HISTORY
OF THE
STATE OF NEW YORK
POLITICAL AND COVER NTAL
EDITED BY
W,LLIAM HEH« SBWARB
William Henry Seward, 14th governor (1839-42) ; born at
Florida, Orange county, N. Y., May 16, 1801; lawyer; member
state senate, 1831-1834; unsuccessful as whig candidate for gov-
ernor, 1834; elected 1838, served 1839-42; elected to United
States senate in 1849 and served until March 3, 1861; secre-
tary of state in President Lincoln's and President Johnson's
cabinet (March 5, 1861, to March 3, 1869) ; largely instrumental
in securing redress from Great Britain for damages wrought
American shipping on the high seas by the Alabama and in
concluding with Russia the arrangements for the purchase of
Alaska; died at Auburn, N. Y., October 10, 1872.
VOLUME II
WILLr :OHN^
1922
HISTORY
OF THE
STATE OF NEW YORK
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
EDITED BY
RAY B. SMITH
VOLUME II
1822 - 1864
BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
THE SYRACUSE PRESS, INC.
SYRACUSE. N.Y.
1922
'
3544
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II
CHAPTER I, 1822
THE ALBANY REGENCY
End of rule by the great families 15
Growth in population 16
Beginnings of the Regency 17
Samuel A. Talcott 18
Benjamin F. Butler; William L. Marcy 19
High character of the Regency 20
Its first achievement 22
Democratic supremacy
CHAPTER II, 1823-1824
GOVERNOR YATES'S ADMINISTRATION
The Forty-sixth Legislature 24
Recommendations by the Governor 25
Contention over judicial nominations 27
Ambrose Spencer's disgruntlement and revenge 29
The State Printers 31
Edwin Croswell 32
National politics in 1823 33
The question of choosing Presidential Electors 35
The Forty-seventh Legislature 37
Battle royal over the Electors 39
Crawford, Jackson, Adams 41
Yates incurs unpopluarity 42
The Regency turns to Samuel Young 43
DeWitt Clinton favors Jackson for President 44
The scheme to remove Clinton from the canal board 45
Henry Cunningham's eloquent speech 46
The scheme put through 47
CHAPTER III, 1824-1825
THE RETURN OF CLINTON
Popular wrath 48
Alfred Conkling's resolutions 49
Governor Yates reconvenes the Legislature 51
Contest over the Electors resumed 52
Enter the People's party 53
Clinton nominated for Governor 54
His triumphant election 56
The great Presidential struggle 57
The Legislature chooses the Electors 59
Thurlow Weed manipulates for Adams 60
The divided result 62
Stephen Van Rensselaer gives the casting vote at Washington 63
The popular will as to the Electors finally prevails 65
CHAPTER IV, 1825-1826
CLINTON THE CONQUEROR
Clinton's third terra; the Forty-eighth Legislature 67
Message of 1825 68
The great Suffrage amendment of 1826 69
A bitter Senatorial fight 71
Clinton declines a flattering offer 72
Opening of the Erie canal 74
Van Buren consults expediency 75
The Forty-ninth Legislature 76
Nathan Sanford wins the Senatorship~ 77
Jasper Ward demands an inquiry; is accommodated 79
The State highway project 79
Clinton renominated 80
The regulars put up Judge Rochester 81
Clinton again wins ~ 82
CHAPTER V, 1826-1828
WILLIAM MORGAN, "AFTER ELECTION"
Morgan sets out to expose the Masons 83
The abduction 84
Sensational developments 85
"A good enough Morgan" 86
The Fiftieth Legislature 87
The Governor offers a reward; Van Buren reflected 88
The Anti-Masonic movement 89
Its spread nationally 91
Subsidence and end 92
Henry Clay and his System 93
Tammany endorses Jackson 94, 95
The Fifty-first Legislature 95
Death of DeWitt Clinton 96
Nathaniel Pitcher, Acting- Governor 97
Reuben H. Walworth, Chancellor 99
CHAPTER VI, 1828-1829
VAN BUREN AND THROOP
The master politician looks ahead 101
The National Republicans; Francis Granger 102
Honest John Crary declines to decline 103
Van Buren at the zenith of his career 104
An intimate view 105
Enos T. Throop 106
Van Buren and Throop nominated 108
They are elected - 109
The Fifty-second Legislature 110
Governor Van Buren's humility Ill
A board of Bank Commissioners 112
Van Buren becomes Jackson's Secretary of State 113
Acting-Governor Throop 115
Death of John Jay 116
CHAPTER VII, 1830-1831
THE RISE OF NEW FORCES
The Fifty-third Legislature 117
Throop advocates prison reform 118
Weed founds the Albany Evening Journal 119
A remarkable reencounter 120
Francis Granger runs for Governor 121
Throop renominated; Erastus Root's circumspection 122
Throop elected; the Fifty-fourth Legislature 123
Imprisonment for debt abolished 125
Marcy elected Senator 125
President Jackson and the United States Bank 126
CHAPTER VIII, 1831-1832
A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE
Van Buren takes another look ahead 128
The virtue of Mrs. Eaton 130
Jackson's immortal toast 132
Van Buren the recognized successor 133
Resigns from the cabinet; Minister to England 134
His recall 136
Nominated for Vice-President in 1832 137
CHAPTER IX, 1832-1833
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
The Fifty-fifth Legislature 138
Railroads; The United States Bank 139
Boards of Health instituted 140
State nominations of 1832 141-143
Things are explained to the Chenango people 143
The issue of Marcy's trousers 144
Marcy elected Governor 145
The Fifty-sixth Legislature 146
The Nullificationists denounced 147
Silas Wright succeeds Marcy in the Senate 148
Albert H. Tracy returns to the fold 149
Party issues 150
Butler made Attorney-General of the United States 151
CHAPTER X, 1834
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
Business depression 152
The Fifty-seventh Legislature 153
Schools and farms 155
A close New York City election 158
The Whig party comes on the scene 159
William H. Seward 161
His first nomination for Governor 162
Marcy reflected 163
CHAPTER XI
STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE
Governor Marcy's recommendations of 1834 164
The State Agricultural Society's early program , 165
Genesis of the State Fair 166
The first Fair 167
The second and third Fairs 168, 169
Daniel Webster addresses the farmers 170
Progress of the Fair 172
The Elmira contract 173
Permanent home at Syracuse 173
State control 175
CHAPTER XII, 1835-1836
VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY
The Fifty-eighth Legislature 177
The railroads seek a loan 179
Governor Marcy on prison labor 180
Van Buren nominated for President 182
Anti-slavery activities 183
Southern favor sought by Van Buren 185
The Loco Focos 186
The Fifty-ninth Legislature 188
Speculation rampant 189
Marcy on the Abolitionists 190
Applications from the south 191
Corrupt legislators 192
CHAPTER XIII, 1836-1837
THE REVOLUTION OF 1837
Democratic anxiety 194
Whig confusion 195
Governor Marcy renominated, 1836 197
Jesse Buel leads a forlorn hope 198
Van Buren and Marcy win 199, 200
The Sixtieth Legislature 201
Financial ills 203
The panic 205
Prohibition of small banknotes 206
The Whigs carry New York City ^ 207
Van Buren's attitude 208
Election of 1837 — sweeping Whig victory 209
CHAPTER XIV, 1838-1839
"SEWARD, WEED AND GREELEY"
The Sixty-first Legislature 211
The "Caroline" affair 213
Canal enlargements 214
Marcy's fourth nomination for Governor 215
Seward nominated by the Whigs 218
Greeley attracts Weed 219
The Jeffersonian 220
Gerrit Smith's obduracy 221
Pessimism of Granger and Fillmore 222
Seward elected 223
Weed and the charge of dictatorship 225
The new Governor's progressive policies 227
Nathaniel P. Talmadge reelected Senator 229
The Anti-Rent war 230
Seward refuses to surrender fugitive slaves 231
President Van Buren comes to mend his fences 232
Democratic hopes revive 233
The Whigs retain the advantage in New York 233
The Whig national convention nominates Harrison 234
CHAPTER XV, 1840
"TIPPECANOE AND TYLER TOO'
Van Buren and the Sub-Treasury 236
The strange error of the godlike Daniel 237
The Democrats renominate Van Buren 238
The Abolitionists start a party 239
Greeley's Log Cabin 240
Governor Seward suffers criticism 241, 242
Harrison and Seward successful 243
The Sixty-third Legislature 243
Railroads and canals 244
The Anti-Rent troubles continue 245
To the Whigs belong the spoils 246
Statistical 247-249
CHAPTER XVI, 1841-1842
WHIG DISASTER
The Sixty-fourth Legislature 251
Glentworth the pipe-layer 252
Seward and the education of immigrants' children 253
Demands from Virginia 254
The schools; capital punishment 255
McLeod's prevarication 256-257
President Harrison dies; Tyler's recreancy 257
The Sixty-fifth Legislature 258
Further southern communications 259
Seward the inflexible 260
The Legislature and Governor at odds 260-263
John C. Spencer appointed Secretary of War 263
Governor Seward's valedictory 266
State nominations in 1842 266
Democrats win a complete victory; Bouck elected Governor 267
CHAPTER XVII
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
A system of secret service for fugitive slaves 268
New York's importance in the system 269
The first Fugitive Slave law, 1793 270
The drastic law of 1850 271
Syracuse organizes a vigilance committee 272
The necessity for secrecy 273
Routes 274
The grapevine telegraph 276
Frederick Douglass 277
Gerrit Smith 278
John Brown 280
The Anthony Burns case in Boston 282
The Jerry rescue in Syracuse 283
"The satanic Daniel Webster" 286
Thurlow Weed's assistance 286
John Jay the second 287
A thrilling rescue in New York City 288
CHAPTER XVIII, 1843-1844
GOVERNOR BOUCK
The first farmer Governor 291
The Sixty-sixth Legislature 292
State and Federal relations 293
Bouck favors delivery of fugitive slaves 293
Croswell ousts Weed as State Printer 294, 295
Wright reflected to the Senate 295
Validity of the State bonds 296
Factional troubles do not prevent Democratic success 297
The New York Tribune 298
Governor Bouck not big enough 299
The Sixty-seventh Legislature 300
The enemies of the canals put up a fight 302
Horatio Seymour to the rescue 302
Normal schools 304
Van Buren loses the Presidential nomination 306-307
Wright refuses to run for Vice-President 307-308
He is nominated by the Democrats for Governor 308-309
Millard Fillmore nominated by the Whigs 309
Democratic victory in State and Nation 310
CHAPTER XIX, 1845-1846
SILAS WRIGHT
The Sixty-eighth Legislature 312
Horatio Seymour, Speaker 313
The people vote for a Constitutional convention 315
Croswell as philosopher and guide to President Polk 315-316
Marcy apopinted Secretary of War 317
John Young seeks and finds his opportunity 317-319
Troubles thicken for the Democrats 321
Governor Wright invites a referendum 323
The Democrats still hold the Legislature 324
The Sixty-ninth Legislature 325
The office of State Printer abolished 328
State nominations of 1846 329-331
John Young elected Governor 332
The end of Wright's career 332
CHAPTER XX, 1846
THE THIRD CONSTITUTION
The Democrats organize the convention 334
Conspicuous members — and absentees 334-335
Veto power, Senators, Assemblymen 336
Judges made elective; other judicial changes 337
Negroes, banks, State debt, canals 337
Ratification of the Constitution 338
County organization up to 1846 338-339
Population and its distribution 340
CHAPTER XXI
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT
A long struggle 341
Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton 342
The Seneca Falls convention, 1848 343
Judge Cady upbraids his daughter 344
The Syracuse convention, 1852 345
Mrs. Smith's too fine clothes 345
Miss Anthony's great campaign of 1854-55 346
Rights for negroes — why not for women? 347
Bitter disappointment 348
Miss Anthony votes 349
Justice Hunt's fine 349
CHAPTER XXII, 1847-1848
THE FREE SOIL REVOLT
The Seventieth Legislature 351
Governor Young on the new Constitution 352
Reconstruction of the judiciary 353
Canal work 354
New York and the Wilmot Proviso 355
Hunkers and Barnburners 356
James S. Wadsworth leads a Democratic bolt 357
John Van Buren 358
Whig success in 1847 359
The Seventy-first Legislature 360
The Baltimore Democratic convention of 1848 362
Barnburners at Utica and Buffalo 362-363
For Free Soil and — Martin Van Buren 363
Taylor and Fillmore 364
Governor Young turned down by his party 364
State nominations of 1848 365
Whigs elect the President and sweep the State 365
CHAPTER XXIII, 1849-1850
THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS
Hamilton Fish, Governor 367
His high principles and spirit 368
The Seventy-second Legislature 371
Seward elected Senator 372-373
Patronage squabbles 373-374
The Democrats reunite 374
The great Compromise fight of 1850 375
Seward's reminder of a "higher law" 376
Fillmore becomes President 376
The bolt of the Silver Grays 378
Seymour leads the Democrats 378
Whigs win; Washington Hunt elected Governor 379
Acquisition of Washington's headquarters at Newburgh 380
CHAPTER XXIV, 1851-1852
THE FALL OF THE WHIGS
Governor Hunt's temperate mind „ 381
The Seventy-fourth Legislature 382
The ambition of James Watson Webb 383
A sartorial subject 384
Henry J. Raymond: the New York Times 384
Fish chosen Senator 385
Factions now rend the Whigs 386
Senator Fish denounces Fillmore 387
The Seventy-fifth Legislature 387
President Fillmore defeated for renomination 389
Marcy distanced by a dark horse 390
Pierce elected President, Seymour, Governor 392
CHAPTER XXV, 1853-1854
THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS
The Seventy-sixth Legislature 394
Canal affairs 395
Marcy heads Pierce's cabinet 396
More trouble in the Democratic party 397
The division into Hards and Softs 398
Charles O'Conor 399
Election of 1853 ; Whigs win because of Democratic split 399-400
The Seventy-seventh Legislature 400
An aggressive temperance move; Seymour calls a halt 401
Kansas-Nebraska 402
State conventions of 1854 403-406
Myron H. Clark, Whig, elected Governor 406
The coming of a new era 407
CHAPTER XXVI, 1855-1856
THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT
Seward's Presidential expectations 408
The Seventy-eighth Legislature 409
Know-Nothings against Seward 410
He is reelected Senator 411
State conventions of 1855 411-413
The Know-Nothings elect their ticket 413
The Seventy-ninth Legislature 414
National and State conventions of 1856 415-418
The Republican party carries the State 419
CHAPTER XXVII, 1857-1858
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR
The Eightieth Legislature 420
Governor John A. King's vigorous message 421
Preston King goes to the Senate 423
Election of 1857; the Eighty-first Legislature 424
State conventions and nominations of 1858 426-428
Seward's Irrepressible Conflict speech 429
Republicans elect Edwin D. Morgan Governor 431
CHAPTER XXVIII, 1859-1860
THE EVE OF WAR
The Eighty-second Legislature 432
Republican State convention of 1859 4-33
Democratic conventions ; Fernando Wood 434
Mixed result at the polls 435
The Eighty-third Legislature 436
Abraham Lincoln at Cooper Union 437
. Seward speaks in the Senate 438
Dean Richmond controls for New York at Charleston 439
The Baltimore convention of the Democrats 440
The Republicans at Chicago 442
Seward's defeat 443
State conventions of 1860 444-445
Lincoln elected President; Morgan reelected Governor 446
CHAPTER XXIX, 1861
THE WAR GOVERNOR
The Eighty-fourth Legislature 447
Fernando Wood's traitorous scheme 448
Efforts for peace 449
"Shoot him on the spot" — Secretary Dix 450
The Tweedle Hall Convention 451
Weed wreaks revenge on Greeley 453
The Barney appointment 454
Governor Morgan's energy 455
The Tribune's excess of zeal 456
State conventions of 1861 457-458
Democrats again beaten at the polls 458
CHAPTER XXX, 1862-1864.
REACTION AND REVERSAL
The Eighty-fifth Legislature 460
Democrats nominate Seymour for Governor, 1862 462
Republicans nominate James S. Wadsworth 463
Seymour the winner 464
The Eighty-sixth Legislature 465
Chauncey M. Depew foregoes the Speakership 465-466
Morgan chosen Senator 467
Thurlow Weed retires 467
The draft riots 469
State conventions of 1863; Republican victory 469-470
The Eighty-seventh Legislature 471
National and State conventions of 1864 473.474
Lincoln reelected President; Fenton becomes Governor 475
INDEX to Volumes I and II 477
(See end of Table of Contents, Vol. I)
ILLUSTRATIONS
with
BIOGRAPHIES
Susan B. Anthony 352
Samuel Beardsley 192
William C. Bouck 272
John Brown 288
Greene C. Bronson 128
William Cullen Bryant 144
Benjamin F. Butler 160
Carrie Chapman Catt 352
Myron Holly Clark 416
George Franklin Comstock 416
Hiram Denio 400
Hamilton Fish 368
Addison Gardiner 320
Ira Harris 464
Philip Hone 80
Washington Hunt 384
Freeborn G. Jewett 336
John Alsop King 432
Preston King 304
William L. Marcy 208
Harriet May Mills 352
Edwin D. Morgan 448
Henry Cruse Murphy 272
Thomas J. Oakley 48
Nathaniel Pitcher (biography, no portrait) 96
Henry J. Raymond 464
Dean Richmond 256
John Savage 64
Samuel Lee Selden 432
William Henry Seward Frontispiece
Anna Howard Shaw 352
Gerrit Smith 288
John Canfield Spencer 240
Elizabeth Cady Stanton 352
Enos Thompson Throop 112
John Van Buren , 304
James S. Wadsworth 176
Thurlow Weed 224
Fernando Wood 448
Silas Wright 320
Joseph C. Yates 32
John Young 336
FOREWORD
The history of New York is peculiarly interwoven
with the careers of our national parties and their many
extraordinary leaders. It is not merely from the
records of personal and party rivalries, however, that
it derives its singular importance and interest. The
Empire State has maintained an almost continuous
leadership among the states and at all times has been
a most powerful, when not an actually controlling,
factor in shaping the policies of the Nation. With
rare exceptions the general political sentiment of the
country has been identical with the prevailing senti-
ment of New York. From the time of Hamilton and
the Clintons to the present the balance between the
great parties has been remarkably even and the party
in power has been forced, if it would succeed, to so
act as to acquit itself well with the people. This even
balance and the inexorable necessities of party com-
petition has been of inestimable benefit to New York
and through her a commanding influence for good
government in the entire Nation.
The close of the Civil War marks the dividing line
between two distinct and wrell defined epochs in
national history. The issue of slavery and its elim-
ination resulted necessarily in a complete social,
political and economic readjustment. Old party ties
were swept away, new affiliations and alliances were
formed, all working, however, for the reconstruction
on a safe and sound basis of the Union, saved at the
priceless cost of the lives and suffering of the bravest
and best men and women the world had ever known.
Due to the momentous issues and consequent bitter
controversies involved, the history of the first epoch
has been covered from many angles, by many writers,
actuated by varying motives — patriotism, self interest,
passion, prejudice — all influenced by environment. To
select from this mass of material what should stand as
unbiased, authentic history is no light task. This is
what we have endeavored to do and I believe it has
been done.
Included in this volume, out of their chronological
order, are three chapters covering specific subjects,
viz: Chapter XI on State care for agriculture;
Chapter XVII on the system of secret service for fugi-
tive slaves popularly known as "the underground
railroad"; and Chapter XXI on the woman's rights
movement. The second subject mentioned belonged in
its entirety to this period. The other two had their
inception within it, the first in later years developing
into the State Fair, the third into the nineteenth amend-
ment to the Federal constitution. All three deserve a
permanent place in the history of our State.
The principles and policies established as funda-
mental to our national growth and progress during the
pre-war period can be readily traced into the changed
political setting following the war. They stand im-
mutably as the impregnable bulwark of our national
rights and liberties to be forever cherished and
defended. R. B. S.
CHAPTER I
THE ALBANY REGENCY
THE new Constitution of 1821-22 ushered in a
new era in the technical government of the State
of New York. Simultaneously with its going into
force there occurred a still more radical and momentous
change in the unofficial political complexion and con-
trol of the State. The rule of the great families was
ended, and that of practical politicians was established.
This change had indeed been coming upon the State
for some time. The power of the Schuylers had never
been reestablished after the death of Hamilton, and it
was now only a memory. The power of the Living-
stons had waned almost to nothingness, save as landed
proprietors. The rule of the house of Clinton lasted
longest, but it also was now ended; for while DeWitt
Clinton was still a major factor in State affairs he was
so by virtue of his own genius, and the issues and works
for which he stood, rather than because of his family
connections. A few great landowners still maintained
almost baronial sway, notably Stephen Van Rensselaer,
the "great patroon," and the lords of Livingston manor.
But their power was economic and social rather than
political, and already even at Rensselaerswyck the
spirit of revolt had been kindled, which was to flame up
in the Anti-Rent party and the Helderberg war.
15
16 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The State was growing enormously in population,
having much more than doubled in numbers in twenty
years. In 1800 the census showed 589,051 souls; in
1810, 959,049 ; and in 1 820, 1 ,372,8 1 2. In this last enu-
meration it surpassed Virginia and for the first time at-
tained the rank which it has ever since easily held of the
most populous State in the Union. In 1800 it had been
third, Virginia and Pennsylvania being respectively
first and second; and in 1810 it had stood second to Vir-
ginia. This growth of population, apart from the birth
rate, was due to immigration from New England, to
which we have referred in the preceding volume, and
also to immigration from Europe, for which New York
City was the nation's chief port of entry. Now the
New Englanders were imbued with a more democratic
spirit than the old aristocracy of New York, and of
course the peasantry from Europe had no regard for
great families in the new world. There was thus a pro-
gressive transformation of the character and disposition
of the citizenry, and the democratic provisions of the
new Constitution invested the people with a power
which they never before had known.
There then arose, to take the place of the great fam-
ilies in political leadership and dominance, the most
noteworthy of all the "rings" in the history of the State,
in which such organizations have been more numerous
and more potent than in any other. This was the
"Albany Regency," at first a triumvirate but later a
more numerous body, which for a third of a century
dominated the political life of New York and not in-
frequently exerted a controlling influence upon the
THE ALBANY REGENCY 17
politics of the nation. We have called it a "ring." But
it had little or nothing in common with the offensive
"rings" of later days that have been composed of politi-
cians of low ideals, dubious integrity, and more cunning
than statesmanship, and have been formed and con-
ducted for sordid purposes of patronage and "graft."
Not such was the Albany Regency. Its members were
the foremost statesmen and jurists of the State, men of
genius, of lofty ideals, of unblemished honor, whose
aim was the development of civic institutions and the
maintenance of political principles. Perhaps no higher
tribute can be paid them than that voluntarily offered
by the man who gave them the name of "Albany
Regency" and who for many years was their most im-
placable and formidable political antagonist. This
was Thurlow Weed, who testified that the members of
the Regency were characterized by "great ability, great
industry, indomitable courage, and strict personal in-
tegrity," and who added that in his long life of political
activity and observation he had "never known a body of
men who possessed so much power and used it so well."
The original triumvirate was composed of Samuel
A. Talcott, William L. Marcy, and Benjamin F. Butler
—clara et venerabilia nomina. They were three of the
finest examples of young American manhood and citi-
zenship of their time. All were young, all lawyers, all
members of the Bucktail faction of the Democratic
party under the lead of Martin Van Buren and opposed
to DeWitt Clinton, and all office-holders, put into their
places by the notorious penultimate Council of Ap-
pointment in 1821 which by its arbitrary conduct sealed
18 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the doom of that ill-devised agency of government.
That body, it will be recalled, was known as "Skinner's
Council," because it was dominated by Roger Skinner,
who had the shamelessness to be a State Senator, mem-
ber of the Council of Appointment, and particularly
active partisan politician at the same time that he was
the United States Judge for the Northern district of
New York, and who consequently provoked the Con-
stitutional convention to provide in the new Constitu-
tion that no Federal office-holder should be eligible to
a State office.
The Legislature of 1821, the Forty-fourth in the his-
tory of the State, had a particularly stormy and import-
ant session, the three historic features of which were
Governor Clinton's "Green Bag message" against the
meddling of Federal officials in State politics, the elec-
tion of Martin Van Buren to the United States Senate,
and the enactment of the measure providing for the
Constitutional convention. It was while those things
were being done that Skinner's Council made possible
the formation of the Albany Regency by appointing
Samuel A. Talcott to succeed Thomas J. Oakley as At-
torney-General, William L. Marcy to succeed General
Solomon Van Rensselaer as Adjutant-General, and
Benjamin F. Butler to be District Attorney of Albany
county.
Talcott was at this time thirty-two years of age — tall,
stately, and commanding; dignified and gracious in
bearing, and possessed of an almost unrivalled gift of
eloquent speech. At the New York bar he had no
superior in intellectual power, and perhaps never had
THE ALBANY REGENCY 19
been excelled by any of his predecessors with the excep-
tion of Hamilton. Commenting on his last appearance
before the United States Supreme Court, when he op-
posed Daniel Webster in a memorable case and made
an argument five hours in length, the illustrious Chief-
Justice, John Marshall, declared that his achievement
had not been equalled in that court since the days of
William Pinckney. Educated at Williams College, he
was one of the finest classical scholars of the day, and
his tastes and inclinations were those of a man of letters
rather than a practical politician. It may well be be-
lieved that he became identified with public affairs far
more from a feeling of obligation as a citizen than from
liking or from any personal ambition.
Butler was only twenty-six years old, singularly hand-
some, graceful, sympathetic in appearance and manner,
generous and kindly in spirit. Although not a college
man, he rivalled Talcott — whose bosom friend he was
—in classical culture and intellectual power. He
studied law in Van Buren's office, and then became his
partner. Entering public life with reluctance and from
a sense of duty, he attained distinction in his State and
rose to a cabinet position at Washington, but was best
pleased to turn away from his public honors to become
one of the founders of the Law School of New York
University.
Marcy, best known of the three in history, was the
eldest, being thirty-five. He was a stalwart, soldierly
man — he had served with credit in the army, winning
the first land victory in the War of 1812, — with a mas-
sive head and brows resembling Webster's, and a man-
20 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ner and spirit kindly and genial. He was a native of
Massachusetts, and a graduate of Brown University; an
omnivorous reader and fine English scholar, a capable
school-teacher, and a trenchant editor. He alone of the
three had a real love of political life, in which he was
destined to make a triple record of distinction as Gov-
ernor of New York, as United States Senator, and as
Secretary of State of the United States.
When these three young friends found themselves, in
1821, thrown together as important office-holders at
Albany, they were disgusted with the perversion of
politics to personal greed. They realized the unworthy
character and conduct of the Council that had ap-
pointed them to office, and perceived that while some
excellent selections were made offices were too largely
filled at the behest of interested local bosses with more
regard to political advantage than to fitness. The spoils
system was in full and most offensive operation. Indeed,
Talcott and Marcy, if not also Butler, owed their places
to that system, though not through their own seeking.
Nevertheless, they determined upon reform. Under
the new Constitution the Council of Appointment was
abolished and the appointing power was given to the
Governor. But it would not do for him to make ap-
pointments on the same low plane that the Council had ;
insteadl of being 'subservient to mere influence and
appointing men for expediency's sake rather than merit,
he must be encouraged to choose men for fitness, and the
whole system must be unified under general State direc-
tion. There must be well organized party discipline
throughout the State, and there must be high standards
THE ALBANY REGENCY 21
of political integrity. Ten years afterward, speaking in
the Senate of the United States and referring to his
political contemporaries and associates, Marcy gave to
American political literature one of its most famous
epigrams. "They see nothing wrong," he said, "in the
rule that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy."
But if he and his fellow "Regents" were spoilsmen, they
at least apportioned the spoils with intelligence and dis-
cretion. They filled offices with their own party friends,
but they insisted that these should be selected because
of fitness and that they should show efficiency and in-
tegrity.
These men, of course, had no official authority thus to
dominate the politics of the State. They had no author-
ity within their party organization. Such influence as
they possessed and exerted arose directly from their
extraordinary personalities, from their integrity, their
commanding intellectual ability, their fine combination
of tact and resolution, their natural gift of management
and leadership of men. Others might disagree with
them; nobody could denounce or convict them of cor-
ruption. Not all of their associates and successors were
of equal caliber, yet they were generally representatives
of the best statesmanship and public spirit of the Demo-
cratic party. They included Roger Skinner, Edwin
Croswell, Benjamin Knower, Azariah C. Flagg,
Charles E. Dudley, Silas Wright, and Dean Richmond.
It was under the inspiring leadership of Talcott, But-
ler, Marcy, and their associates that the State of New
York entered upon the new era of its Constitution, and
it was largely owing to their genius and devotion that
22 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1822
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
that instrument was so wisely and profitably applied.
Each of these men died at what might well be regarded
as an untimely age, and each without having attained
the goal to which he fairly seemed to be entitled. Tal-
cott died at forty-five, when just entering upon the full-
ness of his intellectual and physical powers, lamented
by the bar of the State as one of its two or three fore-
most members. Butler passed away at fifty-nine, in the
very prime of life, leaving the great Law School of
New York University to be his fitting monument.
Marcy lived to be the oldest of the three, but when he
died at sixty-two his career seemed to be unfinished. He
had reached the station of Secretary of State under
Franklin Pierce, but he himself should have been Presi-
dent instead of his chief.
The first political achievement of the Albany
Regency was, as has been recorded in the preceding
volume, the overwhelming election of Joseph C. Yates
to be Governor of the State, with Erastus Root as
Lieutenant-Governor and an all but unanimously
Democratic Legislature. The new Senate was com-
posed of thirty-two members, four each from the eight
districts into which the State was divided. Thirty of
them were stalwart Bucktail Democrats, and the other
two were nominally Federalists but in fact also Demo-
crats, at least in their political actions. Not one of them
was politically friendly to Governor DeWitt Clinton,
though one of the nominal Federalists, John Suydam,
of Ulster county, had been among his strongest support-
ers ; he, however, had turned against Clinton two years
before.
1822] THE ALBANY REGENCY 23
The Assembly was more than three-fourths Bucktail,
with a few scattering Clintonians. It consisted very
largely of new men who had not served before, and con-
tained comparatively few of real prominence in poli-
tics, society, or business. The best known were Gulian
C. Verplanck and Jesse Hoyt, of New York City; Peter
R. Livingston, of Dutchess county; and Azariah C.
Flagg, of Clinton county.
The election in November, 1822, was singularly
quiet, as if an "era of good feeling" had come upon the
politics of the State as of the nation. But the peaceful
aspect was delusive — the proverbial "calm before the
storm." All the elements of discord and conflict were
present in unstable equilibrium, needing only the provo-
cation of a slight shock to precipitate them into dis-
order, if not disaster. A strong hand and a masterful
intellect in the Governorship might have maintained
order and harmony. But these unfortunately were lack-
ing. The Albany Regency had erred in putting,
through motives of expediency, a comparative weak-
ling in the chair of state at the very time when, because
of the great changes made by the new Constitution, and
especially the magnifying of the Governor's powers
and duties, the very strongest and most expert of men
was imperatively needed.
CHAPTER II
GOVERNOR YATES'S ADMINISTRATION
JOSEPH C. YATES became Governor, and the
Forty-sixth Legislature began its session, on the
first day of January, 1823, though a quorum was
not obtained in the Legislature for the transaction of
business until January 7. For the first time a written
message was submitted to the Legislature, instead of an
address delivered by the Governor in person. Nor was
the change in matter less radical than that in manner.
Governor Yates's message was scarcely half the length
of the addresses of Clinton, and was perfunctory and
almost colorless in tone. Referring to the extraordinary
importance of the work imposed by the new Constitu-
tion, he counselled prudence and caution in procedure.
Foremost among the subjects claiming prompt attention
was the practical creation of a new judiciary system.
Having himself been a Justice of the Supreme Court
for fourteen years, Governor Yates naturally devoted
more attention to that subject than to any other. It may
be added that, following his suggestions, the Legisla-
ture on February 24 enacted a measure defining the
powers and jurisdiction of the Court of Common Pleas
and of General Sessions in all counties except New
York. On April 17 it enacted a general Judiciary law.
This comprehensive measure defined the terms of the
24
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 25
Supreme Court, and provided for process and for the
appointment of a Reporter. It also divided the State
into eight circuits corresponding with the Senate dis-
tricts, vested Circuit Judges with chancery jurisdiction,
and defined the powers of the Courts of Oyer and Ter-
miner. A week later a third law fixed the salaries of the
various judicial officers. Another law abolished the
Probate Court and transferred its functions and powers
to the various county Surrogates, created the Marine
Court in the city of New York, and provided for the
appointment of Justices of the Peace and Special Jus-
tices in Albany.
Governor Yates recommended full examination of
the Militia laws, in response to which the Legislature
enacted a general measure on the subject, based upon
the Federal Militia law of 1792. His recommendations
concerning the public school system led to the enact-
ment of a bill regulating the administration of public
schools, and of another for the sale of public lands for
the benefit of the school fund. In response to other
suggestions in the message bills were passed declaring
tenants who paid taxes to be voters, just as though they
were freeholders; providing for further extension of
the Erie canal and for a new loan of $1,300,000 for the
purpose; and authorizing a system of solitary confine-
ment for not more than two years for State prisoners
convicted of second offenses, and providing for a tread-
mill at the Albany jail. Provision was made for the
erection of a yellow fever hospital in New York. Only
a few special messages were sent in at that session of the
Legislature, and they were chiefly of a formal and per-
26 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
functory character. The abolition of the Council of
Revision put an end to the delivery of numerous and
often extended veto messages, and only a single bill was
vetoed by the Governor at this session. That was a
private relief bill; it was vetoed on technical grounds
of unconstitutionality, and was not passed over the veto.
The Governor transmitted to the Legislature reso-
lutions of the Massachusets, South Carolina, and Geor-
gia Legislatures disapproving the Pennsylvania Legis-
lature's proposal for an amendment to the Federal Con-
stitution limiting the powers of Congress in respect to
banks, with the sequel that the New York Legislature
also adopted a concurrent resolution similarly disap-
proving that proposal. The Legislature adjourned
without day on April 24, 1823.
This record, standing alone, might give the impres-
sion that the quiet and harmony which had marked the
election in November preceding was continued
throughout the session of the Legislature. But such
was by no means the case. On the contrary, it was a
stormy session, marked with the development and rag-
ing of high political passions. The Assembly on Janu-
ary 7 elected Peter R. Livingston, of Dutchess county,
to be Speaker, by the overwhelming vote of 117 to 6.
Mr. Livingston had been a member of the preceding
Senate and also of the Constitutional convention, and in
both those bodies he had attracted statewide attention
by his extraordinarily bitter hostility to Governor Clin-
ton and all his political friends. It would not, indeed,
be too much to say that he was Clinton's most rancorous
enemy in the State.
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 27
Early in the session Governor Yates, acting under the
new Constitution, sent to the Senate for ratification the
nominations of Ambrose Spencer, Jonas Platt, and John
Woodworth to be the Justices of the new Supreme
Court. Mr. Spencer had for some time been Chief-
Justice of the old Supreme Court. All three of these
nominees had been conspicuously active in party poli-
tics, but of their capacity for impartiality on the bench,
as of their intellectual and moral worth, there was no
question. Unfortunately they had all been opposed to
the Bucktails. In consequence the Senate refused to
approve them. Spencer and Platt had been close friends
and supporters of DeWitt Clinton, and for that reason
were rejected almost unanimously by the Senate. Wood-
worth was not quite so objectionable to the Bucktails,
and the majority against him was much smaller than
that against the others.
The very day after these rejections the Governor sent
in three other names for the Supreme Court, John
Savage, Jacob Sutherland, and Samuel R. Betts. The
first of these men was then the Comptroller of the State.
Mr. Sutherland had been elected to the State Senate,
but was of course ready to leave that body for the bench.
He had also been United States District Attorney, and
was a man of fine legal and literary ability, though for
some years he had been retired from his profession and
had been engaged in farming. Mr. Betts was also a
man of high character and excellent legal standing.
The appointments, however, gave great umbrage to
Ambrose Spencer and also to Jonas Platt, and indeed
were widely regarded as casting discredit upon the
28 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor. That was not so much because of objections
to the men as because of what was regarded as the in-
decent haste in sending in their names so quickly after
the rejection of the other three. It was charged, with
much color of plausibility, that Governor Yates had
all along intended to appoint them, and that he had first
nominated Messrs. Spencer, Platt, and Woodworth
merely to make a virtuous show of reappointing them,
with the understanding with the Senate that they were
to be rejected and the way thus opened for making three
other appointments of a political character. The case
was of course aggravated by the fact that the Governor
had himself been a colleague on the bench with the
three Judges who had been rejected and whom he so
hastily sought to supplant.
That there was any such understanding with the
Senate seems, however, to have been disproved by the
action of that body. It did not delay, but on the day
following the receipt of the names confirmed the nomi-
nations of Messrs. Savage and Sutherland, but rejected
that of Mr. Betts. No reason was given for the rejec-
tion save the intimation made by some Senators that he
was not regarded as entirely loyal to the Democratic
party. It can scarcely be supposed that this was the real
reason. It is more probable that Mr. Betts was the
victim of some clever wirepulling on behalf of Judge
Woodworth. For upon the rejection of his name the
Governor nominated Woodworth, who a few days be-
fore had been rejected, and this time the latter was con-
firmed, though not without violent opposition. The
whole episode was unpleasant, since it indicated the in-
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 29
trusion of personal and partisan politics into the selec-
tion of the judiciary, and it perceptibly impaired the
esteem in which Governor Yates was held. It may be
added that Ambrose Spencer, though he never regained
a place on the bench, continued for many years to be a
formidable figure in State politics and on several occa-
sions was enabled to wreak dire vengeance upon his
foes. He served one term as Mayor of Albany and one
term as a Representative in Congress, and, abandoning
the Democratic party, was in 1844 the presiding officer
of the national convention of the Whig party, at which
Henry Clay was nominated for the Presidency only to
be narrowly beaten by James K. Polk. Jonas Platt
never held office again, but after some years of practice
at the bar retired to a farm for the rest of his life. Wil-
liam W. Van Ness, the only one of the former Judges
who did not seek reappointment, died within a month
of the appointment of the new Judges, having attained
no more than middle age. John Woodworth, the only
one of them to be reappointed, despite his age and ex-
perience was content to rank at the foot of the bench,
officially the youngest though in years the oldest of the
Judges.
Following the appointment of the Judges, the Legis-
lature in February, 1823, proceeded to choose the State
officers whom the new Constitution empowered it to
elect. A party caucus was held, in which there was
little difference of opinion save over one name; and of
course the candidates chosen by the caucus were elected
by the Legislature by almost unanimous vote. For Sec-
retary of State the Governor's nephew, John Van Ness
30 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1823
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Yates, was selected, doubtless because he had filled the
place well since his original appointment to it in 1818.
For Comptroller another admirable selection was
made in the person of William L. Marcy. He had
been vigorously opposed in the caucus by the friends of
Colonel Young, who put forward James Tallmadge, a
former follower of DeWitt Clinton, and who later be-
came the leader of a strong faction of the Democratic
party opposed to the Albany Regency. Alexander M.
Muir was elected Commissary-General, practically
without opposition ; and Simeon DeWitt was returned
to the office of Surveyor-General, which he had held
for forty years under all parties and administrations.
