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Full text of "History of the state of Vermont; for the use of families and schools"

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HISTORY 



OF THE 



STATE OF VERMONT; 



POr THE USE OP FAMILIES AND SCHOOLS. 



BY ZADOCK THOMPSON, 
Author of Gazetteer of Vermont, Geography of Yttrmom, 
for children «&c. &c. 



BURLINGTON : 

SMITH AND COMPANY 



>LM.d- 1858. 



Ti-i -WY.ORK 

PUBlilUBRARY 



TILDPN FOijN'C. 

1 900. 



h 



PREFACE. 



Tlie acknowledged want of a concise History of 
Vermont, adapted to the use of the higher classes in 
our schools, as well as for general reading, is deemed 
a sufficient apology for adding another to the multi- 
farious publications of the day. The early History 
of Vermont is unlike that of any other state in the 
Union. As the inhabitants on the New Hampshire 
grants had never been organized as a province, under 
the crown of England, and as they constantly re- 
fused submission to the provincial governments, 
which claimed authority over them, they found them- 
selves without any bond of union excepting their 
common interests, and their social affections. The 
History of Vermont is, therefore, that of a people 
assuming the powers of self government, and advanc- 
ing, by successive steps, from a state of nature to tho 
establishment of a civil compact and to a regular and 
efficient organization. These peculiartieft of our 
early history, render it a subject of uncommon inter- 
est to all, and, especially so, to the descendants of 
those statesmen and philanthropists, to whom, through 
the blessing of God, are indebted for all their val- 
uable institutions ; and one of the principal motives 
which led to the compilation of the following pages 
was a desire to awaken, and perpetuate, in the breasts 
of the young, that spirit of pafriotism, independence 



* PREI AtF.. 

and «elf denial, wliich »o nobly animated the hearts 
of their fathers. 

The materials for the following pages have been 
principally derived from the History of Vermont, by 
Doctor Samuel Williams, the Vermont State Papers 
compiled by the Hon. William Slade, and from in- 
formation collected by the Author, while compihng 
his Gazetteer of Vermont, in the year 1824. Doctor 
Wiliams' history is an inten-esting and valuable work, 
but it is too voluminous and expensive for general cir- 
culation. The collection of State Papers above men- 
tioned, is invaluable to the historian and antiquarian, 
as containing the elements of our history, but is not 
calculated to interest the young, or to find its way in- 
to all the families in the state. It has, therefore, been 
the object of the present undertaking to furnish a 
work, which should neither be so brief as entirely to 
preclude any of the important incidents of our early 
history, nor so voluminous and expensive as to place 
it above the reach of any individual. With what 
success this object has been accomplished, it belongs 
not to the writer to say ; but if this volume shall serve 
in any manner to revive among us those virtues, for 
which our ancestors were so much distinguished, 
he will so far have accomplished one of the princi- 
ple objects contemplated in the undertaking, and he 
will hereafter have the satisfaction of reflecting that 
bis humble la^x)rs have not been altogether useless. 



CONTENTS. 



Preface. . ...... Page 3 

Topographical sketch, ... . . 9 

C H A P T E R I . 



INTRODDCTIOX INDIAN AND COLONIAL WARS. 

Section I. Discovery of America — Discovery and set- 
tlement of Canada — Discovery of Lake Champlain, 13 

Section II. Progress of the English and Dutch settle- 
ments, from 1607, to 1638, .... 16 

Section III. French and English Colonies — Transac 
tions in the vicinity of Vermont from 1638 to 1705, 19 

Section IV. French and English Colonies. — Transac- 
tions in Vermont and its vicinity from 1705 to 1749, 24 

Section V. French and English Colonies — from 1748 
to 1756. Braddock defeated — The French defeated 
at fort William Henry, 29 

Section VI. French and English Colonies — from 1756 
to 1758. Fort William Henry surrendered to the 
French — Massacre of the garrison, . . 35 

Section VII. French and English Colonies — Events of 
1758. Capture of Louisburg — Abercrombie defeated 
— Fort Frontenac and Du Quesne taken, - 39 

Section VIII. French and English Colonies — Transac- 
tions of 1759 and 1760. Quebec taken — Ticonderoga, 
Crown Point and Niagara taken — Expedition againei 



6 eONTE}«'TS. 

the Si Francis Indians — Montreal and CUmfida Furren- 

4le^ r ^ 

CHAPTER II. 

SfTTUKMEXT, AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 

3ectipn I. Vermont previous to the year 1760, - . 51 

Section II. Controversy between New Hampshire and 
New York, respecting the territory of Vermont — 
from 1749 to 1764, 54 

Section III. Controversy with New York from 1764 to 
1773, 58. 

Section IV. Character of the settlers on the N^w 
Hampshire grants and their modes of punishment, 63 

Section V. Controversy with New York from 1773 to 
1775 — Miniatory act of New York — Resolutions, and 
remonstrance of the settlers, - - - '67 

' Section VI. Brief review of the progress of settlement 
previous to the Revolution, . . - - ^ 75 

CHAPTER III. 

WrVOLUTIONARV WAR. 

Section I. Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga 
— Invasion of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col War- 
ner — St Johns and Montreal taken by General Moiit- 
gomery — Assault upon Quebec, ... 77 

Section II. Events of 1776. Small Pox fatal in the 
army — American army retreats — Unsuccessful expedi- 
tion against Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — 
Chamblee and St Johns abandoned by the Americans 
Naval engagement on lake Champlain — Crown Point 
abandoned, 87 

Section III. Events of 1777. Advance of General 
Burgoyne — Ticonderoga abandoned by the Americans 
— Battle at Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — 



CONTENTS^ 7 

■ 

Battle at Bennington — At Stillwater — Surrender of 
Burgoyne, 95 

CHAPTER IV. 

CrtfL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 

Section- 1. From the year 1775, to the Declaration of 
.the Independence, of Vermont in 1777, - - 116 

Se(;tion II. Establishment of the Government of Ver. 

.. mant — from the Declaration of Independence January 

15, -1777, to the meeting of the General assembly on 

.the 12th of March 1778, 121 

Section III. Controversy with New Hampshire in 1778, 
• ffnd 1779— Legislative proceedings in Vermont, 127 

Spcljon IV. Controversy with New York, New Hamp- 
• . shire and Massachusetts, in 1778 — 1779 and 1780, 133 

•Seftiion V, Union of Vermont with a part of New- ' 
Hampshire and a part of New York in 1781, 141', 

.Seption VI. Negotiation with the British in Canada, 
from 1780, to 1783, 145 

Se(ition".VIIv Indian depredations upon the settlements- 
in Vermont, - 159 

« , 

• ^ . CHAPTER V. 

. niOCEEOINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF VERMONT INTO 
*• THE* UNION, 

Secjtion I. Extending from the completion the eastern 
and western unions with Vermont on the 22d of June, 
to 1781, the dissolution of the same on the 22d day of 
February 1782, 166' 

Section II. Proceedings of Congress — Disturbances in 
Vermont — from the Dissolutions of the unions in 

■ Vermont February 22d, 1782, to the Treaty of Peace 

.between the United States and Great Britain, January 

20th, 1783, 174 



■ ^ - .• T? - V. • . • 

■■ • ■ ■■*.. • : ■: . . ■ ,. ■>■.' 

',-8 ■ ^^ ■'■ CONTENTS. • . . • ;--^i' 

••• . :*••>•••.■ 
. • . ?■■ 

Section III. Disturbances in Vermont growing oUt of 
the controversy with N-ew York, - - . 181 

Section IV. Settlement of the controversy, witk. New 
York, and the Admission of Vermont into the Uhioh, • 

' -^ V 

CHAPTER VI. ■ * 'Vv^ 

." ' I '' ■'••• 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT AFTER HER ADMISSION INTC>: -THfei ■ . 
UNION. '.Vt'^-' 

Section I. Extending from the admission of Vejlnorfit 
into the Union in 1791, to the Resignation ana^ifeath 
, of Governor Chittenden in 1797, - • - , • 1.91 " 

• Section II. Legislative proceedings in Verrri6Xit«'&oni 

, • the year 1797 to 1812, . . . - . • I ^P 

' •■•*.' 

Section III. Legislative proceedings from 1812'to*l!8J5 

'. ■ — War with Great Britain — Events on Lake .QTiaiTO. 

v. plain — Battle at Plattsburgh, - - -• .,''^J2.; 



«• 



i. 



• Section- rV.v Legislative proceedings from ISM to the 
'.. close of the year 1832, .... ;»?2j\ 

Section V. ''The Frame of Government — Legislative. 
Powers — Executive Power — Council of Cen^orsyftcii. 
ciary— Xavvs — Education — Diseases &c. ' - > .^2210 

APPENDIX. ■ . ?*. " 

No. 1 Gov. & Lieu Gov. 241|No. 7 Rep. in Congress, 2tf5 



■•.•No. 2Treas. &Sec. 242 
No. 3.Speak.& Clerks, 242 

:.•. No. 4 Coun. & Towns, 243 
'/"^No. 5 Judg. of Sup. C. 244 

. No. 6 Senators in Con. 245 



No. 8 Lotteries, . • 246 
No. 9 Population, '' 347 
No. 10 Banks, > -248 

No. 11 Colleges, ; 249 

No. 12 Councils of Ce'i 25A 



SKETCH OF THE TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 



1. Vermont constitutes the north-western part of that 
section of the United States, which is called New Eng. 
land. It lies between 42 degrees 44 minutes ,and 45 
degrees of north latitude ; and between 3 degrees 31 
minutes, and 5 degrees 24 minutes east longitude from 
the Capitol of the United States at Washington. The 
length of this State from north to south is I57i| miles. 
The width is various, being 90 miles at the north end 
and only 40 at the south. The mean width is about 57 
miles, and the whole surface of the State, about 9000 
square miles, or 5,760,000 acres. It comprehends the 
territory lying between Connecticut river and lake Cham- 
plain, which was 'formerly known by the name of the 
New Hampshire grants, and is bounded north by Canada, 
east by New Hampshire, south by Massachusetts, and 
west by New York. 

2. The face of the country is generally uneven and 
the central parts mountainous. The range of Green 
Mountains, which give name to Vermont, extends quite 
through the State from south to north, keeping nearly 
a middle course between Connecticut river and lake 
Champlain. These mountains rise, in several places, to 
a height exceflding 4000 feet above the level of the sea, 



10 TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 

but they are^ not generally precipitous, and are most of 
them covered with timber to their summits. The loftiest 
of these summits are the Nose and Chin in Mansfield, 
Camel's Hump, and Shrewsbury and Killington peaks. 

3. Among these mountains, arise a great number of 
streams, which following the several declivities, find 
their way into Connecticut river on the east, or lake 
Champlain on the west. The principal streams, which 
fall into the Connecticut, are the Wantastiquet or West 
river. Black, Otte-Quechee, White, Wells and Pasump- 
sic. Those which/all into lake Champlain, are Otter 
Creek, Winooski, or Onion, Lamoille and Missisco. 
Black, Barton, and Clyde rivers run northerly into lake 
Memparemagog. These are all considerable streams, 
and they all abound in falls and rapids, which might af- 
ford water power for propelling machinery to almost any 
amount. 

4. Lake Champlain stretches along the western border 
of Vermont for the distance of about 100 miles, and varies 
from half a mile to thirteen miles in width. It affords an 
easy communication between the Hudson and the St 
Lawrence, and"it will be seen by the following pages that 
both the French and English frequently availed them- 
selves of the facilities it afforded in their predatory ex- 
peditions against each other. Lake Memphremagog is 
situated on the northern boundary of Vermont and lies 
about half way between lake Champlain and Connecticut 
river. It is between 30 and 40 miles long, and from 3 to 
4 miles wide. These lakee, as well as the rivers and 
smaller streams, were formerly well ^stored with fish; 
and fromtheir waters the natives derived a large share 
of theirsubsistence. 

5. When first visited by Europeans, this whole tract 



TOPOGRAPiiY OF VERMOKT. II 

of country was one unbroken forest. " At that period the 
hand of industry had no where laid bare the soil to the 
genial influence of the summer's sun. The borders of 
the lakes and rivers were then shaded by a beautiful and 
lofty growth of pine and elm — the uplands were heavily 
timbered with maple, beech and birch, interspersed with 
a variety of other trees — while the mountains, which 
lifted their blue heads among the clouds, were clothed to 
their towering summits, with the perpetual verdure of 
their hardy evergreens. 

6. These forests, and the margins of the lakes and 
streams, were well stored with moose, deer, bears, 
wolves, otter, beaver, and a variety of other animals^ 
which made this region the favorite hunting ground of 
the natives ; and here, from time immemorial, the succes- 
sive generations had pursued the cliase, vying in fleetness 
with the passing wind, and free as the mountain air^ 
which they inhaled. 

7. Where now we behold smiling villages, thronged 
by the busy multitudes, and cultivated farms, yielding 
the peaceful fruits of regulated industry, then were seen 
nought, but dark and gloomy forests and the pyres erec- 
ted in their midst, for the immolation of those, whom 
the fortune of war had thrown into the hands of an enemy. 
Where now from our fields and hamlets the hum of busi- 
ness daily ascends, save when exchanged for ' the sound 
of the church-going bell,' and hushed for the rational and 
solemn worship of Almighty God, — then were heard only 
the war-whoop and the death song of the savage — the 
commingled strains of fierceness and exultation — the 
horrid shrieks of cruelty and of death. 

8. But changes so auspicious in the general aspect of 
things have not been effected without toils, and difficulties 



12 TOPOGRAPHT OF VERMONT. 

and dangers, to which the present inhabitants of Ver- 
mont, surrounded by their conveniences and comforts, 
are utter strangers. The ruggedness of the country, 
the density of the forests, the length and dreariness of 
the winters, and above all their exposure to the depreda- 
tions of the merciless savages, were for a long period 
sufficient to deter all from emigrating hither excepting 
men of the stoutest hearts and most robust bodies. And 
then the labors of cutting down the forests, subduing the 
soil, procuring means of subsistence, and defending their 
possessions against unjust and arbitrary claims, were 
calculated to continue in vigorous exercise all their pow- 
ers of body and mind. 

9. But as they possessed neither the means, nor the 
leisure for mental cultivation, their characters, as would 
be expected, partook very much of the boldness and 
roughness of the mountain scenery amidst which 
they resided. From being accustomed to face dangers 
of different kinds, and to surmount difficuliies by their 
personal exertions they acquired an unlimited confidence 
in their own abilities, and imbibed the loftiest notions of 
liberty and independence. These traits of their general 
character, as will be seen by the following pages, were 
fully developed during the controversies, in which it was 
their lot to be for many years involved, and they have at 
all periods marked their proceedings in the council and 
in the field. 



HISTORY OF VERMOJYT. 



CHAPTER I. 

INTR0DrCT10]V. 
INDIAN AND COLO N I A L W A R S. 



SECTION I. 

Discovenj of America — Discovery and Settlement of Cana- 
da — Discovery of lake Champlain. 

1. The discovery of the American contment by 
Christopher Columbus, in 1402, awakened a spirit of 
enterprize not only in Spain, but in all the principal 
nations of Europe. From each of these expeditions 
were fitted out, and swarms of adventurers issued forth, 
either to immortahze their names in the annals of dis- 
covery, O)' to enrich themselves and their country with 
the treasures of a new world. Spain took the lead in 
the career of discovery, and was followed by England, 
France and Holland ; but while Spain, invited by the 
golden treasures of the Incas, was pursuing her con- 
quests and exterminatmg the defenceless natives in 
the south, the three latter nations were peaceably and 
successfully prosecuting their discoveries in more 
northerly regions. 
2 



14 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

2. Ill 1534, James Cartier, in the service of France, 
while exploring tlie continent of America in the north- 
ern latitudes, discovered, on St Lawrence's da}"^, the 
great gulf and river of Canada, to which he gave tlie 
name of St Lawrence. The next year he returned 
with three ships, entered the gulf, and, having left his 
ships at anchor hetween the island of Orleans and the 
shore, he ascended the river St Lawrence with his 
boats, 300 miles, to the Indian town of Hochelaga, 
where he arrived on the 2nd day of October, 1535. 
To this place he gave the name of Montreal, which it 
has ever since retained. This was doubtless the first 
voyage ever made by civilized man into^^ the interior 
of North America, and liie first advance of a civilized 
])eople into tlie neigiiborhood of the territory of Ver- 
mont. 

3. Cartier and liis companions, were every where 
received by the natives with demonstrations of joy andv 
were treated by them with the greatest respect and 
veneration. The savages seemed to «'onsi<ler the Eu- 
ropeans as a higher order of beings, whose fiiendsbip 
and favors they deemed it of the highest importance 
to secure. And this was true not only of the Canada 
Indians, but of the natives of every j'arl of the Ameri- 
can continent; and the suspicions of the natives v/ere 
not generally aroused, nor preparations made, either 
for defence or hostility, till the new comers had mani- 
fested their avarice and meanness by the most cruel 
acts of injustice and violence. 

4. On the 4th of October, Cartier departed from 
Hochelaga, and on the 11th arrived safely with his 
party at the island of Orleans. Here he spent the 
winter, during which he lost many of his men bv the 
scurvy, and in the spring returned to France. In 1540, 
Cartier again visited Canada and attempted to found a 
colony ; but this colony was soon broken up, and no 
further attempts were made by the French b) estal'lisii 
themselves in this part of the country tor more ihati 
half a century, iu 1G03, SamueH^'hamplain, a Freiich 



DISCOVERIES Arcr> SETTLEMENTS. 15 

no!)lernan, sailed np tlie Si Lawrpnce, visited the sev- 
eral places, wliich Cartiev had described, and, having 
obtained all the information, which he conid derive 
from tlie natives, respectiiig the interior of the country, 
he returned to France to communicate his discoveries 
and to procure assistance in establishing a colony. 

5. It was not, however, till the year 1608, that the 
French court could be induced to fit out a fleet for 
the purpose of founding a colony on the river St Law- 
rence. This fleet was placed under the command of 
Champlain, who, in the beginning of July, arrived at a 
place called by the natives Quebec. The siruation 
of this place being elevated anci commanding, tmd 
its being mostly surroundfMl by water rendering its 
defence easy, Chaiiiplain liad in a former voyage 
designated it as the most eligible spot for, beginning 
a settlement, lie therefore, immediately commenced 
cutting <lown the timber, clearing th(r land, building 
houses, and preparing the soil for cultivation. Here 
he spent the following winter, in the course of which, 
his little colony suffered extremely from the scurvy 
and from the severity of the climate. 

6. In the spring of 1609, Chainplain left Quebec, 
accompanied by two other Frenchmen and a [)arty of 
the natives, for the purpose of exploring the interior of 
the country, particularly the sojithern lakes, which the 
Indians informed him opened a connnunication with a 
large and warlike nation called the Iroquois. Cham- 
plain proceeded up the St Lawrence and the river now 
called the Sorel, till he arrived at a large lake. To 
this lake he gave his own name, which it still retains. 
Proceeding southward, he reached another lake Iving 
to the southwest of lake Champlain, which he named 
St Sacrament, but wliich is now known bv the name 
of lake George. 

7. On the shores of lake George, they hdl in with 
a ]mrty of the Iroquois, between whom and the Canada 
Indians, a Avar had long subsisted. A skirmish imme- 
diately ensued, but the Frenchmen being armed with 
muskets, it was soon decided in favor of Champlain 



16 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

and his party. The Iroquois were put to fiiglit, leaving 
50 of their number dead upon the field, whose scal()S 
were taken and carried to Unebec. This was doubt- 
less the first time the Indians, in these regions, ever 
witnessed the effect of European arms, and it is proba- 
ble the panic profUiced in the astonished natives, 
con'ribuled, not a little, to a favoiable and sj)eedy 
termination of the combat. 

8. Thus, so early as the year .1609, was lake Chain- 
plain, and the western borders of the present territory 
of Vermont, discovered and partially explored by the 
French ; and aithou^'h, aller this event, more than a 
century elapsed, before thistract of courtry became the 
residence of any ci\ilized inhabitants, it was, during this 
period, and long after, the theatre of war, and a scene 
of Indian havoc and cruelty, of the most appalling char- 
acter. But these wars were wholly carried on by the 
Canada Indians and the French, whose seitlements were 
rapidly extending up the St Lawrence, on one part, 
and by the confederated nations of the Iroquois on the 
other, previous to the yr.ar 1G64. This year the Dutch 
settlement of Nev^^ Netherlands, was surrendered to the 
English, and its name changed to New York ; and 
from this period the country, now called Vermont, and 
lake Chamjjlain became the great thoroughfare of the 
French and English colonies and their Indian allies in 
their almost incessant wars with each other. 



SECTION II. 

Prorgess of the English and Dutch setthiucnts, from 1607, 
to 1038. 

1. AVhile the French were foimding their colony 
at Quebec, exploring the regions of Canada, and rapid- 



DISCOVERIKS AND SETTLEMENTS. 17 

)y exioiuliMg their scttlctneutrt along tlio bnnks of the 
J^t Lawreiico, the other nations of Eiuo{>o were not 
inactive. The Enc,Hisli, after several uiisuccepsful at- 
tempts, succeeded in 1607, m making a permanent 
settlement upon the banks of James river in Virginia, 
and about the same time planted a small colony in the 
present state of Maine. In 1614, Ca})t. John Smith 
exp'ored the sea coast from Penobscot to cape Cod, 
' drew a map of the same and denoninated the country 
\ New England. 

2. In 1609, Capt. Uonvy Hudson, at that thne in 
the service of Hollaad) discovered and gave his own 
name to Hudson river, novv in the state of New York, 
and in 1G14, the Dutch began a settlement on the island 
of Manhattan, where the citv ofMew York" now stands. 
To the country they gave the name of Nt-w N.nher- 
lands and the town they called New Amsterdam, in 
allusion to the country and city they had left in Europe. 

^ About the sa7ne time they built fort Orange where 
Albany now is, and soon after began settlements at 
Schenectady and other places in the vicinit5^ 

3. In 1G20, a band of English subjv^cts, who, to 
void persecution, had, 20 years before, taken refuge in 

Holland, and v,ho were denominated puritans from 
their scrupulous religious conduct, embarked for 
America, where they hoped to be allowed the privi- 
lege of enjoj'ing, undisturbed, their peculiar notions, 
and of worshiping their Creator in that unadorned 
simphci-y/ot manner, whirdi they supposed the scrip- 
tures to ihcnlcate. Their place of destination was the 
mouth of Hudson river ; 'and, as th^y^ contempiLi*:cd 
forming their settlement under the protection of the 
English, they had obtaip.ed a patent of lands from the 
Virginia company in England previous to their em- 
])arkation. 

4. After encountering many difficulties and delays 
they finally got to sea, but then- ]nlot. either through 
treachery or ignorance, shaped his course so far to the 
northward, that the first land they discovered was 

2* 



18 HISTORY OF VKRMOXT. 

cape Cod, distant more tlian 300 miles fioiii, tlie near- 
est civilized settlement, und not within tlie limits of 
their patent. Tlie season was so far advanced, it being 
now the 9th of November, that it was deemed expe- 
dient to attonj^t a settlement in the section of country 
where they were, and preparations for that purpose 
were immediately commeuced. After spending some 
time in exploring the coasts and harbors; and after 
Laving formed themselves into a body pohtic imderthe 
crown of England and chosen John Carver, their gov- 
ernor, they landed on the 22nd day of December, and 
began a settlement, which they called New Plymouth, 
(now Plymouth in Massachusetts,) in allusion to the 
town they had left in England. 

5. This colony at first consisted of 101 persons ; 
but the severity of the cliiuate, the want of accommo- 
dations, their unusual hardshi]js and a mortal sickness 
which prevailed, reduced their number to 5G before 
the opening of the next spring. Their drooping spirits 
were however revived during the next summer, by 
the arrival of supplies from England and by a consid- 
erable addition to the niunber ot settlers. From tJiis 
time the atfairs of the Plymouth colony assumed a 
brighter aspect, and the settlements in these parts were 
rapidly extended. 

6. As early as the year 1623, the English had begun 
settlements at Portsmouth and Dover in the present 
state of New Hampshire, and, in 1()3^3. they had j)ene- 
trated the wilderness to Connecticut river and establish- 
ed themselves atJWindsor in Connecticut. Inl635, they 
had extended their settlements northward up this river 
as far as Springfield in Massachusetts, and soon afl;er 
they established themselves at Deerfi(^ld. Thus early 
were tlie French on the north, the Dutch on the south 
and the English on the east advancing their settlements 
into the neighborhood of the present state of Vermont. 

7. A short time previous to the arrival of the Ply- 
mouth colony a mortal sickness had ])revailed among 
the natives, by which the country, in the neighborhood 



PEQUOD WAR. 



19 



of their landing, had heeii almost divested of inhabi- 
tants. But the natives, who remained, welcomed the 
English with demonstrations of joy, and seemed dis- 
posed to admit the new comers into their country upon 
friendly terms. But the repeated acts of injustice and 
extortion on the part of the settlers, and the astonishing 
rapidity with which their settlements were extending 
over the country, at length aroused the jealousy of the 
Indians, and in 1630, a general conspiracy was formed 
by the Naragansets and other tribes, the object of 
which was the total extermination of the English. 
The settlers however, were seasonably informed of the 
plot and their vigorous preparations to defeat it, ef- 
fectually detered the Indians from attempting its 
execution. 

8. But soon after this event, the English settlers 
were involved in a war with the Pequods. a powerful 
tribe of Indians, who inhabited the northwestern 
parts of Connecticut. This war was prosecuted with 
vigor on both sides, but was terminated in l'>37 by the 
complete overthrow of the Pequods. Seven hundred 
of the Indians were slain, some fled to the Mohawks, 
by whom they were treacherously murdered, and the 
Pequods who remained in the country and t'je other 
tribes of Indians were so much terrified at the prowes 
of the English as to be restrained from open hostilities 
for nearly forty years. 



SECTION 111. 

French and English Colojiies — Transactions in the vi- 
cinitj of Vermont from 1038 to 1705. 

1. Although both the French and English colonies 
had long been in the habit of furnishing the Indians 
with arms, ammunition, provisions and clothing, when 



20 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

goin<^ to war either among themselves, or with an 
opposite colony : yet pnn'iously to the year 1689, no 
expedition had ever heeii fitted out in one colony for 
the express purpose ot* aiding the Indians in their 
depredation upon another. This year it was resolved 
by the French to attempt, by the aid of the Canada 
Indians, the conquest of the province of New York, 
which had now been for some time in possession of 
the Enojish. They looked upon this course as the 
on)}' effectual method of subduing their most inveterate 
and troublesome enemy, the Iroquois. 

2. It was proposed that a large body of Canadians 
a'nd Indians should march by the wa}'^ of lake Cliam- 
plain, and fall upon Albany and the other northern 
settlements ; and that the city of New York- should be 
at the same time attacked by a fleet, ordered foi* that 
purpose from France. But while preparations were 
making and before the arrival of the fleet, the Iroquois 
made a descent ujjon Canada, plundered and burnt 
Montreal and broke upmost of the frontier settlements. 
Frontenac, the French general, was so much disheart- 
ened by tjiese calasniries, that herelintiuished the hope 
he had entertained of conquering New York, but lie 
considered some attempt against the English settle- 
ments indis})ensabie, in order to revive the drooping 
spirits of the Canadians and Indians. 

3. Two })arties were therefore sent out. One of 
these, under the command of Seur Hoi-tcl, on the 18th 
of -March, IGDO, succeeded in destroying the fort at 
Salmon falls in New Hampshire, where they slew 30 
of the E/iglish and took 54 prisoners, whom they 
carried to Canada. The other party, consisting of 200 
French and 50 Indians, commanded by i). Aillebout, 
set out from Montreal in the beginning of .Tanuary, 
and, proceeding by the way of lake Champlain, direct- 
ed their march towards ScheJiectady, a settlement on 
the Mohawk river, 14 miles northwest from Albany. 
But on account of the length of their march through 
deep snows in the midst of winter, they were reduced 



MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. 21 

to siicli extremities by hunger and fatigue, when they 
arrived in the vicinity of this place, that they thought 
seriously of surrendering themselves to the English as 
prisoners of war. They, however, sent forward their 
S])ies, who reported, on their return, that the inhabi- 
tants were in no apprehension of danger — that the 
soldiers were few and undisciplined, and that the place 
was in no condition for defence. 

4. Encouraged by this intelligence, the party moved 
forward, and on the 8th of February, 1690, at 11 o'clock 
in the evening, they entered the village of Schenectady, 
and separating into small parties ap[)eared before every 
house at the same time. Never was a place more 
completely surprised. Without the least apprehension 
of danger the inhabitants had just retired to their beds, 
and, while their senses were now locked in the sound- 
est sleep, the terrible onset was made. A general 
shriek aroused the place, and to many it was the shriek 
of death. The terrified and bewildered inhabitants 
attempted to rise from their beds, but they rose only 
to meet the tomahawk, which was lifted for their 
destruction. The whole village was instantly in flames ; 
and to add to this heart rending scene, the infernal 
yell of the savage was incessantly commingled with 
the shrieks and the groans of the dying. 

5. In this massacre no less than GO persons perish- 
ed ; and 27 were taken prisoners and carried, by the 
French and Indians into captivity. They, who escaped 
the] hands of the eni-my, fled, nearly naked, towards 
Albany through a dee}) snow, which had fallen that 
very night. Of those who succeeded in reaching 
Albany, no less than 25 lost some one, or more, of their 
liinbs by the severity of the frost. The news of this 
awful tragedy reached Albany about day break and 
spread universal consternation among the inhabitants. 
The enemy were rei)Grted to be 1400 strong, and many 
of the citizens of Albany advised to destroy the city 
and retreat down the river towards New York. But 
Col Schuyler and some others at length succeeded in 



22 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

rallying the inhabitants, and a parly of horse soon set 
off for Schenectad}^ Not thinking themselves suffi- 
ciently (-strong to venture a hattle, the enemy were 
suffered to remain in the place till noon, when, having 
destroyed the whole village, they set off for Canada 
with tlieir prisoners, and with 40 of the best horses 
loaded with the spoils. 

G. On the first of May following, commissioners 
from the several English colonies met at the city of 
New York for the purpose of concerting measures for 
the common safetv and defence. Here it was as^reed 
that the conquest of Canada would be the only effec- 
tual means of securing peace and safety to their 
frontiers^ and it was recommended that vigorous efforts 
be made for the accomplishment of that object. Two 
expeditions were therefore planned ; one under Sir 
William Phips. which was to proceed against Quebec 
by ^vater, and the other under John Winthrop, which 
was to be joined by the Iroquois, and, proceeding by 
the way of lake Champlain, was to attack Montreal. 
The latter expedition was abandoned on account of 
the lateness of the season and the refusal of the Iro- 
quois to join it, and the one under Phips proved 
unsuccessful. 

7. In the summer of 1691, Col Schuyler put himself 
at the head of a party of Mohawks, who were a tribe 
of the Iroquois, and, passing through lake Cham])Iain 
and the western borders of Vermont, made a success- 
ful emotion upon the French settlements on the river 
Sorel, in which were slain 300 of the enemy ; a 
number exceeding that of his own force. In January 
in 1()95, a party of six or seven hundred French and 
Indians marcIuMl by the way of lake ('hamplain and at- 
tacktid the Mohawks in their own country. Intelligenee 
of these transactions no sooner reached Allmny, than 
Schuyler, at the head of 200 volunteers, iiastened to 
their relief. Several engagenu'iits ensued, in which 
Schuyler had the advantage, and the enemy W(!re soon 
compelled to make a hasty retreat to Canada. 



DEERFIELD DESTROiTED. 23 

8. These reciprocal depredations were continued 
till the treaty between France and Englan.l, in 1697, 
put an end to liostihties and restored peace to the 
colonies. But this peace was of short continuance. 
War was again declared in Europe in 17G2, and in this 
the colonies were soon involved. During this war the 
frontiers of New England were kept in continual 
alarm by small parties of tije enemy and suffered se- 
verely. The town of Deerfield in Massachusetts had 
been settled some years and was at this time in a very 
flourishing condition : but being the Uiost northerly 
settlement on Connecticut river, excepting a few fami- 
lies at Northtiekl, the French and Indians devoted it 
to destruction. 

9. In the winter of 1704, a party of about .300 of 
the enenjy under De Rouville set out upon an expe- 
dition against this ill fated place. Th^y proceeded up 
lake Champlain to the mouth of Winooski, or Onion, 
river and, following uj) that stream, they passed over to 
Connecticut river. Proceeding down the Connecticut 
upon the ice, they arrived in the vicinity of Deeilield 
on the 29th of February. Here they concealed them- 
selves till the latter j»art of ihe night, when, perceiving 
that the watch had left the streets and that all was 
quiet, they rushed foiward to the attack. The snow 
was so high as to enable them to leap over the for- 
tifications without difficulty, and tliey immediately 
separated into several parties so as to make their attack 
upon every iiouse at the same time. The f)lace was 
completely surprised, the inhabitants having no suspi- 
cions of the approach of the enemy till they entered 
their houses. 

10. Yet supprised and unprepared as they were, 
the pco])]e of Deei-field made a vigorous defence; hut 
were at length overpowered by the enemy. Forty 
seven of the inhabitants were slain the rest captured 
an<l the village plundered and set on fire. About one 
hour after 5-unrise the en< my hastily de[)arted ; and, 
although i)insucd and attacked by a parly of the En- 



24 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

glish, they succeeded in escaping to Canada, where 
they arrived with tJjeir ]irisoners and booty after a 
fatiguing march of 25 days. For several years after 
tl)e destruction of Deertield the frontiers, botlj of 
Canada and the New England provinces, were one 
continued scene of massacre and devastation. 



SECTION lY. 

French and English Colonies. — Transactions in Vennont 
and its vicimii) from 1705 to 1749. 

1. The merciless depredations upon tlie frontiers 
of New England still continuing, it was again deter- 
mined, in 1709, to attera])t the conquest of Canada. 
The plan of operations was very similar to that devised 
in 1690. Qni^bec was to be attacked by water, and 
an arjiiy of jjrovincial troops was at the same time to 
proceed by the way of lake Champlain and reduce 
Montreal. But the failiu-c of Great Britain to furnish 
a fleet for the entcrj)risc against- (Quebec, and the 
mortal sickness, which })revai!cd among the troops 
collected at Wood Creek and designed to act against 
Montreal, defeated all their plans, and the army raised 
was consequently disbanded. The failure of these 
designs against Canada, again left the English frontiei'S 
exposed to all the honors of Indian wurlkro. 

2. The next vear the English colonies titted out an 
expedition against the French settleinents at Acadia, 
and encouraj'cd bv ihcir success, they )io\v b(;<;an to 
meditate another attempt uj)on Canada. The same 
j)lan of o})enitions >\as adoj^lefl, which on two fornuir 
occasions they hail been unable lo carry iiito effect. — 
Quebec was to be invested by water, and i^lonireal 
was to lie at the rarne time ar-sailed by an army, which 
was to enter Canada by the v.ay of lake Champlam. 



EXPEDITION AGAINST NORRIDGEWOK. 25 

The fleet designed to proceed against Quebec ^as 
therefore collected and equipped at Boston, and the 
army, which was to reduce Montreal, w'as collected 
at Albany ; and the most sanguine hopes of success 
prevailed throughout the colonies. But all these 
hopes were blasted in one fatal night. The fleet sailed 
from Boston on the 30th ot July, 1711, and just as it 
entered the St Lawrence, it encountered a storm in 
which eight of the vessels were wrecked and more 
than a thousand of the men perished. 

S. The army designed to enter Canada by the way 
of lake C'lamplain, had advanced but a short distance 
from Albany, when they received the disheartening 
intelligence of the disaster, which had befallen the fleet. 
Tlipy immediately returned ; the expedition was given 
lip and the army disbanded. Thus terminated the 
third attempt at the con(]uest of Canada, leaving the 
frontiers still ex])osed to the inroads of a merciless foe. 
A peace was, however, concluded in Europe between 
Great Britain and Frruice about this time, which put 
an end to the contest between their colonies in Anjeri- 
ca, and during the next year treaties of peace were 
made with most of the hostile Indian tril)es. But the 
peace with the Indians was of short continuance. 
They had long been jealous of the growing [>ower of 
the English, and were ready to seize upon the most 
trifling injury as a j^retext for the renewal of hostilities. 

4. From the year 1720 to 1725, a very destructive 
war was carried on between the eastern Indians and 
the New England provinces. The French and En- 
glish were at this time at peace ; but the French mis- 
sionaries, and the governor of Canada himself, were 
acfivcly employed in instigating the Indians to hostili- 
ties, n the progress of this war the English made a 
.*>;uccessful expedition against the Indian town of 
Norridgewok, where they slew th^ Jesuit missionar^^, 
RalJi, and 80 Indians, and destroyed the town ; and 
it was during this war, in the year 1724, that the first 
rivili/,(,'d establishment was made, within the present 
limits of Vermont, by the erection effort Dunnner. 



26 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

5. To the yem- 1725, a long peace succeeded, not 
only between France and Ei)gland, but also between 
the colonies and the various Indian tribes. But the 
colonies, during this time, were not inactive. They 
were busily em])loyed in advancing their out posts, 
extending their settlements and preparing for future 
emergencies. The English had established a trading- 
house at Oswego in 1722. In 1726, the French, in 
order more effectually to secure to themselves the 
trade with the natives, launched two vessels on lake 
Ontario and repaired their fort at Niagara. In 1731,. 
the French came up lake Champlain and established 
themselves in the present township of Addison in 
Vermont, and about the same time erected a fortress 
upon a point of land on the west side of the lake and 
nearly opposite, which they called Ht Frederick, but 
which afterwards took the name of Crown Point. 

6. The country along lake Cham})lain, where these 
establishments were made, belonged to the Iroquois 
Indians, but was claimed by Ncav York and was 
granted in 1G96 to one Dellius, a Dutch clergyman at 
Albany. By the English colonies, the proceedings of 
the French were obsen-ed with much solicitude ; yet 
on account of the internal divisions in tbc ])rovincc of 
New York, no effectual measures Avcre taken to j)rc- 
vent them. Thus were the French permitted to make 
their advances towards the English set.dements and, 
u]X)n lands claimed by tlie English, to erect a iortress, 
which would enable them to ])rosec!Ue their futun; 
expeditions against the frontiers of New York and 
New I'ingland, with facility and sidety. 

7. In 1744, Grrat Britain and France were once 
more involved in war, which soon extendc d to th(>ir 
colonies and their Indian nllics, wUcu the l^nglish 
began to exi)i;rience in tlu* d(.'i)redations of the enemy, 
their extreme folly in y)erinitting the French to es- 
ta!)hsh themselves at Crown J*oi))t. Iloosuc fort at 
Williamstown in I\lassaehiis(;tl.s and near the south- 
west corner of Vernjont, was at this time the most 



DEFENCE OF HOOSUC FORT. 27 

northerly post of the English in the western pait of 
New EngJand. Afjain^t this place an army of ahoiit 
900 French and Indians under M, de Vaudrieul pro- 
ceeded from Crown Point in August, 1746, and on the 
20tli of that month appeared before the fort. The 
gari'ison consisted of only 33 persons, mchiding w^omen 
and children, and was commanded by Col Hawks, 
who after a vigorous defence of 28 hours, and having 
expended all his ammunition, surrendered to the ene- 
my. Hawlvs lost but one man, while more than 40 of 
the assailants were either slain or mortally wounded ; 
and he supposed that, had he been well sup})lied with 
ammunition and provisions, he should have been able 
to have defended the fort against all the assaults of his 
numerous enemy. 

8. The Enghsh had, at this time, extended their 
settlements as far northward along Cennecticut river as 
JVumher FouryUow Charleston, in New Hampshire, and 
had erected several small forts on the west side of that 
river, in the vicinity of fort Dummer. Among these 
were Bridgeman's and Startwell's fort in Vernon Ver- 
mont, formerly a part of the township of Hinsdale New 
Hampshire. Bridgeman's fort was attacked the 24th 
of June, 1746, by a party of 20 Indians, who killed 
two of the Ensflish, wounded one and took several 
prisoners, but were finally repulsed. They, however, 
succeeded the next year, in tcdiing and destroying this 
fort, in killing several of the inhabitants, and in carry- 
ing a number of others into captivity. 

9. In 1747, the settlement at Nunfuer Four was 
abandoned by the inhabitants, and the fort at that place 
was garrisoned by 30 men under the command of Cajjt, 
Phinehas Stevens. On the 4th of A])ril a party of 400 
French and Indians under M. Debeline surrounded 
this fort and commenced an attack by firing upon it 
on all sides. This proving ineffectual, the enemy next 
endeavored to burn the fort by setting fire to the fen- 
ces and huts around it and by discharging flaming 
aiTOws upon it. Not succeeding in this, they next 
prei>ared a wheel carriage which they loaded with 



28 HISTORY OF VEBMONT. 

faggots, and by pushing tliis before tloni, tlioy onrlrav- 
ored by it to set fire to the fort while it ])rot(M'te(l tiieiii 
from the fire of the garrison. 

10. All these attempts were, however, defeated ])y 
vigilence and bravery of Stevens and liis men, ar)d 
at length an interview took })lace between the t\\o 
commanders. At this interview Debeline boasted of 
his sn])erior numbers, expressed his deteiniiiiatioh to 
storm the fort, and described in glowing colors the 
horrid massacre, whicli would ensue if the fort was not 
surrendered without fiu'ther resistance. To all this 
Stevens coolly replied ; "7 can assure yon that my men 
are not afraid to die." After this interview the' attack 
was renewed with much spirit, and, afler continuing 
it for three daj^s without success, the Frencli camman- 
der proposed to Stevens that he would abandon the 
siege and return to Canada on condition that the gar- 
rison would sell them provisions for the jom-ney. 
This Stevens absolutely refused, but ])ro])Osed to give 
them five bushels of corn for every captive for whom 
they would leave a hostage, until they could he brought 
from Canada. The enemy, not relishing these condi- 
tions, after firing a few guns, withdrew, leaving Stevens 
in peaceable possession of the fort. 

11. In this siege Stevens lost not a man, and had 
but two men wounded. The loss of the enemy was 
not ascertained, but must have been ver} considerable. 
And so highly w^as the gallantry of Stevens on this 
occasion esteemed by Sir Charles Knowles, a British 
naval officer then at Boston, that he presented him 
an elegant sword ; and from this circumstance the 
township, when it was iiicorj)orated, received the 
name of Charlestown. During the remainder of the 
war, which did not entirely cease till 1749, the New 
England frontiers, were continually harrassed by small 
parties of Indians, but no ccmsiderable cxp<'ditions 
were undertaken either by the French, or English 
colonies. 



COLONIAL CONVENTION. ^9 

S E C T I o'N V. 

French and English Colonies— from 1748 to 175C). Brad- 
dock defeated — the French defeated at fort ffilliam 
Hem-y. 

1. By the treaty concluded between Great Britain 
and France in 1748 at Aix laChapelle, the controversy 
respecting claims in America was to be referred to 
couunissioners apj)ointed by tlie sovereigns of the two 
nations These comi vissioners met at Paris m 1752, 
and labored for some time to establish the , claims of 
their respective cop.rts ; but they found it im])0ssible 
to come to an agreement on the subject, and soon after 
the t\vo countries were again mvolved in war, in which 
their colonif'S, as r.sual, shortly after parti ci[>ated. 

2. In 1754, a convention of delegates from the sev- 
eral English }>roviiices convened at Albany for the 
purpose of devising some general and efficient plan of 
operations in liio struggle v.hich was about to ensue. 
Here it was resolved to apply to the British-parliament 
for an act constituting a grand legislative council to 
be composed of delegates from the several legislative 
assemblies in the colonies, and subject to the negative 
of a president general appointed by the crown. But 
this plan of Union had the singular fortune to be 
rejected both by the colonies and the mother country. 
By the colonies it was supjtosed to give to the crown 
jn-erogatives which would endanger their liberties, 
and by the king it was supposed to concede to the 
colonial assemblies rights and powers which he washy 
no means prepared to acknowledge. 

3. It was on the 4th of July, 1754, that tht^ above 
plan of iVmerican union was agreed to by the conven 
lion J and it is worthy of remark that this plan 'was 
consummated, July 4th 1776, just 2"2 years from that 
day, by the declaration of American Independence. 
During' the deliberations of the coiivention and the 

^2* 



30 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

intercliani^'e of views and opinions l)et\vcon ihe colonies 
and the mother country, the colonics themselves were 
makii]g every preparation for tlie defence of their 
frontiers. In the beginning of the year 1755, Governor 
Shirley convened the assembly of Massachusetts, and 
connnunicatcd to them a plan, which he had formed, 
tor the reduction of the French fortress at Crown 
Point. The assembly readily concurred and commis- 
sioners were sent to the neighboring provinces to 
reques' their assistance and co-operation. 

4. Col Johnson of the province of xNew York, was 
appointed to couimand this expedition and all the 
northern colonies were engaged in making [)r<>parations 
for it, when Gen. Braddock arrived in Virginia with 
two Irish regiments. A convention of the several 
governors an(i commanders in the English colonies,was 
therefore immediately assembled at Albany, in which it 
was determined that, during the sumtner, four different 
expeditions should be undertaken against the French ; 
namely ; — one imder the direction of Bnuldock agaiyst 
ibrt Du Quesne, — one under Shirley against Niagara, — 
one untler Johnson against Crown Point, and one 
under Cols Monekton and VVinslow against the French 
settlements in Nova Scotia. 

5. JJraddock set out for fort Du Quesne on the 
2()th of April, with 2200 men and marched forwani 
confident of victory and fame, but, disregarding the 
advice of his officers and unaccustomed to American 
warfare, he fell into an ambuscade of alout 400 
Fren(di and Indians, by whom he was defecated and 
slain. The regular troo{)s were thrown into the ut- 
most confusion by the unexi)(!cted onset and fiendlike 
yells of the savaijes, but th(} Virginia militia, which 
Braddock, had disdainfully, placed in the rear, l)eing 
trained to Indian figliting, continued unbroken and, 
by the prudent management of George Washington, 
then a Colonel of the militia and Aid to Braddock, so 
etT(?ctually covered the retreat as to save a j)art of the 
army from destruction. 



TICONDEROGA FORTIFIED. 31 

0. The army, designed for the rochiction of the fort 
at Niagara, effected nothing, excej)t the strengthening 
of the fortifications at Oswego. Johnson, having 
collected five or six hundred provincial troops at 
Albany, for the exjjedition against Crown Point, sent 
them forward, under the command of Gen. Lyman, 
to the carrying place between the Hudson and lake 
George, where they erected fort Edward. Johnson 
did not leave Albany till the 10th of August, and the 
latter part of that month he advanced 15 miles beyond 
fort Edward and encamped near the south end of lake 
<xeorge. 

7. Shortly after his arrival at this])lace, he received 
intelligence from his scouts that the French had taken 
possession of Ticonderoga, which commanded the 
communication between lake George and lake Cham- 
plain. Johnson was aware of the importance of this 
pf>st, and hastened his preparations that he might move 
forward and dislodge the enemy. But before his 
batteaux and artillery were in readiness, the French 
had erected fortifications sufficiently strong to defend 
themselves against surprise, or an easy conquest. 

8. Alarmed by the exaggerated account of the I'^nglish 
force assembled at lake George, and designed for tiie 
reduction of the fort at Crown Point, Baron Dieskau 
hastened forward to its defence with a considerable 
army of French and Indians. But, having ascertained 
that an immediate attack from the English was not 
to be expected, he resolved to move forward and attack 
the English in their camp, and, if successfid, proceed 
further and perhaps get ])ossession of Albany and 
Schenectady. He emljarksd his army, consisting of 
1800 men, in batteaux and landed at South bay, which 
is near the south end of lake Champlain. Here he 
learned from an English prisoner that fort Edward 
was almost defenceless, and that Johnson's camp at 
lake George v/as protected neither by entrenchments 
nor by cannon. 

9. Dieskau, therefore, directed his march towards fort 



32 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Edward and when witiiin thieQ or four miles of tin* 
place couiiiuinicaled to his army his design of attacking 
the fort, and expressed to them entire confidence of 
success. His army, which consisted mostly of Cana- 
dians and Indians, were not however so sanjaruine in 
their expectations. They by no means relished the 
idea of making an assault upon the tort, where they 
should be exposed to the destructive fire of cannon ; 
but they expressed a willingness to attack the English 
in their camp at lake George, where they sup])osed 
that muskets would be the only arms emjjloyed against 
them. Under these circumstances Dieskau found it 
necessary to comjjly with the inclination of his troc»ps 
and inunediately altered the direction of liis march 
and proceeded towards the Enghsh encaujpment. 

10. Johnson had no intelligence of the a{»proach, 
or of the designs, of the enemy till after tiieir depar- 
ture frojD South ha}', when he learned that a large 
body of French and Indians were on their march 
towards fort Edward, lie inunediately sent off two 
separate messengers to apprise the garrison of the in- 
tended attack, and to bring, him intelligence n^speot- 
ing the force and designs of the enen»y. One of these 
messengers was intercepted and slain ; the other 
retm-ned about midnight, and reported tijat he saw the 
encuiy about four miles to the nortlisvard effort Ed- 
ward and evidently dcsignhig an attack u];on that })lace. 
in the morning it was resolved in a council of >var 
that one thousand English and a number of Indians 
shouM be detached and sent under the command of 
<Jol Williams to intercept the enemy in their return to 
lake Champlain, eitlicr as victors or defeated in their 
designs upon fort Edward. 

11. The English cncamj)ment had lake George vn 
one side and two other sides were covered by swanjps, 
and thick woods; and after the departure of the de- 
tachm(;nt a slight breasi-work of logs was thrown u)) 
and a few cannon, wliieh had just arrivcti, were jjlanted 
in fi'ont, which was the only assuilabio side. Williams 



BATTLE AT LAKE GEORGE. 33 

}ia(l proccedetl only four miles wlien he mettliQ enomy 
ill lull march towards Joljnson's encampment. An 
engagement innncdiately ensued, liut Wilh'ains Avas 
obliged to retreat before tlie superior for^e of the ene- 
ni}'. Jolmson, hearing the iiring and jserceiving that 
it a))proachcd, beat to arnis and dispatched Col Cole 
with 300 men to cover the retreat, while he made the 
best pre[)aration he could for receiving the enemy. 
Ai)out ]0 o'clock some small parties came running 
l)ack to the camp with intelligence that the detach- 
ment was attacked on all sides and was retreating; 
and soon after all who escaped returned in considera- 
ble bodies to the encam])ment. 

12. At half after eleven o'clock, the enemy were seeu 
to approach in regular order aiming directly towards 
the centre of the encampment. When they arrived 
within about 150 yards of the breast- work, they halted, 
and the Canadians and Indians filed off ujion the right 
and left flanks. The regular troops then moved for- 
ward and commenced the attack upon the centre by 
platoon firing, which, on account of the distance, 
produced little effect. A brisk fire was now opened 
u|)on the enemy by the artillery stationed at the breast- 
work, which so terrified the Canadians and Indians, 
that they immediately betook themselves to the swamps, 
where from behind logs and trees they kept up an ir- 
regular fire upon the encampment. 

13. The engagement now became general, and the 
French regular troops, for some time, maiiitained their 
ground and order; but finding tliemselves abandoned 
by the Canadians and Indian;?, and suffering severely 
by the incessant fire from the brea-t-work, they at 
length directed their attack to the right, where they 
were received with firnmess by tlie regiments of 
Ruggles, Williams and Titcomh. After continuing an 
unsuccessfid attack upon this point for about an hour, 
and sustaining a heavy loss from the fire of the English^ 
Dieskau attempted a retreat, as the only means of 
saving the remainder of his troops. 



34 HISTORY OF VERMOiVT. 

14. Observing liis intention a party of the English 
leeped over their breast-work, and iiiliing upon the 
rear of the French, soon dispersed them. Dieskaii 
was found resting ujjon the stumj) of a tree, wounded 
and unable to walk. As a provincial soldier ai)proach~ 
ed him, he was putting his hand in his pocket for liis- 
watch to present to him ; but the soldier, su]>posing 
that he was feeling for a pocket ])istol, discharged 
his musket at hmi and gave liim a mortal wound in 
his hip. 

J 5. The enemy on their retreat collected and made 
a halt at the place where the engagement began in 
the morning with the detachment under Col Williams. 
Here they were attacked by a party of 200 men under 
the command ol Capt. M'Ginnes, a New Hampshire 
officer, who had been ordered from fort Edward to 
the aid of the main army under .Tohnson. The at- 
tack was made with iujpetuosity and spirit, and the 
French, alter a resistance of nearly two hours, were 
again dispersed in every direction. In this last en- 
gagement the English lost 12 men, and the brave M' 
Ginnes died a few days after [jis arrival at Johnson's 
encampment, of the wounds he had received. 

16. The whole loss of the English in these several 
engagements was I'JO slain, and (>0 wounded. Among 
the slain were Col Williams, Maj. Ashley, and Caj)- 
tains, Ingersol, Porter, Ferrel, Stoddard and M'Ginnes, 
and among the wound(!d was Col .Tohnson. Of the 
Ii]flians belonging to .Johnson's army about 40 were 
slain, among whom was IJeiuh-ick, a distinguished 
Mohawk sachem. The loss of the French was about 
700 slain, and among these were several officers of 
distinction. Johnson was deterred by fear, or some 
other cause, from ])nrsuing the retreating enemy, or 
making any attempt ujion th(>ir works on lake Cham- 
])lain ; and the remainder of the campaign of 1755, was 
spent in erecting a fi)rt at the south end of lake 
George, which was aftenvards called fort William 
Henry. 



OSWEGO TAKEN BY THE FRENCH. 35 



SECTION VI. 

French and English Colonies— from 1756 to 1758. Fort 
William Henry surrendered to the French — Massacre 
of the garrison. 

1. In 1756 a considerable number of troops, and 
several distinguished officers arrived from England, 
and a large provincial army was collected at Albany 
and at fort William Henr}^ But while the English 
officers Avere deliberating u})on the course to be i)ur- 
sued and the troops were lying mactive, the French, 
under the brave Montcalm, were prosecuting their 
affiiirs with energy and success. With scarcely any 
loss on their part, the}' succeeded in taking and de- 
molishing the forts at Oswego, where they took 1400 
prisoners, 120 pieces of cannon, 14 mortars, and a large 
quantity of ammunition, military stores and provisions, 
and also 2 sloops and 200 batteaux. The English 
suffered the season to pass away without any attempt 
to retrieve their loss, or annoy the enemy. 

2. The comman'l of the English forces in Americi 
having been give^ to Lord Loudon, he sailed from 
New York in the spring of 1757, with (3000 men for 
the purpose of ca])turing tiie French fortress at Louis- 
burg. At Ilaliiax his force was increased to 12000 
men, with a fleet of 15 ships of the line and a large 
juunber of transports und<>r admiral llolburne. But 
iie here received intelligence, that a French fleet of 
17 line of battle ships and three frigates had arrived ^t 
Louisburg — that their land force amounted to 6000 
regulars, 3000 natives, and 1300 Indians, and that the 
place was well provided vit!) ammunition, provisions 
and military stores. This information,' dissipating eve- 
ry prospect of success, the expedition was consequently 
abandoned. 

3. During these transactions the French under 
Montcalm were by no means inactive. As early as 



36 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

the 20lh of Marcli, they made an attempt to take fort 
William Ilemy by surj)rise, but tlieir object was de- 
feated by the bravery of the garrison, and several of 
their number slain. They, however, succeeded in 
burning three sloops, a large nnmijer of l)atteaux, three 
store houses, and indeed every thing of value, which 
was not protected by the guns of the fort. 

