 1751, and was intended, perhaps, to re- 
semble those French coteries, which began in the reign 
of Louis the Thirteenth, at the Hotel de Rambouillet, 
and were long so important, both in the lit- 
erary ^ and political history of France. The *281 
Countess of Lemos, at whose house it met, was 
its founder, and it gradually ranked among its mem- 
bers several of the more cultivated nobility, and most 
of the leading men of letters, such as Luzan, Monti- 
ano, who was its secretary. Bias de Nasarre, and Velaz- 
quez, each of whom was known, either at that time or 
soon afterwards, by his published works.^ 

Except Luzan, of whom we have already spoken, 
Yelazquez was the most distinguished of their number. 
He was descended from an old and noble family, in the 
South of Spain, and was born in 1722 ; but, from his 
position in society, he passed most of his life at court. 
There he became involved in the political troubles of 
the reign of Charles the Third, in consequence of 
which he suffered a long imprisonment from 1766 to 
1772, and died of apoplexy the same year he was re- 
leased. 

Velazquez was a man of talent and industry, rather 
than a man of genius. He was a member not only of 
the principal Spanish academies, but of the French 
Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, and wrote 
several works of learning relating to the literature 
and antiquities of his country. The only one of them 
now much valued was published in 1754, under the 
title of " Sources of Castilian Poetry," of which it is, 
in fact, a history, coming down to his own times, or 
near to them. It is a slight work, confused in its ar- 

^ Luzan, Arte Poetica, ed. 1789, Tom. I. pp. xix, etc. 



3C0 MAYANS Y SISCAR. [Period III. 

rangement, and too short to develop its subject satis- 
factorily ; but it is written in a plain stjle^ and occa- 
sionally shows acuteness in its criticism of individual 
authors. Its chief fault is, that it is devoted to the 
French school and is an attempt to carry out, by 
means of an historical discussion, the doctrines laid 
down nearly twenty years before by Luzan, in his 

theory of poetical composition.^ 
* 282 ^ Mayans, a Yalencian gentleman of learning, 

and another of those who had a considerable in- 
fluence on Spanish literature at this period, followed a 
similar course in his " Retorica," which appeared in 
1757, and is founded rather on the philosophical opin- 
ions of the Roman rhetoricians than on the modifica- 
tion of those opinions by Boileau and his followers. It 
is a long and very cumbrous work, less fitted to the 
wants of the times than that of Luzan, and even more 
opposed to the old Castilian spirit, which submitted so 
unwillingly to rules of any sort. But it is a storehouse 
of curious extracts from authors belonging to the best 
period of Spanish literature, almost always selected 
with good judgment, if not always skilfully applied to 
the matter under discussion.^^ 

To these works of Mayans, Velazquez, and Luzan 
should be added the Preface by Nasarre to the plays 
of Cervantes, in 1749, where an attempt is made to 
take the authority of his great name from the school 

9 Luis Joseph Velazquez, "Origenes Sempere y Guarinos, Bib., Tom. VI. 

de la Poesia Castellaua," Malaga, 1754, p. 139. 

4to, pp. 175. J. A. Dieze, who was a '^^ Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, who 

Professor at Gottingen, and died in wrote and edited a great many books 

1785, pulilished a German translation in Latin and Spanish, was born in 

of it in 1769, with copious and valuable 1699, and died in 1782. His life aud 

notes, which more than double, not a list of his works may be made out 

only the size of the original work, but from the united accounts of Ximeno, 

its worth. The Life of Velazquez, who Tom. II. p. 324, and Fuster, Tom. II. 

was Marquis of Valdeflores, though he p. 98. In his " Retorica" he has been 

does not generally allude to his title in very happy in taking choice bits from 

his printed works, is to be found in the o.d Cancioneros Generaleo. 



Chap. III.] MAYANS Y SISCAR. 331 

that prevailed in his time^ by showing that these un- 
successfal efforts of the author of '•' Don Quixote " 
were only caricatures ridiculing Lope de Vega ; not 
dramatic compositions intended for serious success in 
the extravagant career which Lope's versatile genius 
had opened to his contemporaries. But this attempt 
was a failure^ and Avas only one of a long series of 
efforts made to discountenance the old theatre^ that 
must be noticed hereafter.^^ 

1^ There was a severe answer made at Critico," etc., (4to, 1750, pp. 258,) 

ouce to Bias de Nasarre, by Don Joseph which is a general, loose defence of 

Carrillo, entitled "Sin Eazon impng- Lojoe and his school. Bat neither was 

nada," 4to, 1750, pp. 25 ; besides needed. The theory of Nasarre was 

which, his Preface was attacked by too absurd to win adherents. 
Don T. Zabaleta, in his " Discarso 



*283 ^CHAPTER IV. 

SLOW PROGKESS OF CULTURE. — CHARLES THE THIRD AND HIS POLICY. 

ISLA. — HIS FRIAR GERUND. HIS CICERO. — HIS GIL BLAS. EFFORTS TO 

RESTORE THE OLD SCHOOL OF POETRY. — HUERTA. — SEDANO. SANCHEZ. 

SARMIENTO. — EFFORTS TO INTRODUCE THE FRENCH SCHOOL. — MORATIN 

THE ELDER AND HIS CLUB. — CADAHALSO, YRIARTE, SAMANIEGO, ARROYAL, 
MONTENGON, SALAS, MERAS, NORONA. 

The reign of Ferdinand the Sixth, which had been 
marked with Kttle political energy during its continu- 
ance, was saddened, at its close, by the death of the 
monarch from grief at the loss of his queen. But it 
had not been without beneficial influences on the 
country. A wise economy had been introduced, for 
the first time since the discovery of America, into the 
administration of the state ; the abused powers of the 
Church had been diminished by a concordat with the 
Pope ; the progress of knowledge had been furthered ; 
and Father Feyjoo, vigorous, though old, was still per- 
mitted, if not encouraged, to go on with his great 
task, and create a school that should rest on the broad 
principles of philosophy recognized in England and 
in France. 

We must not, however, be misled by such general 
statements. Spain, notwithstanding half a century of 
advancement, was still deplorably behind the other 
countries of Western Europe in that intellectual culti- 
vation, without which no nation in modern times can 
be prosperous, strong, or honored. "There is not," 
says the Marquis of Enseiiada, in a report made as 
minister of state to the king, — " there is not a profes- 



Chap. IY.] CHARLES THE THIRD. 333 

sorsliip of public law, of experimental science^ 
of anatomy, or of botany, in the *' kingdom. * 284 
We have no exact geographical maps of the 
country or its provinces, nor anybody who can make 
them ; so that we depend on the very imperfect maps 
we receive from France and Holland, and are shame- 
fully ignorant of the true relations and distances of 
our own towns." ^ 

Under these circumstances, the accession of a prince 
like Charles the Third was eminently fortunate for the 
countrj^. He was a man of energy and discernment, 
a Spaniard by birth and character, but one whom po- 
litical connections had placed early on the throne of 
Naples, where, during a reign of twenty -four years, he 
had done much to restore the dignity of a decayed 
monarchy, and had learned much of the condition of 
Europe outside of the Pyrenees. When, therefore, the 
death of his half-brother called him to the throne of 
Spain, he came with a kind and degree of experience 
in affairs which fitted him well for his duties in the 
more important and more unfortunate kingdom, whose 
destinies he was to control for above a quarter of a 

1 Tapia, Historia, Tom. IV. c. 15. tes," (1810,) his '' Historia de las 

Spain owed to the JNIarquis of Ensehada Cortes," (1815,) and other labors of the 

the Voyages of Juan and Ulloa, with same kind. His first acknowledged 

their subsequent publication, and the work was a free translation, from Mu- 

introduction into the kingdom of many ratori, of an essay, with additions, 

skilful mechanics and teachers. Ca- wdiich he printed at Madrid, in 1782, 

barrus, Elogio del Conde de Gausa, in 12mo, with the title, " Sobre el 

1786, TSTota xi. Buen Gusto," and which he accom- 

Many of the best materials for the panied by an original tract, " Sobre el 
state of culture in Spain, during the Buen Gusto actual de los Espanoles 
reign of Charles III., are to be found en la Literatura, " — the last being after- 
in the " Biblioteca de los Mejores Es- wards prefixed, with alterations, to his 
critores del Eeynado de Carlos III,, por " Biblioteca." He was a diligent and 
Juan Sempere y Guarinos," Madrid, useful AAaiter, and ctied, I believe, in 
1785-1789, 6 toni. 8vo. When the 1824. A small volume, containing no- 
author published it, he was about tliir- tices of his life to the time when it 
ty-five years old, having been born in appeared, probably derived from mate- 
1754 ; but he was afterwards much rials furnished by himself, v/as print- 
more distinguished as a political writer, ed at Madrid, by Amarita, in 1821, 
by his " Observaciones sobre las Cor- 12mo. 



334 . CHARLES THE THIRD. [Period HI. 

century. Happily, he seems to have comprehended 
his position from the first, and to have understood that 
he was called to a great work of reform and regenera- 
tion, where his chief contest was to be with ecclesias- 
tical abuses. 

In some respects he was successful. His ministers, 
Roda, Florida-Blanca, Aranda, and, above all, Campo- 
manes, were men of ability. By their suggestions and 
assistance; he abridged the Papal power so far, that no 
rescript or edict from Rome could have force in 
* 285 Spain without the expressed * assent of the 
throne ; he restrained the Inquisition from ex- 
ercising any authority whatever, except in cases of ob- 
stinate heresy or apostasy ; he forbade the condemna- 
tion of any book, till its author, or those interested in 
it, had had an opportunity to be heard in its defence ; 
and, finally, deeming the Jesuits the most active oppo- 
nents of the reforms he endeavored to introduce, he, 
in one day, expelled their whole body from his domin- 
ions all over the world, breaking up their schools, and 
confiscating their great revenues.^ At the same time, 
he caused improved plans of study to be suggested ; 
he made arrangements for popular education, such as 
were before unknown in Spain ; and he raised the 
tone of instruction and the modes of teaching in the 
few higher institutions over which he could lawfully 
extend his control. 

But many abuses were beyond his reach. When he 
appealed to the Universities, urging them to change 
their ancient habits, and teach the truths of the physi- 
cal and exact sciences, Salamanca answered, in 1771, 
'^ Newton teaches nothing that would make a good 

2 Llorente, Hist, de 1' Inquisition, Tom. IV. Doblado's Letters, 1822, Appen- 
dix to Letters III. and VIL 



Chap. IV.] 



CHARLES THE THIRD. 



335 



logician or metaphysician, and Gassencli and Descartes 
do not agree so well with revealed truth as Aristotle 
does." And the other Universities showed little more 
of the spirit of advancement.^^ 

With the Inquisition his success was far from being 
complete. Plis authority was resisted, as far as resist- 
ance was possible; but the progress of intelligence 
made all bigotry every year less active and formidable ; 
and, whether it be an honor to his reign, or whether it 
be a disgrace, it is to be recorded, that the last person 
wdio perished at the stake in Spain, by ecclesiastical au- 
thority, w^as an unfortunate woman, burnt at Seville in 
1781, — a heata of most irregular and licentious life, 
wdio claimed to act under immediate authority from, 
heaven \ but who seems to have been demented.^ 



H How sunk in corruption and abnses 
were the principal Universities at tliis 
period, and how thoroughly they resisted 
all change, is partly set forth by Ferrer 
del Eio (Hist, de Carlos III., 1856, 
Lib- IV. cap. 5), Perez Bayer was 
Tery active in urging reforms, and 
we shall perhaps know what was at- 
tempted, when his ample MSS. are 
published, Avhich are still preserved in 
the Royal Library at Madrid. Cam- 
pomanes, however, who did so much 
for education, interested himself greatly 
in the question of the Universities, and 
may have done more than Bayer from 
his greater power. He declared that 
the Universities had not reformed their 
methods of study since their founda- 
tion. "Uno de los motivos mas cono- 
cidos de la decadencia de las Univer- 
sidades," he said, "es la antiguedad de 
su fundacion, jjorque no habiendose 
reformado desde entonces el metodo de 
los estudios establecidos desde el prin- 
cipio, es precise que padezcan las heces 
de aquellos antiguos siglos." But if 
Charles III. was able to do little with 
the Universities, he eifected a good deal 
by establishing in the empty halls of 
the Jesuits, at JNIadrid, the ' ' Reales 
Estudios de San Isidro," which from 
1771 showed considerable improvements 
in the subjects taught and in the meth- 



ods of teaching. Even these, however, 
were not nearly all that was wanted. 
But no more could be obtained. The 
Church was against all effective change, 
and the public generally knew and 
cared little about it. 

^ Sempere y Guarinos, Bibliot. , Tom. 
IV., Art. Planes de Estudios. Tapia, 
Tom. IV. c. 16. Llorente, Tom. IV. 
J). 270. The Marquis de Langle, in his 
" Voyage d'Espagne," (s. I. 1785, 12mo, 
p. 45, ) says the poor woman burnt at 
Seville was "jeune et belle." But this 
was not so. She was blind and ugly. 
A full and most disgusting account of 
her trial and execution may be found 
in the "Juderia de Se villa," (pp. 182- 
209, Sevilla, 1849, 12mo, ) — an account 
wdiich, from a passage in Antoine de 
Latour's " Espagne Religieuse et Lit- 
teraire," (Paris, 1863, pp. 272-303,) 
was, I suppose, taken, as Latour says 
his own was, from a letter written the 
very day after the awful, auto had oc- 
curred, and addressed by an ecclesiastic 
of Seville to the excellent Caspar Mel- 
chor de Jovellanos, because it is sub- 
stantially the same in both books. It 
is evidently trustworthy, and is as gross 
and' horrible as anything of the sort on 
record in the worst periods of the In- 
quisition. I think that only three per- 
sons had previously been burned in the 



336 REFORMS ATTEMPTED. [Pekiod 111. 

Under the influence of a spirit like that of Charles 
the Thirdj during a reign protracted to twentj- 
"^286 nine ^ years^ there was a new and consider- 
able advancement in whatever tends to make 
life desirable, of which the country on all sides gave 
token. The population, which had fled or died away, 
seemed to spring up afresh in places that oppression 
had made desert, and having regained something 
under the first of the Bourbons, it now, under the 
third, recovered in part the numbers it had lost in the 
days of the House of Austria, by wars all over the 
world, by emigration, by the persecution of the Jews 
and the expulsion of the Moriscos, by bad legislation, 
and by the cruel spirit of religious intolerance. The 
revenues in the same period were increased threefold, 
without adding to the burdens of the people ; and the 
country seemed to be brought from a state of absolute 
bankruptcy to one of comparative ease and prosperity. 
It was certain, therefore, that Spain was not falling to 
ruin, as it had been in the time of Charles the Second.* 

But all intellectual cultivation is slow of growth, 
and all intellectual reform still slower. The life and 
health infused into the country were, no doubt, felt in 
every part of its physical system, reviving and renew- 
ing the powers that had been so long wasted away, 
and that at one period had seemed near to speedy dis- 
solution. But it was obvious, that much time must still 
elapse before such healthful circulations could reach 
the national culture generally, and a still longer time 
before they could revive that elegant literature, which 

time of Charles III., so that only four to the throne, Spain counted ten and a 

perished in this way during his long half millions of souls ; at the time of 

reign, — an enormous change from the the peace of Utrecht, it counted but 

times of his father, Philip V., and of seven millions and a half ; a monstrous 

the reigns preceding. falling off, if we consider the advance- 

* Tapia, Tom. IV. pp. 124, etc. ment of the i est of Europe during the 

When the Emperor Charles V. came same period. 



O OHr' 



Chap. IV.] PADRE ISLA. 337 

is the bright^ consummate flower of all true civilization. 
Yet light was beginning to be seen. It was a dawn, 
if it was nothing more. 

The first striking effect produced b}^ this movement 
in the reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the 
Third w^as one quite in sympathy with the spirit of the 
nation, then resisting the ecclesiastical abuses that 
had so long oppressed it. It was an attack 
^ on the style of popular preaching, which, ^ 287 
originally corrupted by Paravicino, the distin- 
guished follower of Gongora, had been constantly fall- 
ing lower and lower, until at last it seemed to have 
reached the lowest point of degradation and vulgarity. 
The assailant w^as Father Isla, who was born in 1703 
and died in 1781, at Bologna, where, being a Jesuit, he 
had been sent as an exile, on the general expulsion of 
his Order from Spain.^ His earliest published work, 
or rather one to which he contributed, is the " Triumph 
of Youth," printed in 1727, to give the nation an ac- 
count of a festival, celebrated that year*during eleven 
days at Salamanca, in honor of two very youthful 
saints who had been Jesuits, and who had just been 
canonized by Benedict the Thirteenth ; a gay tract, 
full of poems, farces, and accounts of the maskings and 
bull-fights to which the occasion had given rise, and 
coming as near as possible to open satire of the whole 
matter, but yet with great adroitness avoiding it.^ 

In a work somewhat similar, he afterwards went fur- 
ther. It w^as a description of the proclamation made 
in 1746, at Pamplona, on the accession of Ferdinand 

5 Vida de J. F. de Isla, por J. I. de ^ Juventud Triunfante, Salamanca, 

Salas, Madrid, 1803, 12mo ; and tlie 1727, 4to. The other autlior of this 

Life by Monlau prefixed to the very squib was Father Losada. Letter of 

good selections from his works con- Isla to his sister, dated 21st October, 

tained in the Biblioteca de Autores Es- 1781. 
panoles, Tom. XV., 1850. 

VOL. III. 22 



338 PADRE ISLA. [Period III. 

the Sixth; which was attended with such extravagant 
and idle ceremonies, that, being required to give some 
account of them to the pubHc, he could not refrain 
from indulging in his love of ridicule. But he did it 
with a satire so delicate and so crafty, that those who 
were its subjects failed at first to apprehend its real pur- 
pose. On the contrary, the Council of the proud capi- 
tal of Navarre thanked him for the honor he had done 
them; the Bishop and Archbishop complimented him 
for it; several persons whom he had particularly no- 
ticed sent him presents ; and, when the irony began to 
be suspected, it became a subject of public controversy, 

as in the case of De Foe's " Shortest Way with 
# 2gg * ^Ijq Dissenters," whether the praise bestowed 

were in jest or in earnest ; — Isla all the time 
defending himself with admirable ingenuity and wit, 
as if he were personally aggrieved at the unfavorable 
construction put upon his compliments. The discus- 
sion ended with his retreat or exile from Pamplona.^ 

He was, however, at this period of his life occupied 
with more serious duties, and soon found among them 
a higher mark for his wit. From the age of tvfenty- 
four he had been a successful preacher, and continued 
such until he was cruelly expelled from his own coun- 
try. But he perceived how little worthy of its great 
subjects was the prevalent style of Spanish pulpit ora- 
tory, — how much it was degraded by bad taste, by 
tricks of composition, by conceits and puns, and even 
by a low buffoonery, in which the vulgar monks, sent 
to preach in the churches or in the public streets and 
squares, indulged themselves merely to win applause 

■^ Dia Grande de Navarra, 2a ed., that the "Dia Grande" is no satire, 

Madrid, 1746, 4to. Seraanario Pinto- although he admits that it was the 

resco, 1840, p. 130. In a letter to his cause of his leaving Navarre at the 

friend Murr, written from Bologna as order of his Provincial. Biblioteca de 

late as October, 1781, he still maintains Kivadeneyra, Tom. XV. p. 615. 



Chap. IY.] PADRE ISLA. 339 

from equally vulgar audienceSj and increase the contri- 
butions they solicited by arts so discreditable. It is 
said that at first Father Isla was swept away by the 
current of his times, which ran with extraordinary 
force, and that he wrote, in some degree, as others did. 
But he soon recognized his mistake, a,nd his numerous 
published sermons, written between 1729 and 1754, 
are generally marked with a purity and directness 
of style which had long been unknown, and which, 
thou2:h wanting^ the richness and fervor of the exhor- 
tations of Luis de Leon and Luis de Granada, would 
not have dishonored the Spanish pulpit even in its 
better days.^ 

Isla, however, was not satisfied with merely setting 
a good example. He determined to make a direct 
attack on the abuse itself For this purpose, he wrote 
what he called " The Historj^ of the Famous Preacher, 
Friar Gerund " ; a satirical romance, in which he de- 
scribes the life of one of these popular orators, 
from ^ his birth in an obscure villaore, throuo^h ^289 
his education in a fashionable convent, and 
his adventures as a missionary about the country ; 
the fiction ending abruptly with his preparation to 
deliver a course of sermons in a city that seems in- 
tended to represent Madrid. It is written throughout 
with great spirit ] and not only are the national man- 
ners and character everywhere present, but in the 
episodes and in the occasional sketches Isla has given 
of conventual and religious life in his time, there is an 
air of reality which leaves no doubt that the author 
drew freely on the resources of his personal experi- 
ence. Its plan resembles slightly that of " Don Quix- 

^ Yida de Tsla, § 3. Sermones, Ma- earl}' as 1680, when Madame d'Aiilnoy 
drid, 1792-93, 6 torn. 8vo. Vulgar was in Spain. Voyage, ed. 1693, Tom. ' 
prjaching in the streets was common as II. p. 168. 



340 PADEE ISLA. [Period III. 

ote/' but its execution reminds us oftener of Rabelais 
and his discursive and redundant reflections, though of 
Rabelais without his coarseness. It is serious, as be- 
comes the Spanish character, and conceals under its 
gravity a spirit of sarcasm, which, in other countries, 
seems inconsistent with the idea of dignity, but which 
in Spain has been more than once happily united with 
it, and made more effective by the union. 

The sketches of character and specimens of fashion- 
able pulpit oratory given in the " Friar Gerund " are 
the best parts of it, and are agreeable illustrations for 
the literary history of the eighteenth century. Of 
the preacher w^hom the Friar. took for his model we 
have the following carefully drawn portrait : — 

" He was in the full perfection of his strength, just 
about three-and-thirty years old ; tall, robust, and 
stout ; his limbs well set and well proportioned ; manly 
in gait, inclining to corpulence, w^ith an erect car- 
riage of his head, and the circle of hair round his 
tonsure studiously and exactly combed and shaven. 
His clerical dress was always neat, and fell around 
his person in ample and regular folds. His shoes 
fitted him with the greatest nicety, and, above all, 
his silken cap was adorned wdth much curious em- 
broidery and a fanciful tassel, — the work of certain 
female devotees who were dying with admiration of 
their favorite preacher. In short, he had a very 
youthful, gallant look ; and, adding to this a clear, 
rich voice, a slight, fashionable lisp, a peculiar 
"^290 grace in telling a * story, a talent at mimicry, 
an easy action, a taking manner, a high-sound- 
ing style, and not a little effrontery, — never forget- 
ting to sprinkle jests, proverbs, and homely phrases 
along his discourses with a most agreeable aptness, — 



Chap. IV.] PADRE ISLA. 341 

lie won golden opinions in his public discourses, and 
carried everything before him in the drawing-rooms he 
frequented." ^ 

The style of eloquence of this vulgar ecclesiastical 
fop, a specimen of which follows, is no less faithfully 
and characteristically given ; and w^as taken, as Father 
Isla intimates was his custom, from a discourse that 
had really been preached.^'^ 

" It was well known, that he always began his ser- 
mons with some proverb, some jest, some pot-house 
witticism, or some strange fragment, which, taken from 
its proper connections and relations, would seem, at 
first blush, to be an inconsequence, a blasphemy, or an 
impiety ; until at last, having kept his audience wait- 
ing a moment in wonder, he finished the clause, or 
came out with an explanation which reduced the whole 
to a sort of miserable trifling. Thus, preaching one 
day on the mysterj^ of the Trinity, he began his ser- 
mon by saying, ^ I deny that God exists a Unity in 
essence and a Trinity in person,' and then stopped 
short for an instant. The hearers, of course, looked 
round on one another, scandalized, or, at least, wonder- 
ing what would be the end of this heretical blasphemy. 
At length, when the preacher thought he had fairly 
caught them, he went on, ^ Thus says the Ebionite, the 
Marcionite, the Arian, the Manichean, the Socinian ; 
but I prove it against them all from the Scriptures, 
the Councils, and the Fathers.' 

" In another sermon, which was on the Incarnation, 
he began by crying out, ' Your health, cavaliers ! ' and, 

^ "Historia del Famoso Predicador, to be a fictitious one ; but which is, in 

Fray Gerandio de Campazas," Madrid, fact, that of a friend, Avho was a parisli 

1813, 4 torn. 12mo, Tom. I. p. 307. priest at Villagarcia, where Father Isla, 

In the first edition, as well as in sev- who mentions him often in his letters, 

eral other editions, it is said to be writ- wrote his Friar Gerund, 
ten by Francisco Lobon de Salazar, a ^^ Cartas Familiares, 1790, Tom. VI. 

name which has generally been supposed p. 313. 