There was some demur in the caucus to his selection,
because he was a Clintonian, but his long service and
personal charm of character outweighed that considera-
tion. One State officer was left for the Governor to ap-
point without reference to the Senate. This was the
Adjutant-General, who was appropriately thus chosen
by the Governor as commander-in-chief of the militia.
Governor Yates selected for the place William K.
Fuller, a man of high character and amiability of dis-
position but entirely unacquainted with military affairs.
There were under the new Constitution many minor
offices to be filled by the Governor with the approval
of the Senate, such as County Judges, Surrogates, and
notaries. In most cases the Governor appointed the
men who had been selected by local party caucuses, and
the Senate generally ratified his choice. All these ap-
pointments were made from the Democratic party. The
Legislature shortly before adjourning, in April, 1823,
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 31
enacted a law providing for the appointment of a Cir-
cuit Judge in each of the eight Senatorial districts of
the State. This was done on April 17, and four days
later the Governor made the nominations. The names
were those of Ogden Edwards, Samuel R. Betts, Wil-
liam R. Duer, Reuben H. Walworth, Nathan Williams,
Samuel Nelson, Enos T. Throop, and William B. Roch-
ester. Mr. Betts, it will be recalled, had been nomi-
nated for the Supreme Court but rejected by the Senate.
There was, however, no objection to his appointment to
the Circuit Court, and he was promptly confirmed with
all the others, all being recognized as excellent ap-
pointees.
The Legislature of 1823 was not notable for many
important enactments. On March 31, however, it
passed a law destined to have important results from its
appointment of the last and most noteworthy of the
State Printers. It should be recalled that during the
Colonial period printers to the crown or for the Prov-
ince were commissioned by the Governor and Council,
the first of them being William Bradford in 1693. The
State of New York continued the practice of officially
designating a State Printer. The place was held suc-
cessively by John Holt, 1776-84; Elizabeth Holt, 1784;
Samuel Loudon, 1785 ; Samuel and John Loudon, 1786 ;
Francis Childs and John Swaine, 1790; Francis Childs,
1795 ; John Childs, 1796 ; Loring Andrews & Company,
1798; Loring Andrews, 1799; John Barber, 1802;
Charles A. and George Webster, 1805 ; Solomon South-
wick, 1809; Henry C. Southwick, 1814; Jesse Buel,
1815; and Can tine & Leake, 1821. During the winter
32 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of 1822-23 Mr. Cantine, who was editor of the Albany
Argus, died, and on March 31 the Legislature passed an
act appointing the surviving member of his firm, Isaac
Q. Leake, and his new partner and editor of the Argus,
Edwin Croswell, to be State Printers. Two years later,
in 1825, Mr. Croswell alone succeeded to the place, and
he filled it with much distinction and with great politi-
cal influence for fifteen years. In 1840 — if we may here
anticipate the record — he was removed on political
grounds and was replaced by Thurlow Weed, but
was reappointed for a brief time in 1843, just before
the office of State Printer was abolished by law and the
public printing of the State government was placed
under the supervision of a board to be let to the lowest
bidder.
Of the firm of Leake & Croswell, Mr. Leake, the
elder partner, was a man of considerable literary abil-
ity but was infirm in health and quite incapable of tak-
ing an active part in politics. Edwin Croswell, on the
other hand, was active, enterprising, a practical printer
of rare ability, an editor of commanding power, and a
politician of much ambition and consummate skill. He
made the Albany Argus a notable party organ of the
Democracy, and made the office of Public Printer a
political power in the State.
The dominant political issue of 1823 was, however,
not State but national, and once more the politics of
New York was made subservient to and indeed the
plaything of that of the United States. President Mon-
roe was in his second term, and his successor was to be
elected in 1824. Early in 1823 discussion and much
.
JOSEPH C. YATES
Joseph C. Yates, 8th governor (1823-24) ; born in Sche-
nectady, November 9, 1768; lawyer; founder of Union college;
first mayor of Schenectady. 1798; state senator, 1806-08; justice
supreme court, 1808-1822; governor, 1823-24; presidential
elector, 1812, 1828; president of electoral college, 1828; died at
Schenectady, March 19, 1837.
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 33
wirepulling and maneuvering concerning the succes-
sion became rife. It was generally recognized through-
out the country that the "Virginia dynasty" must end or
be suspended, and no Virginia candidate was put for-
ward. So far as any influence was exerted by Virginia,
it was in favor of William H. Crawford, of Georgia,
who had been Secretary of the Treasury during Mon-
roe's administration and formerly was Secretary of War
in Madison's cabinet. No candidate was proposed from
New York. New England and some other States
favored John Quincy Adams, the Secretary of State.
South Carolina put forward John C. Calhoun, the
young and brilliant Secretary of War. Kentucky and
the west favored Henry Clay, then Speaker of the
House of Representatives. Tennessee supported
Andrew Jackson, who had a distinguished military
career in the War of 1812 and in the subsequent Florida
troubles) but who was at the time a private citizen. All
these candidates were active Democrats, and all of them
had heartily supported Madison in the War of 1812.
With the attitude of the other States toward the vari-
ous candidates we need not here greatly concern our-
selves, but only with that of New York. In this State
DeWitt Clinton was one of the earliest and most aggres-
sive advocates of the candidacy of Andrew Jackson. It
is probable that the majority of New York Democrats
agreed with New England in favoring John Quincy
Adams, and it is certain that many of Clinton's oppo-
ments did so, among them being James Tallmadge,
Henry Wheaton, and Thurlow Weed. But the chief
leaders of the anti-Clinton Democracy thought other-
34 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ^823
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
wise. They preferred an alliance of New York with
Virginia, and knowing that Crawford was Virginia's
choice they threw their influence in his favor. This was
the course pursued by Van Buren, by Erastus Root, and
by the Albany Regency. As the events showed, the
Democratic leaders sadly blundered, and once more
they frittered away the influence that New York should
have had in national affairs. Meantime Samuel Young,
Peter B. Porter, and others supported Henry Clay, and
a few prominent Democrats favored Calhoun.
There now arose two issues of great importance con-
cerning the method of choosing the President of the
United States. One related to the nomination of candi-
dates, and the other to the choice of Presidential Elec-
tors. For many years, as we have seen, the nominations
had been made by Congressional caucuses. This was in
two respects a highly objectionable system. The Con-
stitution of the United States obviously intended that
nominations should not thus be made at all, but that the
Electoral College should be free to choose whomever it
pleased for President, unhampered by any preceding
designations. The selection of candidates by Congres-
sional caucuses, for whom the Electors would be mor-
ally bound to vote, was thus obviously a violation of the
spirit of the Constitution. Nevertheless, the nation
tacitly approved such action, and that violation or dis-
regard of the intent of the Constitution has always pre-
vailed. After the abandonment of Congressional
caucuses nominations were made as at present by party
conventions, and under both systems the Electoral Col-
lege has practically had nothing to do, in all ordinary
1823] GOVERNOR YATES 35
cases, but to declare a result predetermined in the
election at which the members of the College were
chosen. A second objection to the Congressional caucus
was still stronger, so much so that it compelled in time
an abandonment of that institution. That was, that for
Congress to select the President, or to select a candidate
who was bound to be elected President, was a gross in-
fringement upon the independence and coordinate
status of the latter officer, making him practically a
creature of Congress.
The other great issue concerned the manner of the
choice of Presidential Electors in the State of New
York. Thus far they had been selected and elected by
the Legislature. But in 1823 a vigorous widespread
demand was made that they be chosen by the people of
the State at a general election. The leader in urging
this great reform was Henry Wheaton, who, though still
a young man, was unmistakably rising into a promi-
nence which before many years was to become national,
if not world-wide. He had already been Reporter of
the Supreme Court of the United States, editor of the
National Advocate during the War of 1812, a Judge
Advocate of the army, a Justice of the Marine Court of
New York City, and a member of the Constitutional
convention of 1821. Later he was associated in the prac-
tice of the law with Benjamin F. Butler and Daniel
Webster, for twenty years was a distinguished diplo-
matic representative of the United States abroad, lec-
turer on law at Harvard University, and wrote "Ele-
ments of International Law," one of the world's great
classic authorities.
36 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H823
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Both of these issues should, of course, have been con-
sidered and determined purely on their constitutional
merits. Yet both were dealt with according to the
exigencies of partisan or factional politics. Crawford
was supposed to be the strongest candidate in the nation,
and was second only to Adams in New York. But he
was the leader by a mere plurality, and not by a clear
majority over all. At the time of the Florida treaty
(1819), Adams insisted upon having Spain declare
Texas to have been a part of the Louisiana Territory,
and thus to have come into our possession in 1803.
Had that provision been permitted to stand in the
treaty the Texas Revolution and the Mexican War
would both have been avoided. But Crawford and
others, in a jealous desire to prevent Adams from secur-
ing the great prestige which such an arrangement
would have given him, prevailed upon Monroe to
strike it out. At that time it was Crawford and the
field against Adams. Now, in 1823, it was Adams and
the field against Crawford.
Crawford's friends wanted the nomination to be
made by a Congressional caucus as usual. If that
were done they were confident that Crawford would
win. For a similar reason the supporters of all the
other candidates opposed a caucus. So the Albany
Regency in New York, favoring Crawford, was for a
Congressional caucus and also for the choice of the
Presidential Electors by the Legislature according to
custom. In pursuance of these aims, on April 22, 1823,
a Legislative caucus was called at Albany at which
resolutions were adopted urging that a candidate for
1823-4] GOVERNOR YATES 37
the Presidency should be selected as formerly by a
Congressional caucus, and that the candidate thus nomi-
nated should be supported by the party at the polls.
This resolution, which was drafted by no less an author-
ity than Erastus Root, was transmitted to Washington
as the voice of the Democratic party of the State of
New York. But it failed of its purpose, and its only
effect was to weaken and discredit New York in
national politics. For a majority of the Democratic
members of Congress decided to abandon the Con-
gressional caucus system of nominations.
There next arose the question of the choice of Presi-
dential Electors in New York. In Crawford's interest
the Albany Regency opposed any change and insisted
that the Electors should still be chosen by the Legisla-
ture; it being expected that the choice of men who
would vote for Crawford would be assured and that
the Electoral vote of New York State would be decisive
in the contest and make Crawford President. To this
a powerful popular opposition arose, led by James
Tallmadge, Henry Wheaton, and others, and a so-called
People's party was organized, which in 1823 nominated
a number of candidates for the State Assembly. Among
them were Tallmadge and Wheaton, both of whom
were elected overwhelmingly.
The Forty-seventh Legislature met at Albany on
January 6, 1824. It was very strongly Democratic,
only a handful of Clintonians having been chosen,
while the members of the People's party went into
caucus with the regular Democrats. In the caucus for
Speaker, General Tallmadge was put forward by the
38 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
People's party, but he was decisively defeated by
Richard Goodell, of Jefferson county, the candidate of
the Albany Regency, and the next day the latter was
elected Speaker by an all but unanimous vote. Governor
Yates presented a long and, on the whole, statesmanlike
message, reviewing an extensive variety of State inter-
ests. He dwelt with satisfaction upon the fact that the
new Constitution had been put into effect and thus a
legal transformation of the State government had been
smoothly and felicitously achieved. He proceeded to
discuss some matters connected with the courts, the
revolutionary movements in South America, the revo-
lution in Greece, the militia, the prisons, and the need
of a protective tariff for the promotion of agriculture
and manufactures. As a result of his recommenda-
tions the Legislature adopted a resolution requesting
New York's Senators and Representatives in Congress
to use their influence to secure such revision of the
tariff. The Governor announced with satisfaction the
opening to commerce of the Champlain and Hudson
canal and the approaching completion and opening of
the Erie canal, and urged that measures be taken for
the improvement of navigation on the Hudson River
and of terminal facilities at New York harbor, in order
that the great system of inland navigation might be
fully available in all its parts.
The controversial part of his message related to
the question of the manner of choosing Presidential
Electors and of election of the President. He ex-
pressed regret that no uniform method was prescribed
by the United States Constitution, and recommended
1824] GOVERNOR YATES 39
to the careful consideration of the Legislature the
question whether New York should not change the
system then prevailing in this State. He transmitted
to the Legislature a set of resolutions that had been
adopted by the Tennessee Legislature — doubtless in
the interest of General Jackson's candidacy — condemn-
ing the system of nomination by Congressional caucus
as contrary to the intent of the Constitution, and urging
that the choice of the President should be left to the
Electoral College unpledged and uninfluenced by any
previous nomination by Congressional caucus or other-
wise. The New York Legislature discussed these
Tennessee resolutions for some time, and finally disap-
proved them. It then adopted resolutions of its own
declining to recommend to the New York Representa-
tives in Congress that they participate in a nominating
caucus, yet expressing the opinion that nomination by
such a caucus was not inconsistent with the letter or
spirit of the Constitution.
There then arose in the Legislature a battle royal
over the question of the method of choosing Electors.
The Governor had striven to dodge any positive com-
mittal on the subject in his message. His nephew,
John Van Ness Yates, with far more political inde-
pendence and foresight, had perceived that the people
wanted a change and had urged the Governor to rec-
ommend it. But the Governor would not do so, doubt-
less because of his subserviency to the Albany Regency,
which formidable body opposed a change because it
would probably be to the disadvantage of Crawford's
candidacy. Soon after the meeting of the Legislature,
40 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
in January, 1824, Henry Wheaton gave notice of his
purpose to offer a bill providing for the choice of Presi-
dential Electors by the people. This was strenuously
opposed by Azariah C. Flagg, who was the editor of
a paper at Plattsburg and a veteran of the War of
1812, and one of the chief spokesmen of the Albany
Regency. Mr. Flagg did not venture, however, to
challenge a direct vote on the issue, fearing that he
would be beaten, but cleverly persuaded the Assembly
to refer the matter to a committee of nine, of which,
of course, he was chairman. Mr. Wheaton was also
a member. Of the nine, six were supposed to be
favorable to the nomination of Crawford and thus
opposed to any change in the Electoral law that would
impair his prospects of nomination.
This committee promptly adopted a resolution ex-
pressing the opinion that a law ought to be passed at
that session of the Legislature vesting the choice of
Presidential Electors in the people, Mr. Flagg and
the other Crawford men not daring to oppose it. Then
Mr. Wheaton proposed a resolution that such election
should be made on a general State ticket, to which Mr.
Flagg proposed an amendment requiring that a ma-
jority of all votes cast should be necessary for a choice.
After much debate the resolution thus amended was
adopted, though it was evident that it would defeat
its own purpose. For the people of the State in their
preferences for the Presidency were so evenly divided
into four parties or factions that it was quite certain
no Electors would receive a clear majority. Then, as
there would be no sufficient time between the election
1824] GOVERNOR YATES 41
day in November and the first Wednesday of Decem-
ber to hold a new election, New York would have no
Electors at all unless in such emergency they were
chosen by the Legislature as of old. It was doubtless
the purpose of Mr. Flagg, at the instance of the Albany
Regency, to bring about precisely such a state of affairs.
Soon after this bill was passed by the Assembly, by
an almost unanimous vote, a call was issued at Wash-
ington for the usual Congressional caucus to nominate
a candidate for the Presidency. Only 66 members
responded, the largest number, 16, being from New
York, and the next largest, IS, from Virginia. The
result of the voting was that 62 declared themselves
for Crawford, 2 for Adams, 1 for Jackson, and 1 for
Nathaniel Macon. Of course all who were for Craw-
ford attended the caucus, while nearly all of those
favoring other candidates remained away. The net
outcome was such a revelation of Crawford's weakness
as caused many of his supporters in New York to
abandon his cause as hopeless. They still retained
sufficient numbers in the State Senate, however, to pre-
vent passage of the bill that had been passed by the
Assembly, one of those who did most to defeat it being
Silas Wright, then one of the youngest members of the
Senate, but destined later to become the most command-
ing figure of his party in the State. The bill was not
rejected outright, but consideration of it was postponed
to the first Monday in November by a vote of 17 to 14.
This result aroused a storm of public remonstrance
and indignation, which was directly chiefly at Martin
Van Buren and the Albany Regency, though it fell
42 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
upon the seventeen Senators who had voted for post-
ponement of the bill with sufficient severity to end
the political careers of most of them. DeWitt Clinton
with grim exultation declared that the impression pre-
vailed that Van Buren and his Regency were politi-
cally dead and that the impression would produce the
event.
The most severe odium fell, however, upon Gov-
ernor Yates. He was regarded as having pursued a
shifty course and made himself the tool of the Regency
—both of which imputations were based upon plausi-
ble and, in the minds of many, convincing, grounds.
This indictment of him was confirmed when, nine days
before the date set for adjournment, the Legislative
caucus was held for nomination of a candidate for Gov-
ernor and Mr. Flagg, the spokesman of the Regency,
practically demanded the Governor's renomination.
Objection was made that Governor Yates had incurred
widespread unpopularity through his course in the
Presidential Electors matter, and that if nominated he
would certainly be defeated. It was an open secret
that the People's party had in mind the nomination of
Samuel Young, who had declared himself in favor of
popular choice of Presidential Electors, and it seemed
sure that on that issue he would easily carry the State.
At first Azariah Flagg defied this prospect and de-
clared that if the Governor were to be defeated be-
cause of his fidelity to principle he would consider it
an honor to be defeated with him. But the members
of the Regency were wiser than their zealous spokes-
man. They decided to sacrifice Governor Yates for
1824] GOVERNOR YATES 43
the sake of victory in the election, and to "dish" the
People's party, by themselves nominating Colonel
Young.
This repudiation and desertion of him by the
Regency for no other reason than that he had served
the Regency too faithfully, was much taken to heart
by the Governor, who regarded it as a piece of mon-
strous ingratitude. But the sequel must have given
him grim consolation. For the Regency nominated
Colonel Young in full confidence that he would be sup-
ported by the People's party and thus be elected almost
without opposition. That was not, however, to be.
The fact that he had been taken up by the Regency
caused the People's party, representing all the elements
opposed to Crawford's nomination for the Presidency,
to abandon all thought of supporting Young. Instead,
they held a little Legislative caucus of their own, at
which they made no nomination but adopted resolu-
tions condemning the practice of nominating in Legis-
lative caucus, calling for the holding in September of
a State convention of delegates chosen by the people,
and demanding a law for the choice of Presidential
Electors by the people at a general election. They in
fact issued a call for such a State convention, to meet
at Utica on September 21, 1824, to consist of a num-
ber of delegates equal to the number of members of
Assembly, who should be voted for at primary elec-
tions by all citizens who were in favor of popular
choice of Presidential Electors and who were opposed
to the candidacy of Crawford for the Presidency. It
may be added here that Colonel Young was the last
44 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
candidate ever nominated by a Legislative caucus.
The agitation against that system prevailed, and there-
after the method of nominating at popular conventions,
which DeWitt Clinton had long advocated, was prac-
ticed by all parties.
The opposition to Crawford's candidacy and to the
machinations of the Albany Regency was conducted
chiefly by the supporters of John Quincy Adams and
Henry Clay. The supporters of Andrew Jackson for
the Presidency, among whom DeWitt Clinton was
counted, held aloof from it and directed a campaign
of their own. Closely following the two caucuses at
Albany they held a small popular meeting in New
York, of which Morgan Lewis was chairman and Cad-
wallader C. Golden secretary, and formally nominated
Jackson. The logic of events, however, soon caused
them to cooperate with the People's party.
This was brought about by one of the most indefensi-
ble acts ever committed or ordered by the Regency,
which was nothing less than the arbitrary removal of
DeWitt Clinton from all connection with the canal
system of which he had been the creator. Clinton was
at that time the chairman of the Board of Canal Com-
missioners, and was devoting himself entirely and with
self-sacrificing zeal to the successful prosecution of
the great public work that had been committed to him.
Although most of his fellow-Commissioners were Buck-
tails, adherents of the Regency, they were glad to have
him serve as their chairman because of his preeminent
fitness for the place. Of course, nobody in the State
thought of insinuating the slightest maladministration
1824] GOVERNOR YATES 45
or misconduct of any sort against him. Nor was there
any indication that he was trying to use his office for
political purposes, or that he any longer cherished
political ambitions.
The temptation to this attack on Clinton arose in
the knowledge that the People's party was planning to
nominate for Governor General James Tallmadge,
who had been the rival of William L. Marcy for the
State Comptrollership and who had led the revolt
against the domination of the Regency. Now, Tall-
madge was a bitter enemy of Clinton, and the Regency
—or Van Buren, who seems to have dictated the busi-
ness personally — confidently counted upon his voting
for the removal of Clinton from office. But the people
of the State so generally and so strongly believed in
and admired Clinton as a canal-builder, that they were
certain to resent bitterly his removal. So if Tall-
madge voted for Clinton's removal he would incur the
wrath of the people and his candidacy would be de-
feated. In brief, it was purposed to do a great wrong
in order that odium might fall upon one of the doers
of it. A more detestable scheme has seldom been
devised.
It worked. The Regency waited until the last day
of the session. Then, just as members were preparing
to vote for adjournment, John Bowman, who had been
elected a Senator from Monroe county to fill the
vacancy caused by the death of Joseph Spencer,
offered a resolution arbitrarily removing DeWitt Clin-
ton from the office of Canal Commissioner. No rea-
sons were alleged, and there was no debate. The reso-
46 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
lution was driven through in a few moments, with
only three Senators recorded against it. Their names
deserve honorable record: John Cramer, Archibald
Mclntyre, Jedediah Morgan. Five minutes later the
resolution was presented in the Assembly. Thurlow
Weed has told in his "Autobiography" that, witness-
ing the scene from his place as a reporter and know-
ing what it meant and would mean, he rushed over to
the Assembly chamber and entreated General Tall-
madge not to be led into the trap but to forget for the
moment his enmity toward Clinton and take a manly
and patriotic stand against the outrage; warning him
that if he voted for the removal of Clinton he would
incur popular displeasure and lose the nomination for
Governor. To this wise counsel Tallmadge was deaf.
Several members walked out of the chamber to avoid
voting. Just one spoke out as the occasion demanded.
That was Henry Cunningham, of Montgomery county.
He was not a man of polished scholarship or studied
eloquence. But under the stress of the moment he
sprang to his feet and as if inspired poured forth such
eloquence as the Capitol of New York has not often
heard. Paying a glowing but just tribute to the genius
of Clinton as the canal-builder, and condemning in
scathing terms the plot against him, he cried :
"When the contemptible party strifes of the present
day shall have passed by, and the political bargainers
and jugglers who now hang round this Capitol 'for
subsistence shall be overwhelmed and forgotten in
their own insignificance, when the gentle breeze shall
pass over the tomb of that great man, carrying with
1824] GOVERNOR YATES 47
it the just tribute of honor and praise which is now
withheld, the pen of the future historian, in better
days in better times, will do him justice and erect to
his memory a proud monument of fame as imperish-
able as the splendid works which owe their origin to
his genius and his perseverance."
It was in vain. Two or three others expressed dis-
approval of the measure, and then the vote was taken.
The deed was done, by 64 ayes to 34 nays. Tallmadge
and Henry Wheaton both voted aye, together with
most of the People's party. A few minutes later, on
April 12, the Legislature adjourned to the first Tues-
day in November. And after that, the deluge.
CHAPTER III
THE RETURN OF CLINTON
SELDOM has a greater shock or a greater popular
revolt been caused in the State of New York
than followed instantly upon the Regency's atro-
cious blow at Clinton. Had the thing been announced
or threatened in advance there would have risen a tidal
wave of protest and opposition against which the
Regency — or Van Buren — would scarcely have dared
to proceed. Coming without a warning, like the thun-
derclap from a clear sky, it produced an equally sud-
den explosion. Thurlow Weed was not the only one
who, seeing what was done in the Senate, rushed out
to give warning of what was afoot. Others bore the
news, not to the Assembly but to the people of Albany.
As the members of the Legislature made their exit
from the Capitol, some shamefaced at what they had
just done, some defiant, they met an indignant and
impassioned multitude pouring into the building.
The people stormed and crowded into the Assembly
chamber, organized an indignation meeting with the
venerable John Tayler, formerly Lieutenant-Governor,
as chairman, and made speeches and adopted resolu-
tions passionately denouncing the act. The resolu-
tions, drafted by Alfred Conkling, afterward a Judge
of the United States District Court, declared—
48
THOMAS J. OAKLEY
Thomas J. Oakley; born in Dutchess county, N. Y., in 1783;
graduated from Yale college, 1801; lawyer; practiced at
Poughkeepsie, N. Y. ; surrogate of Dutchess county, 1810-1811;
elected as a federalist to the 13th congress and served 1813-
1815; member of the state assembly, 1816, 1818-20; attorney
general of New York, 1819; in congress as a Clinton democrat
and served from March 4, 1827 to May 8, 1828 when he
resigned to become judge of the superior court of the City of
New York, which position he held till 1847; chief justice of
the superior court of the City of New York, 1847 until his death
in New York City, May 11, 1857.
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 49
"That the removal of DeWitt Clinton, confessedly without any
pretense of misconduct, from the office of Canal Commissioner, the
duties of which he has for fourteen years discharged with distinguished
zeal and ability and without any pecuniary reward, is a most flagrant
and wanton violation of public trust, injurious to the interest of the
State, and an act of ingratitude and injustice revolting to the moral
sense of every honorable man and unparalleled in the political history
of this country;
"That we have sought in vain for any palliating circumstances to
mitigate this most glaring outrage, and that we can only regard it as
the offspring of that malignant and insatiable spirit of political pro-
scription which has already so deeply stained the annals of our State ;
"That the perpetrators of this act of violence and ingratitude are
utterly unworthy of public confidence and justly deserve the reproba-
tion of an injured and insulted community;
"That for the boldness with which he planned, the patriotic devo-
tion with which he undertook, and the high and commanding talents
and unremitted ardor with which he has successfully prosecuted a
scheme of internal improvement surpassing in magnitude all that had
ever been conceived on this side of the Atlantic, and no less useful than
it is grand, this distinguished citizen is entitled to the admiration,
gratitude, and applause of his country, and especially of the State of
New York."
A numerous and distinguished committee was ap-
pointed to express to Clinton on behalf of the meeting
its sentiment of appreciation and gratitude. A similar
meeting was held in New York as soon as the news
of Clinton's removal reached that city, like resolutions
were adopted, and a committee headed by Thomas
Addis Emmet was sent to wait on Clinton at Albany
and convey to him suitable expressions of sentiment.
In other places throughout the State even more forci-
ble declarations were made, and some members of the
Legislature narrowly escaped violence. General Tall-
50 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [J824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
madge was hissed and hooted as he went from the
Capitol to his hotel, and a throng of wrathful citizens
invaded the hotel and their shouts of denunciation
penetrated to the room in which, stricken with remorse
and terror, he had locked himself for safety.
The Regency — or Van Buren — had achieved the
aim of defeating Tallmadge's candidacy. That was
sure. But it was equally sure that in his place a far
more formidable candidate had been brought into the
field. Everywhere men were saying that Clinton
must be the next Governor of New York. That would
be the only adequate atonement for the monstrous
wrong that had been done him; that would be the only
way of vindicating the honor of the State; that would
be the only way of recording the popular detestation
of the crime of his removal ; that would be the only
way of thwarting the despotic designs of the Regency
— or of Van Buren. Clinton himself did not discour-
age the movement. He exulted in it and felt assured
of its success. He also spoke and wrote to his friends
with characteristic vigor concerning his foes in the
People's party. James Tallmadge, he declared, could
hardly get a vote in his own county, which was prob-
ably true; adding that he was "the prince of scoun-
drels," if Henry Wheaton did not exceed him. Of
Wheaton he again wrote, "There is but one opinion,
that he is a pitiful scoundrel."
Then came another sensation, from another quarter.
We have seen that Governor Yates bitterly resented
being incontinently dropped by the masters whom he
had served. He realized that he had made a great
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 51
mistake in not strongly recommending a new Electoral
law, and he conceived the notion that if he gave the
Legislature another chance to enact one he might
regain popular favor. If not, he might at least throw
Colonel Young's candidacy into confusion. When it
was intimated that he might call the Legislature
together in special session for such a purpose the
Regency laughed the idea to scorn. The convening
of the Legislature in special session was a serious mat-
ter, for which Governor Yates was thought not to have
sufficient courage.
But the Regency was mistaken. Governor Yates
did have the courage to do the thing, and thus, while
not recouping his own political fortunes, he made much
trouble for his foes. On June 2 he issued a procla-
mation calling the Legislature to meet on August 2 to
take action upon the method of choosing Presidential
Electors. He adroitly represented that at the time of
his former message he had reason to expect that Con-
gress would take action toward a constitutional amend-
ment dealing with the matter, but Congress had ad-
journed without doing so. At the last regular session,
he continued, the Assembly had almost unanimously
passed a bill giving to the people the right to choose
Electors, but the Senate had postponed it to a date
too late to permit the right to be exercised that year.
The people were justly alarmed lest their "undoubted
right" of choosing the Electors should be withheld
from them. Therefore he called the extraordinary
session in order to give an opportunity for putting into
effect the will of the people.
52 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The special session met on August 2, with nearly
every member present. The Governor sent in a mes-
sage elaborately discussing the need of a new Electoral
law to give the choice of Electors to the people. He
added that if the Legislature had time to give to other
matters it might well take some action to guard steam-
boat traffic from the common peril of exploding boilers,
and also to assure a suitable reception and entertain-
ment of Lafayette, who was about to visit the United
States. Before the message was read the Senate, under
the direction of the Regency, adopted a resolution cen-
suring the Governor for calling the special session. The
Assembly waited until the message had been read, and
then, on motion of Azariah C. Flagg, declared that the
calling of the session was unnecessary and unwarranted
by the Constitution and that the transaction of legis-
lative business would Sanction a precedent of danger-
ous tendency," and, subject to the concurrence of the
Senate, moved for immediate adjournment. During
the protracted and acrimonious debate that followed, a
resolution was passed declaring that an Electoral law
ought to be passed, but no step was taken toward passing
such a law. After four days of controversy, on August
6 the Legislature adjourned to the first Monday in
November without having performed a single legis-
lative act.
So far as the Governor had aimed at rehabilitating
himself, the session was a failure. It brought renewed
and increased criticism and ridicule upon him, and con-
vinced him that he had reached his political end. But
so far as he aimed at injuring Colonel Young's candi-
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 53
dacy for the Governorship, it largely succeeded. Pos-
sibly also it helped General Tallmadge a little. It gave
him an opportunity for some effective oratory in the
Assembly, of which art he was a master, and encouraged
him and his friends to undertake a canvass of the State
to secure support for him in the Utica convention.
The Regency "stood pat" on the nomination of
Colonel Young. The People's party, led by General
Tallmadge, Henry Wheaton, and others, conducted a
campaign against Clinton and strove to push Tallmadge
to the fore in spite of the popular odium that had fallen
upon him. Clinton and his friends, including especially
his secretary, Charles G. Haines, meanwhile worked
straight for Clinton's nomination, confident of success.
So matters moved along until the time set for the Utica
convention. When that body met, with 122 members,
it was found that just about one-fourth of them be-
longed to the People's party and favored the nomination
of General Tallmadge. The venerable John Tayler
was chosen chairman; Alexander Coffin, of Hudson,
was vice-chairman; and Samuel Stevens, of Washing-
ton county, was secretary.
Finding themselves in a minority and despairing of
the nomination of General Tallmadge, the People's
party men tried to put forward John W. Taylor, of
Saratoga, who had been Speaker of the national House
of Representatives and was regarded as a friend of
Clinton. But a letter was read from Mr. Taylor posi-
tively refusing to accept the nomination. This left the
opposition to Clinton without a candidate and in a state
of demoralization. The result was that on the second
54 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL d824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
day of the convention, September 22, 1824, DeWitt
Clinton was nominated for the Governorship and Gen-
eral Tallmadge for. the Lieutenant-Governorship. The
convention adopted a resolution condemning the Legis-
lative caucuses for nomination of candidates for Gov-
ernor and demanding the election of Justices of the
Peace by the people.
This result was so unacceptable to the People's party
men that they bolted the convention, under the lead of
the vice-chairman, Alexander Coffin, and organized a
rump convention of their own. But they found them-
selves in an impossible plight so far as making nomina-
tions was concerned. They were fully committed
against both Colonel Young and DeWitt Clinton, and
their own candidate, General Tallmadge, had accepted
the second place on Clinton's ticket. There was no
other candidate worth mentioning, so they named none.
Instead, they protested against the candidacy of Clin-
ton and pledged themselves to vote for General Tall-
madge for Lieutenant-Governor. This action probably
aided Clinton more than it injured him, since it dis-
pelled the notion, which the Regency sought to prop-
agate, that there was a secret compact between him and
the People's party.
As if to add to the wonders and blunders of this
unique campaign, Colonel Young next made a des-
perate bid for the support of those Democrats who
favored a new Electoral law and who were opposed to
the nomination of Crawford for the Presidency. Before
/ the Utica convention he had written a letter to Edward
Hudson, an Assemblyman from Madison county, de-
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 55
Glaring himself in favor of a new law and in favor also
of the nomination of Henry Clay. Three or four days
after the Utica convention he again wrote to the same
effect to Jesse Clark, a Senator from Seneca county.
These letters were widely published throughout the
State but utterly failed of the effect which Colonel
Young desired and expected. They did not free him
from the imputation of being the candidate of the
Regency, which he of course was, and of being in the
last analysis ready to do its bidding. On the other hand,
they subjected him to the suspicion, in many minds, of
being a trimmer and lacking in sincerity. The net
result was seriously to damage his canvass.
The campaign was one of the most animated in the
history of the State and was conducted with extraordi-
nary ability, so far as public speaking was concerned,
by the two rivals. Colonel Young was one of the most
effective orators of his day, possessed of scholarship,
dramatic power, irresistible humor, cutting sarcasm,
and the supreme quality known as personal magnetism,
which unfailingly won the attention, interest, and sym-
pathy of his audience. In the gifts of the orator he was
far superior to Clinton. But Clinton had the unrivalled
authority of long experience in constructive statesman-
ship, unsurpassed amplitude of knowledge, irrefra-
gable logic, and, through his gigantic achievements as a
canal-builder, "the arduous greatness of things done."
This last consideration appealed with supreme force to
the people of the State and was naturally strengthened
by the conviction that he had been made the victim of a
wanton outrage, the unrebuked success of which would
56 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
probably establish it as a precedent and encourage its
perpetrators to repeat the performance whenever par-
tisan ends were thus to be served.
It was a duel of giants, the outcome of which, had it
depended solely upon the two candidates, might have
been doubtful. But Young was handicapped by his
backers, the Regency at Albany and Tammany Hall in
New York, two of the most adroit, formidable, and
generally successful political organizations in the his-
tory of the State, both of which had at this time, how-
ever, incurred the suspicion and resentment of a large
proportion of the electorate. Clinton, on the other
hand, was backed by the people without regard to party.
He had indeed no party behind him, for the Utica con-
vention made no pretense of partisanship of any kind.
Above all he stood for popular choice of candidates and
against nominations by Legislative caucus, and had
himself been nominated by the first truly popular State
convention ever held in New York, while his rival had
been named by a Legislative caucus, the last such that
ever was held.
The result was seen weeks in advance, though not in
its full proportions. A fortnight before the election
Young himself, as also the Regency and Van Buren,
realized that he was beaten, though there was no
thought of the magnitude of Clinton's victory. The
vote stood : Clinton, 103,452 ; Young, 87,093— a major-
ity for Clinton of 16,359. The influence of the People's
party in supporting Tallmadge but not Clinton was
seen in the fact that Tallmadge, for Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor, ran far ahead of Clinton and secured a majority
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 57
of 32,409 over the gifted and popular Erastus Root, the
Regency candidate. Nor was the Regency beaten only
for the two leading offices. Two years before every
Senatorial district in the State had been carried by
Regency candidates. But now the Regency carried
only two of the eight, the Second and Sixth, the other
six being won by candidates favorable to Clinton. Of
the seventeen Senators who had done the bidding of
Van Buren in postponing consideration of the Electoral
law, only one, Byram Greene of the Seventh district,
had ventured to seek reelection, and he was beaten by
more than ten to one — it being whimsically said of his
successful opponent, John C. Spencer, that he "had got
a bigger majority than if he had run alone." In the
Assembly the result was no less decisive, the Regency
securing scarcely a third of the members. It was one of
the most impressive and emphatic political revolutions
in the history of the State, and perhaps the one of all in
which the issues were simplest, most clearly defined,
and most generally understood.
We must not, however, overlook the progress of the
Presidential campaign, with which the State politics of
New York had been from the first so inextricably inter-
woven. DeWitt Clinton himself had cherished Presi-
dential aspirations, as we have hitherto seen, and in
1824 had by no means abandoned them; though he held
them in abeyance, probably until he could complete
the Erie canal and then resume his candidacy strength-
ened with the prestige of that tremendous achievement.
Meantime he stood practically alone among leading
New Yorkers in advocating the nomination of Andrew
58 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Jackson. That was not because of personal friendship
or political association, for he and Jackson had never
met and had exchanged no correspondence. The two
men were drawn together by similarity of disposition
and by sympathy. Both were proud, yet democratic;
both were iron-willed; both possessed tremendous ex-
ecutive ability and driving force in effecting great
achievements; both were indifferent to popular favor;
neither would compromise a principle or alter an
opinion for the sake of votes. That they should admire
each other above all other contemporaries was natural.
Clinton appears to have been confident of Jackson's
success. He thus repeatedly expressed himself during
the spring and summer of 1824, long before he himself
secured the nomination for Governor. And in his ad-
vocacy of Jackson he indulged in unsparing condemna-
tion of all his rivals. Those who in later years have had
occasion — as they have only too often — to deplore the
license of the press in reviling political opponents, will
do well to recall the diatribes and lampoons which a
century ago statesmen of the highest rank personally
directed against each other. The spiteful Vivien, in the
Wood of Broceliande, never raged against the Knights
of the Round Table more venomously than did DeWitt
Clinton against all who opposed his idol, Jackson. In
Clinton's own letters to Henry Post, and in the authori-
tative writings of the venerable John Bigelow, are re-
called expressions which savor of a Gutter Gazette
rather than of exalted statesmanship. Thus, John
Quincy Adams was the son of a "scamp" and was him-
self "an apostate, and everything but amiable and hon-
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 59
est." On the other hand, Adams's chief foe, Crawford,
was "as hardened a ruffian as Burr." John C. Calhoun,
whom he already perceived to be Jackson's arch-enemy,
was "treacherous, hollow-headed, and base, a thorough-
paced political blackleg." Tantaene animis coelestibus
irae?
It was amid the prevalence of such passions that the
Legislature reassembled on November 2 for its third
meeting, with the special purpose of choosing Presi-
dential Electors after a national campaign so closely
contested that a few votes in the College might turn the
scale. This was, of course, the old Legislature, with
the seventeen Regency Senators still in their seats ready
to vote for Crawford Electors at the bidding of Van
Buren. In fact, that was precisely what they did; the
Crawford Electors received seventeen votes in the Sen-
ate, and the Adams Electors and Clay Electors seven
each.