4. At the opening of the spring. Col Parker was 
sent down the lake, with a detachment of al)out 400 
men, to attack the enemy's advanced guard at Ti- 
conderoga, but he was decoyed into an ambuscade 
of French and Indians, who fell upon him with such 
impetuosit}^ and success, that only two officers and 70 
privates of his number escaped. Encouraged by this 
success, Montcalm resolved once more to attempt the 
reduction effort William Henry. For this purjiose he 
collected, at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, all his 
forces, amounting to about 10000 men, and consisting 
of regulars, Canadians and Indians. 

5. General W\'bb, ujion whom the command of 
the English forces devolved on the de})arture of Lord 
Loudon, wishing to examine the works at lake George, 
and to ascertain the force and condition of the enemj^ 
at their posts on lake Cham])I;!in, selected Major 
I'ulnani with '200 men to escoit him to fort Williarji 
Ilenry. Soon after their arrival, Putnam set out wilh 
.18 men in tbree boats for the purpose ofreconnoitering 
the enemy at Ticonderoga ; but before he reached ihe 
northwest l)ay, he discovered a b'ody of men on an 
island, and leaving two of his boats to fish he has- 
tened back in tin; other with the information. 

()'. He communicated the inteHigence to \>' ebb only, 
who, with mucli reluctance, Jtermittcd J'utnam to re- 
turn for the j»urpose of making further discoveries 
and «»(■ bringing off the i)oats. \i\ accomplishing this 
business he was observed and pursued by the ene- 
my and, altliougli at times nearly surroiuidcd by their 
caiiors, «-irect<'(i his retreat to tlic l«>rt. These trans- 
acliojiB were carefully coij<"ealeil from the garrison 



SURRENDER OF FORT WILLIAM HENRY. 5/ 

by an injunction of secrecy from Webb, who ordered 
Putnam to pre])are immediately to escort him back 
to fort Edward. Putnam, wishing to be engaged 
in surprising the enemy, observed " lie hoped his 
excellency did not intend to neglect so fair an op- 
] ortunity of giving battle, should the enemy presume 
to land." To which the general coldly rephed " what 
do you think we should do here." 

7. The next day Webb returned to Tort Edward, 
and the day following, Col Monro was sent with his 
regiment to reinforce the garrison at lake George. 
The day after his arrival the French and Indians 
under Montcalm appeared upon the lake, effected a 
landing with but little opposition, and immediately 
laid siege to the fort. Montcalnj, at the san:c time, 
sent a letter to Monro, stating that he felt himself 
bound in humanity to urge the English commander 
to surrender before any of the Indians were slain and 
their savage temper further inflamed by a resistance, 
which would be unavailing. Monro replied that as the 
fortress had been entrusted to him, hoth his honor 
and bis duty required him to defend it to the last ex- 
tremity. 

8. The garrison amounting to about 2500 men, 
made a gallant defence, v/bile Monro, aware of Jiis 
danger, sent frequent expresses to tort Edward for 
succor. But Webb remnined inaciive and aj);>arently 

. indittV>r«ent during these aLirming transaction?. On 
the 8th or 9th day of the siege. Gen. Joi.nson was 
permitted to set out i'^r the relief of fort William 
Henry with tlr; ])rovineiai regiments and PutP'Mrt's 
rangers ; but he had proceeded only three m:. .-, wnt.'i 
he received ord.s i'viin, V/ehh for his inuiiediate 
return. Webb then wrote to Monro that he could 
afford him no af-sii^tance, and advised him to surrender 
on the best terms he could obtain, 

9. vionro and his garrison, in hour y expectation 
of rri/effrom fort Edward delended themselves wiih 
much spirit and refeolutioa, tijj tlie 9ih oi Augu'ctj 

3 



58 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

when, tlieir works having become mucli injured and 
their air 'iimition nearly expended, all their hopes of 
holding out were at onrc blasted by the reception of 
Webb's letter, w^hich Montcalm had intercepted, and 
now sent in with further proposals for a surrender of 
the fort. Articles of capitulation were therefore 
agreed upon and signed by Montcalm and Monro, by 
which it was stipulated, that the garrison sh(v,i!d march 
out with their arms and baggage — should be escorted 
to fort Edward by a detachment of French troops, and 
should not seiTe against the French for the term of 
18 montlis — that tlie works and all warlike stores 
shovdd be delivered to the French — and that the sick 
and wounded of the garrison should remain ujider the 
protection of Montcalm and should be permitted to 
return as soon as they were recovered. 

10. After the capitulation no further troubles were ap- 
prehened. But the garrison had no sooner marched out 
of the fort, than a scene of perfidy and barbarity began 
to be witnessed, which it is impossible for language 
to describe. Wholly regardless of the articles of capi- 
tulation, the Indians attached to the French army, 
fell upon the defenceless soldier^-, plundering and mur- 
dering all who came in their way. The French were 
idle spectators of this ])loody scene ; nor could all the 
entreaties of Co! Monro ])ersua(!e them to fiuiiish the 
escort, as stipulated in the articles of capitulation. 
On this fatal day about 1500 of the EngMsh were 
either murdered by the savages or rarrietl by them 
into caj)tivity, never to return. 

11. The day Ibllovvhjg these horrid transactions, 
Major Putnam was des|)atched from fort Edward 
with his rangers, to watch the motions of the enemy. 
He reached lake George just after the rear of the 
enemy had left the shore, and awjid indeed was the 
scene which ])resented itself. " The fort was entirely 
demolished, the barracks, out houses and buildings 
were a heai) of ruins — the cannon, stores, boats and 
vessels were all curried awiiy. 'J'he fires were still 



MASSACRE OF THE GARRISON. 89 

hiiriiing — the sinoko and stench offensive and suffo- 
oating. Innumerable fragment^^ of liuinaik skulls and 
bones, and carcases half consumed, wave still frying 
and broiling in the decaying fires. Dead bodies, mang- 
led with scalping knives and tomahawks, in all the 
wantonness of Indian fierceness and barbarity, were 
every where to be seen. More than 100 women, butch- 
ered and shockingly mangled, lay upon the ground, still 
weltering in their gore. Devastation, barbarity and 
horror every whei-e apj^eared ; and the spectacle ]jre- 
sented Avas too diabolical and awful either to be 
endured or described." 

12. The French satisfied with thoir success, retired 
to their works at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and 
nothing further was effected in this quarter worthy of 
notice, either by the French or EngUsh, during the 
remainder of the year ; and thus terminated the 
campaign of 1757, in wliich the English suffered 
exceedingly in lives and property and gained nothing. 
This want of success was doubtless owing, in some 
measure to the inefliciency and ignorance of the British 
ministry in relation to American affairs, but is prin- 
cijjally to be attributed to the want of abihty and en- 
ergy in the generals, to whom the prosecution of the 
war was entrusted. 



S E C T I O ^" Y 1 1 . 

French and English Colonies — Events of 17o8. Capture 
of Louishurg — Mtrcromhie defeated — Fort F'ontenac 
and Du Cluesnc taken. 

]. The repeated failure of the Biitish arms in 
America, having created much dissatisfaction both at 
home and in the colonies, a change of ministry was 
found to he indispcnsablo, in order to secure the pub- 



40 HISTORY OF VEKMO?^T. 

lie coiifidoiK'c and revive flie drooping spirits of tlie 
nation ; m!^:(1 this whs eflertnally done hy the appoint- 
ment of Wilhani i*i?t one of the secretaries of state. 
From this time the British affairs in America assiuned 
a more favorable aspect. Instead of defeat and dis- 
gTace, victory and triumph now usually attended the 
Enf!;lish arms. Tvleasures vvf^re concerted with wisdom 
and priideiiee and execLstv^d with promptness and vi- 
cror. 

^. In y)lnnnine: the campaign of 1758, it was deter- 
mijied that tiie Frencii settlements should be artacked 
ijpon several different points at the snme time. I'vveJve ♦ 
tljoiisand troo))s were to attempt the reduction of 
Louisburjj^ in tlic? island of Cape Breton, 16000 were 
to procee<l against Ticonderoga and Crown Poi)it, 
and 8000 against Du Quesne ; and the several Ameri- 
can colonics were called upon to furnish iroo[)s, and 
to make all the exertions in their power to aid and 
facilitate these ex])editions. 

3. General Amherst took conmiand of the expe- 
dition against Louisburg, assisted by (ieneral, Wolfe 
Whitmore and Lawrence, and by Admiral Boscawen, 
who connnanded the fleet. The fleet, consisting of 
157 sail and having the trooj)s on board, sailed from 
Halifax in Nova Scotia, oii the 28th of May, and on 
the 2nd day of June, anchored about seven miles west 
of Louisburg. On the 8th a landing was effected 
under the galhuu Wolfe, and in a few days the [dace 
was comy)letely invested. The garrison consist.-d of 
tipwards of 3000 mm, mostly regulars, and the har- 
bor was defended by six ships of the line anil Ave 
friffates, all under the command of rlievelier Drucour. 
Amherst proceeded with caution, but with such vigor 
that the F'rench ships were soon destroyed, and the 
garrison surrendero<l ihetuselves j)risoners of war on 
(heSGth of July. 

4. The expedition a,?ainst the French posts on 
lake Champlain, devolved upon General Abercrom^.ic. 
Having a.semhicd about 7000 regulaF atid 'JOGO pro- 



ABERCROMBIE DEFEATED. 41 

vincial troops, with a fine train of artillery and the 
necessary military stores, he, on the 5th ot" July em- 
barked his army at fort William lienr}^, on board 900 
batteaux and 135 whale boats, and the next morning 
landed, without oi)position, near the north end of lake 
George. Forming his men into three columhs he 
moved forward towards the enemy, whose advanced 
party, consisting of one battalion, lay encamped be- 
hind a breast-work of logs. On the ap})roach of the 
English, they set fire to their breast-work and tents and 
retreated with precipitation. The English continued 
to advance, but were soon embarrassed and throAvn 
into some disorder by the thickness of the wood. 

5. Lord Howe v.as in the front of the centre col- 
umn with Major Putnam, when a skirmish commenced 
on the lefl 'with the party of the enemy which had 
retreated from the breast-work. One hundred men 
immediately filed oft' under Putnam and Howe, and 
they soon fell in with the enemy, whose first fire proved 
fatal to his lordsliip. Howe had made himself the 
idol of the army by his affability and virtues, and his 
fall animated Putnam and Iiis party to avenge his 
death. They cut their way through the enemy and, 
beiiig joined by anotlier party of the English, slew 
about 300 of the French and took 1-^8 prisor.ers. But 
the English columns, being broken and embarrassed 
by the thickness of the wood, Abercrombie deemed 
it advisable to march back to the place where they had 
landed in the morning, rather tlian pass the night 
where they were. Tiie next day Col Bradstreet, with 
a detachment of the army took possession of the saw 
mills without opposition and the general once more 
advanced upon the enemy. 

G. The fort at Ticonderog*a was very favorably 
situated for defence. It was surrounded on three 
sides by water, and about half the other side was jjro- 
tected by a deep s'vamp, while the line of defence 
was completed by the erection of a breast-work nine 
feet high on the only assailable ground. The ground 
3* 



42 HISTORY OF VERMOxNT. 

before the breast- work was covered with lelled tiees 
and with bushes, arranged with a view to iiii{)ede 
the approach of the English. The French garrison 
consisted of 6000 men and a reinforcement of 3000 
troops under JM. de Levy, was expected soon to join 
them. 

7. Abercrombie, wishing to get possession of the 
fort before the garrison sliould be augmented by the 
expected reinforcement, sent Ibrward his engineer to 
recoimoitcr the works, who reported that the breast- 
work was unfinished and that he behevcd the place 
iniglit be immediately assaulted by musketry with 
a fair prospect of success. The general confiding in 
this intelligence, marched forward to the attack in reg- 
ular order and with undaunted firmness. The French 
opened upon them a well directed fire from their 
artillery, notwithstanding vvhicn, the English moved 
forward undismayed till they became entangled and 
stopped by the timber which had been felled to im- 
pede their approach. For four hours they strove to 
cut, with their swords, their way to the breast-work 
through the limbs and bushes, but without success. 
All this time they were ex})osed to the dearlly fire of 
the enemy, who were completely sheltered by their 
breast-work. Their numbers contiinially diminishing 
and no prospect of success apj)earing, Abercroml)ie 
thought it expedient to retreat, and accordingly led 
back his army to their former encami)ment without 
being pursued or molested by the enemy. 

8. The English lost in this encounter 1800 men, 
killed and wounded, and 2500 stand of arms. Every 
pail of the army ejigaged behaved with coohiess and 
intrepidity, but the loss fell heavies^ on a highland 
regiment connnanded by l>oi-d JMurray. Of this regi- 
ment one half of the j)rivates and 25 officers were 
either slain on the spot or severely wounded. So se- 
vere a loss determhied the couimander-in-chief to 
withdraw from this scene of carnage, and he hastened 
back with his shattered army to the encamj)nient at 



ABERCROMBIE DEFEATED. 43 

lake George, from whence he sent oft' all the wound- 
ed, who could he safely removed, to fort Edward and 
Albany. 

9. How far the conduct of general Abercrombie is 
reprehensible in this unfortunate atfair, it is difficult 
now to determine. The censure cf mankind almost 
always follows misfortune ; and so it was in the pre- 
sent case. The attempt to take the fort by storm was 
considered a lash and imprudent measure — and the 
retreat was condemned as pusillanimous and unne- 
cessary. And, indeed, with troops, who had manifested 
such courage and intrepidity in the assault, it is 
very difficult to conceive what could have prevented 
the commencement of a regular siege. 

10. Notwitlistanding his defeat and mortification, 
Abercrombie did not suffer his army to remain inac- 
tive. He dispatched General Staiiwix to erect a fort 
at the carrying place between the Mohawk and On 
ondaga rivers ; and Col Bradstreet, with 3000 men, 
mostly provincials, was ordered to proceed against 
fort Frontenac, situated at the outlet of lake Ontario. 
Bradstreet landed his men within one mile of the fort, 
before the enemy had any intelligence of his approach, 
and the garrison, consisting of only 110 Frenchmen, 
with a few Indians, could do no other than surrender 
at discretion. In the fort were found GO cannon, IG 
mortars, and small arms, military stores, merchandise 
and provisions in large quajitities. He also captured 
all the enemy's shipping on the lake, consisting of 
nine armed vessels ; and having destroyed them and 
the fort he returned to Oswego. 

11. While these things were transacting General 
Forbes was making his advances towards fort Du 
Quesne of which he got possession on the 24th of 
November, the French having abandoned it and re- 
treated down the Ohio river. Having repaired the 
works, he changed the name of the fort to Pittsburgh, 
in honor of William Pitt, the secretary of state who 
was then at the head of American affairs. Such were 



44 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

tho events of the year 1758. The British arms had 
every where been successful, excepting in the attack 
upon Ticonderoga, and tlic hopes and confidence of 
the j)nblic were every where revived. General Am- 
herst, having left a strong garrison at Louisbm-g returned 
to Boston. Thence he proceeded, about the middle 
of Sei)tember to Albany with six regimejits, a)id the 
remainder- of the tall and winter rvere there spent in 
concerting measures and making preparations for the 
campaign of the following year. 



— , L ' ^.WLJfJ 



SECTION VIII. 

French and English Colonics — Transactions of 1759 and 
\7'<i0. (Quebec taken — Ticond€rog;a, Crown Point and 
J^uigra taken — Expedition ac^ainst the St Francis In- 
dians — Montreal and Canada surrender. 

1. The advantages obtained over the French in 
the preceding campaign gave the British Blinister 
reason to hope this year to comj)lete the conquest of 
Canada. Tiirec expeditious were therefore }))'ojectcd, 
one against Quebec under the conunand ofCen. Wolfe, 
one against the forts on lake Champlain, under Gen. 
Amherst, who was connnander-in-chief of the British 
forces in America, and one against the French fort 
at Niagra, to be conducteil by Gen. Prideaux and Sir 
WilMaai Johnson. It was believed that while these 
generals were making their attacks on different })oints, 
they would assist eacli other, by dividing the forces 
and embarra'^sing the roimcils of the eniMuy. 

2. The con(piest of Ciuebec was looked u])on as 
the most important and the niost difficidt object of 
the campaign. The city was strongly fortified by na- 
ture aufl art, Ibrmidablo on account of the number 
and bravery of its inhabitants, and in a situation in 



QLEBEC INVESTED BY WOLFE. 45 

-w'hicli it conkl not be much injiired by a fleet, or be ap- 
j)roaelied but ^vith extreme difficulty and Jiazard by 
lan<l. As soon as the season would permit, Wolfe 
embarked his troops at Louisburg, sailed up the St 
Lawrence and in the latter part of June landed his 
whole army on the island of Orleans a little below 
Quebec, without difficulty or opposition. 

3. Quebec A^'as commanded by Montcalm, an able 
and experienced general ; and was defended by works 
wltich were deemed impregnable, and hy an army 
mnrli more numerous than that of the English. Wolfe 
continued his offi:"ns:\e operations ^^"ithout a prospect of 
5-iicccss till the beginning of September, when it was 
resolved, if possible, to effect a landing above the 
city, and Ijring the enemy to a gen(n-al engagement. 
The fleet, with tlie army on board, moved up the 
river, under Admiral Saunders, and efl'ected a landing 
on the 12th of September a little after midnight. 
Wolfe put himself at the head of the first l>arty, as- 
cended the heights, and drew up his men in order as 
fast as they arrived. 

4. Montcalm no sooner learned that the British had 
gained the heights of Abraham, than he abandoned 
his strong camp at Montmorenci, resolved to hazard 
an engagement. Both armies were soon drawn up 
in order of battle with their respective generals at 
their head. About 9 o'clock the French army ad- 
vancefl, opening at the same time an irregular and 
ill directed fire. The fire of the English was reserved 
Jill the enemy had apj)roached within 40 yards of 
their line, wiien it was o|)ened with effect and kept 
up with much sj)int. Both generals were determined 
to conquer or <lie, and for a while the conflict was 
dreadful. But the English advanced with such firm- 
ness and intrepidity, tliat the French were unable to 
stand, and were soon defeated and dispersed or made 
j>risoners. 

5. Wolfe and Montcalm both fell at the head of 
tlicir respective armies. The loss of the French in 



46 HISTORY OF VEREMONT. 

this battle was 500 slain, and about 1000 prisonors. 
The English had 50 killed, including 9 offi<;ers, and 
500 wounded. Tlie French disheartened by their 
losses, were thrown into great confusion ; and on the 
18th of Septernper, the remainder of the French troops 
and the city of Quebec were surrendered into the 
hands of the English. 

6. While these things were transacting at Quebec, 
Gen. Amherst was cautiously advancing along lake 
Champlain. He arrived in the vicinity of Ticonderoga 
in the latter part of July, without opposition, and im- 
mediately began to make preparations for reducing 
the fortress by a regular siege. The enemy at first 
manifested a disposition to make a resolute stand, but 
soon dispaired of holding out against the cautious ad- 
vances of Amherst, and, on the 27th of July, having 
dismanded the fortress, they abandoned it, and repair- 
ed to Crown Point. 

7. The next day Amherst took possession of the 
fort, and began immediately to repair and enlarge it, 
and to make preparations for proceeding against Crown 
Point. He had scouting parties continually employed 
to watch the motions of the enemy, one of which return- 
ed to the English camp on the first of August with in- 
telligence that the French had abandoned Crown Point 
also, and had gone down the lake without destroying 
their works. A body of rangers was immediately dis- 
patched to take possession of the place a?id on the 
4th of Auffusc the v.holc armv moved forward to Crown 
Point, where ihcy also enlarged and strengthened the 
fortifications. 

8. The French troops retired to the isle Aux Noix, 
which is situated at the north end of the lake, and 
efl( ctiially commands the pusstige into Canada in this 
quiirtyr. Here they collected their forces, to the amount 
of 3500, well provided with artillery, and resolved to 
make a stand against the I'^nglish. The French hav- 
ing four vessels on the lake, mount.(Ml with cannon, 
Amhoi-8t thought it not advisiible to proceed further, 



MAJOR ROGERS' EXPEDITION. 47 

till he had provided a superior naval force. In the 
mean time he was determined that the Indians should 
feel his resentment for their repeated depradations 
upon the English colonies. Maj. Rogers, a barve and 
experienced officer from New Hampshire, was there- 
fore selected to conduct an expedition against the St 
Francis Indians, whose village was situated on the 
south side of the St Lawrence not far from Three Riv- 
ers. These Indians were noted for their massaoes 
and cruelties to the English. 

9. Rogers embarked at Crown Point, on the 12th 
of September, with 200 men, and proceeded down 
the lake in batteaux. On the fifth day after he set 
out, while encamped on the eastern shore of the lake, 
a keg of gunpowder accidentally ex])loded, b}' which 
a captain and several men were wounded, who were 
sent back to Crown Point, with a party to attend them. 
This event reduced Rogers' force to 142 men. With 
these he moved forward to Missisco bay, where he 
concealed his boats among some bushes which hung 
over one of the streams, and lefl in them provisions 
sufficient to carry them back to Crown Point. 

10. Having lefl two of his rangers to watch the 
boats, Rogers advanced into the wilderness ; but, the 
second evening after he left the bay, he was overtaken 
by his trusty rangers, and informed that a party of 
400 French and Indians had discovered the boats and 
sent them away with 50 men, and that the remainder 
were in pursuit of the English. Rogers kc\)t this 
intelligence to himself, but dispatched a Lieutenant 
and eight men, with the two rangers, to Crown Point, 
to inform (Jen. Amherst of what had taken place, and 
request him to send provisions to Coos on Connecticut 
river, Ly which route he intended to return. 

11. Rogers now determined to outmarch the ene- 
my, and pushed onward towards St Francis with the 
utmost expedition. He como in sight of the village 
on the evening of the 4th of October, and, leaving 
his men to refresh themselves, he dressed himself in 



48 HISTORY OF VERMONT, 

the Indian garb, and went forward to recounoiter the 
town. He found the Indians engaged in a grand 
dance, without apprehensions of danger, and, return- 
ing about one o'clock, he led forward hii- men, within 
500 yards of the town. At four o'clock, the dance 
was ended and the Indians retired to rest.- 

12. Having posted his men in the most favorable 
situation, at day break Rogers commenced the assault. 
The place was completely surprised. The Indian 
method of slaughter was adopted. — Wherever the 
savages were found, without regard to age or sex, 
they were slain without distinction and witljout mer- 
cy. As the light appeared the ferocity of the pro- 
vincials was increased by discovering the scalps of 
several hundred of their countrymen, suspended on 
]')oles and waving in the air. They "were iletermined 
to revenge the blood of their iiiends and relations, and 
spared no ])ains completely to destroy the village and 
its inhabitants. Of the 300 souls, which the village 
contained, 200 were slain on the spot, and 20 taken 
prisoners. The English lost only one killed and six 
slightly wounded. 

13. Having reduced the village to ashes, and, re- 
freshed his men, Rogers set out on his return, at 8 
o'clock in the morning, with the addition of five En- 
glish captives, whom lie had retaken, and such articles 
of })lunder as he couid eyeily carry away. To avoid 
his pursuers he proceeded up the river St Francis, 
and directed his course toward Coos on the Connec- 
ticut. On his march he was several times attacked in 
the rear, und lost seven men, but forming an ambus- 
cade on his own track, he at length fell upon the 
enemy with such success as to put an end to further 
annoyance or pursuit. 

14. in the mean tune, by ruder of Gen. Amherst, 
Samuel Steven's and three others proceeded fiom 
C'lnulesiown tip Connecticut river, wirh two canoes, 
loaded with provisions. They landed on Round island, 
at the mouth of Pas^umpsuc river, wh;.'re thry encainp- 



"• l.NDIAN AND COLOMAL WAKS. 49 

vd for the night ; but in the morning, hearing the 
report of guns and supposing Indians to be in tlie vi- 
cinity, they were so teitified, that they reloaded their 
provisions and Jiastened back to Charlestown. Rogers 
was at this time encamped a few miles up the Pas- 
sumpsuc. About noon he reached the mouth of that 
river, and, observing fire on the island, he made a 
raft and passed over to it ; but to his surprise and 
disappointment, no provisions had been left. His men, 
already reduced to a state of starvation, nere so dis- 
heartened by this discovery that oG of them died before 
the next day. An Indian was then cut to pieces and 
divided among the survivors ; and the next day Ro- 
gers gave up the command of his men and told them 
to take care of themselves. Some were lost in the 
woods, but Rogers and most of his party after almost 
incredible hardships, succeeded in reaching Charles- 
town. 

15. While Rogers was humbling the Indians, 
Amherst was preparing a naval force to attack the 
enemy at the Isle Aux I\ oix. This being in readiness, 
he proceeded down the lake in the beginning of Oc- 
tober ; but, the season being far advanced and the 
weather becoming tempestuous, the expedition was 
abandoned, and he returned to Crown Point, after 
having taken, or destroyed, most of the enemy's ship- 
I)ing. Here Amherst spent the remainder of the 
autumn in enlarging the works and putting every 
thing in readiness for another camj)aign. 

16. Gen. Pridcaux had proceeded to Niagara in\ 
the begiiuiing of summer, and invested the fort about 
the middle of July ; but, being unfortunately kilLd on 
the 20tli of that month, the command devolved upon 
Sir William Johnson. Johnson })rosecuted the siege 
with the great'St vigor, and, on the morning of the 
24th of July, intercepted and defeated, after a severs 
condict, a body of ] 200 French and some Indians, who 
were marching to the relief of the garrison. This 
battle was fought in sight of the fort, and, in the 

o 



50 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

evening of the same day, the garrison surrendered 
themselves prisonei's of war. 

17. Montreal was now the only place of much 
sti'ength, or consequence, in possession of the French ; 
and towards this point, at the opening ot the campaign 
of 1760, the English concentrated all their efforts. 
It was resolved that, while Gen. Murray, with the 
English forces at Quebec, proceeded up the St Law- 
rence, Coi Haviland should lead on the forces from 
lake Champlain, and Gen. Amherst should approach . 
Montreal with a considerable force by the way of 
lake Ontario. These armies moved forward with 
but little opposition, and, what is remarkable, without 
any knowledge of each others' progi-ess, they all" 
arrived at Montreal on the 6th and 7th of September^ 
within two days of each other. 

18. Amherst began immediately to prepare for 
laying siege to the city, and was getting on his ar- 
tillery for that pui-pose, when he received a flag of 
truce from Vaudrieul, the French commander, who 
sent two officers, demanding proposals for a capitu- 
lation. Amherst stated his terms, to which the French 
finally submitted, and, on the 8th of September, 1760, 
the whole province of Canada was surrendered ta 
the British ; and by the treaty of peace signed at 
Paris, February 10, ]7(YA, this province was formally 
ceded to the king of Great Britain. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



CHAPTER II. 



SETTLEMENT AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW TORE. 



SECTION I. 

Vermont previous to the year 1760. 

1. During the Colonial and Indian wars, the ter- 
ritory of Vermont, as already remarked, was the great 
thoroughfare, through which most of their expeditions 
proceeded, and on which many of their battles were 
fought. Being situated nearly at an equal distance 
from the French on the one hand and the English 
on the other, it was constantly exposed to the depre- 
dations of both, and became the favorite lurking 
place of their Indian allies. On this account the 
settlement of the country had long been regarded 
as dangerous and impracticable: nor was it until after 
the complete conquest of Canada by the English in 
1760, that any considerable settlements were made. 
Several places, it is true, had been previously occupied 
l)oth by the French and English ; but tliey are rather 
to be regarded as militaiy posts than actual settle- 
ments. 

2. The first civilized establishment within the pre- 



52 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

sent limits of Vermont, was made in 1724, by the 
erection of foil Dunuufr, in the southeastern corner 
of the townshi}) of Brail h'borough. The whole of 
this tract of country had j)revious]y, from time im- 
memorial, been in possession of the native Indians. 
But it does not aj)pear, that, subsequent to the dis- 
covery of this territory by Champlain in 1609, the 
natives had ever resided here in very considerable 
numbers. The western parts, including lake Cham- 
plain, were claimed b}^ the Irotjuois, the northeastern 
parts and iakeMeini;hremagog, by the St Francis and 
other Canadian tribes, ar.d the soutlieastern j)arts on 
Connecticut river were regarded as belonging to the 
natives in the neighborhood of Massachusetts Bay. 
Some cstablislmients wore, at times, made upon the 
shores of these waters by these several tribes, but it 
appears that this tenitory was rather regarded by them 
as a hunting grormd than a ])ermanent residence. 

3. Although this tract of country was in some 
parts mountainous and un])roductive, the forests 
were, in general, well stored with game, and the lakes, 
rivers and smaller streams abounded in excellent 
fish, which might have aflbrded subsistence to a very 
considerable ])opulation hi the savage state. We 
must therefore look to some other cause for the scan- 
tiness of the population of these regions, than the 
incapacity of the country to PUj)port it; and this is 
undoubtedly to be foinid in its local situation with 
respect to the various Indian nations. Lying on the 
frontier of several powerful tribes an lio were inces- 
santly at war witli each other, it became the bloody 
theatre of their battles and was constantly exposed 
to hostile invasions from eAery qiiartor. ITence we 
perceive that the same causes ).r(>vt.nted its becoming 
a permanent residence of the Indians in earlier times, 
which operated during the colonial wars to prevent 
its being settled bv the French and Fnglish. 

4. As eaily as the year 1752, it was j)roposed by 
the English to lay out a townshi}) and conmience a 



FIRST SETTLEMEItTS. 53 

settlement at Coos, on the west side of Connecticut 
river, where the township of Newbury in this state 
now lies ; and a party proceeded up the river for that 
purpose. But before they had completed their 
survey, they were observed by a party of St Francis 
Indians, who, perceiving tlieir design, forbade their 
proceeding and compelled them to return without 
accomplishing their object. The Indians at the same 
time sent a message to the commander of the fort at 
Charlestown, N. H. stating to him in the most positive 
terms that they should not suffer the English to 
settle at Coos ; and so much was the resentment of 
the Indians dreaded at this early period, that the un- 
dertaking was immediately relinquished. 

5. Soon after the erection of fort Dummer, several 
block-houses were built Tor the ]>rotection of the 
settlers in that part of Hinsdale, N. H. which was 
situated on the west side of the Connecticut, and 
which is now called Vernon ; and, before the year 
1754, settlements had been commenced in Vermont 
as far up the Connecticut as Westminster and Rock- 
ingham. But their advancement was now stopped 
by the breaking out of what was called the French 
War, which continued, as related ini|the prece- 
ding chapter, till the final conquest of Canada in 
1760. During this war, these feeble settlements 
were continually haiTassed and annoyed by the 
French and Indians. The inhabitants could not 
cultivate their fields without being every moment 
exposed to the deadly fire of a lurking foe. Their 
block-houses were frequently surprisr'd a sd taken, 
and the inhabirants either massacred, or cai'ried inio 
captivity. 

6. No permanent settlement was effected in Ver- 
mont on the west side of the Green Mountains, till 
after the conquest of Canada by the English. When 
the French proceeded up lake Champlain and erected 
their fortress at Crown Point, in 1731, they began a 
settlement at the same time on the cast side of the 



54 HISTORY 07 VERMONT. 

lake in the present townsliip of Addison. This settle- 
ment was, however, broken up and all the settlers 
retired, with the Fren$-h garrison, into Canada, 
before Gen. Amherst in 1759. 

7. Such was the original condition of Vermont, 
and such were the establishments inade within its 
limits pi-evious to the year 1760. No permanent 
settlements had been macje, at the close of this period, 
except upon the banks of Connecticut river, in the 
present county of Windham, and here the settlers 
were few and scattered, prol)ably not amounting in 
the whole to more than two or three hundred. But 
in their expeditions against the French, the English 
colonists had made themselves acquainted with the 
fertility and value of the lands lying between Con- 
necticut river and lake Champlain, and the conquest 
of Canada having now removed the difKculty and 
danger of settling them, swarms of adventurers began 
to emigrate hither, and from the year 1760. the popu- 
lation of Vermont began to increase with considerable 
rapidity. 



SECTION II. 



Controversy between JVew Hampshire and JVew Yo7'ki 
respecting the territori) of Vermont— from 1749 to 
1764. 

1. "When the English commenced their establish- 
ment at fort Dummer, that fort was supj)osed to lie 
within the limits of Massachusetts, and the settlements 
in that vicinity were first made under grants from 
that provincial government. But after a long and 
tedious controversy, between Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire respectnig their division line, king George 
II. finally decreed, on the 5th of March, 1740, that 
the northern boundary of the province of Massachu- 



CONTROVERSY N. H. -AND N. YORK. 55 

setts, be a similar curve line, pursuing the coui'se of 
the Meriiiiac river, at three miles distant on the 
north side thereofj beginning at the Atlantic ocean, 
and ending at a point due (jjorth of Patucket falls ; 
and a straight line drawn from thence due west until 
it meeis his Majesty's other governments. 

2. This line was surveyed by Richard Hazen, in 
1741, when fort Dummer ^^■as found to lie beyond 
the limits of Massachusetts to the north ; and, as the 
king of Great Britain repeatedly recommended to the 
assembly of New Ham])shire to mike provision for 
its support, it was generally supposed to have fallen 
within the jurisdiction of that province, and, being 
situated on the west side of the Connecticut, it was 
supposed that New Hampshire extended as far west- 
ward as Massachusetts ; that is, to a line twenty miles 
east of Hudson's river. 

3. In the year 1741, Benning Wentworth was 
commissioned governor of the province of New 
Hampshire. On the 3d of January, 1749, he made 
a grant of a to\^nship of land six miles scjuare, situa- 
ted, as he conceived, on the western border of New 
Hampshire, being twent}' miles east of the Hudson 
and six miles north of Massachusetts line. This 
township, in allusion to his own name, he called 
Bennington. About the same time, a correspondence 
was opened between him and the governor of the 
province of New York, in which were urged their 
respective titles to the lands on the west side of Con- 
necticut river ; yet without regard to these interfering 
claims, Wentworth proceeded to make further grants. 

4. These grants had amounted to 16 townships 
in 1754, but, this year, hostilities were commenced 
between the French and English colonies, \Ahich })ut 
a stop to further api)hcations and grants till the close 
of the war, in 1760. During this war, the New Eng- 
land troops opened a road from Charlestown in New 
Hampshire to Crown Point, and by frequendy passing 
through these lands, became well acquainted with 



56 HISTORY OF VERMOrfT. 

their fertility and value ; and the conquest of Canada 
having finally removed the danger of" settling in this 
part of the country, these Jands were now eagerly 
sought hy adventurers a^^d speculators. 

5. The governor of New Hampshire, by advice 
of his council, now ordered a survey to be made of 
Connecticut river for sixiv miles, and three tiers of 
townships to be laid out on each side. As the ap- 
plications for lands still increased, further surveys 
were ordered to be made, and so numerous Avere 
the applications, that during the year 1761, no less 
than sixty townships of six miles square were granted 
on the west side of Connecticut river. The whole 
number of grants, in one or two years more, had 
amounted to one hundred and thirty eight. Their 
extent was from Connecticut on tiie east to what was 
esteemed twenty miles east of Hudson river, so far 
as that river extended to the northward, and after 
that as far westwanj as lake Champlain. 

6. By the fees and other emoluments, which 
Wentworth received in return for these grants, and 
V)y reserving five hundred acres in each township for 
himself, he was evidently accumulating a large for- 
tune. The government of New York, wishing to 
have the jiroiits of these lands, became alarmiMl at 
the proceedings of the governor of New Hanqishire 
and determined to check them. For this purpose 
Mr Colden, liout governor of New York, on the 
28th of December, 17G3, issued a proclamation, in 
which he recited the grants made by Charles II. to 
the Duke of York, in 16G4, and in 1674, which em- 
braced among other parts " all the lands from the 
west side of Connecticut river to the east side of 
Delaware bay." Founding his claim upon this grant, 
he ordered the sherilf of the comity of Albany to 
make returns of the names of all ]>ersons who had 
taken [)ossessioii ol" lands on the w(\st side of the 
Comiectif'ut, under titles derived from the govern- 
mont of New Hampshire. 



PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS. 57 

7. To prevent the effects wliich this proclamation 
was calculated to ])ro(Uice, and to inspire confidence 
in the validity of the New Ham})shire grants, the gov- 
ernor of New Hanipsliire, on his pait, put forth a 
counter proclamation, on the 13th of March, 1764, in 
which he declared thai the grant to the Duke of York 
was obsolete ; — tljat New Hampshire extended as far 
west as Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that (he 
grants made by New Hampshire would he confirm- 
ed hy the crown, if the jurisdiction should be altered. 
He exhorted the settlers to be industrious and diligent 
in cultivating their lands, and not to be intimidated 
by the tlireatenings of New York. He required all 
the civil officers to exercise jurisdiction as far west 
as grants had been made, and to j)unish all disturbers 
of the peace. This proclamation served to quiet the 
minds of the settlers. Having purchased their lands 
under a charter from a royal governor, and after such 
assurances from him, they had no idea that a con- 
troversy between the two provinces, respecting the 
extent of the jurisdiction, would ever effect the va- 
lidity of their titles. 

8. New York had hitherto founded her claim to 
the lands in question upon the grant to the Duke of 
York, but choosing no longer to rely on so precarious 
a tenure, ap])lication was now made to the crown for 
a confirmation of their claims. This application was 
supported by a j)etition, purporting to be signed by a 
great number of the settlers on the New Ham])shire 
grouts, representing that it would be for their advant- 
age to be annexed to the colony of New York, and 
praying that the western bank of Connecticut river 
mighc be established, as the eastern boundary of that 
province. In consequence of this p(;tition and ap- 
plication of the government of New York, his Majesty, 
on the 20th of July, 1764, ordered that "the western 
bank of Connecticut river, from where it enters the 
]?rovince of Massachusetts bay, as far north as the 45th 
degree of north latitude, be the boundai-y line be- 



SB HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

tween the said provinces of New Hampshire and 
New^ York." Tliis determination does not appear to 
be founded on any previous grant, but w^as a decision 
which the wishes and convenience of the people 
were supposed to demand. 

9. Surprised as were the settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants at this order, it })roduced in them 
no serious alarm. They regarded it as merely ex- 
tending the jurisdiction of New York, in future, over 
their territory. To this jurisdiction they were willing 
to submit ; but they had no apprehension that it 
could, in any way, affect their title to the lands upon 
which they had settled. Having purchased and paid 
for them, and obtained deeds of the same under 
grants from the crown, they could not imagine by 
what perversion of justice they could be compelled, 
by the same authority, to re-purchase their lands or 
abandon them. The governor of New Hampshire, 
at first, remonstrated against this change of jurisdic- 
tion ; but was, at length, induced to abandon the 
contest, and issued a proclamation recommending to 
the proprietors and settlers, due obedience to the au- 
thority and laws of the colony of New York. 



SECTION III. 

Controversy with JVew York from 1764 to 1773. 

1. The royal decree, by which the division line 
between New Hampshire and New York was estab- 
lished, was regarded very differently by the different 
parties concerned. The settlers on the New Hamp- 
shire grants, considered, that it only placed them 
hereafter under the jtiris(hction of New York, and to 
this they wore wilhng to submit; but they had no 
idea that their titles to their lands, or that any past 
ti'ansactions, could bo affected by it. Had the gov- 



CONTROVERSY — W. Y. AND THE SETTLERS. 59 

eramenl of New York given the royal decision the 
same interpretation, no controversy would ever have 
arisen. The settlers would have acknowledged its 
jurisdiction and submitted to its authority without a 
murmur. But that government gave the decision a 
very different construction. It contended that the 
order had a retrospective operation, and decided, not 
only what should thereafter be, but what had always 
been, the eastern limit of New York, and consequent- 
ly, that the grants made by New Hauipshire were 
illegal and void. 

2. In this state of things the government of New 
York jK'oceeded to extend its jtuisdiction over the 
New Hamjjshire grants. The territory was divided 
into four counties, and courts of justice were estab^ 
hshed in each. The settlers were called upon to 
surrender their charters and re-purchase their lands 
under grants from New York. Some of them com- 
plied with this order, but most of them pereni])torily 
refused. The lands of those who did not comply, 
were therefore granted to othej-s, in whose namesr 
actions of ejectment were commenced in the courts 
at Albany, and juilgments invariably obtained against 
the settlei-s and original proprietors. 

3. The settlers soon found that they had nothing 
to hope from the customary forms of law, and there- 
fore determined upon resistance to the unjust and 
arbitrary decisions of the court, till his Majesty's 
pleasure should be further known. Having fairly 
purchased their lands of one royal governor they 
were determined, not willingly to submit and re- 
purchase them,, at an exhorbitant price, of another; 
and when the executive officers of New York came 
to eject the inhabitants from their j)ossessions, they 
met with avowed op-position, and were not suffered 
to proceed in the execution of their business. 

4. For the purpose of rendering tlieir resistance 
more effectual, various associations were formed 
among the settlers ; andy at length, a convention of 



60 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

re[)resentatives from the several towns on the west 
side of the mountains, was called. Tliis cojnention, 
after mature dL'lif)cration, appointed Samuel Robin- 
son of Bennington, an agent to represent, to the Court 
of Great Britain, the grievances of the settlers, and 
to obtain, if possible, a confirmation of the New 
Hampshire grants. The actions of ejectment were, 
however, still going on in the courts at Albany, but 
no iiii-ntion was paid to them by the settlers, nor was 
liny dyfence made ; but the settlers were very careful 
that none of the decisions of the court should be car- 
ried into execution. 

5. In consequence of the representations made 
by Mr Robhison at the British Court, his Majesty 
issued a special order, i)rohibiting the governor of 
New York, upon ])ain of his Majesty's highest dis- 
pleasure, from making any further grants wjiaisoever 
of the lands in (juestion, till his Majesty's further 
pleasure should be known concerning the same. But, 
notwithstanding this exjdicit prohibition, the gov- 
ernor of New York continued to make grants, and 
writs of ejectment continued to be issued. About 
this time, a convention of the settlers was held at 
Bennington, in v»^hich it was " Resolved to supjjort 
their rights and property which they possessed under 
the New Hampshire grants, against the usurpation 
and unjust claims of the governor and council of 
New York, hij force, as law and justice were denied 
them." 

6. A spirited and determined resistance to the 
civil officers of New York, follewed the adoption of 
this resolution, and, in consetjuence, several of the 
settlers were infUcted as riotens. But the officers 
sent to apprehend them, says a writer of that period, 
" were seized by the peojile and severely chastised 
with iwif!;s of the mlderntss.^'* A military association 
WHS now formed, of which Ethan Allen was appoint- 
ed Colonel Commandant, and Seth Warner, Remem- 
ber Barker, Robert Cockran, Gideon Warner, and 



CONTROVERSY — N. Y. AND THE GRANTS. 6l 

Bome Others were appointed cajjtains. Committees 
of safety were likewise appointed in several of the 
towns on the west side of the Green Mountains. 

7. On the other hand, the militia were ordered 
out to assist the sheriff in the execution of his office* 
But the militia of the neighborhood were rather in 
sentiment with the settlers, and had no disposition to 
hazard their lives for the emolument of a few specu- 
lators ; and the sheriff found his power as unavailing 
with the posse comitatus, as without them ; for upon the 
appearance of an armed opposition, he found it im- 
possible to keej) the militia together. While affairs 
were in this state, the governor of New York issued 
a proclamation, offering a reward of £150 for the 
apprehension of Ethan Allen, and £50 each, for Seth 
Warner and five others. Allen and the other pre- 
scribed persons, in their turn, issued a proclamation 
offering five pounds for apprehending and deliv- 
ering to any officer of the Grten Mountain Boys, the 
attorney General of the colony of New York. 

8. lu 1772 the governor of New York made an 
attempt to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of 
the New Hampshire grants, and with that view wrote 
to the Rev. IMr Dewy of Bennington, and to the in- 
habitants of Bennington and the adjacent country, 
inviting them to lay before him tiie causes of their ille- 
gal proceedings. He assured them that, both he' and 
the council, were disposed to give them such relief as 
the situation and circumstances of the peoj)le would 
justify, and he engaged lull security and protection to 
any persons they might choose to send to New York 
on tbat business, excepting Alien, Warner and three 
others. 

9. Answers were written to this commimication 
of Gov. Tryon, by the inhabitants, and L)y the ex- 
cepted persons, in which they gave an explanation 
of their conduct, and of the pjinciples upon which 
they acted. They also appointed Capt, Stephen Fay 
and Mr Jurias Fay to wait upon the governor with 
their communicatiuns, and negotiate business on the 

6 



62 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

part of the settlers. These agents were kindly re- 
ceived by his Excellency, and had their grievances 
laid before the council. The council reported in 
their favor, and recoinmenrled that his Excellency 
afford all the relief in his power, by suspending, until 
his Majesty's pleasure should be known, all prosecu- 
tions in behalf of the crown, on account of crimes 
with which the settlers stood charged. They further 
reconnnended that the owners of disputed landsy 
claimed under gi'ants from New York, should sus- 
pend, during the same period, all civil suits concern- 
ing the lands in question. 

10. The report was approved by the governor 
and communicated to the inhabitants of Bennington 
and the vicinity. But while this business was trans- 
acting, the Green Mountain Boys proceeded to dis- 
possess certain settlers upon Otter Creek, who claim- 
ed their lands under titles derived from New York ; 
in consequence of which the overnor again ad- 
dressed a letter to the inhabitants requiring the 
lands and tenements to be restored forthwith to the 
dispossessed persons. An answer to this letter was 
returned by a convention of delegates from the prin- 
cipal towns on the west side of the mountains held 
at Manchester, August 27th, 1772, in which they 
gave a minute and full account of their transactions> 
in dispossessing the settlers on Otter Creek and con- 
tended that their proceedings were justifiable from 
the cinMimstances of the case. The inhabitants re- 
quested his Excellency to return an answer to their 
communication, but it does not appear that he saw 
fit to comi)Iy, and here the negotiation pcrobably end- 
ed. 



CHARACTER OF THB SETTLERS. 63 



SECTION IV. 

Vharacier of the settlers on the JVeiv Hampsire grants 
and their modes of punishment. 

1. The settlers on the New Hami)shire grants 
were a brave, hardy, but uncultivated race of men. 
They knew little of the etiquette of refined society, 
were blessed with few of the advantages of educa- 
tion, and were destitute of the elegancies, and in 
iHost cases of the common conveniences of life. 
They were sensible that thej?^ must rely upon the la- 
bor of their own hands for their daily subsistence, 
:and for the accummulation of property. They 
possessd minds which were naturally strong and ac- 
tive, and they were aroused to the exercise of their 
highest energies by the difficulties which they were 
compelled to encounter. The controversy in which 
they were engaged involved their dearest rights. 
On its issue depended not only their titles to their 
possessions, but, in many cases, their personal liberty 
and safety. Though unskilled in the rules of logic, 
their reasoning was strong and conclusive, and they 
possessed the courage and perseverance necessary 
for carrying their decisions into execution. 

2. We have already observed that, at the head of 
the opposition to the proceedings of New York, 
stood Ethan Allen, a man obviously fitted by na- 
ture for the circumstances and exigencies of the 
times. Bold, ardent and unyielding, he possessed 
an unusual degree of vigor both of body and mind, 
and an unlimited confidence in his own abilities. 
With these qualifications, the then existing state of 
.the settlement rendered him peculiarly fitted to be- 
come a prominent and successful leader. During 
the progress of the controversy, Allen wrote and dis- 
persed several pamphlets, in which he exhibited, in 



64 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

a manner peculiar to himself, and well suited to the 
state of public feeling, the injustice and cruelty of 
the claims and ])roceedings of New York. And al- 
though tliese pami)h]cts are unworthy of notice as 
literaiy productions, yet, they were at the time exten- 
sively circulated, and contributed much to inform the 
minds, arouse the zeal, and unite the efforts of the 
settlers. 

3. The uncultivated roughness of Allen's temper 
and manners were well suited to give a just descrip- 
tion of the views and proceedings of a band of 
speculating and unprincipled land jobbers. His 
method of writing was likewise well adapted to the 
condition and feelings of the setders, and probably 
exerted a gi'eater influence over their opinions and 
conduct; than the same sentiments would have done 
clothed in the chaste style of classic elegance. Nor 
did it differ greatly m style, or literary merit, from 
the pamphlets which came from New York. But 
though Allen wrote with asperity and freedom, there 
was something generous and noble in his conduct. 
He refrained from every thing which had the appear- 
ance of meanness, injustice, cruelty or abuse towards 
those who fell into his power, and protested against 
the same in others. 

4. Next to Allen, Seth Warner seems to have 
acted the most conspicuous part among the settlers. 
He, like Allen, was firm and resolute, fully detennin- 
ed that the decisions of New York against the settlers 
should never be carried into execution. But while 
Allen was daring and sometimes rash and imprudent, 
Warner was always cool, calm and comi)aratively, 
cautious. After Warner was proscribed as a rioter, 
an othcer was sent from New York to apprehend 
him. He, considering it an affair of open hostility, 
defended himself against the officer, and in turn at- 
tacked, wounded and disarmed him ; but, with the 
spirit and generosity of a soldier, he spared his life. 

5^ Notwithstanding the attempts which had been 



MODES OF PUMSHMENT. 65 

made to arrest the progress of the controversy and 
the orders which had been received from the crown, 
it does not appear that the government of New York 
had, at any time, taken measures to prevent the lo- 
cation and settlement of lands under New York 
titles. The cause of contention therefore still remain- 
ed. A reconciliation had been attempted, and ,its 
failure served to embitter the resentment of the con- 
tending parties, and to produce a state of hostility 
more decided and alarming. 

6. It appears tiiat committees were appointed in 
'the several towns on the west side of the mountains, 
;and that these committees met in convention, or gen- 
eral committee, as occasion required, to concert 
measures for the common defence. Sy this conven- 
tion it had been decreed that no person should take 
grants, or confirmations of grants, under the govern- 
ment of New York. They also forbade " all the 
inhabitants in the district of the New Hampshire 
grants to hold, take, or accept any ofiice of lionor, or 
profit, under the colony of New York ; and all civil 
and military ofiicers, who Iiad acted under the au- 
thority of the governor, or legislature of New York 
were required to suspend their functions on the pain 
of being viewed^ 

7. These decrees had all the force of law, and the 
infraction of them was always punished with exem- 
plary severity. The punishment most frequently 
inflicted was the application of the ^^ beech seaV to the 
naked back, and banishment from the grants. This 
mode of punishment derived its name from allusion 
to the great seal of the province of New Hami)shire, 
which was afiixed to the charters of the townships 
granted by the governor of that province, of which 
the beech rod, well laid upon the naked backs of the 
" Yorkers,^^ and their adherents, was humorously con- 
sidered a confirmation. 

8. That the reader may have a just idea of the 
flummary manner in which the convention and com- 

6* 



66 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

mittoes proceeded against tliose who violated their 
decrees, we will hiy before them the sentence ofBen- 
jajnin lloiigh, as a sanjj)le. It a])pears that the 
culprit iiad accepted ihe office of justice of the peace 
unclerthe anthoriiy of iN^ew V'ork, and had ofliciated in 
that ca[)acity. Being arrested and brought before the 
connnittee of safety at Sunderland, he pleaded the 
jurisdictiou and autiiority of New Yorlc, but was 
answtM'cd by the decr(;e of the coiivcnlioii, which 
forbade all })ersons holding aiiy office, civil, or mili- 
tary, under the colony of New York. The connnittee 
therefore in the ])resence of a large concourse of peo- 
ple ])ronounced upon Jiiin the following sentence, 
viz. " Thai Ihe prisoner he taken from the bar of this 
cnmniitlee 'f safety and he lied to a tree, and there, on his 
naked hack, receive one hundred stripes ; his hctck be- 
hiff dressed, he should depart cut of the district, and on 
return, to suffer death, unless bj special leave of com- 
mittee.^' 

9. Ahhough the application of the beech seal was 
the njost coinmoii piihishment, others were frequent- 
ly resorted to. >S()i>ie of ihese were in their nature 
tridini!: and nuerih!. TIk^ following liiav serve as a 
specimen. A gentlciMJin of Arlingron became a par- 
tisan of Nfnv Vork and spoke iu jeproachlul terms 
of the conv(,Mition Jimloffb'' [>rnfeedings of the (Jreen 
Moiiiiliiiu Jioy,-^. Jlc ad\is';(] the settlers to yiil.'iiiit to 
New York, and re-j)urcliase their lands from that 
government. Being r<M|ucsted to desist, and disre- 
garding it, he was arresled <uid «'ari-ied to the Green 
Moujitain tiiverii in In-nuiiiglon. Tin; committee 
after hearing his d(3fe)!ce ordfjred him ''to be tied in 
an armed chair, antl hoisted to the i^ii:^n, (a rat amount^s 
skin, slitffed, silling' upon the sitrn pi>st tweidij five fed 
fri'nii the irronnd. with laru;e teeth, n'rinviui^' ioivards J\\w 
York), and there to hang two. hours in sight of the 
peo]>le, as a ])imishment merited l)y his emnitj' to the 
rights and liberties of the inhabitants of the New 
Hampshire grants." This sentence was executed to 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. ^ 

the no small merriment of a large concourse of peo- 
ple ; and when he was let dowti he was dismissed by 
the conmittee with the exhortation to ■' go and sin 
no more." 



11 S E C 'C ION V . 

Controversy with. .,Ye?y York from 1773 to 1775 — Mina- 
torjf act of JVtLo York — Resolutions and remonstrance 
of the settlers. 

1. Tiie proceedings of the settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants against those who were sent to 
dis{>ossess them of their lands, and their simnnary 
treatment of those whom they conceived to he ene- 
mies to their rights and lii)erties, were reganled by 
the government of New York, as open arts of treason 
and rebellion. They looked upon the (ireen Monn- 
tain Bo3^s as a lawless bandilii, and, confident in their 
own strength, anvl mis«'akMdatiiig the power, and re- 
sistance of a few dcLormined spirits acting on the 
defenciv'c, and driven to despera'.ion, they resolved 
to bring them to nieiitcd ])niii.-hnseni. For this pur- 
pose the)' i^roceeded to arlopi measures "the most 
minatojy and despotic of any thing which had ever 
appeared in the British Colonies." 

2. A committco^of the' general {assembly of New 
York, on the 5th day of February, 1774, passed sev- 
eral resolutions, expressive of their opinion of what 
they were pleased to call the la\^ less an. I riotous 
proceedings of the " Bennington Mob ;^^ and, among 
other things, they desired his Excellen'-y, the gover- 
nor to offer, by proclamation, a reward for ai>i)rchend- 
ingand securing the ringleaders, in those transactions, 
in the jail at Albany. This committee also recom- 
mended tliat a law should be passed, the object of 



tJ8 HISTORY or VERMONT, 

which should be, more effectually " to suppress riotous 
and disorderly proceedings, and to bring offenders to 
condign punishment." 

3. A knowledge of the doings of this committee 
having reached the settlers, through the public 
prints, a general meeting of the committees of the 
several townships, Avas held at the house of Eliakini 
Wellers, in Manchester, on the first day of March, 
1774, and afterwards by adjournment, at Jehial Haw- 
ley's, in Arlington, on the third Wednesday of the 
same month. At this meeting, was drawn up a 
sketch of the ])roceedings previous to this period, 
and, after recommending to the government of New 
York to wait the determination of his Majesty, before 
proceeding to further extremities, it wa^ resolved, 
" that as a country, we will stand by and defend our 
friends and neighbors who are indicted at the expense 
of our lives and fortunes." It was also resolved " that, 
for the future every necessary preparation be made, 
and that our inhabitants hold themselves in readiness, 
at a minute's warning, to aid and defend those friends 
of ours, who, for their activity in the great and gen- 
eral cause, are falsely denominated rioters." It was, 
at the same time, agreed, that th(,'y should act only 
on tho defensive, and should encourage the execution 
of the laws in civil cases, and also in criminal j)rose- 
cutions " that were so indeed.'''' 