342 PADRE ISLA. [Peeiod III, 

as the audience burst into a broad laugh at the 
^291 free manner ^ in which he had said it, he went 

on : ' This is no joking matter, however • for it 
was for your health and for mine, and for that of all 
men, that Christ descended from heaven and became 
incarnate in the Virgin Mary. It is an article of faith, 
and I prove it thus : " Propter nos, homines, et nos- 
tram salutem descendit de coelo et incarnatus est," ' — 
whereat they all remained in delighted astonishment, 
and such a murmur of applause ran round the church, 
that it wanted little of breaking out into open accla- 
mation." ^^ 

The first volume of the '' Friar Gerund " was pub- 
lished in 1758, somewhat sooner than the author in- 
tended ; — those who were in the secret getting pos- 
session of the edition and selling eight hundred cojDies 
in the course of twenty-four hours.^^ Such an extraor- 
dinary popularity, however, proved anything but a 
benefit* The priests, and especially the preaching 
friars, assailed it from all quarters, as the most for- 
midable attack yet made in Spain on their peculiar 
craft. The consequence was, that, though the king 
and the court expressed their delight in its satire, the 
license to publish it further was withdrawn, its author 
was summoned before the Inquisition, and his book 
was condemned in 1760. But Isla was too strong in 
public favor and in the respect of the Jesuits to be 
personally punished, and the Friar Gerund was too 
true and too widely scattered to be more than nomi- 
nally suppressed. ^^ 

11 Fray Genindio, Tom. L p. 309. eral amusing letters about Fray Ge- 

12 CartasFamiliares, Tom. II. p. 170. rundio in the second volume of the 
1^ Vida de Isla, p. 63. Llo*rente, Cartas Familiares, and much discussion 

Hist., Tom. II. p. 450. Cartas Fa- about it in the fourth vohmie of the 
miliares de Isla, Tom. II. pp. 168, etc., edition of the book itself, 1813. The 
and Tom. IIL p. 213. There are sev- Inquisition (Index, 1790) not only for- 



Chap. IV.] PADRE ISLA. 343 

The second volume did not fare so well. After the 
censure passed on the first, it could not, of course, be 
licensed, and so remained for a long time in manu- 
script, a forbidden book. In flict, it has been said to 
have first appeared in England, and in the 
English Language, in * 1772, through the *292 
agency of Baretti, to whom the manuscript 
had been sent after its author had been exiled to 
Italy. But an edition of the whole work in Spanish 
soon appeared at Bayonne, followed by other editions 
in other places \ and, though it was never licensed at 
home till 1813, — and then only to be forbidden anew 
the next year, on the return of Ferdinand the Seventh, 
— still few books have been better known all over 
Spain, to the more intelligent classes of the Spanish 
people, than Friar Gerund, from the day of its first 
publication to the present time. What is of more con- 
sequence, it was, from the first, successful in its main 
purpose. The sobriquet of Friar Gerund was given at 
once to those who indulged in the vulgar style of 
preaching it was intended to discountenance, and any 
one who was admitted to deserve the appellation could 
no longer collect an audience, except such as was 
gathered from the populace of the public squares.^* 

bade the work itself, but forbade any- of Vol. II., with the imprint " En Cam- 
body to publish anything for or agiinst pazas, A costa de los herederos de Fray 
it. The apprehension that it would be Gerundio, Ano de 1770." It is, of 
forbidden was so great, that the price course, wholly ^vithout the accustomed 
of copies of the first volume became , licencias, and does not match very well 
extravagant the moment it was pub- with Vol. I., 1758. In the letter to 
lished. One was bought for twenty-five Murr (cited ante, note 7) Isla declares 
Louis d'or, and an equal sum was re- that he does not know where the second 
fused for another. Espagne Litteraire, volume of the Fra}^ Gerundio was pub- 
[by Nicolas Bricaire,] 1774, Tom. III. lished, although he supposes it was not 
p. 315. printed in Spain. At the same time, 
1^ Watt, Bibliotheca, art. Isla. Wie- he says that he never gave it, as he had 
land, Teutsche Merkur, 1773, Tom. III. been charged with doing, to the Secre- 
p. 196. Baretti's Proposals for Print- tary of the Spanish Embassy in Eng- 
ing the Translation of Fr.ar Gerund, land ; but he does not say that he did 
prefixed to that work, London, 1772, not send it to England, nor does he 
2 torn. 8vo. I have, however, a copy deny that it was printed there. I pos- 



344 PADRE ISLA. [Period III, 

In consequence of the alarm and anxieties that ac- 
companied his sudden and violent expulsion from 
Spain, in 1767^ Father Isla suffered on the road to 
Corunna, where he embarked, an attack of paralysis, 
which made his health uncertain for the remaining 
fourteen years of his life, one of which spent in Cor- 
sica, and several in Bologna and its neighborhood, 
were rendered miserable by the troubles incident to a 
state of war, or by personal persecutions and poverty. 
Still, after his death, it was found that in these sad 
years, during some of which he subsisted on the 
kindness of charitable friends, he had not been idle. 
Among his papers was a poem in sixteen cantos, con- 
taining about twelve thousand lines in octave stanzas. 
It is called " Cicero," and claims to be a life of the 
great Koman orator. But it is no such thing. It is a 
satire on the vices and follies of the author's 
*293 own time, begun in Spain, but * chiefly written 
during his exile in Italy; and though it con- 
tains occasional sketches of an imaginary life of Cice- 
ro's mother, they are very inconsiderable, and as for 
Cicero himself, the poem leaves him in his cradle, only 
eighteen months old. 

One of the subjects of its satire is the large class of 
Spanish narrative poems, of which, and especially of 
those devoted to the lives of the saints, it may be re- 
garded as a sort of parody ; but its main purpose is to 
ridicule the lives of modern fine ladies, and the modes 
of early education then prevalent. The whole, how- 
ever, is mingled with inappropriate discussions about 
Italy, poetry, and a country life, and hardly less inap- 
propriate satire of professed musicians, theatres, and 

sess both volumes of the first edition, imprint — " En Campazas " — is, of 
and think fi'om the type and paper of course, a jest, 
the second that it is English. The 



Chap. IY.] PADRE ISLA. 345 

poets who praise one another ; in short, with Avhatever 
occurred to Father Isla's wayward humor as he was 
w^riting. From internal evidence, it seems to have 
been read, as it was written, to a society of friends, — 
probably some of the numerous exiles who, like him- 
self, had resorted to Bologna, and subsisted there on 
the miserable pittance the Spanish government prom- 
ised them, but often failed to pay. For such a purpose 
it w^as not ill adapted by its clear, flowing style, and 
occasionally by its pungent satire ; but its cumbrous 
length and endless digressions, often trifling both in 
matter and manner, render it quite unfit for publica- 
tion. It was, however, offered to the public censor, 
and permission to print it was refused, though for rea- 
sons so frivolous, that it seems certain the real objec- 
tion was not to the poem, but to the author.-^^ 

Others of Father Isla's works were more fortunate. 
Six volumes of his sermons were collected and pub- 
lished, and six volumes of his letters, chiefly addressed 
to his sister and her husband, and written in a 
very affectionate and ^ gay spirit, and in a very ^294 
natural and attractive style. To these, at differ- 
ent times, were added a few minor works of a trifling- 
character, and one or two that are religious.^*^ 

1^ The autograph manuscript of " El 18mo,) being extracts from accounts 
Ciceron," neatly written out in 219 folio claimed to have been written by Father 
pages, double columns, wdth the cor- Isla for that journal, in 1758, of the 
rections of the author and the erasures European events of the year, but not 
of tlie censor, is in the Boston Athe- certainly his ; — "Cartas de Juan de la 
nreum. It is accompanied by three Enzina," (Madrid, 1784, 18mo,) a sa- 
autograph letters of Father Isla ; by the tirical work on the follies of Spanish 
opinion of the censor, that the poem medicine; — "Cartas Familiares," writ- 
ought not to be published ; and by an ten between 1744 and 1781, published 
answer to that opinion ; — the last two 1785-86, also in a second edition, Ma- 
being anonymous. These curious and drid, 1790, 6 tom. 12mo ; — "Colec- 
valuable manuscripts were pi'ocured in cion de Papeles Critico-Apologeticos," 
Madrid by E. Weston, Esq., and pre- (1788, 2 tom. 18mo,) in defence of 
sented by him to the Library of the Feyjoo ; — "Sermones," Madrid, 1792, 
Athenaeum, in 1844. 6 torn. 8vo ; — "Eebusco," etc., (Ma- 

1^ The works alluded to are, — " El clrid, 1790, 18mo,) a collection of mis- 

Mercurio General," (Madrid, 1784, ceilanies, most of which are probably 



346 PADRE ISLA AND LE SAGE. [Peuiod III. 

But what most surprised the world was his transla- 
tion of " Gil Bias," printed at Madrid in 1787, claiming 
the work, on which the fame of Le Sage must always 
principally rest, as " stolen from the Spanish, and now," 
in the words of Father Isla's title-page, " restored to 
its country and native language by a Spaniard, who 
does not choose to have his nation trifled with." ^' 
The external grounds for this extraordinary charge 
are slight. The first suggestion occurs in 1752, and is 
made by Voltaire, who, in his " Age of Louis the Four- 
teenth," declares the Gil Bias " to be entirely taken from 
Espinel's ' Marcos de Obregon.' " This charge, as we 
have seen, is not true, and we have reason to believe 
that it was the result of personal ill-will on the part of 
Voltaire, who had himself been attacked in the 
^295 Gil Bias, ^ and who had, in some way or other, 
heard that Le Sage was indebted to Espinel. 
Afterwards similar declarations are made in two or 
three books of no authority, and especially in a Bio- 
graphical Dictionary printed at Amsterdam in 1771. 
But this is all. 

not by Father Tsla ; — " Los Aldeanos additions, and from a summary in verse 

Criticos," in defence of Friar Gerund; which lie prefixed to the account of each 

— and various papers in the Semana- period, and which the chiklren learned 

rio Erudito, Tom. XVI., XX., and by heart. 

XXXIV., and in the supplementary i" " Aventuras de Gil Bias de San- 
volume of the "Fray Gerundio." A tillana, robadas a Espana, adoptadas en 
poem, entitled " Sueilo Politico," (Ma- Francia por Mons. Le Sage, restituidas 
drid, 1785, 18mo,) on the accession of a su Patria y i su Lengua nativa, ])or 
Charles III , is also falsely attributed un Espanol zeloso, (jue no sufre <]ue se 
to him ; and so are "Cartas atrasadas burlen de su Nacion," Madrid, 17S7, 6 
del Parnaso," a satire which yet re- torn. 8vo, and often since. Though in 
minds one sometimes of the "Cice- great poverty himself, Isla gave any 
ron." profit that might come from his version 
Of his translations it is hardly need- of the Gil Bias to assist a poor Spani/ih 
ful to speak, except of that of the Gil knight. 

Bias. It may be noted, however, that Don Antonio Puigblanch, a whim- 
he published in Spanish Flechier's sical but learned Catalan, prepared a 
" Theodosius the Great," in 1731, and translation of Gil Bias, with n Preface 
soon afterwai'ds Duchesne's abridgment to prove Le Sage its author, and, as he 
of the History of Spain ; — both pre- says, announced it for publication , but 
pared hj liim earlier, and the last long I suppose it was never printed. See 
a favorite in the Spanish schools as a his strange " Opusculos Gramatico- 
text-book, not merely from the merit Satiricos," Londres, s. a. Tom, 11. 
of the oi'iginal, but from Isla's judicious pp. 372^ 373. 



Chap. IY.J PADRE ISLA AND LE SAGE. 347 

Roused by such suggestions, however, Father Isla 
amused himself with making a translation of Gil Bias, 
omitting some parts, and altering others, adding to it a 
long and not successful continuation,^^ and declaring, 
without ceremonj^ or proof, that it was the Avork of an 
Andalusian advocate, who gave his manuscript to Le 
Sage, when Le Sage was in Spain, either as a secretary 
of the French embassy, or as a friend of the French 
ambassador. But all this, so far as the bold claim for 
a Spanish origin of the Gil Bias is concerned, seems to 
be without any foundation, for the manuscript has 
never been produced • the advocate has never been 
named ] and Le Sage was never in Spain. Still, the 
Spanish claim has not been abandoned. On the con- 
trary, Llorente, in two ingenious and learned works on 
the subject, one in French and the other in Spanish, 
but both printed in 1822, reasserts it, with great ear- 
nestness, resting his proofs on internal evidence, and 
insisting that Gil Bias is certainly of Spanish origin, 
and that it is probably the work, not indeed of Father 
Isla's Andalusian advocate, but of Solis, the histo- 
rian ; — a suggestion for which Llorente produces no 
better reason, than that nobody else out of thirty au- 
thors whom he examined in the period to which he 
assigns the Gil Bias was able, in his judgment, to write 
such a romance. ^^ 

1^ This continuation, however, was from the French. (Sempere, BilDlio- 

translated from the Italian of the Canon teca, Tom. VI. p. 231.) This work, 

Giiilio Monti, a Bolognese, who died in too, the author declared to be a trans- 

1747, and whose Gil Bias was pnb- lation, and, like Isla, set forth on his 

lished, I believe, at Venice the same title-page that it was "restored to the 

year. Another continuation of Gil Bias, language in which it was originally 

less happy even than this of Monti, ap- written." But the whole is a worthless 

peared, in 2 torn. 8vo, at Madrid, in fiction, title-page and all, though the 

1792, entitled " Genealogia de Gil Bias, attempt to make out for Gil Bias a clear 

Continuacion de la Vida de este famoso and noble genealogy on the side of his 

Sujeto, por su Hijo Don Alfonso Bias mother must be admitted to be a truly 

de Liria." Its author was Don Ber- Spanish fancy. (See Libros III. y IV.) 

nardo Maria de Calzada, a person who. The stoiy is unfinished, 

a little eai'lier, had translated much i^ Voltaire, CEuvres, ed. Beaumar- 



348 PADEE ISLA AND LE SAGE. [Period III. 

* 296 ^ But there is a ready answer to all such 
merely conjectural criticism. Le Siige pro- 
ceedeclj as an author in romantic fiction, just as he 
had done when he wrote for the public theatre ; and 
the results at which he arrived in both cases are re- 
markably similar. In the drama he began with trans- 
lations and imitations from the Spanish, such as his 
" Point of Honor," which is taken from Roxas, and his 
'^Don Cesar Ursino," which is from Calderon; but af- 
terwards, when he better understood his own talent 
and had acqmred confidence from success, he came out 
with his " Turcaret," a wholly original comedy, which 
far surpassed all he had before attempted, and showed 
how much he had been wasting his strength as an imi- 
tator. Just so he did in romance-writing. He began 
with translating the " Don Quixote " of Avellaneda, 
and remodelling and enlarging the " Diablo Cojuelo " 
of Guevara. But the " Gil Bias," the greatest of all 
his works of ]3rose fiction, is the result of his confirmed 
strength ; and, in its characteristic merits, is as much 
his own as the " Turcaret." 

cliais, Tom. XX. p. 155. Le Sage, 12mo) ; two works not exactly alike, 

CEiivres, Paris, 1810, 8vo, Tom. I. i?. but substantially so, and equally main- 

xxxix, where Voltaire is said to have taining that Gil Bias is Spanish in its 

been attacked by Le Sage, in one of his origin, and probably the work of Solis, 

dramas ; besides which it is supposed the historian, who, as Llorente conjec- 

IjC Sage ridiculed him under the name tures, wrote a romance in Spanish, en- 

of Triaquero, in Gil Bias, Lib. X. c. 5. titled "El Bachiller de Salamanca," 

But the most important and curious the manuscript of which coming into 

discussion concerning the authorship of the possession of Le Sage, he first plun- 

Gil Bias is the one that was carried on, dered from it the materials for his Gil 

between 1818 and 1822, by Fran9ois de Bias, which he published in 1715- 

Neufchateau and Antonio de Llorente, 1735, and then gave the world the 

the author of the History of the Inqui- remainder as the " Bachelier de Sala- 

sition. It began with a memoir, by manque," in 1738. This theory of Llo- 

the first, read to the French Academy, rente is explained, with more skill than 

(1818,) and an edition of Gil Bias, is shown in its original framing, by the 

(Paris, 1820, 3 tom. 8vo, ) in both late accomplished scholar, Mr. A. H. 

which he maintains Le Sage to be the Everett, in an article which first aj)- 

true author of that romance. To both peared in the North American Keview, 

Llorente replied by a counter memoir, for October, 1827, when its author was 

addressed to the French Academy, and Minister of the United States in Spain, 

by his "Observations sur Gil Bias," and afterwards in his pleasant " Chitical 

(Paris, 1822, 8vo,) and his " Observa- and Miscellaneous Essays," published 

dones sobre Gil Bias" (Madrid, 1822, in Boston, 1845, 12mo. 



Chap. IY.] PADRE ISLA AND LE SAGE. 349 

On this point the internal evidence is as decisive as 
the external. The frequent errors of this remarkable 
romance in Spanish geography and history show tliat 
it could hardly have been the work of a Spaniard, and 
certainly not of a Spaniard so well informed as Soils; 
its private anecdotes of society in the reigns of Louis 
the Fourteenth and Louis the Fifteenth prove it to 
have been almost necessarily written by a 
Frenchman; while, at the ^same time, the "^297 
freedom with which, as we go on, we find that 
everything Spanish is plundered, — now a tale taken 
from " Marcos de Obregon," now an intrigue or a story 
from a play of Mendoza, of Roxas, or of Figueroa, — 
points directly to Le Sage's old habits, and to his prac- 
tised skill in turning to account everything that he 
deemed fitted to his purpose. The result is, that he 
has, by the force of his genius, produced a work of 
great brilliancy ; in which, from his known familiarity 
with Spanish literature and his unscrupulous use of it, 
he has preserved the national character with such 
fidelity, that a Spaniard is almost always unwilling to 
believe that the Gil Bias, especially now that he has it 
in the spirited if not uniformly pure Castilian version 
of Father Isla, could have been written by anybody but 
one of his own countrymen.^^ 

^'^ " Le Point d'Honnenr" is from is abundant. I have already noticed, 

"No hay Amigo para Amigo," which when speaking of Espinel, (ante, pp. 

is the lirst play in the Conieclias de 106-108,) how much Le Sage took 

Roxas, 1680; — and "Don Cesar Ur- from "Marcos de Obregon"; but, be- 

sin" is from " Peor esta que estaba," sides this, the adventures of Don Rafael 

in Calderon, Comedias, 1763, Tom. IIL with the Seigneur de Moyadas in Gil 

The errors of Gil Bias in Spanish geog- Bias ( Lib. V. c. 1 ) are taken from ' ' Los 

raphy and history are constantly pointed Erapenos del Mentir " of Mendoza (Fe- 

out by Llorente as blunders of Le Sage nix Castellano, 1690, p. 254) ; — the 

in the careless use of his original ; while, story of the Mariage de Vengeance in 

on the other hand, Fr. de Neuf chateau Gil Bias (Lib. IV. c. 4) is from the 

points out its allusions to Parisian so- play of Roxas, ''Casarsepor Vengarse" ; 

ciety in ths time of Le Sage. But of — the story of Aurora de Guzman in 

his free use of Spanish fictions, which Gil Bias (Lib. IV c. 5 and 6) is from 

he took no pains to conceal, the proof "Todo es enredos Amor," by Diego de 



350 THE FKEXCH SCHOOL CONTKOYERSY. [Period HI. 

The chief talent of Father Isla, howeYer, was in 
satire^ and the great service he performed for his coun- 
try was that of driving from its respectable churches 
the low and vulgar style of preaching Y^th which they 
had long been infested ; — a work Ydiich the " Friar 
Gerund" achieved almost as completely as the "Don 
Quixote " did that of destroying the insane passion for 
books of chivalry which prevailed in the seventeenth 

century. 
* 298 * But, meanwhile, other attempts were mak- 
ing in other directions to revive the literature 
of the country ; some by restoring a taste for the old 
national poetry, some by attempting to accommodate 
everything to the French doctrines of the age of Louis 
the Fourteenth, and some by an ill-defined, and often 
perhaps unconscious, struggle to unite the two opin- 
ions, and to form a school whose character should 
be unlike that of either, and yet in advance of 
both. 

In the direction of the earlier national poetry little 
Y^as done by original efforts, but something was at- 
tempted in other waj^s. Huerta, a fierce, but incon- 
sistent, adversary of the French innovations, printed, 
in 1778, a volume of poems almost entirely in the old 
manner ; but it was too much marked with the bad 
taste of the preceding century to enjoy even a tem- 
porary success, and its author, therefore, could boast 

Cordoba y Figueroa ; — and so on . See three years after the last vohime of Gil 
Tieck's Vorrede to his translation of Bias appeared, he says expressly, that 
Marcos de Obregon (1827) ; Adolfo de "it is translated from a Spanish manu- 
Castro's Poesias de Calderon y Plagios script, and yet the story of Dona Cintia 
de Le Sage (Cadiz, 1845, 18mo, a curi- de la Carrera, in the lifty-foiirth and 
ous little pamphlet) ; and the fourth hfty-fifth chapters, is taken from Mo- 
hook of the same author's " Conde reto's " Desden con el Desden " ; a play 
Duque de Olivarez" (Cadiz, 1846, 8vo). as well known as any in Spanish litera- 
In his " Bachelier de Salamanque," Le ture ; — so bold and careless was he in 
Sage goes one step further. On the his literary larcenies, 
title-page of this romance, first printed 



Chap. IY.] THE FRENCH SCHOOL CONTKOVEKST. 351 

of no follower of any note in a path which was con- 
stantly less and less troclden.^^ 

On the other hand, more was done with effect to 
recall the memory of the old masters themselves. 
Lopez de Sedano, between 1768 and 1778, published 
his " Spanish Parnassus," in nine volumes ; a work 
which, though ill digested and not always showing 
good taste in its selections and criticisms, is still a rich 
mine of the poetry of the country in its best days, 
and contains important materials for the history of 
Spanish literature from the period of Boscan and Gar- 
cilasso.^^ Sanchez went further back, and in 
1779 offered ^ to his countrymen, for the first ^ 299 
time, the greater legendary treasures of their 
heroic ages, beginning with the noble old poem of the 
Cid, but unhappily leaving incomplete a task for which 
he had proved himself so well fitted by his learning 
and zeal, if not by his acuteness.^^ And finally, Sarmi- 
ento, a friend of Feyjoo, and one of his ablest public 
defenders, undertook an elaborate history of Spanish 
poetry, which contains important discussions relating 
to the period embraced by the inquiries of Sanchez, 
but which was broken off by the death of its venerable 

21 " Poesias de Don Vicente Garcia de deal of criticism soon after it appeared. 
* la Hnerta," Madrid, 1778, 12mo, and The club of the elder Moratin — to be 

a second edition, 1786; opening, as its noticed immediately — was much dis- 

principal claim to notice, with the satisfied with it (Obras Postumas de N. 

"Endymion," a short heroic poem, F. Moratin, Londres, 1825, 12mo, p. 

first published separately in 1755, in xxv) ; — Yriarte in 1778 printed a dia- 

4to, but very feeble and common- logue onit, "Donde las danlastoman," 

place. _ ^^ fullof severity (Obras, 1805, Tom. VI.); 

" La Perromachia, " a mock-heroic on —and in 1785 Sedano replied, under 

the loves and quarrels of sundry dogs, the name of Juan Maria Chavero y 

by Francisco Nieto Molina, (Madrid, Eslava de Ronda, in four volumes, 

1765, 12rao, ) is too poor to deserve no- 12mo, published at Malaga, and called 

tice, though it is an attempt to give the "Coloquios de Esj)ina." 

greater currency to the earlier national ^3 t, A. Sanchez (born 1732, died 

verse, — the redondillas. 1798) published his "Poesias Anteri- 

22 J. J. Lopez de Sedano's "Parnaso ores al Siglo XV." at Mailrid, in 4 torn. 
Espanol" (Madrid, Sancha, 1768 - 1778, 8vo, 1779 - 1790, but printed very little 
9 torn. 12mo) was the subject of a good else. 



352 MORATIISI" THE ELDER. [Period III. 

author in 1772, and remained nnpublished till three 
years later.^^ These three works, though they excited 
too little attention at first, were still works of impor- 
tance, and have served as the foundation for a better 
state of thino-s since. 

The doctrines of the French school, somewhat modi- 
fied, perhaps, by the reproduction of the elder Spanish 
literature, but still substantially unchanged, found fol- 
lowers more numerous and active. During the reign 
of Charles the Third, Moratin the elder, a gentleman 
of an old Biscayan family, who was born in 1737, and 
died in 1780, succeeded, in a great degree, to the in- 
heritance of Luzan's opinions, and devoted himself to 
the reform of the taste of his countrymen. He was 
the friend of Montiano, who had himself endeavored to 
introduce classical tragedy upon the Spanish stage, 
and who had, probably, some share in forming the 
literary character of the yoimg poet. But the court, 
as usual, was an element in the movement. Moratin 
was received with flattering regard by the Duke of 
Medina- Sidonia, the head of the great house of the 

Guzmans ; by the Duke of Ossuna, long ambas- 
* 300 sador in France ; by Aranda, the able ^ minister 

of state, who rarely forgot the cause of intel- 
lectual culture ; and by the Infante Don Gabriel de 
Bourbon, the accomplished translator of Sallust ; and 
each of these persons was thus able, through Moratin, to 
exercise an influence on the state of letters in S|)ain ^^ 

24 Martin Sarmiento, " Memorias XTX., and XX. His " Historia de la 
para la Historia de la Poesia y Poetas Poesi'a," printed as the fii'st volume of 
Espanoles," Madrid, 1775, 4to. He his Works, which were not further con- 
was born in 1692, and wrote a great tinned, is the more valuable because, 
deal, but published little. .His defence making his inquiries quite indepen- 
of his jnaster, Feyjoo, (1732, ) generally dently of Sanchez, he often comes to 
goes with the "Teatro Critico"; and the same results. 

•some of his tracts are to be found in ^^ Whether the Infante Don Gabriel 

the Semanario Erudito, Tom. V., VI., can fairly claim the authorship of the 



Chap. IY.] 



MORATIN" THE ELDEK. 



353 



His first public effort of any consequence; except a 
drama that will be noticed hereafter, was his "Poeta," 
which appeared in 1764. It consists entirely of his 
own shorter poems, and is among the many proofs how 
small was the interest then felt in literature, since, 
though the whole collection fills only a hundred and 
sixty pages, it was found expedient to publish it in ten 
successive numbers, in order to give it a fair opportu- 
nity to be circulated and read.^*^ This was followed, 
the next year, by the " Diana," a short didactic poem, 
in six books, on the Chase, and subsequently by a nar- 
rative poem on the Destruction of his Ships by Cortes, 
to which if we add a volume published by the piety 
of his son in 1821, and containing, with a modest and 
beautiful life of their author, a collection of poems, 
most of which had not before been published, we 



notes to the translation of Sallnst, of 
whicli a magnificent edition was printed 
by Ibarra, in folio, in 1772, is uncer- 
tain ; for he was only twenty years old 
wlien it appeared, and he had for his 
tutor the learned Perez Bayer. But he 
was a prince of various elegant accom- 
plishments and decided literary tastes, 
so that his death, in 1788, was a mis- 
fortune to Spain, heavily felt through 
the reign of his elder brother, which 
b:"gan the same year. 

^^ There were great numbers of poet- 
ical pamphlets, in 18mo, published in 
]\[adrid during the reign of Charles III., 

— nearly all worthless. I have forty 
or fifty such, including most of the 
works of IMoratin the elder, several by 
Gregorio Salas, etc. ; but one of them 

— "El Parto de los Montes, por Dona 
Maria Josefa de Cespedes" (1786, pp. 
14) — is a satire on the rest, setting 
forth that Apollo had sent a plague of 
rats — descendants of the ricliculus tnus 
of Horace — to eat them all up. Mo- 
ratin the younger, also, in his ' ' Derrota 
de los Pedantes," (1789, pp. 45-50,) 
makes himself merry with these po- 
eniitas, as he calls them, which were 
chiefly what we denominate "Occa- 
sional Poems." A century earlier all 
these trifles would have come out in 



quarto ; but the whole literature of the 
country was shrunk and dwarfed to the 
same proportions. Indeed, in the first 
half of the eighteenth century even 
these poor, starved little tracts were 
]'are, while in the reign of Charles IV. 
tliey gradually swelled to be small vol- 
umes in duodecimo or octavo. 

But of what was published at this 
period, nearly all was trash. A strik- 
ing specimen of it may be found in two 
octavo volumes printed at Madrid with 
some air of pretension by Joseph Ma- 
nuel Martin in 1782, and called " Ter- 
tulia de la Aldea." It consists mainly 
of garbled extracts from writers in ear- 
lier times, sometimes acknowledged to 
be extracts and sometimes not, but all 
strung together with an absurd want 
of discretion and taste. No small part 
of the Don Quixote is thus served up 
as if it were a book little known, al- 
though only two years earlier the Acad- 
emy had published their magnificent 
edition of it. The Avhole may be re- 
garded in its twenty-four ' ' Pasatiem- 
pos " or Entertcdivinents, as the final 
decay and degi-adation of the class of 
books to which belong Montalvau's 
"Para Todos" and the "CigaiTales" 
of Tellez. 