No message was delivered by the Governor at the
meeting of the Legislature. The usual party caucus
was called, of the Bucktail members of both houses, to
nominate an Electoral ticket. Erastus Root was the
chairman and directed the Clerk in calling the roll to
omit the names of all who had participated in calling
the Utica convention. An appeal was made against this
order, and Mr. Root refused to submit the appeal to the
vote of the caucus. The result was that after a stormy
session the caucus adjourned without any action. It was
not until November 10 that the Crawford ticket was
nominated, as already related, by the Senate. But to
hold two wavering Senators in line it was found neces-
60 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
sary to include in the ticket six men who were favorable
to Clay and would vote for him if thus he could be
named.
In the Assembly there was more confusion. No one
candidate had a majority, and indecisive ballots were
taken while leaders strove to effect combinations and
compromises. On the first ballot Adams Electors re-
ceived fifty votes, Crawford forty-three, and Clay thir-
ty-two. Then the Adams and Clay men negotiated for
union of some sort against Crawford. It was generally
conceded that there would be no choice of President by
the Electoral College, but that the election would be
thrown into the House of Representatives, and the
struggle therefore was to secure for each candidate
enough Electoral votes to place him among the highest
three, who alone could be considered by the House. It
was reckoned that Jackson and Adams were sure of get-
ting before the House, and the chief fight was for Clay
to beat Crawford and also to get in as the third candi-
date. To assure that, Clay needed seven Electoral votes
from New York.
Thurlow Weed, the young journalist who was rising
into prominence and power as one of the ablest political
managers in the State, and who was the leader of the
Adams forces outside the Legislature, conducted nego-
tiations to the effect that the friends of Clay in the As-
sembly should vote for thirty Adams Electors and that
the Adams men in return should vote for six Clay Elec-
tors— the same six who had been put on the Crawford
ticket in the Senate. The Adams men also agreed, in
case Clay carried Louisiana and thus needed only seven
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 61
votes from New York to get him before the House, that
they would see to it that he got the seven. Clay, how-
ever, failed to carry Louisiana, and the Adams men
were thus released from their promise. Another com-
plication arose when it was discovered that three of the
Adams men had been bribed by a wealthy New Yorker
to vote for Crawford. Henry Wheaton and Thurlow
Weed confronted them with charges and evidence of
their guilt, threatened them with exposure, and com-
pelled them to promise to vote for Adams and Clay.
But others also were corruptly influenced, so that upon
joint ballot of the two houses only thirty-two out of the
thirty-six Electors were chosen, and on the next ballot
four Crawford men were elected. This was fatal to
Clay, for it excluded him from competition in the
House of Representatives and let Crawford in instead
to contest the election with Adams and Jackson.
The joint balloting was attended with a most dra-
matic incident. Thurlow Weed and the others had kept
the compact between the Adams and Clay men for a
fusion ticket a profound secret, Weed personally print-
ing the ballots which were to be distributed among the
Senators and Assemblymen just before they were to be
cast. When the balloting was completed and the votes
were to be counted the Lieutenant-Governor, Erastus
Root, who presided, on opening the first fusion ballot
exclaimed in astonishment that here was a printed split
ticket. Some of the Regency Senators cried "Treason I"
and there was a movement to break up the joint session
and for the Senators to return to their own chamber.
But General Tallmadge in a fiery speech demanded
62 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
that the two houses continue in the performance of their
constitutional duty, as they did.
The Electoral vote of New York was, in consequence
of these transactions, divided among four candidates, as
follows: Adams, 26; Crawford, 5; Clay, 4; and Jack-
son, 1. In the nation Jackson received a plurality
though not a majority of the popular vote, but no candi-
date secured a majority of the Electoral College for the
Presidency, though Calhoun was elected Vice-President
by more than two-thirds of all the Electoral votes. The
Electoral votes were counted by Congress on February
9, 1825. Jackson had 99, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and
Clay 37. Thereupon the House of Representatives
proceeded to choose the President from among the
highest three, Jackson, Adams, and Crawford. The
voting was by States, each State having one vote, de-
termined by the majority of its Representatives. Of
the New York Representatives 18 were for Adams., 14
for Crawford, and 2 for Jackson; and the vote of the
State was consequently cast for Adams. The final out-
come was the election of Adams by thirteen States, to
seven for Jackson and four for Crawford. Of the indi-
vidual Representatives 87 were for Adams, 71 for Jack-
son, and 54 for Crawford.
There is reason to believe that still other devious and
corrupt influences than those above referred to were at
work in the New York contest. At the preceding
regular session of the Legislature several new banks
had been chartered, among them the famous Chemical
Bank of New York. In this November session charges
were made that some of those charters had been pro-
1824] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 63
cured by corrupt means, and investigation showed that
there was only too much ground for the accusation. At
least one Senator was found to have said that he would
vote for Crawford only on condition that a certain bank
charter was granted.
The outcome of all this belongs to the history of the
United States rather than to that of New York, yet it
also pertains to that of New York for the reason that
it was left for a single New York Representative in
Congress to determine, in the last analysis, who should
be President. The election was thrown into the House
of Representatives, Adams, Crawford, and Jackson
being the candidates. The vote was by States, each
State casting one vote, and was determined as to each
State by the majority of its Representatives. The one
State in doubt was New York. Of its thirty-four
Representatives, seventeen, or just one-half, favored
Adams, sixteen favored other candidates, and one was
non-committal. That one was Stephen Van Rensselaer,
the "last of the patroons." He was a man of eminent
public services as legislator, Lieutenant-Governor,
soldier, and educator. In the year 1824 he founded
the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute at Troy, while at
the same time he was serving his first term in Con-
gress. He was a brother-in-law of Alexander Hamil-
ton, and of course an old Federalist. But he shared
Hamilton's antipathy to John Adams and, with many
other Federalists, resented the action of John Quincy
Adams in going over to the Democracy. As a close
friend of DeWitt Clinton he might have been sup-
posed to favor Clinton's candidate, Jackson. Strongly
64 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
opposed to Van Buren, he was assumed to be against
Crawford.
Down to the last moment his course in the election
was known to nobody in the world but himself. We
may be confident also that it was dictated by nobody
but himself and was decided upon on grounds of the
highest patriotism, conscientiousness, and honor. Day
and night he was besieged by men of all parties with
pleadings and petitions and with questions as to his pur-
pose. To all he was as incommunicable as the Sphinx.
But the day came at last. It was February 9, 1825. The
hall of the House of Representatives was crowded.
Every member was there save one who was too ill to
be present. Governors of States, Justices of the
Supreme Court, Ministers from foreign lands, and
other distinguished spectators thronged the gallery and
the aisles. The most quiet and apparently uncon-
cerned man in the whole assemblage was Stephen Van
Rensselaer as he walked calmly to his place in the
New York delegation. The Speaker announced that
since no candidate had received a majority of the
Electoral votes the House must proceed to elect a
President of the United States from among the three
leading candidates. The Clerk called the roll of
States and the vote of each State, inscribed upon a bal-
lot, was deposited in a box. When all votes had been
cast the tellers, Daniel Webster and John Randolph
of Roanoke, proceeded to count the ballots. There
were twenty-four States. Only four voted for Craw-
ford; seven voted for Jackson; and thirteen, a clear
majority of all, voted for Adams.
JOHN SAVAGE
John Savage; born, Salem, N. Y. in 1779; graduated from
Union college, 1799; lawyer; served in state assembly, 1814;
in congress, 1815-1819; United States attorney, 1820; state
comptroller, 1821-1823; chief justice of the state supreme court,
1823-1831; assistant United States treasurer in New York City;
presidential elector in 1844; died in Utica, N. Y., October
19, 1863.
1824-5] THE RETURN OF CLINTON 65
New York was the decisive State that gave Adams
his majority. And it was the vote of Stephen Van
Rensselaer that gave the vote of New York to Adams.
The "great patroon" had made a President.
So far, in anticipation of the narrative. Let us now
return to the third session of the Forty-seventh Legis-
lature of New York, in November, 1824. After choos-
ing the Presidential Electors it took up the question
of revision of the Electoral law, which the Senate had
postponed from the regular session. There was some
debate, and it was decided to let the people of the State
determine, at the next general election in November,
1825, the method by which Electors were to be chosen
by them. Three questions were involved: Should
Electors be chosen by districts? Should they be
chosen on a general State ticket by a plurality vote?
Should they be chosen on a general State ticket by a
majority vote? The prevailing sentiment of the Leg-
islature was in favor of election by districts.
Again to anticipate the narrative, we may note that
this subject was recalled to attention in the next
Governor's message, January, 1825. The Legislature
thereupon took it up and on March 15, 1825, adopted
a bill providing for the election of Electors by dis-
tricts. In the fall of that year the matter was passed
upon by the people at the general election, with the
result that the decision of the Legislature was con-
firmed. The popular vote stood : For election by dis-
tricts, 66,324; for election on a general ticket by a
plurality, 56,801 ; for election on a general ticket by a
majority, 931. The district system was retained until
L-
.-•
66 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H824
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
after the Presidential contest of 1828, when it was
abandoned for the method that ever since has prevailed
— that of choosing the Electors on a general State
ticket by a plurality.
The Forty-seventh Legislature adjourned without
day on November 27, 1824, to be succeeded in January,
1825, by the new one that had been elected as the result
of the popular revolt against the Albany Regency.
CHAPTER IV
CLINTON THE CONQUEROR
DE WITT CLINTON became Governor of New
York for his third term, at the beginning of
1825, in such circumstances of personal triumph
as few men have enjoyed. He had beaten Tammany
Hall. He had beaten the Albany Regency. A man
without a party, by the spontaneous uprising of
the people he had been made victor over the most
thoroughly organized and most formidable party
that had thus far appeared in New York politics.
And within sight in the very near future was the com-
pletion of the gigantic enterprise to which he had given
the best work of his life. It was his canal project
that made him Governor in 1817, and it was that same
work, and the wrath of the people at his removal from
it, that made him Governor again in 1825 and thus
enabled him to preside in that capacity at the august
ceremony of the mingling of the waters.
The Forty-eighth Legislature assembled at Albany
on January 4, 1825, with nearly all the members in
attendance on the opening day. A substantial majority
of the Assembly were supporters of Clinton. Yet, as
if with some prescience of his impending reconcilia-
tion with his political foes, they elected as Speaker a
man who had been identified with the People's party
67
68 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1825
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
and who had been one of Clinton's most bitter oppo-
nents. This was Clarkson Crolius, of New York, one
of the most prominent business men of the metropolis.
Horatio Merchant, another enemy of Clinton, was
chosen Clerk. These officers did not, however, con-
tinue their enmity to Clinton during the legislative
session, but regarded it as ended with the result of
the election. It is interesting to recall that Thurlow
Weed was a member of this Assembly, from Monroe
county. He retired at the end of his term, but served
a second term in the Fifty- third Legislature, in 1830,
those two terms comprising his entire legislative career.
The Lieutenant-Governor, General James Tallmadge,
was of course President of the Senate, and the Clerk
of that body was John F. Bacon, who had served in that
place continuously since 1814 and who remained in
it until 1839, a tenure of twenty-five years. Silas
Wright remained in the Senate for his second year, and
Cadwallader D. Golden entered it from the First dis-
trict.
Governor Clinton's message was, like the addresses
of his former administrations, long, elaborate, and
distinguished for its spirit of progressive and construct-
ive statesmanship. There were those who criticised
him for devoting it so largely to the subject of canals.
In the circumstances, had he not done so he would have
had to be either much more or much less than human ;
and he would, in addition, have slighted what was
incomparably the paramount topic of public interest
and importance. He discussed the possible further
extension of the canal systems of the State and the
1825] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 69
nation ; recommended the creation of a State Board
of Public Works ; and, in connection with the question
of the alleged jurisdiction of the United States govern-
ment over canal traffic, suggested the creation of a new
tribunal to be charged with determining the respective
powers of the national and State governments and
with restraining each within its proper limits.
Another topic, which indeed had first place, was that
of the publication of the records of private or execu-
tive sessions of the Senate. He strongly favored com-
plete publicity. With his views the Senate did not
entirely agree, but because of his recommendation it
did presently make such records more fully public
than they had been, and the same course was followed
by the Senate of the United States in 1828. On the
subject of Presidential Electors he urged a law requir-
ing them to be chosen by the people on a general State
ticket at a general election — the system that ultimately
was adopted (1829). He strongly recommended such
extension of the franchise as would establish practically
universal male suffrage, and the Legislature adopted an
amendment to the Constitution to the proposed effect,
which was again adopted by the next Legislature and
was finally ratified by the people in the fall of 1826.
This was one of the most significant and important
changes ever made in the Constitution of the State.
With the exception of felons, lunatics, etc., it gave the
suffrage to all adult males, subject only to the qualifica- ,v
tions of citizenship and six months' residence. It was
the greatest of all landmarks on the road from the
aristo-oligarchy of early days to the genuine democracy
70 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of the present time. Another amendment adopted at
the same time also made toward the same goa^ by pro-
viding for popular local election of Justices of the
Peace. The Franchise amendment was adopted by the
overwhelming popular vote of 127,077 to 3,215.
The Governor recommended further development
and improvement of the common school system but
deprecated the creation of more colleges, at any rate
without ample endowment. He advised an elabora-
tion of the census system so as to secure a variety of
useful statistics, and in consequence the Legislature
provided for decennial censuses with copious statistics.
Attention was given to the needs of the penal and
charitable institutions of the State. Reform of legis-
tive procedure was urged in the respect of confining
each bill to one specific subject instead of permitting
the inclusion of a congeries of unrelated and incongru-
ous matters. Reference was made to the impending
election of a United States Senator to succeed Rufus
King, whose term was soon to expire, and he urged
the desirability of selecting the best man who could
be found. The Legislature failed to elect anyone,
however, so that at the special session of the Senate in
March, 1825, Martin Van Buren was New York's sole
representative. But in January, 1826, the next Legis-
lature chose Nathan Sanford, who had been appointed
a few years before Chancellor of the State to succeed
James Kent, the latter having been retired at the con-
stitutional age limit. ,
The message concluded with an eloquent plea for
the subordination of personalities and partisanship to
1825] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 71
the general public good. The Governor referred to
the old Council of Appointment as the prolific source
of evils in the past, and recalled the fact that he him-
self had urged its abolition. Thus political power,
formerly wielded by factions and combinations, had in
large measure been restored to its authentic source,
the great body of the people. That achievement, said
Clinton, had dissolved the union between personal
interest and political subserviency. The people, ris-
ing in the majesty of their power above the debasing
trammels of names, had sustained and vindicated a
system of disenthralled and independent suffrage.
Those were the words of a statesman, and they seemed
to be justified by the achievement of the late election,
though unhappily they were not to be permanently
fulfilled.
The contest over the United States Senatorship began
early in the session upon the receipt of a letter from
Mr. King stating that because of the increasing bur-
den of years he wished to retire to private life and
would therefore not be a candidate for reelection. A
large part of the Legislature, comprising especially
Clinton's friends together with probably a majority of
the public, looked upon Ambrose Spencer, lately Chief-./
Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, as the man
best fitted for the succession. But strong opposition
to him was developed in the Senate, particularly on
the part of the People's party men, and to this opposi-
tion the Lieutenant-Governor, General Tallmadge,
eagerly and zealously lent himself, probably with the
hope of being himself chosen Senator.
72 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1825
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Voting began on February 1, as required by law,
and the Assembly by a vote of 77 to 45 nominated
Judge Spencer. The Senate scattered its votes among
a dozen candidates, giving none a majority, It re-
fused by 20 to 1 1 to agree to the nomination of Spencer,
and by similar votes refused to nominate General Tall-
madge, Colonel Samuel Young, or John W. Taylor.
No nomination was made by the Senate until Febru-
ary 25, when by a vote of 18 to 10 it adopted a joint
resolution declaring that Albert H. Tracy be chosen
Senator. The Assembly refused to concur, on the
valid ground that such a method of choosing a Senator
was contrary to the law, which required the choice to
be made by joint ballot of the two houses. The matter
then rested until March 25, when the Senate passed
another such joint resolution, inserting the name of
James Tallmadga instead of that of Mr. Tracy. The
Assembly on April 1 adopted a resolution explicitly
refusing, on legal grounds, to concur, and the attempt
to elect a Senator was thereupon abandoned. On April
21 the Legislature adjourned without day.
It was on February 9, 1825, that John Quincy
Adams, by vote of the House of Representatives, was
elected President of the United States. A week later,
not waiting until he should be inaugurated, he wrote
to DeWitt Clinton tendering him the appointment of
Minister to Great Britain. There is no doubt that
this was done because of his high appreciation of
Clinton's ability and fitness to fill and adorn the posi-
tion. It was a flattering offer, and some of the Gov-
ernor's best friends urged him to accept. But he cour-
18253 CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 73
teously declined, on the ground that he had lately been
elected Governor and therefore owed it to the people
of New York to show his devotion to their interests.
Doubtless that was his chief reason, and in the absence
of any other it probably would have been quite con-
trolling. But it is impossible to escape the conclusion
that there were two others: — First, that he wanted as
Governor of the State to preside at the ceremonies
which a few months thence would mark the comple-
tion of the Erie canal; and second, that he did not
want his political foe, Lieutenant-Governor Tall-
madge, to succeed him. In consequence of his de-
clination ex-Senator Rufus King a little later received
the appointment.
Governor Clinton in his message dwelt upon the
desirability of complementing the canal system of the
State with a similarly extensive system of improved
wagon-roads, and advised that a beginning be made
by constructing a State highway from the Hudson
River to Lake Erie near and generally parallel with
the southern boundary of the State. This proposal
was not considered by the Legislature for some time.
But it strongly appealed to the public, mass-meetings
in furtherance of it were held throughout the South-
ern Tier counties, and delegates were sent to a con-
vention held at Albany on February 25. This conven-
tion addressed an urgent appeal to the Legislature,
which responded with the desired action. In conse-
quence, just before the end of the session in April, the
Governor and Senate created a State Road commission
consisting of Nathaniel Pitcher, afterward Lieutenant-
74 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H825
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor and Acting-Governor; Jabez D. Hammond,
the historian, who had been a State Senator and was
later a Regent of the State University; and George
Morell, a private citizen, who had been County Clerk
of Otsego county and subsequently became United
States Judge for the Territory of Michigan. By the
creation of this commission was begun the work of
building a system of State roads in New York.
In the late spring of 1825 Governor Clinton, who
was now one of the foremost figures in the nation,
visited Philadelphia and travelled across Pennsylvania
to Ohio and southward to Louisville, Kentucky, in-
specting canals, roads, and other public works. Every-
where he was received with such official and popular
attention as seldom before had been given any man.
Finally, November 2, 1825, came the crowning day
of Clinton's career. On that day the completion of
the Erie canal was formally celebrated. From Buffalo
to Albany was placed an unbroken series of cannon,
each within hearing distance of the report of the dis-
charge of the next At a given signal the westernmost,
at Buffalo, was fired; when its report was heard the
next was discharged; and so on across the State to
Albany. Two canal-boats, the "Seneca Chief" and
"Young Lion of the West," came through from Buffalo
to Albany, bearing Governor Clinton, the Canal Com-
missioners, and other officials and eminent citizens ;
and at Albany they passed from the canal through the
final lock into the Hudson River. Philip Hone, then
an Alderman of New York (he was elected Mayor
the following year) , led a committee of eminent citi-
1825] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 75
zens of New York City and as their spokesman made
an address of congratulation to the Governor.
Meantime, what of party politics? The election of
Clinton as Governor and the defeat of Crawford for
the Presidency had been the severest blow the Albany
Regency — or Martin Van Buren personally — ever sus-
tained. It was indeed almost fatal. But the "Fox of
Kinderhook" was resourceful, and Clinton was mag-
nanimous. Realizing his desperate plight Van Buren
soon began cautious and wary overtures for peace and
alliance with Clinton, to which Clinton, weary of strife,
cordially responded. The special logic of Van Buren's
course becomes obvious when we remember that Clin-
ton had been the foremost advocate of Andrew Jack-
son's nomination for the Presidency. Van Buren was
shrewd enough to forecast Jackson's triumph at the
next election, and he decided to abandon Crawford
and attach himself to the following of "Old Hickory."
Of course nothing could conduce to that end more suc-
cessfully than by cultivating the friendship of Clinton
and, if possible, forming a political alliance with him,
as the "original Jackson man" of New York.
Van Buren's first object was to regain control of the
Legislature in order to assure the election or reelection
of his lieutenants to important State offices, and his
own reelection to the United States Senate. Accord-
ingly during the summer and fall of 1825 he conducted
what afterward came to be known as a "still hunt."
He made no open show of seeking to carry the election,
but through his trusted agents he did work, secretly,
with uncommon zeal. Also, he pursued a masterly
76 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL 1^826
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
policy of neutrality in national affairs. Although he
had been an ardent supporter of Crawford, and was
now preparing as earnestly to support Jackson, he care-
fully avoided doing or saying anything that could give
the least offense to President Adams and his followers.
In this shrewd way, at the very time when, from Octo-
ber 26 to November 2, Clinton was making his progress
in a canal-boat from Buffalo to Albany, Van Buren was
adding the final touches to his campaign, with the
result that in the election which then occurred he se-
cured a substantial majority of the Legislature.
The Forty-ninth Legislature met on January 3, 1826,
under the control of Van Buren and the Regency.
Samuel Young was elected Speaker of the Assembly,
and Edward Livingston was returned to the office of
Clerk of that body, which he had filled in the Forty-
fifth, Forty-sixth, and Forty-seventh Legislatures. The
Governor's message was again a long and scholarly
document. A leading place in it was devoted to the
interests of the public school system, for which the
generous support of the State was solicited. The
establishment of normal schools for the training of
teachers was earnestly recommended. One of the re-
sults of the Governor's suggestions was an act changing
the name of the Free School Society of New York
City to the Public School Society, and extending its
scope so as to provide for the instruction of all the chil-
dren of the city.
The Governor had the inestimable gratification of
reporting in his message the successful opening of the
Erie canal, and this led him to discuss at length the
1826] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 77
canal systems that were being developed west of the
Allegheny Mountains in the States of the Mississippi
valley, which he had lately visited. He renewed his
recommendation of the construction of a State road
system to begin with a great highway through the
Southern Tier counties from the Hudson River to Lake
Erie. He also reported that in May, 1825, work had
been begun on the new State prison at Sing Sing. A
special message followed, on January 14, relative to
the cession of land at West Point to the national gov-
ernment. He urged the desirability of the State's re-
taining civil and criminal jurisdiction over the land
thus ceded, a recommendation which was adopted by
the Legislature and embodied in the act of cession.
Early in the session the Legislature, as formerly
stated, elected the Chancellor, Nathan Sanford, to be
United States Senator. That was an excellent choice,
and it was made by an almost unanimous vote. It of
course created a vacancy in the Chancellorship, to fill
which Governor Clinton nominated Samuel Jones, son
of the former State Comptroller of the same name.
Mr. Jones was a cousin of Mrs. Clinton, but he was
probably chosen by the Governor not for that reason
but because of his preeminent fitness for the place.
The nomination gave Van Buren and the Regency an
exceptional opportunity to cultivate friendly relations
with Clinton, and under orders, therefore, the Senate
promptly confirmed it by a practically unanimous vote.
A similar course was pursued when the Governor
appointed his friend James McKown to be Recorder
of Albany. Colonel McKown had been the foremost
78 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1826
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
speaker at that famous Albany indignation meeting
which protested against the removal of Clinton from
the Canal commission and had inspired the impassioned
denunciation of Van Buren and the Regency that had
been embodied in Alfred Conkling's resolutions. Yet
his nomination was confirmed by the vote of every
Regency Senator.
The official terms of the chief heads of departments
expired early in 1826, and under the new Constitution
their successors were to be elected by the Legislature.
John Van Ness Yates, the Secretary of State, nephew
of the former Governor Yates, had identified himself
strongly with the People's party and was a vigorous
supporter of President Adams's administration, on
which accounts the Regency determined to replace him
with some one else, while Governor Clinton and his
friends felt no interest in retaining him in office. His
place was accordingly given to Azariah C. Flagg, who
had been one of the leaders of the Regency in the
Legislature. Similarly Dr. Gamaliel H. Barstow was
relieved of the State Treasurership and succeeded by
Abraham Keyser, a staunch Regency man who had
been Treasurer for three months a year before, filling
the vacancy caused by the retirement of Benjamin
Knower. William L. Marcy was reflected Comptrol-
ler, Samuel A. Talcott Attorney-General, Alexander
M. Muir Commissary-General, and Simeon DeWitt
State Surveyor, all by practically unanimous votes.
They were without exception members of the Regency,
and had shown themselves upright and capable officials.
A sensational incident of the session developed on the
1926] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 79
first day, when Jasper Ward, a Senator from the First
district, addressed a communication to the Senate, with
a great show of indignation, on a matter of the high-
est personal privilege. He set forth that certain news-
papers in New York had accused him of corrupt prac-
tices in connection with the passage of acts incorporat-
ing two insurance companies, and demanded, for the
honor of the Senate and in justice to himself, that the
Senate make an official investigation of the matter.
A special committee was thereupon appointed which
in due time made an astounding report of bribery and
corruption, picturing Ward in a far worse light than
the newspapers had. Resolutions were forthwith in-
troduced declaring that Ward's acts had been "a viola-
tion of his duties as a Senator, affording a pernicious
and dangerous example tending to corrupt the public
morals and to impair the public confidence in the integ-
rity of the Legislature," and summarily expelling him
from the Senate. Before these could be passed, as they
doubtless would have been by an overwhelming vote,
Ward resigned his seat.
The Road Commissioners reported a route and plans
for a road through the southern part of the State, from
the Hudson River to Lake Erie. It was to be about
four hundred miles long, and macadamized would cost
$2,000 a mile. To this beneficent project, however,
resolute opposition arose, not on partisan so much as
on sectional or local grounds. Representatives of coun-
ties traversed by or adjacent to the Erie canal appeared
to be jealous of any other route of traffic, or apprehen-
sive lest the construction of the proposed road should
g0 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
militate against the prosperity of the great waterway.
At any rate they persistently refused to sanction the
highway scheme and ultimately secured, by the close
vote of SO to 48, its indefinite postponement. It was
an interesting sequel that, largely because of the fail-
ure to construct the State highway, the Erie Railroad
years afterward was built over substantially the same
route, to be an immeasurably more formidable rival of
the canal than the wagon-road could ever have been.
The Forty-ninth Legislature adjourned without day 5
on April 18, and political interest then turned to the
approaching campaign for the Governorship. Van
Buren had practically promised Clinton that if he
would cooperate with the Regency in various matters
of State politics his ambition for renomination and
reelection would not be opposed; and Clinton appar-
ently depended upon that promise and assumed that
there would be no contest for the Governorship. Dur-
ing the summer he and Van Buren frequently met and
were at least outwardly on the best of terms. They
were popularly regarded as having become political
allies. There had been no thought of making nomina-
tions by Legislative caucus as formerly, but all looked
to a choice by popular conventions.
A State convention of the supporters of Clinton's
administration was held at Utica on September 21,
with a large and representative attendance of delegates
from all parts of the State. DeWitt Clinton was unani-
mously renominated for Governor, but not one voice
was raised in favor of the Lieutenant-Governor, James
Tallmadge; and Henry Huntington, president of the
PHILIP HONE
Philip Hone, merchant; born in New York City, 1781;
founder of the Mercantile Library ; 'mayor of New York City,
1826-27; naval officer for New York City under President
Taylor; died in New York City, May 4, 1851.
1826] CLINTON THE CONQUEROR 81
Bank of Utica, a most estimable man, was named in
his stead.
The State convention of the Bucktails, or regular
Democratic party, under the direction of the Albany
Regency, was held at Herkimer on October 4, with a
similarly large and representative attendance. The
Regency was mindful of its understanding with Clin-
ton, but found itself practically compelled to nominate
a candidate in opposition to him. That was for two
reasons. One was that there had arisen in the party,
among those not privy to the agreement with Clinton,
so strong a demand for such a nomination that to deny
it would imperil the integrity of the party. The other
was that the Regency deemed it essential for control
of the Legislature that there should be a Lieutenant-
Governor of its own choosing, and of course it could
not nominate a man for that office without also nomi-
nating one for the Governorship. To nominate Clin-
ton would have caused a revolt in the party. There-
fore it was necessary to run some one in opposition to
Clinton.
Such was Regency logic, which we may assume to
have been sincere. Indeed, its sincerity was appar-
ently attested by the manner in which the Herkimer
convention acted. It nominated for the Governorship
William B. Rochester. He was a man of respectable
but not noteworthy ability, little known throughout the
State save in the western part, whither his family had
removed from Maryland. He had served one term in
the Assembly, one as a Representative in Congress,
and two years as a Circuit Judge. A warm friend of
82 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Henry Clay and a strong supporter of the Adams
administration, he had been appointed one of the United
States envoys to that famous Panama Congress which
the United States Congress, under pro-slavery influ-
ence, treated so shabbily. From these facts it is obvi-
ous that he was not at all persona grata to Van Buren
or the Regency, since Van Buren, as United States
Senator, was one of the foremost adversaries of the
Adams administration and the leader of the opposi-
tion to sending any envoys to the Panama Congress.
There can be little doubt that Van Buren would
greatly have preferred the reelection of Clinton to the
election of Rochester and that he had the Regency put
Rochester in nomination with the expectation and the
intention that he should be defeated. But it was also his
purpose to secure the election of a Lieutenant-Governor
after his own heart. For that office, accordingly, the
Herkimer convention nominated Nathaniel Pitcher,
who was in all respects satisfactory to the Regency.
In the ensuing campaign Judge Rochester developed
more popular strength than the Regency had expected.
But there was a widespread division of tickets. Thou-
sands of men voted for Clinton and Pitcher, while other
thousands voted for Rochester and Huntington. The
result was what the Regency had anticipated and de-
sired. Clinton was reflected by a vote of 99,785 to
96,135 for Rochester. On the other hand, Pitcher was
elected Lieutenant-Governor over Huntington by a
larger majority — 4,188. In both houses of the Legis-
lature the Regency secured substantial majorities.
CHAPTER V
WILLIAM MORGAN, "AFTER ELECTION"
THE State campaign of 1826 was attended by a
sensational and tragic incident which, while
foreign to politics, doubtless had some — though
not a decisive — effect upon the electoral result, and
which for a number of years exercised a marked influ-
ence upon the politics of New York and the nation.
Among the residents of Batavia, New York, was one
William Morgan, a stonemason by trade, about fifty or
fifty-one years old. He was a native of Culpeper
county, Virginia, had served creditably in the battle of
New Orleans, and afterward had gone to Canada and
engaged in the brewing industry at Toronto, or York.
In 1821 he came to this State and settled in Rochester,
where he was employed at his trade. For a time he
lived and worked at Le Roy near Rochester, then at
Rochester again, and finally at Batavia. He had been
an active member of the Masonic order, but for some
reason had become alienated from it and had deter-
mined to disclose its secrets and make what he declared
would be damaging exposures of its principles and
practices. Being a man of good education and some
literary ability he wrote a small book on the subject, and
he entered into an agreement with David C. Miller, of
Batavia, a printer, to publish it.
83
84 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1826
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
This work was nearing completion and was naturally
the subject of much acrimonious controversy when, on
September 11, 1826, a number of citizens of Canan-
daigua came to Batavia and had Morgan arrested on a
petty criminal charge and taken to Canadaigua for a
hearing. There he was brought before a magistrate,
who promptly dismissed the case and discharged the
prisoner. Scarcely had he left the presence of the
magistrate before he was again arrested, this time for
a small debt which he seems actually to have owed,
and — in those days of imprisonment for debt — was com-
mitted to the Canandaigua jail. The next day, Sep-
tember 12, at evening, the same men who had procured
his arrest returned, paid his debt, and had him re-
leased from the jail. But he was freed only to be laid
hold of and abducted by them. It was about nine
o'clock in the evening when he was seized, thrust into
a carriage, and hurried away in the direction of Roch-
ester. Instead of bringing him to that city, however,
his captors took him, with relays of horses, to Fort
Niagara at the mouth of the Niagara River. There
he was placed in the powder magazine, securely locked
up. "The rest is silence." He was never seen again,
and his fate was never learned. More than half a
century later Thurlow Weed, in his "Autobiography,"
declared that in 1831 one John Whitney had confessed
to him that he and four other men had taken Morgan
from the fort and drowned him in Lake Ontario on
September 14; but for obvious reasons, and without
in the least reflecting upon Mr. Weed's veracity, this
statement must be regarded with conservatism.
1826] WILLIAM MORGAN 85
The sensation caused by Morgan's disappearance was
tremendous. It had been known that he was about to
publish his book and that the Freemasons resented his
doing so and had striven to prevent him. Not un-
naturally the suspicion and the cry arose that he had
been abducted and murdered by members of their
order. Some went so far as to declare that his "re-
moval" had been ordered by the highest officers of
the fraternity in a desperate attempt to prevent a pub-
lication that would be disastrous to them. On the
other hand many Masons declared that Morgan had
been hidden by his own friends, or had himself gone
into hiding, in order to cast suspicion and reproach
upon the Masons.
A public mass-meeting was held at Batavia and a
committee was appointed to investigate the case and
to detect, if possible, the persons who had done away
with Morgan. The committee did not find the cul-
prits, but it did report evidence of what it believed to
be an elaborate conspiracy, in which many men were
concerned and the motives of which were determined
and important. Other meetings were held in other
places, and in a short time the whole State was con-
vulsed with agitation over the affair.
There was not time before the November election
to carry the matter very far into politics, though an
attempt was made to do so and undoubtedly some effect
was produced. Governor Clinton was at that time the
highest official in the Masonic order in the United
States, and there were those who did not scruple to
declare that he had ordered the murder of Morgan.
86 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H826
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Monstrous as was this libel, it obtained some credence
and was the cause of Clinton's losing many votes at
Batavia, Rochester, and elsewhere in that part of the
State. However, his competitor, Judge Rochester,
was also a Mason, and that prevented any very large
transfer of Clinton's supporters to his side. Shortly
before the election, excitement was raised to the high-
est pitch by the discovery of the body of a drowned
man in Lake Ontario. The identity of the deceased
was unknown, though it was perfectly certain that the
body was not that of Morgan, to whose description it
did not answer in any distinctive respect. The anti-
Masonic agitators, however, seized upon the discovery
with avidity. While admitting among themselves
that it was not Morgan who had been found, they
cynically declared that the corpse was "a good enough
Morgan — until after election," and accordingly in-
sisted that here was the corpus delicti, fixing the crime
of murder upon the Freemasons. So high did passion
run that some of the Masons retorted not only with
a denial that the body was Morgan's, or that any
Mason had been privy to Morgan's disappearance,
but also with the charge that the body was that of some-
one whom the anti-Masons had themselves murdered
for the sake of procuring a corpse with which to make
a showing against the order. Never in the history
of the State were factional emotions more intense or
more fantastic in their manifestations. The contro-
versy over Morgan and the Freemasons not only per-
vaded politics but was taken up in the churches, in
society, and in family life. The whole being of the
1827] WILLIAM MORGAN 87
State was convulsed, and though there were those who
intended and expected that the disputation would last
only "until after election" it did in fact last much
longer than that and extended far beyond the limits of
New York.
It was in the midst of the excitement and agitation
caused by the Morgan affair that the election was held
which returned Clinton to the Governorship, though
by a much reduced majority. The Fiftieth Legisla-
ture met at Albany on January 2, 1827, with the Re-
gency in full control. Lieutenant-Governor Pitcher,
a Regency man, presided over the Senate. The As-
sembly elected Erastus Root to be Speaker, and con-
tinued Edward Livingston in his place as Clerk. Mr.
Root received 74 votes to 33 for Francis Granger, of
Ontario county, of whom we shall hear more. There
was much dissension in the party caucus before Mr.
Root was selected, the influence of the canal counties
being used against him. On assuming the Speaker-
ship he made an extraordinary speech reflecting by
intimation upon his predecessor, Samuel Young, for
having referred the State Road project to a committee
which he knew was hostile to it. "I am not willing,"
said Mr. Root, "to put a child to nurse to be strangled."
He also declared that as he had been elected to the
Assembly by a party, and by that same party had been
made Speaker, in appointing any committee on a ques-
tion which might involve party considerations he would
select a majority of its members from his own party.
This did not mean, however, that as presiding officer
he would not be impartial between the parties.
88 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1827
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor Clinton in his message called attention to
the boundary dispute with New Jersey, with the re-
sult that the Legislature provided for the appointment
of a commission to undertake a settlement. He also
devoted much attention to the canals and to the ques-
tion of State roads. In order to check reckless and un-
sound banking he recommended the placing of a strict
limitation upon issues of banknotes. The need of re-
vising the criminal code of the State was also urged.
On March 17 the Governor addressed a special mes-
sage to the Assembly on the subject of the Morgan
outrage, which that body was investigating. He gave
the Assembly all the information he had on the sub-
ject, and recommended the enactment of a bill offer-
ing $5,000 reward for the discovery of Morgan living
or for the conviction of his murderers, and the appoint-
ment of a committee of two Senators and three As-
semblymen to investigate the case and report on it.
No such action was taken, but the Governor himself
offered a reward. The Legislature authorized the
employment of expert lawyers to investigate the
case. Two Judges of the Supreme Court were desig-
nated to hold special terms of court for the trial of
any persons who might be accused of the crime, and
a number of men were thus convicted and punished
for participation in what had obviously been an exten-
sive conspiracy.
The Legislature reflected Martin Van Buren to the
United States Senate, and on April 17 adjourned to
the second Tuesday in September. From June 27
to July 24 there was a special session of the Senate,
1827] WILLIAM MORGAN 89
confined to executive business. On September 11 the
whole Legislature reassembled and received a mes-
sage from the Governor conveying a communication
from John Jacob Astor relating to his claims for lands
in Putnam and Dutchess counties which the State had
confiscated. This and other matters engaged the atten-
tion of the Legislature until December 4, when it
adjourned without day.
Meantime the Morgan controversy was violently in-
jected into local and State politics. In the spring of
1827 in parts of Genesee and Monroe counties all Free-
masons were excluded from the local tickets for
Supervisors and Justices of the Peace. In vain did
party leaders strive to check the movement. It spread
rapidly in all directions. Rochester was its center,
where in the fall of 1827 an Anti-Masonic convention
was held. A legislative ticket was nominated which
swept the county by an overwhelming majority. The
next year, 1828, with both a Governor of New York and
a President of the United States to be elected, the
Anti-Masonic agitation was carried into both State
and national politics, the Anti-Masonic faction allying
itself with the supporters of President Adams and seek-
ing his reelection upon the argument that he was not
a Mason. On the other hand the Masons largely went
over to Jackson, who was a Freemason of high stand-
ing in the order.
The Anti-Masonic movement extended into half the
States of the Union, and from it was evolved a regularly
organized political party in New York, Massachusetts,
Connecticut, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. It
90 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1828-32
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
had comparatively little influence in national politics
in the election of 1828, excepting in New York, where
it was the dominant issue of the campaign. The fol-
lowers of Clinton were much divided by it, those who
were Masons voting for Jackson, whom Clinton him-
self energetically supported, while those who were not
Masons voted for Adams. As the result the Electoral
votes of the State were divided, twenty being cast for
Jackson and sixteen for Adams.