4. While the convention of the New Hampshire 
grants was discussing and adoi)ting these resolutions, 
the general assembly of New York was proceeding 
to cany into effect the resolutions of the 5th ofFeb- 
mary ; and on the 9th of March, 1774, they enacted 
a law which put an <>nd to all prospect of reconcilia- 
tion. This extraordinary law, (which is of too great 
length to be inserted entire,) enacted, among other 
things equally sanguinary and despotic, — that if any 
person, or persons, oppose any civil officer of New 
York, in the discharge of his official duty, " or wihijlly 
burn, or destroy, the grain, corn, or hay, of any otiier 



CONTROVERSY WITH KEYT TORK. 09 

persons being in any inclosure ; or if any persons 
unlauRilly, riotously and tuniultuously assembled to- 
gether to the disturbance of the public peace, shall, 
unlawfully and with force, demolish, or pu'l down, 
or begin to demolish, or pull down any dwelling- 
house, barn, stable, grist-mill, saw- mill, or out-house, 
withhi either of the said counties of Albany and Char- 
lotte ; that then each of said offences shall be adjudged 
felony, without benefit of clergy, and the offenders 
therein shall be adjudged felons, and shall suffer death, 
as in cases of felony, without benefit of clergy." 

5. It was made the duty of the governor to pubHsh 
the names of such yjersons, in the public papers, as 
were indicted in either of the counties of Alhany, or 
Charlotte, for any offence made capital by this or any 
other law, with an order in council ccmmandhigsuch 
offender, or offendei"s, to surrender themselves respec- 
tively, within the space of seventy days next after 
the publication thereof. This order was to be for- 
warded to the sheriffs and posted up in several public 
places. " And in case such offenders shall not re- 
spectively surrender themselves, he or they, so neg- 
lecting, or refusing, shall, from the day appointed for 
his surrendry, as aforesaid, be adjudged, d^meed 
and, (if indicted for a capital offence hereafter to be 
perpetrated,) convicted of felony, and shall suffer 
death, as in cases of persons convicted of felony by 
verdict and judgment, without benefit of clergy." 

6. All crimes committed on the grants, were, by 
this act, permitted to be tried in the county, and by 
the courts, of Albany ; and the courts were empow- 
ered by it, to award execution against such as should 
be indicted for capital offences, and who should not 
surrender themselves in conformity to the order of 
the governor and council, in the same manner as if 
they had been convicted on a fair and impartial trial. 
A proclamation was at the same time issued by the 
governor of New York, offering a reward of £50 each 
Sot apprehending and securing, Ethan Allen, Seth 



70 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Warner, Remember Barker, Roljert Cockran, Peleg- 
Sunderland, Silvanus Brown, James Brack enridgo,^ 
and James Smith, whom they considered the most 
obnoxous of the settlers. 

7. We have already observed that the passage of 
the forgoing law put an end to all prospect of recon- 
ciliation, or submission to the claims of New York. 
It was regarded by the settlers on the New Hamp- 
shire grants, as originating solely in the avarice of a 
set of unprincipled speculators, who coveted their 
lands with their valuable improvements ; and as de- 
signed to terrify them into submission. They were 
satisfied that the ])opular sentiment was in their 
favor, that the great body of the })eople of New York 
felt no interest in enforcing the claims of that pro- 
vince to the lands in question, and former experience 
had proved that the militia could not be brought ta 
act against them with any effect. 

8. Under such circumstances, the threatenings and' 
arbitrary laws of that government were far from in- 
spiring terror. They were rather regarded by the 
settlers with contempt, and, instead of palsying, they 
tended to nerve the arm of resistance. Indeed, the 
idea of submission seems never, for a moment,, to 
have been entertained b} these brave and determined^ 
veterans. Having been long inured to toils and 
hardships, they were prepared to encounter difficulties 
and dangers with unflinching resolution and firmness. 
And so very highly did they })rize their personal 
rights and liberties, that, rather than surrender them 
to the arbitrary claims of New York, they almost 
unanimously, resolved to meet death, if necessai-y, in 
their defence. 

9. These views and feelings are fidly manifested 
in the remonstrance which they made against the fore- 
going law, as will appear from a few brief cxtitacts, 
taken from that fearless and spirited production. Af- 
ter portraying, in their peculiar style, the character 
of the New York government, they proceeded to-say^ 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 71 

" that by legerdemain, bribery and deception, they 
have extended their dominions far and wide. They 
have v^^rangled with, and encroached upon, the neigh- 
boring governments, and have used all manner of 
deceit and fraud to accomplish their designs. Their 
tenants groan under their usury and oppression, and 
they have gained, as well as merited, the disappro- 
bation and abhorrence of their neighbors. The inno- 
cent blood they have already shed, calls for Heaven's 
vengence on their guilty heads; and, if they should 
come forth in arms against us, thousands of their 
injured neighbors will join with us, to cut off and 
exterminate such an execrable race of men from the 
face of the earth." 

10. Again, says that document : " we therefore 
advertise such officers, and all persons whatsoever, 
that we are resolved to inflict immediate death on 
whomsoever may attempt the same; (that is, the ap- 
prehension of any of the persons indicted as rioters.) 
And provided any of us, or our party shall be taken, 
and we have not notice sufficient to relieve them ; or 
whether we relieve them or not, we are resolved to 
surround such person, or persons, as shall take them 
whether at his, or their own house, or houses, or 
any where that we can find him, or them, and shoot 
such person or persons dead. And furthermore, we 
will kill and destroy any person or persons whomso- 
ever, that shall presume to be accessary, — aiding or 
assisting in taking any one of us, as aforesaid ; for, by 
these presents, we give any such disposed person, or 
persons, to understand, that although they have a 
license by the law aforesaid, to ^i7/ us ; and an 'in- 
demnification' for such murder, from the same 
authority, yet they have no indemnification for so 
doing from the Green Mountain Boys ; for our lives, 
liberties and properties are as verily precious to us as 
to any of the king's subjects; but if the governmental 
authonty of JVew York insista upon killing tis, to take 
possession of our " vineyards^'' — let them come on ; we 



72 HISTORY OP VERMONT. 

are ready for a game of scalping with them, for our 
martial spirits glow with bitter indignation and con-' 
summate fury, to blast their infernal projects." 

11. The remonstrance, from which the foregoing 
are extracts, was dated the 26th day of April, 1774, 
and signed by Ethan Allen and six others. About 
this time a plan was concerted to avoid the jurisdic- 
tion of New York, by having the New Hampshire 
grants erected into a separate royal government. To 
effect this object, Philip Skeen, a colonel in one of 
the king's regiments, and the owner of lai-ge posses- 
sions on lake Champlain, went over to Great Britain^, 
and seems to have met with some success ; but noth- 
ing decisive had been done when the revolutioB 
commenced, which put an end to the negociation. 

12. The opposition to the claims of New York 
had hitherto been confined, princi})ally, to the inhabi-- 
tants on the west side of the mountains. The settlers 
on the grants in the vicinity of Connecticut river, had- 
many of them, surrendered their original chaiterSy 
and had taken new ones under the authority of New 
York. In several of the towns the.y submitted quietly 
to the jurisdiction of that colony, and stood, in a 
measure, unconcerned sj)ectators of the controversy 
in which the settlers on the more westerly grants, 
were so deeply involved. And where this was not 
the case, they had not yet been driven to desperation 
by the executive officers of New York. Tliey were 
not, however, indifferent to the policy of Great Brit- 
ain towards her American Colonies. The settlers 
on tlie New llami)shire grants were, generally, eme- 
grants from the other New England provinces, and 
they readily sym])athized witlt their kindred and 
friends, and were by no means backward in imbibing 
tho growing spirit of op])osition to the oppressive and 
arbitrary mcasines pursued by the mother country 
towards her colonies. 

13. The affairs of the colonies had assumed so 
alarming an asj)cct, that delegates from most of the 



CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 73 

pro-vinces met at Pliiladelphia on the 5th of Sej»tem- 
ber, 1774, to consult upon measures for the common 
safety. The meeting of this congress was followed 
by an almost universal suspension of the royal au- 
thority in all the colonies, excepting New York, which 
refused its assent to the measures recommended by 
that body, and the courts of justice were either shut 
up or adjourned without doing any business. The 
first interruption of this kind in the colony of New 
York, happened in the county of Cumberland, on 
the New Hampshire grants. 

14. The stated session of the court for that county 
was to have been holden at Westminster, on the 13th 
of March, 1775. Much dissatisfaction prevailed in 
the county because New York had refused to adopt 
the resolves of the continental Congress, and exertions 
were made to dissuade the judges from holding the 
court. But, as they persisted in doing it, some of 
the inhabitants of Westminster and the adjacent 
towns, took possession of the court house at an early 
hour in order to prevent the officers of the court from 
entering. The court party soon appeared before the 
court house, armed with gmis, swords and pistols and 
commanded the peojjle to dis])crse. But, as they 
refused to obey, some harsh languao-e passed between 
them and the court party retired-to their quarters. 

15. The people then had an interview^ with judge 
Chandler, who assured thcjn that they might have (jui- 
et possession of the hoUvSe till morning, when the conit 
should come in without arms, and should hear what 
they had to lay before them. But, contrary to this 
declaration, about eleven o'clock at night, the sheriff, 
with the other officers of the court, attended by an 
armed force, repaired to the court house. Being 
refused admittance, some of the party tired into the 
house and killed one man and wounded several oth- 
ers. The woundcd'mon they seized and dragged to 
prison, with some otliers who did not auccce<l in 
n^akins? their escape. 

7 



74 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

16. By means of those who escaped, the news of 
this massacre was quickly spread, and before noon 
the next day, a large body of armed men had collected. 
A jury of inquest brought in a verdict, that the man 
was murdered by the court party. Several of the 
officers were made prisoners and confined in the 
jail at Northampton, in Massachusetts. But, upon 
the application to the Chief Justice of New York, 
they were released from prison and returned home. 

17. These proceedings aroused the spirit of oppo- 
sition to New York throughout the grants on the east 
side of the mountains. A meeting of committees 
from the several townships was^held at Westminster^ 
on the 11th of April, 1775, at which a number of 
spirited resolutions were adopted relative to the late 
unhappy transactions. Among other things it was 
voted, " That it is the duty of the inhabitants, as 
predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self 
preservation, wholly to renounce and resist the ad- 
ministration of the government of New York, until 
such times as the lives and property of the inhabitants 
may be secured by it." 

18. Thus were the settlers on the east side of the 
mountains driven to make common cause with their 
brethren on the west, in opposing the government of 
New York. The indignation of the settlers through- 
out the New Hampshire grants was now raised to 
the highest pitch, and probably the commencement 
of the American war at Lexington, on the 19th of 
April, was the only thing which prevented the parties 
proceeding to open hostilities. This event produced 
a shock which was felt throughout the colonies ; 
local and j)rovincial contests were at once swallowed 
up by the novelty, the grandeur and the importance 
of the contest thus opened between Great Britain and 
Ijer American colonies. 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 75 

SECTION VI. 

Brief review of the progress of settlement previous to 
the Revolution. 

1. It has already been remarked that, although 
several establishments had been made in Vermont 
previous to that time, the commencement of the set- 
tlement may projierly be dated from the conquest of 
Canada in 1760. In that year, the whole number of 
settlers on the territory of Vermont did not exceed 
300 persons, and althouf^h the settlem.?nt began from 
that time sensii)ly to advance, it was by no means 
rapid till after the treaty of peace, in 1763, by which 
Canada was ceeded to Great Britain. In 1764, set- 
tlements had been commenced in most of the town- 
ships on Connecticut river as far north as Newbury, 
and in several townships on the west side of tlie 
Green Mountains. 

2. In 1765, the government of New York, having 
acquired authority from the British crown to exercise 
jurisdiction over the New Hampshire grants as far 
eastward as Connecticut river, caused a division to 
be made of the territoiy into counties. The south- 
western parts about Bennington, were annexed to 
the county of Albany ; the northwestern, towards lake 
Champlain, were erected into a county by the name 
of Charlotte, and on the east side of the mountain, 
Cumberland county was formed of the southeastern 
parts, and Gloucester county of the northeastern. 

3. This was the first division of Vermont into coun- 
ties, and the only division of the kind previous to the 
revolution ; and if the limits of these counties were 
then accurately defined, it is now difficult to deter- 
mine where they were. It, however, appears probable 
from documents published in Ethan Allen's Vindi- 
cation of Vermont, that the division between the 
counti»>3 of Albany and Charlotte passexl along tlie 
W)uth lines of the townships of Rujjert, Dorset and 



76 HI STORY OF VERMONT. 

Peru, and thnt Cumberland (bounty extended so far 
northward as to include about one third part of the 
present county of Windsor. The division lines be- 
tween the counties were, however, a matter of little 
consequence, towards the close of this period, for 
when the goverumeut of New York found the op- 
position to their measures so determined and so 
general among the setth^j's on the grants, they gave 
the court of Albany county jurisdiction over the whole 
tract of country. This gave rise to the expression, 
unlimited county of Albany, so fi-eque]]tly used by the 
Vermont pamjihleters during the controversy, with 
New York. 

4. Previous to the year 1770, scarcely any settle- 
ments had been made oji the west side of the Green 
Mountains to the northward of the ])resent county of 
Bennington. During the next year, 1771, settlenjents 
were commenced in several townships in Rutland 
county, and this year was taken the first census of the 
inhabitants on the grants on the east side of the 
mountains. By this enumeration it appears that 
Cumberland county contained, in 1771, 3947 hdiabi- 
tants, and Gloucester county 722, and it was estimated 
that these two counties contained at that time two 
thirds of the people in the whole district. The whole 
number of inhabitants must therefore have been 
about 7000. 

5. No complete census was taken till the year 1791, 
and hence it is impossible to determine the precise 
poj)ulation of Vermont at the time of the com- 
mencement of the American Revolution. But as the 
settlements were raj)idly extending during the five 
years succeeding the year 1771, we may safely con- 
clude, that the whole po[)ulation of Vermont at the 
commencement of the war was jit least 20,000. Ai)out 
the close of the war we find the ])oj)uIation incident- 
ally estimated by Doct. Williams at 30,000 souls. 



HISTORY OF VEKMONT. 



CHAPTER III. 

REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



SECTION' I. 



Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga — Invasion 
of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col Warner — St 
Johns and Montreal taken by Gen. Montgomery — As- 
sault upon Qiiebec. 

1. As all minor contests and sectional difficulties 
were, for a while, swallowed up by the great and mo- 
mentous concerns of the revolution, we shall now pro- 
ceed to a brief statement of those mcidents in the war 
for independence, with Avhich the people of Vermont 
were more immediately concerned. The affiiirs at 
Lexington ])roduced a shock, which was felt from 
one extremity of the colonies to the other ; and it was 
now perceived that their only reliance for safety was 
to be placed in a vigorous and effectual resistance 
to the arms and arbitrary power of Great Britain. 

2. The military posts on lake Champlain were at 
this time garrisoned by British soldiers, and the Brit- 
ish government had been pursuing measures, by 
which they might, if necessary, avail themselves of 

the strength and resources of Canada, for the puipose 

7> 



T8 His'JORr or Vermont. 

of subjugating their other colonies, in case of revolt. 
The importance, therefore, of securing these posts 
to the Americans, was at once perceived, and the 
design of effecting this object, engaged at the same 
time the attention of several adventurers, both in 
Massachusetts aiid Connecticut, who were utterly 
ignorant of each other's views. But the lirst active 
measures for accom})lisliing an undertaking so desir- 
able as the reduction of these posts, appear to have 
been taken by several enterprising gentlemen of 
Connecticut. 

3. As the success of the enterprise depended upon 
its being managed with secrecy and dispatch, they 
obtained of the Connecticut legislature a loan of 
$1800, and, having procured a quantity of })owder 
and balls, they hastened forward to Bennington with 
the view of engaging Etlian Allen in the business. 
Allen readily undertook to conduct the enterprise and 
set off to the northward with his usual spirit of 
promptness and activity for the pur})ose of enlisting 
and collecting men for the expedition. The gentle- 
men ii'om Connecticut, having purchased a quantity of 
provisions, proceeded to Castlcton, where they were 
joined by Allen with his recruits. 

4. While they were collecting at Castleton, Col 
Arnold arrived there attended only by a servant. Tliis 
oflicer had been chosen ca))tain of an independent 
company at New Haven in Connecticut, and, as soon 
as he* heard of the battle at Lexington, be marched 
his comj)any to Cambridge, where the Americans 
were ussembling to invest Boston. There he received 
a Colonel's cummission Irom the Massachusetts com- 
mittee of safety with orders to raise 400 men for the 
reduction of 'J'iconderogaand Crown Point, which ho 
rej)rescntod to be in a ruinous condition and feebly 
garrisoned. His commission being exanjined, Arnold 
was permitted to join the party; but it was ordered 
by a council that Allen should also have the commis- 
sion of Colonel, and should be first in command. 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 79 

5. To procure intelligence, Capt. Noah Phelps, one 
ot the gentlemen from Connecticut, went into the 
fort at Ticonderoga in the habit of one of the settlers, 
where he enquired for a harber, under the pretence 
of wanting to he shaved. By affecting an awkward 
appearance, and asking many simple questions, he 
passed unsuspected and had a favorable opportunity 
of observing the condition of the works. Having 
obtained the necessary informaiion, he returned to 
the party, and the same night they began their march 
for the fort. And these affairs had been conducted 
with so much expedition, that Allen reached Orwell, 
opposite to Ticonderoga, with his men in the evening 
of the 9th of May, while the garrison were without 
any knowledge of the proceedings and without.any 
apprehension of a hostile visit. 

(j. The whole force collected on this occasion 
amounted to 270 men, of whom 230 were Green 
Mountain Boys. It was with difficulty that boats 
could be obtained to carry over the troops. A Mr 
Douglas was sent to Brid])ort to procure aid in men, 
and a scow belonging to Mr Smith. Douglas stopped 
by the way to enlist a Mr Cha])man in the enterprise, 
when James Wilcox and Joseph Tyler, two young 
men, who were cibed in the chamber, hearing the story, 
conceived the design of decoying on shore a large 
oar boat belonging to Maj. Skeen, and which then lay 
off against Willow point. They dressed, seized their 
guns and a jug of rum, of which they knew the black 
commander to be extremely fond, — gathered foiu" 
men as they went, and, arriving all armed, they bailed 
the boat and offered to help row it to Shoreham, if 
they would carry them there immediately to join a 
hunting l>arty, that would be waiting for them. The 
stratagem succeeded, and poor Jack and his two men 
suspected nothing till they arrived at vVllen's head 
quarters, where they were made i)risoners of war. 

7. Douglas arrived with the scow about the same 
time, and, some other boats havhig been collected, 



80 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

Allen embarked with 83 men and landed near tlie 
fort. As the morning was advancing, it was deemed 
inexpedient to wait for the remainder of the men to 
pass over. Arnold now wished to assnme the com 
niand, and swore that he would lead the men into 
the fort. Allen swore he should not, but that he him- 
self would be the fii'st man tliat should enter. As the 
dispute grew warm, some of the gentlemen interpos- 
ed, and it was agreed that they should both enter at 
the same time, but that Allen should enter on the 
right and have the command. 

8. Accordingly, a little after day break in the 
morning of the 10th of May, 1775, they advanced 
toAvanls the works followed by their men. Tlie sentry 
at the outer post snapped his fusee at Allen, and, 
retreating through the covered way, was followed by 
the Americans, who were immediately draAvn up on 
the parade within the fort. With so great expedi- 
tion and silence was this business accomplished that 
the garrison, excepting the sentries, were not awaken- 
ed from their slumbers, till arosued by the huzzas of 
the Green Mountain Boys, already in possession of 
the fort. The Capt. De Laplace, without waiting to 
dress himself, hastened to the door of the barrack, 
when Allen sternly commanded him to surrender, 
or he would put the whole garrison to the sword. De 
Laplace enquired by what authority he demanded it. 
I demand it, says Allen, "m the name of the Great Je- 
hovah and the Continental Cons'ress.''^ 

9. Surrounded by the Americans, the British cap- 
tain perceived that resistance was vain, and surrend- 
ered the garrison ])risoners of war, without knowing 
by what authority Allen was acting, or that hostilities 
had commenced between Great Britain and her co- 
lonies. As soon as Allen had landed with his party, 
the boats were sent back for the remainder of the 
men, Avho had been left under the command of Col 
Seth Warner. Warner arrived soon after the place 
surrendered, and takii','" the command of a party, set 



"REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 81 

off for the reduction of Crown Point, which was gar- 
risoned only by a sergeant and twelve men. They 
surrendered upon the first summons, and Warner 
took j)ossession of the fort. Skeensborough was also 
taken, the same day, by another party, and Major 
Skecn made prisojier. 

10. By these enterprises, the Americans captured 
a British Major, a Captain, a Lieutenant and forty 
four privates. In the forts, they foimd more than 200 
pieces of cannon, some mortars and howitzers, and 
large quantities of military stores ; and also a ware- 
house filled with materials, for carrying on the business 
of building boats. All these cost not the Americans 
a single man. 

11. Elated with their success, thev now determined 
to secure the command of lake Champlain,by getting 
l)ossession of an armed sloop, which then lay at St 
Johns. For this purpose they armed and manned 
a schooner, and ])rocured a number of batteaux. Ar- 
nold took command of the schooner, and Allen of 
the batteaux, and they both set out together upon the 
ex})edition. But a fresh wind springing up from the 
south, the schooner out sailed the batteaux and Ar- 
nold soon reached St Johns, where he surprised and 
captured the sloop. Tlie wind innnediately shifting 
to the north, Arnold set sail with his prize, and met 
Allen with liis batteaux at some distance from St 
Johns. Thus, in the course of a few days, and by a 
few daring individuals, Avas lake Champlain and its 
important fortresses secured to the Americans. 

12. The American Congress, having received in- 
telligence that the governor of Canada had been 
making exertions to engage the Canadians and In- 
dians to fall upon the fi-ontier of the colonies, deter- 
mined to send a body of American troops into that 
provijice, in the hopes that the Canadians would join 
the other colonics, in opposition to Great Britain. 
For this puri)Ose, it was proposed to raise 2000 men, 
wlw weix) to be piac<Ml under tlie command of Gen- 



82 ' HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

eral Schuyler and Montgomery. Much pains were 
taken to raise the troops, and a large number of 
batteaux and flat bottomed boats were built at Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point to convey the forces to 
Canada. 

13. Montgomery set out from Crown Point, on the 
21st of August, but soon received intelligence that 
the British Gen. Carleton was prepared to obstruct 
his designs — that he had provided a considerable na- 
val force and was about enterii^g the lake with a body 
of British troops. To prevent this, Montgomery pio- 
ceeded down the lake, with the forces which had 
arrived, to the Isle La Motte, where he was soon join- 
ed by Gen, Schuyler ; and they both moved forward to 
the isle Aux Noix, where they took proper measures 
to prevent the passage of the British vessels into the 
lake. 

14. From this place, the American generals sent 
proclamations into the adjacent countiy, assuring the 
Canadians that they had no designs against them, and 
inviting them to unite with the Americans in asserting 
their rights and securing their liberties. On the 6th 
of September, they proceeded without opposition 
towards St Johns with their whole force, which did 
not exceed 1000 men. A landing was effected about 
a mile and a half from the fort, but, while advancing 
to reconnoiter the works, their left was attacked by 
a party of Indians, who killed three and wounded 
eight of the Americans. The Indians were, however, 
soon repulsed, with the loss of five killed and four 
severely wounded. Finding the fortress well garri- 
soned and prepared to make a vigorous defence, the 
Americans thought it prudent to return to the Isle 
Aux Noix, and there wait the arrival of their artillery 
and re-inforcemcnts, which wer«i daily expected. 

15. Schuyler returned to Albany to conclude a 
treaty, which had been some time negotiating, with 
tlie Indians, leaving the command to Montgomery. On 
tho 17th of September, Montgomery, having receiv- 



REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 83 

ed the expected reinforcements, proceeded to St 
Johns and laid siege to that fortress. The place was 
garrisoned by the greatest part of two British regi- 
ments, and contained nearly all the regular troops in 
Canada, and it was at the same time well suppjie'i 
with artilleiy, ammunition and military stores. The 
first measure of Montgomery, was an attempt to de- 
tach the Indians, who had joined Gen. Carlton, from 
the British cause. Having succeeded in this, parties 
of the provincials were dispersed over the country 
and were favorably received by the Canadians. 

16. x4s Col Ethan Allen, with 80 men, was return- 
ing from one of these excursions, he was met by Maj. 
Brown who was out upon the same business with 
200 men. Brown informed Allen that Montreal was 
entirely without defence and might easily be surpris- 
ed ; and ic was linally agreed between them that they 
should proceed to make an immediate attempt upon it. 
Allen was to cross the river and land a little north of the 
city, while Brown was to land a little to the south, and 
both were to commence the attack at the same time. 
Allen crossed over with his little band of 80 men, in the 
night, as had been agreed, but he waited in vain for 
the appearance of Brown to co-operate with him. 
And when day light appealed and rendered the sur- 
prise of the place impracticable, instead of sa\ing 
himself by a retreat, Allen rashly determined to main- 
tain his groimd. 

17. Gen. Carlton soon received intelligence of Al- 
len's situation, and early in the morning marched out 
against him, with about 40 regulars, together with 
several hundred English settlers, Canadians and In- 
dians. Allen's force was made uj) of Green Mountain 
Bovs and Canadians and at the head of these he 
fought with desperate courage until most of the Ca- 
nadians had deserted him, and^^een of his men were 
killed and several wounded. But courage was una- 
vailing against such a superiority of numbers. Allen 
was taken [)risoncr, on the 25th of September, with 



84 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

38 of his men, and by order of Gen. Carlton they 
were all immediately loaded with irons. In that con- 
dition, they were put on board a man of war and 
carried to England. During the voyage they were 
treated with such rigour as to render their suffering 
almost intolerable. 

18. Montgomery was in the mean time pushing the 
siege of St Johns, as fast as his embarrassed circum- 
stances would permit. He derived much assistance 
from the Canadians, who had joined him, and being 
informed by them thai the little fortress of Chamblee, 
situated further down the Sorel, contained a large 
quantity of ammunition and military stores, of which 
the besiegers were much in need, he ordered Major 
Brown and Livingston to proceed against it. The 
garrison, consisting of about one hundred men, 
after a short resistance surrenderred themselves on 
the 18tli of October, prisoners of war. By this capitu- 
lation the Americans obtain»'d 120 barrels of ])owder, 
a large quantity of military stores and ))rovisions, and 
the standard of the 7th Regiment. This standard 
was immediately transmitted to Congress, and waa 
the first trophy of the kind, which that body had ever 
received. 

VJ. The besiegers having obtained a supj)ly of am- 
munition and stores by the ca])turc of Chamblee, 
niatl(; their advances uj)on the fort at 8t .Johns Mith 
increased vigor, 'j'he garison con.sistcd of between 
six and seven hundred men, who, in the hopes of 
being soon relieved by (jreri. Carlton, made a reso- 
lute (li'lenee. Carlton exerted himself lor this pur- 
))ose, but such was the disaliiction of the (.^anadians 
to the JJritish cause, that he could not muster more 
than one thousand men, including the regulars, the 
militin of Montreal, tiie Canadians and the Indians. 
With these, Ik^ pniposed to cross tlu; t^t L;iwrence ;uiil 
join Cul. Macli;;ui, who had collected a lew hniidn.'d 
Scotch emigrants and taken post at the mouth of the 
Sorcl, ho])ing with their united forces to be able to 



COL WARNER DEFEATS GEN. CARLTON. 85 

raise the siege of St Johns and relieve the gairison. 

20. In pursuance of this design, Carlton embarked 
his troops at Montreal with the view of crossing the St 
Lawrence and landing at Lnnguiel. Their embarka- 
tion was observed by Col Seth Warner, from the 
opposite shore, who, witJi about 300 Green Mountain 
Boys, watched their motions, and }>repared for their 
approach. Just before they reached the south shore, 
Warner opened upon them a well directed and in- 
cessant fire of musketry and grape shot from a four 
pounder, by which unexpected assault, the enemy 
w'ere thrown into the greatest confusion, and soon 
retreated with i)recipitation and disorder. When the 
news of Carlton's defeat reached 3Iaclean he aban- 
doned his position at the mouth of the Sorel and 
hastened to Quebec. 

21. By these events the garrison at St Johns was 
left without the hope of relief and Major Preston, the 
commander, was, consequently, obliged to surrender. 
The garrison laid down their arms on the 3rd of No- 
vember, marched out of the works and became pris- 
oners of war, to the number of 500 regulars and more 
than 100 Canadian volunteers. Gen. Montgomery 
treated them with the greatest politeness, and had 
them conveyed by the way of Ticonderoga into the 
interior of New England. In the fort was found a 
large quantity of cannon and military stores. 

22. Col Warner, having repulsed Gen. Carlton and 
caused Col Maclean to retire to Quebec, proceeded 
to erect a battery at the mouth of the Sorel, which 
should command the passage of the St Lawrence, 
and thus block up Gen. Carlton at Montreal. In this 
isitUHtion of things. Gen. Montgomery arrived from St 
Johns and took possession of Montreal, without op- 
position, on the 13th of November, Gen. Carlton hav- 
ing abandoned it to its fate and escaped down the 
river in the night in a small canoe with muffled oars. 
A large number of armed vessels loaded with provi- 
sions and other neces8arie!«, and Gen. Prescot with 

8 



86 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

120 British officers and privates, also attempted to 
esca])e down the river, but wfere stoj)ped at the mouth 
of the Sorel, and all captured by the Americans 
witliout the loss of a man. 

23. The attention of Montgomery was immediate- 
ly turned towards Quebec, where Carlton was now 
making every preparation for defence. Col Arnold, 
after surmounting incredible difficulties aiid hard- 
ships, had jjassed through the wilderness Irom Maine 
to Canada and appeared before Quebec with 700 
men on the 9th or" November, and now Montgomeiy, 
having removed every obstacle, hastened forward to 
join him, which he did on the 1st day of December. 
Their united force amounted to only about 1000 men, 
while that of the garrison numbered 1500 ; but as 
the latter was made up princij)ally of Canadians and 
miUtia, Montgomery still had hopes of success. 
Finding that the artillery and shells ])roduced but 
little effect upon the town, and that the weather was 
becoming too severe to cany on a regular siege, it 
was finally determined to make a general assault upon 
the town. 

24. x\ccordingly on the morning of the 31st of 
December, the troops were led on to the attack. Ikit 
it proved unsuccessful. The gallant Montgomery 
was slain, and nearly one half the American troo])s 
were killed, or taken ])risoners. Arnold, though se- 
verely wonnded, took the command of the shattered 
forces and continued the blockade determined to 
await the re-enforctnnents which he beli('ved would 
soon be sent on to his reli(^f. 'JMius terminated in 
this quarter, the campaign of 1775, and thus connnen- 
ced those reverses, which were to attend the Amer- 
ican arms in Canada dining the succeeding year. 



RETREAT OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. 87 



SECTION II. 

Events of 177G. Small Pox fatal in the army — Amer- 
ican army retreats — Unsuccessful expedition against 
Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — Chamhlee and 
St Johns ahandoned by the Americans — J^aval en- 
gagement on lake Champlain — Crown Point aban- 
doned. 

1. The re-enforcements, which were sent to the 
relief of Arnold, arrived but slowly, and when Gen. 
Thomas reached the camp before Quebec, on the 
first day oi May, 1776, t!ie whole American force at 
that place did not exceed 1900 men. In this state of 
things, and before any tliinj; of consequence had 
been attempted against the city, the small pox com- 
menced its ravages anjoiig tiie provincial troops, and 
it is hardly possible to conceive the distress, the ter- 
ror and confusion it occasioned in the American 
camp. Ignorant of the true nature of the disease, and 
of the means by which its progress might be impe- 
ded ; and anticij)ating dangers, which their feai-s had 
greatly magnified, the trooj)s could, with difficulty, be 
prevented from a total dispersion. The soldiers, hav- 
ing heard that inoculation was the surest prevent- 
ive of a fatal termination, proceeded, in defiance of 
orders, to inoculate themselves ; and tiie recruits as 
they arrived^ did the same, and thus was the disease 
still wider diffused, so that out of 3000 troops, which 
had now arrived, not niore than 900 were tit for duty. 

2. After a lew trifling etibrts against the town, Gen. 
Thomas was convinced that notljing of consequence, 
could be effected with an army in the condition to 
which his was reduced, and being nearly destitute of 
provisions, and daily expecting that tin; British gar- 
ison would be re-enforced by the arrival of an army 
from I'.ngland, it was concluded, in a council of war, 
to abandon the siege and make the best retreat their 



88 HISTORY OK vr.KMO.NT, 

circumstances would perniir. The next da}' aBriti.^h 
man of war and two frigates arrived at Quebec, with 
succors for the town, ha\inir, witli incredihle exer- 
tions and dexterity, cut their way throuirh the ice 
while the navigation was extremely difficult £Uid dan- 
fferous. 

3. One thousand marines being landed from the 
ships, Gen. Carlton put himself at the Jieail of these, 
and 800 of his own troops and about noon marched 
out to cive battle to the Americans. But he was too 
late. Gen. Thomas, foreseeing this event, had com- 
menced liis retreat ; bin it was done with so great 
precipitation that the Americans had left behind, their 
artillery, stores an! bagga^^c, and a number of their 
siek. Carbon was content with getting possession 
of these, and with being relieved of his besiegers, and 
did not pursue the An^.ericans. The prisoners who fell 
into his hands v/ere treated with the most humane 
and kind attention. 

4. The Americans continu ^d their retreat to the 
river Sorel, having marched the first 45 miles with- 
out halting. IJerc they found several regiments 
waiting for them under Gen. Thompson, who a few 
days after succeeded to the conjujand, by the uidbr- 
tunate death of Gen. Thomas, who died of the small 
pox. Gen. Sullivan and several battalir)MS arrived 
about this time, and Sullivan having taken the com- 
mand, now planned an enteri)rise against the enemy, 
which savored much more of boldness than j)ru- 
dence. The Hritish army, which was now augmen- 
ted by re-enforcemenls fiom I:!urft})e to more than 
13000, had their chief rendezvous at Three Rivers, a 
post on the north sidi^ of the St Lawrence, about 
halfway betwien Quebec and l\Ionireal. Gon. Sid- 
livan conceived the design (»f surprising this post, 
and for that purj)Ose detached Gen. I'hompson on 
the 7th of June, with 1800 men, who preceded down 
the river in the night, expecting to reach Three Rivers 
before day light. But unavoidable delav-i rendered 

» CD » 



AFFAIRS AT THE CEDARS. 89 

it impossible. . They were discovered by the British, 
before they reached the village, who marched out, 
attacked and dispersed them, making their general, 
and about 200 men, prisoners. 

5. Montreal had, early in the spring, been placed 
under the command of Arnold, who was now raised 
to the rank of Brigadier general, and a party of 390 
Americans under Col Beadle had been posted at 
the Cedars, a small fort 43 miles above that city. 
Being frightened at the appearance of a force de- 
scending the river to attack him, Beadle abandoned 
the comniand to Maj. Butterfield, and hastened to 
Montreal for a re-enforcement ; and Butterfield, with 
ail equal want of spirit, surrendered the fort and gar- 
rison on the 15th of May. 

6. As soon as Beadle arrived at Montreal, Arnold 
detached Maj. Sherburne with 140 men, to relieve 
the fort at the Cedars. On their way they were at- 
tacked, sun-oimded, and after a gallant defence of 
nearly two hours, made prisoners, hy a body of 
500 Indians. Many of the Americans were killed 
or wounded in the engagement. Twenty others 
were atlerwards put to death in cool blood, with 
all the aggravations of savaL'^e barbarity. The re- 
mainder were stripped, driven to the fort and delivered 
up to CapL Foster, to whom Butterfield had surren- 
dered. 

7. When the intelligence of these events reached 
Arnold, he put himself at the head of eight or nine 
hundred men and flew to the rescue of the unfortu- 
nate caf)tives. Upon his approach to the fort he 
received a communication from Capt. Foster, inform- 
ing him that if he would not consent to a cartel^ 
which lie had already forced Maj. Sher!)urne and 
other officers to sign, the prisoners should all be im- 
mediately put to death. Arnold hesitated, but humanity 
and a regard for the ca})tured officers, at length com- 
pelled him to acceed to the pro[)osal, and thus was 
his vengeance disarmed. 



90 HISTORY OF VERMO>T. 

8. The Aiiierican arnjy in Canada was so nnich 
interior to the ]>rilisli, that nothing remained lor theiri 
but to make the best retreat in tiieir power. On ihii 
14th oi June, they abandoneci their })ost at Sorel, whicli 
a few hoUiS afurwards was in i>ossession of the Brit- 
ish arniv. Gen. Ikuiiovne w tsimniediatelv detached 
with one cokunn in pursuit of the Americans, but 
with orders not to hazard an eni;auement until he 
shoidd receive a re-ejifojcenient. On the 15th of 
June, Arnold witlKlrew witli his trooj)s from Montreal 
and marched to Cliamblee, where the Anjerican for- 
ces were asseinhled, and were engajred with much 
spirit and resolution in dragging their artillery and 
store; up the rapids. 

9. This service was attended with much difficidty 
and danger; but they sticceeded in drawing up n)oro 
than one hundred bntteaux, heavily laden, and having 
set fire to the mills and the ship|)ing which they 
could not bring oJf, they lelt the village of Cliamblee 
at the very time the British were entering it on the 
other side. On tlie 18th of June, Gen. Burgoyne 
readied St Johns in the evening, but the Americans 
had taken away every thing of value and set fire to 
the fort and barracks. iVlaj. Bigelow, with about 40 
men remained at St Johns till the works were all 
destroyed, and left that place the same evening that 
Burgoyne airived there, and joined the American 
army which had Jialted at the Jsle Aux Noix. 

10. The British were ujiable to get any of their 
vessels over the rapids at Chamblee, and were, con- 
sequontl}, unable to continue the jnirsuit of the 
American army, whicli now jiroceeded in safety to 
Crown Point. This retreat was conducted by Sid- 
livan, with such consummate skill and prudence, as to 
retrievo Iiis character from the imputations brought 
upon it by tlie rash and unsuccessful expedition 
against Three Rivers, and to merit the thanks of 
Congress, and of the whole army. 

11. On the 12th of Julj^, Gen. Sullivan was sue- 



CROWIV POIIST ABANDO^^ED. 91 

ceededby Gen. Gates, in the command of the northern 
army. The first business of Gates was to restore to 
health aud suinidness the sirk and wounded, and 
to increase his force by new recruits. He assembled 
a council of war, by which it was resolved to aban- 
don Crown Point, aud concentrate all their strength 
and make a vigorous stand at Ticonderoga. and on 
Mount lndei)endence, wliicii is situated on the oppo- 
site side of the lake. A general hosf)ital was established 
at fort George, to which those wlio were sick with 
the small pox, were sent forward, and to avoid this 
contagious and loathsome disease, the new recruits 
were assembled at Skeensborougli. On the sixth of 
August, six hundred men arrived from New Hamp- 
shire and re-enforcements were daily arriving from 
other quarters. The army was also all the time im- 
proving in ht alth and discipline, and was active and 
vigorous in preparations for defence. 

12". As it was of the greatest importance to the 
Americans to preserve the command of the lake, by 
constructing upon it a naval force superior to that of 
the British, they engaged with tlieir usual activity 
in accomplishing this object. But in the prosecution 
of it they had innumerable difficulties to encounter. 
Their timber was To be cut in the woods and dragged 
by hand to the place where it was wanted for use ; 
the materials for naval equipments were to be brought 
from a great distance over roads almost impassable; 
and the ship-carpenters were so well empio} ed in 
the sea ports that it was with extreme ditiiculty that 
any could be ])rocured. Yet, notwithstanding these 
obstacles, by perseverance and industry, they had, 
on the 18th of August, completed ani equi|)j)e(l three 
schooners and five gondolas, carrying in the whole 
55 cannon, consisting of twelve, nine, six and four 
])ound('rs, and seventy swivels. This armament was 
manned by three hundred and ninety five men, and 
was coujpletely fitted for action. 

13. In the mean time the British were employed 



V^ HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

in preparing a fleet at St Johns. Six armed vessels 
had been built in England and sent over for the ex- 
])ress pm-pose of being employed on lake Chaniplain ; 
but it was found imj)Ossible to get them over the 
falls at Chamblee without taking them in pieces, 
transposing them in that form, and then put them 
together again above the rapids. They succeeded 
in dragging uj) a large number of boats entire, and 
having re-built their vessels, they were ready by the 
first of October, to enter tlie lake with their fleet. 
This fleet consisted of the Inflexible, carrying eigli- 
teen twelve pounders, the Maria, of fourteen six 
pounders, the Carlton of twelve six pounders, the 
Thunden^r, a flat bottomed radeau, or raft, with six 
twenty pounders, six twelves and two howitzers, 
some gondolas, carrying seven nine pounders, twenty 
gun boats, carrying, each one brass field piece from 
nine to twenty four pounders, and some with howit- 
zers, and four long boats, with each a carriage gun, 
serving as tendeis. These, junounting to thirty one 
in number, were all designed and j)rei)ared for attack 
and batd(! ; and were to be followed by a siifiicient 
number of vessels and boats for the transportation of 
the royal ariny, with its stores, artillery, baggage and 
provisions. 

14. This fleet was navigated by seven htnjdred 
experienced seamen, connnanded by Captain Pringle, 
and the guns were served by a detachment of men 
and oflicers from the corps of artillery, and far exceed- 
ed any thing the Americans were able to ]>rovide. 
On the llth of October, the British fleet and army 
])roceeded u|) the lake. The American armament, 
whicli amounted to 1.5 vessels of different sizes, Avas 
])ut under the connnand of Gen. Arnold, who had 
taken a very advantageous })osition between Valcour 
island and the western main. There they formed a 
strong line of defi^ice, and hoped to be able to check 
the ])rogress of tlie enemy. 

3.5. The Jiritish were sensible of their superior 



NAVAI. ENGAGEMENT ON L. CHAMPLAIN. 93 

strength, and mov^ed forward boldly to attack the 
Americans. A severe engaj^ement ensued, which 
was maintained for several hours with much spirit 
and resolution. The wind being unfavorable, the 
British were unable to bring the Inflexible and some 
of their other vessels into action, which was princi- 
pally sustained by the Carletou and the gunboats; 
and as the wind continued adverse, the British, not- 
withstanding the result had thus far been in their 
favor, judged it prudent to withdraw from the en- 
gagement ; but as night a[)f)roached, they again advan- 
ced and anchored in a line as near the Americans as 
possible, to prevent their escape. 

16. This engagement was sustained on both sides 
with a courage and firmness, Avhich are seldom wit- 
nessed. Among the Americans, Gen. Waterbury, of 
the Washington galley, was in the severest part of 
the action. Excepting one lieutenant and a captain 
of marines, his officers were all either killed or 
wounded. He himself fought on the quarter deck 
during the whole action, and at the close brought off 
his vessel though shattered and almost torn in 
pieces. The result of this action was favorable to 
the British, but less so than they had anticipated, 
knowing their own force to be double that of the 
Americans. They had one ot their gondolas sunk 
and one blown up with 60 men. The Americans 
had one of their schooners burnt, a gondola sunk, and 
several of their vessels much injured. 

17. Arnold was now convinced that he could not 
withstand the superior force of the enemy, and un- 
der the cover of the night, which was dark and foggy 
resolved to attempt a retreat to Ticonderoga, In this 
measure he so fi\r succeded as to pass directly through 
the enemy's line unobserved, and to be entirely out 
of sight of the British the next morning. As soon as 
it was discovered that the Americans had fled, the 
British, anxious to obtain a decisive victory, commen- 
ced a pui-suit, and during the day an American 



94 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

gondola was overtaken and captured. On the 13tli 
of October, the wind being favorable to the British, 
they renewed the chase, and about noon overtook the 
American fleet a few leagues from Crown Point. 
A Warm engagement ensued, which was supported 
with great resolution and gallantry on both sides for 
nearly four hours. The Washington galley, comman- 
ded bv Gen. Watterbury, had been so shattered in 
the action of the Hlh, as to be useless in this engage- 
ment, and was surrendered after receiving a tew 
broadsides. 

18. Arnold was on board the Congress galley, which 
vessel was attacked by the Inflexible and two schoon- 
ers, all within musket shot. After sustaining this 
unequal combat for nearly four hours, Arnold became 
satisfied that no exertion of courage or skill, could 
enable him much longer to withstand the superior 
force of the enemy. He was., however, determined 
that neither his vessels nor his men should becom6 
tiie trophies of their victory. Having by his obsti- 
nate resistance given several of his vessels an oppor^ 
tunity to escape to Ticonderoga, he now run the 
Congress galley and five other vessels on shore, in 
such manner as to land his men in safety and blow 
up the vessels in defiance of every effort which the 
British could make to ])revent it. This action took 
place at no great distance from the mouth of Otter 
Creek, and the remains of Arnold's vessels were to 
be seen there upon the beach for many years. 

19. The British under Gen. Carlton having now 
recovered the command of lake Champlain, it was 
supposed they would next attempt the reduction of 
Ticonderoga ; and, had Carlton moved forward 
immediately, it was supposed that he might have 
possessed himself of that important fortress without 
much diflicuify, as it was illy pn-pamd for defence. 
But the wirul blowing from the south, Carlion landed 
his army at Crown Point, the Americans having, a 
Cew days before destroyed the fort and every thing 



CARLTON RETURNS TO CANADA. ^ 95 

tliey coulil not carry away, and joined the main army 
at Tioonderoga. . The Americans applied themselves 
with vigor in strengthening their entrfinchments at 
Ticonderoga, and by tlie daily arrival of re-enforce- 
ments, and tije recovery of the sick and wounded, 
Gates soon found himself at the head of 12000 effec- 
tive men. In this situation he was hot rniwijling that 
Carlton should make an attemjjt to get possesion of 
the ])lace. Hut that judicious commander did not 
see fit to hazard an assault ; and, afterspending about 
a month in reconnoitering the American works, he 
re-eml.'arked his army at Crown Point and returned 
to Canada, aiifl thus terminated the military enterpri- 
ses on lake Champlain, for the year 177G. , 



SECTION III. 

Events of 1777. Advance of Gen. BurgoT/ne — Ti- 
conderoga abandoned by the Americans — Battle at 
Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — Battle at 
Bennington — At Stillwater — Surrender of Burgoyne. 

1. Before the opening of the campaign of 1777, Sir 
Guy Carlton was superseded in the connnand of the 
]*ritisli forces, designed to enter United States from 
Canada, by Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, wlio was a great 
favorite of the ministry and an office of some repu- 
tation. He was, however, unaccjuainted with the 
American cliaracter and service, and was by no 
means so well fitted to plan and execute the oj)tiia- 
tions in this quarter as tiie general whom he sup- 
planted. The reguhir force allottr-d to Burgoyne 
amounted to 7113 men, exclusive (>f the corps of 
aitillcry. Cf thrse, .*)217 were Germans and tlie 
remainder British troops. This force was expectfd 



96 



HISTORY OF VERM0?:T. 



to be increased on its arrival in America by a large 
number of Canadians and Indians, lor whom arms 
and accouti'ements were forwarded from England. 
Burgoyne was also provided with an excellent train 




of brass artillery, and was assisted in the command 
by Generals, Philips, Frnser. Powel, Hamilton. Reid- 
spI and Sperht. all of them able and experienced 
officers. 



BURGOTJfE ADVANCES ON L. CHAMPLAIW 97 

2. General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec on the 
6th of 3Iay, and took the command of the army de- 
signed for the expedition. On the ISth, he proceeded 
to 3Iwntreal, using every possible exertion to collect 
and forward the troops and stores to Lake Cham- 
plain. Between the 17th and 20th of June, his 
whole army was assembled at Cumberland Head, at 
which place it embarked and proceeded up the Lake 
without opposition. June 21st, Burgoyne landed his 
army on the west side of the Lake at he mouth of 
the river Boquet, in the present township of Wills- 
borough, New York. Here he was joined by four 
or five hundred Indians, who were to assist in the 
expedition. After making for the Indians a war 
feast according to their custom, Burgoyne addressed 
a speech to the chiefs and warriors, calculated to ex- 
cite their savage ardor in the British cause, and to 
give such dinu'tion to their fiei-ceness and cruelty as 
should best subserve liis designs against the Ameri- 
c^ps. 

3. General Schuyler, being supposed most fully 
to possess the confidence of the inhabitants of this 
part of the country had been appointed to the com- 
mand of the northern department of the American 
anny, but he arrived at Ticonderoga only four days 
previous to Burgoyne's council with the Indians at 
the river Boquet. On inspecting the works, Schuy- 
ler found them in many j)arts unfinished and the 
whole in a very bad condition. He likewise found 
that very fe»v of the recruits which had been order- 
ed to that post, had arrived, and that the militia of 
the neighborliood could not be safely called in, lest 
the provisions of the garrison should be exhausted 
before tlie arrival of supplies. Leaving the com- 
mand of this post to Grn. St Clair, Schuyjer re- 
turned to fort Edward, for the })urpose hastening 
forward re-enforcements and provisions. 

4. On the .'JOih of .Tune, the enemy advanced 
towards Ticonderoga upon both sides of the lake, 

I) 



98 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

and encamped for the night about four miles from- 
the American lines. The next day their whole ar- 
my and fleet proceeded forward and took their 
position just without the reach of the American 
cannon; the fleet anchoring in a line between the di- 
visions on the east and west shore of the lake. On 
the 2d of July a party of 500 of the ^ enemy under 
Capt. Fraser, attacked a picket of 60 men, within 
200 yards of the American batteries, and, forcing" 
them to retire, advanced within 60 yards of the- 
works, scattering themselves along the whole front 
of the American lines ; the right wing of the Brit- 
ish army moved up from their position on the lake 
at the same time and took poss(;ssion of Mount 
Hope. 

5. St Clair, supposing that an assault was intend- 
ed, ordered his men to conceal themselves behind the 
parapets and reserve their fire. Fraser's party, pro- 
bably deceived as to th€ real position of the Amer- 
ican works, which were in a measure concealed by 
bushes, continued to advance till an American sol- 
dier discharged his musket, which seemed to be un- 
derstood as a signal, and th^ whole line arose and 
fired a volley; — the artillery following the example 
withojit orders. This fire was made at random and 
the effect of it was to produce so much smoke that 
the enemy could not be seen till they were beyond 
the reach, of the American guns; and consequently 
every individual excej)t one escaped. 

6. On die 4th of July, Gen. Burgoyne issued a 
proclamation, designed to spread teiror among the 
Americans, and persuade them to come and hum- 
ble thetnselves before him, and through him, suppli- 
cate the mercy of their offended king. The number 
and ferocity of the Indians, their eagerness to be 
let loose upon the defenceless settlements, and the 
greatness of the British power, and the utter ina- 
bility of the rebellious colonics to resist it, were all 
»et forth in l)old relief. His gracious protection wa« 



AMERICAN WOAKS AT TICONDEKOGA. 99 

■promised to all those, who should join his standard, 
•or remain quietly at their homes ; hut utter destruc- 
tion was denounced upon all such as should dare 
to oppose him. This proclamation was couched in 
terms the most pompous and bombastic ; but upon 
the Americans it produced no other emotions than 
those of derision and contempt. Its threatenings 
■and its promises were alike disregarded — none were 
terrified by the former, and none were won by the 
latter. 

7. Although every possible exertion had been 
made by St Clair and his men, the state of the 
American works and of the garrison were not such 
as to insure a long and vigorous defence. The old 
French fort had been strengthened by some addi- 
tional works, several block houses had been erected, 
and some new batteries had been constructed on the 
side towards lake George. The Americans had al- 
so fortified a high circular hill on the east side of 
the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, to wbich they had 
given the name of Mount Independence. These 
two posts were connected by a floating bridge twelve 
feet wide and one thousand feet long, which was 
supported by twenty two sunken piers of large 
timber. This bridge was to have been defended 
by a boom strongly fastened together by bolts and 
chains; but this boom was not completed when 
Burgoyne advanced against the works. 

8. Notwithstanding the ay)parent strength of the 
posts occupied by the Americans, their works were 
all effectually overlooked and commanded by a 
neighboring eminence called Sugar Hill, or Mount 
Defiance. This circumstance was well known to the 
American officers, and they had a consultation for 
the express purpose of considering the propriety of 
fortifying this mountain; but it was declined because 
they believed the British would not think it practi- 
■cable to plant cannon upon it, and because their 
"works were already so extensive, that they could 



100 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

not be properly manned, the whole garrison consist- 
ing of only 2546 continental troops, and 900 militia ; 
the latter very liadly armed and e(juij)ped. 

9. St Clair was sensible that he could not sus- 
tain a regtdar siege ; still he hoped that the confi- 
dence of Burgoyne would induce him to attempt to 
carry the American works by assault, against which 
he was resolved to defend himself to the last ex- 
tremity. But to the surprise and consternation of 
the Americans, on the 5di of Jtdy, the enemy ap- 
peared upon Mount Defiance, and immediately com- 
menced the construction of a battery. This battery, 
when completed, would effectually command all the 
American works on both sides of the lake and the 
line of communication between them ; and, as there 
was no pros])ectof being able to dislodge the enemy 
from this post, a council of war was called, by which 
it was unauimously agreed that a retreat should be 
attempted that very night, as the only means of sa- 
ving the armv. 

10. Accordingly, about two o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the 6th of July, Gen. St Clair, witli the gar- 
rison, left Ticonderoga, and about three o'clock the 
troops on Mount Independence were put in motion. 
The baggage, provisions and stores were, as far as 
practicable, embarked on board 200 batteaux, and 
dispatched, under convoy of five aruied gallics, to 
Skeensborough, while the main body of the army 
proceeded by land on the route? through Hubbard- 
ton and Castleton. These affairs were conducted 
with secrecy and silence, and unobserved by the 
enemy, till a French oflicer, im])rudently and contra- 
ry to orders, set fire to his house. The flames im- 
imediately illuminated the whole of Mount Inde- 
pendence and revealed to the enemy at once, the 
movements and designs of the Americans. It at the 
same time impressed the Americans with such an 
idea of discovery and danger, as to throw them into 
the utmost disorder and confusion. 



RETREAT — BATTLE AT HUBBARDTON. 101 

11. About four o clock the rear guard of the 
Americans left Mount Independence, and were 
brought off by Col Francis in good order ; and the 
reginients, which had preceded him, were soon re- 
covered from their confusion. When the troops ar- 
rived at Hubbardton, they were halted for nearly 
two hours. Here the rear guard was |)ut mider the 
command of Col Seth Warner, with orders to fol- 
low the army, as soon as those, who had been left 
behind, came up, and to halt about a mile and a half 
in the rear of the main body. St Clair then pro- 

■ceeded to Castleton, about six miles further, leaving 
Warner with the rear guard and stragglers, at liub- 
laai'dton. 