VOL. III. 



23 



354 MOKATIJS" THE ELDEK. [Period III. 

shall have all of the elder Moratin that can now 
interest us. 

Its value is not great ; and yet portions of it are not 
likely to be soon forgotten. The " Epic Canto/' as he 

calls it, on the bold adventure of Cortes in 
^ 301 burning his ^ ships, is the noblest poem of its 

class produced in Spain during the eighteenth 
century, and gives more pleasure than most of the his- 
torical epics that preceded it in such large numbers.^^ 
Some of his shorter pieces, like his ballads on Moorish 
subjects, and an ode to a champion in the bull-fights, 
— which Moratin constantly frequented, and of which 
he printed a pleasant historical sketch, — are full of 
spirit. All he wrote, indeed, is marked by purity and 
exactness of language and harmony of versification ; 
showing that, though, as we are told, he possessed to 
an extraordinary degree the power of an improvisator, 
he yet composed carefully and finished with patience. 
But his chief success was as a public teacher ; laboring 
faithfully in the chair of the Imperial College, where 
he took the place of his friend Ayala, and rebuking 
the bad taste of his times by the strength of his own 
modest example. ^^ 

2'^ The " ISTaves de Cortes," as pub- destruidas, canto Premiado," ec, Ma- 

lislied by tlie younger Moratin in 1785, drid, 4to, pp. 21. Neither his poem, 

(18mo, pp. 67,) after his fatlier's death, however, nor that of Salas, is to be 

is to be preferred to the one he pub- compared to the one by Moratin, which 

lished at Barcelona, in 1821, in which was, no doubt, published by his son to 

he made changes, which do not add to show how truly it deserved the honor 

its merit, and cannot be justified. It it jet failed to obtain, 
was written for a prize offered by the ^^ Besides the poems noted in the 

S})anish Academy in 1777, — the first text, I have, by Moratin the elder, an 

of the kind ever off'ered by that body. Ode on account of an act of mercy and 

Fran. Gregorio de Salas wrote, also, on pardon by Charles III., in 1762, and 

the same occasion and subject, but did the " Egloga a Velasco y Gonzales," 

not send in his essay for the competi- printed on occasion of their portraits 

tion. (Poesias, 1797, Tom. I. pp. 288, being placed in the Academy, in 1770 ; 

298, etc.) The prize in question was both of little consequence, but not, I 

obtained by Don Josef Maria Vaca de believe, noticed elsewhere. His"0bras 

Guzman, whose poem, in sixty octave Postmnas" were printed at Barcelona, 

stanzas, was published without a date, in 1821, ito, and reprinted at London, 

and entitled "^ Las Naves de Lurtcis inl82,";, 12mo. Moratin's "Carta Soore 



Chap. IY.J FOXDA DE SAIN^ SEBASTIAIST. .OOO 

Moratin was an amiable man, and gathered the men 
of letters of the Spanish capital in a friendly circle 
about him. They met in one of the better class of 
taverns, — the Fonda de San Sebastian, — where they 
maintained a club-room that was always open and 
ready to receive them. Ayala, the tragic 
writer; ^ Cerda, the literary antiquarian; Rios, * 302 
who wrote the analysis of " Don Quixote " pre- 
fixed to the magnificent edition of the Academy ; Or- 
tega, the botanist and scholar ; Pizzi, the Professor of 
Arabic Literature ; Cadahalso, the poet and essayist ; 
Munoz, the historian of the New World; Yriarte, the 
fabulist ; Conti, the Italian translator of a collection of 
Spanish poetry ; ^^ Signorelli, the author of the general 
history of theatres ; and others, — were members of 
this j)^easant association, and resorted continually to 
its cheerful saloon. 

How truly Spanish was the tone of their intercourse 
may be gathered from the fact, that they had but one 
law to govern all their proceedings, and that was, 
never to speak on any subject except the Theatre, 
Bull-Fights, Love, and Poetry. But in everything they 
imdertook they were much in earnest. They read 
their works to each other for mutual, friendly criticism^ 
and discussed freely whatever was written at the time, 
and whatever they thought would tend to revive the 
decayed spirit of their country. They read, too, and 

Las Fiestas de Toros," (Madrid, 1777, ^9 ^j^g ^^^^^ ^^ GioTanT>attista Couti, 

12mo, ) vvhicli is a slight prose tract, is in four volumes, printed at Madrid, 

intended to prove historically that the 1782-1790, is a collection of SixinL^h 

amusement of bull-fighting is Spanish poems, almost entirely in the Italian 

in its origin and character; — a point manner, beginning with Garcilasso, and 

concerning which those who have read ending with the Argensolas. It is pre- 

the Chronicles of Muntaner and the ceded by an introduction on the earlier 
Cid can have little doubt. JMost of his . poetry of Spain, and each poem is fo^- 

works are collected in the second vol- lowed by a commentary ; — everytliini^ 

ume of the Biblioteca de Autores Esjm- being given in both languages, 'it has 

noles, 1846. very Little value. 



356. CADAHALSO. [Peeiod III. 

examined the literature of other nations ; and if their 
tendencies were more towards the school of Boileau 
and the great masters of Italy than might have been 
anticipated from the spirit of their association, it 
should be borne in mind, that two of their most active 
members were Italian men of letters, that the court 
had recently come from Naples, and that the spirit of 
the times much favored whatever was French, and es- 
pecially the French theatre .^^ 

Among the most interesting members of this agree- 
able society was Jose de Cadahalso, a gentleman de- 
scended from one of the old mountain famihes of the 
North of Spain, but born at Cadiz in 1741. His edu- 
cation was conducted from early youth in Paris, but 
before he was twenty years old he had visited Italy, 
Germany, England, and Portugal, and obtained 
"^ 303 a knowledsre '^' of the lano:uao:e and literature of 
each, but especially of England, sufficient to 
emancipate him from many national prejudices, and 
make him more useful to the cause of letters at home 
than he would otherwise have been. 

On his return to Spain he took the military dress of 
Santiago, and entered the army. There he rose rapid- 
ly, till he reached the rank of colonel ; but, in all the 
different places to which his own choice or the service 
of his regiment carried him, — Saragossa, Madrid, Al- 
cala de Henares, and Salamanca, — he sought occasions 
to continue his earlier pursuits, and succeeded in con- 
necting himself with the leading spirits of the time, 
such as Moratin, Iglesias, Yriarte, the wise Jovellanos, 
and the young and promising Melendez Yaldes. But 
his career, though successful, was short. He perished 
at the siege of Gibraltar, struck by a bomb, on the 

30 N. F. Moratin, Obras P^stuinas, 1821, pp. xxiv-xxxi. 



Chap. IV. j CADAHALSO. 357 

27tli of February, 1782, and the governor of the be- 
sieged fortress joined in the general sorrow over the 
grave of an honorable enemy who had been distin- 
guished alike in letters and in arms.^^ 

In 1772 Cadahalso published his " Eruditos a la Yio- 
leta," or Fashionable Learning, to which, from its con- 
siderable success, he added a supplement the same year. 
The original work is a pleasant satire on the superficial 
scholarship of his times, and is thrown into the form 
of directions how to teach the whole circle of human 
knowledge in a course of lectures that shall just fill the 
seven days of the week ; the supplement giving a few 
further illustrations of the same subject, and some of 
the results of such teachings on the unhappy scholars 
who had been its victims. This, with a volume of 
poems printed the next year, and containing several 
careful translations from the ancients, a few satirical 
trifles after the manner of Quevedo, and a good 
many Anacreontic songs and tales ^in the man- * 304 
ner of Yillegas, are all of his works that were 
published during his lifetime. 

But after his death there was found among his 
papers a collection of letters, pretending to have been 
written by a person connected with an embassy to 
Spain from Morocco, and addressed to his friends at 
home. They belong to the large family of works of 
fiction, begun by Marana's " Turkish Spy," and are 
commonly set down as imitations of Montesquieu's 
^^ Persian Letters," but, in fact, show a nearer rela- 
tionship with Goldsmith's " Citizen of the World." 

^^ Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. "cottage" or "shanty." Botli these 

21. Puibusque, Tom. II. p. 493. His words, however, are regarded as one 

name, 1 believe, was originally spelt and the same, in the first edition of the 

Cadcdso ; but as that is a recognized Dictionary of the Academy, so that 

word, meaning "scaffold," it is soft- perhaps not much is gained by the 

ened in tlie recent Madrid editions of change, 
his Works into Cadahalso, which means 



358 TEIARTE. [Peiitod TTI. 

The whole work, however, is more occupied with lit- 
• erary discussions and temporary satire, than either of 
those just referred to ; and therefore, though it is writ- 
ten in a pure and agreeable style, with wit and good 
sense, it has been far from obtaining a place, like 
theirs, in the general regard of the world. Still, like 
the rest of his posthumous w^orks, which comprise a 
few more compositions in prose satire and a few more 
poems, the best of w^hich are in the old short verses 
always so popular in Spain, " The Moorish Letters " 
of Cadahalso have been often reprinted, and probably 
are not destined to be forgotten.^^ 

Another member of the society founded by Moratin, 
and one of the most prominent of them, was Thomas 
de Yriarte, a gentleman who was born on the island 
of Teneriffe in 1750, but received that part of his edu- 
cation which decided the course of his life at Madrid, 
under the auspices of his uncle, Don Juan de Yri- 
arte, the learned head of the King's library. The 
young man was known as a dramatic writer, and as 
a translator of French plays for the royal theatres 
from the age of eighteen ; and from the age of 
twenty-one^ when he printed some good Latin 
^305 verses on the birth of ^ the Infante, after- 
wards Charles the Fourth, he was distinguished 
at court for his accomplishments both in ancient and 

^^ His "Ertiditos a la Violeta," and ing : "Los Petimetres de la Literatura 

his poetry, " Ocios de mi Juventud," y los Eruditos d la Violeta, dos nombres 

were printed at Madrid, 1772 and 1773, quasi sinonimos," ec, says a satirical 

4to, under the assumed name of Joseph tract entitled "Mis Vagatelas, o las 

Vasquez. An edition of his Works, Ferias de Madrid," 1781, 18mo, p. 32. 

with an excellent Life by Navarrete, Cadahalso's "Eruditos a la Violeta" 

appeared at Madrid, in 1818, in 3 tom. had a prodigious success ; the first edi- 

l2mo, and has been reprinted more tion having been exhausted before it 

than once since. For the contemporary could be advertised otherwise than by 

opinion of CadahalsOj see Sempere, loc. the gossip of the Tertulias, in which 

cit. The title "Eruditos a la Violeta" he had read it. Ferrer del Rio, Carlos 

has sometimes troubled foreigners; — III., 1856, Tom. IV. p. 389. 
but there is no doubt about its mean- 



Chap. 1Y.] YEIARTE. 359 

modern literature. Soon after this period he received 
a place under the government ; and, though his em- 
ployments, both in the Office of Foreign Affairs and 
in that of the Department of War, were of an intel- 
lectual nature, still his time was much occupied by 
them, and his opportunities for the indulgence of a 
poetical taste were much diminished. Besides this, he 
had rivalries and troubles with Sedano, Melendez, For- 
ner, and some others of his contemporaries, and was 
summoned before the Inquisition in 1786, as one 
tainted with the new French philosophy. The result 
of all these trials and interruptions was, that when, 
after his death, which occurred in 1791, his works were 
collected and published, more than half of the eight 
small volumes through which they were spread was 
found to consist of translations and personal controver- 
sies ] the translations made with skill, and the quarrels 
managed with spirit and wit, but neither of them im- 
portant enough to be now remembered. 

His original poetry is better. It is marked by purity 
of style, regularity, and elegance, but not by power or 
elevation. The best of what is merely miscellaneous 
is to be found in eleven Epistles, with one of which, 
addressed to his friend Cadahalso, he dedicates to him 
a translation of Horace's ^^, Art of Poetry." But in two 
departments, where his natural taste led him to labor 
with a decided preference, he apparently made more 
effort than in any other, and had greater success. 

The first of these was didactic poetry. His poem 
" On Music " — a subject which he chose from his con- 
siderable proficiency in that art — appeared in 1780, 
and was soon favorably known, not only at home, but 
in Italy and France. It consists of five books, in which 
he discusses with philosophical precision the elements 



360 YRIARTE. [Peiuod III. 

of music ; musical expression of different kinds, but 
especially martial and sacred ; the music of the theatre ; 
that of society ; and that of man in solitude. The 

poem is written in the free, national silva, irreg- 
* 306 ular, but flowing, and no ^ want of skill is shown 

in its management. But, as a whole, it has too 
little richness and vigor to give life to the cold forms 
of instruction in which it is throughout rigorously cast.^^ 
The other department, in which Yriarte was more 
successful, was that of fables. Here he, in some de- 
gree, struck out a new path ; for he not only invented 
all his fictions, which no other fabulist in modern times 
had done, but restricted them all, in their moral pur- 
pose, to the correction of the faults and follies of men 
of learning, — an application which had not before 
been thought of Their w^hole number, including a 
few that are posthumous, is nearly eighty, above sixty 
of which appeared in 1782. They are w^ritten with 
great care, in no less than forty different measures, 
and show an extraordinary degree of ingenuity in 
adapting the attributes and instincts of animals to the 
instruction, not of mankind at large, as had always 
been done before, but to that of a separate and small 
class, between whom and the inferior creation the re- 
semblance is rarely obvious. The task w^as certainly a 
difficult one. Perhaps, on this account, they are too 
narrative in their structure, and fail somewhat in the 

^^ As a sort of counterpart to the himself in poetry and painting as an 

poem on Music, by Yriarte, may be amateur, but whose serious occupations 

mentioned one of less merit, published were, like those of Yriarte, in the Office 

soon afterwards by Don Diego Antonio of Foreign Affairs at Madrid. Pie died 

Rttjon de Silva, '^ La Pintura, Poema in 1796. Sempere v Guarinos (Biblio- 

Didactico en Tres Cantos," (Segovia, teca, Tom. V, pp. 1-6) gives an ac- 

1786, 8vo, ) the first canto being on countof his few and unimportant works, 

Design, the second on Composition, and and Cean Bermudez (Diccionario, Tom. 

the third on Coloring, with notes and IV. p. 164) has a short notice of his 

a defence of S])ai)ish artists. He was life ; but a better one may be found in 

a gentleman of Murcia, who indulged Stirling, Vol. III. pp. 1172-1174. 



CuAP. IV.] SAMANIEGO. 3Gi 

living spirit which distinguishes ^sop and La Fon- 
taine, the greatest masters of Apologue and Fable. 
But their influence was so much needed in the age of 
bad writing when they appeared, and they are besides 
so graceful in their versification, that they were not 
only received with great favor at first, but have never 
lost it since. Their author's reputation, in fact, now 
rests on them almost exclusively .^"^ 

^ Yriarte, however, had a rival, who shared * 307 
these honors with him, and in some respects ob- 
tained them even earlier. This was Samaniego, a Bis- 
cayan gentleman of rank and fortune, who was born 
in 1745, and died in 1801 ; having devoted his life, in 
the most disinterested manner, to the welfare of his na- 
tive province. He was, in 1765, or a little later, one 
of the most active members of the first of those socie- 
ties sometimes called " Friends of the Country," and 
sometimes "Societies for Public Improvement," which 
may have been originally suggested by Macanaz, but 
which from about 1775, under the pervading influence 
of Campomanes, spread rapidly through Spain, exercis- 
ing an important influence on the education and pub- 
lic economy of the kingdom, and laboring to raise the 
arts of life from the degraded condition into which 

'^* Obras de Thomas de Yriarte, Ma- Fables have had little success in Spain, 

drid, 1805, 8 torn. 12mo. Villanueva, The Fables of Bidpai were translated 

Memorias, Londres, 1825, 8lVo, Tom. and published in 1498 and 1547, (Sar- 

I. p. 27. Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. miento, pp. 333-340; Pellicer, Trad., 

VI. p. 190. Llorente, Histoire, Tom. II. Tom. II. pp. 156 - 169, ) and the Fables 

p. 449. Florian translated or para- of iEsop were translated by Pedro Simon 

phrased a good many of the fables of Abril, and published in 1575 and 1647. 

Yriarte in the collection he published, (Clemens, Specimen, 1753, p. 113.) 

(1792,) in the Preface to which he But setting these aside, I remember 

speaks of him as " un ICspagnol nomme nothing of so much consecjuence as a 

Yriarte, poete dont je fais grand cas, et few fables scattered in the Argensolas, 

qui m'a fourni mes apologues les plus etc., and the "Fabulario" (Valencia, 

heureux." I have, also, an English 1614) of Sebastian Mey, a kinsman of 

translation by John Belfour, London, the well-known printer, which is al- 

1804 ; — not very well done. most entirely translated from Phyedrus. 

It should be noted here, perhaps, that Ximeno, Tom. 1. p. 264. 
from the t^me of the Archpriest Hita 



362 BAMAIS'IEGO. [Feriod HI. 

they had fallen during the latter period of the domin- 
ion of the House of Austria. 

The Biscayan Society devoted itself much to the 
education of the people ; and, to favor this great cause, 
Samaniego undertook to write fables suited to the ca- 
pacity of the children taught in the Society's seminary. 
How early he began to prepare them is not known ; 
but in the first portion, published in 1781, and there- 
fore one year before those of Yriarte appeared, he 
speaks of Yriarte as his model, and leaves no doubt 
that the fables of that poet had been seen by him. 
The second part of Samaniego's collection was pub- 
lished in 1784, when that of his rival hai been ad- 
mired by the public long enough to change the rela- 
tions of the two authors, and bring up a quarrel of 
pamphlets between them, little creditable to either. 
Both parts, taken together, contain a hundred 
* 308 and fifty-seven fables, the last nineteen of "^ which 
and a few others are original, while the rest are 
taken, partly from ^sop, Phgedrus, and the Oriental 
fabulists, but chiefly from La Fontaine and Gay. They 
succeeded at once. The children learned them by 
heart, and the teachers of the children found in them 
subjects for pleasant reading and reflection. They 
were, no doubt, less carefully written than the fables 
of Yriarte, less original and less exactly adapted to 
their purpose ; but they were more free-hearted, more 
natural, and adapted to a larger class of readers ; in 
short, there is a more easy poetical genius about them, 
and therefore, even if they cannot claim a higher merit 
than those of Yriarte, they have taken a stronger hold 
on the national rea:ard.^^ 

35 Felix Maria de Samaniego, "Fabu- York, 1826, 18mo. There is a Life of 
las en Verso C'astellano para el Uso del the author, by Navarrete, in the fourth 
Keal Seminario Vascongado," Nueva volume of Quintaua's " Coleccion," and 



Chap. IV.] YAEIOUS AUTHORS. 363 

The best of them are the shortest and smiplest, like 
the foUowmg, entitled " The Scrupulous Cats/' which 
was well suited to the time when it appeared, and can 
hardly be amiss at any other. 

Two cats, old Tortoise-back and Kate, 
Once from its spit a capon ate. 
It was a giddy thing, be sure. 
And one they could not hide or cure. 
They licked themselves, however, clean, 
And tlien sat down behind a screen, 
And talked it over. Quite precise, • 
They took each other's best adAdce, 
Whether to eat the spit or no ? 
■ " And did they eat it ? " " Sir, I trow, 
They did not ! They were honest things. 
Who had a conscience, and knew how it stings." ^^ 

Samaniego was not the only person who^ without be- 
longing to the society of Moratin and his friends, co- 
operated with them in their efforts to encourage a bet- 
ter tone in the literature of their country. Among 
those Avho, from a similar impulse, but w4th less suc- 
cess, took the same direction, were Arroyal, 
* who, in 1784, published a collection of poems, ^ 309 
which he calls Odes, but which are oftener epi- 
grams ; and Montengon, a Jesuit, who, after the expul- 
sion of his Order from Spain, began, in 1786, with his 
"Eusebio," a work on education, partly in imitation of 
the " Telemaque," and then went on rapidly with a 
prose epic called " Eodrigo," a volume of Odes, and sev- 
eral other works, written with little talent, and show- 
ing by their inaccuracies of style that their author had 
been an exile in Italy till his mother tongue had be- 
come strange to him. To these should be added Gre- 

a reply to his attack on Yriarte in the ^^ Parte IT. Lib. II. Fab. 9. He 

sixth volume of Yriarte's Works. For gives, also, an expanded version of the 

an account of the "patriotic societies," same fable, but the shortest is much 

see Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. V. p. the best, nXeo^- t]ixi(sv ■ko.vtos. 
135, and Tom. VI. p. 1. 



364 



YARIOUS AUTHOES. 



[Period III. 



gorio de Salas, a quiet ecclesiastic, who wrote odes, 
fables, and other trifles, that were several times print- 
ed after 1790 ; Ignacio de Meras, a courtier of the 
worst days of Ciiarles the Fourth, whose worthless 
dramas and miscellaneous poetry appeared in 1792 ; 
and the Count de Norona, a soldier and diplomatist, 
who, besides a dull epic on the separation of the Ara- 
bian empire in Spain from that of the East, printed in 
1799-1800, two volumes of verse so light, that they 
procured for him sometimes the title of the Span- 
ish Dorat5 But all these writers only showed a 



^'^ A few words should be added, on 
each of these last five authors. 

1. "Las Odas de Leon de Arroyal," 
Madrid, 1784, 12mo. At the end are a 
few worthless Anacreontics by a lady, 
whose name is not given ; and at the 
beginning is a truly Spanish defini- 
tion of lyrical poetry, namely, that 
"whose verses can be properly played, 
sung, or dcmcccl.'" 

2. Pedro de Montengon, "Eusebio," 
Madrid, 1786-87, 4 tom. 8vo. The 
first two volumes gave great off"ence by 
the absence of all injunctions to make 
religious instruction a part of educa- 
tion ; and, though the remaining two 
made up for this deficiency, there is 
reason to believe that Montengon in- 
tended originally to follow the theory 
of the ' ' Emile. " "El Antenor " ( Ma- 
drid, 1788, 2 tom. 8vo) is a prose poem 
on the tradition of the founding of 
Padua by the Trojans. "El Rodrigo " 
(Madrid, 1793, 8vo) is another prose 
epic, in one volume and twelve books, 
on the "Last of the Goths." " Eu- 
doxia," Madrid, 1793, 8vo ; again, a 
work on education ; but on the educa- 
tion of women. "Odas," Madrid, 1794, 
8vo ; very poor. Montengon, of whom 
these are not all the works, was born at 
Alicant, in 1745, and was alive in 1815. 
He was very young when he entered 
the Church, and lived cbiefly at Naples, 
where he threw off his ecclesiastical 
robes and devoted himself to secular 
occupations. 

3. Francisco Gregorio de Sales, "Co- 
leccion de Epigramas," etc., 1792, 4th 
edition, Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo. 



His " Observatorio Eiistico " (1770, 
tenth edition, 1830) is a long dull ec- 
logue, divided into six yjarts, which has 
enjoved an unreasonable popularity. 
L. F. Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. IV. 
pp. 287 and 351) gives an epitaph for 
Salas, with a pleasing prose account of 
his personal character, which he well 
says was much more interesting than 
his poetry ; and Sempere (Biblioteca, 
Tom. V. pp. 69, etc. ) gives a list of his 
works, all of whicb, I believe, are in 
the collection printed at Madrid in 
1797, td sup. A small volume, enti- 
tled "Parabolas Morales," etc., (Ma- 
drid, 1803, 12mo,) consisting of prose 
apologues, somewhat better than any- 
thing of Salas that preceded it, is, I 
suppose, later, and probably the last of 
his works. 

4. Ignacio de Meras, "Obras Poeti- 
cas," ("Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo,) 
contain a stitt' tragedy, called "Teonea," 
in blank verse, and within the rules ; a 
comedy, called " The Ward of Madrid," 
in the old figuron style, but burlesque 
and dull; an epic canto on " The 
Conqiiest of Minorca," in 1782, to imi- 
tate Moratin's "Ships of Cortes"; a 
poem " On the Death of Barbarossa, in 
1518" ; and a number of sonnets and 
odes, some of the last of which should 
rather be called ballads, and some of 
them satires ; — the whole very mea- 
gre. 

5. Gaspar de Norona, whose family 
was of Portuguese origin, was bred a 
soldier and served at the siege of Gib- 
raltar, where he wrote an elegy on the 
death of Cadahalso (Poesias de Norona, 



Chap. IY.] 



VARIOUS AUTHORS. 



365 



*310 



^ constantly increasing disposition to fall more 
and more into the feebler French school of the 
eighteenth century ; and while none of them had the 
talent of the few active s|)irits collected at the Fonda 
de San Sebastian in Madrid^ none certainly exercised 
the sort of influence which was exercised by Moratin 
and his friends over the poetry of their time. 



Madrid, 1799-1800, 2 torn. 12mo, 
Tom. II. p. 190). He rose in the army 
to be a lieutenant-general, and, while 
holding that rank, published his Ode 
on the Peace of 1795, (Tom. I. p. 172,) 
by which he was first publicly known 
as a poet, and which, except, perhaps, 
a few of his shorter and lighter poems, 
is the best of his works. Afterwards 
he was sent as ambassador to Russia, 
but returned to defend his country when 
it was invaded by the French, and was 
made governor of Cadiz. He died in 
181.5, (Fuster, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 
381,) and in 1816 his epic, entitled 
"Ommiada," was published at Madrid, 
in two volumes, 12nio, containing above 
fifteen thousand verses ; as dull, per- 
haps, as any of the similar poems that 
abound in Spanish literature, but less 
oh'eusive to good taste than most of 



them. In 1833, there appeared at 
Paris, his ' ' Poesias Asiaticas puestas 
en Verso Castellano," translations from 
the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, made, 
as he says in the Preface, to give him 
poetical materials for his epic. His 
"Quicaida," a heroi-comic poem, in 
eight cantos, filled with parodies, is very 
tedious. It is in his Poesias, printed 
in 1800. 

Perhaps to these five I should add 
the name of the nun, Ana de San Ge- 
ronimo, who belonged to the Castilian 
family of Verdugo, and whose works, 
after her death at Granada, in 1771, 
were published under the title of * ' Obras 
poeticas de la Madre Sor Ana de San 
Geronimo" (Cordoba, 1773, 4to). But 
they are merely poor imitations of the 
different forms of religious verse of the 
preceding century. 



*311 * CHAPTEE Y. 

SCHOOL OP SALAMANCA. MELENDEZ VALDES. — GONZALEZ. — FORNER. 

IGLESIAS. — CIENFUEGOS. — JOVELLANOS. MTINOZ. — ESCOIQUTZ. — MORA- 
TIN THE YOUNGER. — QUINTANA. 