This achievement so encouraged the Anti-Masons
that — to anticipate and slightly diverge from the narra-
tive of New York history — in the summer of 1830 they
perfected their organization in New York as a politi-
cal party, which about as distinctively and emphatically
opposed President Jackson as Freemasonry. In Sep-
tember of that year a call was issued by the New York
leaders for a national convention of Anti-Masons,
which was held in Philadelphia with representatives
present from ten States and one Territory. A national
organization was formed, with somewhat more busi-
ness-like rules and regulations than down to that time
had been adopted by any other political party, and it
was agreed to hold another national convention at
Baltimore on September 26, 1831, for the nomination
of Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates to be
voted for in 1832. It was ordered that each State
should send to the nominating convention a number
of delegates equal to the number of its Senators and
Representatives in Congress. In pursuance of this
rule, 112 delegates representing thirteen States met and
nominated for the Presidency the distinguished jurist
1832] WILLIAM MORGAN 91
and publicist William Wirt, of Maryland, who had
been for many years Attorney-General of the United
States and before that was one of the foremost advo-
cates in the prosecution of Aaron Burr for treason.
Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for
Vice-President. Mr. Wirt was a Mason, and in his
speech to the convention reluctantly accepting the
nomination he eloquently defended that order from
many of the aspersions that had been cast upon it,
and made it clear that so far as he was concerned the
campaign was to be conducted against Jackson more ,
than against Freemasonry. In fact, he practically
allied himself with Henry Clay, who was the chief
candidate against Jackson in 1832, and would have
withdrawn in Clay's favor if it had been possible for
him to do so. As it was, Wirt, or the Anti-Masonic
party, won in 1832 only the seven Electoral votes of
Vermont and probably did not exercise any material
influence upon the result of the polling in any other
State.
The Anti-Masonic State convention of New York
met at Utica on June 21 and nominated a ticket of Pres-
idential Electors without committing them to any can-
didate. Their votes should naturally have been given
for William Wirt as the national candidate of their
party. But there was recognized to be little hope of his
election, while there did seem to be a fair chance of
Henry Clay's success as the candidate of the National
Republicans; and Clay was greatly preferred to Jack-
son by most of the Anti-Masons. The understanding
was, therefore, that should the New York Electors of
92 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1832
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the Anti-Masons be chosen by the people they would
cast their votes for Clay if by that means he could secure
the Presidency, but otherwise for Wirt. The National
Republicans held a State convention at Utica on July 26
and adopted resolutions favoring Clay for the Presi-
dency. They did not, however, nominate Electors, but
recommended the support of those put forward by the
Anti-Masons — on the basis, of course, of the under-
standing already mentioned. Had the district system of
choosing Electors prevailed, a part of this ticket doubt-
less would have been elected and the vote of New York
would have been divided between Jackson and either
Clay or Wirt. But the Electors were now chosen, by
virtue of the law of 1829, on a general State ticket, and
thus all the Jackson Electors were successful and those
named by the Anti-Masons never had occasion to de-
termine whether to vote for Wirt or Clay. The popular
vote for them is, however, regarded as having been cast
for Clay, and the result of the polling is therefore
stated as 168,497 for Jackson and 154,896 for Clay.
Thereafter the Anti-Masonic party gradually dis-
appeared, chiefly merging into the National Republi-
can party, and the combination presently becoming
known as the Whig party. In Pennsylvania the sepa-
rate Anti-Masonic organization was maintained longer
than elsewhere, and as late as 1835 succeeded in elect-
ing its candidate for Governor of the State. Its last
significant appearance was at Harrisburg, Pennsyl-
vania, on December 16, 1835, when in a State conven-
tion it nominated William Henry Harrison, of Ohio,
for President, to be voted for at the next year's election.
1827] WILLIAM MORGAN 93
Harrison was also taken up by the Whigs and was their
defeated candidate in 1836 and their successful candi-
date in 1840. It will be recalled that Daniel Webster
was an aspirant to the Presidency in 1836, that he was
much concerned over the Anti-Masonic movement, and
that he gave all his influence for complete union
between the Anti-Masons and Whigs. He declared
himself to be opposed to Free-masonry and to all
organizations whose members were bound by secret
oaths to "extraordinary obligations," and testified that
he had always found the Anti-Masons of Pennsylvania
to be "true to the Constitution, to the Union, and to the
great interests of the country."
Thus the Anti-Masonic party ran its course and
passed away, with just one important and lasting
achievement to its credit. It initiated the national
convention nominating system on the basis of makingthe
representations of the various States in national con-
ventions identical with or proportionate to their rep-
resentations in the two houses of Congress.
To return now to the more direct and exclusive his-
tory of New York. At this time it was the foremost
State of the Union in the three great respects of agri-
culture, industries, and commerce, and was therefore
naturally much interested in the "American system"
advocated by Henry Clay, and particularly in the pro-
posal of a protective tariff. In 1827 conventions were
held in many of the States for the purpose of urging
the protective doctrine upon Congress, culminating in a
national convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on
July 30, A fortnight before the latter date a convention
94 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1827
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
met at Albany, consisting of delegates from many of the
counties of New York, among whom were such men as
Ambrose Spencer, Samuel Young, Peter Sharpe, and
Jacob R. Van Rensselaer. At this convention resolu-
tions were adopted to the effect that the laws of Con-
gress had from the first assumed that taxes for revenue
were to be so levied as most to encourage or least im-
pede domestic industry and commerce; that this prin-
ciple ought to be more widely and fully extended and
applied; and that the prosperity of the country was
conditioned upon legislative protection against the
"exclusions, monopolies, regulations, and bounties of
other nations." It was added that as the great agri-
cultural products of the southern States — cotton, to-
bacco, and rice — enjoyed free entrance to the ports of
Europe without competition, while both competition
and prohibitory laws tended to exclude from European
markets the chief products of the northern, middle,
and western States, it must be deemed unkind on the
part of the south to oppose the passage of laws calcu-
lated to protect northern products, to create a home
market for them, and thus to promote the national
wealth and prosperity. Supporters of both Adams and
Jackson in national politics attended this Albany con-
vention and voted for the resolutions.
Although the election of a President of the United
States would not occur until November, 1828. the
campaign began in the summer of 1827. On Septem-
ber 26 of that year the Democrats of New York City
held a convention in Tammany Hall at which were
adopted resolutions strongly commending the candi-
1828] WILLIAM MORGAN 95
dacy of General Andrew Jackson and urging that at
primary elections for the party organization and con-
ventions only men favorable to his candidacy should
be chosen. The Albany Argus, which had become the
State organ of the party, presently took the same
ground, and its example was followed by the Demo-
cratic press of the State generally. Of course Van
Buren and the Albany Regency exerted the power of
the party "machine" to the same end. The result was
that in the November elections the friends and sup-
porters of Jackson swept the State. They carried
nearly all the Senate districts and secured a large
majority in the Assembly.
The Fifty-first Legislature thus chosen assembled
at Albany on January 1, 1828. The Senate, presided
over by Lieutenant-Governor Pitcher, reelected its
Clerk and other officers. The Assembly reelected
Erastus Root as Speaker but replaced Edward Living-
ston as Clerk with Francis Seger, who had formerly
been Deputy Clerk, this being done in accordance
with a personal understanding between the two men.
A few days later General Pitcher was taken ill, with
a prospect of being for some time unable to attend to
his duties, and in consequence Peter R. Livingston was
elected President pro tempore of the Senate.
Governor Clinton's message referred to the deplor-
able manifestations of partisan, factional, and personal
passion that had marred the political life of the nation.
These untoward conditions were due, he believed, to
the unsatisfactory method of choosing a President and
to the reelection of Presidents to second terms, and he
96 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
urged that New York lend its influence in the direc-
tion of a uniform and improved system of Presidential
election and the confining of each President to a single
term. He paid much attention to the canals and other
actual or proposed public works, and to the discovery
and use of anthracite coal, and recommended the en-
couragement of flax and hemp growing and tobacco
culture. A particularly vigorous passage advised leg-
islation for the punishment and suppression of the
"disgraceful evil and high-handed offense" of duelling,
in consequence of which the Legislature presently en-
acted a stringent law on the subject. Much attention
was also given to the matter of public instruction.
The reaction! of the Legislature to the protective
tariff movement of the preceding year was promptly
manifested by the introduction and unanimous pass-
age by both houses of resolutions urging the Senators
and Representatives of New York in Congress to make
every proper effort to effect such a revision of the
tariff as would afford sufficient protection to the
growers of wool, hemp, and flax, and the manufacturers
of iron, woolens, and every other article.
Then DeWitt Clinton died. The end of the great
man came with startling suddenness. True, his health
had been somewhat unsatisfactory for several months,
but he had attended to all his public duties as usual and
nobody had imagined his condition to be at all serious.
On February 11, 1828, he was at his desk in the Gov-
ernor's room of the State Capitol and sent in to the
Legislature a special message referring to the need of
judicial reform in the Court of Common Pleas in New
NATHANIEL PITCHER
[Several substitutes, but no authentic portrait in existence]
Nathaniel Pitcher, 10th governor (1828) ; born in Litch-
field, Conn., 1777; early moved to Sandy Hill, Washington
county, N. Y. ; member of assembly, 1806, 1814-1815 and 1816-
1817; delegate to constitutional convention, 1821; member of
congress, 1819-1822, 1831-1833; elected lieutenant governor in
1826; became acting governor on the death of Dewitt Clinton,
February 11, 1828 and served until December 31, 1828; died
at Sandy Hill, May 25, 1836.
1828] WILLIAM MORGAN 97
York City. In the afternoon he returned to his home,
sat in his library, wrote the day's entry in his diary,
opened and read a few letters, and then, while convers-
ing with two of his sons who had entered the room,
bowed his head and ceased to breathe.
The nL_ ^cty the Legislature decreed a period of
mourning and ordered his funeral to be conducted at
the cost of the State. His salary for the remainder of
the year, with $10,000 added, was directed to be paid
for the benefit of his four minor children.
Thus passed into history one of the greatest men of
the State of New York — surely the greatest construct-
ive statesman who down to that time had occupied
the Governorship. Indeed, as the practical promoter
of beneficent public works he stands unsurpassed in
the annals of America. Arbitrary and even arrogant
at times in manner, cold and brusque, feared rather
than loved, often rancorous in controversy, strangely
careless of his personal affairs, he did not escape severe
censure while living, and cannot after the lapse of many
years be held exempt from criticism. Yet three great
facts stand salient and impregnable. He created the
canal system of New York. In a time of sordid and
venal corruption he was honest. In an age when per-
sonal morals were too often tarnished with license he
remained ever faithful to his marriage vow. The ac-
complished historian, DeAlva Stanwood Alexander,
has bestowed upon him the epigram, as true as it is
deft, "He died poor and pure."
Clinton was succeeded in the duties of his office by
the Lieutenant-Governor, Nathaniel Pitcher. But
98 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Mr. Pitcher did not become or assume to become Gov-
ernor. He did not take the oath of office as Governor
or sign his name and style as such. In' the journal
of the State Senate he was called the Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor, and in that of the Assembly Acting-Governor.
That was in accordance with the example set by John
Tayler in 1817 — by curious coincidence immediately
preceding DeWitt Clinton's first term, as Mr. Pitcher
followed his last. Mr. Tayler acted under the old
Constitution, but Mr. Pitcher acted under the new one,
which provided that in case of the death of the Gov-
ernor the powers and duties of the office should de-
volve upon the Lieutenant-Governor for the residue
of the term. That of course did not mean that he
should become Governor, but that he should remain
Lieutenant-Governor and serve as Acting-Governor.
It will occur to mind that the similar provision of the
Constitution of the United States should have been
interpreted and acted upon in the same way, as there
is no doubt that it was meant to be, and that the five
Vice-Presidents who have succeeded to the Presidency
on the deaths of so many Presidents should really not
have become President at all but should have remained
Vice-President and served as Acting-President.
Nathaniel Pitcher was a man of limited education
but great intelligence, sound judgment, and strict integ-
rity. He had served in the Legislature and as a
Representative in Congress. He had been intensely
anti-Clintonian in politics, but had maintained friendly
personal relations with the late Governor and had
through association with him learned to respect him
1828] WILLIAM MORGAN 99
even when he did not agree with his policies. He had
no special political ambition of his own to serve, and
was quite content to conduct the remainder of the
administration on very much the same lines that Clin-
ton had laid down. One of his first acts was to rec-
ommend that a bill be enacted for providing a special
public prosecutor to deal with the Morgan case, which
was done.
In response to the suggestion contained in Clinton's
last message, for the relief of the Court of Common
Pleas of New York City, the Legislature provided for
the creation of a new tribunal for that city to be known
as the Superior Court of Common Pleas, a title which
was popularly abbreviated to "Superior Court," and
to consist of three Judges. Samuel Jones was made
its Chief-Justice, and he accordingly resigned the
Chancellorship of the State, from which position he
would in any event soon have been retired for age.
Josiah O. Hoffman, who had been Attorney-General
of the State, and Thomas J. Oakley, then a Representa-
tive in Congress, were appointed Associate-Judges.
The Chancellorship, vacated by Mr. Jones, was offered
to Chief-Justice Savage, of the Supreme Court, who
declined it; and it was then offered to and accepted by
Reuben H. Walworth, a Judge of the Circuit Court.
Before adjournment three Legislative caucuses were
held. One, held by the members favoring the Presi-
dential candidacy of Jackson, formally declared him
to be its choice, and another, held by the same element,
called a State convention to meet on the fourth Wed-
nesday of September at Herkimer for the purpose of
100 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ^828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
nominating candidates for Governor and Lieutenant-
Governor. The Adams party in the Legislature also
held a caucus, on the very day of adjournment which
declared in favor of Adams for President and un-
sparingly denounced the candidacy of Jackson. The
Legislature adjourned on April 21, to reassemble Sep-
tember 9. The second session was devoted chiefly to
revision of the laws of the State, and on December
10 it adjourned without day.
CHAPTER VI
VAN BUREN AND THROOP
THE political campaign of 1828, like many others
in the history of New York, was marked with
double interest. It involved the election of both
a Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of the State and
a President and Vice-President of the United States.
Moreover, the political relations between the Demo-
cratic leader of the State and the Democratic candi-
date for the Presidency were peculiarly close, so that
it was commonly understood that if Jackson were
elected President Van Buren would be called' into
his cabinet as Secretary of State. But Van Buren also
purposed to run for the Governorship of New York.
If, then, he was elected Governor and was summoned
to the cabinet, he would have to resign after a few
weeks of his term and let his administration be com-
pleted by the Lieutenant-Governor. For that reason
he and his followers took special care in selecting a
candidate for the latter office, expecting that its incum-
bent would for most of the term be Acting-Governor
of the State. Van Buren's plan was obviously to make
the office of Secretary of State a stepping-stone to the
Presidency, as it had been before — in the cases of
Madison5 Monroe, and John Quincy Adams.
The followers of Adams were first in the field with
101
102 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
their nominating convention. Adopting the name of
National Republicans they assembled at Utica on July
22, after a preliminary gathering at Albany on June
10 which made no nominations but issued a note-
worthy address to the people of the State, written by
Gerrit Smith. The delegates from the western part
of the State were in favor of Francis Granger for
Governor — a brilliant and personally attractive young
man, son of President Jefferson's Postmaster-General,
who had for two years been a leading member of the
Assembly. Although he had not posed as an Anti-
MasOn he was known to be most favorably regarded
by that party, and it was largely for that reason that
the western delegates urged his nomination. The
delegates from the eastern counties, however, wanted
Smith Thompson, an Associate-Justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States and a man of far greater
experience in public life than Mr. Granger, but not
so acceptable, if indeed he was not positively unaccep-
table, to the Anti-Masons. There was a keen, close
contest in the convention, which ended in the nomina-
tion of Thompson for Governor and Granger for
Lieutenant-Governor.
This attempt to please both the friends and foes of
Freemasonry was not altogether successful. The Anti-
Masons declined to accept the National Republican
ticket and forthwith held a convention of their own,
at which they nominated Francis Granger for Gov-
ernor and "Honest John" Crary for Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor. Mr. Crary was and had for several years been
a Senator from Washington county, and had formerly
1828] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 103
been an Assemblyman. He was a strong supporter of
Adams for the Presidency. Mr. Granger promptly
declined the Anti- Masonic nomination for Governor,
preferring that of the National Republicans for the
second place on the ticket, and strong pleas were made
to Mr. Crary to decline on the ground that if an Anti-
Masonic ticket were run, and the Adams or anti-Jack-
son vote were thus divided, the success of Van Buren
and the Regency ticket would be practically assured.
Mr. Crary had seemed to be impressed by this argu-
ment and had promised that he would decline if Mr.
Granger would do the same, stipulating, however, that
Mr. Granger, as the head of the ticket, should do so
first. Mr. Granger did decline, but Mr. Crary did
not. Regardless of his promise and of his professed
support of Adams, he clung to the place, a course to
which he was believed to have been impelled by Van
Buren. Then Solomon Southwick was again brought
out of the obscurity into which he had fallen, to take
Mr. Granger's place as the Anti-Masonic candidate for
Governor. After that Mr. Crary was no longer known
as "Honest John."
On the Jacksonian side there was no dispute and
no uncertainty as to the candidate for Governor. It
was settled in advance that Van Buren was the man,
and the convention in September had nothing to do
but record that fact. This decision was for two rea-
sons. One was that Van Buren's personal control of
State politics through the Regency was so complete
as to assure the doing of anything he desired. The
other was that the whole Jacksonian party, from Jack-
104 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
son down, regarded it as necessary if Jackson was to
be elected. It was thought, through some strange mis-
conception, that the Presidential contest would be close,
that its result would depend upon New York, and that
Van Buren's candidacy for Governor was essential for
carrying the State for Jackson. The result showed
this to have been an error. Jackson would have been
handsomely elected had the entire vote of New York
been cast against him, as he had a clear majority of 95
votes in the Electoral College. But during the cam-
paign it was believed that his fate lay in the hands of
Van Buren.
We may justly reckon Van Buren to have been at
this time at the zenith of his career. It is true he
rose to higher place. He became Secretary of State
under Jackson, and succeeded Jackson as President
of the United States for four years. But he did
nothing in either of those offices to enhance the repu-
tation and popularity that he had already gained as
United States Senator and as the chief leader — in
modern parlance, the "Boss" — of the Democratic party
in the State of New York. Despite the discredit that
fell upon him and the severe criticism that he incurred,
Van Buren must be reckoned to have been not only a
man of much personal charm and an exceptionally
adroit and resourceful political manager, but also a
statesman of no mean rank even as a contemporary of
Adams and Clay and Webster and Marcy and Wright.
He had for seven years been a conspicuous figure in the
Senate of the United States, exerting a measurable
influence upon every transaction of importance in
1828] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 105
which that body had engaged. He was a national
figure of the first magnitude.
To turn for a moment from politics to personalities
and social aspects, it is of interest to recall a descrip-
tion of Van Buren as he appeared on ceremonious
occasions; for example, at church on a Sunday morn-
ing in Rochester, when he was visiting that city dur-
ing this campaign. It was the late Henry B. Stanton
who observed him and who pictured him in his "Ran-
dom Recollections." His coat was of snuff-colored
broadcloth with a velvet collar, his waistcoat was pearl-
colored, and his breeches were of white duck. His
silken hose were of the same hue as his waistcoat.
His cravat was orange, with lace ends, and his gloves
matched it in color. His shoes were of morocco
leather, and his high-furred beaver hat was of Quaker
drab. To this we may add that his complexion was
a brilliant blond, and his manner that of a Beau Brum-
mel. Of course, a hundred years ago such attire was
as conventional as it would now seem fantastic.
But if Van Buren was "first, and there was no
second" in the contest for the Governorship, there
was much concern over the choice for the second place
on the ticket. Van Buren himself undertook to make
the selection, mindful of the need of finding some one
who would add all possible strength to the ticket, par-
ticularly in the western part of the State where the
Anti-Masonic movement was to be reckoned with, and
also of securing a candidate who would make an Act-
ing-Governor acceptable to the Regency. It was on
the quest for such a candidate that he visited Roches-
106 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ter and other places in the western counties. There
he was the guest of his friend Enos T. Throop, who
had a home on the shore of Lake Owasco, and to whom
he looked as probably the best candidate for the Lieu-
tenant-Governorship. Mr. Throop had served in
Congress, and had been a close friend and supporter
of Governor Tompkins. Under the new Constitution
he had been made Circuit Judge of the Seventh cir-
cuit, and in that capacity had presided, in January,
1827, over the trial of several persons charged with
complicity in the Morgan outrage. They were all
convicted of having conspired to kidnap that unfortu-
nate man, all but one in fact pleading guilty. Judge
Throop was not a Mason, nor was he an Anti-Mason,
but was credited by both sides with entire impartiality
—a circumstance which invested with all the more
force his severe and impressive words in imposing sen-
tence upon the criminals. "Your conduct," he said,
"has created in the people of this section of the coun-
try a strong feeling of virtuous indignation. The court
rejoices to witness it, to be made certain that a citizen's
person cannot be invaded by lawless violence without
its being felt by every individual in the community.
It is a blessed spirit, and we do hope that it will not
subside, that it will be accompanied by a ceaseless vigi-
lance and untiring activity until every actor in the
profligate conspiracy is hunted from his hiding-place
and brought before the tribunals of his country to
receive the punishment merited by his crime."
This utterance greatly commended Judge Throop
to all save the most extreme Anti-Masons, and caused
1828] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 107
Van Buren during his visit to enter into an understand-
ing with him agreeably to which the Judge was to
accept the nomination for Lieutenant-Governor with
the prospect that he would become Acting-Governor
and receive the support of the Regency for election to a
second term. This selection by Van Buren was, how-
ever, by no means universally acceptable to his asso-
ciates. Nathaniel Pitcher had been a faithful follower
of the Regency and had made a satisfactory Acting-
Governor, and he not unnaturally thought that he was
entitled to a renomination. His friends thought so
too, and they numbered some men of importance in
the party councils. This fact gave Van Buren much
concern, for while he was mistaken in thinking that
New York was the pivotal State in the Presidential
contest he rightly anticipated a very close result in the
Governorship election. Any defection from the party
ranks would be disastrous, and even a prolonged and
acrimonious contest in the convention would be danger-
ous. There was no question of the unanimity with
which his own nomination would be made. What was
necessary was that the second place on the ticket should
be filled with equal unanimity.
Word to that effect was quietly sent out to every
political manager in the State. Persuasion, blandish-
ments, promises, threats, all were employed with mas-
terly skill and complete success. There was probably
not one single delegate to the State convention who
was not either selected by Van Buren himself or sub-
jected to his influence. The1 result was all that he
had desired. Not a single dissenting voice was raised
108 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1828
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
at Herkimer. Van Buren and Throop were both
nominated by unanimous acclamation, with at least a
show of limitless enthusiasm. Nathaniel Pitcher alone
was rebellious, and he was not in the convention. He
felt himself to be badly treated, and though he essayed
no public reprisals he from that day ceased to act with
the Democratic party. When in August, some weeks
before the convention, John Woodworth had because
of age resigned from the bench of the Supreme Court,
Mr. Pitcher had promptly acceded to the wishes of the
Regency by appointing William L. Marcy to the place.
But when a few days before the election Judge Throop
resigned his seat on the bench and Mr. Pitcher ap-
pointed Daniel Moseley in his place, the Senate refused
to act upon the nomination.
The popular campaign of 1828 was one of the most
discreditable in the history of the State. Party and
personal passions both ran high, to a pitch seldom
equalled. Grossly unscrupulous and untruthful at-
tacks were made upon both the Presidential candidates,
who greatly overshadowed the candidates for Governor
in interest. On the one side Van Buren and his friends
strove to resurrect the skeletons of Federalism, the Alien
and Sedition acts, and other objectionable features of
John Adams's administration of thirty years before,
and to saddle the odium of them upon John Quincy
Adams. On the other hand the Adams campaigners
personally reviled and misrepresented Jackson, and
even made vile insinuations against the chastity of his
wife — in which latter course they overreached them-
selves and caused a reaction in Jackson's favor. Van
1828] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 109
Buren had the immense advantage of the aid of several
men of exceptional ability and discretion, some of
them, indeed, decidedly superior in gifts to himself,
though he was always undisputedly their leader. Such
were William L. Marcy, Benjamin F. Butler, Samuel
A. Talcott, Edwin Croswell, and Benjamin Knower.
On the other side there was a sad lack of leadership
save for the stalwart figure of young Thurlow Weed.
Had Weed's counsel prevailed Van Buren and the
Regency would have gone down in disaster, perhaps
never to rise again. But on some vital questions he
was overruled, and the result was ruin.
The decisive factor in the campaign was the Anti-
Masonic third ticket. If Weed's advice had been ac-
cepted and a ticket nominated that would have united
all the Anti-Masons with the National Republicans,
the combination would doubtless have been successful.
But the nomination of Justice Thompson, admirable
man though he was, lost the support of some, and the
devious intrigues of Van Buren increased the dissatis-
faction and encouraged the egregious Solomon South-
wick to enter upon his fantastic candidacy with the
result of drawing enough votes from the National Re-
publicans to defeat Thompson and elect Van Buren,
and to give Jackson a majority of the Electoral
votes of the State. Van Buren received 136,794
votes, Thompson 106,444, and Southwick 33,345, Had
Southwick's votes been cast for Thompson the latter
would have had 139,789, or a majority of 3,000 over
Van Buren. The Presidential Electors, being chosen
by districts and not on a general ticket, were divided,
110 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ^829
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Jackson securing 18 and Adams 16. Two additional
Electors were to be chosen by the Electoral College,
and of course these were favorable to Jackson, giving
him 20. The vote for Lieutenant-Governor was sub-
stantially the same as that for Governor, so that if John
Crary had kept his promise and withdrawn, or rather
if there had been no Anti-Masonic candidate, Mr.
Granger would have been elected and Judge Throop
would have been defeated.
The Fifty-second Legislature met in Albany on
January 6, 1829. It was under the Regency's control
by a safe majority, though its average of ability was
probably not as high as that of its predecessor. Erastus
Root and other men of first-class ability had not been
candidates for reelection, and few men of command-
ing talent appeared. The most important acquisition
was Millard Fillmore, who was elected to the Assembly
from Erie county. It is interesting to recall, as indic-
ative of the changes in distribution of population of
the State, that in this Legislature the county of Albany
had three Assemblymen, which is all it now has in
1921, while Kings had only one member instead of
the twenty-three that it now elects. Erie county had
only two, the same number as Cortland, while now
Erie has eight to Cortland's one. Madison and Mon-
roe had three each, while now they have one and five
respectively.
Peter Robinson, of Broome county, was elected
Speaker of the Assembly, and Mr. Seger was reflected
Clerk. Governor Van Buren's message was long and
elaborate and abounded in rhetoric, though it was by
1829] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 111
no means devoid of constructive statesmanship. There
was an affectation of humility and a pretense of per-
sonal unworthiness for so exalted an office which it
was quite certain Van Buren did not feel, and which
did not create a good impression even upon his own
party followers. Recommendation of the Chenango
canal enterprise was offered and was favorably acted
on by the Legislature, a circumstance which doubtless
explained the choice of Mr. Robinson as Speaker, that
canal being of special importance to Broome county.
One of the most important parts of the message re-
lated to the banking system. There were then forty
banks in the State, the charters of thirty-one of which
would expire in a few years. The question arose
whether the charters were to be renewed, and on what
terms ; or if not, what substitute should be made for the
banks. It was necessary to have banks, and it was not
well to depend entirely upon those chartered by the
national government. The idea of a State Bank, owned
and managed exclusively by the State as a part of the
government, he strongly disapproved, though one in
which the State would be merely a private stockholder
was to be more favorably regarded. He urged as
prompt a determination of the course to be pursued as
careful deliberation would permit, and recommended
for thoughtful consideration a scheme under which all
the banks of the State should be made responsible for
whatever losses might be sustained by the public
through the failure of any one of them. As a result
of his discussion of this subject the Legislature on April
2 enacted the so-called Safety Fund law. This re-
112 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U829
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
quired every bank to pay into the State treasury each
year a sum equal to one-half of one per cent, of its
paid-in capital stock, minus all stock held by the State,
until it had thus paid three per cent, on its capital
stock. These payments constituted an indemnity fund
to be used in discharging the indebtedness of insolvent
banks, excepting, of course, on their stock. A board of
three Bank Commissioners was also created, one of
whom was appointed by the Governor and two by the
banks. This change in the banking system may be
accounted the chief achievement of Van Buren during
his brief career as Governor, although the act in ques-
tion was not passed until some time after his retire-
ment.
Another important recommendation, which we may
assume to have been inspired through resentment at
the result of the voting for Presidential Electors, was
that a law be made requiring the election of Electors
by the State at large on a general ticket instead of by
districts. Under the district plan, as we have seen,
Jackson had secured only eighteen to Adams's sixteen,
while if election had been on a general ticket Jackson
would have got them all. The Legislature complied
with this suggestion and passed the required act on
April IS.
Still another recommendation was for some meas-
ures of reform in election methods. Too much money
was being spent, and there was reason to think that
some was being corruptly applied. He therefore sug-
gested the enactment of a law prohibiting under severe
penalty the expenditure of any money by individuals
ENOS THOMPSON THROOP
Enos Thompson Throop, 12th governor (1829-32; born in
Johnstown, Montgomery county, August 21, 1784; lawyer; clerk
of Cayuga county; member of congress, 1815-16; circuit judge
of New York, 1823-27; elected lieutenant governor, 1828;
became acting governor when Martin Van Buren became secre-
tary of state of the United States, March 12, 1829; elected
governor, 1830, serving 1831-32; naval officer of the port of
New York, 1833-38; United States minister to Naples, 1838-42:
died at Auburn, N. Y., November 1, 1874.
1829] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 113
for any purposes connected with elections, except the
single one of printing. He also regarded it as un-
fortunate to choose State and national officers at the
same election, since there was danger that interest in
the one result would overshadow that in the other,
and he recommended that the two sets of officers be
voted for at different times, as was then being done in
other States. The Legislature did not act upon these
suggestions.
The message contained Mr. Van Buren's resigna-
tion of the Senatorship, made necessary by his election
as Governor, and the Legislature thereupon elected
Charles E. Dudley to take his place. Mr. Dud-
ley was an amiable Albanian, wholly devoted to Van
Buren, who as a Senator was vox et praeterea nihil.
Then on March 12 the Governor sent in a special
message resigning the Governorship in order that he
might become President Jackson's Secretary of State.
He was thus Governor only seventy-one days. His
one general message must always rank as a state paper
of exceptional power and value despite its obvious
and grave blemishes. We have already referred to
its affectation of humility. On some important topics,
such as that of the canals, it was so non-committal as
to give the impression of either cowardice or duplicity.
In certain respects it was almost cynical, as for ex-
ample in the austere inveighment against the use of
money in elections and the recommendation of heavy
penalties for the practice; for he himself in the cam-
paign that resulted in his election had made a far more
flagrant use of money, for purposes which to say the
114 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1829
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
least were suspicious, than any of his predecessors.
There was a touch of the same insincerity, too, in the
recommendation for choice of Electors on a general
ticket, since he knew, as all knew, that that was an
old proposition which would have been put into effect
long before had it not been for the opposition of De
Witt Clinton. It was the message of a really able
statesman who was not able to rise in all respects above
the arts of a politician.
This session of the Legislature was notable for the
appointment of Greene C. Bronson as Attorney-Gen-
eral to succeed Samuel A. Talcott, and Silas Wright,
Jr., as Comptroller to succeed William L. Marcy, who
had been appointed to the bench. The former appoint-
ment was an admirable one in all respects, though its
occasion was so melancholy as to be tragic. There had
been few abler or more brilliant men in the public life
of New York than Mr. Talcott, and few with so high
a degree of personal charm. But his convivial habits
led him irredeemably into intemperance so habitual
as to render his resignation of office imperative. Mr.
Bronson worthily succeeded him as Attorney-General
and was a tower of strength to the Regency until he was
transferred to the bench, where he became successively
Associate-Justice and Chief-Justice of the Supreme
Court and Judge of the Court of Appeals.
The appointment of Mr. Wright was also the best
that could be made to fill the place of William L.
Marcy. A man of real genius, he had a hold upon
popular affection and confidence to which few of his
contemporaries approximated. He had been one of
1829] VAN BUREN AND THROOP 115
the State Senators who voted against letting the people
choose the Presidential Electors; but while nearly all
his colleagues in that discreditable performance were
retired to private life he was forgiven and was presently
sent to Congress, where he distinguished himself in
tariff legislation and gave evidence of the ability that
in later years was to command national admiration in
the United States Senate in its golden days.
It should be recalled that during his brief adminis-
tration Governor Van Buren renewed the appointment
of Daniel Moseley to the bench, which had been made
by Acting-Governor Pitcher and which the Senate had
contemptuously ignored, apparently to punish Mr.
Pitcher for resenting the refusal of Van Buren to per-
mit his renomination. On this occasion the appoint-
ment was at once approved. Then Van Buren made
the remarkable appointment of John C. Spencer to suc-
ceed Mr. Moseley as special prosecutor in the Morgan
case. Mr. Spencer was one of Van Buren's strongest
political opponents, and the State was left to wonder
whether for once Van Buren had risen above partisan
considerations to make an admirable appointment, or
whether he thus acted because the place was really most
undesirable since it was practically certain that its
holder, whatever he did, would incur the displeasure
and condemnation of either the Masons or the Anti-
Masons.
Enos T. Throop, Lieutenant-Governor, became Act-
ing-Governor by virtue of the resignation of Governor
Van Buren on March 12, 1829. He did not take the
oath of office as Governor, and was not known by that
116 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1829
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
title, but was described in the journal of the Senate as
as the Acting-Governor — thus following the examples
of Tayler and Pitcher. On taking leave of the Sen-
ate, over which he had presided for seventy-one days,
he made a somewhat elaborate speech. It was general,
if not vague, in tone, philosophizing upon abstract
principles rather than discussing issues of the day.
Charles E. Stebbins was elected President of the Senate.
The Legislature enacted a large number of bills, re-
newed the charters of many banks, chartered eleven
new ones, and finally, after the longest session ever
held to that time, adjourned on May 5 without day.
The State was bereaved in 1829 by the deaths of two
of its foremost citizens. John Jay, who more than any
other man was entitled to be regarded as the Father
of the State, died at his home at Bedford on May 17,
aged eighty-three; an appropriate memorial in his
honor was adopted by the Supreme Court. John V.
Henry, who had been appointed Comptroller of the
State by Governor Jay and had filled that office with
distinction for a number of years, died in October at
Albany, while on his way from the Supreme Court.
The fall elections of 1829 showed a decided waning
of the Anti-Masonic movement and a marked increase
in the strength of the Regency. No fewer than seven
of the eight Senatorial districts elected Regency can-
didates, some of them by very large majorities. The
one exception was the Eighth district, which had been
the immediate scene of the Morgan outrage.
CHAPTER VII
THE RISE OF NEW FORCES
THE Fifty-third Legislature met on January 5,
1830, and as the Lieutenant-Governor was
Acting-Governor of the State William M.Oliver,
of the Seventh district, was chosen President pro tern-
pore of the Senate. In the Assembly Erastus Root was
returned to his former place as Speaker. Among the
members from Monroe county came young Thurlow
Weed, who had served in the Forty-eighth Legislature.
This second term was to be his last, after which he was
to assume an immeasurably more influential position.
Millard Fillmore, who had sat in the preceding Legis-
lature, again came, from Erie county, for the second of
his three consecutive terms.
The message of the Acting-Governor was long,
elaborate,' and scholarly. It evidenced fthe judicial
training and experience of Mr. Throop, for the para-
mount theme was that of jurisprudence. The revised
criminal code was analyzed, discussed, and recom-
mended for further revision. This code prescribed
the death penalty for arson in the first degree, and life
imprisonment for seven or eight offenses, punishments
which Mr. Throop held to be too severe, and he recom-
mended that the death penalty be imposed for only
treason and murder, and that there be no sentences of
117
118 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1830
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
life imprisonment except in cases of second conviction.
Ten years, he believed, was a long enough sentence;
that period spent in a well-managed State prison,
he said, was "sufficient to subdue the moral, mental,
or physical faculties of the most obdurate man" ; refor-
mation of the criminal, and not mere vindictive inflic-
tion of suffering, was the supreme object to be sought.
Radical reformation of the county jails, especially for
the segregation of young prisoners from hardened
offenders, was urged. Nor were other reforma-
tory and charitable institutions neglected. Houses of
refuge, asylums for the insane, county poor-houses
and farms, and other establishments were discussed at
length in a fine spirit of enlightened humanity. In-
deed, it would be difficult to find among public docu-
ments of the State in equal compass a more thorough
and useful consideration of the charities and correc-
tions of the commonwealth. After a comparatively
uneventful session the Legislature adjourned on April
20 without day.
Meantime an event had occurred of vastly greater
significance to the State than any mere act of the Legis-
lature. The various factions opposed to the Demo-
cratic Regency, including both anti-Jackson Masons
and Anti-Masons, as well as National Republicans
and followers of Adams and Clay, had observed with
interest the immense power that was exerted by the
newspaper organ of the Regency, the Albany Argus,
under the powerful and brilliant editorship of Edwin
Croswell, and had come to the wise conclusion that
they must have an organ too to combat it and counter-
1830] THE RISE OF NEW FORCES 119
act its influence. Accordingly a company was formed,
capital was subscribed, and a newspaper was started.
March 22, 1830, was the date of the appearance of
the first number of the Albany Evening Journal, edited
by Thurlow Weed. It was regarded with scorn and
contempt by the Regency and its organ. But within
ten years it outranked in circulation all other political
newspapers in the United States, and for twenty years
Thurlow Weed was recognized as the most trenchant
and formidable of all political editorial writers. It is
interesting to recall that Weed and Croswell had been
schoolmates in their early boyhood. Schoolmates they
were, but not playmates or chums, for their stations in
life were then too far apart. Croswell was the child
of rich parents, who clad him handsomely and sup-
plied his every wish, while Weed was inured to poverty.
Kid boots and bare feet might tread the same play-
ground and the same floor, but they did not much go
together in comradeship.
About a score of years after parting at school the
two met again, at Albany, as rival politicians and jour-
nalists; met, clashed, and parted again for many more
years. It was very soon after the first appearance of
the Evening Journal that Croswell directed against it
in the Argus an acrimonious fling tinged with contemp-
tuous personality. Instantly Weed retorted in kind,
with a vigor and a pungency which made every news-
paper reader in Albany "sit up and take notice."
Thereafter personal intercourse and even business re-
lationships between the two men were impossible.
The only contact between them was that of flint and
120 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1830
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
steel. Nor need we wonder at it, for such was the
spirit of those times in American journalism. It was
almost precisely a year later that Philip Hone, at
home in New York City, made this entry in his Diary
concerning two of the most famous editors of the
metropolis :
"While I was shaving this morning at eight o'clock I witnessed
from the front window an encounter in the street nearly opposite
between William C. Bryant and William L. Stone, the former one
of the editors of the Evening Post and the latter editor of the Com-
mercial Advertiser. The former commenced the attack by striking
Stone over the head with a cowskin; after a few blows the men
closed, and the whip was wrested from Bryant and carried off by
Stone."