12. The retreat of the Americans from Ticondero- 
^a no was sooner perceived by the British, than an 
eager i)ursuit was begun by Gen. Fraser with the 
Jight troops, who was soon followed by Gen. Reid- 
sel Avith the greater part of the Brunswick regiments. 
Fraser continued the pursuit during the day, and 
having learned that the rear of the American ar- 
my was not far off, ordered his men to lie tliat night 
upon their arms. Early on the morning of the 7th, 
he renewed the ])ursuit, and about 7 o'clock, com- 
menced an attack upon the Americans under War- 
ner. Warner's force consisted of liis own regiment, 
and the regiments of Col Francis and Hale. Hale, 
fearful of being overpowered by sui)erior numbers, 
retired from the field with his regiment, leaving 
Warner and Francis, with only seven or eight hun- 
dred men, to dispute the ])rogress of the enemy. 

13. The conflict was fierce and bloody. Francis 
fell at the head of his regiment, fighting with great 
resolution and bravery. Warner, well supported by 
his officers and men, charged the enemy with such 
impetuosity that they were thrown into disorder and 
at first gave way. They, however, soon recovered, 
formed anew, and advanced upon the Americans, 
who in their turn fell back. At this critical mo- 

9* 



102 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ment, a re-enforcement under Gen. Reidsel an-ived, 
which was immediately led into action, and the ibr- 
tune of the day v/as soon decided. The Americans, 
overpowered by numbers, and exhausted by fatigue, 
fled from the tield in every direction. 

14. The loss of the Americans in this encounter 
was very considerable. Hale, in his cowardly at- 
tempt to escape by flight, fell in witii a ])arty of the 
British and surrendered himself and a number of 
his men, prisoners of war. The whole American 
loss in killed wounded and prisoners, was 324. The 
loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, was 183. 
Gen. St Clair, with the main body of tbe Ameri- 
can army, was at Castleton, only six ujiles distant, 
during this engagement, but sent no as-sistance to 
Warner. After the battle ^Varner, with his usual per- 
severance and intrepidity, collected his scattered 
troops and conducted them safely to Fort Edward, to 
which place St Clair had retired witb the arujy. 

15. While Gen. Eraser and Reidsel were pursuing 
the Americans by land. Gen. Burgoyne himself con- 
ducted the })ursuit by water. The boom ajid bridge 
between Ticoiideroga aivd Mount Independence not 
being c()nij)!ete(i were soon cut tbrougli, and by nine 
o'clock in the morning of the (jrb, the British frig- 
ates and gun boats had passed the works. Several 
regiments were immediately embarked on board the 
boats and the chase commenced. By three in the 
afternoon liie foremost boats overtook and attacked 
the American gallies near Skcensborougb, (now 
Whitehall;; and upon the approach of tbe frigates, 
the Americans abandoned their gallies, blew up 
three of them and escaped to tlu^ sborc. The oth- 
er two fell into the hands of the British. 

16. As the American force was not sufiicient to 
make an effectual stand at Skeensborongh, they set 
fire to the works, mills and balteaux and retreated 
up Wood Creek to fort Ann. Being ])ursued by 
the ninth British regiment under Colonel Ilill, the 



^ORT EDWARD ABANDONED. 



103 



Americans tunied upon him and gave liim batde 
with such spirit as to cause liim to retire to the 
top of a hiil, where he would have been soon over- 
powered had not a re-enforcement arrived at that 
critical moment, to his assistance. The Americans, 
upon this, relinquished the attack, and having set fire 
to fort Ann, retreated to fort Edward and joined the 
main army under Schuyler. 

17. The retreat fiom Ticoncieroga ^^'as very dis- 
astrous to the Americans. Their cannon, amounting 
to 128 pieces, — their shipping and hatteaux, and their 
provisions, stores and magazines, fell into the hands 
of the enemy. By this event Burgoyne obtained 
no less 1748 barrels of flour and more tlian 70 tons of 
salt provisions ; and, in addition to these, a large 
drove of cattle, which had aiTived in the American 
camp a few days previous to their retreat, fell into 
his hands. After S^t Clair had joined Schuyler at fort 
Edward, and all he scattered troops had come in, 
the vs'hole American force at that place did not ex- 
ceed 4400 men. Sensible that with this force, it 
would be impossible to make an effectual stand, it 
became the chief object of the American generals 
to impede as much as })ossib!e the progress ol" the 
enemy by cutting down trees, blocking up the roads 
and destroying the bridges. 

]7. Tlie works at foit Edward being in no con- 
dition to afford protection to the Amercan army, 
Gen. Schuyler abandoned them on the 22d of July, 
and retired with his whole force to Moses Creek, a 
position on the Hudson, a!>out four miles below fort 
Edward. At this place the hills ajjproach very near 
the river on both sides, and this was selected as a 
favoral)le position to nsake a stand and dis})ute the 
progress of the enemy. But the army was found to 
be so much reduc(>d by defeat arid disertion, and 
the disaffection to the American cause was found to 
be so general in this section of the country, that it 
was judged best to redre to Saratoga, and subse- 



104 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

quently, to Stillwater, at whicli place the army ar- 
rived on the 1st day of August. 

19. The British were in the mean time bringing 
forward their artillery and stores, and opening the 
way from Skeensborough to fort Edward. But so 
efFeetually hud the Americans blocked up and ob- 
structed the road, that the British army was frequent- 
ly 24 liours in advancing one mile. It was not till 
the 30th of July that Burgoyne arrived and fixed his 
head quarters at fort Edward. Nothing could ex- 
ceed the joy of the British army on its arrival at 
the Hudson. They flattered themselves that their 
difficulties and toils were now ended; and that there 
was nothing before them but a safe and easy march 
to Albany, and thence to a junction with the British 
army at New York. 

20. The British had su])posed that a large pro- 
portion of the inhabitants on the New Hampshire 
grants and in the uothorn ])arts of New York, were 
opposed to the revolution and that it was necessary 
only to march an army into their country, and fur- 
nisfi them with arms to bring them all around the 
royal standard. Arms had therefore been forwarded 
by Burgoyne, a ])roclamation was issued, addressed 
to the inhabitants of the ccnmti-y, and Burgoyne was 
now waiting lor their submission, and tor the arrival 
ci his tents and baggage. But notwithstanding the 
darkness and gloom which enveloped the Ameri- 
can aflairs, very few were found, who were disposed 
to abandon the cause of their country for that of 
their king. 

22. At this period settlements had been com- 
menced in most of the towns in the ])reseut coun- 
ties of Bennington and Kutland, and in several 
towns to the northward of Rutland county. But 
U|)or) the advance of Burgoyne along the Jake, the 
settlers retired towards the south, and at the time 
Biirgoyne was upon the Hudson, veiy few settlers 
remained uj)on their farms to the northward of the 



PROCEEDINGS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 105 

present county of Bennington. But, that the set- 
tlers were true to the American cause, we are assur- 
ed by the testimony of Burgoyne himself. In his 
])rivate letter to Lord Germain, dated Saratoga, Aug. 
20th, 1777, he says " The Hamshire grants in par- 
ticular, a country unpeo})led and almost unknown in 
the last war, now abounds in the most active and 
most rebellious race on the continent, and hangs like 
a gathering storm on my left." 

22. On the 15th of July, the committee of safety 
of Vermont assembled at Manchester, where they 
agreed to raise all the men they could, to oppose, the 
enemy, who were then advancing towards fort 
Edward. They at the same time wrote in the most 
urgent terms to New Hauipshire and Massachusetts, 
to send on a body of troops to their assistance. The 
Legislature of New Hamjjshire immediately formed 
their militia into two brigades, and placed one under 
the connnand of Gen. William Whipple, and the 
other under Gen. John Stark. One fourth of his 
own brigade, and a portion of the otlier was then 
ordered to march immediately, imder the connnand 
of Gen. Stark, to stop the progress oi the enemy upon 
the north western frontier. 

23. Stark had been an officer of some reputation 
in the French war, and had also distinguished himself 
at the battle of Bunker Hill ; but considering himself 
neglected by Congress in not being promoted, he 
had lelt the continental service, and would not accept 
the present command, unless left at liberty to serve, 
or not, under a continental officer, as he should think 
proper. As there was no time for delay, the assembly 
of New Hampshire invested him with a sey)arate 
connnand, with orders to repair without delay to the 
New Hamjishire grants, and act either in conjunction 
with the iroo|)S of the grants, or of the other states, 
or sei)arat,ely, as he should judge best for the protec- 
tion of the people and the annoyance of the enemy. 

24. Agreeably to his orders, Stark hastened forward 



106 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

with about 800 men, and joined the Vermont troops, 
who were collected at Manchester under the com- 
mand of Colonel Seth Warner, to the number of 
about 600, making the united force under Stark, about 
1400 men. Gen Schuyler, wishing to collect all the 
American troops in front of the British army to 
prevent its apf)roach to Albany, wrote repeatedly to 
Stark to join him with the men under his command. 
But Stark believed that the most effectual way of 
checking the advance of Burgoyiie, was to hang upon 
his rear and embrace every favorable opportunity to 
cut off his supplies and annoy him from that quarter, 
and therefore neglected to obey the orders of 
Schuyler. Schuyler complained to Congress of this 
want of subordination, and Congress proceeded, Au- 
gust 19th, to adopt a resolution censurning the course 
]>ursued by the New Hampshire assetnbly in giving 
to Stark a separate command, and requesting them 
"to instruct Gen. Stark to conforui himself to the 
same rules, to which other general officers of the 
militia are subject, whenever called out at the expense 
of the United States." 

25. In the mean time Stark wrote to Schuyler that 
he was willing to unite in any measures which would 
promote the public good — that he wished to avoid 
whatever was inconsistent with his own honor — and 
that private resentment should not prevent his 
marching to his camp, if it was deemed necessary. 
He was at the same time watching for an opf)ortunity 
to manifest his courage and patriotism by an attack 
upon some part of the British army. Nor was he 
obliged to wait long for the opportunity to present 
itself. Nearly at the same time when Congress was 
censuring his conduct by a public resolutiori, Stark 
and his brave followers were acquiring unfading lau- 
els, and rendering that service to the American cause, 
which soon after procured for him, from the same 
Congress, a vote of thanks, and promotion to the rank 
of brigadier general in the army of the United State*. 



BE>MNGTON BATTLE. 107 

26. From tlie 28th of July, to near the niidrlle of 
August, the British army was constantly employed 
in bringing forward their batteaux and stores from 
lake George, to the first navigable part of Hudson 
river. But with all his efforts and diljofence, Bur- 
guoyne was unable to brmg forward, with his other 
stores, a sufficient quantity of provisions for daily 
consumption, and the estabhshment of the necessary 
magazines. It was this circumstance which induced 
him to attempt to replenish his own stores at the ex- 
pense of the Americans. Having learned that a large 
quantity of provisions were collected together at Ben- 
nington, and designed for the American army, and 
that they were guarded only by militia ; and, moreover, 
being made to beheve that a majority of the people 
in that quarter were friendly to the royal cause, and 
were ready to join it, whenever an opportunity should 
permit, Burgoyne determined to surprise the place 
and secure the stores to his own army. 

27. For this purjiosc he detached a select body of 
about 500 regular troops, some Canadians and more 
than 100 Indians, with two light pieces of artillery, 
and placed the whole under the command of Colonel 
Baume. To facilitate their operations, and to take 
advantage of their sire cess, a detachment of the Brit- 
ish army was posted npon the east bank of the Hud- 
son, opposite to Saratoga, and another detachtnent 
under Colonel Breymen was stationed at Battenkil!. 
This disposition being made, Baume set out with 
his detachment for Bennington, on the morning of the 
12th of August, and arrived that day at Cambridge. 

28. Gen. Stark, who was now at Benjiington with 
his whole force, except Warrer's regiment, receiving 
intelligence that a party of Indians were at Cambridge, 
despatched Col Greg with 200 men to stop their pro- 
gress, but before night it was ascertained that a largr» 
body of regulars were in the rear of the Indians and 
that they were advancing towards Bennington. Stark 
sent an express to Warner to hasten to Bennington 



108 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

with his regiment, and he also sent to the neighbor- 
ing militia to join him with all possible despatch. On 
the morning of the J4th, he directed his march to- 
wards Cambridge, and at the distance of seven miles, 
he met Greg, retreating before the enemy who were ' 
at that time, only one mile in his rear. 

29. Stark immediately drew up his men in order 
of battle, and Baunie, {)erceiving the Americans to be 
too strong to be attacked with his present force, halted 
upon a commanding piece of ground, and sent an ex- 
press to Colonel Breymen to march immediately to- 
his support. In the m;'an time small parties of the 
Americans, had frequent skirmishes with the enemy, 
in which they killed and wounded 30 of them, two 
of whom were Indian chiefs, without any loss to 
themselves. The ground occupied by the Americans- 
being unfavorable for a general action. Stark retreated 
about a mile and encamped. Here a council of war 
was held by which it was resolved that an attack 
should be made U[)on tlie enemy b(;fore they should 
receive any re-enforcements. Two detachments 
were therefore ordered to be. in readiness, the next 
morning to pass round and fall uj)on the rear of the 
enemy, while the rest of the troops attacked them in; 
front. The next day, how(!Vcr, proved rainy, which 
prevented a general engagement, but there were fre- 
quent skirmishes between small jmrties, which resulted, 
in such a manner as to afford encouragement to the 
Americans. 

30. Being joined by a small party of militia from 
Berkshire, Massachusetts, unrh.'r Colonel Symonds, 
Stark proceeded on the morning of the 16th of August, 
to make a general attack upon t)ie enemy, agreeably 
to the plans which had been concerted tv\o days 
before. Ban me had in the mean tijne, entrenched 
his camp, which was situated near the Waloomsuc a 
branch of the Hoosuc. and had rendered his [)ort as 
strong as circumstances would permit. Colonel Nich- 
ols was detached with 200 men, to the rear of the 



BENNINGTON BATTLE. 109 

left \^^ng of the enemy, and Colonel Herrick, with 
300 men, to the rear of their right. Colonels, Hubbard 
and Stickney, with 200 men were ordered on the right, 
and 100 men were advanced in front to draw the at- 
tention of the enemy that way. The several divisions 
having taken their positions, about three o'clock the 
action commenced. As the divisions of Nichols and 
Herrick approached each other in the rear of the ene- 
my, tlie Indians, apprehensive of being surrounded, 
made their escape between the two corps, excepting 
three killed and two woimded by the fire of the Anier- 
cans as they passed. 

81. Nichols began the attack and was immediately 
followed by the other divisions. The onset was 
furious and determined, and the sound of the conflict 
has been likened to one continued peal of thunder. 
The German dragoons made a brave resistance, and 
when their ammunition was expended, they were led 
on by Colonel Baume, and charged the Americans 
sword in hund. But their bravery was unavailing. 
After about two hours hard fighting, the enemy were 
overpowered, their works carried on all points, and 
their two pieces of cannon taken. Colonel Baume 
was mortally woimded and fell into the hands of the 
Americans, and all his men, excepting a few, who 
escaped to the woods, were either killed or taken 
prisoners. 

32. This victory was but just completed when Stark 
received intelligence that the re-enforcement under 
Colonel Breymen was rapidly approaching and only 
two miles distant. Fortunately at this moment Colo- 
nel Warner arrived with his regiment of Green Moun- 
tain Boys. Disappointed that he had not arrived in 
season to take part in the first engagement and share 
in its glories, Warner immediately led forward his men 
and attacked the re-enforcement under Breymen with 
great spirit and resolution. Stark collected the mili- 
tia and hastened to his assistance, and the action soon 
became general. The combat wag maintained with 
10 



110 HISTORY or VI.X.MONT. 

great bravery on both sides till sunset when the enemy 
gave way and were pursued till dark. 

33. In these two engagements the Americans took 
four brass field pieces, 12 brass drums, four ammu,- 
nition waggons, and about 700 prisoners with their 
arms and accoutrements. The number of the enemy 
found dead on the field was 207 : their number of 
wounded not ascertained. The loss of the American;^ 
was trifling in comparison with that of the enemy. 
They had only 30 killed and about 40 wounded. 
This action took place near the west line of Benning- 
ton, and hence it is called "f/ie battle of Bennington.'''* 

34. Nothing could be more encouraging to the 
Americans, or disheartening to the enemy than this 
splended victory of Stark, achieved principally by 
undisciplined militia over veteran regular troops. 
Since the fall of Montgomeiy an uninterrupted series 
of defeats had attended the American arms in the 
northern department, and many of tlie most ardent 
in the cause of freedom had begun to despond. But 
by this event, they discovered that their enemy was 
not invincible^ — their hopes and their courage were 
revived, and volunteers from every quarter flocked 
to the American standard. It also enabled Stark to 
vindicate his attachment to the cause of his bleeding 
country, and to render that cause a service far more 
important than he could have done by joining the 
main army on the Hudson. 

35. After their disasters at Bennington the British 
army remained quietly at their camp opposite to Sara- 
toga for some time, awaiting the approach of Colonel 
St Ledger, who had been sent round bythe way of 
lake Ontario, for the reduction of fort Stanwix on the 
l^pper part of the Mohawk river. But they waited 
in vain. That ofiicer, after encountering many dif- 
ficulties, was obliged, through the defection of the 
Indians belonging to his corps, to retreat without 
accomplishing the object of the expedition. These 
events had not only retarded tho advance of Bur- 



I 



PROCEEDINGS OF GENERAL LINCOLN. Ill 

goyne, but they served to depress the spirits of the 
royal army, while they at the same time encouraged 
the Americans, and afforded Gates, who had now 
superceded Schuyler, time to strengthen and fortify 
his camp. 

36. In the mean time General Lincoln, who com- 
manded a body of New England militia, determined 
to make a diversion in the rear of the enemy. He 
accorcbngly proceeded from Manchester to Pavvlet, 
and from ihence on the 13th of September, despatched 
Colonel Brown with 500 men to destroy the British 
stores and release the American prisoners, which 
were collected at lake George. At the same time 
he ordered Colonel Johnson with an etjual number 
of men to proceed towards Ticonderoga to divert 
the attention of the enemy, while Brown was ac- 
complishing his object. In addition to these he 
detached Colonel VVoodbridge with 500 men by 
the way of Skeensborough and fort Aim to fort Ed- 
ward. The design of these expeditions was to 
alarm and divide the British forces and to cut off 
their supj)lies. 

37. Brown proceeded with such secrecy and ce- 
lerity, that by the ISthof September he had surprised 
all the out ])osts between the landing place at the 
north end of lake George and the main fortress at 
Ticonderoga. The Americans had likewise recover- 
ed 3Iount Hope, 3Iount Defiance, 200 batteaux, one 
armed slooj) and a number of gun boats; and they 
had taken 293 prisoners and had liberated more than 
100 Americnns. Encouraged by this success, they 
summoned General Powcl, the British commander 
of Ticonderoga, to surrender that fortress; but not 
being in a condition to make any effectual attempt 
against it, they returned in safety, and with scarcely 
any loss, to Lincoln's camp. 

38. General Burgoyne crossed the Hudson on the 
I3th and 14th of September and advanced towards 
the American army, which was posted at Stillwater. 



112 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

On the 18th, 3000 Americans marched out with a 
view of attacking the enemy, I ait finding that the at 
tempt would he too hazardous, they remained during 
the day in full view of the royal army, without com- 
mencing the attack. On the 19th, General Burgoyne 
put himself at the head of the right wing of the 
British army and advanced towards the left of the 
Americans. Generals, Phillijjs and Reidsel, at the 
same time advanced along the river towards the right. 
Ahout one o'clock some of the American scouts fell 
in with those of the British, and attacked them with 
great boldness. 

39. The tiring was no sooner heard than the ad- 
vanced ])arties of both armies j)ressed forward to 
battle. Re-enfbrcements were continually sent on 
upon boili sides and the contest soon became obstin- 
ate and general. The first attempt of the Americans 
was to turn the right wing of the British army and 
flank their line. Failing in this, they moved in regu- 
lar order to the left and there made a furious assault. 
Both armies were determined to conquer, and the 
battle raffed without intermission for three hours. 
Any advantage upon one side was soon counter- 
balanced by an equal advanrage on the other. — 
Cannon and favorable })ositions were taken, lost and 
retaken in quick succession; and the two armies 
might be compared to the two scales of a mighty 
balance, trembling with equal burdens in doubtful 
oscillation, and, had not night put an end to the 
struggle, it is extremely doubtful which would have 
preponderated. 

40. This engagement, though undeci^ive, was ad- 
vantageous to the 7\mericans. The British lost in 
killed, wounded and prisoners, more than 500 men, 
while the loss of the Americans amounted to ()4 killed, 
217 wounded and 38 missing. But the principal ad- 
vantage arose from the new impressions which were 
made upon the minds of the royal army. They had 
hitherto regarded the American army as an assem- 
blage of unorganized cowardly Yankees, which could 



BATTLE OF THB SEVK>'TH OF OCTOBER. 113 

never be brought to face regular British and German 
troops upon the field of battle. And when they came 
to see those, whom they regarded as despicable back 
woodsmen, maintaining, in their rustic homespun and 
leather aprons, with no other arms than rusty fowling 
pieces, an animated and determined attack upon the 
royal troops, till darkness put it out of their power to 
continue it, their hearts sunk within them, and the 
most sanguine could not suppress fearful forebodings 
'with regard to the termination of their expedition. 

41. The Indians in particular, were so disheartened, 
that nearly all of them immediately left the British 
service, and about 250 of them came over and joined 
the American army. The Canadians and Tories also 
deserted in large numbers. From the 20th of Sep- 
tember to the 7th of October, the two armies lay very 
near each other and skirmishes between small parties 
were continually kept up. During this time the 
American army was receiving daily accessions from 
the surrounding country, while that of the British 
was continually diminishing by desertion and other 
causes. On the 7th, General Burgoyne put himself 
at the head of 1500 regulars, for the purpose of cov- 
ering a foraging party and discovering whether it 
would be possible to force a passage down the Hud- 
son, should it be found necessary to alter his position. 

42. As soon as Gates received intelligence of the 
marching of this detachment, he put his troops in 
motion to meet them, and about four o'clock in the 
afternoon an a'^ttion commenced which continued till 
night, and was one of the most animated and obstinate 
ever fought in America. The British troops were at 
length compelled to retreat to their camp, and some 
of their entrenchments were carried by the Americans 
sword in hand ; their loss in the conflict was very 
severe, compared with that of the Americans. Gen. 
Fraser, Col Breymen and several other officers were 
slain, and Sir James Clark, Major Williams and Major 
Ackland were wounded and taken prisoners. Th« 

10* 



114 HISTORY OF VERMOM'. 

Americans took in the whole, 200 prisoner!*, nine pie- 
ces of cannon, and a large quantity of ammunition 
and camp equipage. 

43. As the force of Burgoyne was thus con.«tantly 
diminishing, while that of Gates was daily augment- 
ing by iresh arrivals, it became obvious that nothing 
short of a retreat to Canada could now prevent the 
complete overthrow of the royal army. This Bur- 
goyne attempted as a dernier resort, but soon found 
that the Americans had so coujpleteiy hemujed him 
in, as to render it utterly inij)racticable. Gates now 
employed every means to cut off the suj)jjlies of the 
enemy and the situation of the royal army t ecame 
so desperate, that, on the 13th of October, Burgoyne 
called a council of war by which it was unanimously 
determined to propose a capitidation The next day, 
Major Kingston was sent to the Americans ; hostilities 
were suspended ; and on the 15th and l()th, the articles 
of capitulation were severally agreed upon, and were 
to be signed the next day. During the night of the 
16th, Burgoyne received intelligence that a British 
army was advancing up the Hudson to his assistance ; 
and as the capitulation was not yet signed, he was 
of opinion that it was best to suspend the execution 
of it, and trust to events. But his council decided that 
the public faith was already pledged for the execution 
of the treaty. 

44. Gates, who was well apprised of the advance 
of the British up the Hudson, and fearful that Bur- 
goyne might be encouraged by it to further resistance, 
got every thing in readiness for attacking him on the 
morning of the 17th. At nine o'clock, the time fixed 
for signing the articles, he sent Colonel Greaton on 
horse-back to General Burgoyne for his signature, 
.allowing him only ten minutes to go and return. The 
business was accomj)lished in the time specified, and 
the Americans marched back to their camp to the 
tune of Yankee-Doodle. The whole number of 
troopjSj which were surrendered by this capitulation, 



1 



^URREXDER OF BURGOYX^E. 115 

was 6219, together with all the arms and military 
stores belonffino- to the British armv. 

45. This event terminated the career of Burgoyne 
and of the northern British army in America, and 
nearly put an end to the war in the vicinity of Vermont. 
The regular force under Gates Vv'as moved off to com- 
bat the enemy in other quarters, and the sturdy yeo- 
manry, who had rallied around his standard and fought 
the battles of their country, now returned to tlieir 
homes. The country which had been made deso- 
late by the ravages of war, began again to be inhabited ; 
and the inhabitants were allowed once more to de- 
vote their attention to their civil and domestic affairs. 

46. We liave been thus particular respecting the 
invasion of Burgoyne, as well on account of its effects 
in breaking u}>*The settlements in the western ])arts 
of Vermont, as of the important part performed by 
the Green Mountain Boys in checking, and finally 
captivating the British army. In this business the 
people of Vermont made common cause with those 
of other states, and we have therefore not interru})ted 
our account of the great events of the vevolution 
which transpired upon our borders, by any account 
ofourmternal ])olicy. We shall, however, proceed 
in the next chajjter, to consider more particularly the 
situation of Vermont, with respect to her internal 
government, and her relations to the neighboring 
states, and to the British forces in Canada, during the 
war for Independence. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT, 



CHAPTER IV. 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 



SECTION I. 

From the year 1775, to the Declaration of the Indepen- 
dence of Vermont in 1777. 

1. Having completed our account of those impor- 
tant events in the American war,in which the people of 
Vermont were more particularly concerned, we shall 
now turn our attention to their internal j)olicy, and 
endeavor to trace the successive steps hy which the 
powers of government were assumed, and their po- 
litical fabric erected. The New Hampshire grants, 
having never been recognized by the king as a sep- 
arate jurisdiction, and having everrefused submission 
to the authority of New York, were, at the commence- 
ment of the revolution, nearly in a state of nature, 
being without any internal organization under which 
the inhabitants could act with system and effect. 
Their only rallying point and bond of union was their 
common interest in resisting the claims and au- 
thority of New York. Yet the same interests which 
drove them to resistance, gave the effect of law to 
the recommendations of their committees, while a 
few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the very 



CONrENTlOI? AT DORSET. 117 

occasion, gave impulse, and energy, and system to 
their operations. 

2. Thus stiuated, were the inhabitants of the 
New Hampshire grants, when the first scene of the 
great drama of the revolution was opened at Lexing- 
ton, and as all lesser lights are swallowed up in the 
superior splendor of the sun, so were all the minor 
controversies among the colonists for a while absorbed 
in the more momentous controversy with the mother 
country. But the partial relief, now experienced, from 
the oppression of New Yurk, served only to discover to 
the inhabitants of the grants, the frailty of their bond of 
union, and to convince them of the necessity of a 
better organization, both to enable them to maintain 
the grounds, which they had assumed in relation to 
New York, and to put it in their power to render effi- 
cient aid to their countrymen in the contest with 
Great Britian. 

3. Accordingly, in the fall of the year 1775, several 
of the leading men in the grants, repaired to Phila- 
delphia, where the American Congress was then 
sitting,to procure the advice of that body with regard 
to the course proper to be pursued, under existing 
circumstances, by the inhabitants of the grants. 
Congress did not act formally upon their request, 
but on the return of these men to the grants, they 
spread circulars among the people, setting forth as 
the opinion of several influential members of that 
body, that the inhabitants should immediately form 
a temporary association and adopt such regulations 
as were required by the exigencies of their situation. 

4. A convention of delegates from the several 
towns was according assembled at Dorset, on the 16th 
of January, 1776. This convention forwarded a pe- 
tition and address to Congress, in which, after giv- 
ing a brief sketch of the controversy with New York, 
thev avowed their unwavering attachment to the 
cause in which the colonies had unsheathed the sword, 
and expressed their willingness to bear their full 



118 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

proportion of the burden of prosecuting the war. But 
at the same time, they declared their unwilHngness 
to be considered as in any manner subject to the 
authority, or jurisdiction of New York, or to be 
called upon, when their services should be required, 
as inhabitants of that ])rovince. 

5. This was the first petition of the inhabitants of 
the grants to Congress, and the committee to whom 
it was referred reported, that it be recommended to 
the petitioners to submit for the present to the gov- 
ernment of New York, and assist their countrymen 
in the contest with Great Britain ; but that such 
:submission ought not to prejudice their right to any 
lands in controversy, or be construed to affirm, or 
admit, the jurisdiction of New York over the coun- 
try, when the present troubles should be ended. 
Mr Heiuan Allen, the agent by whom this petition 
was forwarded, considering the report of the coni- 
mittee unfavorable to the grants, obtained leave to 
withdraw the petition, and thus prevented Congress 
from coming to any decision upon the subject. This 
took })lace on the 4th of June, 1776 and on the 4th 
of July following. Congress published to the world 
the memorable declaration of American Independ- 
ence. 

6. By this declaration of Independence, the [»eople 
on the New Hampshire grants w ere placed in a situa- 
tion more difficult and embarrassing than before, and 
there were various o])inioi]s with regard to the course 
which should be j)ursued. Some thought it best 
to place themselves under the jurisdiction of New 
Hampshire: some considered the submission of the 
grants to the authority of New York the only course 
of safety ; but the more resolute and influential were 
for assuniing the jjovvers of government and hazard- 
ing the consequences. To ascertain the state of 
public opinion on this suliject, it was determined 
that a general convention should be called, and cir- 



VERMONT DECLARES HER INDEPENDENCE. 119 

culars were accordingly addressed to the different 
towns, requesting tliein to appoint delegates. 

7. There was a general compliance with this re- 
quest, and deleg'ates from thirty five towns assembled 
at Dorset on the 24th of July, 1776. At this session 
it was agreed by the delegates to enter into an as- 
sociation among themselves for the defence of the 
liberties of their countiy. But at the same time they 
resolved that they would not associate with, or sub- 
mit to, the provincial government of New York, and 
that all such inhabitants of the grants as should thus 
associate, or submit, shoidd be regarded as enemies 
to the common cause. This convention met again 
by adjournment at the same place on the 25th of 
September, and resolved unanimous]}^'' to take suita- 
ble measures, as soon as maybe, to declare the New 
Hampshire grants a free and separate district." 

8. On the ]5th of January, 1777, the convention 
met again at Westminster. The sentiments of their 
constituents were now well ascertained, and, being 
convinced that there was now no other way of safety 
left, they on the IGfh of that month ])ubiished the 
following declaration : "this convention, ^^■h()se mem- 
bers are duly chosen by the free voice of their con- 
stituents, in the several towns on the New Hampshire 
grants, in jjublic meeting assembled, in our own namns, 
and in behalf of our constituents, do licrchy proclaim 
and puhlicb/ declare that the district of territory compre- 
hendingy and usually known hy the name and description 
of the jYew Hampshire grants, of right ought to bcy. 
and is hereby declared forever hereof er to be, a free and 
independent j<urisdiction, or state ; to he forever hereaf- 
ter called, known, and distinguished hy the name of 
J\/ew Connecticut, alias vekmont." 

9. And this declaration of independence fin-ther- 
more asserts, "that the inhabitants wl o at present 
are, or who may hereafier become resident, either 
by birth or emigration, withi)i said tcrritor}', shall be 
entitled to the same privileges, immunities and en- 



120 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

franchisements as are allowed, or as may hereafter 
at any time be aHowed, to the inhabitants of any of 
the free and independent states of America: And 
that such privileges and immunities vshall be regula- 
ted in a bill of rights, and by a form of government 
to be established at the next session of this conven- 
tion." 

10. The foregoing declaration was unanimously 
adopted by tlie convention : after which they drew 
up a declaration and petition to Congres?, in which 
they announced to that body, as the grand represen- 
tative of the United States, that they had declared 
the territory, commonly known by the name of the 
New Hampshire grants, a h*ee and independent state, 
possessing the right to regulate their own internal 
policy in any manner which should not be repug- 
nant to the resolves of Congress. They moreover 
declared their attachment to the common cause and 
expressed their willingness to contribute their full 
proportion towards maintaining the war with Great 
Britain. They closed by praying that their declara- 
tion might be acknowledged by Congress and that 
delegates from Vermont might be admitted to seats 
in that body. This declaration and petition was signed, 
and was presented to Congress by Jonas Fay, Tliomas 
Chittenden, Hemfm Allen and Reuben Jones, four 
of the most respectable mcmb»;rs of the convention. 

11. These prompt and decisive measures of the 
convention evinced the wisdom and boldness of the 
statesmen, wlio at this period directed the affliirs 
of Vermont, and placed the community in a con- 
dition to adoi)t an efficient organization of its own. 
Vermont, in justification of the course of policy 
she was pursuing, contended that she had the same 
right to assume the powers of government, which 
was j)ossessed by the continental Congress, and 
that every consideration, which could justify the pro- 
ceedings of that body, might be urged as a reason 
why the peojjle of Vermont should «?mbracc« the 



ESTABLISHMET OF THE GOVER>\MENT. 121 

present opportunity, effectually to secure themselves 
against the oppression under which they had so long 
suffered. Hajjpy was it for the new state, that these 
measures were ado])ted and supported with that 
firmness and tenjjjerance, which were alone adequate 
to • secure a happy result. 



SECTION II. 



Establishment of the Government of Vermont— from the 
Declaration of Independence January 15, 1777, to 
the Meeting of the General Assembly on the 12th of 
March 1778. 



1. These proceedings of Vermont, by which she 
had declared herself to be a separate and indepen- 
dent jurisdiction, were regarded with very different 
feelings by the neighboring states. While New Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts and Connecticut were ready to 
admit Vermont as a new member of the federal un- 
ion, and applauded the Sjjirit and boldness with 
which she asserted and maintained her rights. New 
York regarded these tranasctions as open acts of trea- 
son and rebellion against the lawful authority of that 
state. With these views, the convention of New York, 
on the 20th of January, 1777, and again on the 1st of 
March, of the same year, addressed communications 
to Congress, in which they represented the proceed- 
ings of Vermont as resulting from the arts and insti- 
gations of designing men, and n;.t, as had been 
re[)resented, from a general desire of the inhabitants 
of that district to renounce'their allegiance to the au- 
thority of New York. 

2. They con)plained of the injuries done them by 
Congress in the appointment of officers hi the disaffec- 
ted portion of their state v/ithout their consent. 

11 



122 HISTORY OF VEllMONT. 

and intimated their apprehensions tliat it was the 
design of Congress to countenance the insurgents m 
their rebellion. TJiey urged upon Congress the ne- 
cessity of ininie(Hately recalling the commissions^ 
given to Colonel Wanier and the officers under hinj, 
as an act of justice to New York, and a*: the means 
of oj)cning the eyes of the " deluded peo[)le" on tlie 
grants, who had set up i'or a separate jurisdiction, and 
were now desiring Congress to sanction their illegal j^ 
proceedings. They represented the influence of f 
Warner as veiy inconsiderable, even in the disaffec- 
ted district, and that his services were a matter of no 
consequence to the country. 

'3. While New York Avas thus laying her grievan- 
ces before Congress, and using all her influence to 
prevent that body from recognizing the inde})endence 
of tlie grants, the internal affairs of Vermont were 
rapidly assiuning that form and regularity. Which 
was calculated to insure a permanent and efficient 
organization of the government. In April, Thomas 
Young, a distiuguished citizen of Philadelphia, ad- 
dressed a communication to the inhabitants of Ver- 
mont, in which he jeprcsented it as the oj)inion of 
several of the leading members of Congress, that 
Vermont should proceed in her organization, form a 
constitution, and ajtpoint delegates to Congress ; and 
he declared it to be his own individual opinion that 
Congrsss would not hesitate to sanction their pro- 
ceedings, or to admit their delegates to a, seat in that 
honorable body. 

4. This communication was ])refixed to a resolu- 
tion, which Congress had passed on the 15th of May, 
1776, which recommended^o the assemblies and con- 
ventions of the United Colonies, where no goveni- 
ment, sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs, had 
already been established, to adopt such government 
as, in the opinion of the representatives of the ])eople, 
should best conduce to the happiness and safety of 
their constituents. This resolution was regarded by 



COMMUNICATIOrr OF THOMAB TOUNG. 123 

the anihor of tlic corrnniinication, as a full license- 
from Congress to the grants, to assume the powers 
of government, and he recommended that no tim3 
be lost in availing themselves of the present opportu- 
nity to estal»!if4i a separate dominion. 

5. Alarmed at the suggestions iji the foregoing 
communication of Thomas Young, the council of 
safety of New York pro(^eeded, on the 28th of May, 
to mak(; a fiu'thcr effort to arrest tin; progress of Ver- 
mont. With this vi(;w th<"y ^tddressed a letter to the 
])resident of Congress, in whieii they say that, "as a 
report [)revails and daily gains credit, that the revol- 
ters are privately countenanced in their designs !)y 
certain members of Congress, we esteem it our duty 
to give this information, that i)y a proper resolutioji 
on the sul)ject, the reputation of Congress may cease 
to be injured by imputations so disgraceful and dis- 
honorable. However unwilling we may be to 
entertain suspicions so disreputable to any member 
of Congress, yet the truth is, that no inconsiderable 
numbers of the peoj)le of this state, do believe the 
rei)ort to be vrell foimd(;d." 

G. With a viev/ of bringing Congress to a decision 
on the subject of this controversy, on the 23rd of 
June, one of the New York delegates laid before that 
body the communication of Thomas Yotmg to the 
inhabitants of Vermont. Congress now took up the 
matter, and the ])et,ition.-5 and comnnmications from 
New York and the New IIam[)shire jrrants, were 
referred to a cnnimittcr^ of the whole. This ponwnit- 
tee, on the 30th day of .I(me, among other things 
resolved, that Congress wou1<l not recommend or 
countenance any thing injurious to the rights and 
jurisdiction of the several communities herein rep- 
resented. — That the inhabitants of tlie New Hamp- 
shire grants cannot be justified in their declaration of 
independence, by the exam[)le ef the United C'olonies, 
nor by any actor resolution of Congress.-Tliat the pe- 
tition of Vermont, to be recognized as an independent 



124 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

State, and to have her delegates admitted to seats in 
Congress, be dismissed. They farther resolved that 
the communication of Tlioraas Young was derogatory 
to the honor of Congress, and contained a gross mis- 
re])resentation of the resolution of that body therein 
reterred to, and was calculated to mislead the peo- 
ple to whom it was adth'cssed. 

7. Whihi Congress were thus resolving to dismiss 
the petition of tiie inhabitants of Vermont, and utterly 
to discountenance their proceedings, the people of 
Vermont were engaged in forming a constitution for 
the regulation of their civil govej-nment, being full}'' 
persuaded that their independence nuist now be sup- 
ported with the same firnniess and spirit with which 
it had been declared. The same convention, which 
had declared the independence of Vermont, met, by 
adjournment, at Windsor on the first Wednesday of 
June, and apj)ointed a committee to make a draft of 
a consiitution for the state. They also adopted a reso- 
lution, recommending that the several towns apj)oint 
delegates to meet in convention at Windsor, on the 
2d day of July following, for the purpose of discuss- 
ing and adoj)ting said constitution. 

8. In compliance with the foregoing resolution, the 
convention assembled at Windsor, on the 2(1 day of 
July, and a dralt of a constitution was presented and 
read. While the convention were deliberating upon, 
and adopting the several artii-les of this important 
instrument, they received the news of the evacuation 
on the Gth of July, of Ticonderoga by the American 
troops. This event left the whole western border 
of Vermont exposed to the eiierny and spread alarm 
and consternation through this and the neighboring 
states. "In this awfid crisis," says Allen in his His-" 
toiy of Vernunit '• the convention was for k'a\ing 
Windsor; but a severe thunderstorm came on and 
gave them time'to refliu't ; while some members less 
alarmed at the news, called the attention of the con- 
vention to finish the constitution, which was then 



FIRST COKSTITUTlOiV ADOPTED. 195 

reading, paragraph by paragra]:>h for the laert thne. 
This was done, and the consention a})|)ointeda coun- 
cil of safety to act during their recess, and adjourned." 

9. Immediately after the adjournment of the con- 
vention, the council of safety of Vermont wrote to 
the councils of safety of Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire, setting forth their exposed condition 
since the abandonment of Ticonderoga, and calling 
upon them in the most ])ressing terms for assistance. 
These communications were dated at Manchester 
July 15th, 1777, Upon this application the council 
of safety of New Hampshire immediately convened 
the assembly of that state, who without delay placed 
a large body of their militia under the command of 
General Stark, and ordered him to repair to Charles- 
town on Connecticut river ; consult with the council 
of Vermont with regard to supplies and future ope- 
rations ; and act in conjunction with the troops of 
that or any other state, or of the United States, as 
in his opinion, would tend most affectually to stop 
the progress of the enemy on the western frontier. 
These orders were promptly obeyed, antl these troops, 
in conjunction with those of Vepmont, at Bennington, 
gave the enemy the first effectual check, as related 
in the preceding cha'pter. 

10. Previous to the adjournment of the convention 
it had been ordered that the first election under the 
constitution should take place in December, 1777; 
and that the representatives then elected, should meet 
at Bennington in January following. Public attention 
was, however, so much engrossed by the advance 
of the enemy under Burgoyne, that the constitution 
was not printed in seiason to have the election take 
place tit the time appointed. The convention was, 
therefore, again called together at Windsor by the 
council of safety, on the 24th of December, where 
they revised the constitution, and pos poned the day 
of election to the first Tuesday of March 1778, and 

11* 



126 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

the meeting of the assembly to the second Thursday 
of the same month. 

11. The maiiuer in which these ])roceedings of 
Vermont were viewed by New Hampshire and New 
York, is obvious from the style of their communica- 
tions during this period. In answer to the a|)|jncation 
of the council of safety of V^erniont for assistance, Mr 
Weare, president cf tlie council of New Hainpsliire, 
adch'essed Vermont as a free and soveieiiiu. but new 
State, and in such terms as to leave no doubt but tint 
New Hampshire willingly acknowledged her inde- 
pendence. But not so with New York. The pro- 
ceedings of Vermont, it is true, had changed her 
policy, but had by no means reconciled her to a re- 
linquishiuent of her jurisdiction over the giants. In 
his proclamation addressed to the inhabitant of the 
grants, February 23d, 1778, the Governor of New 
York, after confirming their tides to their lands in 
particular cases and making several concessions in 
their favor, expressly declares that, that government 
" will vigorously maintain its rightful suprtmacxf over 
the persons and property of those disaffected subjects." 

12. The overtures.jn the |)roclanniti()n of Governor 
Clinton, from which the above extract is taken, have 
a scmblanca of iairness which might have misled a 
people, less discerning, and less jealous of theiV rights 
than they to whom they were addressed. But the 
people of Vermont had been too long accustomed to 
a thorough investigation of every poijit in the con- 
troversy not to perceive that these overtures held out 
no prospect of substaiuial relief. They perceived at 
once that Ne\v York was now endeavoring to effect 
that by policy, whieh she had heretofore vainly at- 
temj)ted by l()rce. They had ever acted upon the 
conviction that the claims of i\ew York were ground- 
less ; and, having now declared their ind(!|)endence 
and a lof)ted a constitution, they were by no means 
to he cajoled into ;m acknowledgement of the "su- 
premacy" of that state. An answer to this proclania- 



4 



CeNTROTIRST WITH NEIV HAMPSHIRE. 127 

tion was afterwards published by Ethan Allen, in 
w^hich he points out its sophistry, shows that its over- 
tures "are all romantic, designed only to deceive 
woods peojjle," and exlions his fellow citizens to 
maintain inviolate the supremacy of the iudei)endent 
state of Vernjont,. as the only means of security to 
their persons and j)roperty. 



SECTION III. 



Controversy with JWw Hampshire in 1778, and 1779 — 
Legislative proceedings in Vermont. 

1. After the royal decision of the controversy be- 
tween New Hampshire and New York, in favor of 
the latter, in 1764. New Hampshire had made no 
attemj)t to continue her jurisdiction over the disputed 
territory. Hence we have hitlierto had occasion to 
consider the people of Vermont, only in their relation 
to the government of New York ; but tlie declaration 
of their indcjiendence and the organization of their 
government were, in their consequences, the occasion 
of new difficulties, not only with New York, but also 
with New Ham])^hir8 and Massachusetts. 

2. The original territory of New Hampsliire was 
granted to John Mason, and was bounded on the west 
by d hne sixty miles from the sei. The lands be- 
tween this line and Connecticut nver, were royal 
grants, and belonged to New Hampshire by virtue of 
the connnissions of the governors of that i)rovince. 
Vermont iiad no sooner organized her government 
than the inhabitants on these lands manifested their 
desire to dissolve their connexion with New Hamp- 
shire and unite with Vermont. In their justification, 



198 HISTORY OF ^':ERM0]TT. 

they contended, that all the territory west of Mason's 
grant, had been held in subjection to New Hampshire" 
by force of the ro3\al commissions — that when the 
royal authority ceased in tbe colonies, in consequence 
of the declaration of independence, their allegiance 
to New Hampshire ceased, and they were left at lib- 
erty to form a sejjarate government, or to unite with 
such neighboring government as would consent to a 
union. 

3. With these views of their relations to New Hamp- 
shire, the people on tbe territory between Mason's 
grant and Connecticut river, proceeded to make ar- 
rangements for proposing a connexion with Vermont. 
The Legislature of V^ermont met, for the first time, 
on tlje 12th of March, 1778, at Windsor, and the 
same day a petition was presented from sixteen towns 
on the east side of Connecticut river, praying to be 
admitted to a union with V'ormont. The Legislature 
was much embarrassed by t'lis ap{)lication. Most of the 
members from the west side of tbe mountains regar- 
ded the union as a dangerou measure and tbe majority 
of the assembly appeared to be against it; yet sever- 
al of the towns iu Vermont on Connecticut river were 
very desirous that the towns from New Hampshire 
should be received, and went so far as to ])roj)ose 
withdrawing from their connexion with Vermont and 
setting up another state. In this state of things, and for 
the purpose of })reserving its own unicvn, the Legisla- 
ture voted, on the 18th of March, 1778, to refer the 
decision of the question to the people. 

4. The Legislature met again by adjournment on 
the 4th of June, at Bennington, when it aj)peared 
that a majority of the towns were in favor of the 
union with the sixteen towns from New Hamj)shire ; 
and, June llth, it was "voted that the union take 
])lace — thirty seven in the affirmative and twelve in 
the negative." It was also voted that any other towns 
on the east side of Connecticut river might be admit- 
ted to a union, on protlucing a vote of the majority of 



FIRST UNION WITH A PART OF >'. HAMPSHIRE. ]29 

the inhabitants, or on their sending a re])resentative 
to the assembly of Vermont. Having thus effected 
their purpose, the sixteen towns informed the gov- 
ernment of New Hampshire that they had withdrawn 
from their«jurisdictioii, and wished the division hne 
to be established and a friendly intercourse to be 
kej)t up. 

5. Those who were anxious for this union, had 
represented to the Legislature, that the inhabitants of 
the sixteen towns were nearly unanimous in their 
votes to join Vermont, and that New Hampshire, as 
a state, would not object to their withdrawing from 
her jurisdiction. But the event ])roved both these 
representations to be false. The government of 
New Ham])shire was justly incensed at the pro- 
ceedings. Mr Vv'eare, President of the Council of 
New Hampshire, wrote to Congress on the 19th of 
August, to jjrocure advice, and, in case of necessity, 
the interference of that body. On the 22d of Au- 
gust, he, hi the name of the general assembU^ of that 
state, wrote to 3Ir Chittenden, governor of Vermont, 
claiming the sixteen towns as a part of New Hamp- 
shire. He stated that a large portion of the inhabi- 
tants of those towns were 0[)j)osed to the union, 
that this minority had claimed the protection of 
the state, and that the government of New Hamp- 
shire considered itself Ijound to protect them. He 
urjjed Governor Chitendtii to exert his influence 
with the Legislature, to dissolve a connexion, which 
would endanger their peace and probably their po- 
litical existence. 

6. On the reception of this communication. Gov- 
ernor Chittenden convened the council, and it was 
agreed that Colonel Ethan x\llen should repair to 
Philadelphia and ascertain how the proceedings of 
Vermont were regarded by Congress. On his return 
he reported that Congress was unanimously oppo- 
sed to the proceedings of Vermont in relation to the 
union with New Hampshire ; but that if those pro- 



130 HfSTOBY or VERMONT. 

ceedings were disannulled, only the delegates from 
New York would oppose their independence. The 
Legislature met again by adjournment on the 8th of 
October, 1778, at Windsor, and, having received the 
report of Col Allen, Oct. 13th, they took up the sub- 
ject of the union. 

7. At the first session of the Legislature in March, 
the state had been divided into two counties, Ben- 
nington on the west side of the mountains, and 
Cumberland on the east. After considering and 
debating the subject of their connexion with the six- 
teeen towns h"om New Hampshire, from the 13th to 
the 21st of October, votes were taken in the Legislature 
on the following questions, the result of which evin- 
ced the determination of a majority of the members 
to proceed no further in that hazardous exi)erimcnt. 
Qiicstion 1st. Shall the counties in this state remain 
as they were established in March last ? This ques- 
tion was decided in the affirmative ; yeas 35, nays 26. 
Qiiestion 2d. Shall the towns on the east side of 
the Connecticut river, which have been axhnitted to 
a union with Vermont, be included in the county of 
Cumberland ? Question Sd. Shall said towns be 
erected into a county by themselves ? The last 
two questions were both decided in the negative : 
yeas 28, nays 33. 

8. Finding by these votes that the Legislature did 
not incline, at present, to do any thing more on the 
subject of the union, the re])resentatives from tlie 
towns on the east side of the Connecticut, with- 
drew from the assembly, in which they had been 
admitted to seats, and were followed by fifteen rep- 
resentatives from towns on the west side of the river, 
together with the Lieutenant governor, and two of 
the Council. After these members had withdrawn, 
the number left was barely sufficient to constitute a 
quorum. They therefore j^-oceeded to transact the 
remaining business of the session, and adjourned on 
the 24th of October, to meet again at Bennington on 



FIRST UHION WITH PART OF N. U. 131 

the second Thursday of February next, having re- 
solved to refer the subject of tlje union with New 
Hampsliire to their constituents for instructions how 
to proceed at their next session, 

9. The secceeding nienibers, after entering a for- 
niaJ protest upon the jonrnals against the proceed- 
ings of the Assembly, held a meeting at which they 
made arrangements for calling a convention, to 
which they invited all the towns, in the vicinity of 
Coimecticiit river, to send delegates. The object of 
this convention was to establish a government in the 
V alley of the Connecticut, the centre and seat of 
which should be some where upon that stream. The 
convention met at Coi'nish, New Hampshire, on the 
Dth of December, and a union was agreed u})on by 
a majority ot the delegates, without any regard to 
former limits, and a proj)osal was made to New 
Huiiip.-Iilif, ci'ilitr to iigi-ec \\itlj that state upon a 
division line, or to submit it to Congress, or to ar- 
bitrators mutually chosen. In case neither of these 
proposals was accepted, they pro[)osed that they 
would consent that all the grants should be imited 
vvifli New liamps^hire and altogether become one 
entire state, coextensive with the claims of New 
llamps.hire previous to the royal decision in 1764, 
Till one of these ))roposals was acceded to, they "re- 
solved to trust in providence and defend them- 
selves." 

30. Only eight towns on the west side of Connec- 
ticut river were represented in this convention, and 
the delegates from some of these dechned taking any 
part in making the foregoing pro])osals to New 
Hamixshire. From the proceedings of this conven- 
tion it became obvious that the whole aim of the 
leading men in the vicinity of Connecticut river, was 
toestabli!?h such a goverinnent as to bring themselves 
in the centre, and it did nota|)p"ar to be material with 
them whetlier this was effected by a union of a 
l>art of Nev/ Hampshire with Vermont, or by bring- 



132 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

iiig the whole of Vermont under the jurisdiction of 
New Hampshire. The people of Vermont were now 
fully sensible of the impolicy, as well as injustice, of 
aidinir in the dismemherjiu-nt of New Hampshire, 
and ihey were wise enough to embrace the first 
opportunity to retrace their ste[)S and dissolve a con- 
nexion which threatened their ruin. 

Jl. The Legislature of Vermont met at Benning- 
ton, according to adjournment, on the llth of Febru- 
ary, 1779, and the next day they voted to dissolve 
the union which had subsisted between them and 
the towns in New Hampsljire. Tliis determination 
of the Legislature of V^ermont, was innncdiately 
commuiuieated to the government of New Hamp- 
shire by Ira Allen, and was received while efforts 
were making to gain the assent of that government 
to the proposals made by the Cornish convention. 
Encouraged by these divisions, the Legislature of 
New Ha.'npshire now resolved to lay claim, not only 
to the sixteen towns, which had united with Ver- 
mont, l)ut to the whole state of Vermont, as grants 
originally made by that })rovince. Aj)plii'ation 
was made to Congress for a confirmation of this 
claim, and at the same tiuje New York api)lied to 
that body for a confirmation of lier title to the teri- 
tory in question. 

is. Circumstances connected with these applica- 
tions convinced the peo])le of Vermont, that they 
were the result of the intrigues of the leading men in 
those states, and were dcsigjied to efil.'ct a division 
of Vermont between them, by a fine along the sum- 
mit of the Green Mountains. As the other states in 
general took l}Ut little interest in these controversies, 
and as the adjustnu nt of them was embarrassing to 
Congress, it wasthought that, if New Hampshire and 
New York shoidd agree, it would be left pretty 
much to those tvto states to settle the aflairs of Ver- 
mont between thiin, in which case Vermont must 
certainly lose her separate existence as a state. But 



COiVTROVERSY WITH N. S. AND N. Y. 133 

either to disappoint the parties, which appeared to 
be resolved on the annihilation of Vermont, or for 
some other cause, Massachusetts now interposed and 
claimed a portion of the disputed territory, as within 
her jurisdiction. Thus was Vermont struggling to 
maintain her independence against the three adjoin- 
ing states which were all claiming her territory and 
the right of jurisdiction, nor had her proceedings yet 
received any countenauce of encouragment from the 
continental Congress. 



SECTIOIV I!V. 

Controversy/ uith JVeiv 3or,^, J^eio Hampshire and 
Massachusetts, in 1778 — 1779, and 1780. 

1. During their troubles, resulting from their union 
■with a part of New Hampshire, and which have been 
mentioned in the preceding section, Vermont was 
still as deeply as ever involved hi the controversy 
with New York ; but now, events transpired in the 
southeastern ]>art of the county of Cumberland, which 
gave to that controversy a much more alarming as- 
pect. On the 7th of July, 1778, Governor Clinton 
wrote to^his friends in Vermont, recommendinir, tliat 
wherever the partizans of New York were sufficient- 
ly powerful, firm resistance should be made to the 
th-aughting of men, the raising of taxes and to all the 
acts of the "ideal Vermont Stale ;" and al&o "that 
associations be formed for mutual defence against 
this usurpation." At the same time he \vi-ote to 
Congress, urging their decision of' the controversy, 
and blaming the people of Vermont for the violence 
of their proceedings. 