Both the parties, into which Spanish literature was 
divided about the middle of the eighteenth century, 
erred by running into those extremes of opinion which 
are rarely right in anything and never in matters of 
taste. Moratin was wrong in speaking with contempt 
of such poetry as the fine old ballad of " Calaynos," 
and Huerta was equally wrong when he said, that the 
" Athalie " of Racine might be fit to be represented by 
boarding-school misses, but was fit for nothing else.-^ 
It was natural, therefore, that another party, or school, 
should be formed, which should endeavor to avoid 
the excesses of both its predecessors, and unite their 
merits ; one that should not be insensible to the power 
and richness of the old writers of the time of the 
Philips, and yet, escaping from their extravagances 
and bad taste, should mould itself in some degree 
according to the severe state of literary opinion then 
prevailing on the Continent. Such a school in fact 
appeared at Salamanca in the latter part of the reign 
of Charles the Third and the beginning of that of 
Charles the Fourth. 

Its proper founder was Melendez Valdes, who was 
born in Estremadura, in 1754, and at the age of eigh- 
teen was sent to study at Salamanca, where, if he did 

1 N. F. Moratin, Desengano, p. 34. — Huerta, Teatro Hespanol, Prologo, 
p. Ixxix. 



Chap. V.] MELENDEZ VALDES. 367 

not pass the larger remaining portion of his life, he 
passed at least its happiest and best years.^ As 
a versifier, "^ he began early, and in a bad * 312 
school ; writing at first in the manner of Lobo, 
who was still read and admired. But he soon fell 
indirectly under the influence of Moratin and his 
friends at Madrid, who were in every way opposed 
to the bad taste of their time. By a fortunate acci- 
dent Cadahalso was carried fresh from the meetings of 
the club of the Fonda de San Sebastian to Salamanca. 
His discerning kindness detected at once the talent its 
possessor had not yet discovered. He took Melendez 
into his house ; showed him the merit of the elder lit- 
erature of his country, as well as that of the other cul- 
tivated nations of Europe ; and devoted himself so ear- 
nestly and so affectionately to the development of his 
young friend's genius, that it was afterwards said, with 
some truth, that, among all the works of Cadahalso, 
the best was Melendez. At the same period, too, Me- 
lendez became acquainted with Iglesias and Gonzalez ; 
and through the latter was placed in relations of friend- 
ship w^ith the commanding mind of Jovellanos, who 
exercised from the first moment of their intercourse 
an obvious and salutary influence over him. 

His earliest public success was in 1780, when he ob- 
tained a prize offered by the Spanish Academy for the 
best eclogue. Yriarte, who was some years older, and 
had already become favorably known at court and in 
the capital, was his most formidable rival. But the 
poem Yriarte offered, which is on the pleasures of a 
country life, as set forth by one disgusted with that of 
the city, is somewhat in the formal, declamatory style 

2 Considerable improvement took still things remained in a very torpid 
place at Salamanca in some departments state, 
of study while Melendez was there. But 



368 MELENDEZ VALDES. [Period 111. 

of the less fortunate portions of the older Spanish pas- 
torals ; while that of Melendez is fresh from the fields, 
and as one of the judges said, in the discussion that 
followed its reading, seems absolutely to smell of their 
wild-flowers. It was, indeed, in sweetness and gentle- 
ness, if not in originality and strength, such a return 
to the tones of Garcilasso as had not been heard in 
Spain for above a century. Yriarte received the sec- 
ond honors of the contest, but was not satisfied with 
such a decision, and made known his feelings by an ill- 
judged attack upon the successful eclogue of 
^ 313 his rival. The popular favor, however, ^ fully 
sustained the Academy, and its vote on that oc- 
casion has never been reversed.^ 

The next year Melendez came to Madrid. He was 
received with great kindness by Jovellanos and his 
friends ; and obtained new honors at the Academy of 
San Fernando, by an ode " On the Glory of the Arts," 
which that Academy had been founded to foster. But 
his preference was still for his old poetical haunts on 
the banks of the Tonnes, and, having obtained the 
chair of Professor of the Humanities or Philology, at 
Salamanca, he gladly returned thither, and devoted 
himself to its unostentatious duties. 

In 1784, at the suggestion of Jovellanos, he became 
a competitor for the prize offered by the city of Ma- 
drid for a comedy, and wrote, " The Marriage of Cama- 
cho." But his talent was not dramatic ; and therefore, 
though he obtained the votes of the judges, he did not, 

3 " Olia toda a tomilla " — "It smelt Ibarra; but under the pseudon3mie of 

all of wild thyme " — was the exact Francisco Agustin de Cisneros. One 

phrase of Don Antonio de Tavira con- objection to the Eclogue of Melendez 

cerningthe Eclogue of Melendez Valdes, was, that it was not on country life, — 

referred to in the text. The rival Ec- "vida del campo " — which was the 

logue of Yriarte, entitled " La Felicidad subject given out by the Academy ; but 

de la Vida del Campo," was printed by on pastoral life, as if the last were not 

the Academy, in exactly the same style involved in the first. Puigblancli, 

with that of Melendez, at the press of Opusculas, Tom. II. p. 465. 



CiiAP. v.] MELE]S"DEZ YALDES. 369 

to the great disappointment of his patron^ obtain those 
of the pubUc when his drama was brought to the test 
of a free representation. 

This faihire, however, he retrieved a year after- 
wards, by pubhshing a small volume of poetry, chiefly 
lyrical and pastoral. Most of it is in the short, na- 
tional verse, and nearly all is marked with a great gen- 
tleness of spirit and a truly poetical sensibility. The 
Anacreontics which it contains remind iis of Yillegas, 
but have more philosophy and more tenderness than 
his. The ballads, for which his talent was no less hap- 
pily fitted, if they lack the abrupt vigor of the elder 
times, have a grace, a lightness, and a finish which be- 
long to that more advanced period of a nation's po- 
etry, when the popular lyre has ceased to give forth 
new and original tones. But everywhere this little 
volume shows traces of an active fancy and powers of 
nice observation, wdiich break forth in rich and faithful 
descriptions of natural scenery, and in glimpses 
of what ^ is tenderest and truest in the human "^314 
heart. It was, in fact, a volume of poetry more 
worthy of the country than any that had been pro- 
duced in Spain since the disappearance of the great 
lights of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; and 
it was received, in consequence, with general enthusi- 
asm, not only for its own sake, but as the long-looked- 
for dawn of a brighter day. 

But his success w^as not altogether wisely used by 
Melendez. He had been in the habit for some years of 
spending his vacations at court, where he was a favor- 
ite with many persons of distinction ; and, now that 
he had risen so much in general consideration, he em_- 
ployed his influence in soliciting for himself a place 
under the government, — an old weakness in the Cas- 

V(jL. III. 24 



370 MELENDEZ YALDES. [Peeiod III. 

tilian cliaracter, which^ however disguised by the loy- 
alty of public service, has broken down the indepen- 
dence and happiness of multitudes of high-minded 
men who have yielded to it. Melendez, unfortunately, 
succeeded in his aspirations. In 1789 he was made a 
judge in one of the courts of Saragossa, and in 1791 
was raised to a dignified position in the Chancery of 
Valladolid ; thus involving himself more or less with 
the political government of the country, to which, dur- 
ing the administration of the Prince of the Peace, 
every officer it employed was in some way made 
subservient.* 

He did not, however, neglect his favorite pursuits. 
He fulfilled with faithfulness and ability the duties of 
his place ; but poetry was still his first love, for whose 
service he rescued many hours of secret and fond de- 
votion. In 1797, he published a new edition of his 
Works, more than doubling their original amount, and 
dedicating them to the reigning favorite, — the mas- 
ter of all fortunes in the country he governed so ill. 
It was successful. The new portions wore a somewhat 
graver and more philosophical air than his earliest 
lyrics and pastorals had done, and showed more 
^'315 the influence of studies in English ^ and Ger- 
man literature. But this w^as not, on the whole, 
an improvement. He felt, undoubtedly, that the tre- 
mendous revolutions he witnessed on all sides, in the 
fall of kingdoms and the convulsions of society, pre- 
scribed to poetry subjects more lofty and solemn than 
he had been wont to seek ; and he made an effort to 
rise to a requisition so severe. Once or twice he in- 

* In the Preface whicli Melendez quietiid de mi Catedra j mi Uiiiver- 

wrote for his Works eighteen months sidad, no he hallado por do qiiiera 

])efore his death, he says, in a tone of sino cuestas, precipicios y abismos en . 

sorrow and suffering not to be mis- que me he visto ciego y despeiiado. " 

taken : " Yo, desde el dia que dexe la p. ix. 



Chai'. v.] melendez yaldes. 371 

timates a consciousness that he was not equal to the 
undertaking ; and yet his " Ode to Winter " as a sea- 
son for reflection, which shows how much he had read 
Thomson, his " Ode to Truth/' and his " Ode on the 
Presence of God in his Works," are not unworthy of 
their lofty subjects. Several of his philosophical epis- 
tles, too, are good ; especially those to Jovellanos and 
to the Prince of the Peace. But in his longer canzones, 
where he sometimes imitates Petrarch, and in his epic 
canto on "The Fall of Lucifer," which was evidently 
suggested by Milton^ he failed.^ On the whole, there- 
fore, the attempt to introduce a new tone into Spanish 
poetrj^, — a tone of moral and, in some degree, of met- 
aphysical discussion, to which he was urged by Jovel- 
lanos, — if it did not diminish the permanent fame of 
Melendez, did not add to it. The concise energy and 
philosophical precision such a tone requires are, in 
fact, foreign from the fervent genius of the old Cas- 
tilian verse, and hardly consistent with that submissive 
religious faith which is one of the most important 
elements of the national character. In this direction, 
therefore, Melendez has been little followed. 

As, however, we have intimated, this new publica- 
tion of his works was successful. The Prince of the 
Peace was flattered by his share in it; and Melendez 
received, in consequence, an important employment 
about the court, which brought him to Ma- 
drid, where, his friend ^ Jovellanos having been "^ 31G 

^ Whether the "Caicla de Luzbel" such a prize, to all the conditions of 
was written because a prize was otfered which the poem of Melendez seems con- 
by the Spanish Academy, in 1785, for formed. It should be added, that a 
a poem on that subject, wliich Avas to French lady. Mademoiselle de Rouviik', 
consist of not more than one hundred who published at Madrid, in 1786, a 
octave stanzas, I do not know ; but I strange pamphlet on Spanish Litera- 
have a poor attempt Mdth the same ture, complains bitterly that no prize 
title, professing to be the work of Man- was awarded. Criticas Hetlexiones, ec, 
uel Perez Yalderrabano, (Palencia, 1786, ito, pp. 29. 
12iuo,) and to have been written for 



372 MELENDEZ VALDES. [Period III. 

made a minister of state, his position became, for a 
moment, most agreeable and bappy ; while, for the 
future, a long vista of preferment and fame seemed 
opening before him. But the very next year, the vir- 
tuous and wise man on w^hom rested so many hopes, 
besides those of Melendez, fell from power ; and, ac- 
cording to the old custom of the Spanish monarchy, 
his political friends were involved in his ruin. At 
first, Melendez was exiled to Medina del Campo, and 
afterwards to Zamora ; but in 1802 the rigor of his 
persecution was mitigated, and he was permitted to 
return to Salamanca, the scene of his earliest and hap- 
piest fame. 

But he returned there a saddened and disappointed 
man ; little inclined to poetical studies, and with little 
of the tranquillity of spirit necessary to pursue them 
successfully. At the end of six weary years came the 
revolution of Aranjuez, and he was again free. He 
hastened at once to Madrid. But he was too late. 
The king was already at Bayonne, and the French 
power was in the ascendant in the capital. Unfortu- 
nately, he attached himself to the new government of 
Joseph, and shared first its disasters and then its fate. 
Once he was absolutely led out to be shot by the ex- 
cited population of Oviedo, where he had been sent 
as a commissioner. On another occasion, his house at 
Salamanca was sacked, and his precious library and 
more precious manuscripts were destroyed, by the 
very French party whose interests he served. At last, 
when all was lost, he fled. But, before he crossed 
the frontier, he knelt down and kissed the last spot 
of earth that he could call Spain ; and then, as the 
Bidassoa received his tears, cried out in anguish, that 
" he should never again tread the soil of his coun- 



Chap. Y.] MELENDEZ YALDES. 373 

try." His prophecy was fulfilled as sadly as it was 
made. Four miserable years he lived as an exile in 
the South of France, and then died in a small village 
near Montpellier, on the 24th of May, 1817, in poverty 
and sufferin 






To solace the heavy hours of his exile, he * 317 
occupied himself with preparing the mate- 
rials for a final publication of all he had written, em- 
bracing many new poems and many changes in those 
already published ; — all which appeared in 1820, and 
have constituted the basis of the different editions of 
his works that have been given to the world since. 
Like the previous collections, it shows, not, indeed, a 
poetical genius of the first order, nor one with very 
flexible or very various attributes, but certainly a 
genius of great sweetness ; always winning and grace- 
ful whenever the subject implies tenderness, and some- 
times vigorous and imposing when it demands power. 
What Melendez wrote with success was a great ad- 
vance upon the poetry of Montiano, and even iipon 
that of the elder Moratin. It was more Castilian, and 
more full of feeling, than theirs. In style, too, it was 
more free, and it has done much to settle the poetical 
manner that has since prevailed. Gallicisms occasion- 
ally occur that might have been avoided, though many 
of them have now become a part of the recognized re- 
sources of Spanish poetry • but more often Melendez 

^ The death of Melendez was sup- propriate monument to mark the spot. 

posed by his physician to have been Semanario Pintoresco, 1839, pp. 331 - 

occasioned by the vegetable diet to 333 ; a striking and sad history. But 

which he was driven, for want of means the monument, thus tardily erected, has 

to purchase food more substantial ; and, partly effaced the reproach so pointedly 

from the same poverty, his burial was cast on his country by Gomez de Orte- 

so obscure that the Duke of Frias and ga, the botanist, who ends an epigram 

the poet Juan Nicasio Gallego with on Melendez with these words : — 

difficulty discovered his remains, in-rx i-it.x- -.x x^ 

TO TO ^ 1 XT J. 1 X Interea, neu! Patriam pudet monumenta do- 

lb28, and caused them to be respect- j^is 

fully interred, in one of the principal Communis, tali nulla sacrasse Tiro. 

cemeteries of Montpellier, with an ap- Carmina, Matriti, 1S17, p. 112. 



374 DIEGO GONZALEZ. [Peeiod III. 

has revived old and neglected words and phrases, 
which have thus been restored to their place in the 
language, and have increased its wealth. As a general 
remark, his verse is not only flowing, but well suited 
to his subjects ; and whether we consider what he has 
done himself, or what influence he has exercised over 
others, — especially when we read the little volume he 
published in the freshness of his youth, while he was 
still unknown at court and still careless of the convul- 
sions that were at last to overwhelm him, — there can 
be no doubt that he was better fitted to form a new 
school, and give a guiding impulse to the national po- 
etry, than any writer that had happened in Spain for 

above a century.^ 
* 318 ^ Older than Melendez, but somewhat influ- 
enced by him and by Cadahalso, who had an ef- 
fect on the taste of both, was the excellent Father Diego 
Gonzalez, a modest Augustinian monk, part of whose 
life was spent in active religious duties at Salamanca, 
where he became intimate with the poets of the new 

■^ Juan Melendez Valdes, "Poesias," Soon after tlie death of Melendez, 
Madrid, 1785, 12mo ; 1797, 3 torn. some of Ms occasional discourses ap- 
ISmo ; 1820, 4 torn. 18mo ; the last peared in the first three volumes of the 
witha Life, by Qaintana. (Puybusque, " Continuacion del Almacen de Frutos 
Tom. II. p. 496.) Quintana says, that Literarios" (Madrid, 1818, 4to). But 
three counterfeit editions of the first in 1821, a small volume of them, ten 
small volume, printed in 1785, appeared in number, edited with care, and enti- 
almost at the same time with the true tied "Discursos Forenses," was pub- 
one ; so great was the first outbreak of lished at Madrid, in the Imprenta ISTa- 
his popularity. The first volume of clonal. Half of them are speeches 
Hermosilla ( Juicio Critico de los Prin- made in remarkable public prosecutions 
cipales Poetas Espaiioles de la Ultima when he was Fiscal de Corte, or Attor- 
Era, Paris, 1840, 2 tom. 12mo) contains ney-General, and the other five are 
a criticism of the poems of Melendez, addresses made on various popular or 
so severe that I find it difficult to ex- literary occasions. Some of them are 
plain its motive. The judgment of very eloquent, and several are not un- 
Martinez de la Rosa, in the notes to his worthy the disciple of Jovellanos, and 
didactic poem on Poetry, is much more are imbued with his generous and lofty 
faithful and true. Melendez corrected spirit. Their fault is a Galilean air, of 
his verse Avith great care ; sometimes which there is something in his poetry, 
with too much, as may be seen by com- but more in his prose. His prose, how- 
paring some of the poems as he first ever, is graceful \ a little elaborate, but 
published them, in 1785, with their last often moving, 
revision, in the edition of his Works, 
1820. 



Chap. V.] FOKNEK. 375 

scliool ; part of it at Seville, where he was the friend 
of Jovellanos ; and a part of it at Madrid, where he 
died in 1794, about sixty years old, sincerely lamented 
by some of the noblest spirits of his time. As a poet, 
Gonzalez adhered more to the old Castilian school 
than Melendez did. But his model was the best. He 
imitated Luis de Leon ; and did it with such happy 
success, that, in some of his odes and in some of his 
versions of the Psalms, we might almost think we were 
listening to the solemn tones of his great master. His 
most popular poems, however, were light and gay ; 
such as his verses " To a Perfidious Bat," which have 
been very often printed ; his verses " To a Lady who 
had burned her Finger " ; and similar trifles, in which 
he showed that the secret idiomatic graces of the old 
Castilian were at his command. A didactic poem on 
'' The Four Ages of Man," which he began, and in the 
first book of which there is a fine dedication of the 
wdiole to Jovellanos, was never finished. In- 
deed, his "^ poetry, though much known and *319 
circulated in MS. during his lifetime, was an 
object of little interest or care to himself, and was 
collected with difficulty after his death, and published 
by his faithful friend, Juan Fernandez.^ 

Other poets, among whom were Forner, Iglesias, 
and Cienfuegos, were more under the influence of the 
Salamanca school than Gonzalez was. Forner, like 
Melendez, was born in Estremadura, and the two 
young friends were educated together at Salamanca. 
In his critical opinions, — partly shown in a satire " On 
the Faults introduced into Castilian Poetry," which 

s "Poesias de M. T. Diego de Gon- less modest, and a little less connected 

zalez," Madrid, 1812, 12mo. He was with Jovellanos and Melendez, Ave might 

a native of Ciudad Rodrigo, and was have had a modern school of Seville" as 

born in 173-3. If he had been a little well as of Salamanca. 



376 IGLESIAS. [Period 111. 

gained an academic prize in 1782, and partly in his 
controversies with Huerta on the subject of the Span- 
ish theatre, — he inchnes much to the stricter French 
school. But his poetry is more free than such opinions 
would imply ; and in his latter years, when he lived as 
a magistrate at Seville, and studied Herrera, Rioja, and 
the other old masters who were natives of its soil, he 
attached himself yet more decidedly to the national 
manner, and approached nearer to the serene severity 
of Gonzalez. Unhappily, his life, besides being much 
crowded with business, was short. He died in 1797, 
only forty-one years old • and, except his prose works, 
the best of which are a well-written defence of the lit- 
erary reputation of his country against the injurious 
imputations of foreigners, and a Discourse on the mode 
of writing Spanish history, he left little to give the 
world proof of the merits he possessed, or the influence 

he really exercised.^ 
* 320 '^ Iglesias, though his life was even shorter, 

was, in some respects, more fortunate. He was 
born in Salamanca, and educated there under the most 
favorable auspices. Offended at the low state of 
morals in his native city, he indulged himself at first 

® Juan Pablo Forner, "Oracion Apolo- in this volume (p. xxiii) by Forner him- 

getica por la Espaiia y su Merito Lite- self, he does not mention "La Escuela 

rario," Madrid, 1786, 12mo, Reprinted de la Amistad, 6 el Filosofo Enamo- 

with it a good discourse in French, by rado," (printed at Madrid, in 1796,) in 

the Abbe Denina, delivered before the three acts, and in the old short national 

Academy of Berlin, partly at the sug- verse and asonantes, which is yet his, 

gestion of Frederic II., on the same (L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. IV. p. 

subject. His critical controversies and Ixxxii,) and was acted, according to the 

discussions were chiefly under assumed "Biographic Universelle, " eighteen 

names, — Tome Cecial, Varas, Bartolo, times. It is, however, very flat and 

etc. His poetry is best found in the dull. 

"Biblioteca" of Mendibil y Silvela, His "Oracion" was attacked by some- 
(Burdeos, 1819, 4 tom. 8vo, ) and in the body who signed himself Jose Con- 
fourth volume of Quintana's " Poesias chudo, in the "Carta al Autor de la 
Selectas"; — an attempt to publish a Oracion Apologetica, " (Madrid, 1787, 
collection of all his works, edited by 18mo,) and was defended in the "An- 
Luis Villanueva, having stopped after tisofisma," ec, por E. C. V., (Madrid, 
issuing the first volume, Madrid, 1843, 1787, 18mo, ) — both of little conse- 
8vo. In the list of his Works, given quence to anybody but their authors. 



Chap. Y.] CIENFUEGOS. 377 

in the free forms of Castilian satire; — ballads, apo- 
logues, epigrams, and especially the half-simple, half- 
malicious letrillas, in which he was eminently success- 
ful. But, when he became a parish priest, he thought 
such lightness unbecoming the example he wished to 
set before his flock. He devoted himself, therefore, to 
serious composition ; wrote serious ballads, eclogues, 
and silvas in the manner of Melendez ; and published a 
didactic poem on theology; — all the result of a most 
w^orth}^ purpose, and all written in the pure style 
which is one of his prominent merits ; but none of it 
giving token of the instinctive promptings of his ge- 
nius, and none of it fitted to increase his final reputa- 
tion. After his death, which occurred in 1791, wdien 
he was thirty-eight years old, this became at once ap- 
parent. His works were collected and published in 
two volumes ; the first being filled with the graver 
class of his poems, and the second with the satirical. 
The decision of the public was instant. His lighter 
poems were too free, but they were better imitations 
of Quevedo than had yet been seen, and became favor- 
ites at once ; the serious poems were dull, and soon 
ceased to be read.^^ 

Cienfuegos, who was ten years younger than Melen- 
dez, was more strictly his follower than either of the 
two poets last mentioned. But he had fallen on evil 
times, and his career, wdiich promised to be brilliant, 
was cut short by the troubles they brought upon him. 
In 1798 he published his poetical works ; the 
miscellaneous * portion consisting of Anacreon- * 321 

1*^ " Poesi'as de Don Josef Iglesias de there are several others, and among 

la Casa," Salamanca, 1798, 2 tom. them one in four small volnmes, IS-IO, 

18mo, Segunda Edieion ; forbidden by the last containing a considerable nnm- 

the Inqnisition, Index Expurg., 1805, her of poems not before pnblished, some 

p. 27. The best editions are those of of which, and perhaps all, are not by 

Barcelona, 1820, and Paris, 1821 ; but Iglesias. 



378 CIENFUEGOS. [Period III. 

ticSj odes, ballads, epistles, and elegies, which, while 
they give proof of much real talent and passion, show 
sometimes an excess of sentimental feeling, and some- 
times a desire to imitate the metaphysical and phi- 
losophical manner supposed to be demanded by the 
spirit of the age. Both were ^defects, to which he had 
been partly led by the example of his friend and mas- 
ter, Melendez, at whose feet he long sat in the cloisters 
of Salamanca \ and both were affectations, from which 
a character so manly and decided as that of Cienfuegos 
might in time have emancipated itself. 

But the favor with which this publication was re- 
ceived procured for him the place of editor of the gov- 
ernment gazette, at Madrid ; and when the French 
occupied that capital, in 1808, he was found firm at 
his post, determined to do his duty to his country. 
'Murat, who had the command of the invading forces, 
endeavored, at first, to seduce or drive him into sub- 
mission, but, failing in this, condemned him to death ; 
a sentence which — since Cienfuegos refused to make 
the smallest concession to the French authority — 
would infallibl}" have been carried into execution, if 
his friends had not interfered, and procured a commu- 
tation of it into transportation to France. The change, 
however, was hardly a mercy. The sufferings of the 
journey, in which he travelled as a prisoner, the grief 
he felt at leaving his friends in hands which had hardly 
spared his own life, and the anticipation of a long exile 
in the midst of his own and his country's enemies, 
were too much for his patriotic and generous spirit ; 
and he died in July, 1809, at the age of forty-five, only 
a few days after he had reached the spot assigned for 
his punishment.^^ 

11 " Obras Poeticas de Nicasio Alvarez de Cienfuegos," Madrid, 181 G, 2 



Chap. Y.] JOVELLAXOS. 379 

One other person, already referred to with honor, 
must now be particularly noticed, Avho, if his life be- 
longed to the state, still wi^ote poetry with success, and 
exercised over the school formed at Salamanca 
an influence which * belongs to the history of ^ 322 
letters. This person was Jovellanos, the wdse 
magistrate and minister of Charles the Fourth, and the 
victim of his master's unworthy weakness and of the 
still more unworthy vengeance of the reigning favor- 
ite. He was born in Gijon, in Asturias, in 1744, and 
from his earliest youth seems to have shown that love 
of intellectual cultivation, and that moral elevation of 
character, which distinguished the whole of the more 
mature portions of his life. 

The position of his family was such, that all the 
means for a careful education to be found in Spain 
were open to him ; and, as he was originally destined 
to the higher dignities of the Church, he was sent to 
study philosophy and the canon and civil law at 
vie do, Avila, AlcalA de Henares, and Madrid. But, 
just as he was about to take the irrevocable step that 
would have bound him to an ecclesiastical life, some 
of his friends, and especially the distinguished states- 
man, Juan Arias de Saavedra, who was like a second 
father to him, interfered, and changed his destination. 
The consequence of this intervention was, that, in 
1767, he was sent as a judicial magistrate to Seville, 
where, by his humane spirit, and his disinterested and 
earnest devotion to the duties of a difficult and dis- 
agreeable place, he made himself generally loved and 
respected , while, at the same time, by his study of 
political economy and the foundations of all just legis- 

tom. 12uio. His style is complained though without sufficient reason, a 
of, both for neologisms and archaisms, ground of complaint against Meleii- 
the last of which have been made, dez. 



380 JOYELLANOS. [Period III. 

lation, he prepared the way for his own future emi- 
nence in the affairs of his country 

But the spirit of Jovellanos was of kindred with 
whatever was noble and elevated. At Seville, he 
early discovered the merit of Diego Gonzalez, and 
through him was led into a correspondence with Me- 
lendez. One result of this is still to be found in the 
poetical Epistle of Jovellanos to his friends in Sala- 
manca, exhorting them to rise to the highest strains of 
poetry. Another was the establishment of a connection 
between himself and Melendez, which, while it was 
important to the young school at Salamanca, led Jovel- 
lanos to give more of his leisure to the elegant 
^ 323 literature he had always loved, but from * which 
the serious business of life had, for some time, 
much separated him. 