The spectacle of the author of "Thanatopsis" cow-
hiding the historian of "The Border Wars of the
American Revolution" in a New York thoroughfare
makes the verbal clash between Weed and Croswell
seem temperate indeed. The personal estrangement
endured until many years later, when Croswell was
ruined in purse and reputation by the collapse of the
Canal Bank of Albany and went as a suppliant to
Weed, who was all-powerful, to beg for mercy and
salvation from criminal indictment.
From the establishment of the Evening Journal and
Weed's assumption of leadership of the factions op-
posed to the Regency, we may date a new era in the
partisan politics of New York.
There was not time for Weed to organize victory
that year, but he did exert an influence upon the cam-
paign which was auspicious of coming triumph. It
was a year of flux and reorganization. As early as
1830] THE RISE OF NEW FORCES 121
mid-April an effort was made to establish a new Work-
ingmen's party. This had its origin in New York City.
It was a time of rapid growth of that community, and
numerous buildings for residences, business and public
offices, were in course of construction. The master-
builders had for some time been trying in vain to secure
the enactment of a law that would give them greater
security, in the form of liens upon both buildings and
land, and for the material and labor which they pro-
vided in building operations. For this demand there
seems to have been much cause. They also complained,
probably with less ground, that workingmen were not
sufficiently represented among the holders of public
offices. Accordingly on April 16 a mass-meeting con-
vention was held at Albany, at which Erastus Root
was nominated for Governor. A committee from the
meeting informed him of that action but did not secure
from him either acceptance or rejection of it. He pru-
dently wished to wait and see what further develop-
ments there would be in the campaign.
The Anti-Masons and the National Republicans
held conventions in August, and practically agreed to
fuse; and they nominated Francis Granger for Gover-
nor and Samuel Stevens, an Albany lawyer of high
standing and distinguished ancestry, for Lieutenant-
Governor. A little later, on September 8, the Regency
Democrats met in a stormy convention. Erastus Root
aspired to the Governorship, and his friends urged that
Mr. Throop should be satisfied with one term as Act-
ing-Governor and should stand aside in favor of a
more experienced and undoubtedly abler man. But
122 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1830
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Mr. Throop had no mind to stand aside, and the Re-
gency had no mind to let him be forced to do so. He
was invariably most loyal, not to say subservient, to
the Regency, and he was not to be exchanged for
Erastus Root, who was ready to kick over the party
traces on the slightest provocation. So the word was
sent forth to the faithful that Mr. Throop must be
nominated, and it was done, by a vote of 78 for Throop
to 40 for Root. Thereupon Silas Wright, who was
rapidly rising to supreme leadership, asked that the
nomination be declared unanimous. Over this there
was a great fight in the convention, ending ini the
adoption of Mr. Wright's motion in a modified form.
For Lieutenant-Governor Edward P. Livingston was
named with less controversy.
It was expected by many that this result would cause
Erastus Root to accept the Workingmen's nomination.
Had he done so the result of the election would prob-
ably have been different, for he would have commanded
a considerable vote largely drawn from supporters of
the Regency. There were many Freemasons who were
opposed to the Regency but who could not bring them-
selves to support Granger, the Anti-Masonic candidate,
and who would have been glad to vote for Mr. Root.
But Mr. Root still delayed to give any indication of
his purpose, until in October he received a nomination
for Representative in Congress. Thereupon he made
it known that he was not a candidate for the Gover-
norship on any ticket. The Workingmen then held
another convention, in New York, and nominated
Ezekiel Williams, of Cayuga county, for Governor.
1830] THE RISE OF NEW FORCES 123
The result of the election was surprising to both
sides. Mr. Throop carried the first five districts, sev-
eral of them by remarkably large majorities. There
can be little doubt that this was largely due to the
Masonic vote in the Hudson River counties. There
were thousands of Freemasons who were opposed to
President Jackson and to the Regency but who were
still more hostile to the secrecy and prescriptive spirit
of the Anti-Masons and who therefore voted for Throop
as the lesser of two evils. On the other hand, in the
other three districts Granger ran far ahead, carrying
the Eighth district by practically two to one. The com-
plete result was: Throop, 128,842; Granger, 120,361;
Williams, 2,332. Mr. Throop thus had a clear major-
ity over all.
Another result of this election, of greater signficance
to the State and the nation than the election of Mr.
Throop — though its significance was not yet recognized,
—was the election of William Henry Seward as a
State Senator from the Seventh district. He was
successful largely by Anti-Masonic votes. He had
thitherto been a Democrat, though not actively engaged
in politics, and he was so young as just to be eligible,
and no more, to the Senatorship.
Still another famous name appeared this year in New
York public life when, late in the summer, Nicholas
F. Beck, Adjutant-General of the State, died, and the
Acting-Governor appointed John A. Dix to succeed
him.
The Fifty-fourth Legislature met on January 4,
1831, with a strong Regency Democratic majority in
124 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL d83l
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
each house. General George R. Davis, of Rensselaer
county, was chosen Speaker of the Assembly. Mr.
Throop's message as Governor was long and statesman-
like. It was largely devoted to consideration of the
finances of the State and to canals and other public
works, though there was scarcely a phase of public
interests upon which it did not touch. The Governor
referred to the experiments with railroads that were
being made in England, between Liverpool and Man-
chester, and reported that they had resulted more fav-
orably than had been anticipated. Loaded cars were
being regularly drawn between those two cities at the
rate of eighteen miles an hour, while light cars had been
"moved with a rapidity which almost exceeds belief."
This latter statement was not exaggerated, seeing that
an engine and tender had been run at the rate of fifty-
eight miles an hour. The Governor reported that an
enterprising company was building a railroad between
Albany and Schenectady, which would probably be
completed during the year; and he added the predic-
tion that "railroads will no doubt in future times
be extensively distributed throughout the State." It
should be recalled that the Albany-Schenectady rail-
road was not the first in this country. The Baltimore
& Ohio had preceded it by more than a year, and ten
months before this message was delivered Philip Hone
had written of having traveled on it, in a car pro-
pelled by sails!
The Governor paid much attention to the public
schools, and to the penal and charitable institutions
which he had discussed the year before. He also
1831] THE RISE OF NEW FORCES 125
urged the abolition of imprisonment for debt, which
the Legislature effected in a bill passed on the last
day of the session. His attitude of hostility toward
the Chenango canal project was maintained and was
supported by the Democratic majority in the Senate.
That important enterprise had been undertaken, tenta-
tively, in 1827, and in 1828 Van Buren's supposed
friendship for it had been an influential factor in the
election. Van Buren, as hitherto noted, appeared to
favor the scheme in his message as Governor, and the
Legislature took action apparently looking to its pro-
motion. But it was presently reported by the Canal
Commissioners that its cost would be far too great for
the State to incur at that time, and accordingly Mr.
Throop, both as Acting-Governor and as Governor,
opposed it.
Not the least important act of the Legislature of
1831 was the election of a United States Senator to
succeed Nathan Sanford, whose term of office was
approaching its close. There was little hesitancy or
dispute over the choice, which was suggested by Van
Buren and unanimously acquiesced in by the Demo-
cratic majority of the Legislature. Indeed, there was
but slight opposition manifested in any quarter. For
it was William L. Marcy who had been selected, and
despite his intense partisanship as a member of the
Albany Regency, his great gifts and high character
had strongly commended him to the citizens of the
State regardless of party. He had been a singularly
competent State Comptroller and an upright and
worthy Justice of the Supreme Court, and was univer-
126 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
sally recognized as a fitting candidate for Senatorial
honors. The choice was, however, unfortunate, for
Mr. Marcy's brief service as Senator proved to be the
least creditable part of his career.
Samuel Nelson, then a Circuit Judge, was appointed
to fill Marcy's place on the Supreme bench, and the
Governor nominated John Tracy, of Chenango, to be
Circuit Judge in Mr. Nelson's place. This choice
was probably made in the hope of pleasing the people
of the Chenango valley and allaying their resentment
at the refusal to construct their canal; for Mr. Tracy
not only came from that region but had been put for-
ward by the friends of the canal scheme as their can-
didate for Lieutenant-Governor at the last State con-
vention. Indeed, the appointment was generally rec-
jgnized as an attempt to appease the canal people, and
because of that interpretation Mr. Tracy declined to
accept it. The Governor thereupon appointed Robert
Monell, of Chenango county, then a Representative in
Congress. Charles H. Ruggles was appointed Judge
of the Second circuit to succeed James Emott, who
had resigned.
During this session of the Legislature loud echoes of
President Jackson's opposition to the United States
Bank were heard at Albany. It was at the beginning
of February that Thomas H. Benton proposed in the
Senate of the United States a joint resolution to the
effect that the Bank charter ought not to be renewed,
thus following the policy suggested by the President in
his preceding message. The resolution was vigorously
fought and defeated, Daniel Webster leading the oppo-
1831] THE RISE OF NEW FORCES 127
sition, but the controversy was continued and was
carried from Washington to various State capitals.
Special interest was felt in New York because of the
number and magnitude of the banks of this State. It
was assumed that if the United States Bank went out
of existence through refusal to renew its charter, the
vast deposits of government money would be trans-
ferred to the various State banks, chiefly to those of
New York, and the circulation of United States bank-
notes, which was enormously profitable, would also
be transferred. On this account New York bankers
and owners of bank stock, though largely opposed to
President Jackson politically, approved his hostility to
the Bank.
The matter was brought into the Legislature early
in March in the form of a concurrent resolution prac-
tically reviving and repeating that which Senator Ben-
ton had failed to have adopted at Washington. Shortly
before adjournment it was debated with great anima-
tion and force and was adopted by the Assembly by
the vote of 73 to 33. In the Senate the measure gave
William H. Seward an opportunity to attain state-
wide prominence by his powerful speech in opposition,
but it was finally adopted by the vote of 17 to 13. The
Legislature then, on April 20, adjourned without day.
In the November elections of 1831 the Democrats
were generally successful, excepting in the counties
where the Anti-Masonic party held sway. The Demo-
crats elected seven of the eight Senators chosen and
carried the Assembly by a strong majority.
CHAPTER VIII
A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE
WE must now retrace our steps a little way for
an incursion into national politics, and even
into international diplomacy, in order to ap-
preciate acurately the status and the course of the leader
of the New York Democracy and the conditions and
circumstances of the political campaign of 1832.
It will be recalled that John C. Calhoun, of South
Carolina, had been a prominent candidate for the Pres-
idency in 1824, but had voluntarily withdrawn from the
preliminary contest and given his support to Jackson.
The result was that John Quincy Adams was elected
President by the House of Representatives, and Cal-
houn was chosen Vice-President by the Electoral Col-
lege. In 1828 Jackson was elected President and
Calhoun for the second time was made Vice-
President. At this time Jackson declared himself
strongly in favor of a single Presidential term. He
practically pledged himself not to seek or to accept a
second term, and recommended a constitutional amend-
ment limiting the Presidency. We may assume him to
have been sincere, and may believe that he would have
fulfilled his promise had it not been for the contest and
intrigues which arose for the sucession and which were
chiefly promoted by Martin Van Buren or his friends.
128
GREENE C. BRONSON
Greene C. Bronson. jurist; born, Oneida, N. Y., 1789;
lawyer; surrogate Oneida county, 1819; member of assembly,
1822; attorney general of the State of New York, 1830-1835;
puisne judge of the supreme court of judicature, 1836-1845;
chief justice of the supreme court, 1845; judge of the court of
appeals, 1847; left the bench and practiced law in New York
and lost nearly all his fortune in speculation; appointed col-
lector of the port of New York in 1853 until removed for
political reasons in 1854; corporation counsel City of New York
from 1859 to 1863; was the democratic candidate for governor
in 1855; died at Saratoga, September 3, 1863.
A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE 129
For it did not suit Van Buren to have Jackson limit
himself to a single term. Had Jackson insisted upon
doing so there was every reason to expect Calhoun to
be his successor, and that would mean the defeat of Van
Buren's Presidential ambition. Indeed, in 1832 it
would be "now or never" for Calhoun. He was in his
second term as Vice-President. The unwritten law
forbade him a third term in that office. Therefore he
must win the Presidency or fall back into some lesser
place from which his chances of emerging to gain the
Presidency at a later date, four or eight years after-
ward, would be poor indeed. Calhoun therefore staked
all on holding Jackson to the single term principle and
securing the nomination to the succession for himself.
On the other hand, Van Buren felt that it would be
fatal to him to have Calhoun elected. He was not yet
himself strong enough to run for the nomination and
beat Calhoun. His only hope was, then, in getting
Jackson to take a second term. That would kill off
Calhoun and leave Van Buren the sure successor of
Jackson in 1836. But if Calhoun won in 1832 Van
Buren would be retired from the cabinet — since Cal-
houn was his political foe, — and would fall into an ob-
scurity from which he might not be able to emerge four
or eight years later.
Meantime the Jacksonian cabinet had from the be-
ginning been the scene of one of the most extraordinary
social scandals in the history of the government. It
consisted of Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State; S.
D. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury; John H. Eaton,
Secretary of War ; John Branch, Secretary of the Navy ;
130 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
John M. Berrien, Attorney-General ; and William T.
Barry, Postmaster-General. Calhoun, it may be ob-
served, had opposed Jackson's selection of Van Buren
and Eaton for cabinet places, and a decided animosity
existed between him and them.
Now, Mr. Eaton had, at about the time of his enter-
ing the cabinet, married a widow, Mrs. Timberlake.
She was a woman of much personal beauty and charm.
But some gross imputations had been made against her
character. It was intimated that her infidelity had been
the cause of her first husband's death, which occurred
from suicide. For these aspersions there was probably
not the slightest ground. They had their origin in
malice or in jealousy, and were exploited because of the
prevalence of the latter detestable passion among less
attractive women in official life. They infuriated Jack-
son to an extreme degree, partly because of his natural
chivalry, partly because his own wife, at this time de-
ceased, had also been slandered, and partly because both
Mr. and Mrs. Eaton were neighbors of his in Tennes-
see ; and he determined to stake the very existence of his
administration upon the vindication of the injured lady.
A conflict arose that rent official society asunder. Mrs.
Calhoun declined to visit or to receive Mrs. Eaton, and
in that course she was followed and supported by Mrs.
Ingham, Mrs. Branch, and Mrs. Berrien — all the ladies
of the cabinet circle, since Van Buren was a widower
with no daughters and Barry was a bachelor. Van
Buren, however, took pains to call upon Mrs. Eaton and
to treat her with the most marked courtesy and atten-
tion, and presented to her the British and French Min-
1831] A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE 131
isters — who, luckily for themselves, happened to have
no wives. In this we may assume Van Buren to have
been moved by highly creditable motives of chivalry
and justice, though it is impossible to avoid also sus-
pecting that policy had something to do with it. He
was thus showing his loyalty to Jackson and to Jack-
son's friend Eaton, and was opposing Jackson's — and
his own — foe, Calhoun. It may be added that Eaton
stood with Van Buren in desiring and urging Jackson
to run for a second term, while Ingham, Branch, and
Berrien all sought to hold him to his one-term policy
and to put Calhoun forward as his successor. The out-
come of the matter was that the entire cabinet, except-
ing Mr. Barry, resigned in the early summer of 1831.
In addition to these things Jackson had a bitter per-
sonal grudge against Calhoun, with which Van Buren
was not in the slightest degree concerned. Away back
in Monroe's administration Calhoun, as Secretary of
War, had strongly urged that some of Jackson's acts as
commander of the army in Florida should be made the
subject of strict military investigation, if indeed Jack-
son should not be brought before a court martial for
trial for his putting to death Arbuthnot and Ambrister.
The proposed action was successfully opposed by John
Quincy Adams and William H. Crawford. It was the
irony of fate that Jackson was falsely told, and for
many years believed, that Adams and Crawford had
wanted to investigate and prosecute him and that Cal-
houn had been his only friend in the cabinet. There
can be no supposition that Calhoun was in any way re-
sponsible for the false impression, though unfortunately
132 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1830
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
it must be recorded that he made no attempt to correct
it. From that circumstance arose much of Jackson's
fierce hatred of Adams, and, naturally, of his enmity
toward Calhoun when he found out the truth of the
matter.
It was not until November, 1829, that Jackson
learned he facts, and indeed it was not until May, 1830,
that they were fully verified by Calhoun's own admis-
sion. Of course that made a complete and final breach
between Jackson and Calhoun, and open war between
them for the Presidential nomination in 1832. Indeed,
that war became open as early as March, 1830, when a
convention of Calhoun's friends and supporters in
Pennsylvania formally declared against a second term
for Jackson. A fortnight later came that famous Jeffer-
son's birthday dinner in Washington, at which it was
meant to identify Jefferson with the Democratic party
as it had been reorganized by Jackson, and at which
three significant toasts were offered by the President,
Vice-President, and Secretary of State.
Jackson spoke first. "Our Federal Union," he said;
"it must be preserved." That was recognized as a direct
thrust at Calhoun, whose extreme State rights and po-
tentially secessionist principles were already well
known. Calhoun followed, boldly putting himself for-
ward as the protagonist of sectionalism. "The Union,"
he said; "next to our Liberty the most dear. May we
all remember that it can be preserved only by respecting
the rights of the States and distributing equally the
benefits and burdens of union." That was an equally
direct counterthrust at Jackson, or at least a vigorous
1830.13 A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE 133
and defiant parrying of his thrust. Van Buren came
third, as if a peacemaker — not so epigrammatic and
forceful as the others, but politic and sufficiently ex-
plicit. "Mutual forbearance and reciprocal conces-
sions./' he said. "Through their agency the Union was
established; the patriotic spirit from which they ema-
nated will forever sustain it." That was not offensive
to Calhoun, while it was quite satisfactory to Jackson.
At this time Van Buren was a recognized and
acknowledged candidate for the succession to Jackson,
in 1832 if Jackson adhered to his one-term policy, other-
wise in 1836. Moreover, Jackson was practically com-
mitted to his support; and it is not inconceivable that it
was in some slight measure for Van Buren's sake that
Jackson finally decided to run for a second term. He
felt entirely confident of his own ability to beat Cal-
houn and thus put him permanently out of the running,
while he was by no means sure of the same result if Van
Buren were put forward.
The election was not to take place until November,
1832, but the campaign began a year and a half before
that date. Early in 183 1 a vigorous newspaper war was
started in Washington. Duff Green in his Telegraph,
which had thitherto been an organ of the administra-
tion, began a savage attack on Jackson and Van Buren
and an equally vigorous championship of Calhoun.
Francis P. Blair, in his Globe, replied with spirited
defense of the President. There is no reason to suppose
that Van Buren had anything to do with it. Yet — prob-
ably because of knowledge of the way in which he had
employed the Argus at Albany in behalf of the Regency
134 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1831
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
—there were many who charged that he had founded
the Globe and was responsible for its course.
It was largely because of these unfounded charges
that Van Buren resigned from the cabinet and thus led
the way to a complete reorganization of that body. On
April 11, 1831, he wrote to the President a letter obvi-
ously designed for publication and for the political ef-
fect which its publication would produce. He declared
that he had from the beginning of the administration
tried to prevent and to suppress all premature agitation
of the question of the succession to the next term, and
especially to keep his own name aloof from "that dis-
turbing topic." But it had all been vain. In spite of
himself he had been exhibited in the light of a candi-
date for the Presidency, and the acts of the administra-
tion were likely to be attributed to his political manipu-
lation. This would be unjust and injurious to the Pres-
ident. The proper way out of the complications thus
presented was, then, for him to resign his place in the
cabinet, which he did. Jackson accepted the resigna-
tion, recognizing the force of the reasons given by Van
Buren and paying high tribute to his worth. On that
same day Mr. Eaton also resigned from the cabinet, and
a few days later Messrs. Ingham, Branch, and Berrien
did so — at the request of the President.
Van Buren was a little later appointed Minister to
Great Britain and hastened to his post, where there was
much important work to be done, particularly in rela-
tion to American trade with the British possessions in
the West Indies and Central and South America. He
was well received, made an admirable impression, and
1831] A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE 135
would probably have had a successful and useful career
had he been permitted to remain at his post. But he
was not. He had been appointed during a Congres-
sional recess and had gone abroad without waiting for
confirmation, which he never received. As soon as the
Senate met and his name was sent to it the storm broke.
Van Buren as Secretary of State had written to Louis
McLane, then Minister to Great Britain, one of the
most amazingly improper letters that ever proceeded
from such a source. Referring to the negotiations con-
cerning commerce with the British possessions, which
had been begun by the preceding administration and
which he wished McLane to press to a conclusion, he
said : "You will be able to tell the British Minister that
you and I, and the leading persons in this administra-
tion, have opposed the course heretofore pursued by the
government and the country on the subject of the
colonial trade. Be sure to let him know that on that
subject we have held with England and not with our
own government." Then he added that McLane should
remind the British Minister for Foreign Affairs that
at the last election the nation had repudiated the policy
of the preceding administration.
When Van Buren's appointment came before the
Senate for ratification Daniel Webster took the lead in
opposing it, on the ground of that letter to McLane. "I
cannot," said Webster, "be of the opinion that the
author of those instructions is a proper representative
of the United States at that court. I think those instruc-
tions derogatory in a high degree to the character and
the honor of the country. I think they show a manifest
136 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1831
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
disposition in the writer of them to establish a distinc-
tion between his country and his party, to place that
party above the country, to make interest at a foreign
court for that party rather than for the country." There
can be no question that the letter fully merited this
scathing condemnation, though we must think that had
he been permitted to serve as Minister Van Buren
would have comported himself much better than he had
instructed his predecessor to do.
But he could not remain. Webster and his great an-
tagonist Hayne were in complete accord in refusing
him confirmation. Henry Clay took the same ground.
Twelve of the foremost Senators spoke against him,
and only four for him. Chief of these was Marcy,
and in that act that fine statesman and patriot showed
how unhappy a misfit he was in the Senate. It was
the opportunity of a lifetime to make a great speech.
Lamentable as Van Buren's lapse had been, there were
not lacking materials for a brilliant and perhaps suc-
cessful defense. But Marcy, for some inexplicable
reason, ignored his opportunity and contented himself
with making a feeble defense of the Jackson adminis-
tration against the charge that it had turned out many
office-holders for political reasons in order to fill their
places with its own partisans ; in which speech he coined
and uttered one historic epigram. Leaders of both
parties, he declared, had practiced such proscription;
for "they saw nothing wrong in the rule that to the
victors belong the spoils of the enemy."
Van Buren was not confirmed, and accordingly re-
turned home. His foes exulted greatly, reckoning
1831] A DIPLOMATIC INTERLUDE 137
that the incident had ended his political career. "It
will kill him, kill him dead; he will never even kick!"
exclaimed Calhoun. But others took the opposite
view, among them Thomas H. Benton in the Senate,
whose comment was an epigram: "You have spoiled
a Minister, and made a Vice-President." Another was
Thurlow Weed, who was the leader of Van Buren's
political foes in New York. He warned the Senate
in advance not to reject Van Buren's nomination. To
do so, he said, "would change the complexion of his
prospects from despair to hope. He would return
home a persecuted man, throw himself upon the
sympathy of the party, be nominated for Vice-Presi-
dent, and huzzahed into office at the heels of General
Jackson." The event showed how shrewd a prophet
Weed was. Van Buren returned from England, reach-
ing New York on July 5, 1831, and was received by
the city as though he were a conquering hero. And
when in May, 1832, the Democratic national conven-
tion met at Baltimore and renominated Jackson for
President, Van Buren was named for Vice-President
on the first ballot.
CHAPTER IX
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
FOLLOWING the momentous doings of 1831 in
national politics the Fifty-fifth Legislature met at
Albany on January 3, 1832, with a safe majority
in each house for Jacksonian Democracy, Van Buren,
and the Regency. The Senate reflected John F. Bacon
as its Clerk for his nineteenth consecutive year, an office
in which he was destined to remain seven years more.
The Assembly with little contest chose Charles L. Liv-
ingston, of New York City, for its Speaker, and for the
fifth time elected Francis Seger to be its Clerk.
Governor Throop's message was given more to rhet-
oric than to practical statesmanship. He indulged in
what Rufus Choate called "resounding and glittering
generalities" on abstract subjects. Nevertheless, the
practical interests of the State were not altogether
ignored. He had much to say about the development
of railroads, which, for great thoroughfares, he be-
lieved might be expected to supersede all other kinds
of roads and even to enter successfully into competi-
tion with canals. How they were to be built was, how-
ever, an important question. There would be pre-
sented to the Legislature numerous applications for
charters for the building of railroads by corporations.
It would be for the Legislature to decide whether to
138
1832] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 139
authorize and to create joint stock companies for that
purpose, or to check the construction of railroads until
the State itself should be able to do the work. He
pointed out the obvious fact that it would be a long
time, generations if not centuries, before the State would
be able out of public funds to provide all the improve-
ments which were needed. It would be intolerable to
have to wait so long, and therefore he recommended
that private corporations should be chartered for the
purpose.
In response to the Governor's recommendations con-
cerning railroads a committee of the Assembly made
an interesting report on the subject, recommending
that corporations for building such roads should be
created but that also the State itself should be a stock-
holder in each one, "not so much for the gain which
may be made to the revenue as for the equalization of
benefits." During the session no fewer than twenty-
seven railroad companies were incorporated, but in
none of them did the State take a single share of stock;
though in each case it reserved for itself the right to
acquire the entire property by purchase after a cer-
tain number of years. It is of suggestive interest to
recall that thus, almost a century ago, grave doubts
were felt as to the propriety of private ownership of
railroads and there was an inclination to regard them
as essentially public property to be constructed and
maintained by the State after the manner of ordinary
highways.
The question of renewing the charter of the United
States Bank was this year perhaps foremost in national
140 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1832
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
politics, and it intruded itself into State politics as well.
Early in the session a joint resolution was introduced
by a Democratic member requesting the Senators and
Representatives in Congress from New York to op-
pose and to vote against such renewal. It was vigor-
ously opposed by William H. Seward in the State Sen-
ate, but eventually passed that body by a vote of 20
to 10. In the Assembly it was opposed by the Speaker
and by the leading members from New York City,
but was passed by a vote of 75 to 37. A bill for im-
posing for three years a direct State tax of one mill
on every dollar of valuation of real and personal prop-
erty was introduced, and its passage was desired by
the Governor, but it was overwhelmingly rejected. A
bill for the construction of the Chenango canal, on
terms which would scarcely have been satisfactory to
the advocates of that enterprise, was very sharply de-
bated and was finally rejected. The Legislature ad-
journed without day on April 26.
A special session was called to meet on June 21 for
the purpose of redistricting the State for Representa-
tives in Congress, the Reapportionment act, which gave
to New York forty Representatives, not having been
passed at Washington before the close of the regular
session. The Governor called attention to the neces-
sity of taking also some action for the protection of
the State from the ravages of Asiatic cholera, of which
a virulent epidemic was then raging, and the Legis-
lature1 accordingly enacted various quarantine regu-
istration of Boards of Health at various points through-
lations and provided for the organization and admin-
1832] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 141
out the State. The special session then adjourned on
July 2.
Meantime the Presidential and Gubernatorial cam-
paign was in animated progress. The Anti-Masonic
party held a State convention at Utica on June 21,
and nominated Francis Granger for Governor and
Samuel Stevens for Lieutenant-Governor. It also
named a complete ticket of Presidential Electors, with
the distinguished Chancellor Kent at the head. Wil-
liam Wirt, formerly Attorney-General of the United
States, had been put forward as the Presidential can-
didate of the Anti-Masons, and Henry Clay had been
nominated by the National Republicans. These pros-
pective Electors were not committed by the Utica con-
vention to Mr. Wirt but were left free to vote for
Clay in their own discretion, and it was commonly
understood that they would do so in case the vote of
New York would give him the election.
This course of the Anti-Masons gave rise to the sup-
position that a coalition had been formed between them
and the National Republicans, and Croswell in the
Albany Argus severely arraigned them. The National
Republicans, however, held a State convention of their
own, at Utica on July 26, at which they nominated the
same candidates whom the Anti-Masons had named
but practically directed the Electors to cast their votes
for Clay and John Sergeant for President and Vice-
President.
Finally the Democrats held their convention, at Her-
kimer on September 19. It met in something of the
spirit of a council of war in a desperate plight. The
142 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1832
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
outlook for the election was regarded as uncertain.
There had been many important defections from the
Jacksonian ranks, some of them over the question of
the Bank. James Watson Webb with his New York
Courier and Enquirer had become hostile. Erastus
Root, then a Representative in Congress, and still pos-
sessed of much personal influence, had also gone over
to the opposition. Samuel Young, however, whose en-
trancing oratory was a popular power to be reckoned
with, and who had long been opposed to Jackson, was
brought back into the fold. He had supported Clay
in 1824 and Adams in 1828, and at first was inclined
to support Clay again in 1832, but at the last moment
turned to Jackson, and in expression of the great joy
and comfort which he thus gave the Democracy he
was made chairman of the State convention of the party
at Herkimer.
It was of course a foregone conclusion that the con-
vention would instruct its Electors to vote for Jack-
son for President and Van Buren for Vice-President.
The course as to the Governorship was not so clear.
Throop was naturally desirous of another term, but
he felt little confidence in his ability to carry the State
and was too good a party man to resist the will of the
leaders. So at the word of the Regency he sent to
the convention a dignified note announcing that he
was not a candidate for renomination. In reward for
this self-abnegation Van Buren secured his appoint-
ment, three days before the expiration of his term, as
Naval Officer of the Port of New York. For the Gov-
ernorship the Regency selected one of its own most
1832] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 143
formidable and most capable members, William L.
Marcy.
A better choice could not have been made. He was
a man of unimpeachable character, commanding abil-
ity, and engaging personality. He had made an admi-
rable record as State Comptroller and as a Justice of
the Supreme Court. If as United States Senator he
had in some respects been a disappointment, as in his
ineffectual defense of Van Buren, that merely indi-
cated that he was not as well adapted to Senatorial as
to other forms of service. He was reluctant to accept
the nomination, preferring to remain in the Senate,
though he was willing to waive that personal prefer-
ence at the party's wish. But he had grave doubts
of his ability to carry the State, and those doubts were
well founded. The Chenango canal was the lion in
the way. He had opposed that enterprise and thus
had incurred the disfavor of the Democrats, as well
as men of other parties, in the Chenango valley, a con-
stituency numerous enough in ordinary times to turn
the result of an election.
Van Buren and the Regency appreciated the serious-
ness of this consideration, the more so since the oppos-
ing candidate, Granger, was regarded by the Che-
nango people as their loyal friend, whose election as
Governor would certainly mean the construction of the
canal. So a trusty and diplomatic agent was sent to
that district to explain that Marcy would not oppose
the canal, that a Lieutenant-Governor strongly in favor
of it would be chosen, and that the Legislature at the
next session would enact the law needed for the con-
144 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1832
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
struction of the canal. This involved the disappoint-
ment and elimination of Edward P. Livingston, who
had expected and desired renomination as Lieutenant-
Governor and well deserved it. He was reluctant to
retire, but did so at the request of the Regency, "for
the sake of the party." In his place was elected John
Tracy, of Oxford, a Chenango canal man. With these
arrangements made, the work of the convention at
Herkimer was perfunctory. Marcy was nominated
on the first ballot by a vote of 113 to 6, and Tracy was
unanimously named.
The ensuing campaign was fought with desperate
vigor. The Democrats regarded New York as the
pivotal State, upon which depended the reelection of
Jackson to the Presidency; and it was necessary to
carry the State as a whole since under the law of
1829 all the Electors were to be chosen on a general
State ticket. The paramount issue was the United
States Bank, the charter of which Jackson was
inexorably opposed to renewing. At first this meant
much opposition to Jackson, the financial and business
interests of New York City being in favor of the Bank.
But Van Buren and his aids adroitly suggested that if
the United States Bank were abolished the vast busi-
ness which had been doing would be distributed among
the State banks to their great profit. This argument
proved widely effective and won back to Jackson's sup-
port many who at first had deserted him.
The chief State issue was — Marcy's trousers! Thur-
low Weed had discovered that Marcy, while serving on
the Supreme Court bench, had sent a pair of trousers
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
William Cullen Bryant, editor and poet; born, Cunnington,
Mass, November 3, 1794; wrote verses when 12 years old;
entered Williams college at 16 and before leaving home com-
pleted the manuscript of his most famous poem, "Thanatopsis";
studied law; moved to New York City and stopped the practice
of law, taking up work on magazines and periodicals, 1825;
became one of the editors of the New York Evening Post in
1826 and principal editor in 1828; wrote many volumes of
verse; died in New York city, June 12, 1878.
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 145
to a tailor to be repaired, and that the cost of the work,
fifty cents, had been entered on the Judge's official ex-
pense account, which the State was bound to defray,
had been approved by the Comptroller, and had
actually been paid from the State treasury. Of course
nobody regarded Marcy as capable of dishonesty or
"graft." The incident was due to sheer inadvertence.
But the remorseless Weed exploited it and rang the
changes upon it, till the whole State was agog over
"Marcy's pantaloons" and "the Marcy patch." The
cartoonists took it up, and in/ some places Marcy's
opponents displayed as a banner flying from a pole or
suspended from a line a pair of black trousers with
a white patch upon the seat marked in red paint "50
cts." It is not supposable that this issue affected many
votes, but it added immeasurable zest and humor to
the campaign and really "got on the nerves" of Marcy
himself, though his genial spirit usually enjoyed a joke
at his own as well as at another's expense.
The result of the election surprised both sides. It
was not nearly as close as had been generally antici-
pated. Marcy was elected Governor by a majority of
nearly ten thousand, receiving 166,410 votes to Gran-
ger's 156,672. The Anti-Masonic region, in the west,
went strongly for Granger, but the Hudson valley and
New York City voted overwhelmingly for Marcy —
and for Jackson. Despite the opposition of Webb's
Courier and Enquirer the metropolis gave Marcy a
majority of about 5,000, a result attributable largely to
the local banking interests, which had turned to Jack-
son's support in order to free themselves from the com-
146 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1832-3
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
petition of the United States Bank and its branch in
that city. The missionary work that the Regency had
done in the Chenango valley also showed great results,
for Chenango county, which two years before had given
Granger a majority of a thousand over Throop, gave
Marcy — and Tracy — two hundred. The Electoral
ticket ran ahead of the State ticket, and the Jackson
Electors won by about 13,000. New York proved not,
however, to have been the "pivotal" State, for Jack-
son's Electoral majority was so overwhelming that he
would have won had New York's forty-two votes been
cast against him. A strongly Democratic Legislature
was chosen, six of the eight Senators elected belonging
to that party.
Few Governors of New York have taken their place
in more auspicious circumstances than did William L.
Marcy on New Year's day of 1833. Himself in the
prime of life, of engaging personality, of commanding
ability, of flawless integrity, of ripe experience, and
with a record of unbroken success in high achievement,
he entered office by virtue of a decisive majority at
the polls, with a splendidly organized party at his back
and with the favor of the national administration for
his aid and comfort. He had a worthy company of
lieutenants in the Albany Regency/ including Silas
Wright, Jr., Edwin Croswell, Azariah C. Flagg, Ben-
jamin Knower, James Porter, and John A. Dix; and
a substantial and trustworthy majority in each house
of the Legislature to carry out his policy in the enact-
ment of laws.
The Fifty-sixth Legislature met at Albany on Janu-
1833] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 147
ary 1, 1833. John Tracy, the new Lieutenant-Gover-
nor, presided over the Senate, and the Assembly chose
Charles L. Livingston again to be its Speaker. The
Governor's message was like himself — lucid, direct,
sincere, and practical; scholarly without being pe-
dantic, and sufficiently eloquent on occasion without be-
coming merely rhetorical. One of the first topics men-
tioned in it, when now recalled, throws an interesting
light upon the lack of Federal legislation for the gen-
eral welfare which the nation then suffered. Learn-
ing that a shipload of convicts was being sent from
Europe to New York, appeal was made to the national
government for protection against such an unwelcome
invasion ; and the answer came from Washington that
nothing could be done there, but that the State or the
city must deal with the matter as best it could.
The campaign promise to the citizens of the Che-
nango valley was promptly fulfilled. The Governor in
his message recommended favorable action on the canal
project, and the Legislature speedily enacted a bill for
the construction of the canal without placing any limit
upon its cost.
There was a vigorous reference to the Nullification
convention in South Carolina, in which the Governor
earnestly upheld the principle of protection to Ameri-
can industry by means of tariff duties. At the request
of the Governor of South Carolina he transmitted to
the Legislature a transcript of the proceedings of the
Nullification convention, expressing in doing so his
"unequivocal disapprobation" and his "deep regret" at
the utterance of doctrines which if established would
148 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1833
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
mean the end of the Union. In response the Legisla-
ture adopted resolutions strongly upholding President
Jackson in his attitude toward nullification and pledg-
ing to him the aid of New York, if needed, in his an-
tagonism to that pernicious thing.
Conspicuous among the duties of the Legislature was
the election of two United States Senators, one to fill
the vacancy caused by the election of Marcy to the
Governorship, and one to succeed Charles E.Dudley,
whose term was about to expire and who was not a can-
didate for reelection. The selection of these men was
recognized as a task of more than ordinary political
importance. Van Buren, the Democratic leader of the
State, was Vice-President and was the chosen candidate
of the administration for the succession to the Presi-
dency in 1836, and it was necessary to have two Sena-
tors who were not only men of real ability but also
loyal political friends of Van Buren.
The first choice, to fill out Marcy's unfinished term,
was easily and most felicitously made. It fell with-
out opposition upon Silas Wright, Jr., of Canton, who
had succeeded Marcy as State Comptroller on the lat-
ter's appointment to the bench of the Supreme Court.
Without detraction from Marcy's merits it may be said
that it would have been better to elect Wright to the
Senate in the first place, instead of Marcy. For, as
we have seen, Marcy did not shine in the Senate, while
Wright did. Marcy was not Wright's inferior. In
some respects he may have been his superior. But he
was not fitted for Senatorial work, while Wright was.
For the second place, to succeed Mr. Dudley, there
1833] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 149
was hot competition, but in the end Nathaniel P. Tall-
madge was elected.
The election of Silas Wright to the Senate created
a vacancy in the office of State Comptroller, which
was filled by the election of Azariah C. Flagg. That
in turn vacated the office of Secretary of State, to which
John A. Dix, who had been Adjutant-General, was
chosen. Finally Levi Hubbell was made Adjutant-
General to succeed Mr. Dix.
The Legislature adjourned on April 30 without day.
That year was marked with the decline and disin-
tegration of the Anti-Masonic party, and also with the
rise of what was to be formidable as the Whig party.
The second defeat of Francis Granger disheartened
the Anti-Masons, and the adoption by the Regency of
the Chenango canal scheme deprived them of one of
their strongest issues. So presently a number of their
leaders turned back to the Democracy. Foremost
among these was Albert H. Tracy, of the Eighth Sena-
torial district, a man of exceptional talent and the high-
est character, who had been regarded as more than
any other the supreme State leader of that party. He
entered into negotiations with Van Buren, who showed
himself inclined to facilitate in every possible way the
coming over of Anti-Masons to the Democratic party,
and who welcomed Tracy into fellowship. John Bird-
sail, another Senator from the Eighth district, and
various other Anti-Masons, followed Tracy into the
Regency camp. But despite Tracy's utmost efforts, to
his chagrin and to Van Buren's immeasurable disap-
pointment he could make no impression on William H.