2. In conformit}' to the recommendation of Governor 
Clinton, the friends of New York met in convention 
at BruttlcboroiLgh on tlje 4th of Mav, 1779, and. hav- 
12 



134 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ing organized, drew ut) a fx^tition to the Governor of 
New York, in which, after stating the siimmar}' man- 
ner in wliich the pretended State of Vermont was 
])rocee(rnig to confiscate their property, and various 
oth(>r grievances, they " eiitreat his Excellency to take 
in)in('(hate njeasures for j)rorectiiig tlie loyal snhjects 
of that part of the state, and for convincing Congress 
of the impropriety of delaying a decision in a matter, 
which so nearly concerned the peace, welfare and 
lives of many of their firm adherents." Ahout the 
same time a military association was formed for tJie 
purpose of op()osing the authority of Vermont. 

3. In consequence of representing that they had a. 
regiment ot 500 men, and of mriking some other false- 
assertions, several conimissions liad heen obtained 
from Governor Clinton ; and the government of Ver- 
mont, therefore, found it necessary to take measures to 
put a stop to these military movements. Etlian Allen 
was accordingly ordered i)y the governor to call out 
the militia for that piirpose. When the adheients of 
New York were informed of these transactions on 
the ])art of Vermont, Col Patterson, who held a com- 
mission in the county of Cumberland u.ider.the au- 
tliority of New York, wrote to Governor Clinton, May 
5th, for directions how to proceed, and suggesting the 
necessity of sending the militia of Albany county to 
his assistance. This letter and the fore^joing i)etition 
were answered by tlie governor with assurances of 
protection ; and he recommended tliat the authority 
of Vermont should not be acknowledged, except in 
the alternative ofsii!)mission or inevitable j'uin. 

4. On th ) 18th of May, Governor Clinton wrote to 
the y)resi(lent of Congress, " that matters were fast 
ap|)roaching to a very serious crisis, which nothing 
but the ininiediate inter|)osition of Congress could 
possibly prevent ; that he daily expected he should 
be obliged to order out a force for the defence of 
those wlio adhered to New York ; that the wisdom 
of Congress would suggest to them, what would be 



PR00EEDI.VG3 OF CO>"GRES.S OX THE SUBJECT. 135 

the consequence of submitting the controversy, espe- 
cially at this jiuicture, to the decision of the sword ; 
bntiliat jur^tice, tlr; faith of government, the peace and 
saf('tv of s(jci. tv would not permit ihrin to coniinne anv 
longer p'assive spectators of the violence committed 
on their tbliow citizens." Tliis letter and sundry oth- 
er papers relating to the dispuies, were laid before 
Congress on the S'Jili of May, J 779, and were referred 
to a committee of t!ie whole; and on the 1st dav of 
June, Congi-ess resolved "that a committee be ap- 
]>ointe»'' to repair to the inliabitants of a cc-rtain dis- 
trict, known by ihc name of tlie New Hampshire 
grant"^, and en<]uire into tlie reasons why they reiiise 
to continue citizens of tlie respective states, which 
liave claimed jurisdiction over the said disuict. 
And that they take every prudent njeasure to promote 
an amicable settlement; a!id to prevent divi.^ions and 
animosities, so prejudicial to the United Slates". 

5. Willie Congress was engaged in passing these 
resolutions, Allen marched with an armed force and 
made prisoners of the Colonel and otlier officers v.ho 
were acting under the auihoritv of New York. Com- 
])laiiit was imme(hately made to Governor Clinton, 
with an earnest request tiiat he would take speedy 
measures for tlieir relief. Go\^ernor Clinton wrote 
again to Congress on the 7th of June stating Tvhat 
had taken place, disapj)roving of the resolutions of 
Congress before mentioned^ and requesting that the 
committep, apjjointed to rej)air to the New Hamj»- 
shire grants, njight postpone their visit till after the 
next meeting of the New York Legislature. June 
16th, Congress resolved that tlie officers ca|)tured by 
Allen should be liberated, and tliat the couimirtee 
above mentioned be directed to inquire into the cir- 
cumstaiH-es of tliat transaction. 

6. Ofthe five commissioners appointed to repair 
to Vermont two only attended — Dr Withei-spoon 
and3Ir Atlee. These gentlemen repaired to Ben- 
nington in June, had several conferences with the 



13G mSTORY OF VBHMOWT. 

friends of Vermont, and, also, witli othei-s, who woi*e 
in tli(3 interest of New York. It seems to have heen 
the aim of these commissioners to effect a reconcil- 
iation between the parties ; but it appears from the 
report, whicli tin}' mtule to Congress on the 13th of 
July, that they did not succeed in aceomplisliing the 
object of their mission. Four parties were now 
c]aimin<( the same tract of country, and each of these 
parties had applied to Congress lor a decision of tlie 
controversy. Under such circumstances Congress 
could not well avoid taking up the niatter and among- 
others, on the 24th of September, 1779, passed several 
resolutions, the substance of which was as follows; 

7. Resolved that it be earnc'stly reconun('nd(;d, that 
JSfew Hampshire, Massachusetts and New York ex- 
pressly autliorize Congress to determine their disputes 
relative to their respective l)oundaries — and that on 
tlie first of February next. Congress will j)roc(?ed to 
settle and determine the same, according to equity. 
It was, moreover, declared to be the duty of those in- 
habitants of the New Hampshire grants, who did not 
acknowledge the jurisdiction of either of the above 
named states, to refrain from exercising any power 
over such of the inhabitants as did acknowledge such 
jurisdiction, an*l it was likewise recommended to 
the said states to refrain, in the mean time, from exe- 
cuting their laws over such inhabitants as did not 
acknowledge their respective jurisdictions. 

8. From the whole tenor of these resolutions, it 
was evident that Congress wished for the present to 
pacify the parties, without coming to any decision 
upon the matter in dispute ; and it was equally evi- 
dent that she would j)refer sacrificing Vermont as a 
separate jurisdiction, to a ru})ture at tijis time with 
'cither of the states, which laid claim to that territory. 
Nor shall we be supprised at this i)artial and evasive 
j)olicy, when we consider that the successtid termina- 
tion of the war for independence, which was then 
undecided, and the fate of the colonies generally do- 



VERMONT APPEALS TO THE WORLD. 137 

pended upon the irUegrity of tlieir union in the com- 
mon cause. 

D. Tiiose resolutions seem to Jjave quieted all 
parties but Vermont. New Hampshire and New 
York complied with the recommendations and au- 
thorized Congress to settle the dispute. iMassacliu- 
setts did not comply, and she probably neglccti-d it 
for the pnrj)0sc of relieving Congress from the ne- 
cessity of deciding the matter at the time aj)pointed 
and of preventing the sacrifice of Vermont. A com- 
jjliance with these nisoliitions on the )»fu't of Vermont, 
woidrl have been to admit the exist(,'nce of I'our sej)a- 
rate jurisdictions at the same time in the sanje terri- 
tory, and in a territory too, tin; inhabitants of which 
]iad declared themselves to be free and independent, 
and had assmned the powers of goveinnjcnt and (.-x- 
ercised them in all cases and in every part of the 
territory. No alt(irnative therefore remained to Ver- 
mont. Sh'! had taken a d(!cisive stand — declared Iku* 
jnde|:)endeMce— i/brwe^/ a constitntion — enacted laws, 
and established courts of justice, and now nothing 
remained for her but to go onward wilU fimnoss and 
resolution ; and happy was it for lierthat ,she possess- 
ed stat(!smen endowed with conrage and abilities 
suited to the emergency of Inir condition ; statesjuen 
who well imderstood the rights and interests of the 
comtnnniry and were determined that they shoidd not 
he sacrificed by the neighboring states, or hy the poli- 
cy of Congress. 

10. On the 10th day of December, 1779, the gov- 
ernor and council of Vermont, in reference lo the 
foregoing resolutions of C(»ngre.ss, publislKul an ap- 
peal to the cantlid and im|)artial world, in which 
they d(;clared that they could not view themselves as 
holden, either in the sight of God, or mail, to sub- 
mit to the execution of a plan, which they had reason 
to believe was commenced by neighboring states; 
that the liberties and j)iivileges of the state of Ver- 
mont, bv said resolutions are to be suspended upon 

ia* 



138 HISTORY OF VERMONT 

the arbitrament and final determination of Congress, 
when, in their opinion, they were things too sacred 
ever to be ar!)itrated upon ac all ; and what they 
were bound to defend at every risk : that Con- 
gress had no right to intermeddle in the internal 
pohcy and government of Vermont; — tliat the state 
existed independent of any of the thirteen United 
States, and was not accountable to them, or to their 
representatives, for liberty, the gift of the benevolent 
Creator ; — 

11. That the state of Vermont was not represented 
in Congress, and could not submit to resolutions 
passed without their consent, or even knowledge, 
and which put every thing which was valuable to 
them at stake ; — that there appeared a manifest in- 
equality, not to say ])rcdetermination, that Congress 
should request of their constituents power to judge 
and determine in the cause, and never ask the con- 
sent of the thousands whose all was ar stake. They 
also declared tJiat they wore, and evej- had been, 
ready to bear their proportion of the burden and ex- 
pense of the war with Great Britain from its com- 
mencement, whenever they were admitted into the 
union with the other states. But they were not so 
lost to ail sense, and honor, that, after fbin* years of war 
with Britain, in which they had exj)en(li.'d so much 
blood and treasure, they slioultl now give up every 
tiling worth fighting Ibi-, — the right of making their 
own laws, and cijoosing their own form of govern- 
ment, — to the arbitrament and determination of any 
man, or body of men, und;r heaven." 

12. Congress, as already noticed, had appointed 
the first day of February, 1780, ibr ^considering ajid 
determining the matters in question ; but contrary to 
the wishes and expectations of all the parties, the 
subject was not called uj). Congress, however, or- 
dered, on the 21st of March, that, as there were not 
nine states represented in that body, exclusive of tiic 
parties concerned, the mt^tter ehould be, for the pros 



REPLY OF VERMONT TO CONGRESS. 139 

ent, postponed, but on the 2d of June, resumed the 
consideration of if, and among other things resolved 
"that the proceedings of the people on the New 
Hanipshire grants, were highly unwarrantable and 
subversive of the peace and vveltare of the United 
States, and that they be strictly required to abstain 
from all acts of authority, civil or miUtary, over those 
inhabitants who profess allegiance to othor states." 
The subject was again called up on the 9th of June, 
and the further consideration of it postponed to the 
second Tuesday of Scpteml)er following. 

13. The foregoing resolutions and proceedings of 
Congress were communicated to Governor Chitteti- 
den, who laid the same before his council ; and on 
the 25th of Jidy, thpy replied, in a comnnmication ad- 
dressed to the president of Congress, that " however 
Congress may view tliose resolutions, they are consid- 
ered by the people of this state, as being in their na- 
ture, subversive'of the natui-al riijhts which thev had to 
liberty and mdependence, as well as incompatible 
with the principles on which Congress grounde(i 
their own right to independence, and iiad a natural 
and direct tendency to endanger the liberties of 
America ; that Vermont, being a free and indepen- 
dent state, had denied the authority of Congress to 
judge ol their jurisdiction ; — ■ 

14. That as they were not included in t^he thirteen 
United States, if necessitated to it, they were at lib- 
erty to offer or accej)t terms of cessation of hostilities 
with Great Britain, without the approbation of any 
other man, or body of men." And they further de- 
clared that if Cong-ress and the neiffhboring states 
jicrsisted in the course they were pursuing, they 
could have no motives to continue hostilities with 
Great Biitain, and maintain an important frontier lor 
the benefit of a country which treated them as slaves. 
Yet, notwithstaiidiug the injustice done them, rtiey 
were induced, by their attaclnnent to the cause of 
liberty, once more to offur union v/ilh the Uuitod 



140 msToaT of tehmo^t. 

States, of which Congress were the legal re})rescn- 
tative body." 

15. All parties now anxiously awaited the decis- 
ion of Congress on the second Tuesday of Septem- 
ber, and, although Vermont denied the authority of 
Congress to determine the matter, she judged it pru- 
dent to employ Ira Allen and Stephen 11. Braclley, 
as her agents, to attend the deliberations upon the 
subject. On the 19th of September, Congress took 
up the subject of the controversy and the agents 
from Vermont were permitted to be j)resent, but 
not as the representatives of any state, or of a ])eo- 
ple invested with legislative authority. New Hamp- 
shire and New York now urged, and endeavored to 
prove, their respective claiujs to the disputed t!;rri- 
tory, and it soon became evident to the agents that 
Congress did not regard Vermont as a party in the 
controversy, but that, in attemjning to decide the 
disj)ute between New Hampshire and New York, 
she was adjudicating upon tlie very exi.^tence of Ver 
mont without her consent. 

IG. Alarmed and indignant at these proceedings, 
the agents withdrew their attendance, and on the 
22d of September, transmiited a renjonstrance to 
Congress, in which they (hiciare they can no longer 
sit as idle spectators, without betraying the trust re- 
posed in Them, and doing violoice to their own feel- 
ings ; thr.t by the mode of trial which was adopted, 
the state of Vermont could have no hearing without 
denying her own existence, and that ihe^j would not 
take on themselves such humility and s!;if abasement 
as to lose their political lite in order to fiiid it. Tiiey 
expressed the willingness of Vermont to subnfit tho 
dispute to the jnediation and settlemenr of the legis- 
latures of dishiterested states, but rejjrobated the idea 
that Congress could sit as a comt of judicature and 
determine the matter by virtue of authority given 
them by one only of the parties. They conclude by 
observing, that, if the present })olicy be pursued by 



UISION. WITH PART OF N. H. AND W. Y. 141 

Coii.frress, they are ready to appeal to God and the 
world, to say who must be accountable for the awful 
consequence that niay^isue. 

17. On the'27ih of '|||mteinl)er, Congress again re- 
sumed the subject OKilie controversy, and, liaving 
heard the evidence on the part of New Hampshire, 
resolved, that the further consideration of the matter 
be post))oned ; and tliis v.'as doubtless the wisest 
course of pohcy which Congress could pursue under 
existing circumstances. The contest \\ith the moth- 
er country was yet undecided, and its issue doubtful, 
and the groimds which the several parties in the 
dispute had assumed were such, that Congress could 
not hope to make a decision, which would satisfy 
thein all ; and to irritate either of the states concern- 
ed, to such a degree as to drive them to an abandon- 
ment of the counnon cause, might paralyze the 
efforts of Congress and prevent the attaimnent of that 
liberty and independence for which they were strug- 
gling. 



SECTION V. 



Union of Vermont with apart ofJVew Hampshire and 
a part of JVew York in 1781. 

1. The indefinite postponement of the decision of 
the controversy by Congress, as mentioned in the 
j)receding section, was by no means agreeable to Ver- 
mont. She well knew the ground on which she 
stood, and although this ])ostponement evinced that 
her claims to indt.'pcndence had made some impres- 
sion on the mind of Congress, yet it forbade the hope 
of an immediate recognition of that independence, 
and her admission into the union. And, moreover, 
being irritated by the course pursued by New Hamp- 
shire and New York, in stibstantiating their claims, 
and being wounded by the humiliating ti-eatmeut, 



142 HISTORY OF • ERMONT. 

which her agents had received from Congress, Ver- 
nioDt now resolved npon a course of ])oUcy, which 
woidd enahle her to assume aiiuore u' \ osing atitude, 
and induce hrr o])j)onents to j^li^d to power what had 
been so long denied to the cl^js of justice. 

2. Since the dissohnion oi'ifre union between Ver- 
mont and the sixteen towns fi-om New Hampshire, 
most of the inhal)itauts in the western ;part of New 
Ham))shire were still aiixii us to be annexed to Ver- 
mont: there were however, some among them who 
wished New l]<un))shire to sustain her claim and ex- 
tend her juris(hction over the whole of \ ermont. 
To tiicilitate the accomplishment of the object last 
mentioned, a convention^ was pi-oposed to be ass(Mn- 
bled at Charlestown, and letters were sent by sever- 
al influential men, in the interest of New Hampshire, 
into the western towns inviiing them to send rcpre- 
sejitatives. Accordingly, represenljitives from forty 
three towns assend)led at Charl(;stown on the Knh 
of January, 1781 ; but, to the surprise and disappoint- 
ment of those who had ]>roposed the measure, a 
large majority of the convention were found to be 
0))posed to the jurisdiction of New Hampshire and 
in favor of a union with \ ermont. 

3. A committee was therefore apj)ointed by the 
convention to confer with v ermont on the subject 
of the union. This committee, on the lOtli day of 
Febi-uary, inforujed the assembly of v'ermont, tlien 
sitting at Windsor, that "the convention of the New 
Ham])shire towns, was desirous of being united with 
A'erujont, in one SK'|)arate independent gov(M-nnient, 
U])on such principles as should he mutually thouiiht 
the most ecpiitable and beneficial to the state." This 
aj)plication was referred to a coimnittee olthe whole, 
on the report of which it was resolved, February 14th, 
that "in order to qui(!t the present disturbances 
on the two sides of Connecticut river, and the better 
to enable the inhabitants to defend their frontier, the 
legislature of this state do lay a jurisdictional claim to 



SECOND UNION WITH N. HA»IPSKIRE. 143 

all the lands east of Connecticut river, north of Mas- 
sachusetts, west of Mason's hue and south of latitude 
45 degrees ; ' that they will not for the time being 
exercise said jurisdiction." 

4. The couv'ention of the New Hampshire towns 
was at this time sitting at Cornish on the opposite 
side of the river, and, after repeated conimunications 
beetvveen the connuittee of this convention, and a 
committee of the Legislature of \'eriuout, the articles 
of union were finally agreed upon. By these articles 
it was stipulated that the constitution of \ ermont 
should be adopted by the New Ham})shire towns — 
that application should be made to Congress to be 
admitted as one of the United States — that full act of 
oblivion be passed for all former otfeu^es against 
Vermont by persons denying her jurisdiction — and 
that the towns in Vermont, and also the New Hamp- 
shire towns, should be called upon to exj)ress their 
oi)inions of the j)roposed union ; and if, at the ad- 
journed session of the assembly, in April next, it 
should appear that two thirds of each were in favor of 
the measure the union should then be consunnnated, 
and representatives should be admitted to the assem- 
bly from the New Hampsliire towns. These articles, 
agreed upon by the conunittees, were confirmed by 
the assembly, which pledged the faiih ot the state 
that they should be held sacred. 

5. The assembly of v ermont met again at Windsor 
agreeable to adjournment, on the 4th of April, and 
the convention of the New Hampshire towns also 
re-assembled at Cornish. On the 5th of April, a 
conunittee of the convention informed the assembly 
that thirty five towns on the east side of Comiecticut 
river had consented to t!ie union, beirjg all the towns 
from which returns had been received ; and that 
the way was now clear on their ])urt for the union 
to take place. On examining the returns, which had 
been forwarded from the towns in Vermont, it a})- 
peared that thirty six were in favor and seA'eu oppos- 



144 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

ed to the union ; whereupon a committee was ap- 
pointed to inform the convention tliat a major part 
of the towns in Vermont had agreed to the union, 
and that the assemhly would receive the memhers 
returned from the New Ham})shire towns, on the 
morrow, at nine o'clock in the morning. Accordingly^ 
on the next drry, thirty five representatives from towns 
on the east side of Connecticut river, took their seats 
in the General Assemhly of V^ermont. 

6. On account of the unjustifiable measures, by 
which New York was endeavoring to embarrass and 
overturn the government of Vermont, and in conse- 
quence of repeated solicitations from several towns 
in New York, which bordered on Vermont, to be 
taken into union with this state, the Legislature of 
Vermont had, on the 14th of February, 1781, laid juris- 
dictional claim to all the lands west of her present 
territory, and east of Hudson river to the head there- 
of, and thence east of a north line extending to the 
45th degree of north latitude; with the proviso, that 
this jurisdiction should not be exercised for the time 
being. But Vermont, having now completed her 
eastern union, once more turned her attention to that 
on the west. On the 11th of AjH-il, 1781, a commit- 
tee was appointed by the general assembly to attend 
a convention of delegates fiom the towns in New 
York, which desired a union with \ ermont, and 
make the necessary arrangement for effecting it. This 
convention met at Cambridge, and on the 15th of 
May, the articles of union were agreed to by the 
connnittee from \ ermont and the deh^gates from 
twelve districts in New York ; and on the l()th of 
June following, they were confirmed by the Legis- 
lature of Vermont, and representatives from those 
districts were admitted to seats in the general assem- 

7. By these I old and decisive measures, \ ermont 
plac< (1 herself in an interesting attitude, and evinced 
to tlie world the abilities and tlie pectaliar genius, of 



NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 145 

her statesmen. Tlian the measures wliich we have 
just recorded, no course of policy could be better 
calculated to enal)le her to sustain iier independence 
and thwart the dcsi^^ns of her enemies. IJy the un- 
ions, thus ibrined, slie liad doubled the extent of 
territory within her jurisdiction and added greatly to 
her numbers and resources. Siie had (juieted the 
disaffection of her jii-ople at home, and restored con- 
fidence to her friends abroad. Slie had placed the 
territory in a condition to invite emigration from the 
neighboring states, and had laid the foundation for a 
large and powerful conimiuiity. In short she liad 
placed herself in a condition to coniniand theresj>ect, 
even of her enemies, and to draw from them, conces- 
sions which justice alone had sought in vain. She 
therefore wisely determined, so to manage her own 
afftiirs, as to secure her own safety and indej)endence, 
agninst the arms of the Ih'itish on ;he north, and the 
wiles of her enemieij in other quarters. The man- 
ner in which this wtis effected will be related in tho 
lollowing section, 



SECTION Vic 

J\''egotiatwn icith the British in Canada from 1780, to 
1783. 

1. From the connnencement of hostilities at Lex- 
ingt(M), no pt.'oplc iii America had espoused the cause 
of liberty and of th<^ir countr\' with great(!r alacrity, 
or sustained it witli more spirit and n'solutioii, than 
the people of \"er!nont. Yet, afler iXi their efforts 
and s.'jcritices in the common cause, they had the 
mortificarion ti) fiml themselves dcMiicd a just partici- 
pation of the blessings which they had la!>ored to 
secure. Their claims to indf'pendenee were not 
acknowledged by Congress ; the dismemberment of 
their ti-rritory and the amiiliilation of their soverei-jn- 
ty were threatened by the intrigues, and the unjust 
13 



146 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

claims of the neighboring states, and, to crown the 
whole, they were now abandoned by the power which 
ought to protect them, and left to contend single 
handed with the connuon enemy. 

2. But notwithstanding their attachment to the 
cause of their country, the peof)le of \ ermont could 
not fail to ])erceive that every step which they took 
to support it, only rendered their own condition more 
hopeless. They could hardly wish to lend their aid 
for the purpose of bringing the struggle with a for- 
eign enemy to a successful termination, when they 
perceived that by such an event, they should be sub- 
jected to the domination o/ a more detestable enemy 
at home. In this state of things, Vermont wisely 
consulted her own safely ; and by the negotiation 
with the enemy in Canada, in which she now enga- 
ged, she was as fojtunate as to secure it. 

3. The British generals in xVmerica had for some 
time entertaiued hopes of turning the disputes in re- 
lation to Vermont to their own account, by detaching 
tbat district from the American cause and making it- 
a British province. But the tirst intimation of their 
views and wishes was communicated in a letier from 
Colonel Beverly Robinson to Ethan Allen ; dated New 
York, 3Iarch 30th, 1780. In July, this letter was vle- 
liveredto Allej] in the street in Arlinaton, bv a British 
soldier in the habit of an Ameiican farmer. Allen 
perused the letter, and then told the bearer that he 
should consider it, and that he might return. 

4. Colonel Robinson began his letter by exj)ressing 
a wi.-h that his proposals might be received with tiie 
same good intention with which they were njade. 
He then proceeds: — "I have often been informed 
that you and ujost of the inhabitants of Vermont, are 
opposed to the wild and chimerical scheme of tlie 
Americans in attem|)ting to separate from Great Brit- 
ain and establish an inde|)endent government of their 
own ; and that you would willijiiilv assist in unitin^' 
America to Great Britain, and in restoring that hap])y 



COL Robinson's letter to e. allen. 147 

constitution so wantonly and unadvisedly destroyed. 
If I liave been rightly informed, and these should be 
your sentiments and inclination, 1 heg that you will 
coinnuinicate to me without reserve, whatever pro- 
posals you would wish to make to the commander- 
in-chief; and I hereby {iromise that I will laithfully 
hy them before him according to your directions, 
and flatter myself I can do with as good effect as any 
person whatev^er. I can make no pro|)osaIs to you 
until I know your sentiments; but think, upon your 
taking an active part and embodying the inhabitants 
of Vermont, under the crown of England, you may 
obtain a separate govermnent underthe king. — If you 
sliould think proper to send a friend here with j)ro- 
posals to the general, he shall be protected and allow- 
ed to return wlienever he pleases." 

5. Allen inunediately communicated the cojitents 
of this lettf'r to Governor Chittenden and some other 
confidential friends, who agreed in o|)inion, that no 
answer should be returned. Robinson, not receiving 
a reply to his letter and suj)[)osing it to have been mis- 
carried, wrote again to Alien on the 2d of February, 
1781, enclosing his former letter. In his second let- 
ter, after saying he had received new assurances of 
the inclination of Vermont to join the king's cause, he 
said that he could then write with more authority, 
and assured Allen that he and the people of Vermont 
could obtain the most fiivoral)le terms, provided they 
would take a decisive and active part in favor of Great 
Britain, lie requested an answer ; and, that the way 
might be ])ointed out for continuing th(? correspond- 
ence ; and desired to be iiiforme<l in what maimer the 
yjeople of Vermont could be most serviceable to the 
British cause. 

6. Allen returned no answer to either of tliese let- 
ters; but, on the 9th of March, 1781, inclosed them in 
a letter to Congress, informing them of all the circum- 
stances, which had thus far attended the business. He 
then proceeded to justify the conduct of Vermont in 

ll 



148 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

asserting her right to independence, and expressed 
liis determinate resolution to do every tliini; in his 
}io\ver to establish it. Conscious of his own integ- 
rity, and sensible that his activity mid siifferiisiis in 
the canse of his country were ^v<•ll kuowu throuiihout 
America, he ex]))-( ssed hinis( If in tjje following inde- 
pendent and decided language. 

7. "Jam confident," said he, "that Congress will 
not dispute my sincere attachment to the cause of 
niy country, tliongh 1 do not hesitate to say, I am fully 
grounded in o{)inion, that Vermont has an indubitable 
right to agree on terms oi a cessation of hostilities 
with Great Britain, })rovided the United States persist 
in rejecting her aji|tlicaiion for an union with iJiem. 
For Vermont would be, of ail ])eople, most miserable, 
were she obliged to defend the indei)endence of the 
United claiming States, and they be, at the same 
time, at full liberty to overturn and ruin the indepen- 
dence of Vermont. When Congress consider the 
circumstances of this state, they will, I am persua- 
ded, be more surprised that I have transmitted them 
the inclosed letters, than that I have kept them in cus- 
tody so long; lor I am as resolutely determined to 
defend the inde))cndence of Vermont, as Congress 
is that of the United States ; and rather than fail, I 
ivill retire iviih the hardy Green Mountain Boys, into 
the desolate caverns of the Mountains, and wage war 
with hunum nature at Iarp:;eJ'^ 

8. During the spring of 1780, some of the scout- 
ing parties, belonging to Vermont, had been taken 
by the British and carried j)risoners to Canada. On 
the application of their friends to Governor Chitten- 
den, he, in the month of July, sent a flag, with a 
letter to the commhnding ofhcer in Canada, request- 
ing their release or exchange. In the fall, the Brit- 
ish came tip lake Chamj)]ain in* gicat Ibrc^e, and a 
yery favorable answer was retiirufd by Gen("ral llal- 
dimand to Governor Chittenden's letter. A fiag was 
at the same time sent to Ethan Alien, then a briga- 



NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 149 

dier general and commanding officer in Vermont, 
proposing a cessation of hostilities with Vermont, 
during negotiations for the exchange of prisoners. 
This proposal was accepted by Allen, on condition 
that the adjacent frontier of New York should be 
includefl with Vermont. The British officer at first 
objected, but finally agreed to every tbing which Al- 
len j)roposed. 

9. The governor appointed Colonel Ira Allen and 
Major Josejdi Fay, commissioners on the part of Ver- 
mont, to negotiate the ])roposed exhcange of prison- 
ers ; who, soon after, had an interview with Captain 
J. Sherwood and George Smith, agents on the part 
of the British. Diu-iiig this interview, the British 
agents availed themselves of the opportuisity to ex- 
plain their views, and to make proposals for the es- 
tabbshment of Vermont under the royal autboriij'. 
The commissioners from Vermont received these 
proposals with some attention ; and, although they 
avoided expressing a decided opinion on the subject, 
the British flattered themselves that they w ere in a 
fair way to effect their purposes. 

10. The next year the British entered upon the 
business with high exy)ectations of success ; and as 
the British army in Canada was 10,000 strong, and 
the frontiers of \ errnont without any adequate 
means of defence, it was evidently the interest of 
\ ermont not to undeceive them, but to endeavor to 
effect that by policy, which they could not do by 
power. And as the cabinet council of Vermont be- 
lieved, that tbe forces of the United Slates had been 
withdrawn from her territory, for the purpose of 
driving them to seek the protection of New York, 
they felt that it was clearly tbeir duty, by managing 
the British attempts to corrupt them to their own 
advantage, to make the best ]>rovision. remaining in 
their power, for the safety of the people. 

11. In April, 1781, Col Ira Allen was appointed to 
settle a cartel with the British for an exchange of 

13* 



150 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

prisoners. Taking with him one subaltern, two ser* 
gcants, and sixteen jwivates, he started, \n ith a fair 
wind, on tile 1st day ol' Ptlaj'^, and soon arrived at the 
Isle Aux Noix, where he was |)Oiiiely reeeived by 
]\Iaj. Dundas, the British connnander at that j)ost. 
Tiie cartel was soon agreed to, and the British agents, 
Siierwood and Smith, now entered npon the sub- 
ject of the armistice and the establishment of the 
royal aiuhoriiy in -. erinont with high hopes of ac- 
comj)!ishitig ihcur oliject. Allen acknowledged that 
the people ot Vermont were growing remiss in the 
prosecution of the war, being afraid that its termina- 
tion in favor of America, would subject them to the 
government of New York, which they considered 
the most detestable in the known world ; and that, 
to such an event, they v/ould })refer to become a 
separate colony under the crowi', and that the Uni- 
ted States should be again brought under the domin- 
ion of "he British government. 

12. The British agents gave assurance on their 
part, that Vermont could become a royal colony 
with privileges equal to those enjoyed by any 
other colony ; and that they who assisted in ac- 
complishing sucli an object, would be suitably hon- 
ored and rewarded. With such consunnnate skill 
did Allen manage this negotiation on the j)art of 
Vermont, that vvithout committing himself, he com- 
pletely ati'ected his own views; and by leading the 
British agents to an agreement that hostilities should 
not be commenced against Verujont, till after the 
next scv^^ion of the assend)ly, he succeeded in keeping 
an army of 10000 of the enemy inactive upon the 
frontiers. Tliis business was accomjjlished after a 
conference of 17 days, and the com n fission ers par- 
ted in high friendship; Allen and his suite being 
furnished by 3hij. Dundas with am])le stores for 
their return home. On his way Alien encouraged the 
settlers, who were abandoning the country, to re- 
main peaceably upoa their farms, and trust to tiie 



IRA Allen's mission to Canada. 151 

governor anrl council to provide the means for their 
defence ; and he assured them, that, if a removal be- 
came necessary for the safety of their families, they 
should have tiniely notice, and assistance in accom- 
plishing^ it. 

13. It w^as generally known that Colonel Ira Allen 
had been sent to the enemy in Canada under a com- 
mission from the Governor of Vermont, but the pre- 
cise oi)ject anVl extent of the negotiations, were knov/n 
only to eight individuals, viz. Thomas Chittenden, 
Moses Robinson, Samuel SafFord, Ethan Allen, Ira 
Allen, Timothy i>rownson, John Fassett, and Josef)h 
Fay. And when it was understood that Colonel Al^ 
2en was to re]>ort the result of his mission at the 
meeting of the Legislature at Bennington, in June^ 
-curiosity and a desire to know the trut^ state ol'afiairs, 
drew together a large number of spectators from Ver- 
mont, the neighboring states, and Canada. The whigs 
in Vermont and tlie adjourning states were jealous 
that the views of the cabinet council of Vermont ex- 
tended to something farther than an excliange of pris- 
oners ; they theretbre sent their agents to watch 
the Legislature and to discover whether this inter- 
course tended to any thing treasonable on the part of 
Vermont, or injm-ious to the American cause. While, 

t)n the other hand, emissaries were sent from Canada 
to see 'vhether Colonel Allen reiiorted any thiii'^ con- 
trary to the views, interchanged between liiin and the 
British agents at the Isle Aux Noix, with regard to 
the establishiiient of "■ erniunt as a British })ro\ ince. 

14. A few days after the commencement of the 
session, the two houses met in jc.int committee on the 
subject of Colonel Allen's mission to Canada. Gov- 
ernor Chittenden arose and stated, that Colonel Al- 
len had been sent to Canajla to obrain the release, or 
exchange, of sundry per^^ife belonging to tliis state, 
who were jjrisoners in the hands of the enenjy, and 
that, with much difficult}', he had completed the busi- 
ness in behalfof Vermont, though no such exchange 



152 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

had taken place with the United States, nor with 
any other individual state. He then inibrmed the 
conmiittee that Colonel Allen was then j)resent, and 
that, if ftuther inforniation was wanted, he could 
hest give it. Colonel Allen then arose and, after re- 
capitulating substantially what the governor had sla- 
ted, informed the committee that his commission and 
papers had been h.'ft at home, but that they should 
be submitted to their inspection the next day. 

15. Accordingly, on the next day he attended with 
the {)apers, which, after a short voriial explanation, 
were read. From these it aj)poared that the British 
had shown great generosity in the exchange of pris- 
oners, but they contained nothing resj)ecting an ar- 
mistice, or the establishment of a royal govern tnent in 
Vermont ; the negotiations on the two latter subjects 
having been ])uri)osely conducted on the part of Ver- 
mont by means of verbal coirespondence. Colonel 
Allen then rose and stated, that if any member of the 
committee, or auditor ainong the spectators, wished 
any further information respecting the business, he 
was ready to answer their questions. All seemed 
satisfied. The friends of the United States comj)li- 
mented Allen for his open and candid conduct and 
the spectators froiu Canada returned fidly satisfied 
that nothing had trans[)ired inconsistent with their 
views and designs. 

16. At this session of the Legislature Major Joseph 
Fay was appointed " commissioner of prisoners," and 
in July, he went on board the Royal George on lake 
Champlain, and obtained the exchange and a further 
extension of the armistice. About this time a corres- 
pondence was carried on between Ethan and Ira Al- 
len on one ])art and the British on the other, by means 
of a British guard of a sergeant and eight men. This 
guard conveyed the coimil&hications from the British 
officers to Sunderland, where they were received by 
one of the Aliens personally in the dusk of the eve- 
ning, who, the next evening, returned an answer, 



LORD Germain's letter to sir h.^cli^ton. 153 

which was conveyed by them to lake Champlain. 
And it is worthy of remark, that (communications were 
frequently uiterdjanged in thia^ manner, during the 
years 1781, a^id 1782, witliout discovery, notwithstand- 
ing Sunderland was more than 60 miles fronj the fron- 
tier. 

17. While this friendly intercourse was thus main- 
tained between the British and a few of the leading 
men in \ermo}it, the ])cople generally were very 
i?neterate in'their hatred towards the British and to- 
nes. A y)erson in Arlington, being siipposed to en- 
tertain friendly feelings towards the British, a party 
collected in Manchester aiul were proceeding to tear 
down his house. In Sunderland they were met by 
the Messrs Brownsonsand Ira Allen who, with much 
difficulty persuaded them to returti. Tluit veiy night 
Colonel Allen received a ]x\cket,from a British guard 
«j)oti the same ^ground where this ])arty were per- 
suaded to go back, and returned an answer the next 



evenmg. 



18. Jonas Fay, Bezaleel Woodward, and Ira Allen 
were appointed agents to Congress by the Legisla- 
ture at their session in June. About the time of their 
arrival at Pbiladtlphia, a letter from Lord Germain to 
Sir Henry Clinton, commander of the British forces 
in America, and which" had been intercepted by the 
French, was published in the Pennsylvania Packet. 
It ^^■as dated Whitehall, February 7tli, 1781, and 
among other things contained the following para- 
graph. " The returii of the people of Vermont to 
their allegiancr', is an event of the utmost importance 
to the king's atrliirs ; and at this time, if the French 
and Washiiigton realy meditate an irruption into 
Canada, may be^ considered^, as opposing an insur- 
mountable bar to the attem|)t. General Haldimand, 
who has the same instructions with you, to draw 
over those people and give them support, will, I 
doubt not, push up a body of troops, to act in con- 
junction with them and secure all the* avenues 



154 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

through their country into Canada ; and, when the 
season admits, take possession of the nj'per j)arts of 
the Hudson and Connecticut rivers, and cut offtlie 
communication between Aihany and the JMoliawk 
country. How far they may be able to extend 
tliemselves southward, or eastward, must de})end on 
their numbers and the disjjosition of the inhabi- 
tants." 

19. The information contained in this letter was 
calculated to confirm tiie suspicions which the 
friends of American liherty had entertained with re- 
gard to the negotiations between \ ermont and the 
British, and did more towards disposing Congress to 
recognize the independence of Vermont and to gain 
her an admission into the union, than all her sacrifi- 
ces and services in maintaining the war. This letter 
also shows that not only the British generals in 
America were deceiving themselves with the idea 
that Vermont was about to return to her allegeance 
to the king, but that the British ministry were also 
deceived ; and supposed that the ])eople of Vermont 
were generally desirous that their state should be 
made a British j)rovince, when perhaps jiot more 
than a dozen individuals within the state had ever 
thought or spoke of such an event; and these had 
only countenanced the idea of it, when urged to 
such a measure by the British agents, and then only 
for the purpose of keeping the northern British army 
inactive upon their fjontiers and aftbrding the peo- 
ple protection by their management when they could 
not do it by force. 

20. In Se])tember, 1781, Colonel Allen and Major 
Fay, had another interview with the British agents, 
at which a plan of government for the colony of 
Vermont was discussed and agreed u))on by the par- 
ties. It was to consist of a governor, aj)])()inted by 
the king, but who should be a citizen of \ermont ; 
a lieutenant governor and 12 councillors, who should 
be chosen by the peoi)le; and aliouseof representa- 



ARRANGEMENTS WITH BRITISH AGENTS. 155 

lives, the members to be chosen by the respective 
towns. The British agents then insisted tljat Ver- 
mont should immechcitely declare herself a Biitish 
province. The \ ermoiit conunis.sioners rc])resented 
that matters were not yet suthciently matured for 
such a declaration — that the iidiabitants in some 
parts of the territory were not yet sjifficiently 
brought over to the Britisli interests, and, until that 
was effected, and means ])rovided for the ])urpose,it 
would be extremely difficult to defend their exten- 
sive frontiers against the United States. 

21. The British agents yielded this point with re- 
luctance ; but suggested another proposition, which 
they said i7iust be complied w !h, or ihe armistice 
must be ended, which was, that a proclamation should 
be issued by the British general in October, during 
the session of the Verment Legislature, declaiing 
Vermont a colony under the crown, and contirujing 
the plan of government which they had agreed on ; 
aiul that tlie Legislature of Vermont must accept 
the same, and take suitable measiu-es for carrying it 
into effect. After some farther discussion, the \ er- 
mont connriissioners judged it better to acceed to this 
unpleasant proposition, than that the armistice should 
be discontinued in the present defenceless state of 
the frontiers ; after winch, the commissioners and 
agents sef)ar8tedV,n frieudh^ terms. 

22. The Legislature of Vermont met at Charles- 
town early in October, and about the same time 
Gen. St Leger ascended lake Chrjnplain wiiha })ow- 
erfnl British army and landed at Ticonderoga. The 
Vermont troops were tlien at CastleTon, under the 
command of Gen. Enos. Gen. Enos and Colonels 
Hetcher aiul Vv^albridge were now well acquainted 
with tlj(! negotiation with the British, but the army 
and the inhabitants of the country knew nothing of 
it ; and hence it was necessary to keep up ajjpear- 
ances by frequently sending out scouts to observe 
the movements of ihe enemy. One of these scouts, 
commanded by Sergeant Tupper, fell in with a 



156 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

party of the British and some shots were exchanged. 
Tiipi)or was kiHed on the spot, and his men retreat- 
ed. Gen. St Loger ordered Tuj)per's body to be 
decently hurled, and sent Iiis cloihinj^ with an open 
letter to Gt'n. Euos, in wliich he expressed his re- 
gret for tlie (h^ath of the sergeant. This con^.niuni- 
cation and the apparel were ])ul)lic]y delivered to 
Gen. Enos, and wej-e the occasion of much mur- 
muring among tlie troop?. 

23. Letters vvej'e immediately N^ritten by General 
Enos and Colonels Fletchtir and Walbridge, and for- 
warded by express to Gov< rnor Chittenden at Charles- 
town. TliP bearer, Ptir Hathaway, not being in the 
secret of the negotiation with the British, j)roclaimed 
the extraordinary message of General St Leger in tiiC 
streets of Chariestown, in consequence of which the 
pec])le followed him in crowds to the governor's 
apartiiiCMt to hear the news. lu tiie room with the 
governor were several })er.sons, some of whom were 
in the secret, and sonie, who were eager after infor- 
mation that they might nsake all ill use of it. On 
opening the letters, they were found, besides an- 
nouncing the arrival of General St Leger, to contain 
information respecting the negotiation which it was 
not deemed prudent to make ])ul.'lic. ' 

24. While these letters vven^ passing round among 
those who were in the secret. Major Hunnels entered 
the room and demajided of Coloufd Allen why Gen- 
ei'al St Leger shoidd be sorry Tu}'j><;r was killed. 
Allen said he would not ell. llimnels repeated the 
question ; and Allen rejjli-^l that good m(^n were sor- 
ry when good men v.cre killed, whieh might be the 
case with St Leger. This answer enraged Hunnels, 
and he again loudly demanded what reasons couhl 
possibly inijnee a IJiiti^jh' general to be sorry when his 
enemy was kill'-d ai'.d to send his clothes to his wid- 
ow. Colonel Allen then recjuesred Major Kimnels to 

'go to his regiment, and, at the head of that, demancl of 
St Leger tlie reasons of hia sunowrf ; au'.l not stay 



' NEGOTIATION!^ WITH CANADA. 157 

there asking impertinent questions Q.nd eating up the 
country's provisions, when the frontiers were invaded. 
Some high words followed between them, which 
called the attention of those present from the letters, 
and Runnels soon after left the room. 

25. The governor then convened the hoard of war, 
all of whom v/ere in the secret, and Hathaway was 
left to detail the news to the ])opuiace. New letters 
were then made out from those received, in which 
every thing relating to the negotiation and armistice 
was suj)pressed. These were substituted for the 
original, and were ])ubr!rly read before the council 
and assembly for the satisfaction of the people. In 
the mean time Colonel Allen and IMajor Fa}-, wrote 
to the British agents that matters ^vere going on fa- 
vorably to their designs, but as a report prevailed, 
that Cornwallis '^nd Iiis army had sin-rendered to the 
Americans, vv'hich was doubtless mifounded, they 
thought it inexpedient, to publish the proposed proc- 
lamation till more favorable news should remove ^1 
doubts with regard to the al)ility of the British to 
sustain Vermont in the measures which she should 
adopt. 

26. About an hour after this communication was 
delivered at Ticonderoga, an express arrived there 
from the south, with the news of the capture of 
Cornwallis and his whole army, and before night 
the British embarked all their troops and stores, and 
returned to Canada. Thus were the negotiatoi-s in 
Vermont relieved from their enilianasment and dan- 
ger, which would have l^^en niuyh increased by the 
publication of the proposed f)roclamation ; and thus 
was terminated the campaign of 1781, in wiiich a 
few sagacious and daring individuals, secured, by 
their negotiations and management, the extensive 
frontier of Vermont, which was exposed to an army 
often thousand of the enemy. 

27. In the winter of 1782. the British in Canada 
were extremely anxious to ascertain how the people 

14 



158 BisTaRY or Vermont. 

of Vermont w^re affected by the capture of Corn- 
wallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of Feb. and 
again on the 22(1 of Aj)ril, in tlie most pressing terms for 
i ifoimaiion, and stat d thai t!ie con m inder in chief 
had fnll |<o\vcrs to contirni every article whicli had 
been agreed npon at a former interview for the es- 
tab!is})ment of Vermont as a royal government. Im- 
patient at not leceivingan answei', they wrote again 
on the 30th of April, making new otfers and promises, 
and designating several individuals in Vermont for 
whom his excellency was authorized and disposed 
to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and 
in several cases assured them what commissions 
they should receive. 

28. In July, Colonel Ira Allen was again sent to 
Canada with a letter from Governor Chittenden to 
General lialdimand, requesting the release of two 
offi(;ers, belonging to Vermont, wlio were then pris- 
oners in the hands ofthe ISritish. The British agents 
thought this a f ivorable op])ortujiity Jbr bringing the 
negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used 
eveiy art to piTsuade Vermont immediately to decla- 
re herself a British |)rovince. Allen emj)loyed every 
argument to justify Vermont for delaying it, and to 
prevent the renewal of hostilities. Haldimand was 
finally prevailed upon to continue the armistice and 
to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then 
wrote to Governrr Chittenden, announcing his pa- 
cific disposition towards Vermont in the most une- 
quivocal terms, and requesting the j)eopIe of 
Vermont, without aj)prehension, to encourage and 
promote the settlement and cultivation ofthe coun- 
try for the interest and happiness of themselves and 
their posterity. 

29. With this year terminated the war and the 
negotiations, leaving favorable impressions on the 
minds ofthe British tov.ards Vermont. Of the ben- 
eficial effects of the policy pm-sued, to Vermont and 
to liie union, there can be no doid)t, but ofthe jus- 



DEPREDATIOx\S OP THE INDIANS. 159 

tice of this course there may he some question. On 
the })art of the British the negotiation consisted of 
repeated endeavors to i)ersuade the leading men in 
Vermont, to abandc^n the American cause and de- 
clare the state a British province. To these, the 
leaders in Vermont returned evasive and auibiguous 
answers, calculated indeed to keej) alive the hopes of 
the British, but not in any way to pledge the govern- 
ment of Vermont. The leading men iu Vermont 
were known to be as firmfriends of American inde- 
pendence, as any individuals on the continent ; but, 
abandoned as Vermont was by Congress^ and expos- 
ed to the overwhelming force of the enemy, no other 
means of security remained but that srtfnl policy, 
'which we have just described ; and which kept a 
powerful British army inactive on the northern 
frontier of the union durino- thi'^e successive cam- 
paigns. 



SECTION VII. 

Indian depredations upon the settlements in Vennont. 

1. Having now completed our account of the civil 
policy of Vermont during the war i\^ inde|)endence, 
excepting such parts as relate particularly to the 
admission ot. Vermont into the federal union and 
which are referred to the next chaj^ter, we shali 
here give a brief account of the depredations of the 
Indians upon our settlements, and notice gome other 
things whic(] have been omitted in the preceding 
narrative. Previous to the conquest of Canada, in 
1760, the French and Eninlsh nations were enjja- 
ged in almost j)eri)etual war, and in tht se wai-s their 
colonies and Imlian allies were always involved. 
During their coutinuence the frontier Englisli settle- 



160 nrsTORY of vermo-\t. 

ments were frequently broken up and the inhabitants 
either maswu'red or (rariicd into captivit}^ Some 
account of these transactions in the vicinity of Ver- 
mont, has already been given in the first chapter. 
But as ver}^ few setdeinent!^ were made witliin our 
limits while Canada was in possession of tlie 
French, the first settlers of Vermont suffered less 
from the incursions of the Indians than those of 
some of the other states. 

2. We have already mentioned that the inhabitants 
of Vernon were attacked and several of them slain 
by the Indians, in 3746, and that Bridgeman's fort 
was taken and destroyed by them the next year. 
This place again receivcMJ a hostile visit in 1755. On 
the 27th of July, of tliis year, Caleb Howe, Hilkiah 
Grout, and Benjamin Gaftield were way-laid and fired 
upon by a i);irty of Indians, as they were returning 
from their labor in the field. Howe was killed, 
Gaffield was drowned in attempting to ford the river 
and Grout escaped unhurt. The Indians then pro- 
ceeded to Bridgeman's fort, which had been rej>air- 
ed, where they made prisoners of the families of these 
three men, consisiing of their wives and eleven 
children, being all the ])ersons in the fort. These 
were all carried to Canada where thej' were doomed 
to sufffu' a long and ciTiel ca|;tivity. Most oftluMU, 
however, were afterwaids redeemed and returned to 
their friends. ■' 

3. In 1756, as Captain Melvin at the head of about 
20 men, was niarching through the wilderness from 
jCharlestown, Nesv Hampshire, to Hobsuc fort, and 
wlien in the southerly ])art of New Fane, which was 
then uninhabited, he was fired upon b}' a large j>firty 
of Indians, who were lying in ambush. A severe 
conflict ensued, in which both parties suflered con- 
siderably in kiiii'd vAvA v»()tHid;<i. Melvin's party 
was at length overpowered by ninnbers and was obli- 
ged to leave the field in j)ossession of tbe enemy. 
Melvin and several of his numln-r made their escape 



DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS. 161 

and arrived safely at fort Dummer. The next day 
he returned to the battle ground, with a ])arty from 
fort Dumuier. The Indians were not to be found, 
but the bodies of those who were slaiu, were collec- 
ted and buried. 

4. At the time of the American revolution the 
number of Indians residing in the vicinity of Ver- 
mont, was greatly diminished ; and as the Americans, 
at the commencement oftliat siruggle, got jjossession 
of the military jmsts along lake Cham|)lain, these 
few, had, for a while, no opjjortunit) to inolest our 
settlements. Kiit when tiie Atnerican army retreat- 
ed from Canada in 177G, and the Biitish had attain- 
ed I he conjmand of lake Cha!n[)l.iin, om*. western 
borders w^ere wholly at the m(;rcy ofthe enemy, and 
continued so during the remainder of the war. All 
the settleujents in the vicinity of the lake were bro- 
ken up, and the settlers retired with their families 
to the southward. The frontier military posts- were 
at Castleton and Pittsfon}, on the west side of the 
mountains, and at Barnard, Corinth, Newbury, and' 
Peachnm, on the east side. 

5. Durini; the last French war a militarv road h&A 
been opened from Charlestown to Crown Point, 
which was now very beneficial to the Americans, 
and early in the si)ring of 1776, General Bailey was 
ordered to o[>en a roa(l from NeW'bury, tiirough the 
wilderness, to St Johns, for the ])uri)ose of facilitating 
the conveyance of troops and provisions into Canada. 
He had opened the roa<l six miles al)()ve Peacliam, 
when the news arrived that our army had retreated 
from Canada, and the undertaking was abandoned. 
But in 1779, General Hazen wns ordered to Peach 
am with part of a regiment, for tin; ])urpos'>, as was 
said, of comi)leting the road begun by Bailey, so that 
an armv miirht be sent throu'^h for the reduction of 
Canada. But this was pi-obably only a feint for 
dividing the enemy and p'reventing them fro'n send- 
ing their "wliole force up the lake. Hazen, however, 



162 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

continued the road fifty miles above Pcacham, 
through the towna of Cahor, Walden, llardwick, 
Oreeut'horough, Craftrsbury, Albany and Lowel, and 
erected block houses at several places along the 
route. This was a great convenience to the settlers 
who came into these i)arts after the war, and is 
known at this day as the " Hrizen Road.'''' It termi- 
nated near a remarkable notch in the mountain in 
Westfield, and which has since been called Hazen's 
JVotch. 

6. During the continuance of tlie Nyar, the frontier 
towns were fre(|uentiy alarmed by the appearance of 
Indian scouting parlies in their neighborhood, but the 
inhabitants were seldom molested. Their dwellings 
were, however, occasionally plundered and some- 
times men were taken ])risoners and a few, at differ- 
ent times, were kille<l, but the women and children 
werenot usually injured, and never massacred as- in 
former wars. In 1777, the Indians killed two men in 
Brandon, took several of the inhalMtauts prisoners and 
burnt their dwellings. On the 9th of August, 1780, 
they took three men in Barnard, whom they carried 
to Canada;, and in October, of the same year, they 
made a successful expedition against Royalton, a thri- 
ving settlement on White river, which then consisted 
of about 300 inhabitants. 

7. This expedition was designed against Newbury 
^n Connecticut river, for the object, as was supposed, 
of ca[)tuniig a Lieutenant Whitcomb, who in July 
1776, wldle on a scout, had wantonl}^ shot General 
Gonlon, a Briiish officer, between Chamblee and St 
Johns, and robbed him of his watch and sword. The 
British deeply resentt;d this atlack as unworthy of an 
otiicer, and were desirous ofgetung Whitconii) into 
their powen The party consisting of al)out 300 men, 
jTiostly Indians, was command('d by llorton, a British 
Lieutenant. While ])ro('eed:ng up Winooski river, 
they fell in with several hunters, by whom they were 
told that tlie people of Newbury were expecting an 



BURNINO OF ROYALTON. 163 

\ 

attack, and were well prepared for defence. This 
information induced them to turn their attention to- 
wards Royalton. 

8. They accordingly proceeded up Stevens' and 
jail branch, and down the first branch of White river, 
to Tunbridge, where they lay in their encampment 
during the sal)baih, and on Monday morning, it being 

if the 16th of October, they commenced their depreda- 
tions, at the house of Mr John Hutchinson who lived 
near the Vine between Tunbridge and Royalton. Af- 
ter making Mr Hutchinson and his brother Abijah, 
prisoners, they proceeded to the house of Mr Robert 
Havens, where they killed Thomas Pember and Elias 
Button. They then went to the house of Joseph 
Kneeland, took him and his father, and Simeon Belk- 
nap, Gik^s Gibbs and Jonathan Brosvn. Proceeding 
tlience to the house of Mr Elias Curtis, they made 
him and John Kent and Peter Mason prisoners. 

9. Thus far the business was conducted with the 
greatest silence, and the prisoners were forl)id making 
any outcry upon pain of death. They at length ar- 

» rived at the mouth of the branch, where they made 
a stand, while small parties proceeded in (hfterent di- 
rections to plunder the dwellings and briijg in jmson- 
ers. By this time the alarm had become gv?neral, the 
inhabitants were flying for safety in every direction 
and the savages filled the air with their horrid yells. 
One party extended its ravages down the river into 
Sharon, took two prisoners and burnt several iiouses 
and barns. Another })arty })roceeded up the river, 
made ])risoner of David Waller, a young lad who 
lived with General Stevens, plundered and set fire to 
tiie General's house, and advanced in that dii'ection 
about three miles, killing the cattle, and plimdering 
and setting fire to the buildings as they passed. 

10. After completing their work of destruction, 
they retnrned with tlieir booty to the j)lace where 
they commenced their attack in the morning. From 
this place they proceeded across the hill to Randolph, 



164 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

where they encamped for the night on the second 
brancli of White river. In the course of tlie day 
they had killed two. persons, taken 25 prisoners, burnt 
up\vards of 20 Jiouses, aud about the same numl)er of 
barns, and killed about 150 head of cattle, and all the 
shecj) and iiogs that fell in their way; having suffered 
no loss themselves and scarcely met with any oppo- 
sition. " Suj)prisefl, affrighted, and scattered from 
one another, the inha!)itauts could take no stei)s for 
their defence; the alaim however soon sj)read, 
and a number of men innnediately marched from 
Connecticut river, and the adjacent towns By eve- 
ning they amoimted to several hundreds, aiicl were 
collected at the ])Iace where the attack was first 
commenced. Here they organized themselves, and, 
chose for their commander a ca))tain John Housel 
who had served several campaigns in the continenta 
army. 