In consequence of an accidental conversation, he 
wrote at Seville his prose comedy of " The Honored 
Criminal," which had a remarkable success ; and in 
1769 he prepared a poetical tragedy on the subject of 
Pelayo, which was not printed till several years after- 
ward. Shorter poetical compositions, sometimes grave 
and sometimes gay, served to divert his mind in the 
intervals of severe labor ; and when, after a period of 
ten years, he left the brilliant ca|)ital of Andalusia, his 
poetical Epistle to his friends there shows how deeply 
he felt that he was leaving behind him the happiest 
period of his life. 

This was in 1778, when he was called to Madrid, as 
one of the principal magistrates of the capital and 
court ; a place that brought him again into the admin- 
istration of criminal justice, from which, during his 
stay at Seville, he had been relieved. His duties were 
distasteful to his nature, but he fulfilled them faith- 



Chap. V.] JOVELLANOS. 381 

fully, and consoled himself by intercourse with such 
men as Campomanes and Cabarrus, who devoted them- 
selves, as he did, to the great task of raising the con- 
dition of their country. Of course, he had now little 
leisure for poetry. But, being accidentally employed 
on affairs of consequence at the Paular convent, he 
was so struck by the solemn scenery in which it stood, 
and the tranquil lives of its recluse inhabitants, that 
his poetical tendencies broke out afresh in an address 
to Mariano Colon, one of the family of the great dis- 
coverer of America, and afterwards its head ] — a beau- 
tiful epistle, full of the severe genius of the place that 
inspired it, and of its author's longing for a repose his 
spirit was so well fitted to enjoy. 

In 1780, he was raised to a place in the Council of 
Orders, where he had more leisure, and was able to 
give his time to higher objects -, — some of the results 
of which are to be seen in his report to the govern- 
ment on the military and religious Orders of Knight- 
hood ; in his system of instruction for the Imperial 
College of Calatrava; in his Discourse on the 
Study of History, as a necessary * part of the ^ 324 
wise study of jurisprudence; and in other simi- 
lar labors, which proved him to be incontestably an ex- 
cellent prose- writer, and the first philosophical states- 
man in the kingdom. 

At the same time, however, he amused himself with 
elegant literature, and took great solace in collecting 
around him the poets and men of letters whom he 
loved.-^^ In 1785, he wrote several burlesque ballads 
on the quarrels of Huerta, Yriarte, and Forner about 
the theatre ; and the next year published two satires 

^■^ He was also fond of painting, as- fore the Academy of San Fernando at 
sisted Cean Berniudez and Ponz in their ]\Iadrid, in 1784. Stirling's Artists of 
in(|uiries, and delivered a discourse be- Spain, 1848, Vol. III. p. 1387. 



382 JOVELLANOS. [Period III. 

in blank verse and in the style of Juvenal, rebuking 
the corrupted manners of his times. All of them were 
received with favor; and the ballads, though not print- 
ed till long afterwards, were perhaps only the more 
effective because they were circulated in manuscript, 
and so became matters of great interest. 

Persons who held the tone implied in such a course 
of public labors might be sustained at the court of 
Charles the Third, but were little likely to enjoy re- 
gard at that of his son. In 1790, two years after 
Charles the Fourth ascended the throne, Count Cabar- 
rus not only fell from power, but was thrown into 
prison ; and Jovellanos, who did not hesitate to defend 
him, was sent to Asturias in a sort of honorable exile, 
that lasted eight years. But he served his fellow-men 
as gladly in disgrace as he did in power. Hardly, 
therefore, had he reached his native city, when he set 
about urging forward all public improvements that he 
deemed useful ; laboring in whatever related to the 
mines and roads, and especially in whatever related to 
the general education of the people, with the most dis- 
interested zeal. During this period of enforced retire- 
ment, he made many reports to the government on 
different subjects connected with the general welfare, 
and wrote his excellent tract " On Public Amuse- 
ments," afterwards published by the Academy of His- 
tory, and his elaborate treatise on Legislation in Eela- 
tion to Agriculture, which extended his repu- 
* 325 tation ^ throughout Europe, and has been the 
basis of all that has been wisely undertaken in 
Spain on that difficult subject ever since. 

In 1797, Count Cabarrus was restored to the favor 
of Godoy, Prince of the Peace, and Jovellanos was 
recalled to court and made Minister of Justice. But 



Chap. V.] JOYELLAN'OS. 383 

his season of favor was short. Gocloy still hated the 
elevated views of the man to whom he had reluctantly 
delegated a small portion of his own power ; and in 
1798, under the pretext of devoting him to his old 
employments, he was again exiled to the mountains of 
Asturias, which, like so many other distinguished men 
that have sprung from them, he loved with a fond 
prejudice that he did not care to disguise. 

This exile, however, did not satisfy the jealous favor- 
ite. In 1801, partly through a movement of the In- 
quisition, and still more through a political intrigue, 
Jovellanos was suddenly seized in his bed, and, in vio- 
lation both of law and decency, carried, like a common 
felon, across the whole kingdom, and embarked at Bar- 
celona for Majorca. There he was confined, first in a 
convent and afterwards in a fortress, with such rigor, 
that all communication with his friends and with the af- 
fairs of the world was nearly cut off; and there he re- 
mained, for seven long years, exposed to privations and 
trials that undermined his health and broke down his 
constitution. At last came the abdication and fall of 
his weak and ungrateful sovereign. " And then," says 
Southey, in his " History of the Peninsular War," 
" next to the punishment of Godoy, what all men most 
desired was the release of Jovellanos." He was, there- 
fore, at once brought back, and everywhere welcomed 
with the affection and respect that he had earned by 
so many services, and through such unjust sufferings. 

His infirmities, however, were very oppressive to 
him. He declined, therefore, all public employments, 
even among his friends who adhered to the cause 
of their country; he indignantly rejected the propo- 
sal of the French invaders to become one of the prin- 
cipal ministers of state in the new order of things 



384 JOYELLANOS. [Period IIL 

* 326 they hoped to * establish ; and then slowly and 
sadly retired, to seek among his native moun- 
tains the repose he needed. But he was not permitted 
long to remain there. As soon as the first central 
Junta was organized at Seville, he was sent to it to 
represent his native province, and stood forth in its 
councils the leading spirit in the darkest and most dis- 
heartening moments of the great contest of his coun- 
try for existence. On the dissolution of that body, — 
which was dissolved at his earnest desire, — he again 
returned home, broken down with j^ears, labors, and 
sufferings ; trusting that he should now be permitted 
to end his days in peace. 

But no man with influence such as his could then 
have peace in Spain. Like others, in those days of 
revolution, he was assailed by the fierce spirit of fac- 
tion, and in 1811 replied triumphantly to his accusers 
in a defence of what may be considered his adminis- 
tration of Spain in the two preceding years, written 
with the purity, elegance, and gravity of manner 
which marked his best days, and with a moral fervor 
even more eloquent than he had shown before. As he 
approaches the conclusion of this personal vindication, 
admirable alike for its modesty and its power, he says, 
with a sorrow he does not strive to conceal : — 

" And now that I am about to lay down my pen, I 
feel a secret trouble at my heart, which will disturb 
the rest of my life. It has been impossible for me to 
defend myself without offending others ; and I fear, 
that, for the first time, I shall begin to feel I have ene- 
mies whom I have myself made such. But, wounded 
in that honor which is my life, and asking in vain for 
an authority that would protect and rescue me, I have 
been compelled to attempt my own defence by my 



Chap. Y.] JOYELLANOS. 385 

own pen ; the only weapon left in my hands. To use it 
with absolute moderation, when I was driven on by an 
anguish so sharp, was a hard task. One more dexter- 
ous in such contests might, by the cunning of his art, 
have oftener inflicted wounds, and received them more 
rarely ; but, feeling myself to be fiercely attacked, 
and comino; to the contest unskilled and alone, I 
threw my unprotected person into it, and, in 
* order to free myself from the more imminent * 327 
danger before me, took no thought of any that 
might follow. Indeed, such was the impulse by which 
I was driven on, that I lost sight, at once, of consid- 
erations which, at another time, might well have pre- 
vailed with me. Veneration for public authority, re- 
spect for official station, the private affections of friend- 
ship and personal attachment, — everything within 
me yielded to the love of justice, and to the earnest 
desire that truth and innocence should triumph over 
calumny and falsehood. And can I, after this, be par- 
doned, either by those who have assailed me, or by 
those who have refused me their protection ? Surely 
it matters little. The time has come in -which all dis- 
approbation, except that of honorable men and the 
friends of justice, must be indifferent to me. For 
now that I find myself fast approaching the final 
limits of human life, now that I am alone and in pov- 
erty, without a home or a shelter, what remains for 
me to ask, beyond the glory and liberty of my country, 
but leave to die with the good name I have labored to 
earn in its service ? " ^^ 

At the moment when this eloquent defence of him- 
self was published, the French, by a sudden incursion, 

1^ D. Gaspar de Jovellanos a sus Compatriotas, (Coruua, 1811, 4to,) Tom. I. 
pp. 154, 155. 

VOL. III. 25 



386 JOVELLANOS. [Period III. 

took military possession of his native city; and lie 
hurried for safety on board a slight vessel, hardly 
knowing whither his course should be directed. After 
suffering severely from a storm of eight days' continu- 
ance in the Bay of Biscay, he disembarked to obtain 
relief at the obscure port of Yega. But his strength 
was gone ; and on the 27th of November, within forty- 
eight hours from the time of his landing, he died. He 
was nearly sixty-eight years old. 

Jovellanos left behind him few men, in any coun- 
try, of a greater elevation of mind, and fewer still of 
a purer or more irreproachable character. Whatever 
he did was for Spain and his fellow-men, to whose ser- 
vice he devoted himself alike in the days of his happi- 
ness and of his suffering ; — in his influence over the 

school of Salamanca, when he exhorted them to 
* 328 raise the tone of ^ their poetry, no less than in 

the war-cry of his odes to cheer on his country- 
men in their conflict for national independence ; — in 
his patient counsels for the cause of education, when 
he was an exile in Asturias or a prisoner in Majorca, 
no less than in the exercise of his authority as a magis- 
trate and a minister of state to Charles the Fourth, 
and as the head of the government at Seville. He 
lived, indeed, in times of great trouble, but his virtues 
were equal to the trials that were laid upon them, and 
when he died, in a wretched and comfortless inn, he 
had the consolation of believing that Spain would be 
successful in the struggle he had assisted to lead on, 
and of knowing, in his own heart, what the Cortes 
afterwards declared to the world, that he was " a man 
well deserving of his country."^* 

^* "Coleccion de las Obras de Don drid, 1830-1832, 7 torn. 8vo. A de- 
Gaspar Mclcliior de Joveiiaaos," Ma- clamatoiy prose satire on the state of 



Chap. V.] MUNOZ. 387 

One historical work of tlie reign of Cliarles tlie 
Fourth should not be forgotten. It was by Juan Bau- 
tista Muiloz^ and was undertaken by tlie especial order 
of Charles the Tliird, who demanded of its author a 
complete history of the Spanish discoveries and con- 
quests in America. This was in 1779. But Munoz 
encountered many obstacles. The members of the 
Academy of History were not well disjoosed towards 
an undertaking which seemed to fall within their own 
jurisdiction ; and when he had finished the first por- 
tion, they subjected it, by the royal permission, to an 
examination, which, from its length even more than its 
rigor, threatened to prevent the work from be- 
ing printed at all. This, however, was * stopped * 329 
by a summary order from the king ; and the 
first volume, bringing down the history to the year 
1500, was published in 1793. But no other followed 
it ; and since the death of Munoz, which occurred in 
1799, when he was fifty-four years old, no attempt has 
been made to resume the work. It therefore remains 
just as he then left it, — a fragment, written, indeed, 
in a philosophical spirit and with a severe simplicity 
of style, but of small value, because it embraces so in- 

Spain in tlie time of Charles IV., sup- successfully. For notices of him, see 
posed to have been delivered in the Memorias de Jovellanos, ])0v Don Agus- 
Amphitheatre of Madrid, in 1793, has tin Cean Bermudez, Madrid, 1814, 
been attributed to Jovellanos. It is 12mo ; the Life at the end of his col- 
entitled "Pan y^Toros," or Bread and lected Works ; Lord Holland's Life of 
Bull-tights, from 'the old Roman cry of Lope de Vega, 1817, Tom. II., where 
"Panem et Circenses," and was sup- is a beautiful tribute to him, Avorthy of 
pressed as soon as it was published, but Mr. Fox's nephew ; and Llorente, Tom. 
has often been printed since. Among II. p. .540, and Tom. IV. p. 122, where 
other distinctions, it enjoyed the singu- are recorded some of his shameful per- 
lar one of being translated and privately secutions. The name of Jovellanos is 
printed, in 1813, on board a British sometimes written Jove Llanos ; and, I 
man-of-war, stationed in the jMediterra- believe, was so written by his ances- 
nean. But it is not the work of Jovel- tors. 

lanos, though it has almost always borne The works of Jovellanos, edited by 

his name on the successive editions. Don Candido Nocedal, may be founil 

Jovcdlanos was familiar with English in the Biblioteca of Rivaden'eyra, Avhero 

lit/rature, and translated the first book the iirst two volumes appeared in 18-38, 

of the "Paradise Lost," but not very 1859. 



388 ESCOIQUIZ. [PEMon III. 

considerable a portion of the subject to which it is de- 
vote d.^^ 

An epic attempt of the same period is of still less 
importance. It is "Mexico Conquered," an heroic 
poem in twenty-six books, and about twenty-five thou- 
sand lines, beginning with the demand of Cortes, at 
Tlascala, to be received in person by Montezuma, and 
ending with the fall of Mexico and the capture of 
Guatimozin. Its author was Escoiquiz, who, as the 
tutor of Ferdinand, Prince of Asturias, and his adviser 
in the troubles of the Escorial, of Aranjuez, and of 
Bayonne, showed an honorable character, Avhich at 
different times brought upon him the vengeance of the 
Prince of the Peace, of Charles the Fourth, of Bona- 
parte, and, at last, of Ferdinand himself 

The literary ambition of Escoiquiz, however, is of 
both an earlier and a later date than this unha23py in- 
terval, when his upright spirit was so tried by political 
persecutions. In 1797 he published a translation of 
Young's " Night Thoughts " ; and while he was a pris- 

1^ "Historia del Nuevo Mundo, por edited in Spanish "by his accomplished 
Don Juan Bautista Muiioz," Madrid, friend, Nicolas de Azara, the anihassa- 
1793, small folio. Fuster, Bib., Tom. dor at Rome of Charles III., to whose 
II. p. 191. Memorias de la Acad, de conrt Mengs was long attached as chief 
la Histo]ia, Tom. I. p. Ixv. The eulo- painter, sliould not be wholly over- 
gy of Lebrixa, by Muiioz, in the third looked. They are well written, with 
volume of the Slemoirs of the Academy, some German feeling, as might be ex- 
a defence of his History, and two or pected, and contain good discussions 
three Latin treatises, are all that I know both theoretical and practical of the 
of his works, except the History. A . art to which this friend of Winckelmann 
fierce attack was made on Muhoz by devoted himself witb such severe ear- 
Don Francisco Iturri, in a pamphlet nestness and in which he had such 
printed at Madrid, in 1798, but dated honorable success. He was born at 
from Rome, August 20, 1797. It com- Aussig, Bohemia, in 1728, and died in 
jjlains of him chielly for coinciding oc- 1779 at Rome, where he was buried in 
casionally in opinion with Robertson the graceful Pantheon at the side of 
in his "History of America," and with Raphael, whom, in life, he had so rev- 
De Pauw in his " Recherches Philoso- erenced and followed. His works, jnib- 
phi(|ues " ; but though the pam[)hlet is lished by order of the King of Spain in 
not ill-written, it rarely takes any posi- 1780 and 1797, in 4to, Avere translated 
tion formidable to Muuoz, and still into Italian, German, English, and 
more i-arely maintains the positions on French ; into the latter language, I 
which it ventures. think, more than once. 

The works of Antonio Raphael Mengs, 



Chap. V.] MORATIX THE YOUI\"GER. 389 

oner in France, from 1^0^ to 1814, he prepared a 
Spanish version of Milton's " Paradise Lost/' which 
showed, at least, with what pleasnre he gave 
himself up to letters, and what a ^ solace they * 330 
were to him under his privations and misfor- 
tunes. His " Mexico" was first printed in 1798. It is 
cast more carefully into an epic form than were the 
heroic poems that abounded in the days of the Philips, 
and is sustained more than they generally were by 
such supernatural Christian machinery as was first used 
with effect by Tasso. But, like them, it is not without 
cold, allegorical personages, who play parts too impor- 
tant in the action ; while, on the other hand, its faith- 
ful history of events, its unity of design, and its regu- 
lar proportions, are no sufficient compensation for its 
ill-constructed stanzas and its chronicling dulness. 
The history of Solis is much more interesting and po- 
etical than this wearisome romantic epic, which owes 
to that historian nearly all its facts.^^ 

Leandro Mo rati n, son of the poet who flourished in 
the reign of Charles the Third, was, in some respects, 
a g^reater sufferer from the convulsions of the times in 
which he lived than Escoiquiz, and in all respects more 

1^ "Mexico Conqaistada, Poeraa He- severe; but it sliows much sympatliy 

roico, por Don Juan de Escoiquiz," Ma- with the suffering Indians, and no great 

drid, 1798, 3 torn. 8vo. A still more respect for the "Conquistadores." In 

unhappy epic attempt on the subject consequence of this, a reply to it ap- 

of the Conquest of Mexico preceded peared at Toledo, three years after- 

that of Escoiquiz by about forty years. wards, entitled ' ' Exortacion Amistosa 

It was by Francisco Ruiz de Leon, and dirigida a ciertos Analistas Ingleses, por 

is entitled " La Hernandia, Triunfos Don Inocencio Ejpdondo," (1804, 12mo, 

de la Fe " (Madrid, 1755, 4to) ; a poem pp. 100,) — a slight performance, which, 

making nearly four hundred pages, and however, boldly sustains the pretensions 

sixteen hundred octave stanzas. of the Spanish character throughout, 

Th;3 "Mexico Concj^uistada " of Es' and justifies the conquest of ]\Iexico on 

coiquiz was reviewed (as I conjecture, the ground that the Mexicans Avere 

from internal evidence, by Southey) in heathens. The oddest part of it is^ 

the Critical Review, Vol. XXXII. , that a reply at Toledo, where the Re- 

ISOl, p. 513, Avith spirited translations, view could never have been much known 

in blank verse, of several passages, and at any time, and long after it had be-^-n 

a good abstract of the whole poem. forgotten in England, should have been 

The notice is not flattering, nor is it thought desirable. 



390 MORATHS" THE YOUNGER. [Period III. 

distinguished in the world of letters. His principal 
success^ however, was in the drama, where he must 
hereafter he more fully noticed. Here, therefore, it is 
only necessary to say, that, in his lyric and miscella- 
neous poetry, he was a follower of his father, modify- 
ing his manner so far, under the influence of Conti, an 
Italian man of letters who lived long at Madrid, that, 
in his shorter pieces, the Italian terseness is 
* 331 ^ quite apparent and gives a finish to the sur- 
face, though the material beneath may be quite 
Castilian. This is particularly true of his odes and 
sonnets, and of a striking Chorus of the Spirits of the 
Patriarchs of the Old Testament awaiting the Appear- 
ance of the Saviour ; a solemn composition, breathing 
the fervent spirit of Luis of Granada. His ballads, on 
the other hand, though finished with great care, are 
more national in their tone than anything else he has 
left us. But the poems that please us best and interest 
us most are those that show his own temper and affec- 
tions; such as his "Epistle to Jovellanos," and his 
" Ode on the Death of Conde," the historian. 

In none of his personal relations, however, does 
Moratin appear to such obvious advantage as in the 
diflficirit ones in which he stood at different times with 
the Prince of the Peace. To that profligate minister he 
owed, not only all his means for training himself as 
a dramatic writer, but the position in society which in- 
sured his success ; and when the day of retribution 
came, and his patron fell, as he deserved to fall, Mora- 
tin, though he suffered in every way from his changed 
condition and the persecution of the enemies of the 
Prince, refused to join their cry against the crushed 
favorite. He said truly and nobly, "I was neither his 
friend, nor his counsellor, nor his servant ; but all that 



Chap. V.^ QUINT ANA. 391 

I was I owed to him ; and, although we have nowa- 
days a convenient philosophy^ which teaches men to 
receive benefits without gratitude, and, when circum- 
stances alter, to pay with reproach favors asked and 
received, I value my own good opinion too much to 
seeiv such infamy." A person who acted under the 
impulse of principles so generous was not made for 
success in the reign of Ferdinand the Seventh. It is 
not remarkable, therefore, that nearly all the latter 
part of Moratin's life was spent, either voluntarily or 
involuntarily, in foreign countries, and that he died at 
last in the discomforts and sadness of exile.^^ 

^ The last of these miscellaneous writers of *332 
the reimi of Charles the Fourth that should be 
mentioned is Quintana, who, like Jovellanos, Moratin, 
and Escoiquiz, suffered much from the violence of the 
revolutions through which they all passed, but, unlike 
them, survived long enough to enjoy a serene and 
honored old age. He was born at Madrid on the 11th 
of April, in 1772, but received the most effective part 
of his literary education at Salamanca, where he ac- 
knowledo^ed the influence of Melendez and Cienfueg:os. 
His profession was the law ] and he began the serious 
business of life in the capital, kindly encouraged by 
Jovellanos. But he preferred letters ; and a small so- 
ciety of intellectual friends, that assembled every even- 
ing at his house, soon stimulated his preference into a 
passion. In 1801 he ventured to print his tragedy of 
" The Duke of Yiseo," imitated from " The Castle Spec- 

1'^ " Obras cle L. F. Moratin," Ma- 342. An iinreasonabty laudatory criti- 

drid, 1830 - 31, four vols. 8vo, divided cism of liis works is to be found in the 

into six, prepared by himself, and pub- first volume of Hermosilla's "Juicio." 

lished by the Academy of History after Moratin's Works can, also, be found 

his death. His Life is in Vol. I., and collected in the second volume of the 

his miscellaneous poems are in the last Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, 1846, 

volume, where the remarks on the Prince where there are some things not in the 

of the Peace occur, at p. 33.5, and a edition of the Academy ; but none of 

notice of his relations with Conti at p. value. 



392 . QUINT A]S"A. [Period III. 

tre " of Lewis; and in 1805 he produced on the stage 
his "Pelajo," intended to rouse his countrymen to 
resistance of foreign oppression, by a striking example 
from their own history. The former had httle success; 
but the hitter, though written according to the doc- 
trines of the severer school, struck a chord to which 
the hearts of the audience gladly answered. 

Meantime, between these two attempts, he pub- 
lished, in 1802, a small volume of poetry, almost en- 
tirely lyric, taking the same noble and patriotic tone 
he had taken in his successful tragedy, and showing a 
spirit more deep and earnest than was to be found in 
any of the school of Salamanca, to which, in his ad- 
dress to Melendez, he leaves no doubt that he now 
gladly associated himself. In a similar spirit he pub- 
lished, in 1807, a single volume containing five lives 
of distinguished Spaniards, who, like the Cid and the 
Great Captain, had successfully fought the enemies of 
their country at home and abroad ; and almost simul- 
taneously he prepared three volumes of selec- 
^ 333 tions "^from the best Spanish poets, accompany- 
ing them with critical notices, which, if more 
slio:ht than mig-ht have been claimed from one like 
Quintana, and less generous in the praise they bestow 
than they ought to have been, are yet national in 
their temper, and better than anything else of their 
kind then to be found in the language. Both show a 
too willing imitation of the French manner, and con- 
tain occasional Gallicisms ; but both are written in a 
clear and graceful prose, both were well received, as 
they deserved to be, and both were, long afterwards, 
further continued by their accomplished author; the 
first by the addition of four important lives, and the 
last by extracts from the miscellaneous poets of a later 
period, and from several of the elder epics. 



Chap. V.] QUINTANA. 393 

But tlioiigli the taste of Quintana was inclined to 
the literature of France, he was a Spaniard at heart, 
and a faithful one. Even before the French invasion 
he had so carefully kept himself aloof from the in- 
fluence and the patronage of the Prince of the Peace, 
that, though belonging almost strictly to the same 
school of poetry with Moratin, these two distinguished 
men lived at Madrid, imperfectly known to each other, 
and in fact as heads of different literary societies, whose 
intercourse was not so kindly as it should have been. 
But the moment the revolution of 1808 broke out, 
Quintana sprang to the place for which he felt himself 
made. He published at once his effective " Odes to 
Emancipated Spain " ; he threw out, in the journals of 
the time, whatever he thought would excite his coun- 
trymen to resist their invaders ; he became the secre- 
tary to the Cortes and to the regency ; and he wrote 
many of the powerful proclamations, manifestos, and 
addresses that distinguished so honorably the career of 
the different administrations to which he belono-ed dur- 
ing their struggle for national independence. In short, 
he devoted all that he possessed of talent or fortune to 
the service of his country in the day of its sorest trial. 

But he was ill rewarded for it. Much of what had 
been done by the representatives of the Spanish peo- 
ple in the name of Ferdinand the Seventh, dur- 
ing his forced ^ detention in France, was un- ^ 334 
welcome to that short-sighted monarch ; and, as 
soon as he returned to Madrid, in 1814, a persecution 
was begun of those who had most contributed to the 
adoption of these unwelcome measures. Among the 
more obnoxious persons was Quintana, who Avas thrown 
into prison in the fortress of Pamplona, and remained 
there six miserable years, interdicted from the use of 



394 QUINTA:N"A. [Period hi. 

v/ritiiig-materials, and cut off from all intercourse with 
his friends. The changes of 1820 unexpectedly re- 
leased him, and raised him for a time to greater dis- 
tinction than he had enjoyed before. But, three years 
later, another political revolution took from him all his 
employments and influence; and he retired to Estre- 
madura, where he occupied himself with letters till 
new chansres and the death of the kino; restored him 
to the old public offices he had filled so well, adding 
to his former honors that of a peer of the realm. But 
from the days when he first attracted public regard by 
his Odes on the Ocean, and on the beneficent expedi- 
tion sent to America with the great charity of Vac- 
cination, letters were his chosen employment ; — his 
pride, when he cheered on his countrymen to resist 
OjDpression ; his consolation in prison and in exile ; his 
truest honor in an honored old age.-^^ His last distinc- 
tion was that of being crowned by his sovereign, on 
the 25th of March, 1855, in presence of whatever was 
most eminent and most noble in the kingdom. Two 
years later, March 11, 1857, he died, and the same 
noble crowd marked the same reverence for him, as 
they slowly followed his remains to their final resting- 
place. He had almost reached his eighty-fifth birth- 
day, and had been before the public as a poet sixty- 
nine years. 