150 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1833
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Seward or Thurlow Weed and his Albany Evening
Journal. Both Seward and Weed had, as the latter
once confessed, frequently and almost habitually taken
their politics from Mr. Tracy. But on this supreme
occasion they declined to do so and instead busied them-
selves, with consummate skill, in uniting the fragments
of the Anti-Masonic party and of the National Repub-
licans in a new organization.
The real issue was of course not Masonry. Four
propositions were put forward and ardently advocated
— in favor of internal improvements, a protective tariff,
the United States Bank, and National Sovereignty as
against State Rights. Marcy and his party were com-
mitted to the Chenango canal, but that was merely for
political purposes; at heart and in general they were
opposed to such public undertakings. Marcy upheld
protection, to a degree, in his message, but that was
chiefly to stand with Jackson against the nullifiers.
Marcy and his party were unequivocally opposed to
the United States Bank. Finally, while they were in-
flexibly opposed to Calhoun's nullification in South
Carolina, they inclined in general toward a pronounced
State rights doctrine.
It was upon these points that the Democrats were
antagonized by Seward, Weed, Francis Granger, Mil-
lard Fillmore, John C. Spencer, and others, and it
was to make that antagonism effective that these men
associated themselves into a new party, which under
the name of Whig was destined to an important career.
But they were not yet fully organized, and the result
was that the fall elections of 1833 went heavily against
1833] MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR 151
them and in favor of the Democrats. Albert H. Tracy
was reflected to the Senate from the Eighth district
by the narrowest of majorities. He still was nominally
an Anti-Mason, but in every other district a straight-
out Democrat was chosen. Of the 128 Assemblymen
the Regency elected 104. Thus was Marcy encour-
aged and strengthened at the polls during his first year
in the Governorship.
During this year, also, another strong tie between
the national administration and the Albany Regency
was established by the appointment of Benjamin F.
Butler to be Attorney-General of the United States.
Mr. Butler had been one of the original organizers of
the Albany Regency, and for several years before his
call to Washington had been one of the Commissioners
for the Revision of the Statutes of the State of New
York. When President Jackson decided to remove the
government deposits from the United States Bank his
course was disapproved by William J. Duane, Secre-
tary of the Treasury. Thereupon he removed Mr.
Duane from that office and put into his place Roger
B. Taney, who had been his Attorney-General ; and it
was to succeed Mr. Taney that Mr. Butler was ap-
pointed. Although this was a political selection, Mr.
Butler's eminent ability and high character caused it
to be regarded by men of all parties as altogether fitting,
and it was publicly approved in an appreciative ad-
dress which was presented to Mr. Butler by about
ninety of the foremost citizens of Albany, including
the veteran Federalists, Abraham Van Vechten and
Stephen Van Rensselaer.
CHAPTER X
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
BUSINESS depression and disaster prevailed in
New York in 1834 to an extent and with a
severity which contrasted strangely with the
congratulatory and optimistic tone of the Governor's
message. In the fall of 1833 President Jackson with-
drew the government deposits from the Bank of the
United States. There occurred a violent conflict
between the branches of that institution and the State
banks which had been selected as depositaries, with the
result of intolerable scarcity of money and much dis-
tress, and frequently outright disaster to merchants and
others who were dependent upon credit. Stocks of all
kinds suffered great decline. Thus, the stock of the
Delaware & Hudson Canal Company fell in sixty days
from 125 to 75; that (of the .Boston & Providence
Railroad Company from 115 to 88; and that of the
Camden & Amboy Railroad Company, regarded as
the most solid and profitable corporation of the kind
in America, from 150 to 125.
The situation was aggravated by the speculation in
the stock market, which at about this time began to
develop some of the methods that in later years have
become familiar matters of course but then were novel
and were regarded with strong disfavor by conserva-
152
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 153
tive business men. Referring to what he regarded as
disgraceful gambling in stocks in New York City, the
famous diarist Philip Hone wrote:
"It consists in selling out stocks ahead, as it is called, where a man
buys and sells to the amount of millions without owning a dollar of
the stock, betting it will fall, and then taking pains by every kind of
lying and chicanery to injure the reputation of the stock that he may
win."
In brief, "selling short."
Early in the year (1834) great public meetings were
held in New York City to protest against the removal
of the deposits from the Bank and petition for their
return, and a great memorial was signed by thousands
of the business men of the metropolis. A delegation
of merchants carried this memorial to Washington, but
presently returned to report that their errand had been
in vain. The President was immovable in his anti-
Bank policy. Thereupon a mass-meeting was held and
a Union Committee of twenty-five merchants and
financiers, with Albert Gallatin at its head, was ap-
pointed "to confer with committees of the State and
national banks with a view to produce that entire con-
cert and harmony of action essential to enable them
to afford the greatest possible relief to the community."
It was amid such circumstances that the Fifty-
seventh Legislature of the State of New York met at
Albany, on New Year's day of 1834, and listened to
Governor Marcy's second annual message. William
H. Seward entered upon his last year of service in
the State Senate. Charles L. Livingston, of New
York, and Francis Seger, of Lewis county, took their
154 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL 21834
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
seats as Senators from the First and Fifth districts,
respectively. The one had been Speaker and the other
Clerk of the Assembly, and that body filled their places
with William Baker, of New York, Speaker, and
Philip Reynolds, Jr., Clerk. These officers were
elected by overwhelming Democratic majorities.
The Governor's message was long, detailed, prac-
tical and business-like, and generally most optimistic
in tone. He referred lightly to the prevailing business
troubles, but would not concede that they were due to
the President's withdrawal of the deposits. Much
attention was, however, given to the subject of bank-
ing and finance, on which Marcy, as a former Comp-
troller of the State, was an expert. He spoke of the
great multiplication of banks, notices having already
been given of the organization of one hundred and
five more, and he raised the question of the propriety
of chartering them under the old system. Under that
system, he pointed out, stockholders received practical
gifts of from ten to fifteen per cent, of the capital. This
was an abuse which he thought might inspire needless
multiplication of banks, and he suggested that it should
be abated by means of a law giving to the State all
excess value of bank stock above the sum actually paid
for it. He discussed the proposal to reduce the rate of
interest on bank loans, but did not think that it would
effect the desired end, and he recommended that the
circulation of banks be restricted to a sum not greater
than their actual capital.
Much attention was given, also, to the many State
institutions. He reported that both the State prisons
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 155
were more than self-sustaining, the earnings of the
inmates showing a handsome surplus above the costs
of maintenance, some of which had been appropriated
for new buildings and repairs. He repeated the urg-
ing of former years, that a special prison be constructed
for female convicts — a recommendation which was not
favorably acted upon until 1835. Other objects of re-
view and recommendation were the House of Refuge,
asylums for the deaf, dumb, and blind, the county
poor-house system, and the great need of another State
Hospital for the insane. At that time Bloomingdale
was the only such institution, and its accommodations
were inadequate. Two years later the Legislature
authorized a new asylum, to be built at Utica.
The Governor recommended that provision be made
for special schools for the instruction and training of
teachers, which was done in an act passed on May 2;
and he also advocated the material extension and im-
provement of the common school system. Another rec-
ommendation was for a State Board of Agriculture
which should not only gather and distribute useful in-
formation but also maintain a State College of Agricul-
ture for the scientific education of farmers. This lat-
ter proposal was considered at some length by a com-
mittee of the Senate, which reported upon it unfavor-
ably, saying that it would require the levying of a State
tax to which the farmers themselves would be among
the first to object. The committee therefore recom-
mended that the farmers be left to educate themselves
as best they could and to work out their own salvation.
Many local canal schemes were reported and discussed.
156 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1834
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The urgent need of improving the Erie canal received
much attention, the Governor reporting that the
canal needed widening, deepening, and equipping with
double locks. There was also need of improving
navigation of the Hudson River, and this, Marcy
pointed out, was unquestionably the duty of Congress.
But there was danger that any action by that body
would be regarded as a precedent under which many
unworthy schemes for unnecessary "improvements"
would be foisted upon Congress, calling for appropria-
tions of millions of dollars a year. He therefore asked
whether it would not be better for New York to assume
the cost of the work herself, rather than subject the
national government to such danger. He seemed to
have a premonition of some of the "River and Harbor"
bills of our own time.
A long special message was sent to the Legislature
by the Governor on March 22, devoted to considera-
tion of the business troubles of the State and ways and
means for their abatement. He admitted that the
great depression had followed the withdrawal of the
deposits from the Bank of the United States, but be-
lieved that its principal causes had no connection with
that act of the President. He did not approve the
creation of a great State Bank at New York, but urged
that the State should aid the existing State banks. This
he thought might be done by issuing four or five mil-
lions of State stock and loaning it to the New York
banks, so as to enable them to supply as much credit
to business as was withdrawn by the branch of the Bank
of the United States in that city. The Legislature
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 157
acted promptly and favorably upon this recommenda-
tion, enacting a law in accordance with it, which, how-
ever, was never put into effect. The Bank of the
United States, seeing that with such backing of the
State the State banks would not have to suspend the
redemption of their notes in coin, as had been feared,
quickly reversed its policy and began to increase its
issue of notes and extend its loans. The State banks
never called upon the State for the aid which had been
provided for, and the law enacted for their relief be-
came a dead letter.
The Legislature adjourned without day on May 6.
The extent and intensity of the odium that President
Jackson — and because of him, the Democratic party —
incurred on account of the Bank controversy and the
disastrous depression of business, were strikingly shown
in the April election in New York City for Mayor.
The National Republicans were first in the field with
the nomination of Gulian C. Verplanck, who had been
refused reelection to Congress by the Democrats be-
cause of his unwillingness to support Jackson in his
extreme enmity to the Bank of the United States. He
was not at all a strong candidate, for while he was an
accomplished man of letters and art critic he knew little
of politics or of men and had been unstable and waver-
ing in his political course. Tammany Hall, which
controlled the Democratic party in the city, first be-
sought Charles L. Livingston, State Senator and for-
mer Speaker of the Assembly, to run, but he declined.
Thereupon it nominated Cornelius W. Lawrence, then
a Representative in Congress, who against his will had
158 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1834
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
been constrained to support Jackson's anti-Bank policy
and who had refused to present to Congress the great
memorial of his fellow-merchants of New York. He
was sick of the whole business and wished that he might
repudiate it and join the other merchants of the city
in opposing Jackson's policy, but the bonds of party
were not to be broken and he accepted the nomination.
The election lasted three days, April 8, 9, and 10.
It was marked with much rioting and bloodshed.
Tammany Hall had by this time enrolled a consider-
able membership of Irish immigrants, and these were
too easily aroused to acts of violence. The trouble
was centered in the Sixth Ward, which thus acquired
the name of "Bloody Sixth" that clung to it for many
years thereafter. On the last day of the election the
Mayor himself, with a strong body of police, strove to
enforce order, but was defied and attacked, and many
of the police were wounded. Eight of them were
carried to a hospital. The Mayor then called out a
regiment of militia and a troop of cavalry. An enor-
mously heavy vote was polled, no less than 35,141, and
Lawrence won by the small majority of 179. At the
preceding election the Democrats had carried the city
by more than 5,000. Moreover, on this occasion while
they failed to win the Mayoralty, the opposition to
Jackson elected a majority of the Board of Aldermen.
A few days later a monster jubilee was held at Castle
Garden to celebrate the result of the election, which
was rightly considered a great victory for the Whigs,
as the combined National Republicans, Anti-Masons,
and other factions opposed to Jackson, to Van Buren,
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 159
and to the Regency began to call themselves. Tens
of thousands of people thronged the Castle and the
adjacent Battery Park, and it is recorded that three
pipes of wine and forty barrels of beer were consumed.
Daniel Webster happened to be visiting a friend in
Greenwich Street, and made from a window of his
host's house a brief address of congratulation. The
event was indeed considered to be of national impor-
tance, for great public celebrations were held in many
places — at Goshen, New York; at Albany, at Buffalo,
at Philadelphia, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and
elsewhere.
It was in this campaign that the Whig party made
its first appearance. With extraordinary dispatch the
names of National Republican party and Anti-Masonic
party were discarded, and the supporters of the old
organizations were fused into a single compact party
under the new name. The leaders, above all others, were
William Henry Seward, just completing his last term
in the State Senate, and Thurlow Weed, editor of the
Albany Evening Journal. With them there was pres-
ently associated, for a time, a young man destined to
still greater fame than either of them, the young jour-
nalist Horace Greeley, who at this time was just start-
ing his literary weekly, the New-Yorker. The name
Whig was chosen in memory of the English Whigs
of Revolutionary times, who were the friends of
America, and indeed of the Whig party in the Colonies,
which became the patriot party. Further to promote
and express the historical remembrance, the new Whigs
called the Democrats Tories. A "new revolution"
160 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1834
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
was proclaimed, against "King Andrew," and "liberty
poles" were erected in emulation of those of 1776.
While the new party was primarily and essentially
anti-Jacksonian, in New York it was inevitably also
anti-Marcy. Indeed, we may Beckon that it was at
this time that State and national politics became com-
pletely identified. Formerly it had often been possible
for a man to belong to one party in State affairs and
to another in national; or there were State parties, such
as the Clintonian, entirely distinct from the national.
But now for the first time there was a clear-cut division
between two great parties, in city, in State, and in
nation.
Having made so fine a showing in the New York
City election the Whigs determined to repeat the per-
formance in the whole State by electing a Governor
of their own against Marcy, who was universally re-
garded as a candidate for reelection. A vigorous at-
tack was made upon him for his special message and
his proposal of a State loan to the banks. Although
that loan had never in fact been made there was rea-
son to believe that the mere provision for it had
an immensely beneficial effect. Nevertheless it was
pitched upon as an attempt to mortgage the State for
the benefit of the banks, and "Marcy's mortgage" be-
care a term of opprobrium comparable with that re-
lating to the patch on his trousers in the former cam-
paign.
A State convention of the Whigs was held at Syracuse
in August — the first convention at which the name
Whig was formally used. Only three names were so
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER
Benjamin F. Butler, statesman; born, Kinderbrook Landing,
N. Y., December 17, 1795; studied law with Martin Van Buren;
removed to Albany with him and became his law partner in
1817; district attorney of Albany county, 1821-1825; in 1825
was named one of three commissioners to revise the statutes of
the state of New York; member of assembly in 1828; commis-
sioner to adjust the boundary lines between the states of New
York and New Jersey; in 1833 was appointed attorney general
of the United States by President Jackson and served until
1838, having been also acting secretary of war from October,
1836, to March, 1837; United States attorney for the southern
district of New York, 1838-1841 ; died at Paris, France, Novem-
ber 8, 1858.
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 161
much as considered for the Governorship, and two of
these were considered merely out of courtesy to the
veteran leaders who bore them. One was John C.
Spencer, whose infirmities of temperament made him
impossible as a candidate. The second was Francis
Granger, who had been repeatedly defeated and who
for that reason was promptly ruled out. The third
was William Henry Seward. He was a young man,
only thirty-three, but during his four years in the State
Senate had distinguished himself above most of his
colleagues. His ability was recognized as great, his
character was above reproach, his personality was at-
tractive. Coming of a Jeffersonian Democratic family,
he had supported John Quincy Adams in 1824 and
had been a loyal champion of his administration. In
1828 he had been chairman of the State convention of
the National Republicans, and again, of course, a sup-
porter of Adams. Thereafter he was a leader of the
An ti- Masonic party, but earnestly advocated its union
with the National Republicans. In 1832 he of course
supported the coalition, but preferred Wirt to Clay
for the Presidency. He had been elected to the State
Senate as an Anti-Mason, and had greatly commended
himself by his votes on most of the important issues
that had come before that body. It should be ob-
served that in the spring of 1834 he spoke and voted
against the State loan proposal of Governor Marcy.
While he had cordially supported President Jackson
in his fight against nullification, he had as strongly
opposed the anti-Bank policy. He had made himself
conspicuous by his advocacy of the abolition of im-
162 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1834
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
prisonment for debt, of the enactment of a general
law for the creation of business corporations, of the
construction of roads, canals, and other internal im-
provements, of protection for American industry, and
of a National bank.
Mr. Seward was not desirous of the nomination.
Indeed, he was reluctant to accept it. But he was
practically the unanimous choice of the convention
and bowed to the party will. With him was nomi-
nated for Lieutenant-Governor Silas M. Stilwell, of
New York, who had been for several years a member
of the Assembly and as such had been a Democrat and
taken his orders from the Regency, but had revolted
against the withdrawal of the deposits from the Bank
of the United States and eagerly allied himself with
the Whigs. These nominations were made amid great
enthusiasm, which was manifested in extraordinary
fashion when the entire convention, with banners and
music, drove the more than a score of miles from Syra-
cuse to Auburn to greet Seward at his home.
A little later, on September 10, the Democrats held
their State convention at Herkimer and with only two
dissenting votes renominated Marcy and Tracy. The
campaign that followed was animated and by no
means devoid of humor. "Marcy's pantaloons" were
again brought forward, and Seward's great shock of
sandy red hair became a leading issue. Democrats
sneered at the "red-haired young man," and Seward's
friends retorted by pointing out — or claiming — that
most great men in history had been red-headed, in-
cluding Esau, Jason, Achilles, and Samson. It was
1834] THE RISE OF THE WHIGS 163
also pointed out that Martin Van Buren, the Demo-
cratic leader, had red hair — "the only good thing about
him," said one caustic critic. But the real issues were
national rather than State or personal. The influence
of the national administration was brought to bear in
Marcy's behalf. And in the end Marcy and Tracy
won handsomely. Marcy received 181,905 votes, to
168,969 for Seward. The Democrats also won the
Legislature by a sweeping majority, and elected most of
their Congressional candidates. They elected seven
out of eight Senators and 91 out of the 122 members of
Assembly.
It was apparently a crushing blow for the new
Whig party, but did not destroy or discourage it.
Seward went back to his law practice, cheerful and
expectant that some day his time of triumph would
come.
CHAPTER XI
STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE
THE official interest of the State of New York in
agriculture, which has ever been one of its fore-
most industries, may be said to date from the time
of Governor Marcy, who gave it its initial impetus. In
his message to the Legislature of 1834 he recommended
two measures for the welfare of the farmers — the crea-
tion of a State Board of Agriculture and the endowment
of a State College of Agriculture. The Legislature was
not compliant, but the Governor's formal proposal is a
historic reminder that more than a quarter of a century
before the Civil War the importance of the agricultural
industry was recognized by a far-seeing statesman.
The Governor's proposal was no doubt inspired by an
interesting occurrence at Albany two years before. In
February, 1832, the capital was the scene of a State
convention of representative farmers, which, before it
adjourned, laid the foundation of the New York State
Agricultural Society. The object of this association
was thus proclaimed in its first official circular: "To
encourage and promote the organization of county
or local societies of agriculture and horticulture, as a
means of exciting laudable emulation and of promot-
ing habits of industry, economy of labor, and improve-
ment in the moral and social condition of society."
164
1832-4] STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 165
More specifically the purpose was "to establish agricul-
tural schools and to hold annual fairs." The mention
of agricultural fairs was, of course, no novelty; but
the demand for agricultural schools was proof that the
leading farmers of New York were alive and alert to
the State's food-producing opportunities at a time when
most of the mighty expanse of western prairie lands
was still virgin soil. The first president of the new
State society was James LeRoy De Chaumont, a French
refugee and extensive landowner, whose family name
a town and village of Jefferson county now bear. The
organization was incorporated by an act of the Legisla-
ture in the following April.
The prospectus of the society enlightens us regarding
the division of agricultural activities in that distant
time, and also the problems that confronted the farmer.
The problems chiefly relaed to fertilization, crop rota-
tion, draining, and insect depredations. Farm industry
was divided into stock husbandry, tillage husbandry,
horticulture, and household arts. It is curious to find
that in 1832 the classification of "household arts" on
New York farms included not only home spinning and
weaving, but also the rearing of silkworms and the
preparation of domestic wines. Under the articles of
incorporation the society was authorized to acquire real
estate to the value of $25,000. It held annual meetings,
and in 1834 it established a monthly journal called the
Cultivator, with Jesse Buell as editor.
It does not apear that in the first nine years of its
existence the society accomplished much in the way of
holding annual fairs. The exhibitions of this kind were
166 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1841
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
confined to modest collections of farm products at
Albany, which aroused but a limited interest. But in
February, 1841, the executive committee of the State
society held a meeting at the capital which led to big
results. It decided that the time had come for a more
efficient organization within the society and a more
vigorous prosecution of its purposes. It revised the
constitution and adopted a business-like system of an-
nual dues, with life memberships. Finally it petitioned
the Legislature for financial aid in the furtherance of
its objects. As it turned out, this was the first step to-
ward the introduction of a State Fair. The Legisla-
ture responded by passing a bill which appropriated
$5,000 per annum for five years, of which $700 was to
be awarded to the State Agricultural Society, $950 to
the American Institute of New York, and the rest to
the various counties of the State, according to popula-
tion, for strictly agricultural purposes. The modest
allotments to the counties were placed at the command
of local agricultural societies, which were made tribu-
tary to the State organization. There was no reference
to local fairs in the appropriation act, but the officers
of the State society and of its local branches were au-
thorized "to regulate and award premiums on such
articles, productions, and improvements as they may
deem best calculated to promote the agricultural and
household manufacturing interests of the State." In
order to utilize to the fullest the educational effects of
the subsidy, the new law required the winners of
premiums to deliver to the president of each society, in
writing, as accurate a description as possible of the
1841] STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 167
soil preparation and fertilization, or the stock feed-
ing, by which the superior results were attained.
The way was thus cleared for the first State Fair.
The executive committee of the State society held
another meeting in April, after the Legislature had
acted, and adopted the following:
"Resolved, That the New York Agricultural Society will hold its
first annual Fair in the village of Syracuse on Wednesday and
Thursday, September 29 and 30 next."
Syracuse was chosen on account of its central loca-
tion in the same season that inspired its later selection
as the permanent home of the State Fair. The place
could be conveniently reached both by rail and canal.
But at that time there was evidently no intention on the
part of the committee to establish a stationary Fair at
Syracuse. It was rather the committee's purpose to
make the Fair a movable institution, to pass it around,
so to speak, among the larger communities of the State;
and, as the event proved, no less than eleven different
cities or villages were, by turn, favored in this way. We
may anticipate a little by stating that after the original
choice of a Fair site the State Agricultural Exposition,
in the course of its rounds, was staged at the two
great extremes of the State — New York City and Buf-
falo,— as far north as Watertown, and as far south as
Elmira.
The habitat of the first State Fair was judiciously
chosen. In 1841 the Syracuse Court House stood at the
southwest corner of a large and unsettled space bound-
ed by four highways, including the present North Sa-
lina Street Within the quadrilateral was a fine grove.
168 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1841
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The Court House was thrown open for the display of
farm products and implements, while the pens for the
animal exhibits were erected in the grove. The exhibi-
tion was a great success, from the educational and spec-
tacular point of view. Between ten and fifteen thousand
people visited the grounds during the two days, but the
attendance meant nothing in the financial sense, inas-
much as no admission fee was charged. It is said that the
concourse of people that overran thevillage was likened
to the political mass-meetings of the preceding year, the
year of the memorable Harrison-Van Buren campaign.
On the day preceding the opening of the Fair the vil-
lagers were awed by the sight of twenty-five cars, filled
with livestock from Albany and the Hudson River
counties, rolling into the primitive freight-yard. The
principal oration at the Fair was delivered by President
Eliphalet Nott, of Union College. Such festivities as
diversified the Fair attractions were supplied by the
village, but a popular feature harmonizing with the
Fair itself was a plowing contest on a farm at Onondaga
Valley. The Syracuse weeklies of that day referred
with pride to the feat of the Syracuse House in supply-
ing a "farmers' dinner" to no less than twelve hundred
people. The records show that the exhibition of farm-
ing implements included threshing-machines, straw-
cutters, farming-mills, plows, harrows, cultivators,
drills, scythes, pitchforks, and horse-rakes. The pre-
mium awards to the winning exhibitors were announced
before an audience that packed the New York Central
waiting-room.
The second State Fair was held in Albany the fol-
1842-3] STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 169
lowing year. It lasted three days. It may be observed
incidentally that the time for the State Fair sessions was
extended to four days in 1851, and not until after the
Civil War did fairs lasting a week become the rule.
The center of personal interest at the Albany Fair was
Governor Seward, who made the principal address. It
is instructive to recall that, while expressing his satis-
faction with the exposition, he deplored the lack of
educational advantages in agricultural industry. He
emphasized the "mortifying fact" that "an inferior edu-
cation is deemed sufficient for those who are destined to
the occupation of agriculture." "While other arts," he
said, "are rapidly improving, this, of human arts the
first and last, whose cultivation leads to plenty and is
cheered by health and contentment, remains compara-
tively unassisted and stationary." Among Governor
Seward's claims to grateful remembrance in this State
his pioneer interest in the cause of agricultural educa-
tion deserves a place.
Before the date of the third State Fair, which was
assigned to Rochester for late September, 1843, the
State society decided that the time had come for charg-
ing an admission fee. It looked like a bold experiment,
considering that the Fair was partly financed by the
State. It was also an expensive move, owing to the
necessity of enclosing the Rochester Fair Grounds, oc-
cupying some ten acres and overlooking the Genesee
Gorge, with a high board-fence. But the venture was
justified by the results. The assemblage of visitors was
so great that the official chronicler for the State society
waxed enthusiastic in describing it. "Canal-boats and
170 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1843
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
railroad trains," he wrote, "poured in their thousands
daily, and the manner in which the streets were blockad-
ed indicated that every wheeled vehicle within fifty
miles of Rochester had, by some magician's wand, been
at once congregated in the place." The price of admis-
sion, fixed, by the way, at twelve and one-half cents, was
evidently no deterrent. In this instance, however, the
Fair was not the sole attraction, as will readily be be-
lieved when it is stated that two national celebrities, and
one predestined to equal fame, were among the adver-
tised visitors. Besides the Governor of the State, Wil-
liam C. Bouck, the first Rochester Fair had as its guests
Martin Van Buren, Daniel Webster, and ex-Governor
Seward.
Webster was then at the height of his contemporary
renown. The announcement that he would speak must
have drawn a multitude to the Fair. His hearers were
not disappointed; for the report of his address in the
records of the State society is a striking revelation of
his power to adorn even so prosaic a subject as agricul-
ture. He seized the occasion to compliment New York
upon its construction of the Erie canal, which he hailed
as a mighty enterprise whereby "the products of the
farmer may be easily and speedily transported to the
place of sale." The speech was notable on account of
Webster's happy forecast of the agricultural possibili-
ties of New York State. "New York City," he told his
hearers, "has been brought very near your doors. The
great emporium of this continent lies before you. You
are rich in your home market — a market of purchase
and sale. All New York is at your feet. You can deal
STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 171
with her as if you lived in one of her wards — I mean
for the purpose of commerce." Ex-President Van
Buren preceded Webster with a brief talk in which he
referred pleasantly to his experience with a farm of
one hundred and fifty acres at Kinderhook. On the last
day of the fair Webster, Van Buren, and Seward were
fellow-spectators at a "plowing match" on a farm near
the eastern limits of the city. Eighteen plowmen en-
tered the contest, the maximum number the field would
accommodate. A quarter of an acre was allowed to
each team, horse, and plow-holder, and the time limit
was an hour and ten minutes. Unfortunately, history
tells us nothing as to the identity of the winner or win-
ners in a contest of which this trio of great Americans
were the witnesses. It was perhaps a drawn battle, for
the official annalist informs us that "scarcely two of the
spectators could agree as to the individuals to whom the
premiums should be awarded." To complete this refer-
ence to the memorable Rochester Fair of 1843, it should
be recalled that the president of the State Agricultural
Society at that time was Farmer (afterward General)
James S. Wadsworth.
After these auspicious beginnings the State Fair de-
veloped steadily in magnitude and in public favor in the
years before the Civil War. Among the famous Ameri-
cans who attended the early fairs as guests and orators
were George Bancroft, Josiah Quincy, John A. Dix,
ex-President John Tyler, Vice-President Millard Fill-
more, and Stephen A. Douglas. In 1856 Horace
Greeley was one of the donors of premiums for the
State Fair at Watertown.
172 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The record of the State Fair's circuit prior to 1890,
when it settled down in its Syracuse home, may now be
completed. The four cities most in favor with the
State society were Albany, Rochester, Elmira, and
Utica. Utica captured the Fair eight times, and the
other three cities nine times each. In all these years
Syracuse, despite its central location, was the site of the
Fair only three times— in 1841, 1849, and 1858, — from
which it may be judged that considerations other than
geographical convenience determined the selections.
Buffalo was awarded the Fair three times, Saratoga
three times, and Watertown twice; while New York
City, Poughkeepsie, and Auburn each had one Fair to
its credit. In the matter of attendance the State Fair
had its share of vicissitudes, but not once was the annual
exposition omitted for any cause. Even in the Civil
War years it was uninterruptedly continued. In that
gloomy period the State Fair had to dispense with the
visits of American celebrities, but after peace was re-
stored this feature was again in evidence. For example,
the Utica Fair of 1865 was attended not only by Gover-
nor Fenton but by two ex-Governors, Horatio Seymour
and John A. King, and by two famous Union com-
manders, General Joseph Hooker and General Daniel
Butterfield. In the last decade before the Civil War
the receipts from the annual Fair ranged from about
$6,000 to $19,000.
In the early 'sixties the State societies began to realize
the inadequacy of a movable State Fair conducted on
the gypsy principle. In 1863 it took a progressive step
by procuring adjustable structures suitable for exhibi-
STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 173
tion purposes. In its report it boasted of this outfit as
"an advance toward the style of architecture in which
agriculture will yet display its annual triumphs." This
was the germ idea that ultimately developed into the
permanent, stationary State Fair. An innovation look-
ing in that direction was adopted by the society in 1872.
In that year the Chemung County Board of Supervis-
ors decided to make a tempting bid for the State Fair
privilege. It offered to bond the county in the sum of
$50,000 to procure a public fund for State Fair pur-
poses. The condition of the agreement, which was
promptly accepted by the State Society, was that the
Fair should be allotted to the city of Elmira every third
year for a twelve-year period. In pursuance of this plan
the Fair was held in Elmira in 1872, 1875, 1878, 1881,
1884, and 1888, the last year thrown in for good meas-
ure. Of the proceeds of the Chemung bonds, $20,000
was expended for a Fair site of fifty acres and the bal-
ance was turned over to the society for the construction
of buildings.
The Elmira contract had barely expired by limita-
tion when a movement was launched in Syracuse for
bringing the State Fair to final anchorage in that city.
In 1887 a considerable fund was raised for the purpose
by popular subscriptions supplemented by an appro-
priation from the municipal treasury. Options were
obtained for a desirable site in the city's western sub-
urbs. Then followed a proffer to the State society of a
hundred acres of ground for a permanent State Fair
habitat, within easy access from the business center of
Syracuse. In 1889 the executive committee of the
174 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
society voted to accept the offer. To the original pur-
chase the society added thirteen and a half acres, and
the tract has since been extended by periodic additions.
The Fair of 1889 had been promised to Albany, but in
1890 the Fair was welcomed to the home where it has
since remained.
Now that the wanderings of the Fair were over, the
State society moved with energy to develop its perma-
nent plant. A group of buildings suitable for varied
exhibits were gradually erected, and a carefully graded
half-mile track for horse-racing was soon included
among the Fair's equipments and attractions.
The last stage in the development of the State Fair
organization was now approaching. The reports of the
State Fair attendance in the decade following its re-
moval to Syracuse were satisfactory. But the financial
returns were insufficient to meet the largely increased
outlay of the parent society. By 1899 the financial
embarrssment of the society had become acute^ and it
had no resort but to appeal to the State for aid. The
signal was a radical modification of the status of the
exposition, whereby it passed from the hands of the
State Agricultural Society to the control of the State
itself.
In this transformation Governor Theodore Roosevelt
and Lieutenant-Governor Timothy L. Woodruff played
a decisive part. They both were official guests at the
Fair in 1899, and on the last evening of the Fair week
they attended a conference of citizens of Syracuse,
representatives of the State Agricultural Society, and
members of the Legislature, at which the future of the
STATE CARE FOR AGRICULTURE 175
Fair was earnestly discussed. At this meeting Mr.
Woodruff filled a double official role, owing to his
election in the preceding May to the presidency of the
State society in anticipation of the change of State Fair
control which was even then expected. Antecedent to
this incident was the passage of a bill by the Legisla-
ture, appropriating $35,000 for the benefit of the State
Agricultural Society, on the condition that the Society
transfer to the State "all the right, title, and interest to
all its lands'' in Syracuse. When this measure was
enacted with the approval of Governor Roosevelt, the
Fair still remained under the management of the State
society; for it was stipulated in the act that the use and
occupation of the Syracuse property should be left to
the society so long as it should "hold or maintain a
State Fair" annually. The society agreed to the pro-
posed terms.
As it turned out, the State Fair of 1899 was the last
conducted under the auspices of the society. At the
Syracuse meeting which assembled after the close of the
Fair a strong sentiment was developed in favor of State
control. As a result, in his regular message to the Legis-
lature in the following January, Governor Roosevelt,
after referring to the action taken by the Legislature in
the preceding session, recommended that "the State
take under its control the management of the State
Fair." In furtherance of the Governor's desire, Lieu-
tenant-Governor Woodruff, presiding at a meeting of
the executive committee of the State Agricultural
Society later in the month, earnestly enjoined that body
to acquiesce in the program of State ownership, and he
176 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
fortified his argument with figures showing that, in
the absence of State patronage, the exposition was
doomed to disaster. At the conclusion of his address
the meeting adopted a resolution declaring it to be the
sense of the executive board that "it is for the best
interests of the agriculture and horticulture of the State
that from this time the State Fair and its affairs shall
pass under State management and that legislation shall
be adopted to that end." The necessary legislation was
soon enacted, and a State commission was created with
the Lieutenant-Governor and the State Commissioner
of Agriculture as ex-officio members, to assume super-
vision of the Fair.
Since that time the evolution of the State Fair has
been progressive. It has been encouraged with liberal
appropriations by the Legislature. Under the later
administration of Governor Hughes a more elaborate
policy of structural and expositional expansion for the
Fair was inaugurated. Its weekly attendance has
passed far beyond the 200,000 mark, and in many
respects it compares favorably with the most imposing
and successful State Fairs of the great west. Its growing
importance as a center of public interest may be partly
judged from the fact that among its distinguished
guests it has numbered in later years Theodore Roose-
velt, William H. Taft, and Woodrow Wilson.
m
JAMES S. WADSWORTH
James S. Wadsworth, soldier; born at Geneseo, N. Y.,
October 30, 1807; studied law but never practiced, devoting all
his time to the cultivation and care of his large estate; delegate
to the peace conference at Washington in 1861 ; volunteered
his services at the outbreak of the civil war and fought bravely,
attaining the rank of major general; killed at Chancellorsville,
Va., May 8, 1862.
CHAPTER XII
VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY
A YEAR of extraordinary political agitation and
intrigue began in a notably placid manner.
The Fifty-eighth Legislature met at Albany on
January 6, 1835, with an overwhelming Democratic
majority in each house. The Assembly elected as its
Speaker Charles Humphrey, a Democrat of Tomp-
kins county, by a vote of 91 to only 31 for Mark H.
Sibley, of Ontario, the Whig candidate. Governor
Marcy sent in a message marked with his usual lucidity
of expression and constructive statesmanship, and note-
worthy for the number of its recommendations which
were favorably and promptly acted upon by the Leg-
islature.
The Governor elaborately reviewed the national
controversy over the United States Bank, took obvi-
ously much satisfaction in reporting that it had not
been found necessary for the State to issue any por-
tion of the loan to the State banks that had been at
his instance provided for, and gave his "most positive
assurance" that none of it would be issued. He rec-
ommended increased pay for the judiciary, and in con-
sequence the Legislature enacted a measure granting
such increase to the Chancellor and Justices of the
Supreme Court and Circuit Courts, and also provid-
177
178 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H83S
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ing for an additional master in chancery in each county
excepting New York.
The common school system commanded much at-
tention, and he urged measures for assuring a better
supply of competent teachers, improved methods of
instruction, and more efficient use of the school funds
for those purposes. "The efforts of the Legislature,"
said Mr. Marcy, "should not be intermitted until the
system shall be so improved as to secure to the chil-
dren of all classes and conditions of our population
such an education as will qualify them to fulfill, in
a proper manner, the duties appertaining to whatever
may be their respective pursuits and conditions of life."
In response to his appeal school district libraries were
created and some increase of the school funds was made
from the general fund of the State.
The depletion of the State treasury and the neces-
sity of replenishing it engaged the Governor's atten-
tion, and in consequence of his representations and
recommendations the Legislature passed an act author-
izing the Comptroller to borrow whatever money
might be needed, without limit. This was to be done
by the issuing of State stock to run not more than
seven years and to be paid out of the revenues of the
State from salt duties, auction sales, canal tolls, direct
taxes, or any other sources.
The canal systems of the State were reported to be
making great progress and to be prospering. The
Governor recommended that the entire bed of the
Erie canal be enlarged by widening and deepening,
and that similar changes be made also in the locks, the
1835] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 179
enlargement and doubling of which he had formerly
urged; and that another large loan be made to the
Chenango canal enterprise. Both of these recommenda-
tions were favorably acted upon.
Progress was reported in the surveys for the Erie
Railroad and in the preparations for constructing that
great work, and the Governor suggested the desira-
bility of legislation on the matter; in response the
Legislature on May 8 made some amendments to the
act of 1832 incorporating that railroad. The railroad
company had applied to the State for a loan of two
million dollars, not in cash but in the credit of the
State. This application came before the Legislature
in March and occasioned a vigorous debate. It was
pointed out that during the last electoral campaign
Democratic leaders had freely promised that such aid
would be extended to the enterprise, and by virtue of
such assurances were able to carry the middle and
southern counties of the State. But the majority of
the Legislature refused to fulfill those promises and
rejected the application. There was reason to believe
that this was done largely because one of the fore-
most promoters of the railroad was James G. King (son
of Rufus King), who was a prominent member of the
Whig party.
The Governor reported that the United States gov-
ernment had undertaken the work of improving the
Hudson River for navigation, and that it would there-
fore be unnecessary for the State of New York to do
anything in that direction. The Legislature enacted
a measure authorizing the Federal government to take,
180 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1835
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
occupy, and acquire any real estate adjacent to the river
which it might need in the prosecution of that work of
improvement.
Much space was given in the message to the ques-
tion of prison administration and reform. It was
highly desirable, the Governor said, to make the labor
of the convicts pay for the entire cost of maintaining
the prisons, and in fact this was being done. Thus,
in the last year, he reported, Auburn prisoners had
earned $47,723.27, while the total expense of maintain-
ing the prison had been only $42,228.94; so that there
had actually been a profit to the State of $5,494.33.
The showing at Sing Sing had been still more favor-
able, with earnings of $76,990.84 and expenses of $55,-
593.85; a favorable balance of $21,396.99. To pro-
mote the industries of the prisoners various mechani-
cal trades had been introduced among them, against
which mechanics all over the State were vigorously
protesting. After some discussion of the question of
competition between prison labor and free labor the
Governor recommended that the Legislature take some
action which would satisfy the demands of the pro-
testing mechanics and at the same time maintain the
system of prison labor. In the preceding year a com-
mission had been appointed to investigate and study
the matter, and its report led the Legislature of 1835
to enact that no mechanical trade should thereafter be
taught the convicts excepting the making of articles
of which the chief American supply was imported from
foreign countries. The recommendation of a separate
prison for women was renewed, and the Legislature
1835] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 181
met it by providing for a women's prison at each of
the State prisons.