12. Early in the evening, House began his march 
with this undiscij)'iined but brave corps, in pursuit of 
the savages, who were at this time encamped seven 
or eifflit. miles ahead. The nioht was dark and he 
was guided amidst the logs, rocks and hills with 
which the wilderness abounded only by a few marked 
trees. When they supposed themselves near the In- 
dians, they proceeded with caution, but as they were 
passing over a stream which was crossed upon a 
large log they were fired ufjon by the enemy's rear 
guard; which had been posted behind some trees 
near the place and one man was wounded. House's 
;;firty returned the fire, killed one Indian and wound- 
ed two others. The guard then retreareil to the In- 
dian camp and House advanced within about 300 
yards of the sanie where he wailed till day light with- 
out commencing an attack. 

>13. Fatiguc^d by the business of the preceding day, 
and now suddenly awakened from })rofound ijleep, 
the savages were at first filled with consternation and 
thrown into tlie utmost disorder. They, however. 



ALARM IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 165 

soon recovered from their fright, and were not long in 
concertiTig measures for tlieir own safety. They sent 
out an aged prisoner to inform the Americans, that, if 
tliey |)roceeded to njake an attack, they should im- 
mediatel}'- put all the prisoners to death. The pro- 
ceedings thus far had caused two to he put to death ; 
one to retahate the death of the Indian, who had 
been slain and the other for refusing to march, in the 
expectation that the Americans would relieve them. 
These were tomahawked as they lay bound upon the 
ground. Having ])lac('d their warriors in the rear to 
cover their retreat they silently left their encampment, 
proceeded to Randolph, where they took one prison- 
er, passed through the west part of Brooktield, and, 
by the way of Winooski river and lake Champlain, to 
Montreal. 

14. House and his men were waiting for the dawn 
of day and deliberating upon the message brought 
them by the prisoner, till the Indians had departed 
and were far beyond their reach. They, however, 
followed upon tlieir trail as far as Brookfield and ihen 
returned, having lost tlie op|)ortunity of attacking the 
enemy by their caution and delay. On their way to 
Canada, the prisoners were well treated, and with 
resj)ect to j)rovisions, fared as well as their masters. 
Of the twenty six who w'ere carried away, one died 
in ca})tivity, and the rest were liberated the next sum- 
mer and returned to their friend:*:. 

15. A few days after the l)urningof Royalton there 
was one of the most extensive alarms in the County 
of Windham, experienced in Vermont during the 
war ; but it proved to be wholly groundless. It hap- 
pened, that as several men were surveying lands in 
Brookline, some of them undertook to imitate the In- 
dian war-hoop. In this they succeefled to admira- 
tion, and were hv^ard by the injiabitants of Athens, 
who, supposing them to be real Indians, took fright, 
fled, and rapidly spread the alarm through the neigh- 
boring towns. Immediately all was terror and con- 



166 msTORT or Vermont. 

fusion. To their bewildered itiiagination every noise 
became the yell of the savage and every rock, and 
every tree of the forest, a lurking place. for the cruel 
foe^. Willi such precipitation did they flee from their 
farms and dwellings that the men left their teams har- 
nessed in the field and wouien tl eir ovens heating 
and victuals cooking by the fire. 

16. When the intelligence reached Colonel Ser- 
geant at Brattlehorough, he sent out orders into the 
different towns requesting their n)ilitia to assemble 
for the purpos ■ of stopping the progreiss of the Indians 
who were laying w'aste the settlements. A snow 
•storm had conunenced and before night was so se- 
vere, as to render the flight of the inhabitants labori- 
ous and distressing; and, as evening come on, tiu- 
irierous lights were seen along the horizon, which 
it was not t!oubted, proceeded from the conflagration 
of tlie dwellings of the inhabitants wantonly plunder- 
ed and set on Are by the Indians. This alarm spread 
over most of the country but was ha])])ily of short 
continuance. The brave soldiery marched into the 
deserted country, but they found nothing, but a deep 
snow, to interru})t their ])rogress. The original cause 
of alarm was soon ascertained and the lights, by 
which it had been heightened, were found to proceed 
frcm the burning log and brush !iea|>s, which had 
i)een piled by the industrious inhabitants of New 
Fane, and which had been set on fire as they saw 
the storm appro-u-hiuir. 

17. On the 8th of March, 1781, a party of Hritish 
and Indians made j)risoners of Colonel Johnson, Ja- 
cob Page and Jonathan Elkins, and carried them to 
Canada. In the following summer, a scout consisting 
of four men from P.acham, while proceeding up 
Hazen's Road, were fired Uj)on by a party of *ndians. 
Two of them were killed and scali)ed and tlu! other 
two made prisoners. In 1782, a party of IJritish and 
Indians, after killing one man and taking one prisoner 
at Newbury, proceeded to Coriutli where tliey com- 



DEPREDATIONS OF ItiM. INDIANS. 167 

pelled the inhabitants to swear'allegiance to the Brit- 
ish king. Other towns were also visited by small 
parties of the enemy in the course of the war, but 
during the period of the negotiation, nientioned in 
the last section, and while Vermont was wliolly at 
their mercy, these |;art';es did v ry little injuiry, a)Kl 
probably had orders from the British generals not to 
molest the inhabitants. 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



C tl A P T E R V. 



PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF 
VERMONT INTO THE UNION. 



SECTION I. 



Extending from the completion of the eastern and 
western unions with Vei-mont on the 22/ of June, 
1781 to the dissolution of the same on the 22i/ day 
of February 17b2. 

1. Vermont, having completed 'her eastern and 
wester;; unions, as related in the jn'cceding chapter, 
appointed Jonas Fay, ira Allen, and Bezaieel Wood- 
ward, delegates to tho American Congresd to negoti- 



168 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ate her admission into the federal union. Full 
powers were given them to complete the arrange- 
ment ; and, if thfy effected their object they were 
authorized to take their sent in Congress as the 
re{)reseiitatives of Vermont. These delegates arrived 
at Philadelphia, in the heginning of Augiist, and 
about the time of the ])ub!ication of Lord Germain's 
letter, as already mentioned. On the 7th of August, 
1781, Congress took up the subject of their mission, 
and appointed a committee of fiv^e persons to con- 
fer with the delegates from '^'ermont, and agree with 
them upon the terms of admission, provided Congress 
should see fit to recognize \ ermont as an indepen- 
dent state. 

2. On the 18th of August, a conference took place 
between this committee and tlie delegates from Ver- 
mont, at which sundry questions were pro|)osed to 
the latter respecting the exti-nt, poj>uIation, and re- 
sources of \ ermonr, and the views an*! wishes of 
the inhal)itants; to all of wiiich answers were retur- 
ned. On the 20th, the connnittee made their report 
to Congress ; whereupon that body adopted the 
following resolution. "Resolved, That it bean in- 
dispensible preliminary to the recognition of tlie 
inde[)endenee of the people inhabiting the territory 
called \ ermoiit, and dicir admission into the federal 
union, that they cx})]icitly relinquis!) all demands of 
lands or jurisdiction on the east side of the west 
bank of Comieciicut river, and on the west side of a 
line beginning at the north west corner of Massa- 
chusetts, tiieiK e rujining twenty nnles cast of Hud- 
son river, so far as said river continues northeasterly 
hi its general course, then by the west bounds of 
the townships granted by tJie late govermnent of 
New IIam|)shire, to the river rmiing into East Bay, 
thence along said river and bay to lake Cham|)lain, 
thencc! along the waters of said lake to latitude 45 
degrees north." 

3. Vermont and New York were both dissatisfied 



RESCTLUTIONS OF VERxMONT LEGISLATURE. 169 

I 

with this resolution — Vermont, because it required 
as a roiulitiou of Um- admission isito the iniion, that 
shi* slioulil dissolve the a;i;ree!il)le coniiexioiis which 
she had just formed — New York, because it recog- 
nized the claim, a^^ainst whicii she had so long and 
so earnestly contended ; — the one, because it bereft 
Vermont of one half her present territory, resources 
and importance — the other, because it would allow 
Vermont still to have something left, which she 
could call her own. This appears from the proceed- 
in<js of their respective leofislatures. 

4. The legislature of Vermont met at Charlestown, 
on the east side of Connecticut river, in Octdber, and 
on the 16th of that month, the foregoing resolutions 
were laid before them. The resolution held out to 
Vermont a faint ))rosj)ect of an admission into the 
federal Union with hev original territory, birt having 
lost much of. her confidence in tiie assurances ot 
Congress and having now consolidated her unions at 
home, she felt herself in a condition to demand bet- 
ter terms than the relinquishment of one half her 
territory and population, to secure the independence 
of the other half. Alter deliberating and debating 
upon the sul)iect for several days, the assembly, on 
the 19di of October, voted that they could not com- 
ply with the foregoing resolution of Con^sress. 

5. They declared that acomi)liance would destroy 
the foundation of the harmony whicli then subsisted 
in the state, and be a violation of the solemn com- 
pact entered into by the articles of union and 
confederation — that they would remain firm in the 
])riiicip!es on which they had assumed the powers 
of governmeiit — that they would hoUl inviolate tiie 
articles of union, which connected the parts of tiio 
state together — and that they would submit tlie ques- 
tion of their inde})endence to tlic arbitration of no 
]jower under heaven. They however declared theii 
wiliingiiess to submit any queslions, which might 
arise, with regard to jurisdictioi;al limits between 

15 



170 , HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

them and the neighboring states, to arbitrators mutu-- 
all}' chosen ; and, when adnntted into the American 
imion, thpy would not object to submitting such dis- 
putes to Congress. 

6. Tiie Legislature of New York, on the other 
hand, regarding the resolution of Congress as a vir-- 
tual determination of the controversy between that 
state and Vermont, passed a number of resolutions,, 
and a solemn protest against the proceedings of Con- 
gress. Havmg .'Stated their claims, and some former 
proceedings of Congress on the subject, they vvent 
on to express their (hsa])pro!)ation and alarm at the 
evident intention of Congress, from political expcdi-- 
ence, to estaiilish an arhiirary lioimflai y, which ex- 
cluded Iroin that state a gi-eat ])art of its territory. 
They declared that, in the opinion of the legislature, 
Congress had no authority, by the arlicles of confed- 
eration, to intermeddle with the t<Mr!torial extent, 
or jurisdiction, of either of the United States, except 
in case of dispute between two or more states in the 
union, — that to carry into execution said resolution 
of Congress, would be an assuuijjtion of p.owcr and 
an infraclion of tli(3 articles of confederation, and that 
they tlierefon; so!(;mnly ])rotested against the same. 

7. With the above mentioned resolution of Con- 
gress, a verbal message had been sent by General 
\Vasiiington to Governor Chittenden, desiring to 
know what were the real designs, wishes and intern- 
tions of tlie people of Vermont; — whether they 
would be satisfied with the independt nee pro])o<ed 
in said r(\~iolutio]i, or siriously ilioiiiriit of joining the 
enrmy and becoming a ]iriti>h ])rovince. On the 
14th of November, Governor Chittenden returned an 
unequivocal and decisive answer to the above com- 
munication, in which he s;iid that no peoj)le on the 
continent were more ailached to tli!3 cause of Amer- 
ica than the peoplt:- of Vermont; but, that they would 
sooner join tiie British in Canada, than sidimit to_the 
government of N<.'W York — that, driven to the des- 



DIFFICULTIES If HIR UNIONS. 171 

peration by the injustice of those, who should have 
been her friends, Vermont was now obliged to adopt 
policy in the room of j)ower. He ascribed the late 
resolution of Congress, not to the influence of friends, 
but the power of enemies, believing that Lord Ger- 
main's letter had procured that, which the public 
virtue of the })eople could not obtain. 

8. During these proceedings, new difficulties were 
opening to Vermont in her easten and western un- ' 
ioiis. A connnunication was received by Governor 
Cliittenden from one of the sheriffs in the eastern 
union, informing him that the government of New 
Hanfpshire, were about taking coercive measures to 
Ibring those citizens of that state, who had joined 
Vermont, again under t'jeir laws and aiuhority. The 
governor, on the 14th of December, directed Gene- 
ral Paine, then li(Mitenant governor of the .state, to 
call out the militia on the east side of the mountains, 
for the assistance of the shf^riffs and the defence of 
the citizens ; and, if armed force should be employ- 
e<fl by New Hampshire, that he should repel it by 
th e same. Mr Pame forwarded a co|)y of this order 
to the council of New Hampshire, and informed 
ttiem, that, if hostilities were commenced, he should 
e;xecute his orders, and that New Hampshire must be 
accountable for the consequences. With these com- 
Ji nufications, connnissioners were also sput to New 
Hampshire, to endeavor to accommodate matters, 
a nd [prevent the effusion of blooil. 

9. On the other hand the military force was called 
'■out in New York, to prevent N'ermont from execu- 

ting her laws over the inhabitants of her western 
imion, and to aid the sheriff of New York in appre- 
hending several persons in the territory who had 
rendered themselves particularly obnoxious to the 
government of that state. This force was command- 
ed by General Gnnesvoort, who, being informed that 
^Colonel VValbridge was advancing with a large body 
%of troops from the grants, wrote to him on the 18th 



1752 HISTORY OF VERMONT 

of December, to be iiifornied of the object of his 
movement. Walbridge replied that if was to pro- 
tect the inhabitants, who, in conseqnence of the 
imion, jirotessed allegiance to the state of Vermont; 
lleit he wished conciliatory nieasnres might be adopt- 
t^d, but, if those persons who jirofessed to be citizens 
of Vermont, should be imprisoned and their })}operty 
destroyed, he woukl not be accountable for the con- 
sequences. 

10. Affairs seejned now to have reached an alarm- 
ing crisis, and all parties treml)led at the prospect of 
a civil war. Hai)py was it tliat hostilities were not 
commenced before the paities had taken time to re- 
flect upon the consequences of such a measure ; for 
when they looked at the momentous struggle in which 
their country was engaged, every philanthro[)ist was 
fully convinced that no differences between the states 
should, on any account, be permitted to endanger 
the cause of American liberty and independence. 
Fortimately, about this time, Gevornor Chittenden 
received a letter from General Washington, dictated 
by his paternal solicitude for the good of his country, 
and for a hap|)y termination of the trf)ubles in rela- 
tion to \ ermont. Tl'liis letter is dated January 1st, 
1782, and fntm it we extract the following j>aragiaph. 

11. "It is not my business, nor do I think it necessar}', 
now to discuss the origin of the right of a nmnber of 
inhabita.nts, to that tract of country, formerly distin- 
guished by the name of the New Hampshire grants, 
and now by that of Vermont. I will take it for 
granted that their right was good because Congress, 
by heir resolve of the 7tli of August, imply it; and 
by that of the 20th are willing fully to confirm it, 
provided the new state is confined to certain de- 
scribed bounds. Jt ajtpears therefore to me, that the 
dispute of boundary, is the only one that (exists ; 
and, that being removed, all other difflc^dti^'S woidd 
be removed also, and the matter terminate to the 
satisfaction of all parties. You have nothing to do, 



Washington's letter to gov. chittenden. 173 

but to withdraw your jurisdiction to the confines of 
your own limiis, and oluaiu an ackiiowlecJgement 
of independence and sovereignty under the resolve 
of tlie 20tl) of August, for so much territory as does 
not intf^rfere with the ancient estai)Hsljed bounds of 
New Hampshire, New York and 3Iassachusetts. In 
my private ojjinion, while it behoves the delegates 
to do ain|)le justice to a pt.'ople, sufficiently resj)ecta- 
ble by their numbers and entitled, by other claims, 
to be admitted into the confederation, it becomes 
ithem also, to attend to the interests of their constit- 
;tients, and see, tliat under the aj)r)earance of justice 
to one, they do not materially injure the others. I 
rSLin apt to think this is the })revaihng opinion of 
Congress." 

12. Being endeared to all the friends of liberty by 
his integrity and virtue and by his disinterested ex- 
ertions and sacrifices for the good ol his country, 
such a coinmimication from General Washington 
might reasonably be exijected to exert a powerfid 
influence u])on the minds of the leading men in 
Vermont, and the event showed that it did. At the 
^ext meeting of the legislature, which was held at 
Bennington, this letter was laid before them, it 
served to open their eyes to the former errors of 
government, and, knowing it to have come fi'om a man, 
Avho had only the interests of his ivhole country at 
heart, his advice was received with the greatest defer- 
ence, and after mature deliberation upon the subject, 
the assembly on the 22d of February, 1782, resol- 
ved to comply with the preliminary required by the 
resolution of Congress on the 20th of August, and 
a-elinquish all claims to jurisdiction beyond the 
boimds therein meiuioned. 

13 Thus was dissolved a union which had greatly 
increased th(3 j)owcr and consequence of Vermont, 
and which, it v/as believed, had ])revented the divis- 
ion of Vermont, between New Hampshire and New 
York. But this union was not dissolved without a 
*15 



174 HISTORY OF VERMONT!'. 

Struggle and murh dissatisfaction in those parW 
which were cut off from ^ ei'niont, hy the prescriljed 
boiinilaries. The inhabitants of those parts had 
eagerly sought tlie union with Vermont, and they 
were too well sati.sfied with it wilhngly to return to 
their allegiance to those states Iroiri which they had 
withdrawn. 

14. \ ermont, having complied with the requirements 
of Congress, now confidently ex})ected an immedi- 
ate recognition of her independence, and an admis- 
sion into the federal union ; and with it a termina- 
tion of the disa<::reea!)le controversy with New 
York. The legislature therefore j'roceeded to 
choose four agents to arrange the terms of admis- 
sion, and then take their seats in Congress as rep- 
resentatives of \ ermont. But in their ex})ectations 
the people of Vermont were again doomed to dis- 
iippointment ; a disappointment, the jmin and mor- 
tification of which could only be exceeded by the 
impolicy and injustice of the neglect which occa- 
sitjned it. Congress still refused to admit Vermont 
into the union and again reverted to her policy of 
evasion and delay. 



S-E C T i O N:fII. 



Procctdings ^f Confrrcss — Disturbances in Vermont — 
fi'om the Dissoiulions of the miions in Vermont Feb. 
22(1, 1782, to tht Treaty of Peace between the United 
States and Great Brilaui, January 20th, 17c3. 

1. The refiisid of Vermont on lie 18ih of October, 
1781, to comply with the nisolution of the 20tli of 
August, had been conununicated to Congress, and 
while the assembly of \ ermont, in February 1782, 
was reconsidering the subject and efl'ecting a com- 



AGENTS REPAIR TO CONGRESS. 175 

pliance with said resolution, Congress was engaged 
in warm debnts upon their preceding refusal. On 
the first day of March, several sj)irited resolutions 
were prf)posed and discussed in Congress. These 
resolutions declared that, if Vermont did not, with- 
in one month from the time tliese resolutions were 
communicated to Governor Chittenden, comply with 
the resolution of the 20th of August, and relinquish 
her jurisdiction beyond the bounds therein named, 
such neglect and refusal would be regarded as an 
indication of hostility to the United States. 

2. In that case Congress would regard the pre- 
tensions of Vermont for admission into the union as 
fallacious and delusive, and, would thereafter consid- 
er the lands in \ ermont to rlie eastward <f the ridge 
of the Green Pvlountain.s, as granted to New Hamp- 
shire, and the lands to the westward of said line as 
granted to New York; and that the connnander in 
chief of the American armies be directed to emi)loy 
the n)iliiary forces of the United States to cany 
these rosolutions into full execution. Alter a long 
debate and several trials, it was found that a vote 
could not be obtained to pass these resolutions, 
and a few days after, as the excitement was begin- 
ning to subside, the agents from Vermont arrived at 
Philadelphia. 

3. These agents were Jonas Fay, Moses Robinson, 
Paul Spooner, and Isaac Tichenor, and. they were 
instructed " to negotiate and com})l(3te on the part 
of ^ ermont, the admission thereof into the federal 
union, and to subscribe articles o( perpetual confed- 
eration thereunto." On the 31st of 'March, 1782, 
they officially hud before Congress the proceedings 
of the legislature of Vennont on the 22d ef Februa- 
ry, by which they had fully complied with the re- 
quiiement of the resolution of the 20 h of August. 
Congress now ag.-iin to(>k uj) the subject and refer- 
red it to a committee of five members, who, 'on the 
17th of Aprilj re])orted; — That in the opinion of the 



176 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

committee, Vermont, had fully complied with the 
resolution of the -SOth of August as preliminary to 
the recognition of her sovereignty and independence, 
and admission into ihe federal union ; and that the 
conditional i)roniise of such recognition and admis- 
sion by Congress, is tiiereby become absolute and 
necessary to be performed. 

4. The connnittee then proposed a resolution 
declaring " That the district, or territory called \^er- 
mont, as defined and limited in the resolution of 
Congress of the 20th of August, 1781, be, and it 
herel)y is. recognized an i acknowledged, by the 
name of the state of Vermont, as free, sovereign and 
indej)endent; and that a conjujittee be ajjpointed to 
treat and confer with the agents and delegates 
from said state, u])on the terms and mode of the ad- 
mission of said state into the federal union." When 
thisrejjort was read, motions Vv^ere successively made 
that its consideration be assigned to the first Tues- 
day in October, the fiist Tuesday in June, and to 
Monday next, all of which were decided in the nega- 
tive. 

5. By these votes it became evident that Congress 
did not intend to come to any decision U})on the 
affairs of \'ermont, and the agents, of Vermont disap- 
pointed at the result, address.'d a letter to ihe j)resi- 
dent of Congress orj the lO.'h of April, and innnedi- 
ately left PI ihuK Iphia. In this communication they 
say, that in consequence of the plighted faith of Con^ 
gr(.>ss, and the advice of gentlemen of the first charac- 
ter in America^ Vermont had been induced to 
comply in the most ample manner with the resolu- 
tion of the ^Oth of August, aiid that they had 
ofKcially connnunicated said conjpliance to Congress. 
They exj)ressed their disappointment at the delay of 
Congress to execute, on tiieir part, the spirit of said 
resolution, and })ointcd out the critical situation, to 
which Vermont was reduced by casting off a 
considerable portion of her strength, — by being ex- 



INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF VERMONT. 177 

posed to the main force of the enemy in Canada, 
and by receiving !)o aid from tlie United States, in 
whose cause slie had freely fought and suffered. 

6. Wlien these proceedings of Congress became 
known in Vermont they produced universal dissatis- 
faction. It was the general opinion thattlie resolution 
of theQOtFi of August, had been designed to dupe the 
assembly to a compliance for the purpose of weak- 
ening Vermont and rendering it less dangerous to 
contravene her designs and wishes. Faith in the 
virtue and integrity of Congress was nearly dt-stroy- 
ed ; and by these mea.«ures of ih.at body, the ])eo|)le, 
and the assembly of Vermont, were determined to 
adhere to the bonndaries, to wjiich they had agreed, 
and rely ui)on their own strength, resources, and 
management for defence and safety ; and urge no 
further upon Congress their right to a co federa- 
tion with the United States. Still, that it might 
appear to the world that Vermont was not in fault, 
the assembly at their session in October, again 
a})pointed agents with full ])owers to complete 
arrangements for her admission into the union. 

7. Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing 
state of her relations to Congress aiid the neighl)or- 
ing states, the internal tranquility of Vermont had 
been for some time, but little disturbed Her polit- 
ical institutions had been gr;iduallv maturing, and the 
organization of her government had assumed a 
regularity and efficiency which commandt-d the 
obedience and resjiect of the great body of the cit- 
izens. New York had not relinquished her claim to 
jurisdiction over the territory, but she had not, of lata, 
made any serious effort to exercise it ; and had con- 
tented herself with opposing the admission of 
Vermont into the union. Still there were vsome 
among the citizens of Vermont, whose submission 
was reluctant, and who were ready to embrace any 
ftivorable opportunity to renounce their allegiaiioe 
and support the claims of New York. 



178 HIBTORT OF VERMO!^T. 

8. As the continental troops had been withdrawn 
from the liOrthin-n frontier, and as Vermont was 
e>:j)0sed to invasion by llie enemy from Canada, she 
fonnd it necessary to order a draft oi militia for the 
purpose of defence. Tiiose citizens of Vermont,, 
who were disaffected toward the government, resol- 
ved to take this opportunity to resist its authority^ 
Tliey were encouraged in tbis measure by the 
governor of New York, who gave commissions to 
sundry {)ersons in the southeastern part of tlie coun- 
ty of Windbam, and had reconniie nded the organi- 
zation of a mihtary force for the purpose of o[)posing- 
Vermont, and enforcing the laws of New York. 
Vermont became alarmed at these proceedings, and, 
having employed lenient measures in vain, ordered 
out the militia to suppress tliein. The leaders in 
the rebellion were taken, five of the most obnoxious 
of whom were banished from the state, and the oth- 
ers fin 'd cr otherwise punished. 

9. Disappointed in their atten]j)ts to resist the 
authority of Vermont, the insurgejits apj.lied to the 
government of New York, under which tbey preten- 
ded to have acted, for support and remuneration for 
tlieir sacrifices and losses in consequence of their re- 
bellion. But the desired support New York was not 
able to aflTord. Vermont feanid not her power, and 
therefore her promises and her tlireatenings were 
alike disregarded. A remonstrance was tlien for- 
warded to Congress setting fortb that \ ermont had 
proceeded to exercise jurisdiction over the persons 
and properties of sundry persons, who professed 
themselves to be subject to the state of New York ; 
This remonstrance was seconded by a letter from 
the governor of New York, and on the 14th day of 
November, 1782, the committee in Congress to 
whom tlie subject was referred, reported " tliat the 
measures complained of were probably occasioned by 
the state of New York having given commissions 

.both civil and military, to persons residing in Ver- 



RES0LUTI0N3 OF CONGRESS. 179 

mont." Tliey also recommended^ that said com- 
missions be revoked, and tiiat Vermont should make 
satisfaction to the persons, who had been banished, 
or who had sustained damages. But Congress re- 
fused to ado})t the resolutions reconuiiended. 

10. On the 5th of December, Congress again took 
up the matter, but instead of fulfilling their engage- 
ment to Vermont made by the resolution of the 2dth 
of August, 1781, then- proceedings were full of cen- 
sure and threatening against Vermont, for having ex- 
ercised authority over persons, who professed allegi- 
ance to the state of New York, in violation of the 
resolutions of Congress, pa-sed on the 24tli of Sep- 
teml)er, 1779, and on th.' 2d of Jm'je, 1780. Among 
other things tliey resolved, that Vermont be reqtiir- 
ed to make full restitution to the persons condem- 
ned to banishment or confiscation of jirojit-rty, and 
that they be not molested on their return to said dis- 
trict, 'riiey close by resolving "that the United 
States will take effectual measures to enforce a com- 
pliance with the aforesaid resolutions, in case the 
same shall be disobeyed by the people of the said 
district." 

11. The faith of the ])eople of Vermont in the 
wisdom ^nd integnty of Congress, weakened l)y 
several of their former a(;ts, was by the foregoing 
nearly destroyed, and with it tlie revf^rence and res- 
pect of the j)eople for that body. The govenior and 
council of \ ermo!it returned a spirited remonstrance 
to the above resolutions, in which Congress was re- 
minded of their solemn engagement to the stale of 
Vermont, in the resolution of ihr; 20th of August, 
and which, after the fullest compliance on the ])art 
ol said state with the requirement of Congress, Con- 
gress had refused or neglected to fullili. Con^'ress 
were told, that, iw their own articles of confederation, 
they had no right to intejincddle with the internal 
]joliey of any of the United Stales; and least of all 
^^ith that of Vermont, ftom whicli she ]^ad received 



180 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

no delegated authority whatever. It asserted that 
Vermont had as much authority to y)rescribe meas- 
ures to Cougress, as Congress Imd to revoke the le- 
gal decisions of Veriiiont in the case of the criminals 
ah'eady mentiont.'d. . ' 

The remonstrance went on to assert that Vermont 
had had an independent jurisdiction since tiie royal 
decision in 17(J1, and that tb-'y did not intend to be 
resolved out of it by the infliience, which their old 
adversari/,Ne\v York, possessed in Congress: — that 
Vermont had no controversy with the United States, 
as a whole ; but that she was at all times, ready and 
able, to vinchcate her rights and liberties against the 
usurpations of New York. It declares that Congress 
has been so mutable in their resolutions respecting 
Vermont, that it is impossible to 'know on what 
grounds to find them. At one time tliey guarantee 
a part of her lands to New Hampshire and New 
York, still leaving a place for the existence of Ver- 
mont though nmch diminished in extent. At another 
time they are controlling the internal government of 
Vermont. And again, at another time prescribing 
terms of confederation, with the United States and 
when these are comj^lied with on the part of Vermont, 
Congress will not ratify the union. 

14. After giving a full reply to all the toj)ics con- 
tained in the resolutions of Congress, the remon- 
strance concludes with a request to be immediately 
admitted into the union, and with an assurance that 
she will not recede from her compliance v»^ith the 
resolution of the 20th of August 1/81. The assem- 
bly met at Windsor in February 178'^, and on the 
26th, a remoiistrance, like the preceding, s.})iritcd and 
decisive, was forwarded by that body to Congress. 
It announced in the ]>iainest terms that Congress had 
no biisine'ss to intermeddle in the internal affairs of 
Vermont, and that Vermont was fully determined to 
maintain her independence and jurisdiction within 
her own limits. She therefore continued, unawed 



biSTURRANCES IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 181 

hy the threatenings of Congress, to enforce the decis- 
ions of iier courts of justice -and in the administration 
of the affairs of government, and Congress, it appears, 
did not judge it prudent to attempt, by force to carry 
into eifect her resolutions of the 5th of December 1782, 



SECTION III. 



Disturbances in Vermont growing out of the controversy 
with JVew York. 



1. The disturbances in the count}' of Windham, 
to vvljicb we alluded in the preceding section, per- 
haps deserve a more particular notice than was thero 
given. At the first organization of the government 
of Vermont in 1778, thsn-e were many people in the 
southeastern part of the state, who were in favor of 
New York and of course ojjposed to the indepen- 
dence of Vermont. These persons embraced eveiy 
opi)orrunity to embarrass the newly organized gov- 
ernment, and at several times resisted the authoi'ity 
of Vermont by force. Th<; centre of this opposition 
seems to have been at Guilford, at that time the most 
j)opulous town in the state nunil)eri ng nearly 3000 
souls. During most of the revolutionary war a[^ma- 
jority of the inhabitants of this town were friendly to 
New York and were therefore denominateil " York- 
ers ;" and at their town meetings it was usually a 
part of their business to appoint "a committee to de- 
fend the town against the pretended state of Ver- 
mont.'* 

2. In several of the neighboring towns, panictdarly 
in Brattlel)orough, the rlisaffected towards the govern- 
ment of Vermont were consiilerably numerous, and 
there was in these towns an organized opposition 
to the government of the state, pjid conventions o^ 

16 



182 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

delegates from them occasionally assembled for the 
purpose of adopting an uniform plan of resistance 
throughout the whole. The measures of the gov- 
ernment, most vigorously o|)posed, were the collec- 
tion of taxes and the drafting of men for the defence 
of the state ; and it was a customary i)art of their bu- 
siness at their town meeting in Guildford, while the 
Yorkers were a majority, to appoint a special "com- 
mittee to forbid the constable acting." And to secure 
a majority at th(;ir njeetings tiie new state j)cop!e 
were frequently excluded from the poles by an arm- 
ed force, collected from the neighboring towns. 

3. It appears that in Guilford and in some of the 
other towns, the two parties had each a town organi- 
zation of their own, and that, in some cases thtre 
were two sets of town officers, one 'professing alle- 
giance to Vermont and the other to New York. Be- 
tween these, and their partizans on each side, there 
were fi'equent skirmishes, some of which were not 
terminated without the shedding of blood. During 
the years 1783, and 1784, the enmity of the ])arties 
was carried to an alarming extent. Social order was 
at an end ; Physicians were not allowed to visit the 
sick without a ])ass from the several committees. 
Handbills bom various quarters inflamed the minds 
of the people. Relatives and neighbors were arrayed 
against each other. The laws of Vermont were dis- 
regarded by the partisans of New York and her ex- 
ecutive officers were openly resisted. 

4. In this state of things, in the sunnner of 1783, 
General Ethan Allen was directed to call out the 
militia for enfbrceing the laws of Vermont, and for 
suppressing insurrection and distui-bances in the 
county of Windliam. Allen proceeded from l>en- 
nington at the Iread of 100 Green Mountain Boys, 
ancl on his arrival at Guilford, he issued the follow- 
ing proclamation. "/, Ethan Mkn, declare that un- 
less the people of ('•nilford peaceably svJwiit to the au- 
thority of Fermont, the town shall be made as dcsc- 



DISTURBANCES IN 'STI.NDHAJI COUNTY. 183 

late as ivere the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah.^ The 
Yorkers having fired upon Allen and his men, were 
|jur>i!e(l, uiiil all eithpi' rakfri [)ri8oners or dispersed. 
'J'hose, taken, wer^3 put under honds for their good 
behavior mid were ccmpelied to furnish sui)})lies and 
qiiarfers for the troops. Under Allen's martial law 
the ('onsfr.ble fbnnil no difficulty in tlie ('«)l{cction of 
taxes: nor was he very scnijfulous about the sura 
assessed in the tax hill Produce, horses, cattle 
and sheep, aiul whafevcsr else' coidd be found Ijelong- 
ing- to the most violent Yorkej-s were taken and sold 
for the benefit of the state. 

5. During the following winter the disturbances 
became stiii more serious. On the niglit of the 17th 
of January, 1784, a party of Yorkers from Guildford 
attacked the inn of Josiah Arms in Brattlei)orough, 
whicli was the quarters of General Farns worth. Ma- 
jor Boyden, Constable Waters, and some others 
holding offices under the government of Vermont, 
and demanded the immerliate surrender of Waters, 
who had been guilty of extorting taxes from persons 
professing aik giance to New York. Not being in a 
condition to make an effectual resistance to an ar- 
med force. Waters volitntarily siu'rendered himself 
into the hands of the Yorkers, but not till after they 
had fired about 30 halls through the house, and 
wounded Major Boyden in the leg, and shot a travel- 
ler through the thigh. W^ateis was carried into Mas- 
sachusetts, but" the jjarty being ])ursued by a few 
Vermonters, he was released the next day and 
returned. 

6. The legislature of Vermont had, at their session 
in October, " voted to raise 200 men for the defence 
of Windham county against the Yorkers." After 
the affiiir at Brattleborough, finding the people of 
Guilford determined to oppose the collection of tax- 
es, Colonel S. R. Brarlley, at the head of this force, 
proceeded, January 18th, to that town for the purpose 
of enforcing the collections. The parties of Yorkers 



184 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

were all dispersed without opposition/excepting one 
which had collected near the line of Massachusetts. 
This parry consisting of 25 men, fired upon the 
\ ermonters as they advanced, hy which one man 
was severely wounded. The Yorkers then retreated 
with all possihle speed, over the line into Massachu- 
setts. Several of the leaders were, however, taken 
and hrought to m(>rited })nnishment hy whij)})ing, 
fine, and i)illory. Another skirmish occurred on the 
5th of ]\Jarch, between a company of Vermonters 
under Captain Knights, and a party ol Yorkers near 
the south part of Guillbrd, in which the latter had 
one man killed and several wounded. 

7. These disturhances continued during most of 
the year 1784 ; hut hcfore the close of the )M'ar, the 
Yorkers, found their property mostly confiscated, 
and themselves so harshly handled, hy the civil and 
military authority of Vermont, that they either sub- 
mitted and took the oath of allegiance to the state, 
or abaiuloned the country, and settled in other ])la- 
ces. The greater part of them fled into the state of 
New York, and settled upon lands especially granted 
by that state for the benefit of these sufferers. This- 
dispersion of her partisans from the county of Wind- 
ham terminated the attempt?: of New York, to main- 
tain her aurhority in ^ ermont by means of a military^ 
force ; and although she di^l not readily acknowledge- 
the independence of Vermont, she piohably, from 
this ])eriod, relintjuished all hope of overthrowing the 
government of Vermont, or of preventing the final 
acknowledgement of her independence by Congress, 



CONDITION OF VERMONT AFTER THE WAR. 185 

SECTION IV. 

Settlement of the Controversy with JVeiv York, and the 
»/ldniission of Vermont into the Union. 

1. On the 20t]i of January, 1783, the preliminary 
articles of peace were signed, which terminated the 
war with Great Britain, and estabUshed the inde- 
pendence of tlie united colonies. By this event, 
Congress was freed from their eniharrassnients with 
rejrard to Yei-mont, and Vermont was released from 
alf her fears. The British army upon the northern 
frontiers of ^'erlnont, whose efforts had been so 
long palsied by the artful pohcy of few individuals, 
was now withdrawn, and the people of \ ermont, 
having now no external foes lo dread, ceased to be 
solicitous for an immediate imion with the confeder- 
ated states. Thev observed that the Congress of 
the United States was becoming embarrassed in 
their proceedings — that their currency had failed — 
their revenue was dried up — their armies unpaid 
and dissatisfied — their credit gone — and the confi- 
dence of the people in their wisdom and ability, 
nearly destroyed. 

2. Vermont, on the other hand, in consequence of 
being refused admission into the union, found her- 
self freed from all these dificuhies. The United 
States had incurred an imm Mise debt in the ])rose- 
cution of the war, but the calls of Congress uj)on the 
people for money to [)ay this debt, could not reach 
into Vermont. V ermont, it is true, was obliged to 
paj^ the forces, which she ha'l raised for her own 
detence, but these had been few, as she had, during 
much of the war relied for safety more upon her 
policy, than her })ower. As much of the territory of 
\ ermoi'.L was at this tiine ungranted, and at the dis- 
posal of the govermnent, and as numerous applica- 
tions were now made for diese lands by settlers, who 

16* 



186 



HISTORY or VERMON^T. 



were flocking in from other states ; Vermont was 
thereby enabled to siij)])Iy her own treasur}^ and to 
pay her debts without imposing oppressive taxes 
upon the people. * 

3. Thus, by one of those sudden transitions, 
which are not unconnnon in hinnan affairs, was 
A ermont brought from a condition the most difficult 
and embarrassed, to a state of safety and haj)piness 
exceeding that of any of her neighbors. Invited by 
the mildiii'ss of the government, the comparative ex- 
emption trom taxes, the fertility and cheaj)ness of 
the lands, large additions were annually made to the 
population, and resoiu'ces of Vermont by emigrants 
from other states. The government had attained an 
efficient organization — had leai'ued wisdom from 
past experience — the j)eo}jle were coi tented and 
Ijapjjy under it — and as they felt that their own situ- 
ation was better than that of the people of tbe neigh- 

■ boiing states, they felt no longer any solicitude to be 
admitted into the confederation. 

4. The affairs of Vermont remained in this situa- 
tion for several years after the close of the war. Dur- 
ing this period the leading statesmen and philanthro- 
pists in the United States became alarmed at the 
operation ajid tendency of public affiiirs. They per- 
ceived that the powers, with which Congress was 
invested, were wholly inadequate to the purposes of 
government and that a more solid and ethcient or- 
ganizatioji \ias indispensable in order to secure that 
liberty and independence, which they had i)urchased 
with so much blood, and toil, and treasure. There- 
fore at the suggestion of James JMadison of Virginia 
and in conformity with a resolution of Congress, a 
convention of delegates, from the several states as- 
sembled at Philadelphia in 1787, and after mature 
•deliberation adopted a constitution, by which Con- 
gress should afterwju'ds be liu*ijisije(.l with powers 
adequate to the exigencies of the government. This 
constitution waa ratified ' tlie states and the first 



RECOGNITION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 187 

Congress assembled under it on the 3d of March, 
1789. 

5. After the adoption of the federal constitdtion 
the poiiry and jjroceeditigs of the new Congresd 
were carefully observed by the p<'Ople of Vermont* 
During two sessions they tbimd the government la- 
boring to irj'Store pubh(! confichicce by providing for 
the payment of the public debts and by the establish- 
ment of equid law and justice in every department 
of the federal government. Their measures appear- 
ed to be marked with so much wisdom and jirudence, 
as, in a great dejrree, to restore to tJie people of Ver- 
luotit that confidence in the federal government, 
which had been destroyed by the evasive and vacil- 
latinjf |»olicy of tbe old Congress, and to remove the 
aversion, which they had sometime felt, to a confed- 
eracy with the United States. 

6. The ancient difTicidiy with New York, however, 
remained unsettled. Tliat state well knew that Ver- 
moiit would now remain a free and independent 
stale, and she jjrobably felt but little anxiety that it 
should be otbcrwise. IJut the former governors of 
New Yerk had made grants of large tracts in Vermont 
the valirlity of which, the government of \ errnont 
refused to admit, and the grantees were constantly 
complaining to the government of New York, of the 
injuries done theuj in not being permitted to take 
possession of their proj)erty. Nevv York did not 
conceive that she was under very strong obligation 
to refund what had been extorted for these grants by 
tbe cupidity (jf the royal governors of that j)rovince 
before the war, yet she manifested a disf)0siti<m to 
com})romise the matter and have the difhculties ad- 
justed on amicable terms. * 

7. Events also oc(Mirred iii relation to the federal 
government, which dispose d New York still more, to 
admit the indcpi'iidence of V»-rmont, and to wish her 
confederation with the United States. It was per- 
ceived that by the exclusion of \'ermont, the eastern 



188 HISTORY or VfiRMOr?T. 

states were deprived of their just representation of 
Congress, and New York could not but see, that, if 
their old difficulties could l)e settled, the interests and 
influence of Vermont would in almost every instance 
coiucide with her own. It therefore soon became ap- 
parent that pul>lic sentiment in N. Y. was in favor of 
a reconciliation. Vermont, it was said, is in full pos- 
session of independence ; her government is as well 
organized and administered, as that of the other 
states ; and shall a controversy, which originated in 
the cupidity and o|)pression of royal governors and 
councils, whose authority has long been extinct, be 
l)ermitted to mar the constellation of America and 
deprive the north of its just weight in the council of 
the nation ? 

8. In accordance with these conciliatory views, the 
legislature of New York, on the 15th of July, 1789, 
passed an act, appointiiig commissioners with fidl pow- 
ers to acknowledge the sovereignty of \ ermont, and 
adjust all matters of controversy with that state, On 
the 23d of October following, the legislature of Ver- 
mont api'.ointed coiinnission rs on their i)art to treat 
with those of New York, and to remove all obstruc- 
tions to the admission of Vermont into the union. 
The commissioners on both ]);u-ts were very anxious 
that an adjustment should be effected, and the only 
point, whieh occasioned any debate, was the amount 
of compensation, which (.*laiman<"s under New York 
grants should receive from Vermont, an account of her 
having regivuited the same lands and excluded the 
New York grante(;s from their jiosse'ssion. But the 
settlement of this j)oint, after two or three meetings, 
was amicably agreed upon by the connnissioners. 

9. On the*7tli of October, 1790. "the commission- 
el's for New York, by virtue of the powers to them 
granted for that |)ur|*ose, declared the con^ent of the 
legislature of New York, that the state of ViMinont 
be admitted into the union of the United States of 
America ; and that innnediately upon such admission, 



9ITTLEMEKT WITH BTEW YORK. 189 

all claims of jurisdiction of the state of New York, 
within the state of \ erinont, shall cease ; and thence- 
forth the perpetual bound.-'rv line between the state 
of \ ermont shall he as was then holden and pos- 
sessed hy Vermont," that is, the west lines of the most 
western towns wliich had been granted by New 
Hampshire, and the middle channel of Lake Cham- 
plain. 

10. With regard to the lands which had been gran- 
ted by New York. " the said commissioners by virtue 
of the powers to them granted, declare the will of 
the legislature of New York, that if the legislature of 
the state of \ erujont should, on or before the first day 
of January, 1792, declare that on or before the first 
day of Juno, 1794, the state of \ ermont would f)ay 
the state of New York, the sum of thirty thousand 
dollars, that immediately from such declaration \\y the 
legislature of the state of \ ermont, all rights and ti- 
tles to lands wihin the state of Vermont, under grants 
froni the government of the colony of New York, or 
from the state of New York, should cease," those ex- 
cepted, which had been made in confirmation of the 
grants of New Ham|)shire. 

11. This proposal and declaration being laid before 
the legislature of Vermo)it, they very readily agreed 
to the plan, which had been concerted by the com- 
niissioners from both states ; and on October 28, 
1790, passed an act directing the treasurer of the state,, 
to pay the siun of thirty thousand dollars to the state 
of N. Y, at the time proposed ; adopting the west line 
above mentioned as the perpetual boimdary between 
the two states ; and declaring all the grants, charters 
and patents of land, lying within the state of Vermont, 
made by or under the late colony of New York, to 
be null and void, those only excepted which had been 
made in confirmation of the grants from New Hamp- 
shire. 

12. Thus was terrpipated a poutroversy which had 



t 

ISO HISTORY 01 TBRMONT. 

been carried on with gi'eat spirit and animosity for 
twenty six years ; and whirli, liaH, on the part of 
Vermont railed into exercise native courage and tal- 
ents, which have i2W parrallels in ancient or modern 
times. The crefficniiies wi-:h New York, being ad- 
justed, the legisiaiure of '. ernjont, proceeded to call 
a convention for tha purf)oso of ascertaining the 
views of tlie peo])!e vrith regard to an union with the 
United States. This convention assembled at Ben- 
nington on the Gill day of Januaiy, 1791, and after 
deli'oerating and debating the sufiject for four days, it 
was finaly voted, yeas J 05, and nays 2, that appli"a- 
tion be made (or admission into the federal union ; 
and the convention was then dissolved. 

13. On the 10th of January, 1791, the legislature 
of \ ermont, met at Bennington, and on the 18th, 
they chose the Hon. Nathaniel Cliapman, and Lew- 
is R. Morris Esq. commissioners to attend Congress 
and negotiate the admission of \'ermont, into the un- 
ion. These commissioners immediately re])aired to 
Philadidphia, and laid before the ]nvsident die pro- 
ceedings of the convention and legislature of \ er- 
mont ; and on the 18d) of February, 1791, Congress 
passed an act wliich decdan d "that on the 4th day 
of March, 1791, the said state by the name and style 
of" the state of \ ermont," shall i)e received and ad- 
mitted into their union, as a new and entire member 
of the United States of America." This act was 
papsed without debate, and without a dissenting vote, 
and by it v/ere terminated all the controversies with 
refirard to Vermont. 



HISTORY OF VERMOIYT. 



CHAPTER VI. / 

CIVIL POLICY OF VERMO'T AFTEPc HER A.DMISSION mTO 

THE UI^ION. 



SECTION I. 



Extending from the admission of Vermont into the Un- 
ion in 1791, to the resignation and death of Governor 
Chittenden in J 797. 



1. We have now traced the history of Vermont 
from the rarli*t settlements down to the time of her 
admission into tlie federal nnion. Thns i'lxv Isei- liis- 
tory has been pecnliar to herself, anil has been filled 
with incidents of uncommon interest ; the more so on 
account of their nnhkenrss to what liaj)|)ened in any 
other indivi(hiai state. Previous to tiie revolution all 
the original states of the nnion were ps'o^inces under 
the crown of England, each having an organized 
provincial government. But not so with \ ermont. 
She had never been recognized by the crown as a 
separate jurisdiction ; nor had she herself, alter the 
royal decision in 1764, by which she was placed un- 
der New York, ever recognized th.e authority of that 
province, or of any other external power. She had 



192 HISTORY or T«RMONT, 

found herself in a state of nature, and her citi- 
zens had formed themselves into a hody politic — • 
into a little independent re()ublic, for their mutual 
benefit and defence, and by the wisdom and prudence 
of her statesmen, she had succeeded in organizin": an 
efficient government for the regulation of her internal 
affair, and had adoj)te(l a system of jurisprudence ful" 
ly ade(piate to the wants of the people. 

2. But from the time of the admission of Vermont 
into the federal union, her history loses in a great 
measure, its se])arate and peculiar charactfer, and be- 
comes, either a part of the history of the United 
States, or resembles, in its leading features, that of 
the other individual states. We have therefore re- 
served only a small ])ortion of our little volume for 
this period of our history, and, consequently, we phall 
not hereafter attempt to trace the course of political 
events with that minuteness which we have hitherto 
observed. At the time Vermont became a member 
of the confederacy, her own government had become 
systematic and stable by the practical experience of 
thirteen years and that of the United States had been 
]ilaced u]}on the foundation of its present constitution. 
At the head of these governments were two men, 
who were endeared to the peojjie by tlieir long and 
disinterested ])ublic services, and in wliose aitilities 
and virtues the ftdlest confidence was reposed. These 
men were Thomas Chittenden, governor of Vermont, 
and George Washington president of the United 
Stales. 

3 From this era in the history of Vermont and in 
that of the United States, the two governments, 
though occasionally slightly agitated by the liieker- 
ings of party, have gone steadily onward in the ca- 
reer of prosperity, diffusing their blessings through 
every j)orrion of counnunity. TIk; tran(juifity of 
Vermont was, for several y(\'irs, scarc(>ly afl:ected 
by the policy and intrigues of demagogues and 
aspirants after office. The attachment of the peo- 



ORIGIN or PARTIES IN VERMO^^T. WS 

pie to their old governor was so general, that the pol- 
iticians scarcely attempted to bring forward any other 
candidate for the first office in the gift of the people, 
and neither the honors, nor the emoluments of the 
other state offices, were such as to render them ob- 
jects of general contest or ambition. The legislature 
met annually in the beginning of October, and 
(Im'ing the first week of the session they usually pro- 
ceeded to make the appointments of the civil offi- 
cers for the succeeding year, and this was done for 
several seasons without any considerable electioneer- 
ing or management, x^fter this business was dispo- 
sed of, they proceeded to enact such laws, as were 
required by tbe exigencies of the people ; and they 
usually completed the whole busmess of legislation 
in about four weeks, affording to artful demagogues 
but little opportunity, to acquire power, influence, or 
poj)ulanty. 

4. During this period of tranquility and union the 
legislature of \ ermont adopted a digested and judi- 
cious code of laws ; and for a while nothing seemed 
to mar the general barmony. But subsequent events 
proved this tranquility to be like those calms which 
])recede the convulsions of nature. Causes were 
then in operation, which were destined to pro- 
duce fearful divisions and animosities among the 
people of the United States. The French nation, 
urged onward by their infidel philoso|jh\', and by the 
example of Auierica, had overthrown their establish- 
ed government, ai)o!ished the ancient restraints of law 
and religion ; and they vainly imagined ihat they 
were oji the high road to a state of perfectibility, 
such as the world had never yet seen. 

5. The American people, grateful for the aid which 
they had received from France, and anxious that the 
blessings of liberty should be more generally diffused, 
had watched the progress of the French revolution 
with deep interest, and for a while it was generally 
believed, that France would hecome a republic with 

17 



194 HISTORY or VERMOXT. 

a government much more perfect than that of the 
United States. But when she abandoned the princi- 
ples of common sense; .ind discarded morahty and 
virtue, many of the ppftple of the United i^tates, 
became convinced tbat, instead of ]>romotin^ rational 
liberty, they had opened the flood-gates of anarchy, 
to be closed only by a desj)otism moie severe than 
that under wliich they had previously groaned. 
Thus wliile a part of the people wished to go 
forward and follow the French in pursuit of their 
ehimerical scheme of perfectibility ; another party 
was feartul for the consequences, and chose rather 
to remain within the bounds of reason and experi- 
ence. 

6. In this manner the peo{)le of the United States, 
and of Vermont as a portion of the Union, gradual- 
ly became divided into two disitinct parties, both of 
which avovi^ed their attachment to the constitution of 
the country and both desired alterations in that instru- 
ment. While ojie party wished to improve the consti- 
tution by increasing the powers of the government, the 
other wished to do it by rendering the government 
more democratic, and thus increasing the power of the 
])eoplp. These ])artics by degrees increased in 
strength and violence, but were for several years 
much restrained in their j)roceedings by the virtue 
and influence of Washington, and^ in Vermont, 
by the judicious administration of Governor Chit- 
tenden. 

7. The extreme simplicity which characterized 
the legislative proceedings of ^ ermont, dining the 
administration of Governor Chittenden, left but little 
room for the intriguers of politicians, or for the pro- 
gress of party and faction. It was not then the '-us- 
tom of the governor to make a speech at the opening 
of the h'gislatnrc, and consecjueritly the diflerent 
parties had not then a bone of contention about 
which to wrangle, as they had, during subsequent 
administrations ; and, previous to the resignation 



BIOGRAPHY OF GOV. CmTTE>DE.X. ]^ 

and death of Governor Chittenden, in 1797, [)ai ty 
spirit in Vermont cannot be said to have assumed a 
very serious aspect. As througlj the instrumentality 
of Governor Chittenden, Vermont was cliiefly ena- 
bled to establish her inde{)8n(ience as a state, and as 
he for many years held the first office in the gift of 
the people, we shall close this section with a short 
sketch of his biogra[)hy. 

8. It has so liappened, that almost every age of 
tlie world has produced individuals, who seem to 
have been moulded, by nature, particularly for the 
exigencies of the tiujes in which they lived. There 
have always been some ujaster spirits, who were 
peculiarly fitted to control the agitated waters of 
public opinion, and either to soothe tliem into a 
calm, or else to mount upon the wind and direct the 
waves ; and the results attained under their guidance 
have usually i)een liappy to community, or o her- 
wise, according as the riding motives of the leaders 
have been patriotic or selfish. These results, it is 
true, are materially affected by the amount of virtue 
and intelligence among the people ; but virtue and 
intelligence do not, alone, fit an individual for 
becoming a popular and successful leader in trouble- 
some times. There is necessary, in addition to these, 
a certain indescrih,able tact and native energy, which 
few individuals have possessed, and wliich, perhaps, 
no one in our State, has manifested in a more emi- 
nent degree than Governor Chittenden. 

9. Governor Thomas Chittenden was born at 
Guilfortl, in Connecticut, on the (Jth day of January, 
in the year 17'29. At the age of aljout 20 years, he 
was married to Miss Elizabeth Meigs, and soon after 
removed to Salislniry, where, by his industry, and 
econonjy, he acquired a handsome landed j)roperty. 
While he raided at Salisbury he re^jresented that 
town seven years in the Connecticut assembly, be- 
came a civil magistrate, and a colonel of the militia 
of that state. Early in the spring of 1774, he re- 



J^ Hi8T(>Rr or vr:RMO>r. 

moved with liis family to the aVew Hampshire grants, 
as Vermont was then eaih^d, having purch;iS3d a 
tract of land on the Winooski, or Onion river, in 
the township of Williston. Here he arrived in the 
month of April or May, not knowing the spot on 
which he was to locate himself, and withont liaving 
any hahilation provided for the shelter of his family. 
At this time there were scarcely any inhabitants in 
Vermont to the northward of Rutland, and none 
within the limits of the County of Chittenden, ex- 
(jepting those who had come on the present year. 
These were locating themselves at Burlington, Col- 
chester, and some other places. 