18 "PoesiasdeM. J. Quintana," Ma- ^ .. . Unas primicias _ 

drid, 1821, 2 torn. 8vo. T.he lyrical Que mi mgemo ha formado en otro tiempo, 

portion has been often reprinted since and of himself as having already left 

1802, when a coHection of his Poems the haunts of the Muses to devote him- 

appeared at Madrid in a thin beautiful self to the study of the law. He must, 

volume of only 170 pages, 12mo. But therefore, have begun young indeed, for 

a very small volume, containing only he was only sixteen wlien he thus spoke 

eleven poems, and entitled "Poesias as if the poems he then published had 

de D. Manuel Josef Quintana," (Ma- been written some years before, — "en 

drid, 18mo, pp. 71,) appeared as early otrotiempo." His works are best found 

as 1788, and in the dedication of which in the Biblioteca, Tom. XIX., 1852; 

to Count Florida Blanca, the Minister but none of his earliest poems are in 

of State, he speaks of them as that collecticn. 



*CHAPTEE VI. *335 

THEATRE I>T THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. — TRANSLATIONS FROM THE FRENCH. 
— ORIGINAL PLAYS.— OPERAS. — NATIONAL THEATRE. — CASTRO. — ANORBE. 

IMITATIONS OF THE FRENCH THEATRE. — MONTIANO. — MORATIN THE 

ELDER. — CADAHALSO. — SEBASTIAN Y LATRE. TRIGUEROS. — YRIARTE. 

AYALA. — HUERTA. JOVELLANOS. — AUTOS FORBIDDEN. — PUBLIC THEA- 
TRES AND THEIR PARTIES. RAMON DE LA CRUZ, SEDANO, CORTES, CIEN- 

FUEGOS, AND OTHERS. HUERTa'S COLLECTION OF OLD PLAYS. — DISCUS- 
SIONS. YALLADARES. ZAVALA. COMELLA. MORATIN THE YOUNGER. 

STATE OF THE DRAMA AT THE BEGINNING OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 

The most considerable literary movement of the 
eighteenth century in Spain, and the one that best 
marks the poetical character of the entire period, is 
that relating to the theatre, which it was earnestly at- 
tempted to subject to. the rules then prevailing on the 
French stage. Intimations of such a design are found 
in the reign of Philip the Fifth, as soon as the War of 
the Succession was closed. The Marquis of San Juan 
began, in 1713, with a translation of the " Cinna " of 
Corneille ; — the first tragedy avowedly under the 
French rules that appeared in the Spanish language 
at this period, and one that was probably selected for 
this distinction, because it was well suited to the con- 
dition of a country that had so much reason to seek 
the clemency of its prince in favor of many distin- 
guished persons, whom the civil war had led to resist 
his power.^ But it was never represented, and, 
though once reprinted, was soon forgotten. Cani- 
zares, the last of the elder race of dramatists 
* that showed any of the old spirit, yielded ^336 

1 Montiaiio v Luyando, Discnrso sobre las Tragedias Espanolas, Madrid, 1750, 
p. 66. 



396 DRAMA m THE EIGIITEE:N^TH century. [Peiuo]) III. 

more than once to the new school of taste , and 
regarded his " Sacrifice of Iphigenia " — an absurd 
play, for which the "Iphigenie " of Racine is very lit- 
tle responsible — as an imitation of the French stage.^ 
Neither these, however, nor plays of an irregular and 
often vulgar cast, like those written by Diego de Tor- 
res, a professor of natural philosophy, those by Lobo, 
a military officer, and those by Salvo, a tailor, obtained 
any permanent favor, or were able to constitute foun- 
dations on which to reconstruct a national drama. As 
far as anything was heard on the public stage worthy 
of its pretensions, it was the works of the old masters 
and of their poor imitators, Canizares and Zamora.^ 

The Spanish theatre, in fact, was now at its lowest 
ebb, and wholly in the hands of the populace, from 
whom it had always received much of its character, 
and who had been its faithful friends in the days of 
its trial and adversity. Nor could its present condi- 
tion fairly claim a higher patronage. All Spanish 
plays acted for public amusement in Madrid were still 
represented, as they had been in the seventeenth cen- 

'^ He says, near the end, that his pur- are of no vahie, and represent fairly, I 

pose was " to show how plays are writ- believe, the merit of the few historical 

ten in the French style." Plays aiising plays produced in the beginning of the 

from the circumstances of the times, eighteenth century, in Spain, 
and more in the forms and character of ^ Accounts of the theatre during this 

the preceding century, were sometimes sort of interregnum, from about 1700 to 

represented, but soon forgotten. Of about 1790, are found in Signorelli 

these, two may be mentioned as curious. (Storia Critica dei Teatri, ISTapoli, 1813, 

The fiirst is called, like one of Lope's, 8vo, Tom. IX. pp. 56-- 236) ; L. F. 

" Sueiios hay que son Verdades," an Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. II. Parte 

anonymous drama, beginning with a I., Prologo) ; and four papers by Blanco 

dream of the king of Portugal, and White (in Vols. X. and XI. of the New 

ending with its partial fuliilment in the Monthly Magazine, London, 1824). The 

capture of Monsanto, by the forces of facts and opinions in Signorelli are im- 

Philip v., in 1704. The other is by portant, because from 176-5 to 1783 he 

Pvodrigo Pero de Urrutia, entitled "Eey lived in Madrid, (Storia, Tom. IX. p. 

decretado en Cielo," and covers a space 189,) and belonged to the club of the 

of above six years, from the annuncia- Fonda de San Sebastian, noticed, a^ite, 

tion by Louis XIV. to the Duke of p. 301, several of whose members were 

Anjou, in the first scene, that the will dramatic writers, and one of the stand- 

of Charles II. had made him king of ing subjects for whose discussions was 

S])ain, down to the victory of Almansa, the theatre. Obras Postumas da N. F, 

in 1707, which is its catastrox^he. Both Moratin, Londres, 1825, p. xxiv. 



Chap. VI.] THEATRES. 397 

tiiiy, in open court-yards, with galleries or corridors 
that surrounded them. To these court-yards 
there was no covering "^ except in case of a ^337 
shower, and then the awning stretched over 
them was so imperfect, that, if the rain continued, and 
those of the spectators who were always compelled to 
stand during the performance were too numerous to 
find shelter under the projecting seats of the corridors, 
the exhibition was broken up for the daj^, and the 
crowd driven home. There was hardly any pretence 
of scenery ; the performance always took place in the 
daytime ; and the price of admission, which was col- 
lected in money at the door, did not exceed a few 
farthings for each spectator.* 

The second queen of Philip the Fifth, Isabel Far- 
nese, who had been used to the enjoyment of better 
scenic exhibitions in Italy, was not satisfied with this 
state of things. Finding a neglected theatre, in which 
an Italian company had sometimes acted, she caused 
material additions to be made to it, and required 
regular operas to be brought out for her amusement 
from 1737. The change was an important one. The 
two old court-yards took the alarm. First one and 
then the other began to erect a new and more commo- 
dious structure for theatrical entertainments ; and as 
they had been each other's rivals for a century and a 
half in the awkwardness of their arrangements, no less 
than in their claims for public patronage, so now they 
became rivals in a struggle for improvement. Under 
such impulses, the new " Theatre of the Cross " was 
finished in 1743, and that of " The Prince " in 1745. 

* In the Preface to " La Babilonia de in 1731, — the price of a drama, "si es 

Europa y primer Eey de Eomanos," — a buena," is stated at twenty-five doub- 

worthless and absurd play in the elder loons. I am surprised to find that it 

manner, written by Fernando de Bar- Who so much. See ante, Period II. 

cena y Orango, and printed at Madrid Chap. XVIII., note. 



398 LOW STATE OF THE THEATRES. [Period III. 

Butj in most respects, there was little change. True 
to the traditions of their origin, the new structures 
were still called "court-yards/' corrales^ and their boxes, 
aposentos ; — the casuela^ ov " stewpan," was still kept 
for the women, who sat there veiled like nuns, but 
acting very little as if they were such ; — the Alcalde 

de Corte, or Judge of the Municipality, still ap- 
"^338 peared in the proscenium, ^ with his two clerks 

behind him, to keep the peace or bear record 
to its breach ; — Semiramis wore a hooped petticoat 
and hiRh-heeled shoes, and Julius Caesar was assassi- 
nated in a curled periwig and velvet court coat, with a 
feathered Spanish hat under his arm. The old spirit, 
therefore, it is plain, prevailed, however great might 
be the improvements made in the external arrange- 
ments and architecture of the theatres. 

One cause of this was the exclusive favor shown to 
the opera by two Italian queens, and encouraged by 
the new political relations of Spain with Italy. The 
theatre of the Buen Retiro, where Calderon had so 
often triumphed, was fitted up with unwonted magnifi- 
cence, by Farinelli, the first singer of his time, who had 
been brought to the Spanish court in order to soothe 
tlie melancholy of Philip ihe Fifth, and who still con- 
tinued there, enjoying the especial protection of Fer- 
dinand the Sixth. Luzan translated Metastasio's 
" Clemency of Titus" for the opening of the new 
and gorgeous saloon in 1747 ; and both then, and for 
a considerable period afterwards, all that the resources 
of the court could command in poetry and music, or 
in the show and pomp of theatrical machinery, was 
lavished on an exotic, which at last failed to take 
healthy root in the soil of the country.^ 

^ L. F. Moratin, Prologo, ut sup. ; and Pellicer, Origen del Teatro, 1802^ 



Chap. VI.] MONTIA^O Y LUYANDO. 399 

Meantime the national theatre, neglected by the 
privileged and higher classes, was given up to such 
writers as Francisco de Castro, an actor who sought 
the applause of the lowest part of his audience by vul- 
gar farces/ and Thomas de Anorbe, the chaplain of 
a nunnery at Madrid, whose " Paolino," an- 
nounced as "in ^ the French fashion," and al- * 339 
most put in competition with the Cinna of Cor- 
neille, provoked the just ridicule of LuzanJ With the 
success of such absurdities, however, scholars and men 
of taste seem to have grown desperate. Montiano, a 
Castilian gentleman, high in office at court, and a mem- 
ber of the Academy of Good Taste, that met at the 
house of the Countess of Lemos, led the way in an 
attack upon them. He began, in 1750, with a tragedy 
on the Roman story of Virginia, which he intended 
should be a model for Spanish serious theatrical com- 
positions, and which he accompanied with a long and 
well-written discourse, showing how far Bermudez, 

Tom. I. p. 264. Several attempts were ec, su Autor Don Angel Peregiino," 
made afterwards in this period ; one in Tom. I., 1749, but of wliicli, I think, no 
the time of Charles III., which was second volmne appeared, 
partly helped on b}^ a translation of an '^ Thomas de Ariorbe y Corregel pub- 
Essay on the Opera by Count Algarotti, lished his " Virtud vence al Destine" 
— "para instrnccion," says the title- in Madrid, 1735, and his " Paolino " in 
page, "de los que quieran asistir al 1740. He calls himself " Capellan del 
nuevo Teatro que se ha establecido en Eeal Monasterio de la Incarnacion " on 
esta Corte," Madrid, 1787, 18mo. The the title of the first of these plays, and 
Opera, however, is reproached by Vargas inserts two absurd entremeses of his own 
y Ponce with having injured by its bad composition between its acts. I have 
translations the other theatrical com- fourteen or fifteen of his I3lays, — some 
positions of its time. " Declamacion," religious, but most of them secular, — 
p. 51. all miserable. Several are short, and 
^ " Alegria Comica," (Zaragoza, Tom. intended for private theatricals, and 
I., 1700, Tom. II., 1702,) and " Comico several are reprints in the latter part of 
Festejo," (Madrid, 1742,) are three the eighteenth century, showing that 
small volumes of entremeses, by Fran- his reputation was not entirely extin- 
cisco de Castro ; the last being pub- guished, even by the success of the 
lished after the author's death. They Moratins. He died in 1741. Alvarez 
are not entirely without wit, regarded y Baena, Tom. IV. p. 357. His " Vir- 
as caricatures ; but they are coarse, and, tud vence al Destino," if no better 
in general, worthless. , Similar farces, than the rest in other respects, has 
mixed up with equally bad lyrical the merit of being an attack on as- 
verse, may be found in a volume enti- trology, and on a belief in planetary 
tied, " La mejor Guirnalda de Apolo, influences. 



400 MONTIANO Y LUTANDO. [Period III. 

Cueva, Virues, and a few more of the old masters, had 
been willing to be governed by doctrines similar to his 
own. 

The tragedy itself, which comes like a sort of appen^ 
dix to this discussion, and seems intended to illustrate 
and enforce its opinions, is entirely after the model of 
the French school, and especially after Racine ; — all 
the rules, as they are technically called, including that 
which requires the stage never to be left vacant dur- 
ing the continuance of an act, being rigorously ob- 
served. But the " Virginia " is no less cold than it is 
regular, and, like the waters of the Alps, its very 
purity betrays the frozen region from which it has de- 
scended. Its versification, which consists of unrhym-ed 
iambics, is as far as possible removed from the warmth 
and freedom of the ballad style in the elder drama ; 
its whole movement is languid ; and the catastrophe, 
from the fear of shocking the spectator by a show of 
blood on the stage, turns out, in fact, to be no 
* 340 catastrophe at all. No ^ effort, it is believed, 
was made to bring it upon the stage, and as a 
printed poem it produced no real effect on public 
opinion. 

Montiano, however, was not discouraged. In 1753 
he published another critical discourse and another 
tragedy, with similar merits and similar defects, taking 
for its subject the reign and death of Athaulpho, the 
Goth, as they are found in the old chronicles. But 
this, too, like its predecessor, was never acted, and 
both are now rarely read.^ 

^ " Discurso sobre las Comedias Espa- their aiitlioris given in Lessing's Werke 

nolas de Don Agnstin de Montiano y (Berlin, 1794, 18mo, Band XXIII. p. 

Luyando," Madrid, 1750, 12mo ; Dis- 95). Bnt the besi account of Montiano 

curso Segundo, Madrid, 1753, 12nio. is to be found in his " Oracion Funebre, 

They were translated into French liy por el M. E. P. Mro. Fray Alonso 

Hermilly, and an account of them and Cano," (Madrid, 1765, 4:to, pp. 29). 



Chap. YL] MORATIN THE ELDER. 401 

The earliest comedy witliin the French rules that ap- 
peared as such in the Spanish language was the trans- 
lation of Lachaussee's ^^Prejuge a la Mode" by Luzan, 
which was printed in 1751.^ It judiciously preserved 
the national asonanies, or imperfect rhymes, throughout, 
and was followed, in 1754, by the "Athalie" of Ea- 
cine, rendered with much taste, chiefly into flowing 
asonanies^ by Llaguno y Amirola, Secretary of the Acad- 
emy of History, and appropriately countenanced by 
the earnest approbation of Luzan. But the 
first original Spanish ^ comedy formed on French "'^ 341 
models was the " Petimetra," or the Female 
Fribble, by Mora tin the elder. It was printed in 1762, 
and was preceded by a dissertation, in which, while 
the merits of the schools of Lope and Calderon are im- 
perfectly acknowledged, their defects are exhibited in 
the strongest relief, and the impression left, in relation 
to the old masters, is of the most unfavorable character. 

In the play itself, a similar kind of deference is 
shown to the popular prejudices and feelings, which 

Hs was born at Valladolicl in 1697, and power, suffers severely wlien compared 

spent a part of Ms youth in Majorca Avith Alfieri's tragedy en the same sub- 

with an uncle, who was high in office ject. But the truth is, llontiano was 

there. He wrote, when he was twenty a slavish imitator of the French school, 

years old, his " Robo de Dina," which Avhich he admired so much as to be 

is a poem in one hundred and twenty unable to comprehend and feel what 

stanzas, in a purer style than was then was best in his own Castilian. In the 

common, but with little power, and on " Aprobacion," which he prefixed to 

a most unhappy subject (see Genesis, the edition of Avellaneda, published in 

chap. 34). It was first published by a 1732, he says, comparing the second 

friend without his knowledge ; — after- part of Don Quixote, by this pretender, 

wards by himself at Barcelona, s. a. with the true one by Cervantes, — "I 

18mo, pp. 40. His employment during think no man of judgment will give an 

the active part of his life was in the opinion in favor of Cervantes, if he 

Department of State, and at the date compares the two parts together. " 

of his death, 176.5, he was Director of ^ " La Razon contra la Moda" (Ma- 

the Academy of History, before which drid, 12mo, 1751) appeared Avithout the 

the "Oracion" of Cano was pronounced, name of the translator, and contains a 

He was much valued and mourned by modest defence of the French rules, in 

the men of letters of his time, to whom the form of a Dedication to the j^Iar- 

lie was a generous friend. chioness of Sarria. Utility is much in- 

The story of Athaulpho is from the sisted upon ; and the immorality of the 

Coronica General, Parte II. c. 22. The elder drama is vigorously, but covertly, 

" Virginia," both in its attempt to ex- attacked, 
hibit Roman manners and in its poetical 

VOL. HI. 26 



402 MOKATIN THE ELDEE. [Period IIL 

adhered faithfully to the old drama and to the misera- 
ble imitations of it that continued to be produced. It 
is divided into the three jornadas to which the public 
had so long been wonted^ and is written in the na- 
tional manner, sometimes with fall rhymes, and some- 
times only with asonantes. But the compromise was 
not accej)ted by those to whom it was offered. The 
principal character, Dona Geronima, is feebly drawn ; 
and, though the versification and style are always easy, 
and sometimes beautiful, the attempt to reconcile the 
irregular genius of the elder comedy with what Mora- 
tin, on his title-page, calls "the rigor of art," was a 
failure. A corresponding effort which he made the 
next year in tragedy, taking the story of Lucretia for 
his subject^ and adopting even more fully the French 
conventions, was not more successful. Neither of them 
obtained the distinction of being publicly represented.^*^ 
That honor, however, was gained in 1770, with much 
difficulty, by Moratin's " Hormesinda," the first original 
drama, under the canons that governed Corneille and 
Racine, which ever appeared in a public theatre in 
Spain. It is founded on events connected with the 
Arab invasion and the achievements of Pelayo, and is 
written, like the " Lucretia," in that irregular verse, 

partly rhymed and partly not, which in Spanish 
^ 342 poetry is * called silva, and is intended to have, 

more than any other, the air of improvisation.^^ 

10 ' ' Los Criticos cle Madrid, " a sort of A castle tall to wheel and spring 

Saynete, (Madrid, 1768, 18mo, ip. 20,) m coutra-dances gay. 

ridicules the state of tlie war on the y^rgas y Ponce was not too severe 

theatre at this tmie. It pronounces ^^y^^^ ^iq said, that the Muses of his 

Lope and Cakleron contraband, and ^Q^^^^try were given up, at this period, 

orders them to be burnt, while of one ^^ ^|^g lo^^^^g^- actors and authors : — 

of the fashionable plays it says : — .. ^^g m\\?^&s patricias abandonadas a in- 

En ella canta un Navio felices comicos y tratadas por autore? 

Se desmaya un TroDco, y bayla • c ^• j.' i • " a r»„,i„,., , 

Contradanzas un Castillo. mas ^infelices todavia. Declama- 

A sailing ship it makes to sing, ^^°,^' T^i^'.PrV ■ i " j • n 

A tree to faint away, ii The " Hormesiiida, and especially 



Chap. Yl.J MOKA.TIN TxIL ELDER. CADAHALSO. 403 

The partial success of this drama, which, notwith- 
standing an hnprobable plot, deserved all the favor it 
received, mduced its author, in 1777, to write his third 
tragedy, " Guzman the True," dedicating it to his pa- 
tron, the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, who was a descend- 
ant of that famous nobleman, and who, a few years 
before, had himself translated the "Iphigenie" of 
Racine into Spanish. The well-known character of the 
hero, who chose rather to have his son sacrificed by 
the Moors than to surrender the fortress of Tarifa, 
if it is not drawn with the vigor of the old Castilian 
chronicles or of the drama of Guevara, is exhibited, at 
least, with a well-sustained consistency, that gives to- 
ken of more poetical power than anything else pro- 
duced by its author for the theatre. But this is its 
only real merit ; and the last tragedy of Moratin was, 
on the whole, no more successful, and no more deserv- 
ing of success, than the first. 

Cadahalso, the friend whom we have already no- 
ticed as much under the influence of Moratin, went 
one step farther in his imitation of the French masters. 
His " Don Sancho Garcia," a res^ular but feeble trag-e- 
dy, printed in 1771 and afterwards acted, with partial 
success, is w^ritten in long lines and rhymed couplets ; 
an innovation which could hardly fliil to be accounted 
monotonous on a stage, one of whose chief luxuries 
had so long been a wild variety of measures. Nor did 
more favor follow an attempt of Sebastian y Latre to 
adjust to the theories of the time two old dramas^ still 
often represented, — the one by Roxas and the other 
by Moreto, — which he forced within the pale of the 

its Preface, wliicli was ^ATitten by Mo- Horaiesinda " (Madrid, 1770, ISrno. > 

ratin's friend, Bernascone, were attacked Pelaez was an admirer of the old scho:>l 

in a pamphlet hy Juan Pelaez, entitled of Lo])3 and r'ald>ron, bnt did not h w; 

" Reparos sobre la Tragedia iutitulada defend it with, mucj skill or judgnLent, 



404 OTHER IMITATORS OF THE FRENCH DRAMA. [Period HI. 

three unities, and for the public representations of 
one of which, Aranda, the minister of state, paid the 
charges. Like the subsequent attempts of Trigu- 
^' 343 eros to accommodate * some of Lope de Yega's 
plays to the same system of opinions, it was en- 
tirely unsuccessful. The difference between the two 
different schools was so great, and the effort to forc^ 
them together so violent, that enough of the spirit and 
grace of the originals could not be found in these mod- 
ernized imitations to satisfy the demands of any audi- 
ence that could be collected to listen to them.^^ 

Yriarte, better known as a didactic poet and fabu- 
list, enjoys the distinction of having produced the first 
regular original comedy that was publicly represented 
in Spain. He began very young, with a play which 
he did not afterwards think fit to place among his col- 
lected works ; and, beside translations from Voltaire 
and Destouches, and three or four attempts of less 
consequence, he wrote two full-length original come- 
ly The plays of Moratin the elder, some account of their author, who died 
which I had before known only in the in 1792. — The " Anzuelo de Fenisa" 
isamphlets in which they were first pub- and the "Estrel]a de Sevilla," as set to 
lished, can now be found collected in the three unities by Trigueros, were 
the second volume of the " Biblioteca printed both in Madrid and London, 
de Autores Espanoles," published by Of the last person, Candido M. Trigu- 
Rivadeneyra, — by far the amjjlest, best- eros, it may be added, that he enjoyed 
selected, and best-edited collection of a transient reputation in the latter part 
Spanish authors that has yet been of the eighteenth centurj^, and that his 
made, and oue from which much may principal work, "La Riada," in four 
be hoped, both for the progress and for cantos of irregular verse, (Sevilla, 1784, 
the diffusion of Spanish literature. — ■ 8vo,) on a disastrous inundation of Se- 
Cadahalso's "Don Sancho " was first ville that had just occurred, was demol- 
printed in 1771, with the name of Juan ished by a letter of Vargas, and a satir- 
del Valle, and in 1804 with the name ical tract which Forner published under 
of its author, accompanied the last time the name of Antonio Varas. I do not 
by some unfortunate prose imitations know when he died, but an account of 
of Young's " Night Thoughts," and most of his life and many of his Avorks 
other miscellanies, which follow it into may be found in the Biblioteca of Sem- 
the third volume of their author's pere y Guarinos, Tom. VI., article 
works, 1818. — Latre's rifacimcnti are Trigueros, which, in a satirical anony- 
printed in a somewhat showy style, mous tract, entitled "Suplemento al 
probably at the expense of the minister articulo Trigueros en la Biblioteca de 
of state, Aranda, under the title of Sempere y Guarinos," (Madrid, 1790, 
" Ensayo sobre el Teatro Espailol," p. 57,) is said by the author, who was 
Madrid, 1773, small folio. Latassa Forner, to have been written by Tri- 
(Bib. Nueva, Tom. V. p. 51-3) gives gueros himself in his own honor. 



Chap. VI.] TKIARTE. AY ALA. 405 

dies, which were better than anything previously pro- 
duced by the school to which he belonged. One of 
thenij called ^' The Flattered Youth," appeared in 1778, 
and the other, " The Ill-bred Miss," ten years later ; — 
the first being on the subject of a son spoiled by a fool- 
ishly indulgent mother, and the second on the 
daughter of a rich man equally ^ spoiled by the * 344 
carelessness and neo;lect of her father. Both 
are divided into three acts, and written in the imper- 
fect rhyme and short verses always grateful to Castil- 
ian ears ; and both are marked by a good character- 
drawing and a pleasant, easy manner, not abounding 
in wit nor sensibly deficient in it. But, except these 
plays of Yriarte and Moratin, and an unfortunate one 
by Melendez Yaldes in 1784, — founded on Camacho's 
wedding, in "Don Quixote," and containing occasion- 
ally gentle and pleasing pastoral poetry which ill 
agrees with the rude jesting of Sancho, — nothing 
that deserves notice Avas done for comedy in the latter 
part of the reign of Charles the Third. ^^ 

Tragedy fared still worse. The " Numantia De- 
stroyed," written by Ayala, a man of learning and the 
regular censor of the public theatres of Madrid, was 
acted in 1775. Its subject is the same with that of 
the "Numantia" by Cervantes; but the horrors of the 
siege it describes are not brought home to the sympa- 
thies of the reader by instances of individual suffering, 
as they are in the elder dramatist, and therefore pro- 
duce much less effect. As an acting drama, however, 
it is not without merit. Its versification, which is, 

1^ The " Obras de Yriarte " (Madrid, caricature of a man, who is always 

1805, 8 torn. 12mo) contain all his hustling and neVer doing anything ; — 

plays, except the first one, written mutta agendo nihil agens. It was 

wh:-n he was only eighteen years old, printed in 1770, under "the slight dis-- 

and called " Hacer que Hacemos," or guise of an anagram, Tirso Ymareta. 

Much Cry and Little Wool, the prin- The play of Melendez Valdes is in the 

cipal personage of which is an absurd second volume of his Works, 1797.. 



406 HUERTA. JOYELLANOS. [Period III. 

again, an attempt at a compromise with the public by 
giving alternate asonantes^ but attaching them to the 
long-drawn lines of the French theatre^ is not, indeed, 
fortunate ; but the style is otherwise rich and vigorous, 
and the tone elevated. Perhaps its ardent expressions 
of patriotic feeling, and its fierce denunciations of for- 
eign oppression, have done as much to keep it on the 
stage as its intrinsic poetical merits. 