The State banking system and the currency were
discussed, and the Governor recommended legislation
forbidding the issuance of banknotes of a less denomina-
tion than five dollars, which the Legislature promptly
enacted. The purpose of this, he explained, was not
to contract the currency, which would be a perni-
cious thing, but to bring gold and silver more into cir-
culation. Legislation was also recommended for pro-
tecting the purity of elections, especially for prevent-
ing the corrupt use of money in them, a need which was
becoming painfully apparent and urgent. The death
of Simeon DeWitt, for many years Surveyor-General
of the State, was announced, and the Legislature elected
William Campbell to be his successor.
Samuel Young, who had reentered public life as a
Senator from the Fourth district, and who was at this
time an ardent and zealous supporter of the Jackson
administration, was the author of a resolution calling
upon the United States Senators from New York to
use their best efforts to have expunged from the jour-
nal of the Senate the famous resolution of March 28,
1834, declaring that in removing the public deposits
from the United States Bank the President had acted
in derogation of the Constitution and laws.
The Legislature adjourned on May 11 without day.
Meantime political activity waxed apace. The Pres-
idential election, at which it was intended that Van
Buren should be chosen, was not to take place for more
than a year and a half. But early in 1835 the cam-
182 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1835
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
paign was actively begun. A Democratic State con-
vention was held, at which forty-two delegates were
chosen to the Democratic national convention which
was to meet in Baltimore May 20. At the latter all
the States were represented excepting South Carolina,
Alabama, and Illinois, though Tennessee sent only one
delegate and Mississippi and Missouri only two each.
The outcome was that Van Buren was unanimously
nominated for the Presidency, nearly eighteen months
in advance of the election. This achievement en-
hanced the prestige of Van Buren and the Democratic
party in New York to a noteworthy degree. After
nearly half a century New York was for the first time
in a fair way of seeing one of its citizens made Presi-
dent of the United States. This circumstance contrib-
uted powerfully to the Democratic State campaign of
1835, which resulted in the election of another over-
whelmingly Democratic Legislature.
New York was by this time feeling strongly the dis-
turbing effects of the anti-slavery agitation, and Van
Buren was made to feel that an issue was thus raised
which would have to be very seriously reckoned with
in his political future. Benjamin Lundy and William
Lloyd Garrison had been the chief organizers of the
new movement, but Arthur and Lewis Tappan and
Gerrit Smith, of New York, were rising into national
prominence as among its most powerful promoters.
Garrison had in 1828 been fined and sent to jail for
an alleged libel, whereupon Arthur Tappan had paid
the fine for him and procured his release. Garrison
then returned to Boston and on January 1, 1830, be-
1830-5] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 183
gan the publication of the famous Liberator. This so
incensed the pro-slavery leaders of the south that the
Governor of Georgia actually made requisition upon
Governor Marcy for the surrender of Arthur Tappan
to the authorities of that State for trial as an aider and
abettor of Garrison, although Mr. Tappan had never
been in Georgia in his life! The fantastic demand
was of course refused. Marcy had at least some sense
of humor.
Violence soon began, incited by emissaries from
southern States whose leaders, finding that they could
not by legal processes stop the anti-slavery agitation,
determined to resort to extreme measures. In October,
1833, many respectable and eminent citizens of New
York City undertook to meet at Clinton Hall for the
organization of an anti-slavery society, but were forci-
bly prevented from so doing by a mob that comprised
other equally respectable and eminent citizens, as well
as a contingent of roughs. On the Fourth of July,
1834, an anti-slavery meeting in a chapel in that city
was forcibly broken up, and a few days later the resi-
dence of Lewis Tappan was mobbed and looted. In
many places the churches, schools, and homes of
negroes were raided, plundered, and destroyed.
Such work was proceeding at a great rate in 1835,
and in October of that year reached a crisis which
reacted against the perpetrators and brought to the
support of the anti-slavery agitators, or Abolitionists
as they were commonly called, a man who was destined
to be the strongest and most efficient of all their leaders.
At that time a number of Abolitionists from all parts
184 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1835
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of the State met at Utica for the purpose of forming
a State Anti-Slavery Society. Thereupon a mob of
the "solid men" of that city, led by Samuel Beardsley,
then a Representative in Congress and afterward Chief-
Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, violently
attacked them, broke up their meeting, and warned
them, under threats of worse treatment, to leave town.
Among the witnesses of the outrage was Gerrit Smith,
one of the largest landowners in the State and a man
of singularly handsome presence, great intellectual
force, and irresistible personal charm. He had thith-
erto not favored the Abolition movement but had been
active in the Colonization Society, of which Henry
Clay was president and the object of which was to
convey American negroes back to Africa and establish
them there in colonies under American instruction and
protection. But the Utica outrage converted him in
an hour and made him thereafter the most ardent, zeal-
ous, and effective of the Abolitionist leaders. When
the Utica meeting was broken up he immediately in-
vited its members to reassemble within the shelter of
his own home at Peterborough in Madison county,
and there to complete their work; and his militant
spirit boded little good for any who should try to med-
dle with a meeting there. The 'invitation wass ac-
cepted, and thus the New York State Anti-Slavery
Society was organized.
All this was of intense and vital political interest to
Van Buren. He was probably at heart not at all en-
amored of slavery. Had it been to his advantage to do
so he would doubtless have arrayed himself against it.
1835] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 185
But he was a candidate for the Presidency, and in order
to be elected it was absolutely necessary that he should
secure the support and votes of the slave States of the
south. In most of those States he was regarded with a
large degree of suspicion, as indeed any northern candi-
date would have been. It was therefore necessary that he
should not only dissociate himself from the Abolition-
ists, who had become nationally conspicuous in New
York, but should also positively antagonize them and
identify himself with slavery. He therefore had the
Albany Regency organize at least one mass-meeting of
the Democracy in every county of the State, at which
there were adopted resolutions dictated by himself, de-
nouncing the "hellish Abolitionists" as fanatics and
traitors. He directed the holding of a great meeting
at Albany, requiring Marcy to be its chairman, at
which similarly strong anti-Abolitionist resolutions
were passed, and these he personally sent to the Gov-
ernor of Georgia for transmission throughout the south,
with the assurance that he personally agreed with them
and approved them in the strongest manner. These
tactics made him "solid" with the south and secured
him unanimous nomination and the vote of the south
for his election.
The month of October, 1835, saw the rise in New
York City of a new Democratic faction and a new
political party, both of which made for a time much
noise in the State and left permanent names in its his-
tory. A Representative in Congress was to be elected
from that city to fill a vacancy, and a general meeting
of Tammany Hall was held to select a candidate. The
186 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H835
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
leaders of the party had in advance agreed on Gideon
Lee as a candidate, but it was known that a consider-
able faction was opposed to him because he was "too
much of a gentleman." So strong was the opposition,
indeed, that the leaders resorted to "snap judgment"
to make the nomination without putting it fairly to a
vote of the organization. In the midst of tumult and
disorder which made the gathering more like a riot
than a convention, they declared the nomination made
and agreed to and the meeting adjourned, and then
turned off the gas so as to leave the hall in darkness.
The malcontents, however, were not to be defeated by
such tactics. Procuring a supply of candles, each man
produced a box of friction matches, then known as
"loco focos," and lighted one, thus giving the place
ample illumination. Before the candles were burned
out resolutions of a most radical kind were adopted,
denouncing banks, railroads, and all such "monopo-
lies," and nominating Charles G. Ferris for Congress
against Mr. Lee. They then marched through the
streets, carrying the lighted candles. From the inci-
dent this faction became known as the Loco Focos.
In the ensuing election the Loco Focos were defeated,
Gideon Lee being elected to Congress ; but they main-
tained their activity and won local control of the party.
Their name came to be rather frequently applied to the
Democratic party throughout the State and indeed the
nation — although it must be said the "Loco Foco" des-
ignation for the Democracy in general was more cur-
rent among its opponents than its followers, and histor-
ically belongs to the category of more or less derisory
1835] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 187
political epithets coined from time to time, such as, to
cite recent examples, "Mugwump" and "Standpat."
At about the same time with the "loco foco" incident
the Native American Association was formed and held
a convention in New York. It drew its membership
from all other parties and was based upon the single
principle of excluding all persons of foreign birth from
public office. It put up candidates for the State As-
sembly; and for Congress, against Gideon Lee and
Charles G. Ferris, it nominated ex-President James
Monroe, who had become a resident of New York.
Upon this Philip Hone, whom we have already quoted,
wrote in his Diary: "The split among the Tammany
folks is so wide, and their animosity against each other
so bitter, that Monroe may very easily be elected if
the Whigs can be interested sufficiently in the event
to induce them to go to the polls." But the Whigs
let the election go by default, or voted for Gideon Lee.
The Whigs were less hasty than the Democrats in
starting their Presidential campaign, and less united
upon a candidate. They were in fact divided among
four leading candidates, to-wit: Judge White, of Ten-
nessee; General W. H. Harrison, of Ohio; Daniel
Webster, of Massachusetts; and Henry Clay, of Ken-
tucky. The Harrison men were first in the field with a
public demonstration. Shortly after the November
election of 1835 they held a mass-meeting in New York
City and recommended Harrison's nomination. Three
weeks later a similar meeting in the interest of Webster
was held, in response to a call signed by eleven hundred
citizens. Any more positive action was deferred until
188 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1835-6
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the next year. There being among the New York
Whigs nobody who was considered available for the
Presidency, the party in this State conceded national
leadership to other States in which there were
candidates.
Partly because of the financial disturbances occa-
sioned by the Bank conflict, and partly from other
causes, the cost of living in 1835 rose to an exorbitant
point. In the fall of that year butter sold at wholesale
in New York City for more than two dollars a pound,
and hay at thirty dollars a ton. The prices of nearly all
other commodities were similarly inflated. In that city
the distress was aggravated by the most extensive and
disastrous fire that had ever occurred in the United
States. On the night of December 16 the heart of the
business section of the city, to the number of nearly
seven hundred buildings, including the Merchants' Ex-
change and other costly edifices, was destroyed, the loss
being more than $15,000,000. The burned area, lying
south of Wall Street and east of Broad Street, was more
than a quarter of a mile square. The glare of the con-
flagration was said to have been seen plainly at New
Haven and Philadelphia, being so bright in the latter
place that the local firemen were called out under the
supposition that the fire was somewhere in the outskirts.
The Fifty-ninth Legislature assembled at Albany on
January 5, 1836, with the same organization of both
houses as its predecessor. The Governor's message was
unusually long because of its extended discussion of the
Abolition movement and other topics. Much attention
was paid in it to educational affairs, both as to the com-
1836] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 189
mon schools and the colleges. Reference was made for
the first time to the newly organized University of the
City of New York, which was described as being in
plan in many respects similar to the most extensive uni-
versities on the continent of Europe, and which the
Governor reasonably hoped would in due time fulfill
the expectations of its founders.
Canals and other public works were discussed in de-
'tail, and the Legislature was reminded of their great
cost. That was no reason, the Governor argued, for
their discontinuance. Indeed, discontinuance was to be
most strongly deprecated. But it would manifestly be
wrong and would seriously impair the credit of the
State to incur heavy indebtedness for the future to dis-
charge without providing for its amortization.
Extended reference was made to the extraordinary
mania for speculation, particularly in real estate, which
seemed to possess the people, particularly of New York
City and its suburbs. Vacant lands in and about that
and other cities had risen in many instances several hun-
dred per cent, in price, and large areas had been sold
and bought at prices that suggested the competition of
speculation rather than any real demand resulting from
the increase of population and general prosperity. Most
of the lands had been bought not for improvement and
occupancy, but to be put upon the market and sold
again. A single auctioneer in New York had sold real
estate during the year to the amount of more than
twenty million dollars, of which more than half was
on bids made by or for the owners. This speculation
was not confined to city and suburban lots, but ex-
190 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H836
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
tended to farms and even to wild lands. Much capital
was thus diverted from industry and commerce, to the
detriment of the latter. Much, also, was sent out of the
State for foreign speculations and investments.
This lack of capital for the transaction of ordinary
business led to demand for more ample banking facili-
ties and extension of credit. But the Governor depre-
cated such a tendency. What was needed was to abate
speculation and to return to sane methods of business.
No more banks were wanted to supply the State with
paper currency, for there was already enough of that.
More could not make it better, and might make it
worse. Nor could the creation of new banks create new
capital. He therefore recommended great caution and
conservatism in the chartering of new banking insti-
tutions.
The dominant feature of the message was, however,
Marcy's discussion of the Abolitionist movement, which
he deprecated and condemned in the strongest terms.
He regarded it as a grave menace to domestic peace,
since the utterances of the agitators aroused passions
which had already led to acts of violence against them.
It was also a menace to the commercial prosperity of
the State, since southern States were considering a sev-
erance of trade relations with all States that tolerated it.
The schemes of the Abolitionists were, he declared,
visionary and pernicious. He could discern not one
good that had resulted or was likely to result from their
proceedings, while the train of evils which must neces-
sarily attend them was in number and magnitude ap-
palling. It was, moreover, a menace to the integrity of
1836] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 191
the Federal Union for the people of one State thus to
give offense to those of another. He therefore sug-
gested that the time might come when it would be neces-
sary to consider to what extent the State should provide
by law for the trial and punishment of citizens who
committed acts calculated to excite insurrection and
rebellion in other States. He was convinced that the
Legislature had full power to do this, and he seemed to
think that the time was not far distant when it would be
its duty to exercise that power. At the request of the
Governor of South Carolina he transmitted some reso-
lutions of the Legislature of that State on the subject,
which were couched in the most extreme terms.
The Legislature in response adopted resolutions de-
claring that it fully and cordially agreed with Gover-
nor Marcy in his views and sentiments concerning the
Abolition movement, but expressing the opinion that,
because of the attitude of the majority of the people of
the State, legislative action was unnecessary. In this it
was not singular among northern Legislatures. The
Governor in subsequent special messages transmitted
copies of resolutions of several other Legislatures un-
sparingly condemning the Abolitionists.
Governor John Gayle, of Alabama, made requisition
upon Governor Marcy for the surrender, for trial and
punishment, of Robert G. Williams, of New York, for
circulating in Alabama some Abolitionist prints that
were described as seditious. Williams was spoken of in
the requisition as a "fugitive from justice." Governor
Marcy replied that he could not be a fugitive, since he
had never been in Alabama and therefore could not
192 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U836
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
have "fled" from that State. Governor Gayle replied
that "flee" in the Constitution should be interpreted as
equivalent to "evade" ; but Marcy was not convinced of
that and accordingly, "with regret," found himself
compelled to refuse to surrender Williams.
During this session of the Legislature Jacob Sunder-
land resigned from the bench of the Supreme Court,
and Greene C. Bronson was appointed in his place.
John Savage later in the year resigned the Chief-Jus-
ticeship, and Samuel Nelson, already an Associate-Jus-
tice, was appointed in his place. Esek Cowen was made
an Associate -Justice to succeed Mr. Nelson.
Grave charges of corruption were made in the Senate
against two members of that body, John C. Kemble, of
the Third district and Isaac W. Bishop, of the Fourth
district. They were accused of fraudulent speculation
in stocks, with being implicated in doings of the cashier
of an Albany bank who had stolen the bank's funds and
absconded, and with various other immoral and dis-
honest transactions. The only argument in their favor
was that the Senate had no right to try them on such
charges, but could only consider regular articles of im-
peachment. The majority of the Senate was obviously
inclined to reject this plea and to proceed with the trial.
Kemble resigned his seat before any action could be
taken. Bishop stood his ground a little longer. A vote
was taken declaring by 21 to 7 that he was guilty of
moral and official misconduct. The question of his ex-
pulsion was then put and was defeated, 12 voting for
and 16 against expulsion. Bishop then resigned his
seat. Two of the most prominent Senators also resigned,
SAMUEL BEARDSLEY
Samuel Beardsley; born in Hoosic, Rensselaer county, N. Y.,
February 9, 1790; admitted to the bar in 1815 and began prac-
tice at Rome, N. Y. ; distrct attorney of Oneida county; member
of the state senate; judge of Oneida county; United States
attorney for northern New York, 1827-1830; elected to con-
gress as a democrat and served from March 4, 1831 to March
29, 1836 when he resigned to accept appointment as circuit
judge; attorney general of the sate of New York, 1836; again
elected to congress and served from March 4, 1843 to May 24,
1844, when he resigned to accept the position of associate judge
of the supreme court of New York; made chief justice in 1847;
died in Utica, N. Y., May 6, 1860.
1836] VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY 193
peremptorily. These were Samuel Young and Myndert
Van Schaick. They declared that their sense of self-
respect and honor forbade them to remain in a body
whose majority would recognize and retain as fellow-
members men whom that majority had just declared to
be guilty of moral and official misconduct.
The Legislature provided a new apportionment of
the State for Senators and Assemblymen, according to
the new enumeration of inhabitants, and on May 26
adjourned without day.
CHAPTER XIII
THE REVOLUTION OF 1837
THE incidence of both a national and a State elec-
tion marked the year 1836 in the political history
of New York. The coming together of the two
elections had occurred before, but never with interest
comparable to that which now arose from the fact that
the Presidential candidate of the dominant party was
the unchallenged leader of that party in this State.
Foreindicated several years in advance, that fact was
made certain by the Baltimore convention of May,
1835. Additional interest arose from the circumstance
that the chosen leader's closest and ablest lieutenant was
a candidate for reelection to the Governorship.
The results of both these campaigns were foregone
conclusions. Yet, curiously enough, they were so re-
garded on only one side, and that was the side which
naturally should have taken the other view. The
Whigs were far more confident of their own defeat than
the Democrats were of victory. Indeed, both President
Jackson and Vice-President Van Buren were decidedly
anxious and fearful of an unfavorable verdict at the
polls. This was partly because they were not able
accurately to gauge the drift of popular sentiment for
or against the radical policies of the national adminis-
tration. It was also largely on account of the formid-
194
1836] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 195
able-appearing array of parties and factions against
them.
The forces opposed to Jackson's administration, and
equally opposed to Van Buren as Jackson's successor,
comprised the National Republicans, who had formerly
supported Adams and Clay and approved Clay's
" American system" of protective tariff and internal im-
provements; the majority of the Anti-Masons; the
nullifiers or State rights men of South Carolina and
other southern States; many former supporters of
Jackson who had been alienated from him by his arbi-
trary course toward the Bank; and a large number of
independent voters not affiliated with any party, who
had become alarmed at the autocratic policy of the
President.
Had these forces been homogeneous and capable of
harmonious cooperation, the combination would have
been formidable and might have won the election.
But they were not. They had nothing in common but
their opposition to Jackson. Thus, there was positive
antagonism between the nullifiers of South Carolina,
represented by John C. Calhoun, and the Whigs of
New England, represented by Daniel Webster; for
this was but six years after the famous debate between
Hayne and Webster in the Senate. Nor did the nulli-
fiers care anything about the Bank. Nevertheless, the
possibility that a common antipathy toward him would
cause them to coalesce effectively filled Jackson with
so great apprehension that he interested himself in the
campaign to an extent probably never approximated
by any other President. Knowing that the Legisla-
196 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U836
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ture of his own State, Tennessee, was likely to pass
a resolution recommending as a candidate for the Pres-
idency Judge Hugh L. White, at that time a United
States Senator from Tennessee, he personally sent to
each member of the body a file of the Washington
Globe containing a series of envenomed attacks upon
that gentleman. In this he decidedly overreached
himself, for the resentment which the legislators natu-
rally felt at his interference provoked them to nomi-
nate Judge White by a more nearly unanimous vote
than he would otherwise have received.
Thus rebuffed, and fearing that other States would
follow the example of Tennessee in support of White,
the President resorted to the extraordinary expedient
of directing the holding of the national nominating con-
vention a year and a half in advance of the election so
as to forestall any defection from the administration
ranks. Thus it was that the Baltimore convention
already referred to was called and did the work ex-
pected of it. Accordingly the year 1836 opened with
Van Buren and Colonel Richard M. Johnson, of Ken-
tucky, already formally in the field as the regular
Democratic candidates for President and Vice-Presi-
dent.
The opposing parties and factions, as might have
been expected, did not unite on any one candidate for
either office. It would doubtless have been impossible
for them to do so had they tried, but they did not try.
Neither did they enter into such an understanding as
had prevailed to some extent on one or two former
occasions, that all their Electoral votes should be
1836] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 197
"pooled" for some one candidate in case it were found
that thus he could be elected; though it is possible
that this might have been done if Van Buren had failed
to get a clear majority of the Electoral College. Their
object was to divide the Electoral vote so that no can-
didate would have a majority, and thus throw the
election into the House of Representatives.
So several anti-Jackson candidates were put forward.
General William Henry Harrison was the most promi-
nent of them — as a candidate. He was nominated by
a Pennsylvania convention, and also was the choice
of the Whigs of New York. Ohio named John
McLean. Massachusetts nominated Daniel Webster.
Tennessee and Alabama were for Judge White. South
Carolina was to choose her Electors not by popular
election but through her Legislature, and was inclined
to support W. P. Mangum, of North Carolina. There
were also several candidates for the Vice-Presidency.
The Harrison men, and also the supporters of Webster,
generally inclined toward Francis Granger, of New
York, who had been one of the foremost leaders of the
Anti-Masonic party and a candidate for Governor.
The southern States largely favored John Tyler, of
Virginia.
With the national campaign, thus disposed, New
Yorkers turned to their State campaign. Three State
conventions were held, in September. The Demo-
crats, gathering as usually at Herkimer, unanimously
and without controversy renominated Marcy and
Tracy. It was good political strategy so to do, it was
the desire of Van Buren that they should do so, and
198 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1836
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
it was only just to Marcy that he should be returned
to the office that he had filled with, on the whole, sur-
passing excellence.
The Whigs, as in national affairs, were less united.
They did not expect to win the election, and for that
reason ambitious men, such as William H. Seward,
were disinclined to be candidates. Thurlow Weed,
the shrewdest political observer in the State, regarded
the outlook with little hope and could give no one
encouragement to look for success. The convention
found, however, a willing candidate, or sacrifice, in
Jesse Buel. He had been the founder of the Albany
Argus and its editor, had succeeded Solomon South-
wick as State Printer in 1813, had served with credit
in the Assembly, and had by honest industry and enter-
prise amassed an independent fortune. Though not
a man of brilliant parts he was intelligent, prudent,
honest, and honorable above suspicion, and universally
respected. He accepted the nomination without hope
of election, partly because he esteemed it an honor to
be the candidate and partly because as a loyal party
man he felt it to be his duty to make the sacrifice for
the party's sake. For Lieutenant-Governor the Whigs
chose Gamaliel H. Barstow, an active politician who
had belonged to pretty nearly all parties in turn and
had been an active force in each. He had served with
distinction in the Legislature and as State Treasurer,
and was a man of high integrity and aggressive leader-
ship. Neither of these candidates had been conspicu-
ous in the Anti-Masonic organization, though Bar-
stow had at one time belonged to that party. It was
1836] ^ THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 199
felt that the Anti-Masons were sufficiently recognized
through having their great leader, Francis Granger, on
the national ticket as candidate for the Vice-Presidency.
The Loco Foco seceders from Tammany Hall and
their sympathizers throughout the State also held a
convention, under the name of the Equal Rights party,
and nominated Isaac S. Smith for Governor. In New
York City they formed a coalition with the Whigs on
the local ticket and succeeded in electing a State Sena-
tor and a Representative in Congress.
The campaigns, both national and State, were vigor-
ously conducted, New York being regarded as in a
peculiar sense the battle-ground of the nation. The
early fall elections in other States seemed to presage the
defeat of the Democrats. In Maine at the September
election not a single Democratic Congressman was
chosen. In Pennsylvania the Democrats won by the
narrowest of majorities, while New Jersey and Ohio,
which had formerly supported Jackson, were carried
by the Whigs. This caused the Democrats to redouble
their efforts and the national administration to use all
possible influence in their behalf.
Van Buren was elected President. His national
plurality of the popular vote over Harrison was more
than 200,000; but counting the White and Webster
votes he had only about 25,000 majority in the nation.
In the Electoral College he had 170 votes against 124
for all others. But the State of Virginia, while voting
for Van Buren, cast its vote for William Smith, of
Alabama, for Vice-President, instead of Colonel John-
son, and the latter thus received only 147 Electoral
200 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1836
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
votes, or just half of the College. This, for the only
time in history, caused the election of a Vice-Presi-
dent to be thrown into the Senate. The result was the
choice of Johnson by 33 votes against 16 for Granger.
The result in New York State, so far as the popular
vote was concerned, was more emphatic than in the
nation. Marcy received 166,122 to Buel's 136,648,
thus securing a larger popular majority than Van
Buren had in the whole country. Isaac S. Smith re-
ceived 3,496 votes.
The Legislature chosen at this time was also strongly
Democratic. It was the first elected under the new
apportionment that had been made agreeably to the
enumeration of inhabitants of 1835, and the changes
made in the distribution of seats give an informing in-
dication of the growth of the various counties. The
Senate remained unchanged, consisting of four Sena-
tors from each of eight districts. In the Assembly
some counties gained and others lost members. Albany
retained three, unchanged. Allegany had an increase
from one to two. Broome retained one. Cattaraugus
increased from one to two and Chautauqua from two
to three, while Cayuga was reduced from four to three.
The new county of Chemung received one. Chenango
retained three, Clinton one, Columbia three, Cortland
two, and Delaware two. Dutchess was reduced from
four to three, and Erie was increased from two to
three. Essex and Franklin retained one each. Gene-
see was increased from three to four, Greene retained
two, and Herkimer was reduced from three to two.
Jefferson retained three. Kings county was still grow-
1837] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 201
ing so slowly that it was increased only from one to
two. Lewis had one, Livingston two, Madison three,
Monroe three, and Montgomery and Hamilton together
three. New York was increased from eleven to twelve,
and Niagara from one to two. Oneida was reduced
from five to four. Onondaga retained four, Ontario
three, Orange three, and Orleans one. Oswego was
increased from one to two, and Otsego was decreased
from four to three. Putnam had one and Queens one.
Rensselaer was decreased from four to three. Rich-
mond and Rockland had one each. Saratoga was de-
creased from three to two. St. Lawrence had two,
Schenectady one, and Schoharie two. Seneca was re-
duced from two to one, and Steuben was increased
from two to three. Suffolk had two and Sullivan one.
Tioga was decreased from two to one, and Tompkins
from three to two. Ulster had two and Warren one.
Washington was decreased from three to two, as was
also Westchester. Wayne had two and Yates one.
The Sixtieth Legislature met at Albany on January
3, 1837. The organization of the Senate remained
unchanged. But in the Assembly, as Tompkins county
had lost a member in the new reapportionment, Charles
Humphrey, of Ithaca, the former Speaker, was not re-
turned, and Edward Livingston, of Albany, was chosen
in his place.
The Governor's message congratulated the Legisla-
ture and the State — most prematurely — upon the sub-
sidence of the anti-slavery agitation. He did not ap-
parently realize that Gerrit Smith was still very much
alive, and had not yet heard of a young theological
202 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
student named Henry Ward Beecher, then just be-
ginning ministerial work in an Indiana town. He paid
an eloquent tribute to President Jackson and antici-
pated a favorable judgment of posterity upon his ad-
ministration. A grave blemish upon a generally admi-
rable document was his partisan stricture upon those
who had ventured to oppose the election of Van Buren.
He called attention to the need of relief for the over-
burdened courts and a general reform of the judiciary
system, and the Legislature responded by creating a
commission to consider the matter and to report the
next year. Much attention was also given to the edu-
cational system, and he recommended that more than
five million dollars of Federal funds be accepted by
the State for safe-keeping and that the State's profit
therefrom be applied to the school fund, which was
done. There was also considerable discussion of the
banking and currency system, which was in an omi-
nously unsatisfactory condition. Reference was made
to the work of the newly-created Geological Survey,
and this subject was further dwelt upon at much length
in a special message on February 11.
Seldom had the administration of a Governor of
New York begun in more auspicious circumstances—
superficially regarded — than those attending the en-
trance of William L. Marcy upon his third term. Hard
times in State and nation had been suddenly changed
into what seemed on the surface to be almost unexam-
pled prosperity. His close political friend had been
elected President of the United States, with a friendly
majority in Congress. He himself had been reflected
1837] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 203
by a decisive majority, and he had a favorable majority
in the Legislature of nearly two to one in the Assembly
and five to one in the Senate. He had by the admission
of his foes made a splendid record in his former terms,
he was superbly fitted for the place, he was in the prime
of life and intellectual vigor, his reputation was spot-
less, and his personality was everywhere beloved. His
party was throughout the State perfectly and efficiently
organized and counted among its members the most
substantial financiers and business men.
Yet before the year was out his administration was
discredited and his party was crushingly defeated, and
the next year saw that party all but destroyed and him-
self retired to private life.
We have already spoken of the reckless land and
other speculation prevailing in 1835 and 1836 against
which Governor Marcy uttered a warning in his mes-
sage. The speculators generally paid for their lands
in banknotes, and to meet the demand for that pur-
pose the banks greatly increased their issue of such
currency. To check such inflation President Jackson
in 1836 ordered that the Federal land offices should
accept no more banknotes but should insist upon being
paid in coin or in certificates of the deposit of coin
or bullion. This did not stop the speculation, but it
led the speculators to make large demands upon the
banks for gold and silver, which in turn caused the
banks to call in their loans and to refuse many other
loans in various lines of business.
In the same year, after paying off the national debt
the treasury had a surplus on hand of about forty mil-
204 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
lion dollars. This surplus was ordered by Congres
against the judgment of Van Buren — to be distributed
for deposit among the various States, New York's quota
being more than five millions — referred to by Marcy in
his message of 1837. Supposing that the surplus would
remain with them indefinitely, the banks in which it
had at first been deposited had treated it as so much
capital, on the strength of which they had made large
loans. When, therefore, an order came for the redis-
tribution of it among all the States in sums propor-
tioned to the numbers of their representatives in the
Electoral College, many of the banks were seriously
embarrassed.
The era of speculation had been an era of extrava-
gance, in which immense purchases of goods were made
in Europe. Becoming fearful of the condition of
American finances, the Bank of England declined to
discount the bills of American merchants in payment
for such purchases. Further demands upon American
banks for specie to be shipped to England were con-
sequently necessitated, with the result of greatly aggra-
vating the financial troubles.
Early in January, 1837, Mr. C. C. Cambreling, a
Representative in Congress who was on close terms of
confidence with Van Buren and reflected his policies,
introduced a bill for the abolition of some tariff duties
and the great reduction of others, practically aiming
at the destruction of Clay's "American system." This
action, taken as an earnest of the policy to be pursued
by the incoming administration, materially added to
the unrest and apprehension which prevailed through-
1837] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 205
out the nation and which were probably more acute
in New York than anywhere else.
By the middle of March prosperity gave place to
depression and distress, with apprehensions of impend-
ing disaster. On March 20 Philip Hone wrote in his
Diary: "The prospects in Wall Street are getting worse
and worse." Eight days later a meeting of New York
merchants was held for the purpose of sending a letter
to Nicholas Biddle, president of the Bank of the
United States at Philadelphia, requesting him and his
bank to "step forward in this most appalling crisis and
save the commercial community of New York." Mr.
Biddle, it must be recalled, was the man upon whom
chiefly had broken the storm of Jacksonian wrath
against the Bank.
It was too late. Panic irresistibly set in. Stocks
fell at an astounding rate, and with them the prices
of speculative lands. Railroad and canal stocks sold
at about half the price of a year before. Lots on Man-
hattan Island which had brought in 1836 $480 each,
in the spring of 1837 went begging for purchasers at
$50. At the beginning of May a delegation of New
York merchants went to Washington to confer with
the President, Van Buren. Their errand was fruit-
less. He declined to withdraw or modify the treasury
order for payments only in specie, or to call a special
session of Congress. A few days later three banks in
Buffalo were closed. They were so-called "Safety
Fund banks," having been chartered under the Safety
Fund law which had been enacted in 1829 at the rec-
ommendation of Governor Van Buren. The Legisla-
206 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1837
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ture immediately ordered the Bank Commissioners to
assume the payment of their notes.
Two days later, on May 10, the banks of New York
City suspended specie payments, and within three days
their example was followed all over the country. That
precipitated a crisis everywhere, but it was of special
interest in New York. The Safety Fund law provided
that if any bank suspended specie payments it should
be placed in the hands of a receiver, its issue of notes
be stopped, and eventually its charter be forfeited
Obviously, if that law had been enforced most of the
banks in New York State would have been closed and
would have gone out of existence. The Legislature
was about to adjourn, but it halted long enough to pass
an act suspending for one year the operation of that
part of the Safety Fund law. The vote was nearly
unanimous — 30 to 2 in the Senate and 95 to 19 in the
Assembly. A bill was then introduced to suspend for
one year the law forbidding the circulation of bank-
notes of less than five dollars value, but it was defeated
in the Senate by a vote of 13 to IS. Then on May 16
the Legislature adjourned without day.
This refusal of the Senate to suspend the prohibition
of small notes was one of the most fecund sources
of popular inconvenience and distress, and one of the
chief factors that made for the political revolution that
speedily followed. The merchants of the city begged
the Governor to recall the Legislature promptly in
order that it might reconsider and pass the bill which
the Senate had rejected, but he refused on the ground
that it would not be proper to ask the Legislature to
1837] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 207
do something that it had just decided not to do. In
this he made probably the greatest mistake, at least
from the point of view of political tactics, of all his
career. From that moment popular resentment and
wrath against him and against the Democratic party
increased with ominous rapidity.
The charter election in New York City was held in
April. The Democrats nominated for Mayor J. J.
Morgan, a man of high standing and unimpeachable
character and record. Against him the Whigs nomi-
nated Aaron Clark, who had been Clerk of the Assem-
bly from 1814 to 1820. The Loco Foco faction put for-
ward David R. Jacques. Although at this time the
business troubles had not reached their height, specie
payments had not been suspended, and the Legislature
had not refused to permit small bills to be issued, the
Whigs elected Mr. Clark by a majority of about three
thousand and secured an overwhelming majority of
both the Board of Aldermen and Common Council.
The Loco Foco candidate received four thousand votes.
In Albany, too, the Whigs elected their local ticket.
Although the President had refused the request of
the New York merchants for a special session of Con-
gress, he reconsidered the matter a few days later and
on May 15 issued a call for such a session. It met
on September 4 and listened to the reading of a mes-
sage discussing the financial condition of the country
and outlining the course that he thought should be
pursued. Philip Hone on May 8 had refused to pre-
side at a great civic meeting unless the resolutions to
be presented for adoption were amended by the elimi-
208 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
nation of a passage that charged the President with hav-
ing made statements "unfounded in fact" But on Sep-
tember 6 he wrote of Van Buren's message that it was
the most mischievous in its tendency that had ever been
presented to the American people, that it contained
"many gross misrepresentations," and that one of its
salient declarations was a "falsehood."
Van Buren's argument was briefly this: The banks
chartered by the States had been tried and found want-
ing as depositaries of public funds, and a National
bank could not be chartered — he would veto a bill for
chartering one. Therefore the United States treasury
should keep charge of its own funds and have nothing
whatever to do with the banking system or the busi-
ness system of the country. This was interpreted by
the Whigs and by a multitude of Democrats as a direct
attack upon the banks and the credit system of bank-
notes. It would restrain the country to a purely me-
tallic currency, which alone would be legal tender, and
that would be in volume entirely inadequate to the
needs of a commercial community like New York, if
not, indeed, to those of the whole country, rural as well
as urban.
Against such a policy a large part of the Democratic
party revolted. A bill was introduced into the House
of Representatives for carrying out the President's de-
signs. It was vigorously debated and at last, on the
motion of John C. Clark, a Representative from Che-
nango county, New York, was laid on the table by the
votes of the Whigs and conservative Democrats. A
bill was enacted, however, authorizing the issue of a
WILLIAM L. MARCY
William L. Marcy, 13th governor (1833-38) ; born in South-
bridge, Mass., December 12, 1786; lawyer; served in the war
of 1812; recorder of city of Troy, 1816; editor of Troy Budget;
adjutant general, New York, 1821; state comptroller, 1823;
associate justice state supreme court, 1829; elected United States
senator and served from March 4, 1831, until his resignation,
July, 1832 to become candidate for governor; governor,
1833-38; commissioner on Mexican claims, 1839-42; secretarv of
war, March 5, 1845 to March 3, 1849; U. S. secretary of state,
March 7, 1853 to March 4, 1857; died at Balston Spa, N. Y.,
July 4, 1857.
1837] THE REVOLUTION OF 1837 209
certain amount of treasury notes, and then Congress
adjourned. It had done nothing to abate the popular
distress, while the President through his message and
its Independent Treasury scheme had done much to
increase the popular dissatisfaction, distrust, and con-
demnation with which his administration, only six
months old, was regarded.
The banks of New York worried along as best they
could, but their service to the business public was sadly
inadequate. The great want was that of a currency of
denominations less than five dollars. The banks could
not, under the law, issue small notes, and they would
not pay out gold or silver. Indeed, it would have been
folly to do so, for specie was at a premium — or paper
was at a discount — of from ten to twelve per cent.,
and specie if issued would have been hoarded or sold
at a premium. A million or two in small bills from
other States got into circulation, and among them were
vast quantities of notes of insolvent and defunct banks,
and also of outright counterfeits. These dubious bills
were popularly called "shinplasters," a name that had
been given the depreciated notes of the Continental
Congress during and after the Revolution, and later
was applied to the fractional currency of Civil War
and reconstruction times. While all the nation suffered
severely from the financial troubles of 1837 New York
fared worst, partly because a flood of worthless paper
currency was poured into it as the business metropolis,
and partly because it was hampered by the refusal of
the Legislature to give the banks power to afford such
relief as might have been within their power. Of
210 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1837
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
course much odium, as is usual in such cases, fell upon
the party in power, with little thought as to whether it
was or was not responsible for the ills from which the
State was suffering.
In such circumstances the fall election of 1837 was
held. It was not only the annual election for mem-
bers of the Legislature, but the triennial election for
Sheriffs and County Clerks throughout the State. The
result was what in later years we have learned to call
a "landslide." Almost every county in the State was
carried by the Whigs. They elected six out of the
eight Senators, 101 out of the 128 Assemblymen, and
a great majority of the Sheriffs and Clerks. "New
York," wrote Philip Hone, "has broken her chains
and stands erect, regenerated. The moral and politi-
cal effect of this victory will be prodigious. The meas-
ures of the administration stand condemned before the
nation, and Mr. Van Buren must alter his course or
sink to rise no more."
CHAPTER XIV
"SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY"
ASTONISHMENT and uncertainty prevailed in
the politics of the State at the opening of the
new year. The revolution of 1837 had been so
tremendous that neither party knew just how to regard
it — whether to look upon it as indicating a lasting
change in the control of the State, or merely a tempo-
rary fluctuation. It was thus in a spirit of expectancy,
awaiting what next might happen, that the Sixty-first
Legislature met at Albany on January 2, 1838. There
was no change in the organization of the Senate, in
which the Democrats still retained a majority. Gulian
C. Verplanck, of New York, took his seat in that body
for the first time, and Daniel S. Dickinson, who had
entered it a year before from the Sixth district, began
to rise toward that prominence which he later attained.