10. Seated upon the beautiful and fertile banks of 
the Winooski, labor, well directed in the cidtivation 
of his new farm, had ))rocured to Mr Chittenden the 
hecesi-ary provisions for the comfortable sustenance 
of his family, and had opened to him the prospect 
of many of the conveniences of life ; and nothing 
could be more flattering than the ]>rospect of rural 
wealth, abundance and independence, as the natural 
and certain consequence of the labor of his hands 
and the fertility of the soil. It was in the midst of 
these improvements, and pleasing anticipations, that 
the war of the Revolution connnenced, and the 
frontier settlements became exposed to the depreda- 
tions of the enemy — lo the merciless inroads of their 
savaffe allies. In this state of things, in 1775, Mr Chit- 
tenden was employed, with four others, as a commit- 
tee to repair to Philadelphia^ and procure intelligence 
with regard to the measiu'es which Congress was 
pursuing, and to receive advice respecting the politi- 
cal measures propel- to be adopted by the people of 
the New Hampshire grants. 

Al. The retreat of tiie American army from Cana- 
da, in the spring of 1776, and the advatice of the 
British upon Lake Champlain, rendering it unsafe 
for the few settlers, scattered along the western bor- 
der of Verrwont, to remain upon their lands, this 



BIOGRAPHY OF GOV. CHITTKNDEW. 197 

section of the country was wholy abondoiied by the 
inhabitants, who retired into the southern part of the 
district, or into Massachusetts and Ccnn.^cdcut. P,Ir 
Chittenden removed his family to Arlington, in June 
of this year, was appointed President of the Council 
of Safetv and fsoon became a leadinsr man in the 
consultations of the inhabitants. Entering with deep 
interest into the controversy with New York res- 
pecting the titles of the lands in the New Hampshire 
grants, and beiijg more acquainted with public busi- 
ness than any of the settlers, in consequence of the 
ofRces, which he had held in his native state, he 
was universally regarded as the man most suitable to 
be placed at the head of their c[)er;itic-ns, Mr Chit- 
tenden perceived that the general struggle for inde- 
pendence, in which the colonies were now enga^/ed, 
presented a favorable opj)ortunity for terminaiiiig die 
controversy with New York, by erecting the disputed 
territory into a new state, and establishing a SLj)aiate 
government; and having adopted this decisive plan 
of sound policy, he steadily })ursued it, till he saw 
the independence of \ ermont acknowledijed by the 
neiahborxUg states and by the general government. 
12. He was a member of the first convention of 
delegates from the several tovvnshi|)s, which met at 
Dorset, September 25, 1776, for the purpose of tak- 
ing into consideration the expediency of declaring 
Vermont an independent state, and at the subsequent 
meeting of the convention at Westminster, Jaimary 
15, 1777, he was one of the committee, who draught- 
ed the declaration of indepen lence, which was 
there adopted, and also a member of another com- 
mittee, who, at that time, petitioned Congress, pray- 
ing that body to acknowledge Vermont, a ftea and 
independent state. He assisted in forming the first 
Constitution of Vermont, which was adopted by a 
Convention, July 2d, 1777, and in 1778 lif^ was elected 
the first governor of Vermont, which office he held 
with the exception of one year till his death. He 
17* 



1?*S kl3T(>RT (;/ Vy.KJIONT. 

was one of tlie eight persons who secretly nmnnged 
the negotiations with the British in Canada in 1780, 
and the three following years, with such consuiiniute 
adroitness and skill as to deceive alike tlie British 
and the people of the United Slates, and effectually 
to secure Vermont from the hostilities of the enemy, 
whose forces were all this time in possession of 
Lake Champlain, and Vermont without any other 
means of detence. After the close of the w-ar, 
Governor Chittenden again removed his family to 
Williston, where he sf)ent the remainder of his ac- 
tive and useful life. Advanced in years and declining 
in healtlj, in the sunimer of 1797 he resiarned the 
office of governor, which he had >held for 18 years, 
and died the same season, August the 25th, in the 
69th year of his age, beloved by ids family and friends 
and sincerely esteemed and lamented by the people 
of Vermont. 

13. As already remarked, Governor Chittenden 
possessed in an eminent ilegrce, precisely those' 
qualifications, which fitted him for the sjdiere in 
which he was called upon to act. He had not, 
indeed, enjoyed iiiaiiy of the advantages of educa- 
tion, hut his want of education was am|)ly compen- 
sated by the possession of a strong and active mind, 
which at the time he emigrated to Vermont, was 
matured by age, practised to business, and enriched 
by a careful observance of tnen and things. His 
knowledge was practical rather than iheoreiic. He 
was regular in lus habits — f)lain and simple in bis 
manners — averse to ostentation of equipage, or dress, 
and he cared little for the luxuries, the blandishments 
or the etiquette of refined society. In short, though 
he was destitute of many ot the qualifications now 
deemed essential in a statesman, he possessed all that 
were necessary, and none that wevh superfluous, in 
the times in which he lived, and was probably far 
better fitted to be the leader and governor of the 
independent, dauntless and hardy, but uncultivated 



LESISLATIVE PROCKEDIN6S. 199 

settlers of Vermont, than would have been a man of ♦ 
more theoretic knowledge, or polite accomplish- 
menis. 



SECTION II. 



Lpgislaiive 'proceedings in Vermont from the year 
1797 to 1812 

1. The yjopularity of Governor Chittenden and the 
certainty of his re-election, bad hitiierto prevented 
any serious efforts being made to bring forward oth- 
er candidates for that office. But by his resignation 
and death the political parties in Vermont were re- 
lieved from the restraints of his influence and new 
motives were laid before them to arouse their activi- 
ty and exertions. 1'he two great parties had already 
adopted the terms federal and republican as the rriot- 
tos of their respective standaid.^, and from this period 
no means were left unem[>]oyed which were sup- 
posed to be calculated to increase their respective 
mfiuence and numbers. 

2. The republican party were believed to favor the 
principles of the FVench revolution, and to be desir- 
ous of rendering the government of the Union more 
democratic, while the federalists were accused of 
partiality to Great Britain and of a wish to make the 
government of the United States more independent 
of the people and monarchical in its ])rinciples. The 
great mass of both these political parties undoubted- 
ly had the good of their country at heart and differed 
but httie in their views of the proper means of pro- 
motirg it. But, by the influence and arts of design- 
ing politicians and demagogues tliese slight differ- 
ences were in time so magniiied and distorted as to 
produce the most violent animosities among friends 
and neighbors. 



200 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

3. At the meeting of the Vermont assembly in 
October 1797, it was found that no governor had 
been elected by the people, but that Isaac Tichenor, 
then chief justice of the srate had received the lar- 
gest number of votes. Tlie choice ihen devolving 
upon the general assembly, Mr Tichenor was elect- 
ed by a large majority. He entered upon the duties 
of his office by making a speech to the legislature, 
and thus introducing into Vermont the custom of 
the other states. In his sj)eech he applauded the 
state and federal constiiuiions,(ulIy ap{)roved of the 
measures of Washington's administration, and ex- 
pressed his entire confidence in the abilities and in- 
tegrity of Mr Adams, who was then President of the 
United States. Tlie sentiments of the speech were 
decidedly what was calied federalism. 

4. To this s{)eech the legislature returned a re- 
spectfid answer in which they say "we are not dis- 
posed to call in question the wisdom or integrity of 
those, who have been concerned in the a<lniinistra- 
tion of the general govn'junent, nor to withhold con- 
fidence where it ought to be ins[)ired ; but give f^up- 
port and energy to every measure, which, in our 
opinion, will secure, or ])romote the national pros- 
perity." Tlie two political parties were distinctly 
formed, but they had not yet reached that state of 
insolence and acrimony, which they were afterwards 
to exhibit, and in the transaction of tlie public busi- 
ness, the ]niblicgood was yet obviously paramount to 
the promotion of party influence and power. 

5. In October, 1798, the legislature met at Ver- 
gennes. Mr Tichenor was re-elected governor by a 
large majority. The country was now much agitated 
on account of the insolent and lawless proceed- 
ing of the French — their refusal to receive American 
embassadors and their demand of tribute under the 
name of a loan , and the governor, in his speech, 
expressed the strongest disapprobation of their policy 
and proceedings. The house returned an answer, 



LEOISLATITE PROCEEDINGS, 



201 



imbued with the same spirit of hostihty to the 
French ; and both were in the highest tone of what 
was called federalism. 

6. Early in the session a committee was ap])ointed 
to draw up an address to the President of the United 
States, which was soon after adoptefl by a A'ote of 
yeas 129, and nays 23. In this address the principles 
and proceedings of the French were treated with 
much asperity. It expressed the entire confidence 
of the legislature in the president, and the fullest ap- 
probation of the measures of his administration, and 
declared tbe willingness of Vermont to take up arms, 
if necessary, for tlie defence of the country against 
the rapacity of the French. To this address, Mr 
Adams afterwards returned a very polite and respect- 
ful answer, in which he complimented the people of 
Vermont for their ])atriotism and virtues, and express- 
ed the high satisfaction derived from the assurance 
of tlieir aj>})rol)ation. 

7. It was during this session, that proscription, on 
account of political o[)inion, was first practised in 
the distribution of the civil offices in Vermont. Isra- 
el Smith, who had held the office of chief justice of 
the state, and who was a man of uncorrupted integ- 
rity and virtue, was dropped on account of his 
attachment to the re])ublican party, and another per- 
son chosen chief justice in his stead. For all the 
important offices, the selections were made from 
those who were of the most decided federal princi- 
ples, and with the avowed design of encouraging 
the supporters of 3Ir Adams, and of checking the 
j)rogress of democi-acy. 

8. After the appointment of the various officers 
for the current year, the political inflamation sub- 
sided, and the assembly ])roceeded in the remaining 
business of the session with their usual industry and 
good sense. It was during this session that applica- 
tion was made by some Indian chiefs in Canada, for 
compensation for lands which they claimed in Ver- 



203 



HISTORY OF VERMONT. 



mont. Their claim embraced nearly the whole of 
the present counties of Addison, Chittenden, Frank- 
lin and Grand Isle. The subject was referred to a 
committee,- who reported that the lands claimed had, 
in their Oj)inion, formerly belonged to said Indians, 
but whether their title had ever been extinguished 
by purchase, conquest, dereliction of occupancy, or 
in any other way they could not ascertain. The 
legislature supported the Indian agents during their 
attendance, gave them a hundred dollars in token 
of friendship, and they returned to their tribes well 
pleased with their present success and hoping to 
succeed still better another seasofj. 

9. A proposal came before the legislature at this 
session from the state of I\lassachusetts for an 
amendment of the constitution of the United St^ntes, 
providing that no person, who was not a natural 
born citizen, or a citizen of the United S^nt/^s at the 
time of the declaration of indeptado cj, bii^^uld be 
eligible to the otRce of president, or vice president, 
or of senator or representative in Congress. This 
proposal was perfectly agreeable to the sentiuients 
of the assembly, and was adopted by a vote of 152 
}eas, and only five in th enegative. 

10. In October, 1799, the legislature met at Wind- 
sor. The spirit of oj)position to French principles 
and measures, continued to run high. The speech of 
Governor Tichenor highly a|)plauded the energetic 
measures of Mr. Adams for putting a stop to the 
aggressions of the French upon our commerce, and 
expressed the fullest approbation of the measures of 
his administration. The assembly in their answer 
to this speech, recij)rocated the same sentiuients, and 
congratulate^^ his excellency on account of the ])ros- 
perity and felicity of the state under his administra- 
tion. In the apjKjjntuiciit of civil otlicers, the as- 
sembly proceeded with more moderation than they 
had done the precechng year ; they did not however 
see fit to re[)lace those, who had been dropped on 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDLXGS. 203 

account of their attachment to the republican party. 
11. At this session the governor communica- 
ted to the assembly the result of his inquiries 
respecting the claims of the Indians to lands in 
Vermont ; which was that said claims have been 
fully extinguished. A resolution to that effect was 
accordingly adopted i)y the assembly and communi- 
cated to the chiefs of the six nations of Indians in- 
habiting Lower Canada. The questions which 
occasioned the most excitement and debate, related 
to sundry resolutions, which had been passed by the 
assemblies of \ irginia and Kentucky, condenming 
the proceedings of Congress in passing the alien 
and sedition laws, and declaring individual states to 
be the legal judges of the constitutionahU' of the 
acts of Congress, and of the obligation o( the state 
to yield obedi'^nce to them. 

12. Resolutions were passed by the assembly of 
Vermont, ex])ressi!]g the most decided disapproba- 
tion of the sentiments contained in the resolutions 
from Virginia and Kentuoky. They declared that 
" it belongs not to state legislatures to decide on the 
constitutionality of the laws, made by the general 
government ; this power being exclusively vested in 
the judiciary courts of the union." On the passage 
of these resolutions the yeas were 104, and nays 52, 
which clearly shows the strength of the two ])olitical 
parties in Vermont, the federalists all being in favor 
of their adof)tion, and tlie republicans all in the 
opposition. The minority on this occasion entered 
a formal protest upon the journals of the assejnbly, 
assigning twelve reasons for their dissent from the 
majority. This y)rotest was signed by thirty-three 
of those who had voted in the negative. 

13. In October, 1800, the legislature met at Mid- 
dlebury. The political excitement had a])parently 
much subsided. In h'=: speech. Governor Tichenor 
urged the attention of the assembly to the particular 
affairs of the state, but alluded to the administrations 



5^04 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

of Washington and Adams, in terms of the highest 
approbation. The answer which the assembly re- 
turned was mild, moral and sentimental ; expressive 
of the dilKculties of legislation, and the daiiger of 
being governed by passion or prejudice. The com- 
mon business of the state was transacted without 
the violence of party spirit, and several of the officers- 
who were displaced on account of their republican- 
ism in 1798, were now reappointed. 

14. Another election of president of the United 
States was soon to take place. It was known 
that a considerable majority of the Vermont assembly 
were in favor of the re-election of Mr Adams; the 
republican members therefore introduced a kill ))rovid- 
ing for the choice of electors by districts, thinking 
that method might, prove more favorable to Mr 
Jefferson, the republican candidate, than their ap- 
pointment in the usual way by tiie council and 
assembly, or by any general ticket. After a long 
discussion this bill was finally rejected by a vote of 
95 to 73. By this vote it aj)peared that the re})ubli- 
can party had considerably increased during the past 
year and tliat the majority on the side of the feder- 
alists amounted to only twenty two. 

15. The Indians, having been so well su|)ported 
and paid at their former attendance upon the legis- 
lature, again attended and urged their claims to 
lands in Vennont. The governor informed them 
that the assembly had decided that they had no 
title or just claim to any lands in Vermont — that 
the assembly had voted to give them $50 to defray 
their expenses on their return to their own nations — 
but that no more money would be given them either 
to j)urchase their claims, or to defray their expenses. 
These decided measures brought the affair with the 
Indians to a close. During this session was also 
passed an act incorporating and esta!)lishingj,a college 
at Middlebury by a vote of 117 to 51. 

16. The events of 180], gave a new aspect to 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 205 

political affairs. Mr Adams lost the election, and 
after repeated trials, Mr Jefferson was elected presi- 
dent of the United States, by a majority of one 
vote. He entered upon the duties of the office on 
the 4th of March, and in his inaugural address, he 
disclaimed the principles of political intolerance, 
urged those of candor and magnanimity^ and de- 
clared that the difference of political opinions Avas 
not a difference of principles. Notwithstanding the 
apparent diversity of sentiment with regard to the 
federal constitution and government " we are," said 
he, " all federaUsts, we are all republicans." 

17. By so frank an avowal of his political opinions 
and intentions, the candid of all parties were led 
to believe that party factions and animosities were 
about to come to an end, and that all would now 
unite in support of the federal government. This 
was the case in Vermont. But a short time how- 
ever, elapsed before the United States attorney and 
marsiiall, for the district of Vermont, were removed 
from office, and their places filled by persons of de- 
cided republican sentiments. Similar changes were 
made in other states, and it was now believed that 
Mr Jefferson, notwithstanding his professions, would 
make his own political sentiments a necessary 
qualification for office. 

18. In this state of ])ublic affairs the legislature of 
Vermont met at Newbury in October, 1801. In flie 
house of representatires, the republican party now 
had a majority of about twenty, and it was now 
generally supposed that they would adopt the same 
course pursued by the federalists in 1798, and make 
all the appointments to office from their own politi- 
cal party. But this was not the case. Three new 
judges were appointed for the supreme court ; but 
they were not selected on account of their political 
opinions, but on account of their supposed quahfica- 
tions for the office. In the other appointments they 
followed the customary method of regarding the 

18 



SOlB HISTORY or VERMONT. 

county nomination, and looked ratlior to the qualifi- 
cations of the candidate thati to his pol tical opinioris. 
The nistomary hnsin* ss of lr^is!ati(in wan {lunsut'd 
W'iih diligence, (•ahnn-iS.s jnid iMi|i*rtia!iiy. 

19. ]n 17 8, the fedt rali.s,s had ihirodiurd the 
rns;''in of adih'essing the ['.resident of the United 
Sfat(s, and tht; ie|.uhliean party, having now gfiined 
the aseenrlf iicv, thon«;hi ii necessaiv to iniitat*- the 
(xa!!»j)!r, l=y a n sprdfid addn ss to Mr J< fi^ rson. 
A conuiiitti e was aMj'oiiitM!,and an addi-. ss re)iorr< (i, 
expii s>ivf of s'.icng aita( l)in« nt to the eoi.sfiuition, 
and to the piison and pohtieal opinions of the [)resi- 
dent, hnt eontainine n(M-< flections nj)on the former 
a(hninisriation. When this ad(h"tss \\as hiou^ljl 
heiore the honse for thi ir adaption, the fedeiahsta 
propos* d a trifling alteration in s<;me oi' the expres* 
sions, which the opposite j^ariy s.up}K)sed was design- 
ed to ]>revcnt anyadchiss hting nsade. A d« I.ate 
now aios(^ ahoi.t v\or(!s and ]dl^^;s«^•, vl,i<h gta( lal'y 
incn ascd in power and ^ioUn(•e, till the' spirit of 
party was vvKJiiglit almost to phn nsy and niadress. 
This debate was continued on three successive days, 
and ten times were votes taken upon it hy yeas and 
nays. At length after seme slight altei.itions the ad- 
dress was finally adopted hy a vote of 86 yeas to 59 
nays. 

20. In October 1802, the legislatm-e met at Bur- 
lington, and Mr Tichenor was found to he re-elected 
governor hy a respeetai)le majority. In his speech 
lie adverted to the alarming progress of party spirit, 
and to the dangers to he apprp[iende<i from it to our 
])olitical institutions. The house, as usual, apj)oint- 
ed a comm':tt<'e who reported an answer to the 
speech. I'his answer was intended not oidy as an 
answer to the governor hut a declaration of the s-fn- 
timenfs of the housi; with regard to the |)resent and 
])recediug administrations of the general govern- 
ment. It was written in a |>eculiar style, abounding 
in sly insinuatk'ns, fulsome adulation, and amhigfi- 



LEGISLATITE PROCEEDIKQS. 207 

■ous paragraplis. The debate tipon this answer was 
wap;n and sp rited, but it was filially adopted with- 
om ftlteration by a vote or" US to 85. The minority 
entered upon the journals ot' the house, a j)rotest 
ajraiirst this answer sijined by 51) uieni!»ers. 

21. Atier this business was <lis|»osed of, and to 
prevcMl siiiilar oeeasions ot e.xeiienient, one ot' the 
nien/)ers «:ravely iiitroduced a niution to r< coinuiend 
that the jrovernor s/jou// iwt herLufter make a formnl 
speed . Tiiis motion was however deciderj in the 
nej:ative, and liappily no oiher Imsiness was broii/xht 
forward wliich was calculated to arouse the prejudi- 
ces, or inflame the minds of tbe inemliers. The 
repuhlican majoriiy was evidently less than it was 
the preceding year, atid did not venture to liazartl 
the adoption of violent or proscriptive m asiires. 
The J ippointiiMiiits were mosily made Iroin the re[Mil)- 
lican party, but the business of the session was 
generally manair'MJ wiih prudence ;mi! ni.>a ration. 

2*2. In 1803, the lepslature in"t at WcstJiiinster. 
Ever^ part of th" country was now a^^itated l/y [>o- 
liticaJ intrigues an<l debates. The governor opened 
the s<! s>ion a> usual with a speech ; l)ut hi> carefully 
avoidrd pnlifical «]uestions, and .'ailed tbe aftenriou 
of the l''gis!afure immediattily to tbe business of the 
8tate. A committee was appointed, who reported an 
atiswf r to his excellency's speech, whicli was adop- 
ted \.';t!iout debate, and noibiii;: occurred to call up 
th'" feelintis of pany, till the appointni'iit of eivil 
ofTici* rs canii- on. The republictUis bad a small nia- 
joriiy in die house, and they now resolved to employ 
it in weakening th-'ir oppom.'Uis. Several of tbe 
judges were displaer.l, and men of more ap|»roved 
repiil) iiean pr'.nci|)lis appointed in llieir places, and 
the v/ork of proseripfion on aectiunt of p<» i.i -al 
opinic ns was now carried further tlian i was by the 
fcd.ra'istsin 1708.^ 

23. The subject of banks first caine before the 
legisla ture at iliis sessiop. Petitions were receivod 



208 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

from Windsor and Burlington to be allowed to estab- 
lish banks in those towns ; but the legislature was 
so little acquainted with the nature and tendency of 
such institutions, that they judged it prudent to refer 
the subject to the next session of the legislature. It 
was expected that proposals would be received from 
Congress during this session to amend the constitu- 
tion of the United States, so as to oblige the electors 
to distinguish, on the votes given in, the person 
intended for president from the one intended for 
vice president. As it was supposed that the adop- 
tion of this amemlment would secure the re-election 
of Mr Jefferson, the republican members were ex- 
tremely anxious to act upon it before they adjourned. 
But, finding that it would require the session to be 
protracted to an unreasonable length, they decided 
upon an adjourned meeting, to be held at Windsor, 
on the last Tuesday of January. 

24. In January, 1804, the legislature met at Wind- 
sor according to adjournment, and the proj)osed 
amendment was laid before them. After some de- 
bate the amendment was adopted by the assembly ; 
yeas 03, nays G4. This same question was bfjfore 
the legislature in 1799, and was passed in the affir- 
mative by a vote of 94 to 42. In this case all the 
federalists voted in favor of the proposed alteration, 
and all the republicans against it ; but in 18C4, all 
the republicans were in favor of the amendment, and 
all the federalists opposed to it. Thus it appears 
that both parties had totally changed their votes in 
the course of four years, and that they had either 
changed their principles, or that they acted without 
principle. 

25. In October, 1804, the legislature held their 
annual session at Rutland. At this session another 
proposal for amending the constitution of the United 
States came before the assembly. This originated in 
Massachusetts, and its object was to apportion the 
representatives from the several states accordijug to 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 2G9 

the number of free white inlmbitauts, to the exclusion 
of tliose elected on account of 4he slaves in any 
state: This i)roj)Osal was rejected hy a vote of 106 
to 7G. The customary business of the session was 
transacted with exi>e(htion and j)ro{)riety. Conjplaint 
having- been made, that the judges of the supreme 
court liad taken illegal fees, a conmiittee was ajipoint- 
ed towards the close of tlie session to inquire into 
the subject. The commitlee reported the lacts, and 
that in their opinion, fees had been taken agreeably 
to the fee bill. The house accepted the report so 
far as it related to the facts, but not as to the opinion 
given of the legality of the proceedings of the judges. 
The legislann-e then adjourned, leaving the matter in 
this state of indecision. 

26. In October, 1805,- the assembly met at Dan- 
ville. The governor's speech related piincipally to 
the internal aftairr^ of the state, and, neither that nor 
the answer, which was returned by the assembly, 
was calculated to arouse party feelings, or afford sub»- 
jects of controversy. the con;])laints against the 
judges for taking ilkgai f es was again taken uj) and 
occupied the assembly for several days, and gave rise 
to much warm debate. It was, Ijowever, finally 
^^ Resolved, That it is the sense of this house, that the 
fees taken by the judges of the supreme court, were 
taken with upright views, and that no further order 
ought to be taken on the subject." This resolution 
was passed by a vote of 100 to 82. 

27. At this session two more proposals for amend- 
ing the constitution of the United States, came before 
the legislatm-e. One from North Carolina, having 
for its object to empower Congress to pass a law to 
prevent the fiirthcr importation of slaves into the 
United States, and the other trom Kentucky, the 
object of which was to diminish the powers of the 
United State's courts. The former proposal was 
adopted by the assembly without debate or opposition, 
and the latter was referred to the next session of the 



210 HISTORY or MLKhwar. 

legislature. An act was passed at this session em- 
Dowerinff the governor to take measure?: for ascertain- 
iii<{ the true north Tine of the s:ate, and another act 
fixing upon Montpeiier as iJie perujanent seat of the 
government of the state, from and after the year 1808. 

29. The next session of the legislature was held 
at Middlehury in Octo' er, 1806. Mr Tichenor was 
again re-elected governr r by a respectable majority, 
notwithstanding the efforts made by the repul)Iican 
party to prevent ir. His opponents; however, had 
a considerable majoiity in the assetnbiy, and in their 
answer to the governor's sj)eech, thry did not attempt 
to conceal their hostility to the measures, whirh he 
had reronjmended. When the resolutions from 

^Centucky, wliich had been laid over bj'^ the former 
ssernbly, came up, the house resolved itst'lf into a 
ommittee of the whole, and after some riel)ate adop- 
ed the proposed amendment by a vote of 148, to 
54; thus manifesting their desire to increase their 
own powers l)y diminishing those of the general 
government. It being reported that Mr Jeffersc-Ji in- 
tended to retire to private life at the close of his Hret 
term of office, the assembly drew up a respectful 
address to him, which was intended to induce him 
to become a condidate for re-election. An act was 
also passed at this session establishing a state bank 
consisting of two branches, one at Woodstock and 
the other at Middlehury. 

30. In October, 180/, the legislature met at Wood- 
stock, and, on counting the votes, Israel Smith, the 
republican candiclate, was foimd to be elected gover- 
nor in op|)osition to Mr Tichenor. In his speech, 
the governor confined his remarks to the internal 
affairs of the state, and particularly suggested such 
alterations in the criminal jurisprudence of the state, 
as to substitute confinement to hard labor in the j)lace 
of coryioreal punishment. In conformity to these 
suggestions an act was passed during tlie session 
establishing a stale penitentiary at Windsor and 



LEGISLATIVE PK0CEEDI>G3. 211 

makinjSf the necessary appropriations for carrying it 
into (iflect. 

31. The lefris^iature assemhlod for the first time at 
Montpeher, the esrahlished capital of the state, in 
October 1808. Mr Tichenor was elected governor, 
in opposition to Mr Smith, who had held th<; office 
the preceding year. In his speech he expressed a 
decided disapprohation of the leadijig measures of 
Mr Jefferson's administration. Tlie repuhlicans 
having a jnajority in the assemhly returned an an- 
swer, in which they ex|)ressed the fullnst confiden:!e 
in the -president, and a hearty apj)roval of his meas- 
ures. No suhject of unconniion interest was brought 
forward at this session, and the ordinary husiness was 
disposed of in the usual manner. 

32. In 1800, the re[)uhlican party succeeded in 
electing Jonas Galusha govninor, in opposition to 
Mr Tichenor, wiio had filled that office with fidehty 
for eleven years. The g»)vernor's speech and the 
reply to it i)y the assembly, were expressive of the 
political opinions entertaiii'id hy the repuhlican party 
generally throughout the union.. A.t this session an 
address was adopted congratulating James Madison 
upon his elevation to the presidency. A proposed 
amendment to the federal constitution from \ irginia 
also canie before the assemhly, the object of which 
was to enable state legislatures to remove their sena- 
tors in Congress from office, when they should deem 
it expedient. The amendment was however rejec- 
ted hy a majority of the house. 

33. In 1810, 1811 and 1812, Mr Galusha was 
successively re-elected goveriior of the state, and the 
republican party had each year a majority in the 
assembly. The spirit of [)arty now run extremely 
high, but the usual husiness of the state continued to 
be transacted with fidelity. In 1811, anotiier i)ropo- 
sal for amending the constitution of the Tniied 
States came before the assembly. This amendment 
eclared that any citizen, who should accept any 



'212 HiST' RV or VEKMON'f. 

title of ijobiiity or honor, or any pension or emolu- 
ment, from any foreio^n power, without the consent 
of Congress, such person sjjail cease to he a citizen 
of the United States. The amendment was adopted 
by the assembly. The year 1812 is memorable 
on account of the declaration of war, by the United 
States against Great Britian. AVe sliall not attemj)t 
to give the particulars of this war, and still it will 
probably be expected that we should at least give a 
sketch of the transactions within our own borders 
and in which our own citizens 'vere more particularly 
concerned ; and this we shall attempt to do in thef 
following section. 



SECTION III 



Legislative proceedings from 1819 to 1815 — JVar 
With Great Britain — E.-ents on Lake Cham dam 
Battle at Plattsburo-h. 



't) 



1. Ojir limits will by no moans permit us to inves- 
tigate the causes by which the United States were 
led to engage in the s(K'ond war with Great Britiun, 
nor to mention any of the events of that war except 
such as transpired in our immediate vicinity. Caus- 
es of comjjlaint had existed for several ye u's, which, 
as early as 1809, led to the jiassage of a law by 
Congress, interdicting all coujuiercial intercourse 
with Great Britian. On the 3d of April, 1812, Con- 
gress laid an embargo upon all the sliipj)ing within 
the jurisdiction of the United States h)r 90 days, and 
on the ]8thof June following, an act was passed 
declaring war with Great Britain. On the passage 
of this act the vote stood as follows; in the house of 
representatives yeas 79, nays 49, and in tlie senate 
yeas 19, nays 13. The principal causes which led 
to the adoption of this measure were declared to be 
the impressment of American seamen by the British- 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 213 

the plundering of American commerce, and the 
British orders in council." 

2. In October, 1812, the legislature of Vermont 
assembled at Montpelier. In his speech Governor 
Galusha urged the assembly to second the measures 
of the general government — provide tlie means for 
the defence of our own citizens, and for sustaining 
our national rights and honor. The assembly return- 
ed an answer fully concurring in the sentiments of 
the governor ; but thinking the exigencies of the 
times demanded a more explicit avowal, they resol- 
ved that since war had been declared by the consti- 
tuted authority of the country "we pledge ourselves 
to each other and to our government, that with our 
individual exertions, our example and influence, we 
will support our government and country in the 
present contest, and rely upon the great Arbiter of 
events for a favorable result." 

3. The above resolution was passed by a vote of 
128 to 79. But the muiority were not silent. They 
entered a protest u[)on the journals of the house in 
which they declared the resolution to be subversive 
of the true principles of a republican government, 
and also expressed their decided disapprobation 
of the leading measures of the administration, pro- 
nouncing the declaration of war to be premature 
and impolitic. The majority, however, proceeded 
to act up to the S])irit of their resolve, and passed a 
law, prohibiting all intercourse between the people 
of Vermont and Canada, without a permit from the 
governor, under a penalty of $1000 fine, and seven 
years confinement at hard labor in the state's prison. 
They also passed an act exempting the person and 
property of the militia while in actual service, from 
attachment — an act, laying a tax of one cent per 
acre on the lands in the state, in addition to the usual 
assessments, and other acts relating to the detaching 
and paying of tlie militia. 

4. These legislative regulations proving oppres- 



21.4 WIST01.T OF ▼BEMONT. 

sive to the people, many of the supporters of th€ 
war abatidoiied the republican ranks and went over 
to the oj)po8ition. As the elections in 18J.3 a|»))r<)a('h- 
ed both parties exerted to the uttnosr every means in 
their power to ^rain or pr serve the ascendency. 
When the assembly came toirciher in October, it 
was fomi'l fliat neitntM' candidatt' for iM)V(n-n<)r bad 
been elect! (1 by the people. On attem|itin;i a clHjiee 
by tlie assend)ly, tbi y were fonml to be divided into 
two parries exactly equal. After much mfmceuvreing 
EJkI several trials, Martin Chittenden, the federal can- 
didate was elected by a small majority. The senti- 
ments of the jrovernor's speech and of the answer to 
it, were in the highest tone of federalism and conse- 
quently ill direct opposition to the war and the 
measures of tlie jreneral jfovermrienr. The minority, 
75 in number however, ])rotested atrainst these senti- 
ments and entered their reasons U])on the journals 
of the house. 

5. The federalists having now the ascendency, 
nearly all the a|>|)oiiitmeiits to office were made 
from that party: after vvbich the legislature proceed- 
ed to repeal th'J several laws before mentioned wbich 
had been enacted the pieceding year. The spirit 
of party was now wrought up to tbe highnst pitch, 
and the parties did not hesitate to brand each other 
with the o|)probrious names of tories, tiaitoi"s and 
enemies to their country. The enmity was such as 
to destroy tbe harmony and intcrcoursf of fhmilies 
and neigbbors and at limes tip y s<m nied to be on 
the eve of proceediitg to open bos iliiif s. 

6. The smuL'"gling business lerl to frequi^nt encoun- 
ters between the smugglers and custom-lions -otricers, 
during the war fmdili'non inreicomse which preced- 
ed if, in some of wbich blood was shed and lives lost. 
The first serious afiray of this kind took place on VVin- 
ooski river, at Burlington in J808, between a fwrty in 
the em})loy of the custom de|)artment and a smuggling 
vesseJ called the Black Snake. h\ this encounter 



LOSS or THE GROWLER AND EAGLE. 215 

two men were killed by the smugglers. The smug- 
glers were, however, taken and tri<^d hy a special 
court at Biulinirion. D* an, one of rhem, was execu- 
ted and th-^ others, exceptintr Day who was flisfhar- 
g<'<!, wer^' si'iiti-nct'd to the vState's prison. Franklin 
CfHHity was ilic s<'eiie of fr; (pit'iii skiruiish<'S. The 
sniiijigiers usually travelled in the night and went in 
so large, companies and so will arme/l as to make it 
very dangi^nMis busiu; ss for the custom-house offi- 
cers to interrupt then). Similar distuibances were 
con^mon all along our northern li-ontier. 

7. About the first of Septeml)er, 1813, Samuel 
Beach of Canaan in the northeast corner of the state 
had a j)ermit from the governor to go into Canada to 
repair a mill dim. He sent forward his workmen 
with a team, which was takcm from them by John 
Dennett and others, and driven back. 15each in at- 
lemprijiL^ to recover his team was tired upon isy Den- 
nett and killed. Dennett and his associates were ta- 
ken ami confined in jail, fiorn which lie escaped in 
.January following to the neighboring forests, where 
he continued till the next August, when lie was re- 
taken, bin not till after he was mortally wounded l)y 
his pursuers. It aj)peHred that Deimett resisted and 
was shot while attempting to kill Mr Morgan, by a 
Mr. Sperry another of the pursuers. 

8. In the sunjmer ot 1812 some preparations were 
made on lake (Jham|)lain to oppose the naval force of 
the British. Nothing, however, occurred on the lake 
worthy of notice till the Sd of June 1813. (Jn that 
day the Growler and Eagle sailed from Platisburgh un^ 
der the counnand of Lieut Smith in pmsuit of some 
British gun l)oats which had made their appeal ance 
on the lake. On the following morning, when near 
Canada line, they were led in [nirsuit of the boats, in- 
to shoa! water near the shore, where the Eagle groimd- 
ed and became unmanageable, and after four hours 
hard fighting they were obliged to Surrender to the 
British. On the 80th of Jnlv, h detachment of the Brit- 



216 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

ish about 1400 strong landed at Plattsburgh, where 
they destroyed the American barracks, estimated to be 
worth $25,000, and much otlier ])ropert5", botli public 
and private. Tiie public stores having been previous- 
ly removed to Burlington the enemy proceeded thith- 
er and fired a few shot upon the tOwn, but as soon as' 
the cannon began to play upon them from the shore 
they retired. 

9. On the 20th of August the Americans had equip- 
ped a naval force upon lake Champlain consisting of 
the President, carrying 12 guns, Com. Preble 11, 
Montgomery, 11, Frances, 6, and two gun boats and 
six scows carrying one gun each, making in the whole 
48 guns. With this force Com. Macdonough sailed 
from Burlington to the lines in Septemb r and offered 
battle to the enemy, but they declined and retired in- 
to Canada. The northen army was assembled at Bur- 
lington under the command of Gen. Hampton and 
consisted of about 4000 men. Early in September 
this army was embarked at Burlington and landed at 
Cumberland head near Plattsburgh. On the 9tli they 
proceeded to Chazy and attacked the enemy's advan- 
ed post at Odletown. 

10. Finding it impracticable to make his way into 
Canada hj that route, Hamj^ton returned to Cham- 
plain and took the route to Chataguay, where he ar- 
rived on the 25th. Col Clark was in the mean time 
detached and ordered to attack a small British force 
at St Armand on Mssisco bay. He found the enemy 
drawn up under Maj. Powel, but wholly unexpecting 
an attack by land, and, after an action often minutes 
they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The 
American force engaged was 102, and the number 
of })risoners taken and sent to Burlington was 101. 
Nine of the enemy were killed and 14 wounded. 
The army under Gen. Hamilton engaged with the 
enemy at Chataguay on the 2()th of October, but be- 
ing unsuccessful and the season far advanced, he soon 
after returned into winter quarters at Plattsburgh. 



EVENTS ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 917 

11. A brigade of Vermont iiiiiitia, which had been 
drafted into tlie service of the Uiiiii'!! Starrs and 
marched to Piattsbiirgh, were on the lOth of Novem- 
ber discharged from service by a prooiajnation of 
Governor Chittenden and on it red to return lionie. 
To this order the officers of said brigade refnsed obe- 
dience and returned a written nrotosl against it. The 
militia, however, returned lielore their time of ser- 
vice expired, and no furtlier notice was taken of the 
transaction. Comnjodore Pilacdonongh went into win- 
ter quarters at Oiter creek wirli bis flojijla on the 
19th of December. Thus terminated the northern 
campaign for 1813. 

12. In the spring of 1814, the nonh^rn army, hav- 
ing been placed under Gt:n ral Wilkinson, advancred 
from Plattsburgh along the west side of the lake and 
entered Canada. After an unsuccesflful attack upon 
the stone mills at La Cole, and some orlir-r skirmish- 
es, in which the Americans lost a! out 100 in killed 
and wounded, they found it necessary to retreat. In 
the mean time Commodore Macdoiujugb was making 
every effort to get in readiness in Otter creek, a suf 
ficient naval force to match that of the enemy upon 
the lake. On the 14tli of iMay the enemy's fleet, con- 
sisting of a brig, three sloops and 13 gall ies passed 
up the lake and opened a s[)irited fire upon the bat- 
tery at the mouth of Otter creek, with a view of forc- 
ing their w'ay up the creek and destroying the Ameri- 
can shipping before it should be ready for service. 
But in this ihey were unsuccessful. They were re- 
pulsed by the garrison anri Vermont militia, and soon 
after returned to the northward. 

13. x\boui the last of May, Conmiodore Macdonough 
entered the lake with his flotilla and proceeded to 
Plattsburgh, and afterwards advanced nearer the Ihies, 
but nothing of consequence occurcd on the lake tiil 
the latter part of the season. About the first of Sep- 
tember Governor Prevost entered the territory of the 
United States at the head of 14000 men and Hdvan^. 

19 



518 KISIOSLY OF \■ZP.^1f!^Sr. 

eed townrds Plattsburgh, v/hich was garrisoned by 
only one brigade luuler General Macomb ; the main 
northern army having marched to the westward. On 
the 7th of September the enemy appeared before 
Plattsbnrgh, and were eni()Ioyed in getting on their 
battering train, erecting batteries, and in skirmishes 
with the Americans, but did not make a general as 
sault till the arrival of their flotilla. 

14. In the mean time every effort was made to call 
in the neighboring militia. Expresses were sent into 
Vermont; and the Green Mountain Boys, without dis- 
tinction of party, shouldered their guns and hastened 
forward to repel invasion ; and in the ])art which they 
took in the subsequent conriict they nobly sustained 
their high character for firmness and bravery. The 
American laud force however contin«ied much infe- 
rior to that of the Biitish. The British force upon 
the lake was also supeiior to the American. It was 
commanded by Commodore Downie and consisted of 
a Irigate of 39 guns, a brig of 16, two sloops of II 
each and 13 gun boats carrying 18 guns, amounting 
in the whole to 95 guns, and manned by 1050 men. 
The American foi-f^p Miir! >rCr.r-,r, ^'.ne M;t."'K)Uoiiiih 
coiisisied of the Saratoga of 26 guns, the eagle, of 20, 
Ticonderoira of 17, the Preble of 7 and lO.gmi boats 
carrying 16 giuis, amounting i'l he whole to 86, and 
manned by 820 men. 

15. As it was generally understood to be the in- 
tention of the British to make an attack both by land 
and water at the same time, Conunodore Mac'donough 
determined to await the approach of the enemy's 
squadron at anchor in Plattsburgh bay. Eaily in the 
morning of the 11th of September the lookout boat 
announced the approach of the enemy, and about 9 
o'clock they anchored in a line about 300 yards from 
the American squadron. In this situation the whole 
force on both sides became engaged. The conflict 
was exceedingly obstinate ; the enemy fought with 
great bravery, but tlie superiority of the American 



RATTLE AT PZ-ATTSBURGM. 2]9 

gunnery prevailed over tho enemy's superior force. 
After an action of two hours and twenty minutes the 
fire of the enemy was silenced, and her frigate, hrig 
and two sloops were surrendered to the Americans. 
Some of their galhes were sunk and the otiiers made 
their escape. The British lost in this action 84 kill- 
ed and 1 10 woiuided. Amongt he killed were Couirno- 
dore Downie and three Lieutenants. The American 
loss was 52 killed and 58 wounded. Among the 
former were Lieutenants Gamble and Stanshury. 

16. The commencement * f the naval action seem- 
ed to be the signal for a general assault by land. The 
enemy opened their batteries upon the Americaw 
works and at the same time attem[>ted to cross the 
Saranac a?id gain the rear of the Americans. The 
Americans kept up a destructive fire from their forts 
and met the enemy at every point with the most de- 
termined bravery. As soon as it was known that 
their fleet had surrendered the enemy relinquished 
all their hopes and began making arrangements for 
a retn^at. During the afternoon and night all the 
enemy's forces were withdrawn and they retired 
with such precipitation, and were so closely pursued 
by the An";ericans, that they were oI)liged to leave 
behind their wounded, anrl large quantities of provi- 
sions, amunition and military stores. The whole 
loss of the enemy upon land, in killed, wounded, pris- 
oners and deserters, exceeded 2500 m,en. The aggre- 
gate loss of the Anipvicans did not exeeed 150. 

17. After the battle at Plattsburgh nothing further 
occured upon lake Champlaiu worthy o{' notice dur- 
ing the war. The legislature of Vermont assembled 
as usual in October, and it again appeared that no 
governor had been elected' by the suffia^'S of the 
people. 1 he leffislatiu'e thiM) jiroceeded to the choice 
of a governor f;iid Martin Chittenden was elected by 
a majority of 2^) votes. Much complaint having been 
made because the governor did not order out the 
militia for the det^jnce of Pittsburgh, ioetead of call- 



220 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

ing upon them as volunteers, he adverted to that sub- 
ject in his s])eech by sayinsr, tliat, as no portion of 
our militia had been detac'ned by the President for 
the service of the United States, a call up(>n our pa- 
triotic citizens for their voluntary services was, in this 
case, ronsider( (1 to l>o liio oii!y mode by which effi- 
cient and timely aid could lie afforded. 

16. He s|)ok<^ in the hiiihest term of the officers 
and men emj)ioyed in re)>eir!ng the enemy and in 
teac'iing them the " mortit'ying les?on, that the soil of 
freedom will not hear the tread of hostile feet with 
impunity ;" and declared their " achievements were 
not surpassed in the records of naval and military 
warfare," But while he acknowledged with gratitude, 
the interposition of Providence for preventing the de- 
signs ol the enemy and saving our borders from the 
desolations of war, he declared that his opinion of the 
propriety of the war remained unalrei-ed — that he 
" conscientiously disapproved of it as unnecessary, 
unwise and hopeless in all its offensive operations." 
To this s[)eech the house returned a dignified and 
respectful answer, reciprocating the sentiments of 
his excellency with regard to the transactions at 
Plattsburgh, and pledging to him their cordial co- 
operation in measures calculated to promote the pub- 
lic good. 

17. At this session a resolution was adopted express- 
ing the thanks of the legislature to General Macomb 
and his compatriots in arms — to General Strong and 
the patriotic volunteers from Vermont under his com- 
mand, and to Commodore Macdonough and the offi- 
cers and crew of his squadron, in testimony of their 
high sense of their bravery and good conduct on the 
memoral)le lltli of Sepremlx'r, 1814, by which the 
enemy W( re repulsed by land, and their squadron 
cantured upon the lak(\ In the fiirther consideration 
of t is service s, the legis-lature passed an act granting 
to Commodore Macdonough a farm belonging to Ver- 
moTit, and lying upon Cumberland head, and in full 



TREATY Of PE.VCK V<ITH GREAT BRITAIff. 221 

view of the late navaJ engagement in which he had 
acquired so much honor. A communication was re- 
ceived during this session from the legislature ofMas- 
sachusetts inviting Vermont to appoint delegates to 
meet delegates from the other New England States 
at Hartford, Connecticut, to take into consideration 
the state of the Union. But by a vote of the assem- 
bly this invitation was unanimously declined. 

20. From this period the violence of party spirit 
in Vermont began raj)id]y to abate. The invasion of 
our territory by the fleets and armies of the enemy, had 
united the feelings of parties in the common defence, 
and many, who were at first opposed to the war, were 
now convinced that the good of their countrv demand- 
ed tne united efforts of all our citizens in proseciiting 
it to an honorable and successful termination. On the 
24rh of December, 1814, a u*eaty of ])eace was signed 
at Ghent between Great Britain and America by their 
respective plenipotentiaries. The tumults of war now 
ceased — the gloom \Vhich overhung our land was 
dispersed, and all were rejoiced to see our soldiei-s re- 
converted into citizens — our implements of war into 
instruments of husbandry and to hear the penccfljj 
hum of business instead of the roar of cannon and the 
trumpet of war. 



S E C T I O ZV IV. 



Legislative proceedings from. 1814 to the dose of the. 
year 1832. 

1. Before the meeting of the assembly in 1815, 
peace had been restored to the country, and ma»iy of 
the causes wh eh liad agitated the conununity had 
disapj)eare(l. The republican party had now gained 
the ascendency in the state, and Mr Gallusha wai 
again elected governor bv the people, by a htndsom© 
19* 



222 



HISTORY OK VERMO.NT. 



majority. The governor's speech contained nothing 
to revive iJie violence of party. He alhiderl to the storm 
of war which had just passed over their heads and 
was now succeeded hy the cahn and sunshine of 
peace, and then invited die attention of the legisla- 
ture to the immediate business of the state. Among 
the acts passed at this session was one granting to a 
coni]jany the exclusive right of navigadng Icike 
Ciiamplain by steam for 23 years. This act was af- 
terwards found to be unconstitutional and void. 

2. The spring and summer of 18JG, were remark- 
ably cold. Snow fell to the depth of several inches 
in all parts of Vermont on the Sth of Jime, and from 
the general failure of the crops thei'e was an uncom- 
mon scarcity of provision. Mr Gahisha was tliis 
year re-elected governor, and, in his s})eech, he cal- 
led the attention of the legislature to the encourage- 
ment of manufactures. The customary answer to 
his excellency's speech this year gave rise to a spirit- 
ed debate, in wdiich the federal j)arty were treated 
with great asperity, on accoimt of the vote of the 
representatives in Congress, irom Vermont, who were 
federalists, by which the pay of the representatives 
was increased contrary to the wishes of the freemen 
of Vermont. With this session terminated the prac- 
tice of returning an answer to the governor's speech, 
whicli had, from the first election of Mr Tichenor in 
1797, every year consumed much time, and oflen 
given rise to the most violent contentions. ' 

3. At the three following elections in 1817, 1818. 
and 1819, Mr Galusha was successively chosen gov- 
ernor of the state, and ncithing occurred to excite 
the violence of party, or to interrupt the general 
prosperity. Bountiful harvests rewarded the toil of 
tlie husbandman, an<l the blessings arising li'om tlie 
diffusion of knowledge, the success of the mechanic 
arts, and the influence of good government were 
generally difiiised. In 1817, the ])resident of the 
United States, Mr Monroe, in his tour through the 



LEGISLATIVE PROCF.EDINGS. 223 

Miukile and eastern states, passed through Vermont, 
and every where received the respect due to his 
dignified office, and the gratitude merited by a hfe 
devoted to the s«rvice of iiis country. 

4. Ill 1819, the usual business of the legislature 
Vvas transacted with unaniniiry, and, among other 
tilings, a resolution was adopted approving in the 
highest tertns of the measiu'es and objects of the 
American Colonization Society. Islr Galusha having 
signified his intention to retire from [)ublic life, the 
liouse adopted a respectful address to him on 
the occasion, in which thi?y say that, "on a re- 
view of the events of the memorable struggle of our 
fathers for independence, we find you in early life 
on the banks of the Walloomsuc, with your patriotic 
band teaching them [)oldly to defend their country. 
In discharging the duties of councillor, judge and 
governor, you have ever merited and received the 
approbiition of your fellow citizens." 

5. In 1820, Richard Skinner, formerly chief justice 
of the state, was elected governor. In his speech, 
he ])resented a clear view of the evils resulting from 
the frequent alterations in the public statutes, and 
hp expressed as his opiiuon, that the present organi- 
zation of the Vermont judiciary, was calculated for 
the despatch of business and to prevent the multipli- 
cation of lawsuits. At this session a resolution was 
passed remonstrating against the admission of Mis- 
souri into the union with a constitution legalizing 
slavt;ry, and the cruel and unnatural traffic in human 
blood, and instructing their senators and representa- 
tives in Congress, to exert their influence and use all 
legal measures to prevent it. 

G. In 1821, Mr Skinner was again elected gover- 
nor. In his Sj)eech, the gov(;rnor mformed the as- 
sembly that he had received comtnunications from 
Maryland^ and New Hampshire, respecting the ap- 
propriation of the public lands belonging to the 
United States, to the several states for the benefit of 



224 HISTORY or VERMOWT. 

education, and said that the people of Vermont " could 
feel no delicacy in making a claim of this kind, for 
no one of the United States, in proportion to their 
ability, contributed more to the acquisition of those 
rights, which were purchased by the toil, distresses 
and sacrifices of the revolutionary war. Situated on 
the frontier, they constituted the barrier between the 
enemy and the confederated states. Not having 
been acknowledged as a member of the confedera- 
tion, no part of the expense they incurred in the war 
has been assumed by the general governnient, while 
they have participated in the burden of the public 
debt." In conformity with these suggestions, reso- 
lutions were passed declaring the right of each of 
the states to a participation in the benefits of the 
public lands and requesting oiu' delegation in Con- 
gress to use their endeavors to ])rocure the passage 
of an act appropriating to the use of the state of 
^ ermont, for the purposes of education, such por- 
tion of the public lands as should be equitable and 
just. 

7. Mr Skinner was again elected governor in 1822. 
In his speech he called the attention of the h'gislature 
particulaily to the subject of manufactures. The com- 
mittee on manufactun.'S to whom this part of his ex- 
cellency's s})eech was referred, made a report, in 
which they say " \'ermont can raise as fine wool as 
any quarter of the gloi)e, and her mountains roll 
down their thousand streams to aid us in its manu- 
facture. It also abounds in ores, and minerals, and for- 
ests upon which thnjndustry and ingenuity of our citi- 
zens might operate to great advantage, could suffi- 
cient ca})ital [>e allured to these objects by the pat- 
ronage of our laws." In comj)liance with a recom- 
mendation of the governor an act was ])assed de- 
claring all contracts void where interest should be 
taken, or secured, at a higher rate than six per cent 
per annum. 

8. Mr Skinner having signified his wish no longer 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 225 

to be considered a candidate for the office of govern- 
or, at the meeting of the legislature in 1823, Mr Van 
Ness was found to be elected in his stead. In his 
speech he invited the attention of the legislature to 
the immediate concerns of the state, but was not sen- 
sible that any material alteration in the laws were at 
that time, demanded, lie discouraged all change 
which was not ]>articularly necessary, as producing 
uncertainty in law, and thereby occasioning perplex- 
ing and expensive law suits. An act was passed at 
this session |)rohii)iting horse-racing, under a penalty 
of the forfeiture of the horses and money staked; 
but few alterations were made in the existing laws. 

9. In 1824 31 r Van Ness was re-elected governor 
without opj)Osition. In con^piiance with the recom- 
mendation of the governor, an act was passed at this 
session, giving tho choice ot electors of president 
and vice president to the people by a general ticket. 
General La Fayette having arrived in this country 
on the 17th of August, a committee of the legisla- 
ture reported that "as a nation we owed to him a 
debt ol gratitude, and that Vermont, in common with 
her sister states, would rejoice in an opf)ortunity of 
manifesting it." A resolution was accordingly passed 
requesting the governor, in behalf of the people of 
this state, to invite Gen( ral La Fayette to extend, his 
tour into \ ermont and honor its citizens with his 
presence. On the 4th of July 1825, La Fayette 
entered Vermont for the first time at Windsor, where 
he was joyfully received by the governor, and a nu- 
merous body of citizens assetubled to welcome the 
early benefactor of their country. From Windsor 
he proceeded by the way of Montpelier to Burling- 
ton, and was everywhere received with the warmest 
affection and gratitude, and with the mo«t enthusi- 
astic demonstrations of admiration and applause. 

10. Mr Van Ness was again chosen governor in 
1825, and in his communication to the assembly he 
invited their attention particularly to the subject of 



226 HISTORY or VERMO?fT. 

internal improvements. A board of canal commis- 
sioners was appointed and five hundred dollars were 
appropriated to defray their expenses. It was made 
the duty of these cominissionei's to assist any en- 
gineers, who might be em{)loyed by the general gov- 
ernment to ascertain the most j)ructicable routes for 
canals within this state. The great objects contem- 
plated were, thy improvement of the navigation of 
Connecticut river and the connexion of that river 
with lake Champlain and lake Memphren)agog by 
means of canals. The law setting forth the prin- 
ciples upon which the grand list for the assessment 
of taxes in this state, shall be maile out, was repeal- 
ed at ths session, and a new law upon this subject 
enacted. By this act it is provided that there shall 
be an apprisal of real estate once in 5 yeai-s and 
that it shall be set in the list at the rate of four per 
cent for buildings and village lots iwA six per cent 
for other real estate, on its appraiseti value, and to 
this the rates of personal pro[)erty are calculated to 
correspond. 

II. Mr Van Ness hf.ving signified his wish no lon- 
ger to receive the suffrages of his fellow citizens, Mr 
Butler was, in 1826, elected governor of the state. 
In his speech he called the attention of the assembly 
to the subject of lotteries and the sale of lottery tick- 
ets in this state. In consideration of which, an act 
was passed, prohibiting the sale of tickets without a 
licence under the penalty of a heavy fine. Mr But- 
ler was again elected governor in 1827. He now 
invited the attention of the legislature to the existing 
laws on the subject of education, and recommended 
the af)pointment, iti each town or county, *f cotnmis- 
sioners for the examination of tfachers and for the 
general superintendence of Sidiools. In conatqiu-nce 
of these suggestions, a general plan of education was 
adopted, designed for the imitrovemcnt in schools 
and for [)roducing uniformity in ihf* methods of in- 
struction. It provided that a superintending commit- 



LEGISLATITE PROCEEDINGS. 227 

tee should be appointed annually in each town and 
that no teachers should be employed in the pubhc 
sciiools, who had not been examined by said com- 
mittee, and who had not received from them a cer- 
tificate of their (juahfications for teaching. It al^o 
provided for the appointment of five school com- 
missioners, wjiose business. it should be to have a 
general supervision of the business of education in 
the state, procure and circulate information on the 
subject, recommend suitable books to be used in 
schools, ascertain if any alteration in the law be 
necessary, and make an aimual roi)ort to tiie legisla- 
ture. 