" The Raquel " of Huerta, printed in 1778, three 
years after the "Numantia," is not so creditable to the 
author, and produced a less lasting impression 
^345 on the public. * The story — that of the Jew- 
ess of Toledo, which has been so often treated 
by Spanish poets — is taken too freely from a play of 
Diamante ; and though Huerta has, in some respects, 
given the materials he found there a better arrange- 
ment, and a more grave and sonorous versification, he 
has diminished the spirit and naturalness of the action 
by constraining it in the strictest manner within the 
hard conventions he prescribed to himself, and has ren- 
dered the whole drama so uninteresting, that, notwith- 
standing its considerable reputation at first, it was 
soon forgotten.^^ 

The first real success of anything in the French 
style on the Spanish stage, though not in the classical 
forms prescribed by Boileau and Eacine, was obtained 
by Jovellanos. Early in life he had ventured a trage- 
dy, entitled '^ Pelayo," in the same measure with 

1* Ayala's tragedy has been often anonymous, and without date or place 
printed, and in 1782 he published a of publication. There is an Italian 
" Historia de Gibraltar," which comes translation of it in versi sciolti, (Bo- 
down to the preparations for the siege logna, 1782,) made by his brother 
of that year. The " Raquel " is in Hu- Pedro, who, I believe, was among the 
erta's Works, (Tom. I., 1786,) with his exiled Jesuits, and who prefixed to it a 
translations of the "Electra" of Soph- loving dedication to its author, which 
ocles, and the "Zaire" of Voltaire. makes up in affection for what it wants 
The original edition of the Eaquel is in poetry. 



Chap. YL] JOYELLAISTOS. 407 

Ayala's " Numantia," and on nearly the same sub- 
ject with the " Hormesinda " of the elder Moratin. 
But the philosophical statesman, though he wrote 
good Ijric verse, was not a tragic poet. He was, 
however, something better; — he was a really good 
man, and his philanthropy led him, in 1773, to write 
his " Honored Culprit," a play, intended to rebuke the 
cruel and unavailing severity of an edict against duel- 
ling, which had been in force from 1757. It is a senti- 
mental comedy in the manner of Diderot's '^ Natural 
Son " ; and, beside that it has the honor of being the 
first attempt of the kind on the Spanish stage, it has 
that of being more fortunate than any of its successors. 
The story on which it is founded is that of a gentle- 
man, who, after repeatedly refusing a challenge, kills, 
in a secret duel, the infimous husband of the lady he 
afterwards marries ; and, being subsequently led to 
confess his crime in order to save a friend, who is ar- 
rested as the guilty party, he is condemned to 
death by a rigorous ^ judge, who unexpectedly ^ 346 
turns out to be his own father, and is saved 
from execution, but not from severe punishment, only 
by the royal clemency. 

How many opportunities for scenes of the most 
painful interest such a story affords, is obvious at the 
first glance. Jovellanos has used them skilfully, be- 
cause he has done it in the simplest and most direct 
manner, with great warmth of kindly feeling, and in a 
style whose idiomatic purity is not the least of its at- 
tractions. The "Honored Culprit," therefore, was at 
once successful, and when well acted, though its poeti- 
cal power is small, it can hardly be listened to without 
tears. It was first produced in one of the royal thea- 
tres, without the knowledge of its author \ then, spread- 



408 COJiTTEST FOR THE THEATEE. [Period III. 

ing tliroughout Spain^ it was acted at Cadiz at the 
same time both in French and Spanish^ and, at last, 
became familiar on the stages of France and Grermany. 
Such wide success had long been nnknovv^n to anything 
in Spanisii literature.^^ 

But from the time when the first attempt was made 
to introduce regular plays in the French manner upon 
the Spanish stage, an active contest had been going on, 
which, though the advantage had of late been on the 
side of the innovators, did not seem likely to be soon 
determined. In 1762, Moratin the elder published 
what he called " The Truth told about the Spanish 
Stage"; — three spirited pamphlets, in which he at^ 
tacked the old drama generally, but above all the autos 
sacramentales, not denying the poetical merit of those 
by Calderon, but declaring that such wild, coarse, and 
blasphemous exhibitions as they generally were ought 
not to be tolerated in a civilized and religious commu- 
nity. So far as the autos were concerned, Moratin was 

successful. They were prohibited by a royal 
"^347 edict, June * 17, 1765 ; and though, even in the 

nineteenth century, it can hardly be said that 
they have been entirely driven out of the villages, 
where they have been the delight of the mass of the 
people from a period before that of Alfonso the Wise, 
yet in Madrid and the larger cities of Spain they have 
never been publicly countenanced since they were 
first forbidden.^^ 

15 I have the eighth edition of the what singular, that, just about the time 

" Delinquente Honraclo," 1803; still the " Delinquente Honrado " appeared 

printed without its author's name. It in Spain, Fenouillet published in France 

was so popular that it was several times a play, yet found in the ' ' Theatre du 

published surreptitiously, from notes Second Ordre," with the exactly cor- 

taken in the theatre, and was once responding title of " L'Honnete Crimi- 

turned into bad verse, before Jovellanos nel." But there is no resemblance in 

permitted it to appear from his own the plots of the two pieces, 
manuscript. (See Vol. VII. of his ^^ " Desengano al Teatro Espanol,'' 

Works, edited by Canedo.) It is some- three tracts, s. 1. 12mo, p. 80. Huerta, 



Chap. YL] CONTEST FOR THE THEATRE. 409 

But this was as far as Moratin could prevail. In the 
public secular theatre, generally, his poetry and wit 
produced no effect. There, two riotous parties in the 
two audiences of Madrid — distinguishing themselves 
by favors worn in their hats and led on by vulgar 
friars and rude mechanics, making up in spirit what 
they wanted in decencj^, and readily uniting to urge 
an open war against all further innovations — effectu- 
ally prevented any of the regular dramas that were 
written from being represented in their presence, until 
1770. The old masters they partly tolerated ; espe- 
cially Calderon, Moreto, and the dramatists of the 
latter part of the seventeenth century ] but the pop- 
ular favorites were Ibaiiez, Lobera, Vicente Guerrero, 
a play-actor, Julian de Castro, who wrote ballads 
^for the street beggars and died in a hospital, * 348 
and others of the same class ; all as vulgar as 
the populace they delighted.^^ 

Escena Espanola Defenclida, Madrid, iiring its character. The procession, 

1786, 12:no, p. xliii. How absohitely too, was often crowded, in an unseemly 

autos maintained their place in Spain manner, with monstrous figures of 

may he seen from the fact, that very eagles, lions, etc. See Voyage d'Es- 

few are forbidden in the amplest Index pagne faite en 1755 [par le Pere Kaimo], 

Expurgatorius, — that of 1667, (p. 81,) traduit de I'ltalien par Livoy, Paris, 

— and that those few are, I believe, all 1772, Tom. I. pp. 37-40, of which 

Portuguese. curious notices may be found in the 

During the latter years of their exist- Espagne Litteraire, 1774, Tom. I. pp. 

ence they were much encumbered with 120-136. 

the farces of all kinds that prevailed so As late as 1840, something resembling 
extravagantly on the secular stage. I rather a Mystery of the earliest time 
have a li ttle tract, entitled " Letras de than an "Auto" continued to be rep- 
las Tonadillas que se cantaran en los resented at Valencia during the shows 
Saynetes del Auto Sacramental Lo que of the Corpus Cliristi. (Lamarca, 
va del hoynbre d Dios que I'epresentara Teatro de Valencia, 1840, p. 11.) This, 
la Compania de Juan Angel, el dia 29 1 suppose, is the dramatic entertainment 
de Mayo, 1761." Of these " Tonadil- which Julius von Minutoli witnessed in 
las," or dialogues, etc., in music, there the Feast of the Sacrament at Valencia, 
are here four, which were thrust in with in 1853, and Avhich he not only de- 
the Entremeses and Saynetes ; besides scribes, but which he prints entire in 
which, there were separate BoajIcs, or the dialect of the country, just as he 
Ballets, to represent the Triumph of heard it. See his Altes und ISTeues 
Bacchus and the Pythian Gaines, — aus Spanien, Berlin, 1854, Tom. I. pp. 
some seguidillas, — a dance of Dwarfs, 1-17, and Tom. II. j)- 365, note, of 
etc., — all removed, one Avould think, as this History. 

far as possible from the original idea of i' I have a poetical tract of Julian de 

inTii Auto Saci^anic/iial, a,u.d much. disHg- Castro, entitled "La Comedia Triiin- 



410 CONTEST FOR THE THExlTEE. [Period III. 

After Arancla ceased to be minister, in 1773, this 
state of thing's was somewhat modified, without being; 

O ^ CD 

materially improved. Under his administration, the 
theatres in the royal residences had been opened 
for tragedy and comedy ; and translations from the 
French had been acted before the court in a manner 
suited to their subjects. The two popular theatres of 
the capital, also, had not escaped his regard, and under 
his influence they had been provided with better 
scenery. From 1768 they gave representations in the 
evening. "* 

Still, everything was in a very low state. A black- 
smith was the reigning critic to be consulted by those 
who sought a hearing on either stage, and the more 
regular plays, whether translations that had been acted 
with success at court, or tragedies and comedies of the 
poets already noticed, made a strange confusion with 
those of the old masters, which were still sometimes 
heard, and those of the favorites of the mob, whose 
works prevailed over all others in the theatrical reper- 
tories and in the general regard. But, whatever 
might be produced and performed, the intervals be- 
tween the acts, and much time before and after the 
principal piece, were filled up with tonadillas^^ segui- 

fante, Poema Lirico " (Madiid, 18mo, Madrid, 1786-1791, 10 torn. 12mo, Tom. 

pp. 22, no year, but printed after 1760). IX. p. 3. The evening representations, 

It is not lyrical, as the author, in his however, brought with them their pecu- 

gross ignorance, calls it, but didactic, liar discomforts and troubles, especially 

and is intended to give a sort of history for ladies. The streets near the theatres 

of the Spanish theatre. It is, however, became crowded, and the masses of the 

not to be trusted for its facts, and is common people, some of whom w^ent as 

worthless as a poem. At the end is a early as two o'clock in the afternoon, to 

list of about a dozen other works by secure places in the i^ntio, grew more 

Castro, some dramatic, some not. He noisy and rude than they had been in 

died, I think, in 1762, only thirty-nine the daytime. Ant. Munoz, "Morir 

3^earsold. In 1802, his '' Poema Lirico" viviendo en la Aldea," 1784, 18mo, pp. 

was reprinted by another unhapy)y the- 54, etc. " Carta censoria sobre la i»e- 

atrical helot, Hugalde y Parra, in his forma de los Teatros Espanoles, dirigida 

" Origen, Epocas, y Progresos del a la ?!Mr&a de Criticos dramaticos por el 

Teatro Pispanol," — as poor a book as Abate Agamemnon," Madrid, 1793, p. 

can well be made on so tine a subject. 19. 

1^ Kamon de la Cruz y Cano, Teatro, ^^ There were also tonadas, poems ap- 



Chap. YL] EAMON DE LA CEUZ. 411 

dillas^ ballads, and all the forms of entrcmeses, 
^ sainetes^ and dances, that had been common in * 349 
the last centnry or invented in the present 
one, — an act in a serious and poetical play being 
sometimes^ divided, in order to give place to one or 
another of them, and gratify an audience that seemed 
to grow more and more impatient of everything ex- 
cept popular farce. ^^ 

In this confusion of the old and the new, — of what 
was stiff, formal, and foreign with what was rudest and 
most lawless in the national drama at home, — a single 
writer appeared, who, from the mere force of natural 
talent, fell instinctively into a tone not unworthy of 
the theatre, and yet one that obtained for him a de- 
gree of favor long denied to persons of more poetical 
accomplishments. This was Ramon de la Cruz, a gen- 
tleman of family and an officer of the government at 
Madrid, who was born in 1731, and from 1765 to the 
time of his death, at the end of the century, constantly 

parently in tlie ballad style, that were tenance everything tragic. In a tract, 

particularly obnoxious to censure. I do of mingled prose and verse, we are told 

not know exactly what they were, but that such things are uniit to amuse 

they are described b}^ one who had often "the poor artisan or unhappy daj^- 

heard them, as " las letrillas indecentes laborer who works hard all the week, 

y tal vez execrables con nonibre de and on Sunday hopes at a play to get 

Tonadas." El Belianis Literario, Ma- some refreshment for his wearied body . " 

drid, 1765, 4to, p. 13. These persons indeed had the control of 

2'^ L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. II. the theatre, and, as the same tract says : 

Parte I., Prolo^o. Sometimes, though -c< ^ n ^• ^ t. 

, ,', ?T,- i- T nf , , Es la Comeclia un plato ctiyo ffuiso 

rarely, these additions_ ot different sorts e.^ para el Pueblo : al Poeta le es precise 

were printed. This is the case in a Que consulte a que gusto es inciinado 

tract entitled '^ Bayles que en la prox- Y qual aprecia mas : si no, va errado. 

ima Comedia, La Perla de Inqlaterra, Carta Censoria por el Abate Agamemnon, 

baylara en el Coliseo^ del Principe, Gau- ^'^^' ^^'^°' PP" ^' ^^• 

dencio Barry, Milanes (18mo, 1760). In This, however, is only applying the old 

this tract there are two " Bayles " and doctrine of Lope de Vega to a very low 

two " Tonadillas, " which were added state of the theatre, which his precepts 

to the customary " Entremeses " and and example alike tended to produce. 

" Sainetes," making, in all, seven per- A less favorable account of the Span- 

formances at least, besides the " Come- ish stage about 1785 than the one I 

dia " its4f, which seems to me to suffer have here given maybe found in the 

from all but the last of them. Indeed, " ISTouveau Voyage en Espagne," (by J. 

they were all evidently crowded in only F. de Bourgoing,) Paris, 1789, Vol. TI. 

• to satisfy the populace. pp. 327 - 369. But he regarded it from 

There was also a tendency to discoun- the French point of view. 



412 EAMOJ^' DE LA CEUZ. [Period III. 

amused the audiences of the capital with dramas^ writ- 
ten in any form likely to please at the palace, on the 
public stages of the city, or in the houses of the nobil- 
ity, who, like the Duchess of Ossuna, or Aranda, the 
minister of state, were able to indulge in such a 
luxury at home. 

In the whole, he wrote about three hundred dra- 
matic compositions, but printed less than a third of 
that number ; most of those he published being 
"^350 farces designed to ^ produce a merely popu- 
lar effect. They fill ten volumes, and are all 
in the short, national measure of the old drama, min- 
gled occasionally, though rarely, with other forms of 
verse. They bear, however, very different names ; 
some of them characteristic, and some of them not. 
A few he calls " Dramatic Caprices " ; apparently be- 
cause no more definite title would be suited to their 
undefined character. Some he calls " Sainetes to be 
sung," and some " Burlesque Tragedies." Others have 
no names at all, not even for their personages, except 
those of the actors who represented the different parts. 
While yet others pass under the old designations of 
loas^ entremeses, and zarziielas^ though often with a char- 
acter which it would have been impossible for the 
early representations bearing the same names to as- 
sume. Occasionally, as in the case of the " Clemen- 
tina," he takes pains to observe all the rules of the 
French drama ; but they sit very uneasily upon him, 
and he seldom submits to them. His great merit is 
almost entirely confined to his short farces ; and there- 
fore, when Duran, to whom the Spanish theatre owes 
so much, undertook to publish what was best of the 
works of La Cruz, he rejected all the rest, and, taking 
his materials both from manuscript sources and from 



Chap. VI.] EAMON DE LA CEUZ. 413 

what had been ah^eacly pubUshed^ gives us merely a 
hundred and ten 23i"oper " Sametes." 

. Theh^ subjects are various, and they are very un- 
equal in length ] but, amidst all their varieties, one 
principle gave them a prevailing character and insured 
their success. They are founded on the manners of 
the middling and lower classes of the city, which they 
reflect freshly and faithfully, whether their materials 
are sought in the tertulias or evening parties of persons 
in a decent condition of life, where the demure Abate 
and the authorized lover of the mistress of the house 
contend for influence ; or in the trim walks of the 
Prado, and among the loungers of the Puerta del Sol, 
where the fashion of the court is jostled by the humors 
of the people ; or in the Lavapies and the Maravillas, 
where the lowest classes, with their picturesque dresses 
and unchanging manners, reign supreme and un- 
questioned. But, under all circumstances '^ and * 351 
in all situations, Ramon de la Cruz, in this class 
of his dramas, is attractive and amusing ; and, though 
there is seldom any thought of dramatic skill in his 
combinations, and often no attempt at a catastrophe, 
— though his style is anything but correct, and he is 
wdiolly careless of finish in his versification, — yet his 
farces so abound in wit and faithful delineations of 
character, they are so true to the manners they intend 
to represent, and so entirely national in their tone, 
that they seem expressly made for a pleasant and ap- 
propriate accompaniment to the longer dramas of Lope 
and Calderon, in whose popular spirit they are most 
successfully written. ^^ 

^1 Teatro de Don Eamon de la Cruz. a nide attack upon Mm, chiefly for sun- 
In the Preface, lie replies to Signorelli, dry translations, which La Cruz does 
who, in the seventh chapter of the ninth not seem to have jninted. The "Co- 
book of his " Storia dei Teatri," makes leccion de Sainetes tanto impresos como 



414 CONTESTS FOR THE THEATEE. [Peiuod III. 

Meanwhile the press was not so mactive as it had 
been. Seclano published his " Jael/' taken from the 
story in the book of Judges ; Lassala his ^'' Iphigenia " ; 
Trigueros his " Tradesmen of Madrid " ; and Cortes 
his "Atahualpa"; the last two having been success- 
ful, at the same festivities of 1784 for which Melen- 
dez composed his " Marriage of Camacho/' and 
^352 failed. ^ Cienfuegos, too, a poet of more origi- 
nal powder than either of them, wrote his 
" Pitaco," which opened for him the doors of the 
Spanish Academy; his " Idomeneo," from which, in 
imitation of Alfieri, he excluded the passion of love ; 
and his " Countess of Castile," and his " Zoraida," taken 
from the old traditions of his country's wars and feuds -, 
each giving proof of talent, but of talent rather lyric 
than dramatic, and each showing too anxious an ad- 
herence to Greek models, which were particularly un- 
suitable for the Zoraida, whose scene is laid in the 

ineditos de Don Ramon de la Cruz, con thirty, in four volumes, 12mo; — includ- 

un Discurso Preliminar de Don Agustin ing, however, one Tragedy, "Nimia," 

Duran," etc., was printed at Madrid — a Comedia in three acts, " La Madre 

in 1843, 2 torn. 8vo. A notice of the Hipocrita" ; — a poem agamst the 

life of the author is in Alvarez y Baena, French, called "^La Galiada " ; — and 

Hijos, etc., Tom. IV. p. 280. He was an "Escena Lirica," on the subject of 

often attacked, as might be anticipated Hannibal. In the variety of their tone, 

from the nature of his dramas ; — once in their faithfulness to the national 

by D. Antonio Maria Ontiveros, in a manners, and in the gayety of their sat- 

tract called " El Clarito, Papel joco- ire, the Sainetes resemble those of La 

serio, respondiendo al Indiferente," Ma- Cruz; but they are a little more care- 

drid, 1769, ISnio. fhUy finished than his, and somewhat 

At about the same time that Eamon less rich and pungent. Many French 

de la Cruz was amusing the society of vaudevilles v/ere translated and acted 

Madrid with his popular dramas and about this time. In a tract called 

farces, Juan Ignacio Gonzalez del Cas- "Carta del Sacristan de Berlinches al 

tillo was equally successful in the same Organista de Mostoles," (18mo, without 

way at Cadiz. He was a theatiical date, but printed about 1780,) speaking 

prompter in that city, where he was of the multitudinous translations of 

born in 17G3, and where he died of the French farces that had been made, the 

yellow fever in 1800, so poor that he was Satirist says: " Por lo comun estan 

buried at the charge 'of the parish mezcladas de Arias, o como se escribe 

where he was domiciled. He was little christianisimamente, de Arietes capaces 

known beyond the lindts of Andalusia, de batir en brecha las murallas de la 

till 1845-46, when Don Adolfo de Lira de Amphion " (p. xii) ; a bad pun, 

Castro published in Cadiz a collection whatever else it may be. 
of his " Sainetes," amounting to about 



Chap. VI.] CONTESTS FOR THE THEATRE. 415 

gardens of the Alhambra.^^ But all of them — so far 
at least as the public stage is concerned — have been 
long since forgotten. 

On the other hand, La Huerta, in 1785, published 
fourteen volumes of the old full-length plays and one 
volume of the old '^Entremeses " ; a work intended to 
vindicate the national theatre of Spain in the preced- 
ing century, and to place it as high as that of the rest 
of Europe, or higher. But he was ill fitted for his 
task. A selection, designed to illustrate the great 
masters of the Spanish stage, which, to say nothing of 
other mistakes, wholly omitted Lope de Yega, began 
with a capital defect -, and this circumstance, together 
with the arrogant tone of the editor in his Prefaces, 
and the contradiction to his present opinions afforded 
by the example of his own " Kaquel," which is entirely 
in the French manner, and to his translations of the 
" Electra " of Sophocles and the " Zaire " of Yoltaire, 
which were obviously made to defend the French 
school, prevented his " Teatro Hespanol " from pro- 
ducing the effect that might otherwise have followed 
its not ill-timed appearance. Still it was a work of 
consequence, and was afterwards acknowledged to be 
such by the public. ^^ 

22 Obras de Cienfuegos, Madrid, 1798, should be read, recollecting tliat Sara- 

2 torn. 12mo ; — tlie only edition pub- gossa was famous for a liospital for the 

lished by himself. _ insane, — the mad-house that figures so 

2-3 Vicente Garcia de la Huerta was largely in Avellaneda's "Don Quixote." 

•born in 1734, and died in 1787. A no- De juicio si ; mas no de ingenio escaso, 

tice of his life, wdlich AVas not without Aqui Huerta el audaz descanso goza ; 

literary and social success, — though ^^i^ ^"^ puesto vacante en el Parnaso, 

much disturbed by a period of exile and , 7 "°^ ^^^^^ ^^"^ ^^ Z^^^goz^. 

(\^i.(rv»pp IS! to >>p fnnnrl in fliA 'im-.-.Q In judgment, — yes, — but not in genius "sveak, 

aisgiace,_ is to be touncl m the bema- Here fierce Huerta tranquil sleeps and well 
nario Fmtoresco, (1842, p. 305,) and A vacant post upon Parnassus leaves, 
some intimation of the various literary ^'^ Saragossa, too, an empty cell, 
quarrels in wliich he was engaged with He was smartly attacked for the omis- 
his contemporaries may be seen in the sion of Lope, and for sundry other short- 
next note. His general character is not comings of his Teatro Hespanol, in a 
ill summed up in the following epitaph tract entitled " Carta a D. Vicente Gar- 
on him, said to have been written by cia de la Huerta, ec, por D. J. D. C. 
Yriarte, one of his opponents, which Madrid " (1787, 18mo, pp. 36 - 46). 



416 CONTESTS FOR THE THEATEE. [Period III. 

* 353 ^ The discussions it provoked were of more 
direct importance, and tended to infuse new 
life into the theatre itself. Such discussions had been 
begun immediately after the publication of his first 
tragedy by Montiano, in 1750, — a date which may 
be regarded as the dividing point in the history of the 
Spanish stage during the eighteenth century, — and 
they were now resumed with great activity, partly in 
consequence of the increasing interest in the national 
drama generally, and partly in consequence of the 
personal temper of La Huerta himself One immedi- 
ate result of this state of things was a large increase 
in the number of plays, of which at least ten times 
more were written in the last half of the century than 
in the first ; and if there were less improvement in the 
condition of the theatre than might have been antici- 
pated from such competition, still, as we have seen, 
poets and men of genius, like Ramon de la Cruz, were 
stirred by the movement, and far-sighted spirits, like 
Jovellanos, augured well for the future .^^ 

The great obstacle to the success of better dramas 
lay in a number of writers, who pandered to the 
ba.d taste of the low and vulgar audiences of their 

Another attack may be found in the of La Huerta excited still more discus- 

" Dialogo Transpirenaico e Hiperbo- sion. He himself speaks (Escena Hes- 

reo," etc., (s. a. 18mo, pp. 30,) where, pafiola Defendida, Madrid, 1786, 12mo, 

among other things, he is ridiculed for p. cliii) of the " enorme niimero de 

the strange words he sometimes uses, folletos " that appeared in reply to his 

like "instrenuos," pusilidad," ec, and "Prologo," many of which were proba- 

for spelling Zaire in his translation of bly only circulated in manuscript, ac- 

that play with an X, — "Xaira." cording to the fashion of the times. 

2^ Don Jaime Doms attacked Mon- while others, like those of Cosme Da- 

tiano in a Letter, without date or name mian, Tome Cecial, (i. e. J. P. Forner,) 

of place or printei', and Avas answered etc., were printed in 1785, and La 

by Domiiis-o Luis de Guevara in three Huerta replied to them in his angry 

Letters, (J^dadrid, 1753, 18mo,) to which " Leccion Critica" of the same year. 

a rejoinder by Faustino de Quevedo ap- (Sempere, Bib., Tom. III. p. 88.) The 

peared at Salamanca in 1754, 18rao ;— wdiole of this period of Spanish litera- 

all the names being pseudonymes, and ture is filled Avith the quarrels of Seda- 

all the discussions more angry than no, Forner, Huerta, Yriarte, and their 

wise. The publication of the "Teatro" friends and rivals. 



CiiAr. TL] YALLADARES. ZAVALA. COMELLA. 417 

time. Among the * more prominent and sue- ^ 354 
cessful of these were Yalladares and Zavala. 
The first wrote above a hundred dramas on all kinds 
of subjects, tragic and comic, prefixing to his " Empe- 
ror Albert " a discourse in the spirit of Huerta, to de- 
fend the Spanish drama from the attacks of its French 
neighbors. The other, Zavala, wrote about half as 
many, some of which, like his " Victims of Love," are 
in the sentimental style, while others, like three on 
the histor}^ of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden,^^ are as 
extravagant as anything in the worst of the dramatists 
he sought to imitate. Both used the old versification, 
and intended to humor the public taste in its demands 
for a vulgar and extravagant drama ; though occasion- 
ally, as in " The Triumphs of Love and Friendship," 
by Zavala, they wrote in prose • and occasionally, as in 
" The Defence of Virtue," they showed themselves 
willing to submit to the rules of the French stage. In 
fact, they had neither poetical principles nor poetical 
talent, and wrote only to amuse a populace more 
ignorant and rude than themselves. 

Somewhat better than either of these last, and cer- 
tainly more successful than either with the better 
classes of his contemporaries, was Comella. Like Val- 
ladares, his fertility was great ; and the ease with 
which he wrote, and the ingenuity with which he in- 
vented new and striking situations, seemed to have 
the same charm for his audiences which tliey had had 
for the audiences of Lope and Calderon. But, unhap- 
pily, Comella had not the genius of the old masters. 
His plots are as involved, and sometimes as interest- 
ing, as theirs ; but, generally^ they are, to a most ex- 

^^ Aladj^whosawChaiies. XI T. acted, ionable fop. See p. 14 of Mile. Bou- 
says the king was dressed like a fash- ville, cited ante. Chap. V. uote 5. 
A^oL. in. 27 



418 MOKATI?^ THE YOUNGER. [Period III. 

travagant degree^ wild and absurd. Even when lie 
deals with subjects as well known as Christina of Swe- 
den^ Louis the Fourteenth, and Frederic the Great, he 
seems to have no regard for truth, probability, or con- 
sistency. His versification, too, is unfortunate. In 
form it is, indeed, such as had always been insisted 

on where the popular voice of Castile has 
^355 borne *sway; but it lacks variety, as well as 

richness and strength. Still, his romances in 
dialogue were found so interesting, and there was so 
much of tender and honorable feeling in the tone of 
his sentiments and the incidents of his plots, that 
above a hundred of his wild dramas — some of them 
in prose, but more in verse, some on historical sub- 
jects, but many made out of love-stories of his own 
invention — Avere received with applause, and proved 
more profitable to the theatres of Madrid than any- 
thing else they could offer to the multitude on whom 
they depended for their existence.^^ 

But while Comella was at the height of his reputa- 
tion, a formidable antagonist, both to himself and to 
the whole class of writers he represented, appeared in 
the person of Moratin the younger, son of that poet 
who first produced on the Spanish stage an original 
drama written according to the French doctrines. He 
was born in 1760. To insure for the child a subsis- 
tence he had with difficulty earned for himself, his 

26 The popularity of Antonio Valla- many of tliem I have read for the pleas- 
dares y Sotomayor, of Gaspar Zavala y ure their mere stories gave me. 
Zamora, and of Luciano Francisco Co- One cause of the low state of the 
mella, did not last long enough to cause theatre was, that the actors had too 
their works to be collected. But I much control over the authors. Bitter 
have many separate plays of each of complaints of this occur in the "Juz- 
them, and of other forgotten authors gadoCasero," a sort of periodical printed 
of this period, such as Luis Moncin, at Madrid in 1786 {No. 3, 18mo). It 
Vicente Rodriguez de Arellano, Jose was the old trouble grown worse. See 
Concha, etc. Of Comella alone I have avte, Period II. Chap. XXVI. But 
thirty, and I am ashamed to say how the low public now controlled the actors. 



CiiAP. YL] MORATIX THE YOUNGER. 419 

fatlier placed him as an apprentice to a jeweller, at 
whose trade the YOinis^ man continued to work till he 
was twenty-three j^ears old, — the latter part of the 
time in order to support his mother^ who had been 
left a widow. 

But his natural disposition for poetry was too strong 
to be controlled by the hard circumstances of his situa- 
tion. When seven years old he had written verses, 
and at eighteen he obtained the second prize offered 
by the Royal Spanish Academy for a poem to com- 
memorate the taking of Granada, — a circumstance 
which astonished nobody more than it did his own 
family, for he had written it secretly, and presented it 
under a feigned name. Another success of the 
same sort, two years later, attracted ^ more at- * 356 
tention to the poor young jeweller ; and at last, 
in 1787, by the kind intervention of Jovellanos, he 
was made secretary to the Spanish embassy at Paris, 
and accompanied the ambassador. Count Cabarrus, to 
that capital. There he remained two years, and dur- 
ing that time became acquainted with Goldoni, and 
entered into relations with other men of letters that 
determined the direction of his life and the character 
of his drama. 

After his return to Madrid, he obtained the patron- 
age of Don Manuel Godoy, subsequently the all-power- 
ful Prince of the Peace ; and from this moment his 
fortune seemed certain. He was sent, at the public 
charge, to study the theatres of Germany and Eng- 
land, as well as those of Italy and France ; he had 
pensions and places given him at home ; and, while an 
honorable occupation in the department of Foreign 
Affairs, which awaited his return, insured him a distin- 
guished position in society, he had still leisure left for 



420 MORATIX THE YOUNGER. [Period III. 

that cultivation of letters which he prized above all 
his prosperity and all his official honors. 

This happy state of things continued till the French 
invasion of 1808. His public relations then became a 
misfortune. The flood of events swept him from his 
place, as it did his patron ; and, without becoming in 
any degree false to the interests of his country, he 
was so far implicated in those of the new government^ 
that, when Ferdinand the Seventh was restored to the 
throne, Moratin was treated for a time with great rigor. 
But this, too, passed away, and he was again protected 
and favored. Still he suffered. His friends were in 
exile, and he felt solitary without them. He went 
back to France, and, though once afterwards he re- 
turned with a fond longing to the land of his birth, he 
found everything so changed by the triumphant des- 
potism, that it was no longer Spain to him, and he es- 
tablished himself finally at Paris, where he died in 
1828. He was buried near Moliere, whom in life he 
had honored*and imitated. 

When Moratin began his career as a dramatic 
"^357 poet, he ^ foimd obstacles to his success on 
every side. His father's tragedy of "Horme- 
sinda " had been produced on the stage only in conse- 
quence of the ministerial protection of the Count of 
Aranda, and in opposition to the judgment and fears 
of the actors.^" Cienfuegos, who had followed his ex- 
ample, was able with difficulty to obtain a hearing for 
two out of his five dramas; — one of them being lis- 
tened to with partial favor because it was on a subject 
familiar to all Spaniards from the days of the old bal- 
lads, and always welcome to their hearts. Quintana, 
whose name was early respected and whose influence 

2" Obras Postnmas de N. F. Moratin, 1825, p. xvi. 



Chap. YL] MORATIN THE YOUKGER. 421 

was uniformly great, liacl failed with " The Duke of 
Viseo." Others were discouraged by such examples, 
and made no effort to obtain the public notice where 
there was so little prospect of success.^^ 

This was the condition of the stage when the 
younger Moratin appeared as a candidate before the 
audiences of Madrid. The new school had gained 
some ground, and the living representatives of the 
old one were none of them more distinguished than 
Comella ; but the taste of the public was not changed, 
and the managers of the theatre were obliged, as well 
as inclined, to yield to its authority and humor its 
fancies. 

Moratin determined, however, to tread in the foot- 
steps of his father, for whose example and memory he 
always felt the sincerest reverence. He therefore 
wrote his first comedv, "The Old Husband and the 
Young Wife," quite within the rules, finishing every 
part of it with the greatest exactness, but dividing it, 
as the old Spanish plays were divided, into 
three acts, and using throughout the * old ^358 
short verse which was always popular. But 
when, in 1786, he ofiered his comedy for representa- 
tion, the simplicity of the action, so unlike the in- 
volved plots on which the common people still loved 
to exercise their extraordinary ingenuity, and the very 
quietness and decorum that reigned throughout it, 

2^ This discouragement continued till Duke of Almodovar, Spanish Ambassa- 

the success of the younger Moratin. In dor in Portugal, Eussia, and England, 

the "Decada Ejiistolar sobre el Estado who when he died, in 1794, was Di- 

delas Letras en Francia," (8vo, Madrid, rector of the Spanish Academy. The 

1781, second edition, 1792,) after giving "Decada'' is pleasantly written, but 

an ample and favorable account of the slight and superficial ; and, though in- 

theatres at Paris, the author at last clined to the French school of poetry, 

breaks out about a reform of the Span- is vehement against the French philos- 

ish theatres, saying, "First destroy ophy of the time. See a poor " Elo- 

them entirely, and then we will talk gio " on the Duke by Nic. Eodriguez 

about it." There seemed, indeed, no Laso, read before the Academy, July 

other remedy, and the person who jn'o- 11, 1794, and printed 1795, 4to. 
nounced this decisive opinion was the 



422 MORATIN THE YOUNGER. [Period III. 

alarmed the actors for its success. Objections were 
made^ and these, with other untoward circumstances, 
prevented it from being brought out for four years. 
When it finally appeared, it was received with a mod- 
erate applause, which satisfied neither of the extreme 
parties into which the audiences at Madrid were then 
divided, and yet was not perhaps unjust to the comedy, 
whose action is somewhat cold and languid, though its 
poetical merits, in other respects, are far from being 
inconsiderable. 

But, whatever may have been the effect on the pub- 
lic, the effect on its author was decisive. He had 
been heard. His merit had been, in part at least, 
acknowledged ; and he now determined to bring the 
pretensions of the popular dramatists, who were dis- 
gracing the stage, to the test of a public trial on the 
stage itself. For this purpose he wrote his " New 
Play," as he called it, which is an exposition of the mo- 
tives of a penniless author for composing one of the 
noisy, extravagant dramas then constantly acted with 
applause, and an account of its first representation ; 
— the whole related by the author himself and his 
friends, in a coffee-house contiguous to the theatre, at 
the very moment the fatal representation is supposed 
to be going on. 

It is in two acts ; and the catastrophe — which con- 
sists of the confusion of the author and his family at 
the failure of his performance — is brought on with 
skill, and with an effect much greater than the sim- 
plicity of the action had promised. The piece, there- 
fore, was received with a favor which even Moratin 
and his friends had not anticipated. The poet, who is 
its victim, was recognized at once to be Comella. 
Some of the inferior characters, whether justly or not, 



Chap. VL] MOEATII!^ THE YOUNGER. 423 

were appropriated to other persons who figured at the 
time, and the "New Play" was acknowledged 
to be a brilliant satire; — severe indeed, *" but *" 359 
well merited and happily applied. From this 
time therefore, which was in February, 1792, Moratin, 
notwithstanding the exasperated opposition of the a.d- 
herents of the old school, had secured for himself a 
permanent place on the national stage, and, wdiat is 
more remarkable, this little drama, almost without a 
regular action and founded on interests purely local, 
was, for the sake of its wit and originality, translated 
and successfully represented both in France and Italy .^^ 

" The Baron," which is in two acts and in verse, was 
at first prepared as a zarzuela or vaudeville \ and, with- 
out the permission of the author, was altered and per- 
formed in public daring his absence from Spain. On 
his return, he improved it by material additions, and 
produced it again in 1803. It is the least effective of 
his theatrical performances ; but it triumphed over a 
cabal which supported a drama written on the same 
subject, and represented at the same time, in order to 
interfere with its success. The same thing had hap- 
pened to Racine. 

At the moment Moratin was making arrangements 
for bringing out " The Baron," he was occupied with 
the careful preparation of another comedy in verse, 

29 From a letter of Moratin, pub- Before the "aSTew Play" was writ- 

lislied in the Semanario Pintoresco, ten, Moratin, in his "Derrota de los 

(1844, p. 43,) it seems that Comella Pedantes," (anonymous, Madrid, 1789, 

and his friends prevented for some time ] 8mo, pp. 108, ) had attacked the drama- 

the representation of the ' ' Comedia tists of his time, as persons ' ' who infest 

Nueva," and that the permission to the theatre with what they call Come- 

act it was not granted till it had under- cUas composed of shreds ill torn out 

gone five different examinations, and here and there, and pieced together 

not till the very day for which it had with more faults than can be found in 

been announced was come. The ap- the originals they copy, and without 

plause of the public, however, made any of the merits that excuse th©m, 

amends to Moratin for the trouble which or make us forget their imperfections;" 

the intrigues of his livals and enemies p. 8. 
had given him. 



424 MORATIlSr THE YOUNGER. [Period III. 

that was destined still further to increase his reputa- 
tion. This was " The Female Hypocrite/' which was 
written as early as 1791, and was soon afterwards rep- 
resented in private, but which was not finished and 
acted publicly till 1804. It is an excellent specimen 
of character-drawing ; the two principal personages 
being a girl, forced, by the severity of her family, to 
assume the appearance of being very religious, while 

her cousin, who is well contrasted with her, is 
* 360 rendered frank and winning * by an opposite 

treatment. The very subject, however, was 
one that brought Moratin upon dangerous ground, 
and his play was forbidden by the Inquisition. But 
that once formidable body was now little more than an 
engine of state ; so that the authority of the Prince of 
the Peace was not only sufficient to prevent any dis- 
agreeable consequences to Moratin himself, but was able 
soon afterwards to indulge the public in a pleasure for 
which they were only the more eager, because it had 
for a time been interdicted. 

Moratin's last original effort on the stage was a full- 
length prose comedy in three acts, which he called the 
"Young Maiden's Consent," and which was acted in 
1806. Its general movement is extremely natural, 
and yet it is enlivened with a little of the intrigue and 
bustle that were always so much liked on the Spanish 
theatre. A young girl, while in the course of her 
education at a convent, becomes attached to a hand- 
some officer of dragoons. Her mother, ignorant of 
this, undertakes to bring her home, and marry her to 
an excellent, benevolent old gentleman, whom the 
daughter has never seen, but whom, out of mere weak- 
ness, she has been unable to refuse. At an inn on the 
road, where the younger lover falls in with them on 



Chap. VI.] MORATI]Sr THE YOUNGER. 425 

purpose to break up this match, they all meet ; and he 
discovers, to his dismay, that his rival is an uncle to 
whom he is sincerely attached, and to whom he owes 
many obligations. The mistakes and intrigues of the 
night they pass together at this inn give great life to 
the action, and are full of humor; while the disin- 
terested attachment of the young lovers to each other, 
and the benevolence of the uncle, add to the conflict- 
ing claims and relations of the different parties a charm 
original in itself, and effective in its exhibition. The 
play ends by the discovery of the real state of the 
daughter's heart, and the renunciation of all the pre- 
tensions of the uncle, who makes his nephew his heir. 

Nothing on the Spanish stage had been so well re- 
ceived for a long period. It was acted twenty-six 
nights successively to audiences who w^ere in 
* 361 the habit of demanding ^ novelties constantly ; 
and then it was stopped only because Lent came 
to shut up the theatres. No criticism appeared except 
to praise it. The triumph of Moratin was complete. 

But he was not destined long to enjoy it. The 
troubles of his country were already begun, and in 
three years the French were its temporary masters. 
He prepared, indeed, afterwards two spirited transla- 
tions from Moliere, with alterations that made them 
more attrgtctive to his countrymen ; one from the 
"Ecole des Maris," which was acted in 1812, and the 
other from the " Medecin Malgre Lui," which was acted 
in 1814 ; but, except these and an unfortunate prose 
version of Shakespeare's "Hamlet," which was printed 
in 1798, but never performed, he wrote nothing for 
the theatre, beside the five comedies already noticed. 
These, if they form no very broad foundation for his 
fame, seem yet to constitute one on which it may rest 



426 DRAMA OF THE EIGHTEEI^TH CENTURY. [Period III. 

safely ; and, if they have failed to educate a school 
strong enough to drive out the bad imitations of the 
old masters that have constantly pressed upon them^ 
have yet been able to keep their own place, little dis- 
turbed by the changes of the times.^*^ 

That the Spanish drama, during the century which 
elapsed between the establishment of the House of 
Bourbon on the throne and the temporary expulsion 
of that house from Spain by the arms of Bonaparte, 
had, in some respects, made progress, cannot be doubt- 
ed. More convenient and suitable structures for its 
exhibitions had been erected, not only in the capital, 
but in all the principal cities of the kingdom. New 
and various forms of dramatic composition had been 
introduced, which, if not always consistent with the 

demands of the national genius, nor often en- 
^ 362 couraged * by the general favor, had still been 

welcome to the greater part of the more culti- 
vated classes, and served both to excite attention to 
the fallen state of the theatre generally, and to stir 
the thoughts of men for its restoration. Actors, too, 
of extraordinary merit, had from time to time ap- 
peared, like Damian de Castro, for whom Zamora and 
Canizares wrote parts ; Maria I'Advenant, who de- 
lighted Signorelli in the higher characters of Cald,eron 
and Moreto ; the Tirana, whose tragic powers aston- 
ished the practised taste of Cumberland, the English 

^"^ Almost everything relating to Mo- out again, in their original form, about 

ratin the younger is to be found in the 1838. The "Si de las Niiias" was at 

excellent edition of his Works, pub- one time interdicted entirely, 
lished by the Academy of History, or Fine or ten dramatic compositions, 

in the second volume of the Biblioteca by Maria Eosa Galvez Cabrera, under 

de Autores Espanoles, 1846. Larra thedifferentnamesof Tragedy, Comedy, 

(Obras, Madrid, 1843, 12mo, Tom. II. Drama, etc., are found in her Works, 

pp. 183 - 187) intimates that the " Mo- (Madrid, 1804, 3 tom_. 12mo, ) and might 

gigata " had been proscribed anew, and be mentioned here if their merit per- 

that the "Si de lasNiuas" had been mitted it. 
mutilated, but that both were brought 



Chap. YI.] DRAMA OF THE EIGnTEENTH CENTURY. 427 

dramatist ; and Maiquez, wlio enjoyed tlie friendship 
and admiration of nearly all the Spanish men of let- 
ters in his time.^^ 

But still the old spirit and life of the drama of the 
seventeenth century were not there. The audiences, 
who were as unlike those of the cavalier times of 
Philip the Fourth as were the rude exhibitions they 
preferred to witness, did as much to degrade the the- 
atre as was done by the poets they patronized and the 
actors they apj)lauded. The two schools were in pres- 
ence of eaidi other continually struggling for the vic- 
tory, and the multitude seemed rather to rejoice in the 
uproar, than desire so to use it as to promote changes 
beneficial to the theatre. On the one side, extrava- 
gant and absurd dramas, in great numbers, full of 
noise, show, and low buffoonery, were offered with 
success. On the other, meagre sentimental comedies, 
and stiff, cold translations from the French, were 
forced, in almost equal numbers, upon the 
actors by the voices of those from whose * au- ^363 
thority or support they could not entirely 
emancipate themselves. And between the two, and 
with the consent of all, the Inquisition and the censors 
forbade the representation of hundreds of the dramas 
of the old masters, and among them not a few which 

^1 C. Pellicer, Origen, Tom. II. p. of Garcia de Castanar, in Roxas, which 

41. Signorelli, Storia, Lib. IX. cap. I have seen him play with admirable 

8. R. Cumberland (Memoirs of Him- power and effect. 

self, London, 1807, 8vo, Tom. II. p. In the "Juzgado Casero," 1786, we 

107) speaks of the Tirana as "at the have (pp. 21, 22) a list of the best 

very summit of her art, " and adds, that actors of the time, among whom are 

on one occasion, when he was present, Maria I'Advenant and ISTicolas de la 

her tragic powers proved too much for Calle, as the principal, — Maria del 

the audience, at whose cries the curtain Rosario, Manuel Garcia Pari^a, who 

was lowered before the piece was ended, wrote a poor book (see ante, -note 17) 

Maiquez was the friend of Blanco on the Theatre, Josefa Figueras, and 

White, of Moratin the younger, etc. others, following with humbler jjre^^^en- 

(New Monthly Mag., Tom. XI. p. 187, sions. They all led hard lives. New 

and L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. IV. plays were produced two or three times 

p. 345). His best character was that a week, and rehearsals were few, in- 



428 DEAMA OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. [Peuiod III. 



still give reputation to Calcleron and Lope. The 
eighteenth century^ therefore, so far as the Spanish 
theatre is concerned, is entirely a period of revolution 
and change ; and while, at its conclusion, we perceive 
that the old national drama can hardly hope to be re- 
stored to its ancient rights, it is equally plain that a 
drama founded on the doctrines taught by Luzan, and 
practised by the Moratins, is not destined to take its 
place.^^ 



deed, but so much the more disagreea- 
ble. Mile. Bouville, pp. 14 and 16, 
cited ante, Chap. V., note 5. 

^^ The war between the Church and 
the theatre was kept up during the 
whole of the eighteenth century, and 
till the end of the reign of Ferdinand 
VII., in the nineteenth. Not that 
plays were at any time forbidden ef- 
fectually throughout the kingdom, or 
silenced in the capital, except during 
some short period of national anxiety 
or mourning ; but that, at different in- 
tervals, — and especially about the year 
1748, when, in consequence of earth- 
quakes at Valencia, and under the in- 
fluence of the Archbishop of that city, 
its theatre was closed, and remained so 
for twelve years, (Luis Lamarca, Tea- 
tro de Valencia, Valencia, 1840, 12mo, 
pp. 32-36,) and about the year 1754, 
when Father Calatayud preached as a 
missionary and published a book against 
plays, — there was great excitement on 
the subject in the provinces. Ferdi- 
nand VI. issued severe decrees for their 
regulation, Avhich were little respected, 
and in dilierent cities and dioceses, like 
Lerida, Palencia, Calahorra, Saragossa, 
Alicant, Cordova, etc., they were from 
time to time, and as late as 1807, under 
ecclesiastical influence, and, with the 
assent of the people, suppressed, and 
the theatres shut up. In Murcia, where 
they seem to have been prohibited from 
1734 to 1789, and then permitted again, 
the religious authorities openly resisted 
their restoration, and not only denied 
the sacraments to actors, but endeavored 
to deprive them of the enjoyment of 
some of the common rights of subjects, 
such as that of receiving testamentary 
legacies. This, however, was an anom- 
alous and absurd state of things, making 



what was tolerated as harmless in the 
capital of the kingdom a sin or a crime 
in the provinces. It was a sort of war 
of the outposts, carried on after the 
citadel had been surrendered. Still it 
had its effect, and its influence con- 
tinued to be felt till a new order of 
things was introduced into the state 
generally. Many singular facts in re- 
lation to it may be found scattered 
through a very ill-arranged book, writ- 
ten apparently by an ecclesiastic of 
Murcia, in two volumes, quarto, at dif- 
ferent times between 1789 and 1814, in 
which last year it was published there, 
with the title of " Pantoja, 6 Resolu- 
cion Historica, Teologica de un Caso 
Pratico de Moral sobre Comedias " ; — 
Pantoja being the name of a lady, real 
or pretended, who had asked questions 
of conscience concerning the lawfulness 
of plays, and who received her answers 
in this clumsy way. 

Once, at least, the highest authority 
of the Church was exercised, and Bene- 
dict XIII., in 1729, by a formal Bull, 
of which I have a copy, relieved the 
people of Pamplona from a vow against 
all scenic exhibitions which they had 
rashly made during a pestilence in 1721, 
The ecclesiastical authorities, therefore, 
were in conflict with each other about 
the theatre, as well as the civil. 

The state of the theatre, at the end 
of the eighteenth and beginning of 
the nineteenth century, can be well 
seen in the "Teatro Nuevo Espanol," 
(Madrid, 1800-1801, 5 torn. 12mo,) 
filled with the plays, original and 
translated, that were then in fashion. 
It contains a list of such as were 
forbidden ; imperfect, but still era- 
bracing between Ave and six hundred, 
amonff which are Calderon's "Life is a 



Chap. VI.] 



TROUBLES IN THE TIIEATEE. 



429 



Dream," Alarcon s "Weaver of Sego- 
via," and many more of the best dramas 
of the okl school. Duran, in a note to 
his Preface to Eamon de la Cruz, (Tom. 
I. p. V,) intimates that this ostracism 
was in some degree the result of the 
influence of those who sustained the 
French doctrines. And yet French 
plays had been peculiarly persecuted 
only fifteen or twenty years earlier ; for 
Bourgoing, who travelled in Spain in 
1782-178.5, says: "lis ont ete plus 
scandalises du Misantrope et de I'Atha- 
lie qu'ils ne sont des indecences de leurs 
Saynetes." Voyage, ed. 1789, Tom. II. 



p. 368. But perhaps the absurdity is 
to be partly explained by a personal 
feud between Moi'atin the younger and 
General Cuesta, president of a board to 
regulate the theatres, for which see Bib- 
lioteca de Autores Espaiioles, Tom. II., 
18-16, pp. XXX, xxxi. 

The number of plays acted or pub- 
lished between 1700 and 1825, if not 
to be compared Avith that of the corre- 
sponding period preceding 1700, is still 
large. 1 think that, in the list given 
by Moratin, there are about fourteen 
hundred ; nearly all after 1750. 



*365 *CHAPTEE VII. 

REIGN OF CHARLES THE FOURTH. — FRENCH REVOLUTION. — INQUISITION. — 

PLOT OF THE ESCORIAL. FERDINAND THE SEVENTH. — BONAPARTE. 

THE FRENCH INVASION AND OCCUPATION OF THE COUNTRY. RESTORA- 
TION OF FERDINAND THE SEVENTH. HIS DESPOTISM, — AN INTERREGNUM 

IN LETTERS. — REACTION. — CONCLUSION. 

The reio;n of Charles the Fourth was not one in 
which a literary contest could be carried on with the 
freedom that alone can render such contests the means 
of intellectual progress. His profligate favorite, the 
Prince of the Peace, during a long administration of 
the affairs of the country, overshadowed everything 
with an influence hardly less fatal to what he j)atron- 
ized than to what he oppressed.^ The revolution in 
France, first resisted, as it was elsewhere, and then 
corruptly conciliated, struck the same terror at Madrid 
that it did at Rome and Naples; and, w^hile its open 
defiance of everything Christian filled the hearts of a 
large majority of the Spanish people with a horror 
greater than it inspired even in Italy, not a few were 
led away by it from their time-honored feelings of re- 
ligion and loyalty, and prepared for changes like those 
that were already overturning the thrones of half 
Europe. Amidst this confusion, and taking advantage 
of it, the Inquisition, grown flexible in the hands 
^ 366 of the government as a political machine, ^but 

1 Maiiuel Godoy received the title of stanzas, entitled "Canto Heroico al 

"Prince of the Peace," — not "Prince Exc"" Senor Principe de la Paz" (Ma- 

of Peace," as it is commonly given in drid, 1798, large 8vo) ; a poem as dis- 

Englisli books, — for negotiating Avith creditable to Forner for its flattery, as 

France the peace of 1795, \vhich Forner the peace was to Godoy for its corrupt 

celebrated in about a hundred octave concessions. 



Chap. YIL] CHAELES THE FOURTH. 431 

still renouncing none of its religious pretensions, 
came forth with its last " Index Expurgatorius " to 
meet the invasion of French philosophy and insubor- 
dination.^ Acting under express instructions from the 
powers of the state, it received against men of letters, 
and especially those connected with the universities, 
an immense number of denunciations, which, thouo:h 
rarely prosecuted to conviction and punishment, were 
still formidable enough to prevent the public expres- 
sion of opinions on any subject that could endanger 
the social condition of the individual who ventured to 
entertain them. In all its worst forms, therefore, op- 
pression, civil, political, and religious, appeared to be 
, settling down with a new and portentous weight on 
the whole country. All men felt it. It seemed as if 
the very principle of life in the atmosphere they 
breathed had become tainted and unwholesome. But 
they felt, too, that the same atmosphere was charged 
with the spirit of a great revolution ; and the boldest 
walked warily and were hushed, while they waited for 
changes, the shock of whose fierce elements none 
could willingly encounter. 

At last the convulsion came. In 1807, the heir ap- 
parent was brought into direct collision with the Prince 
of the Peace, and took measures to defend his personal 
rights. The affair of the Escorial followed; darker 
than the dark cells in which it was conceived. Fer- 

'^ The last Index by the Inquisition To prevent any of this class from es- 
is that of Madrid, 1790, (4to, pp. 305,) caping, it is ordered that "all papers, 
to which should be added a Supplement tracts, and books, on the disturbances 
of 55 pages, dated 1805 ; both very in France, which can inspire a spirit of 
meagre, compared with the vast. folios sedition, shall be delivered to some 
of the two preceding centuries, of which servant of the Holy Office." Supple- 
that of 1667 fills, with its Supplement, ment of 1805, p. 3. Burke's "Reflec- 
above 1200 pages. But the last of the tions " are forbidden in the same Index, 
race is as bitter as its predecessors, and. The last preceding was, I thi