12. In 1828, Mr Crafts was elected governor. In 
his speech he congratulated his fellow citizens upon 
the unrivalled pros[)eriry of the country — declared 
their advance in population and resources to be un- 
precedented in liistoiy of man — and the means of 
happiness within their ])ower to be mpre abundant 
than ever fell to the lot of any other people. The 
legislature this year })assed a resolution requiring 
their senators and re])resentativcs in Congress to use 
all justifiable means to procure the passage of an 
act granting pensions to all American citizens with- 
out regard to their present circumstances, who serv- 
ed during thf^ war of the ri'volutiou. In'1829, Mr 
Crafts was again chosen governor by the votes of 
the freemen. Among the subjects which came be- 
fore the assembly was a resolution of the legislature 
of South Carolina, declaring that Congress had no 
constitutional ])ower to lay duties on imports for the 
encouragement of domestic nianufictures, or for 
internal improvements ; and also comnuuiications 
from Georgia, Virginia and Missouri, sancrioning the 
same principles. The legislature disposed of this 
matter by resolving that lliev would not concur with 
the South Carolina resolution. 

13. As already observed, on the return of peace 
in 1815, party spirit rapidly subsided, and for sever- 



228 HISTORY or Vermont 

al years a remarkable unanimity of sentiment with 
regard to men and measures prevailed. After the 
election of Mr Adams to the presidency in 1825, an 
organized opposition was formed to his administra- 
tion l)y the friencis of the rival candidates, who suc- 
ceeded in 1829, in elevating General Jackson to 
that office in opposition to the incumbent. These 
two great divisions of the ])eople, were founded 
chiefly in a preference of particularmen, aiid not in 
a difference of })oiitical principles. Tiie abduction 
of William Mcrgan in 1826, for divulging the se- 
crets of masonry, gave rise to another party, founded 
in oi)j)osition to the princij)les of njasonry, and 
which is hence called the anti-masonic party. And 
thinking it to be the most effectual way to put 
down an institution, which they believe to be dan- 
gerous to comtnunity, they have made it a part of 
their political creed that no adhering mason shall 
receive their support for office. 

14. This i)arty was not distinctly organized in Ver- 
mont till the year lo29. In 1830, it was found that 
three candidates for governor had been supported and 
that no election had been made by the people. Mr 
Crafts, the national republican and masonic candidate, 
received 113486 votes, Mr Palmer the anti-masonic 
candidate had 10925 and Mr ?Jeech,the administration 
candidate, had 6285. The choice devolving upon the 
legislature, after 32 ballottings, Mr Crafts was elected 
by a small majority. The abolition of imprisonment 
for debt had in former years frequently engaged the 
attention of the legislature and, in his sj^eech, the gov- 
ernor again invited attention to the subject. After 
much debate a law was passed <leclaring that on all 
judgments oi)tained upon debts contracted after the 1st 
day of January, 1831, the debtor may within two horns 
after the rendition of such judgment, belbre a court 
of justice submit himself to an examinaton on oath 
by such court or creditor, or his attorney, touching his 
situation, circumstances, or property, and may be en- 



LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDmOS. 229 

titled to the benefit of the oath, which shall be admin- 
istered to such debtor by said court of justice, and 
a record made thereof, and no execution shall be i^ 
sued thereon. 

15. In 1831, each of the three parties supported 
its candidate for governor, in consequence of which, 
:no election was made by the people. The choice 
^ffain devolving upon the legislature, Mr Palmer, the 
antimasonic candidate, was elected at the ninth bal- 
lotting by a majority of one vote. In his speech lie 
^ays that "the general condition of our country is 
that of peace, prosperity and happiness. Compared 
•with any other people we have the most abundant 
cause for grateful acknowledgment to the Author of 
all good that our lot has been cast here." After ma- 
king the customary appointments of civil ofiicei-s, the 
iiouse proceeded with diligence in discharge of their 
remaining duties. Few subjects of general interest 
were brought up, and most of the acts j)assed this 
session were of a local or private nature. Among 
the bills passed was one taxing foreign bank stock, 
one incorporating the Bennington and Brattlehorough 
rail road comj)any and one incorporating the Rutland 
and Whitehall rail road company. Several new 
banks were also granted. 

16. In 1832, there was again no election of gov- 
ernor, by the people, and at the 43d ballotting, Mr 
Palmer was re-elected by the legislature. In com- 
pliance with the suggestions in the governor's mes- 
sage, a law was passed at this session for regulatjng 
and governing the militia and resolutions were adopt- 
ed, approving of the existing tariff law of Congress, 
of appropriations for internal improvement, and of re- 
chartering the bank of the United States. A bill was 
also passed providing for the erection of a new state 
house in Montpelier and appropriating $30,000 for 
that purpose, the people of Montpelier pledging them- 
selves to pay one half that sum into the State treasury. 

17. We have now brouglitdown our sketch of the 

20 



230 HISTORY or VERMONT. 

legislative proceeding in Vermont to the present time. 
We are aware that it is too brief to be fully satisfac- 
tory ; and, in our selection from the mass of materials, 
we are not sure that we have always taken those 
things, which are most interesting and valuable. A 
lack of room, on account of the i)rescribed limits of 
our volume, muSt be our excuse for brevity, and a 
lack of judgment and leisure for research, for the in- 
judicious selection of materials. The deficiencies of 
our narrative will, however, we trust, be made up in 
a good degree by the following summaries and tables,. 



SECTION V. 

The Frame of Government — Legislative Power — JETa*- 
ecutive Power — Council of Censors — Judiciary — Laws 
— Education — Diseases, ^'c. 

1. Vermont declared her independence and her 
right to organize a government of her own on the 
15th of January, 1777. On the 2d of July following 
a convention of delegates fronj the several towns 
met at Windsor and adopted the first constitution. 
This constitution was revised by the same conven- 
tion in the following December, and went into ef- 
fect without ever being submitted tg the people for 
their ratification. The constitution was again revis- 
ed in 1786, and in 1792, and was adopted in its pres- 
ent form by a convention, assembled at Windsor, on 
the 4th of July, 1793. The following are the most 
important provisions of this instrument. 

2. The supreme Legislative power is vested in a 
House of Representatives, chosen annually by the 
freemen, on the first Tuesday of September. Each 
organized town has a right to choose one representa- 
tive. The representatives meet on the 2d Thursday 



FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. 331 

of the October succeeding their election, and are 
styled " The General Assembly of the state of 
Vermont." They have power to choose tlieir own 
officers ; to sit on their own adjournments ; prepare 
toills and enact them ir.to laws ; they may expel 
members, but not for causes known to their constitu- 
ents antecedent to their election ; iuiiu-ach state 
criminals ; grant charters of incorporation ; consti- 
tute towns, boroughs, cities, and counties. In con- 
junction with the council, they are annually to elect 
judges of the supreme, county and probate courts, 
sheriffs and justices of the [)eace, and also, as often 
as there shall be occasion, elect major generals and 
brigadier generals. The General Assemhljf have all 
the powers necessary for the legislature of a free and 
sovereign state ; but can neither add to, alter, abolish 
or infringe any part of the constitution. 

3. The supreme Executive power is vested in a 
governor, lieutenant governor, pnd a co^mcil of 
twelve persons, who are also chosen iinnually by the 
freemen on the first Tuesday of September, and 
meet with the general assembly in October. They 
are to commission all officers ; prepare and lay be- 
fore the assembly such business as shall appear to 
them necessary ; sit as judges to hear and det<n-mine 
on imi)eachinents. They tiave power to grant par- 
dons and remit fines, exce|)t in cases of treason and 
murder, in which they have power to grant re[)rieves, 
but not pardon, till after the next session of the leg- 
islature ; and in cases of impeachment, in which 
there is no remission, or mitigation, of punishment, 
but by act of legislation. In the recess of the 
house of representatives, they may lay embargoes, 
or ])rohibit exportation for any time not exceeding 
30 (lays, and may call a special meeting of the gen- 
eral assembly, whenever thfty shall deem it necessa-. 
ry. The governor is captain-general and command- 
er in chief of all the forces of the state, but cannot 
command in person unless adviset] thereto by the 



232 HISTORY Of VERMONT, 

council, and then only so long as they shall approve f 
and the lieutenant goverro) is, by?virtue of his office, 
lieutenant general of all ihe forces of the state. To 
prevent the evil conset^uenees, which might result 
from hasty determinations, all bills which originate 
in the assembly, are laid before the governor and 
council, for their revision and concuiTence, or })ro- 
posals of amendmetit. The governor and council 
have no negative upon the house; but they have 
power to suspend the passing of any bilKuntil the 
next session of the legislature. 

4. The constitution provides for the appointment 
of a council of censors, consisting of thirteen persons, 
to be chosen by the peo})le every 7th year on the last 
Wednesday in March, and who are to meet on the 
first Wednesday of the June following. It is their 
business to inquire whether the constitution has been 
preserved inviolate ; whether the legislative and ex- 
ecutive branches of government have performed 
their duty ; whether public taxes have been justly 
laid and collected ; and whether the laws have been 
duly executed. They also have power to pass pub- 
lic censures, order impeachments and recommend 
the repeal of such laws as they may deem contrary 
to the principles of the constitution ; and, should 
they judge it necessary, they may ])ropose amend- 
ments to the constitution and call a convention to 
act upon them. These powers they may exercise 
for the space of one year from the day ,of their 
"election and no longer. 

5. The constitution of Vermont differsin some re- 
spects from that of every other state in the union. 
The whole legislative power is vested in a house of 
representatives, but the council, though not a co-or- 
dinate branch, has power to suspend the acts of the 
legislature, and prevent their becoming laws, for the 
period of one year. Thus every law which is not 
approved by the council, is in effect, submitted di- 
i^xit^yto the people. If the people approve it, they 



JUDICIARY POWERS. 233 

will manifest it tljrough their representatives, the 
following year. If the legislature re-enacts this 
suspended bill at the next session, it then becomes a 
law without the concurrence of the governor and 
council ; from which it will be seen that the govern- 
ment of Vermont approaches very nearly to a pure 
democracy. 

6. The successive councils of censors have fre- 
quently ])roposed so to alter the constitution, as to 
establish a senate, instead of the executive council, 
and make it a co-ordinate branch of the legislature, 
but these proposals have allvvays been rejected by the 
-conventions, which have been called to consider 
them. Onlv one amendment to the constitution has 
been made during the last forty years, and that only 
provided for the naturalization of foreigners, who 
«hould settle in this state, agreeably to the laws of 
congress. 

7. The Judiciary powers are vested in a sujjreme 
court and court of chanceiy, consisting at present of 
five judges and a county court in each county, con- 
sisting of one of the supreme court judges, as chief 
justice and two assistant justices ; a probate court in 
each probate district, of which there are nineteen : 
and justices of the peace in each town, all appoint- 
ed annually by the legislature. The supreme court 
and court of chancery holds one session in each 
county annually, and have original and conclusive 
jurisdiction in all suits or chancery and petitions not 
triable by jury. Appeals may be had to this court 
from the county courts, only for the determination 
of questions of law. The county courts hold res- 
pectively two sessions annually in ea-^h county. 
They have original jurisdiction of all criminal mat- 
ters, excepting such as are made cognizable before 
justifies of the peace. Justices of the peace may try 
actions of a criminal nature where the fine, or for- 
feiture, does not exceed $7. They have original and 
exclusive jurisdiction in civil cases, where the inatter 

20* 



23^ HISTORY OP VERMONT. 

in demand does not exceed $100, except for slander- 
ous words, replevin above $7, and trespass upon 
freehold above the sum of $20. 

8. Crimes and 'punishments. — Treason, murder, 
perjury, in consequence of which some person's life 
is taken away, and arson, by means of which some 
person's life is destroyed, or his, or her body, or 
members, injured, are at present the only crimes 
punished with death by our laws. Manslaughter,- 
and the second conviction for burglar) , are punished 
by imprisonment at hard lai)or in the state prison for 
life, or for a term of years, in no case less than seveny. 
and in that of manslaughter not less than ten. The 
punishment for ])erjury, where life is not taken m 
consequence, may be the same as for manslaughter^ 
Arson, without death, burglary, rape, robbery, purju- 
ry, forgery, theft, adultery, polygamy, incest, coun- 
terfeiting, and swindhng, are punished by imprison- 
ment at hard labor, and by fine, in no case exceeding 
$1,000, or either of said punishments, in the discre- 
tion of the court. Only three executions have taken 
place in this state, by sentence of a court of law, 
since the assumption of the government in 1778. 
The first was Dean, who was executed at Burlington 
in 3808, the second was Godfrey, executed at Wood- 
stock in 1818, and the third was Virginia, a man of 
color, executed at St Albans in 1820. David Reding 
was executed at Bennington before the present form of 
government was established, and several have suf- 
fered, in time of war, by sentence of court martials. 
Since the establishment of the state prison at Wind- 
sor, the average number of convits confined there, 
has been about 100. These have been sentenced for 
various crimes, and for different terms of service, 
but the greatest part for theft and counterfeiting. 

9. The laws of Vermont consist of the acts of the 
legislature, which are published at the close of the 
session, making an annual pami)hlet of from 50 to 
100 po^es. Tho first attempts at legislation in Ver- 



KDXJCATIOK. '.'P^ 

.' ' '*. '■" . 

tnDnt are not preserved. The laws passed pr€\'ious 
•to Februaiy 1779, are not on record in the office of 
the secretary of state. The most important acts 
from that time down to the close of the year 1786, are 
.yd^ he found in the valuable work entitled " Vermont 
•'^ate'Pdper,''^ compiled by the Honorable William 
..[Sldde, Junior. In 1787, there was a general revision 
■.<lf! the laws, and those then in force were collected 
and puljlished in a single volume. They were again 
■..ifieyiBed, digested and published in a single octavo 
;Voiuine in the year 1825. By our present laws every 
■ o^gdnized town is obliged to support all the poor, 
"wlio have a legal sertfement in the same. A legal 
.•^ttlerjielitis acquired in Several ways; as by a res- 
idence of seven years in the town, without expense 
.t^ the town, or of five years if their rateable proper- 
•'i:y has been set in the list of the town during that 
time at $60, or upwards. Persons sworn into town 
6jfice two'.years, gain a residence thereby. Married 
woitji'eh always have the settlement of their husbands. 
Legitimate children have the settlement of their pa- 
,irenlfe,'-and illegitimate children the setdement of 
jheir mothers. Children cannot gain a settlement in 
a.t^wri by birth where their parents have not a legal 
^flefnent. 

: •^l(L*fiducaiion. — There are few states in the Union 
in.wRich-ugeful knowledge is more generally diffus- 
ed tljan in Vermont. The first settlers were notgen- 
el'.ally well educated men, but the trying circumstan- 
ces in which they were placed, led them to form a 
ttn^ estimate of the importance of education, and 
we,2Uccordingly find them, very soon after assuming 
the»po.wers'of government, providing for the establish- 
n^eut of sclijols and seminaries of teaming. Each 
organized town is divided into school districts, and 
ir^'each district a school is maintained during a part 
of > the year. A part, antl in some places, all of the 
money for the support of these schools is raised up- 
on the Grand List, in consequence of which our 



336 insTour of \ermokt. 

schools are open to the poor as well as the rich, and,, 
if any children in Vermont grow up ^vithollt a com- . 
petent knowledge of the common useful branches 
of education, the fault is wholly chargeable upon 
themselves, or their parents. Besides our common 
schools, academies are established in most of the • 
counties, where instruction may be had in the highe;'* 
branches of education. There are likewise two col- 
leges and three medical institutions in Vermont. • 

11. The first printing office was established in Ver- 
mont at Westminster in the year 1778, by Judah Padr 
dock, Spooner and Timothy Green. The same 
year Judah Paddock and Alden Spooner were ap-- 
pointed state printers by the General Assembly. In 
April 1781, the first News Paper printed in Vennpntr 
was published at Westminster by Judah P. Spoon6r 
and Timothy Green. It was called the Veiinont Gc^ 
zeite or Green Mountain Post Boy, and its motto was 
characteristic of the inhabitants of the Green idoun^ 
tain state. , ' . 

"Pliant as reeds, where streams of freedom glide, 
Firm as the hills, to stem oppression's tide." • > 

This paper was issued weekly on Monday, on a 
sheet of pot size, but was continued only one or two' 
years. • . 

12. The second paper published in \L was thg Ver- 
mont Gazette, or Freeman^s Depository. ItwascoiAmeh 
ced by Anthony Haswell and David Russell, June ,5th 
1783, and has been continued to the present tinje. 
The press and types which were at Westminster haA'- 
ing been purchased by George Hough he remqveed 
them to Windsor in 1783, and in partnership with 
Alden Spooner commenced ]mblishing the Verrrwnt 
Journal and Universal. Advertiser on the 7th of August 
of that year. This was the third paper i)ublished.ih 
Vermont and the second which continued any c«n 
siderable length of time. It is still continued in con- 
nection with the Republican and Yeoman. There are 
at this tinie in Vermont no less than twenty four pa- 



DfSEA8£8. SST 

pers pubVishedfweekly, besides three or four period- 
icals whioh are issued Jess frequently. 

13. Religion. — The constitution of Vermont secures^ 
to every person freedom of i-eligious opinion and wor- 
ship, and declares, " that no man can be compelled 
to erect or support anyplace of worship, or to main- 
tain any minister, contrary to the dictates of his own 
concience." No person can be deprvied of his civil 
rights, as a citizen, on account of his religious senti- 
ments, or his peculiar mode of worship. Yet all de- 
nominations are enjoined by the constitution to ob- 
serve the Sabbath, and to keep up some sort of re- 
ligious worship, which to them shall seem most 
agreeable to the revealed will of God." The whole 
number of clergymen in this state is about 350y 
and they are of the following denominations, viz.. 
Congregational ists, Methodists, Baptists, Freewill 
Baptists, Presbyterians,' Episcopalians, Christians^ 
Universalists, Unitarians and Frirnfls. Some new 
sects have occasionally s[)rung up in this state, but 
they soon came to nought. 

14\ Diseases. — Vermont enjoys a pure and whole- 
some air. The diseases most common to our cli- 
mate^ are fevers, dysentery, consumption and other 
inflammatoiy complaints, arising from colds, induced 
by the sudden changes in the weather to which this 
state is subject. The typhus or slow fever, has been the 
most common in Vermont, though it has not generally 
been very fatal. It has prevailed more or less in almost 
every year since the settlement of the state was com- 
menced. The spotted fever commenced its rsvages in 
thi*; state about the beginning of the year 1811, and 
continued its devastations for about two years. This 
was the most alarming disease ever known in Ver- 
mont. It usually attacked persons of the most ro- 
bust and hardy constitutions and often proved fatal 
in the course of a few hours. It was not uncommon 
that the patient was a corpse before a physician 
could be brought to his assistance. 



238 HISTORY OF v|:rmont. 

15. The lung fever followed the spotted fsveryand 
was the most fatal epidemic disease ever experienced 
in this part of the country. This disease resembled 
the spotted fever, except in having its principal loca- 
tion upon the lungs, and being slower in coming to 
a crisis. It commenced in this state in the autumn 
of 1812, at the noithwestern part. It proved very 
mortal in the United States' army at Burlington, 
carrying off from 10 to 12 in a iday, before it spread 
among the inhabitants : It was, however, but a short 
time before it became general throughout the state 
In the course of the succeeding winter it swept off 
from 20 to 60 of the most respectable and useful cit- 
izens in almost every town. Intermittent fevers were 
formerly common in many places along the shores 
of lake Charaplain, but cases of this disease at pres- 
ent very rarely occur. The dysentery has ever been 
one of the most fatal disordei-s to children, and has 
frequently prevailed in different sections of the state 
to an alarming degree. This disease is seldom known, 
except in the months of July, August and Septem- 
ber. Some cases of dysentery have occurred almost 
every year since the state has been settled; but they 
have beerj for some years less numerous than forrperly. 
In the autumn of 1822 and 1823, the dysentery ap- 
peared in a much more malignant fonTi than ueual, 
and was very fatal in some places. 

16. But of all the diseases, which continue from 
year to year to make their inroads upon our popula- 
tion, the pulmonary consumption is the njost fatal 
and deplorable. Slow in its advances, it almost im- 
perceptibly undermines the constitution — exhausts 
the vital energies, and, annually, brings down hun- 
dreds within this state to an untimely grave. The 
consumption seems to have its origin in the sudden 
changes to which our climate is subject, and as the 
weather has become more variable in consequence 
of clearing and cultivating the countjy, we have an 
obvious cause for the increasing ravages of the dis- 



SEASONS. 239 

ease ; and this cause is not a little aided by the pro- 
pensity, which prevails, to indulge the caprices of 
of the fickle goddess, fashion. Too much pains 
cannot be taken Ijy those, who prize their health, 
to guard themselves against the effects of sudden 
changes of temperature. The measles, canker rash, 
influenza, &c. have frequently been epidemic in 
this state. To the Epidemic Cholera which was so 
fatal in many parts of the United States during the 
summer of 1832, there were only ten or twelve vic- 
tims in Vermont ; and it may be safely affirmed that 
Vermont enjoys as pure an atmosphere, as good and 
wholesome water, and as healthy a climate as almost 
any part of the world. 

17. Seasons. — The Climate of Vermont is cold and 
the weather is subject to sudden changes. The ex- 
tremes of heat and cold are about 100 degrees above, 
and 27 degrees below, the zero in the scale of Far- 
enherl's thermometer. But few observations have 
hitherto been made for determining the mean annual 
temperature. Snow usually falls about the first of 
December and covers the ground till April, and du- 
ring this time the cold is often severe. The win- 
ters in Vermont are, however, milder mid more 
variable, and the quantity of snow less, than at 
the time this state was first settled. Frost commonlys 
cease about the 10th of May and commences again 
about the first of October, but they have been known 
every month in the year. Ap})le-Trees put forth 
their leaves about the 5th of May, and their blossoms 
about the 15th. Indian corn is planted between the 
10th and 25th of May, blossoms in July and is ripe 
in September. Vegetation is about eight or ten days 
later on the high lands thaia it is along the lake and 
rivers. 

18. Vegetation has sometimes suffered for the want 
of rain, but much more fi'equently from two great an 
abundance ; and the crof>s along our rivers are fre- 
quently destroyed by sudden freshets. The most re- 



240 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

markable and destructive freshets which have occur 
red since the settlement of the state, w^ere those of 
1783, 1811 and 1830. In addition to the vast amount 
of property destroyed by these floods, many hves 
w^ere also lost. During the freshet of 1830, no less 
than 14 persons, were drowned in the town of New 
Haven in this state. 

19. Soil and productions. — The soil of Vermont is in 
general, rich and loamy, producing an abundance of 
those kinds of vegetables, which are common in our 
latitude. Still the variety of soil in the different 
parts of the state, is very considerable. Bordering 
our numerous rivers, are beautiful tracts of interval 
land, which consists of a dark, deep and fertile allu- 
vial deposit, very productive in corn, grain, grass and 
garden vegetables. Back from the intervals, the land 
rises in some places gradually, in others abruptly, 
into hills, and further back into mountains. These 
are intersected by numerous streams, and in general, 
})resent a broken and diversified aspect. The up- 
lands in many places are, however, scarcely inferior 
to the intervals. They are generally sufficiently free 
from stone to admit of easy cultivation, and produce 
good crops of corn, grain and grass. Farmers, who 
are industrious, seldom fail of having their barns 
filled with hay and flax, their granaries with corn, 
wheat, rye, oats, barley, peas and beans, and their 
cellars with the bestof cider, potatoes, turnips, beets, 
onions, and other esculent vegetables. Those hills 
and mountains which are not arable, on account of 
their steepness or rocks, afford the best of pasturage 
for cattle and sheep. The prujcipal articles of ex- 
port are lumber, marble, co|)})eras, horses, beef, pork, 
mutton, pot and pearl ashes, butter, cheese and wool. 
No part of the world is better ada|)ted to the pro- 
duction and fattening of horses, cattle and sheep, 
than the hills and mountains of Vermont. The rai- 
sing of wool constitutes aii important branch of em- 
ployment. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. — Governors and 


Lieutenant Governors. 




Governors. 


Lieut. Governors. 


1778 


Thomas Chittenden. 


Joseph Marsh. 


1779 


(t (t 


Benjamin Carpenter. 


1781* 


(( (< 


El sha Pa3'ne. 


1782 


(t n 


Paul Spooner. 


1786 


(t n 


(( (( 


1787 


(C (i 


Joseph Marsh. 


1789 


Moses Robinson. 


(( (( 


1790 


Thomas Chittenden. 


■- Peter Olcut. 


1794 


(( u 


Jonathan Hunt. 


1796 


t( (( 


Paul Brigham. 


1797 


Isaac Tichenor. 


<( t( 


1801 


H (( 


(« (( 


1807 


Israel Smith. 


(( i< 


1808 


Isaac Tichenor. 


(( (t 


1809 


Jonas Gaiusha. 


(( II. 


1813 


Martin Chittenden. 


William Chainberlairt^ 


1815 


Jonas Gaiusha. 


Paul Brigham. 


1820 


Richard Skinner. 


William Cahoon.. 


1822 


(( (( 


Aaron Leland.. 


1823 


C. P. Van Ness. 


(( (( 


1825 


Ezra Butler. 


(( ((. 


1627 


(( (( 


Henry Olin. 


1828 


Samuel C. Crafts. 


U tl 


1830 


(( i( 


Mark Richard^?. 


1831 


William A. Palmer. 


Lcbbeus Egerton. 


ift'ii 


(( (( 


(( (( 



* In those years which are omitted as from- 111% &c. 
the incumbents were continued in office. 
21 



342 



APPENDIX. 



No8. II. — Treasurers and Secretaries. 





Treasurers. 


Secretaries of State. 


1778 


Ira Allen. 


Thomas Chandler. 


1778^ 


U (( 


Joseph Fay. 


1781 


(< (C 


Micah Townsend- 


1786 


Samuel Mattocks. 


(( (( 


1788 


(C (( 


Rosvvell Hopkins. 


1.01 


Benjamin Swan. 


(( (( 


1802 


(( (( 


David Wing Jr. 


1806 


(( <( 


Thomas Leverett. 


1813 


(( (t 


Josiah Dunham. 


1815 


<( (( 


William Slade Jr. 


1823 


C< C( 


Norman Williams. ' 


1831 


(( (( 


Timothy Merrill. 




No. 1 1 1. ...Speakers and Clerks. 




Speakers. 


Clearks. 


1778 


Nathan Clark. 


Benjamin Baldwin. 


1778 


Thomas Chandler. 


Bezaleel Woodward. 


1779 


(( (( 


Roswell Hopkms. 


1781 


Thomas Porter. 


(( (( 


1782 


Increase Mosely. 


(( (( 


1783 


Isaac Tichenor. 


(( (i 


1784 


Nathan Niles. 


(( (( 


'1785 


S. R, Bradley. 


^M 


1786 


Gideon Olin. 


« ^H 


1788 


(( i( 


Stephen Jacob?. 


1790 


(( (( 


Lewis R. Morris. 


1791 


(( (( 


William Eaton. 


1793 


Daniel Buck. 


Richard Whitney. 


1795 


Lewis R. Morris. 


(( (( 


1797 


Abel Spencer. 


(t (( 


1798 


Daniel Farrand. 


Samuel C. Crafts. 


179^ 


Amos Marsh. 


(( (( 


i8oa 


(( (( 


Nathan Osgood. 


1801 


(t (( 


James Elliot. 


1802 


Abel Spencer. 


(< (( 



* When the date is repeated there were two sessions oi 
the assembly in a year. 



APPENDIX. 



248 



1803 
1804 
1806 
1808 
1S09 
181.3 
1815 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1822 
1823 
i824 
1825 
1827 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 



Sperkers. 

Theo. Harrington. 
Aaron Leland. 

Dudley Chase. 

Daniel Chipnian. 
Wm. A. Griswold. 
Richard Skinner. 
Wm. A. Griswold. 
D. Azro A. Buck. 

George E- Wales. 
Isaac Fletcher. 
D. Azro A Buck, 
Robert B. Bates. 
D. Azro A. Buck. 
Robert B. Bates. 
John Smith. 



Clerks. 

Anthony Haswell. 
Martin Post. 



William D. Smith. 



(( 




(( 




(( 




(( 




<( 




Timothy Merrill 


(( 




>( 




(C 




t( 




u 




Charles 
Robert 


i Davis. 
Pierpont. 



No. IV. — Counties and Towns. 

The following table exhibits the time of the incorpora- 
tion of the several counties, and the number of town- 
ships and gores and the shire towns in each. 



Counties. 


Incorporated. 


Towns. 


Gores. 


Shire Towns, 


Addison, 


Feb. 1787 


23 


1 


Middlebury. 


Bennington,! 


Feb. 11, 1779 


17 




Bennington. ) 
Manchester. ) 


Caledonia, 


Nov. 5, 1792 


17 


3 


Danville. 


Chittenden, 


Oct. 22, 1782 


16 


1 


Burlington. 


Essex, 


Nov. 5, 1792 


18 


3 


Guildhall. 


Franklin, 


Nov. 5, 1792 


20 


1 


St Albans. 


Grand Isle, 


Nov. 9, 1802 


5 




N. Hero. 


Orange, 


Feb. 1781 


17 




Chelsea. 


Orleans, 


Nov. 5, 1792 


23 




Irasburgh. 


Rutland, 


Feb. 1781 


26 




Rutland. 


Washington, 


Nov. 1, 1810 


17 




Montpelier. 


Windham, 


Feb. 11, 1779 


24 


4 


New Fane. 


Windsor, 


>Feb. 1781 


23 


1 


Woodstock. 



2U 



APPENDIX. 



Nq. v.— Judges of the Snpre7ne Court. 



nitcltdOct., 1778. 
Musea Robinson, 
John Shopardson, 
John Fassett, jun. 
Thomas Chandler, 
John Throop. 

Oct., 79. 
Motet Robinson, 
John Shepardson, 
John Fassett, jun. 
John Throop, 
Paul Spooner, 

Oct., 80. 
Moses Robinson, 
Paul Spooner, 
John Fassett, jun. 
Increase Mosley, 
John Throop. 

Oct., 81. 
Elisha Pa^ne, 
Moses Robinson, 
John Fassett, jun. 
Bezaleel Woodwaid, 
Joseph Caldwell. 

Oct., 82, 
Moses Robinson^ 
Paul Spooner, 
Jonas Fay, 
John Fassett, 
Peter Olcutt, 

Oct., 83. 
Motes Robinson^ 
Paul Spooner, 
John Fassett, 
Peter Olcutf, 
Thomas Porter. 

Oct., 84. 
Paul Spoontr, 
John Fassett, 
Nathaniel Niles, 
Thomas Porter, 
Peter Olcutt. 

Oct., 85. 
Mases Robinson ^ 
Paul Spooner, 
*'athaniel Nile*, 
John Fassett, 
Thomai Portef, 

0«., 86. 
M»tet Robinson, 
Paul Spooner, 
Mathaniel Nilen, 
Vaiha'upj Chipmaa, 
Liika Knowltoft. 
Ott., 8T. 



Nathaniel Niles, 
Paul Spooner. 

Oct., 88. 
Mosrs Robinson, 
Paul Spooner, 
Stfphen R. Riadley. 

0(t., 89 &!:. 90. 
JVuLhaiiicl Chipman, 
Noah Smith, 
Samuel Knight. 

Oct., 91, 92 & 93. 
Samuel Knight, 
Elijah Payne, 
isuac Tichenor. 

Oct., 94 & 95. 
Isaac Tichenor, 
Lot Hall, 
Enoch VVoodbrid^e. 

Oct., 96. 
JVathaniel Chipman, 
Lot Hall, 
Enoch Woodbridge. 

Oct., 97. 
Israel Smith, 
Enoch Woodbridge, 
Lot Hall. 

Oct., 98, 09 & 1800. 
Enoch TVoodbridrre, 
Lot Hall, 
Noah Smith, 

Oct., 0!,<fc 02. 
Jonathan Robinson, 
Royal Tyler, 
Stephen Jacob. 

Oct., on, 4,5 & 6. 
.Jonathan Wnbuison, 
Royal Tyler, 
TJieojiliikis Jleriingtori 

Oct., U.=07 & 1808. 
Royal Tyler, 
Theoph. Hcvrington, 
Jonas fJaiiisha. 
Oct. lo(»U, 10, 11 & 12. 
Royal Tyler, 
Theoph Herrington, 
David Fav. 

Oct. 1813 & 14. 
JVathanifl Chipman, 
Uaniol Farrand, 
Jonathan H. Hubbard. 

Oct. 1815. 
.^sa .^Idis, 
Richard Skinnor^ 
lames Fisk. 
Oct. 16. 
Heka*^ Sk«D«£r 



James Fisk, 
William A, Palmer. 
Oct. 1817, 18, 19 & 20. 
Dudley Chase, 
Joel i^loolittle, 
William Brayton. 

Oct., 1821. 
C. P. Van JSTess. 
Joel Doolittle, 
William Brayton. 

Oct., 1822. 
C. P. Van JSTess, 
Joel Doolittle, 
Charles K. Williams. 

Oct., 1823. 
Richard Skinner, 
Charles K. Williams, 
A.«a Aikens. 

Oct., 1824. 
Richard Skinner, 
Joel Doolittle, 
A.^a Aikens. 

Oct., 1825, 1826. 
Richard Skinner, 
Samuel Prentiss 
Titus Hutchinson, 
Stephen Royce Jr. 

Oct., 1827. 
Richard Skinner 
Samuel Prentiss 
Titus Hutchinson 
Bates Turner. 

Oct., 1828. 
Richard Skinner 
Samuel Prentiss 
Titus Hutchinson 
({jues I'urucr 
Ephraim Paddock. 

Oct., 1289 
Stinniel Prentiss 
Titus Hutchinson 
Charles K. Williams 
Stephen Royce Jr. 
E]>li.aim Paddock. 

Oct., 1830. 
Titns Hutchinson 
C. K. Williams 
Stephen Royce Jr. 
Ephraim Paddock 
John C. Thompson. 

Oct., 1831, -32. 
TStxts Hutchinsom 
C. K. Williamf 
Stephen Royco Ji\ 
Nicholas Baylitia 
IS. St Pbeltw: 



APPENDIX. 



245 



No. VI.— Senators in Congress. 
Senators, elected. Senators, 



Moses Robinson, 
Isaac Tichenor, 
Nathl. Chipman, 
Israel omiih, 
Jona. Robinson, 
Jona. Robinson, 
Isaac Tichenor, 
Horatio Seymour, 
Horatio Seymour, 
Benjamin Swift, 



Oct. 

>> 



179] 
179G 
1797 
1S03 
1807 
180S 
ISl'J 
182( 
182G 
1832 



elected. 



■Steph. R. Bradley, Oct. 
Elijah Paine, . '?j. 

Elijah Paine, 
Steph. R. B;adley, " 
Steph. R. Bradley, " 
Dudley Ciiase, " 

Tames Fisk, " 

\Vm. A. Palmer, " 
Dudley Chase, c" 
Samuel Prentiss, " 



1791 

im 

1800 
iSOl 
180G 
1812 
1817 
181& 
1824 
1830 



Representatives 



No. VII.— Representatives in Congress. j 

Term. I Representatives. Term. 



Nath'l. Niles, 1791—1795 

Israel Smith, 1791—1797 

Daniel Buck, 1795—1797^ 

Math. Lyon, 1797—1801' 

L. R. Morris, 1/97—1803 

Israel Smith, 1801—1803 

W. Chamberl'n, 1803—1805 

M. Chittenden, 1803—1813 

James Elliot, 180.3—1809 

Gideon Olin, 1803—1807 

James Fisk, 1805—1809 

J. Witherill, 1807— 180S 

Samuel Shaw, 1808—1813 
W. Chamberl'n, 1809—1810 

J. H. Hubbard, 1809—1810 

James Fisk, 1810—1815 

Wm. Strong, 1810—1815 

W. C. Bradley, 1813—1815 

Ezra Butler, 1813—1815 

R. Skinner, 1813—1815 

Charles Rich, 1813—1815 

D. Chipman, 1815—1817 

Luther Jewett, 1815—1817 

C. Langdon, 1815—1817 

Asa Lyon, 1815—18171 
21* 



—1795 Charles Marsh, 1815- 



JohnNoyes, I8l5- 
Heman Allen, -1817- 
8, C. Crafts, 181 7- 
Wm. Hunter, 1817- 
O. C. Mdrrill, 1817- 
Charles Rich, 1817- 
Mark Richards, 1817- 
William Strong, 1819- 
Ezra Meecli, 1819- 
R. C. Mallary, 1820- 
Elias Keyes, 1821. 
John Mattocks, i821- 
VV. C. Bradley, 1823- 
D. A. A. Buck,. 1823- 
Ezra Meech, 1825. 
John IMattocks, 1825. 
Geo. E. Wales, 1825- 
Benjamin Swift, 1827. 
Jonathan Hunt, ' 1827. 
Wm. Cahoon, 1827- 
Horace Everett, 1829. 
Heman Allen, 1832- 
IWm. Slade, 1832. 



-1817 
-1819 
-1825 
-1819 
-1819 
-1825 
-1821 
-,1821. 
-1821 
-1831 
-1823 
-1823 
-1827 
-1829 
-1827 
-4827 
-1829^ 
.-1^3L 
.-1832 



24fi APPEJTDIX. . 

No- VIII. —Lotteries. 

The practice of raising money by lotteries for specific 
objects was, in early times, sanctioned by the legislatures 
of most of the states in the Union, and by that of Ver- 
mont among the rest. The following is an abstract of 
the several acts granting lotteries in Vermont. 

1. Feb. 27, 1783. To raise $840, for building a bridge 

over Black river. 

2. Oct. 26, 1789. To raise X150, for repairing the road 

between Chester and Black river. 

3. Oct. 26, 1789. To raise X150, to aid John Hubbard 

in erecting a brewery in Weathersfield. 

4. Oct. 27, 1791, To raise ^300, to make a road from 

Woodstock to Rutland. 

5. Oct. 28, 1791. To raise £150, to repair a bridge in 

Royalton. 

6. Nov. 3, 179L To raise £200, to aid J.Hubbard and A. 

Downer in erecting a brewery. 

7. Nov, 3. 1791. To raise jC150, for building a road in 

Shrewsbury. 

8. Oct. 25, 1792. To raise jCGOO to assist in building a 

court bouse in Rutland. 

9. Oct. 31, 1792. To raise £200, to Anthony Haswell 

to repair loss sustained by fire, 

10. Oct. 31, 1792. To raise £1200, to Jabez Rogers, to 

repair losses by fire. 

11. Nov, 8, 1702. To raise £300, for building a bridge 

over the river Lamoille. 

12. Nov. 8, 1792. To raise £500, for building a bridge 

over White river at Hartford. 

13. Nov. 8, 1792. To raise £150, for building a bridge 

over Deerfield river at Readsboroueh, 

14. Oct. 25, 1793. To raise $2500, granted to A. Spoon. 

er, S. Barrett and S. Conant. 

15. Oct. 30, 1793. To raise ^500, for building a bridge in 

Fairfax. 
16. 'Nov. 7, 1796. To raise $500, for making a road 

from Castleton to Sudbury. 
.17. Nov. 8, 1796. To raise §400, for building a bridge 

over White river in Stockbridge, 



APPENDIX. 



247 



18. Not. 8, 1796. To raise $500, for making a road 

from Winhall to Bromlev- 

19. March 7, 1797. To raise .$500, for building a bridge 

over Otta-Quechee river at Woodstock. 

20. March 9,1797. To raise ^500, granted to John 

Wood. 

21. Oct. 30, 1798. To raise ^2000, granted to Joseph 

Hawkins of Albureh 

22. Oct. 31, 1799. To raise $1000, granted to Horatio 

Knieht. 
23- Nov. 1, 1800. To "raise §4000, granted to Stephen 

Con ant. 
24 Nov. 8, 1804. To raise 2500, for building a bridge 

over Otter Creek at Vergennes. 



No. IX. — Population. 



Only five complete enumerations of the Inhabitants of 
Vermont, have taken place since the organization of the 
government, the results of which are expressed in the 
following 

TABLE. 



Counties. j 


1791 1800 


1810 


1820 j 1830 


Addison, 


9,488 


13,4^7 


19,993 


20,469 24,940 


Bennington, 


12,254 


14,617 


15,893 


16,125 17,470 


Caledonia, 


2,047 


7.566 


14,966 


16,669 20,967 


Chittenden, 


3,918 


9,563 


14,684 


16,055 21,775 


Essex, 


567 


1,479 


3,087 


3,334 3,981 


Franklin, 


1,939 


7,582 


16,427 


17,192 24.525 


Grand-Isle, 


1,155 


2,498 


3,445 


3.527 3,696 


Orange, 


7,334 


16,318 


21.724 


24,169 27,285 


Orleans, 


119 


1,384 


5,671 


6.819 13,980 


Rutland, 


15,565 


23,813 


29,487 


29,975 31,295 


Washington, 


711 


5,703 


10,190 


14,725 21,394 


Windham, 


17,693 


23,581 


26,760 


28,457 28,748 


Windsor, 


15,748 


26,944 


34,877 


38,233 40,623 



Total, I 85,539 I154,465!217,804 235.749;280,679 



948 



APPENDIX. 



No, X. — Bonks: 



In April, 1781, the Legislature of Vermont, for the payment. of 
the State debts, authorized the issuing of IjIIIs ou the credit of the 
state, to the amount of $'25150. These Bills were to be redeemed 
by the treasurer of the state, with specie before the first day of 
June 1782. The first bank in Vermont vas established in 1806, 
and consisted of two branches, one at Woodstock and the other at 
Middlebury. The next year two other branches v/ere establl3hefl,dne at 
Burlington and the other at Wfistminster. This bank was managed by 
13 directors, who were appointed annually by the legislature, and who 
chose one of their nund)er president. AH the property and profits of 
this bank belonged exclusively to tlie state. After continuing this 
experiment for a few years the bank was found not to answer the 
purposes intended, and its bills were consequently withdrawn from 
circulation. There are at present 17 Banks in Vermont, incorporated 
as exhibited in the following. 



BANKS. 


CAPITAL. 


INCORPORATED. 


EXPIRE. 


Burlington Bank 


$150,000 


Nov 9 1818 


Jan. 1 


1849 


Windsor Bank 


100.000 


Nov. 9 


18 


do. 


49 


Brattleborough Bank 


do. 


Nov. 5 


21 


do. 


37 


Rutland Ba-ik 


do. 


Nov, 1 


24 


do. 


40 


Caledonia Bank 


do. 


Nov. 1 


25 


do. 


41 


Montpelier Bank 


do. 


Oct. 28 


25 


do. 


41 


St Albans Bank 


do. 


Oct. 29 


25 


do. 


41 


Vergennes Bank 


do. 


Oct. 27 


26 


do. 


42 


Bennington Bank 


do. 


Oct. 25 


27 


do. 


43 


Orange Bank 


do. 


Nov. 3 


27 


do. 


43 


Woodstock Bank 


do. 


Nov. 9 


31 


do. 


47 


Middlcburv Bank 


do. 


Nov. 9 


31 


do. 


47 


Bellows Falls Bank 


do. 


Nov. 9 


31 


do. 


47 


Manchester Bank 


do. 


Nov, 7 


32 


do. ■ 


48 


Newbury Bank 


do. 


Nov. 7 


32 


do. 


48 


Orleans Bank 


60.000 


Nov. 8 


32 


do. 


48 


Essex Bank 


40.000 


Nov. 7 


32 


do. 


48 



The aggregate capital of these 17 Banks is .$1,650,000. Each hank 
is managed by a board of five or seven directors and their proceed- 
ings are annually inspected by a committee appointed by the legisla- 
ture. Six per cent of the profits of each bank iiicorporated before 
1830, and ten per cent of those incorporated after IHoO, is to be jjaid 
into the treasury of the state. A Branch of the Bank of the United 
States was establislied at Burlington in 1830. 

Although Vermont had no hanks till long after her admission into 
the Union, she exercised the power of coining money sometinio bo- 
foie that period. In 1786, Roul)en Harmon was authorized by the 
legislature to estal)lish a mint for the coining of co|)|>er for the term 
of eight years from and after the 1st of July, 1787. The pieces 
coined were to weigh 4 pwt. 15 grs., and to have on one side o head 
with the moito J^uctoi-if.ntc Ycrmontcnsium , and on the other a wo- 
man, with the letters I N D. E T L I B., for Independence and lib- 
erty. 



APPENDIX. 



149 



No. XI. — Colleges in Vermont. 



The University of Vermont was established at Bur- 
lington by an act of legislature passed Novembers, 1791, 
and went into operation in the year 1800. The first col- 
lege edifice was completed in 1801, and was IGO feet long, 
and 75 feet wide in the central part and 45 feet on the 
wings. This spacious building was accidentally consum- 
ed by fire on the 27th of May 1824. Three new buildings 
have since been erected on the same site, each 75 feet in 
length and three stories high, the centre one, surmounted 
by an elegant tower and dome. The following table ex- 
hibits the succession ot officers in this institution in the 
three principal departments. 



Presidents. 


Prof. Math. JV. Phi. 


Prof. Languages. 


1800 D. C. Saunders. 






1809 


James Dean. 




1811 


<t (( 


J. C. ChamberPn. 


1815 Saml. Austin. 


G. S. Olds. 


James Murdock. 


1819 


{( (( 


Lucas Hubbell. 


1022 Daniel Haskell. 


James Dean. 


(( (( 


1824 Willard Preston. 


G. W. Benedict. 


J. J. Robertson. 


1825 


(( (( 


Wm. A. Porter. 


1826 James Marsh. 


(( (1 


Joseph Torrey. 



Middlebury College was incorporated by the legisla- 
ture November, 1. 1800. Instruction was commenced 
in this institution the same year. The following is a 
list of the officers in the three principal departments. 



Presidents, 


Prof. Math 


. JV. Phi. 


Frof. Languages. 


1800 Jere. Atwater. 








1806 " 


Frederick Hall, 




1810 Henry Davis. 








1811 *♦ " 






Oliver Hurlburd, 


1812 






John Hough. 


1817 


il 




R. B. Patton. 


1818 Joikim Batee. 






<i <i 




Edward Turner. \ 


John Hough', 



250 APPENDIX. 

No. XII. — Councils of Censors. 



List of the Councils of Censors elected at the several 
Septenaries. 

Elected on the last Wednesday of March 1785. 
Increase Moseley, Ebenezer Curtis, Ebenezer Wal- 
bridge, Benjamin Carpenter, Stephen Jacob, Jonathan 
Hunt, Ebenezer Marvin, Elijah Robinson, ^licah Towns- 
end, Joseph Marsh, John Session, Lewis Bebee, and Jon- 
athan Be ace. 

Elected in 1792. 

Daniel Buck, Bridgeman, Benjamin Burt, Elijah 

Dewey, Jonas Galusha, Anthony Haswell, Roswell Hop- 
kins, Samuel Knights, Beriah Loomis, Samuel Mattocks, 
Elijah Paine, Isaac Tichnor and John White. 

Elected in 1799. 
Moses Robinson, Nathaniel Niles, Samuel Knights, 
Benj. Emmons, David Fay, John White, John "Willard, 
Elijah Dewey, Jonathan Hunt, Noah Chittenden, Elias 
Buel, John Leverett, and Lot Hall. 

Elected in 1806. 
Moses Robinson, Isaac Clark, Apollos Austin, Loyal 
Case, Udney Hay, Ezra Butler, John Xoyes, Mark Rich- 
ards, William Hunter, James Tarbox, S. Huntington, 
Josiah Fish, and Thomas Gross. 

Elected in 1813. 
Isaac Tlchenor, Nathaniel Chipman, William Hall Jr., 
Charles Marsh, Isaac Bailey, Luther Jewett, Ebenezer 
Clark, Elijah Stronsf, Nicholas Ba\'lies, Robert Temple, 
Daniel Farrand, David Edmunds and Solomon Bing- 
ham Jr. 

Elected in 1820. 
Wm. Hunter, Charles Rich, Joel Brownson, Joseph 
Scott, Augustine Clark, J. Cushman, J. Y. Vail, Wm. 
Nutting, John Phelps, Joel Pratt, Amos Thompson, Asa 
Aldis, Jedediah Hyde. 

Elected in 1827. 
Asa Aikins, Wm. A Griswold, Daniel Kellogg, John 
W. Dana, Jedadiah H. Harris, Obadiah Noble Jr., Wm. 
Gates, Wm. Howe,'E."P. Walton, Bates Turner, Samuel 
S. Phelps, Leonard'Sargeant and Joel Allen. 



CHRONOLOGICAL IITDEX. 251 

TEAR. PAOI. 

l-li>2 America Discovcrec' by Christopher ColumbuB - 13 

l.")34 Rivor St Lawrence discovered by J. Cartier - 14 

35 Cartier visited llochelaga — namod it Montreal - 14 

1603 Chaniplaiii first visited Canada - - - 14 

07 Jamestown, Va. settled by the English - - 17 

08 Qii.'bec settled liy the French _ . _ 15 
O'J Lake Clinniplain and Lake (ieorgo Discovered - - 15 

09 Hudson river discovered by Henry Uuilson 17 
14 Captain iSniitii ex|il>jred tlie (Mast of JSew England - 17 
14 New York Settled by the DntcU - - - 17 
20 riyniouth settled by the English - - - 17 

23 Settlements begnn at Dover and Portsmouth N. H. 18 

30 Indians plot the extermination of the English - 19 
3U Windsor, Connecticut settic'd - - - 18 
;35 Fiiringtield, .Massachusetts settled . - - 18 
37 \Var with tiie lVt]U(i<l Indians - - - 19 

90 Inilians destroyed ►^ciicnoctady and Salmon F. Fort 20 

91 Colonel S<:buyler attacked the French settlements - 22 
1704 Deertielil destroyed by the Indians - - - 23 

24 First Settlement made in the territory of Vermont 25 

31 French built Crown Point — Settled in Addison 26, 53 
41 South line of Vermont surveyed - - - - 55 

46 iloosuc Fort taken by tiin French and Indians - 27 
4G Bridgeman's Fort detended against the Indians - 27 

47 Chariestown del'endcil by Captain Stevens - - 27 
49 First townsiiip granted in Vermont - - - 55 
52 English attempted to settle at (Jooa - - - 52 
54 General Colonial Convention _ - . - 29 
54 Settlements made on Connecticut River - - - 53 
54 \\'hole number of grants in Vermont 15 - - 55 

54 (Jen. liraddock defeated by Frwich ami Indians - 30 

55 The French Defeated at Lak« ilcorge - - 32 
55 Fort Williunj Henry built - - - 34 

55 Bridgeman's fort taken by the Indians - 160 

56 Oswego taken by ilie French - - "*" _ . 35 

57 Unsuccessful Expedition against LouishurgJ - 35 

57 Massacre of the Englisii at Fort AVilliam llonry - 37 

58 Abercrombie defeated at Ticonderoga - - 41 
58 Louisburg taken -_..__ 41 

58 Forts Frontennc and I)u"Quesnc taken . - - 43 

59 UuelK'C taken by Wolf 45 

59 French retire v)n Lake Champlain • - - - 46 

59 Rogers' Expedition against the St Frai.cis Indians - 47 

60 All Canada Surrendered to the F.ngligh - - 50 

61 Sixty townships granted in \'ernionl - - - 55 

63 Controversy began between N. Hampshire and N.York 66 

64 Decided by the King in favor of JSew York - - 57 
6-1 Newbury Sett!e<l --..--- 75 

65 Vermont first divided into counties - - - - 75 
71 Population' of Vermont 7000 - - . - - 76 
74 New Viirk passes an act of outlawry - - - 68 

74 Remonstrance against said act ----- 70 

75 Massacre at Westminster March 13 . . - 73 
75 Battle at Lexington Ajuil 19 - - - - - 74 
75 Ticonderoga taken by Ethan Allen May, 10, - 77 



253 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

1775 Ethan Allen taken at Montreal, September S5, - 83 

75 Colonel S. Warner defeated General Carlton - 84 

75 St Johns taken by General Montgomery November 3, 84 

75 Montreal taken November 13 ----- 85 

75 Montgomery defeated and sJain at duebec December 3f 86 

76 Amer-^ans retreat from Canada - _ _ - 88 
76 Naval Battle on Lake Champlain October II, - 91 
76 Convention met at Dorset January 16 and july 24 117 

76 . Independence of the United States declared july 4 118 

77 General Burgoyne's council with the Indians June 21 97 
" The Americans abandon Ticonderoga July 6 - 100 
" Battle at Hubbardton july 7 - - - - - lOl 
" Battle at Bennington August 16 - - - _ I07 
" Burgoyne crossed the Hudson September 13 - - 111 
" Battle of September 19 - - - - " . - 1(3 
" Burgoyne Surrendered Oct. 17 - _ - - 114 
" Vermont declared her own Independence January 15 119 
" Convention to form a Constitution met july 2 - 124 

78 First meeting of the Vermont Legislature March 12 128 
" Sixteen towns from N. H, united with Vt. june II 128 

79 Union with N. H. dissolved, February II - - 132 
" Verjnont ap{)ealed to the world, December 10 - 137 

80 Negotiation with Canada begun, March 30 - - 146 
80 Royalton Destroyed by the Indians - , . 162 

80 Alarm in Windham County - - - - 166 

81 Second Union with part of N. H. April - - 143 
" A part of N. Y. received into Union with Vt. June 16 144 
" Colonel 1 Allen sent to Canada, May I - - 149 
" Allen's Report to the assembly june - - 151 
'» Letter from Lord Germain to Sir H. Clinton intercepted 153 
" Allen has another interview with the British in Sept. 154 
" The Birlish army advanced up the lake October - 155 
>' Vermont applies for admission into the Union - 167 
" Preliminary requisition of Congress, August 20 - 165 

82 Gen. Washington wrote to Gov. Chittenden Jan. 1 172 
82 Vt. Resolved to comply with the resolution of Aug. 20 173 
82 Vt. dissolved her Unions February 22 - - 173 
84 Distuil)ance3 in Windham County - - - 182 
88 Peace between G. Riitain and tlie United States 185 
90 Controversy with New York Settled - - 188 

9 1 Vermont admitted|{intOf,tho Union March 4 - 190 

97 Resignation and death of Governor Chittenden - 194 

97 Parties first distinctly formed in Ferment - 199 

97 Mr. Tichenor elected Governor - . - - 200 

1800 Middlebnry College incorporated _ , - 204 

06 State Bajik established ----- 210 

07 Israel Smith d'cted governor _ . _ - 210 

08 Black Snakoatfair - - - - - 214 

09 Jonas Galnsha tirst elected govornor - - - 211 
10 I. Smith 4th Governor of /^'crniont di«d> 

12 Embargo laid for 90 days April 3 - - - 212 

12 War declared w'th G. Britain June 18 ri - 212 

13 Capture of the Growler and Eagle - >fc"* k " / ^^^ 

14 Battle at La Cole Milli. - - - T --\ y I ai7 
14 Battle at Plaltsburyh September 11 - -\ '- •' »17 



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1 


























i 


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