In the Assembly appeared two men who were destined
to make important marks in the history of the State.
These were Benjamin D. Silliman, of Brooklyn, and
James S. T. Stranahan, of Oneida county, who later
removed to Brooklyn and had a distinguished career
in that city. The Whig majority transformed the
organization of the Assembly, electing Luther Bradish,
of Franklin county, a man of exceptionally fine accom-
plishments, Speaker, and Jarvis N. Lake to be Clerk.
211
212 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor Marcy's message contained no reference
to the result of the election, but dealt at length with
the varied interests of the State in his customary calm,
self-possessed, and statesmanlike manner. There was
perhaps a little higher touch of statesmanship than
usual, as if some sub-conscious intimation had come
to him that this was to be his valedictory. Had he
indeed been conscious of that fact he could not have
wished to make his last message a more worthy com-
position than was this. He discussed the interests of
the judiciary, the schools, the canal system, the prisons,
etc., and then gave his chief attention to what was un-
doubtedly the most important topic in the State, the
fiscal system. He attributed the disastrous business
panic and depression of the preceding year chiefly to
extravagant speculation and to unsound banking and
currency conditions ; and in view of the impending re-
sumption of specie payments by the banks he recom-
mended that they should be required to maintain a
larger specie reserve than thitherto for the protection
of their paper currency. In consequence of his recom-
mendations the Legislature presently enacted measures
permitting banks to be incorporated under a general
act and without special legislation for each charter, re-
quiring them to have at all times a specie reserve equal
to twelve and a half per cent, of their paper circula-
tion, and also permitting them to resume the issuance
of notes for less than five dollars with the stipulation
that they should redeem in specie all small bills on pre-
sentation.
This was followed on April 12 and 13 with messages
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 213
to the Aseembly and Senate, respectively, on the re-
sumption of specie payments by the banks. He pointed
out that the banks of New York would be alone in
taking that step, and that there was thus danger that
the banks of other States would drain out the specie
from this State. He recommended legislative action
if it should prove necessary to prevent such a result
He also recommended that, if the banks seemed to need
such aid, the Legislature issue six or eight millions of
State bonds for canal work, and loan them to the banks.
Such an issue would, he pointed out, soon be necessary
if the work of canal construction and improvement
was to continue, and it would be good policy to issue
them at once if thus the banks could be aided to re-
store a normal status to the State's finances. As a mat-
ter of fact, this aid was not needed, since millions of
dollars in gold began to pour into New York from
Europe.
On the same day that his annual message was de-
livered, January 2, Governor Marcy sent in a special
message on the foreign relations of the State, and
especially on what was known as the "Caroline" affair.
At that time there was an insurrection in Canada.
There were in the United States, and particularly in
New York, many sympathizers with the rebels, and
much aid was given to the insurrection in flagrant vio-
lation of the neutrality laws. Armed bodies were
organized for the invasion of Canada in cooperation
with the insurgents, and late in December, 1837, one
of these seized Navy Island in the Niagara River, be-
longing to Canada. In return for this flagrant out-
214 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1338
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
rage the Canadian government sent a force thither
which crossed the river to the American shore and there
captured and destroyed the steamer "Caroline," which
belonged either to the insurgents or to their Ameri-
can aids. Governor Marcy, in the absence at the
moment of complete information, regarded the Cana-
dian action as an invasion and an outrage upon an
American vessel. He assumed in his message that the
Federal government would take appropriate proceed-
ings and that the New York militia would prevent any
further invasion of the State. In fact, President Van
Buren promptly issued a very judicious proclamation
warning New Yorkers and all Americans against. any
further violations of the neutrality laws and calling
upon the New York militia to prevent them.
Later, on March 5, Governor Marcy addressed the
Assembly concerning the breaking into and robbing of
the State arsenals at Watertown, Elizabethtown, and
Batavia by sympathizers with the Canadian rebels, who
thus stole State arms and ammunition for use in the
insurrection.
Samuel B. Ruggles, of New York City, as chairman
of a committee of the Assembly, made a most telling
report on the subject of internal improvements, in
which he demonstrated the fiscal ability of the State
to proceed with the completion of the Erie canal en-
largements and other great public works. In conse-
quence of his showing a bill was promptly passed; by
an all but unanimous vote, appropriating four million
dollars to be expended during that year in work on
the Erie canal. The Legislature, after surprisingly
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 215
little legislation of a partisan political character, ad-
journed without day on April 18.
After so great a revolution as that of 1837 a certain
reaction was inevitable, especially since by the spring
of 1838 business conditions had radically changed and
prosperity had been largely restored. It was not sur-
prising, therefore, that the April elections throughout
the State showed a considerable loss of Whig votes.
This indicated, however, not any actual defection of
Whigs but a return to their normal party affiliation of
numerous Democrats who because of the hard times
had temporarily revolted against the Jackson-Van
Buren policies. In New York City the Whig Mayor,
Aaron Clark, was reflected by a majority of only 99,
against about three thousand at his former election) and
a bare majority of one was all that the Whigs could
secure in each of the branches of the City Council.
There were similiar results throughout the State.
The campaigning for the fall election for Governor
began early. On the Democratic side it was straight
campaigning for the reelection of Marcy and Tracy,
whose renomination without opposition was a foregone
conclusion. Such renomination was effected at the
State convention at Herkimer, on September 12. And
Marcy well deserved it. He was in his third term as
Governor, and his administration throughout had been
of a high order. It had been free from scandals and
generally had been responsive to the will of the people.
Although as Comptroller Marcy had strongly opposed
the Chenango canal, as Governor he promoted that
enterprise in accordance with the evident desire of the
216 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
people. He was friendly to public works, but wisely
insisted that they should not be undertaken beyond the
ability of the State to pay at least the interest on the
money borrowed for the purpose.
On three grounds he incurred disfavor, a part of
which was greatly to his credit That was in connec-
tion with his action toward the Canadian rebellion and
its New York abettors. There is no reason for
suspecting him of toadying to England. He simply
wanted and determined that the American neutrality
laws should be enforced. But for that he suffered the
resentment of a certain Anglophobe faction. He was
also criticised and condemned for not calling a special
session of the Legislature to repeal the law forbidding
the issue of small banknotes. Most of all, perhaps,
he was denounced for his friendliness to Van Buren's
Sub-Treasury program. On that account he incurred
the hostility of a faction of Democrats led by Nathaniel
P. Tallmadge, United States Senator. This faction
held a State convention at Syracuse, repudiated Marcy,
and endorsed the Whig ticket.
The Whig campaign, on the other hand, was down to
the State convention at Utica on September 12 a contest
among aspirants for the nomination. The prospect of
victory at the polls had brought a number of candidates
into the field. Conspicuous among these were Francis
Granger, who had already been twice a candidate;
William H. Seward, who had run once before; and
Luther Bradish, the Speaker of the Sixty-first Assembly
and a man of immense personal popularity and real
worth. Mr. Bradish had entered the Assembly in 1828,
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 217
and was one of the founders of the Anti-Masonic party
and also the Whig party. Among these three men per-
sonally there was the kindliest of feeling and a desire
that the one who was most favored by the people, and
who would be the strongest candidate, should be chosen.
Each of the three was, moreover, ready to work with
might and main for either of the others in case he
should be chosen. Among their followers there was
less agreement, and at times there was positive dissen-
sion. This resulted in some regrettably savage attacks
on the candidates and in a sharp contest in the con-
vention.
The deciding factor in making the nomination was
Thurlow Weed, the editor of the Albany Evening
Journal and the most astute political manager in the
State. He was at first undecided in his choice, inclining
somewhat toward Francis Granger, with whom he had
been longer and more intimately associated than with
either of the others. Indeed, Granger was probably
the choice of a majority of the party leaders. But
Weed soon came to realize that the future of the party
lay with the young men of the State, and that if success
was to be attained appeal must be made to them. On
that ground he turned to Seward, and it was his doing so
that secured Seward's nomination.
When the convention met the choice still wavered in
the balance. On the first informal ballot Seward had
52 votes, Granger 39, Bradish 29, and Edwards, of New
York City, 4. The supporters of Bradish were devoted
to him and would have stood by him to the end, hoping
for his success as a compromise candidate between
218 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1838
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Seward and Granger; but he himself, believing that
either of the others would be a stronger candidate be-
fore the people of the State, advised them to cast their
votes for either Seward or Granger, as they preferred.
Accordingly the second ballot showed 60 for Seward,
52 for Granger, only 10 for Bradish, and 3 for Ed-
wards. A third was taken, and to Weed's alarm Seward
fell to second place with only 59, while Granger's vote
rose to 60 and Bradish's was 8.
At that point by masterly strategy Weed succeeded in
having a recess declared, during which he worked with
consummate tact, first, to bring over to Seward a major-
ity of the eight men who still held out for Bradish. It
was in vain. The eight were immovable. They were
willing to do anything else that Weed might ask, but
they would not desert their candidate until some other
was actually nominated, not if a hundred ballots were
taken. Then Weed addressed himself to the men who
had originally voted for Bradish but had gone over to
Granger, and with them he was more successful. The
recess ended and the fourth informal ballot was taken.
Seward had 67, Granger 48, and Bradish 8. The next
morning the leaders of the Granger forces moved to
make Seward's nomination unanimous, and then
Bradish was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor by
acclamation, no other person being so much as sug-
gested.
The cordial feelings among the three candidates were
notably manifested. Bradish's advice to his supporters
has already been referred to, and he followed it up by
unhesitatingly accepting the second place on the ticket.
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 219
Granger had told his delegates in advance that if either
Seward or Bradish won he wished them to move for a
unanimous nomination and then to work for the success
of the nominee as zealously as though he himself had
been chosen. As for Seward, who remained at home in
Auburn, premature word reached him during the recess
after the ominous third ballot that Granger had won;
whereupon he instantly summoned his friends to organ-
ize a popular ratification mass-meeting and himself
drafted resolutions to be adopted in cordial support of
the supposedly successful candidate.
If thus Thurlow Weed was the Deus ex machina that
secured the nomination of Seward, it was left for an-
other young man and journalist to secure his election.
Four years before, that then obscure young man had
started his weekly paper, the New-Yorker, in New
York City. It was not a political journal, though it did
pay some attention to politics along with all other topics
of public interest, and it was strongly committed to
Whig doctrines. Indeed, it may be believed that many
former Democrats and independents had been con-
verted to the Whig party through its influence. More-
over— and this was what perhaps most strongly ap-
pealed to Weed, — it was scholarly, cultivated, and dig-
nified in tone. While it could be severe in its criticisms
it never descended to lampoonery or billingsgate.
Weed had been a reader of the New-Yorker from the
beginning and quickly discerned the surpassing genius
of Greeley as a political writer and controversialist, al-
though he did not know him personally. When the
electoral revolution of 1837 presaged Whig victory in
220 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H838
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
1838, Weed conceived the fortunate design of publish-
ing a campaign paper at Albany and of getting the
young editor of the New-Yorker to come up and con-
duct it. Accordingly he went to the metropolis and
called on Greeley in his humble office. That first meet-
ing of the two men, in an Ann Street cellar, was historic
for its results in relation to the future of New York and
of America. It meant the conjunction and cooperation
of the ablest political diplomat and manager and the
ablest political preacher and propagandist of the time.
Instinctively drawn to each other by the kinship of
genius, the joint influence that they exercised was im-
mense and far-reaching, although their agreement and
association were not to prove permanent.
Greeley was much gratified at Weed's proposal and
readily accepted it when he found that it would not in-
terfere with the continued publication of the New-
Yorker. It was arranged that the new paper should be
printed in the office of the Albany Evening Journal and
that Greeley, doing most of his work in New York,
should go to Albany for two days in each week to make
up the forms. Weed left the choice of the name to
Greeley, who selected that of The Jeffersonian. That
in itself was consummately shrewd because of the ap-
peal to many Democrats who were devoted to the prin-
ciples of Jefferson but were not pleased with Jackson's
and Van Buren's departure therefrom. It was Greeley's
wise purpose to show them that Jefferson's real prin-
ciples were cherished and practiced by the Whigs more
than by the Democrats.
Publication of the paper was begun at Albany in
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 221
February, 1838, and from the first it was highly success-
ful in attracting popular attention and influencing vot-
ers to affiliate themselves with the Whig party. It was
almost unique among campaign sheets in its temperate,
reasonable tone. It made no appeal to passion. It in-
dulged in no invective or denunciation. It neither
"pointed with pride" nor "viewed with alarm." Its
appeal was entirely to reason and judgment, and all its
discussion of men and measures was such as gentlemen
might have engaged in by word of mouth, face to face
with their political opponents, without discourtesy or
offense. Very different were its articles from the vio-
lent and often ruffianly campaign diatribes which other
newspapers had been in the habit of emitting, and in-
deed very different from the impassioned invectives of
Greeley's own later years. Its work was tremendously
effective, and to it more than to any other factor may be
attributed the result of the election.
It was in consequence of this engagement of Greeley
to edit the campaign paper, followed by the nomination
of Seward, that the so-called "firm of Seward, Weed,
and Greeley" was formed — a combination which for
the first time completely overthrew the formidable Al-
bany Regency and which for some years controlled the
political life of the Empire State.
The Whigs did not, however, find the way to victory
an altogether easy one. The chief obstacle in their way
was presented by Gerrit Smith and the Abolitionists,
who demanded as the price of their support ante-elec-
tion pledges from Seward which he was not willing to
give, and which indeed it would have been very foolish
222 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U838
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
for him to give. Seward hated slavery as much as did
Gerrit Smith himself. But he realized that the great
masses of the people, and of the Whig party, were not
yet ready to adopt Abolitionist principles, and that for
him to make the pledges demanded would alienate
three votes for every vote won. But because of his wise
declination to give the pledges a number of extreme
Abolitionists openly repudiated him. It was reckoned
that these would by election time number about 20,000,
all drawn from the Whigs or from the independents
from whom the Whigs had hoped to recruit their
strength.
Following this defection, late in September, came the
disheartening results of the October elections in various
other States, showing heavy Whig losses. New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, and Ohio all went against the Whigs. At
this many of the New York leaders lost hope. Seward
himself a week before election told Weed that he
feared the State was lost to them. Francis Granger,
who had been working loyally for Seward, abandoned
hope because of the Abolitionist defection. He thought
the Abolitionists would poll more than 20,000
votes, and that by the Presidential election of 1840 they
would number one-fourth of the electorate of the State.
Millard Fillmore also despaired, and declared himself
sick of the Whig party. Weed was silent, grimly reso-
lute, untiring in labor. Greeley alone remained openly
optimistic and confident of success.
The election occurred on November 7, an auspicious
day for the Whigs since it was the anniversary of the
battle of Tippecanoe, won by their national leader,
1838] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 223
General Harrison. Extraordinary efforts were made
on both sides to get every voter to the polls, with the
result that by far the largest vote in the history of the
State down to that time was cast. Indeed, the defeated
candidate received a larger vote than any successful
candidate had ever before received. The victory of the
Whigs was not overwhelming, but it was ample. Seward
received 192,882 votes and Marcy 182,461. The Whigs
also secured five of the eight Senators and about two-
thirds of the Assembly. The Democrats had enough
hold-overs in the Senate, however, to maintain their
control of that body.
The result of the election was received by Seward
with fear and trembling as he realized the tremendous
responsibilities about to be laid upon him. "I shudder,"
he said, "at my temerity." Marcy was at first inclined
to be jocular. His retirement, he remarked, would
give him a chance to write a History of the Regency,
which would be a History of the Golden Age of New
York, beginning with his entrance into public life and
ending with his exit from it! The striking feature of
that record, he said, would be "the ascendancy of honest
men." Later he expressed regret at the downfall of the
Regency and was fearful lest the control of the State
might pass into the hands of men less scrupulously hon-
est than himself and his associates. He seemed to con-
sider his own public career at an end after eighteen
years of service, not foreseeing that he was yet to be a
cabinet officer under two Presidents and was to give
to international affairs the ripe fruitage of talents which
thus far had been chiefly confined to the State.
224 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U839
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor Seward's feeling as to his "temerity" was
not without reason. Seldom had a man entered upon
the duties of the Governorship in more trying circum-
stances than those that surrounded him in January,
1839. He was young and quite inexperienced in admin-
istrative duties, and he was succeeding a man of mature
years, of extended experience, of exceptional ability,
who for six years had directed the State's affairs with a
success that had commanded the approval of foes as
well as friends. He was expected, and indeed he in-
tended and desired, to make a radical transformation in
the administrative policy of the State, and he knew that
if he did not do so to the approval at least of his own
party he would be condemned as a failure. He had a
strong majority at his back in the Assembly, but a hos-
tile majority against him in the Senate — in which cir-
cumstances it might not be possible always to secure the
legislation he wished, yet he would be held accountable
for the course of the whole government both in what it
did and what it failed to do. He had to reckon, more-
over, with a certain degree of antagonism in his own
party from those old National Republicans who were
wedded to conservative ways and not in sympathy with
the progressive policies to which he was committed.
Added to this, he was besieged by a multitude of office-
seekers who looked to him to apply the policy which his
predecessor had enunciated though he had not greatly
practiced it, "to the victors belong the spoils," and who
were sure to turn and rend him if he did not satisfy their
ambitions.
He moreover realized that in him personally the
THURLOW WEED
Thurlow Weed, journalist; born at Cairo, Greene county.
N. Y., November 15, 1797; served in the war of 1812-14;
learned the printer's trade and went about through central
New York working in the offices of various country news-
papers; was a member of the state legislature in 1825; founded
the Albany Evening Journal in 1830 and saw it become one of
the foremost party organs of the state of New York; died in
New York City, November 22, 1882.
1839] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 225
whole Whig party was on trial. His election was the
first important victory of that party, and upon the suc-
cess of his administration would depend the future of
the Whigs in State and nation and in the next year's
Presidential contest. Yet despite these weighty consid-
erations and embarrassing conditions he faced the Leg-
islature, and through it the people of the State, serenely
and, save for that first access of trepidation, without
fear. His confidence proceeded from three sources.
One was an unfailing belief ia the justice of his cause
and an assurance that it would commend itself to the
people of the State; his plans were progressive, and he
was sure their execution would be so greatly for the
State's benefit that they would be cordially approved.
The second source of confidence was that self-apprecia-
tion which every man of genius or high talent is entitled
to cherish without undue egotism; he knew his own
capacity. The third was the fact that he had at his right
hand, for counsel, one of the shrewdest and wisest ad-
visers any Governor ever had.
In fact, so important a factor in his administration
was Thurlow Weed that the latter began to be called
the Dictator, and it was commonly remarked that the
State had discarded the Regency for a Dictatorship.
There was a story, ben trovato, sed non e vero, to the
effect that the Governor, riding one day with the driver
of a stagecoach, became engaged in conversation with
him and was asked his identity. The driver was in-
credulous, whereupon Seward said that the keeper of
the hotel which they were even then approaching knew
him and would confirm his statement. When the hotel
226 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U839
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
was reached the proprietor greeted Seward cordially,
and Seward asked him to assure the driver that he was
indeed the Governor. "But you ain't!" protested the
hotel-keeper. "What do you mean?" demanded Seward;
"don't you know who I am?" "Oh, yes!" replied mine
host, "I know you. You are Mr. Seward. But you're
not Governor. The Governor of New York is Thur-
lowWeed!"
Sheer invention though the story was, it was im-
mensely enjoyed by Seward himself, who often repeated
it; and it was significant of a part, though only a part,
of the truth. Weed's influence with Seward was un-
doubtedly very great. It was well that it was. With
his comprehensive and accurate knowledge of men and
affairs throughout the State, Weed was of inestimable
value to the Governor for information, and with his
exceptional clarity of thought and sanity of judgment
he was no less valuable as a counsellor. These things
were perfectly well understood by both Seward and
Weed, as were also the limitations of them. That Weed
ever attempted to dictate to Seward or ever made him
feel that he was under his influence, is not for a moment
to be supposed. Seward was the last man who would
have tolerated such a relationship. He was Governor,
and none other. He welcomed gratefully the informa-
tion and the advice Weed offered, but in the last analysis
he always made the decision himself. Yet so close were
the relations between the two men, so great was Weed's
influence with the Governor, with the Legislature, and
with the party leaders throughout the State, and so
completely was Weed identified with the administration
1839] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 227
in the popular mind, that the imputation of a dictator-
ship was by no means inappropriate — perhaps no less
so than that of the sway of a regency to Marcy's
associates.
Seward was prompt in disclosing to the State his pro-
gressive policies. He did so on the very first day of his
administration. It was on January 1, 1839, that the
Sixty-second Legislature met and received his first mes-
sage. As the Senate retained a Democratic majority
its organization was unchanged, save, of course, that
Luther Bradish became its presiding officer. In the
Assembly, since the former Speaker had become Lieu-
tenant-Governor, a new Speaker was found, in George
W. Patterson, of Livingston county. Seward's mes-
sage was long and elaborate, but notably lucid and
direct in expression, and written in a literary style of
real eloquence. Its arrangement of subjects was also
admirable, the routine reports of State business coming
first and the more extended discussions and recom-
mendations of policy being reserved for the latter part.
Canals and other public works naturally received a
large share of the Governor's attention. Already the
Whig majority in the former Legislature had broken
away from the old Democratic principle of confining
expenditures for such purposes to the surplus revenue
of the State, and had established the plan of pledging
the credit of the State to the expediting of public works,
always provided that this should not exceed the capacity
of the surplus revenue to pay the interest on the indebt-
edness and to accumulate a sinking fund. To this pro-
gressive policy Seward was fully committed, and in his
228 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U839
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
first message he earnestly commended it, pointing out
that the development of new resources through the cre-
ation of canals and roads would enormously increase
the ability of the State to carry and to amortize a debt
contracted for such purposes. In order to prosecute
these enterprises with efficiency and economy he advo-
cated the creation of a State Board of Internal Im-
provements, or of Public Works, consisting of one mem-
ber from each Senate district.
A State Board of Agriculture was also recommended
by him. Great and sympathetic attention was given to
the subject of education, in both common schools and
colleges — a subject which was made conspicuous in all
of his messages. He discussed the judiciary system at
length, recommending various changes and improve-
ments, and thus gave the initial impetus to a movement
that led to a thorough revision of the legal system of the
State and to the adoption of a Civil Code. He took
occasion to pay a glowing tribute to the memory of
DeWitt Clinton — a statesman whose example Seward
himself followed in some notable respects, — and recom-
mended earnestly the erection by the State at Albany of
a suitable monument in his memory under which his
remains should be interred. There were, however,
enough of Clinton's old Bucktail foes still in the Legis-
lature to prevent the adoption of that plan.
At the end of January the Whig members of the
Legislature went into caucus for the selection of candi-
dates for the various State offices and also of a successor
to United States Senator Nathaniel P. Tallmadge,
whose term was about to expire. Concerning Mr. Tall-
1839] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 229
madge there was some division of sentiment, his course
not having been entirely satisfactory to many Whigs.
But his efficiency as a Senator was undoubted, and it
was recognized that he had contributed much to pro-
mote Whig success. In the end, therefore, the Whigs
of both houses voted solidly for his renomination. This
action proved effective in the Assembly, where the
Whigs had a strong majority, but in the Senate the
Democratic majority refused to vote for any candidate.
As the Senate failed to make a nomination no joint ses-
sion could be held and no Senator was chosen. The
seat was thus left vacant until a year later, when, the
Whigs being in control of both houses, Mr. Tallmadge
was reelected.
The veteran John C. Spencer was elected Secretary
of State; Bates Cooke, of Niagara county, formerly a
Representative in Congress and a leader of the Anti-
Masonic party, was made Comptroller; Willis Hall,
of New York City, a man of letters as well as an ac-
complished lawyer, was chosen Attorney-General ; and
for Treasurer was selected Jacob Haight, of Greene
county, formerly a Bucktail State Senator, a supporter
of John Quincy Adams, and a bitter foe of DeWitt
Clinton, who had renounced the Bucktails because of
their advocacy of Crawford for the Presidency. The
death of the venerable Stephen Van Rensselaer left a
vacancy in the Board of Canal Commissioners, which
was filled by the election of Samuel B. Ruggles, of New
York, the author of the notable report on internal im-
provements already mentioned. A valuable law was
enacted for protecting the purity of elections, but com-
230 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H839
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
paratively few other acts of general interest were
passed, and after a session longer than usual but rather
less fruitful the Legislature adjourned without day on
May 7.
Two issues of much importance were presented to the
Governor for action this year. The first was that in-
volved in the famous Anti-Rent war. Stephen Van
Rensselaer, the "last of the patroons," had for some
time left uncollected the rents due from his numerous
tenants on his vast estates of Rensselaerswyck manor.
After his death his heirs attempted to collect the ar-
rears, and the tenants refused to pay them. The anti-
rent sentiment spread to other great hereditary estates.
Not content with passive refusal, the tenants disguised
themselves as Indians, armed themselves, and com-
mitted many acts of violence toward the agents of their
landlords and even toward the civil officials. In these
circumstances appeal was made to the Governor, who
promptly ordered out the State militia to keep the
peace. Seward's sympathies were undoubtedly with
the tenants so long as they kept within the law. He
regarded the semi-feudal land tenures of the patroons
as inconsistent with the genius of America and the spirit
of the Nineteenth century. While he held that the
peace must of course be kept and the laws upheld, he
believed the refractory tenants were entitled to more
consideration than ordinary lawbreakers and that as
soon as possible legislative or other action should be
taken for their relief and for the termination of the
patroon system. In pursuance of this policy he secured
in 1840 the appointment of Commissioners to arbitrate
1339] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 231
the matter and effect a settlement between tenants and
landlords. The findings of the Commissioners were not
accepted, however, and the whole question was left for
settlement in after years under another administration.
The other issue was of still more importance, from
its national bearings involving the principles of inter-
state extradition. The Governor of Virginia in July,
1839, made requisition upon the Governor of New
York for the extradition of three persons who were
charged with having feloniously stolen a negro slave in
the former State. There were some technical defects in
the requisition papers, upon which Seward would have
been quite justified in refusing to honor them. But he
preferred, in statesmanlike fashion, to waive technicali-
ties and to deal with the case on a broad constitutional
basis. He argued that in such matters as extradition the
States of this Union must be regarded as independent
and equal sovereignties, whose relations to each other
were identical with those of nations; that the right to
demand and the reciprocal obligation to surrender fugi-
tives from justice, according to international law, ap-
plied only to cases involving what were recognized as
crimes by the universal laws of all civilized countries;
that the act complained of in this instance was not thus
recognized as a crime by the laws of New York or by
the laws of all civilized countries; and therefore that
the fugitives should not be surrendered. That was
tantamount to saying that "stealing" slaves, meaning
helping them to escape from slavery, was not a crime
under the laws of New York and New York would not
treat as criminals those committing the act — a principle
232 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1839
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
which was of course received with great joy and plaud-
its by the Abolitionists.
The Governor of Virginia was not satisfied, and a
controversy was maintained between him and Seward
for several years. The Virginia Governor insisted that
the criminality of a person was to be determined by the
laws of the State in which he committed the act? and not
by those of the State in which he had taken refuge.
Seward resolutely stood his ground, however, and re-
fused to deliver up the men; and when, in 1842, a
Democratic Legislature passed a joint resolution agree-
ing with the Virginian's contention, he refused to be the
agent of the Legislature in transmitting it to the gov-
ernment of Virginia.
The success of the Whigs in the election of 1838 and
the prosperous progress of Seward's administration in
1839 gave serious concern to President Van Buren. He
intended to be a candidate for reelection in 1840, and
he realized that one of the fundamental requisites for
success in his campaign was to retain the support of his
own State. Accordingly, soon after the adjournment of
the New York Legislature in the summer of 1839, he
revisited the State for the first time since his inaugura-
tion as President and made a tour through all the cities
and important towns. Nominally this was a non-politi-
cal tour, intended to be a visit to the whole people. But
it was quite impossible to divest it of obvious political
significance, and indeed when New York City was
reached the tenor of his remarks in response to an ad-
dress of welcome disclosed his special interest in the
Democratic party and in its success in the coming elec-
1839] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 233
tions. The Whigs were quick to take up his words and
to characterize the entire tour as an electioneering en-
terprise, as indeed it probably was. Its net results were
problematic. Some were probably repelled and alien-
ated by the idea that the President was electioneering,
but others were doubtless attracted to him by his always
engaging personality.
The early elections of that year in other States for
State officers, as also in the preceding year for Repre-
sentatives in Congress, were generally favorable to
Van Buren's administration. Enough Democratic
Representatives had been elected in 1838 to assure
control of the House, so that if the next year's Pres-
idential election were thrown into the House Van
Buren would be sure of reelection. Indeed, the drift in
his favor indicated that he was likely to be elected by
the people without reference to the House. All that was
needed was for his tour through New York to bear fruit
in a substantial Democratic victory in that State in
November.
But that was not to be. The New York campaign
was bitterly fought and the result was uncertain until
the last moment. The outcome was a victory for the
Whigs. Their former overwhelming majority in the
Assembly was, it is true, considerably reduced. But
that was more than made up for by their capture of the
Senate. Ten Senators were to be elected, there being
two special vacancies, caused by a resignation and a
death, in the Third district. Of the ten seats the Demo-
crats secured only three, the Whigs seven. Among the
Whig Senators chosen was the veteran Erastus Root,
234 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
who was successful in the Third district by a majority
of five votes. By thus winning the Senate the Whigs
gained complete control of the State government in all
its branches. Van Buren was placed under the handicap
of failing to command the support of his own State.
A few weeks later the Whigs of New York sent dele-
gates to a national convention of that party which met
on December 4 at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, for the
purpose of making nominations for the Presidential
contest of 1840. There had been three leading candi-
dates. But Daniel Webster, who probably would have
been New York's choice, had withdrawn his name.
That left Henry Clay and William Henry Harrison in
the field. New York doubtless preferred Clay, at least so
far as popular sentiment went. But, as on other occa-
sions, the New York delegates were divided among
themselves. Some were for Clay, some for Harrison,
and some, especially from New York City, started a
"boom" for General Winfield Scott, of New Jersey.
After the convention began work, however, Scott's
name was withdrawn and the delegates who had sup-
ported him cast their votes for Harrison and secured
his nomination. John Tyler, of Virginia, a supporter
of Clay, was named for Vice-President. This latter
nomination was another result of the divided counsels
of the New York political leaders. Immediately upon
the nomination of Harrison the Vice-Presidency was
offered to New York if its delegates could agree upon
a candidate, but they could not. Again and again the
offer was repeated, with urgent pleading, but was as
often declined — because, said Thurlow Weed, "We
1839] "SEWARD, WEED, AND GREELEY" 235
had no candidate." That was true in a double sense.
New York had no important outstanding candidate to
present, and none at all upon whom the delegates would
unanimously have agreed. It was because of this de-
fault of New York that Tyler was finally named as a
"counsel of desperation."
This outcome of the convention had a generally de-
pressing effect on the Whigs of New York. They had
generally preferred Clay to Harrison, and the fact that
Harrison had run and had been defeated in 1836 was
regarded by them as a serious handicap. The New
York Democrats, on the contrary, were exultant over
it, as they believed the nomination of Harrison was
certain to give New York to Van Buren. They failed,
however, to take account of the "firm of Seward, Weed,
and Greeley," and particularly of its youngest member.
CHAPTER XV
"TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO"
NATIONAL politics dominated New York in
1840. The hard times of 1837 were still keenly
remembered. The suffering had been more
acute in this State than anywhere else in the Union, and
in consequence resentment against those who were
believed to have caused it, or who were at any rate
regarded as responsible for it, was most bitter. In Amer-
ica, as in other lands, the government in power is usu-
ally blamed for whatever ills befall the people, and
there was no exception to that rule in favor of the Van
Buren administration. The mature judgment of pos-
terity has given Van Buren credit for wise and prudent
statesmanship in the financial crisis of 1837 and has
recorded that he did the best that could be done to avert
the penalty of the ill-advised and arbitrary conduct of
his predecessor and to originate and maintain a wise
policy for the future. But his contemporaries were too
close to him and to those events to view them with a
proper perspective.
The Sub-Treasury system, proposed and adopted by
Van Buren, afterward proved of incalculable value to
the nation, particularly in the stress of the Civil War.
Yet it was especially singled out for denunciation and
was made the chief count in the indictment against Van
236
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 237
Buren. There is a certain acrid humor in the recollec-
tion that Daniel Webster in one of his campaign
speeches — which he was glad afterward to repudiate
and to try to forget — literally raged against the Sub-
Treasury scheme, declaring that upon his condemna-
tion of it and upon his prediction of its evil and disas-
trous results he would stake his political reputation, his
honor, his all. If that scheme prevailed, he said, there
would be no more hope of restoring specie payments
throughout the twenty-six States than there was of the
restoration of the Jews to Jerusalem. Nobody would
live to see it. Yet he himself lived to see it, and only a
very short time after the utterance of that foolish
speech.
The Whig national convention at Harrisburg,
hitherto mentioned, adopted no platform of principles
or promises. The omission was not accidental nor com-
pulsory, but deliberate and voluntary. It was a piece of
shrewd political tactics, intended to secure for the sup-
port of Harrison and Tyler all factions opposed to Van
Buren, no matter how much they might differ among
themselves. Particularly in New York, which was
looked upon as the pivotal State of the campaign, the
Whig party was still far from being homogeneous and
harmonious, and there were certain outside elements,
not yet incorporated with it, the cooperation of which
was reckoned necessary for success at the polls. Accord-
ingly the Whig leaders decided to appeal to the people
simply with their candidates and with the "unwritten
law" of hostility to Van Buren and all his works.
The Democrats, on the contrary, at their national
238 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
convention at Baltimore in 1840, adopted a formal and
explicit platform setting forth the chief policies that
Van Buren was pledged to pursue if returned to office
for a second term. It pronounced for the limitation of
the powers of the Federal government so as not to in-
fringe upon or impair the rights of the States, and for
the Sub-Treasury system. It strongly condemned the
Abolitionist movement, objected to internal improve-
ments by the Federal government, declared that
no more revenue ought to be raised than was necessary
to defray governmental expenses, and opposed the re-
chartering of the Bank of the United States. Whether
right or wrong, the party had the courage of its con-
victions and was able to appeal to the country on that
ground and to denounce the Whigs for seeking to gain
power without giving any assurances or information as
to the way in which they would use it.
With the national issues thus joined and paramount.
New York State nominations were perfunctory. The
Whigs in August renominated Seward and Bradish.
That was a matter of course. In September the Demo-
crats met at Syracuse and after much consideration
selected as their candidate for Governor William C.
Bouck, of Schoharie county. He was a "rough and
ready" man, of limited school education but of great
native intelligence, of unquestioned integrity, and of
painstaking devotion to the public interest. He had
been an Assemblyman for several years and for nineteen
years had been a Canal Commissioner, in which latter
office he had been a most efficient public servant and
had made multitudes of friends in many parts of the
1840] <;TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 239
State. Personally he was much liked by all who knew
him. For Lieutenant-Governor, Daniel S. Dickinson,
of Broome county, was chosen — a man of fine abilities,
destined to occupy a conspicuous and honored place in
public life for many years.
In this campaign, both national and State, a third
party made its appearance, which had no material effect
upon the result in 1840 but which, continued and
further developed, did hold the balance of power four
years later. This was the Abolition party, also known
as the Liberty party and later merged into the Free
Soil party. In November, 1839, it held a convention
at Warsaw, in Genesee county, New York, and nom-
inated for the Presidency James Gillespie Birney, then
of New York but formerly of Kentucky and Alabama,
and for Vice-President Francis J. LeMoyne, of Penn-
sylvania; Birney declined on the ground that the body
did not have the character of a national convention
called to make nominations, and LeMoyne also de-
clined. On April 1, 1840, the Abolitionists held a
national nominating convention in Albany, six States
being represented, which nominated Birney for Presi-
dent and Thomas Earle, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-
President; and both the candidates accepted. For
Governor of New York the Abolitionists nominated
Gerrit Smith.
The national campaign of 1840 was by far the most
spectacular and strenuous thus far in the history of the
United States ; and it was most spectacular and strenu-
ous in New York, because this was the largest State in
the Union, because it was regarded as the pivotal State
240 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the vote of which would determine the result, and be-
cause it was Van Buren's own State and the chief issue
raised was that of opposition to him. It was marked
with innumerable processions, especially torchlight
parades at night, and with the singing of campaign
songs. Some of Van Buren's aristocratic friends having
sneered at Harrison because, as they said, he lived or
had lived in a log cabin and had known no better drink
than hard cider, the Whigs with psychological pre-
science took up the challenge and adopted a log cabin
with a coonskin tacked on the wall, and a barrel of hard
cider, as the emblems of their campaign.
Their campaign paper, too, was called The Log
Cabin. Of that famous and formidable sheet Horace
Greeley was the editor. So great had been the success
of the Jeffersonian that the Whig managers instinctively
turned to him to repeat that success, if possible, in
1840. He did more than repeat it. He so far surpassed
it as to throw the brilliant record of the former paper
into eclipse. The Log Cabin became not merely a New
York but a national paper, with a circulation of more
than 80,000 a week — an enormous figure for the time,
yet far short of what might have been attained had it
been possible for the presses to print enough copies to
supply the demand.
The State was swept with a frenzy of enthusiasm,
both for Harrison and against Van Buren. Henry Clay
described the state of the whole nation as "like the ocean
when convulsed by some terrible storm," and Daniel
Webster — who was one of the foremost campaign
speakers, though he had been disappointed in not him-
JOHN CANFIELD SPENCER
John Canfield Spencer; born in Hudson, N. Y., January 8,
1788; was graduated from Union college in 1806; admitted to
the bar in 1809 and began practice at Canandaigua, N. Y. ;
served in the war of 1812; postmaster at Canandaigua; judge
advocate general in 1813; assistant attorney general for west-
ern New York, 1815; served in congress, 1817-1819; member
of the state assembly, 1820-1821, and served one year as
speaker; served in the state senate, 1824-1828; special attorney
general to prosecute abductors of Morgan; again a member of
the state assembly, 1831-1832; secretary of state of New York
in 1839; appointed secretary of war by President Tyler, October
12, 1841 and served until March 3, 1843; secretary of the treas-
ury, March 3, 1843 to May 2, 1844 when he resigned; died in
Albany, N. Y., May 18, 1855.
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 241
self securing the Presidential nomination — declared
that the cry, the universal cry, was for a change. The
Whig State convention at Utica was attended by more
than twenty-five thousand persons from outside of that
city, and there seemed little exaggeration in the remark
of one of its managers who, when asked how long the
procession was which was filing into the meeting-place,
replied that the tail end of it was just a little the other
side of Albany. In every town and hamlet in the State
were displayed a log cabin, a coonskin, and a cider bar-
rel, sometimes in miniature, sometimes full-sized.
"Tippecanoe, and Tyler too!" "Van, Van, is a used-up
man !" and other songs were sung, played, and whistled
everywhere. Nor did the excitement deserve the re-
proach of "sound and fury, signifying nothing."
Greeley's editorials in the Log Cabin were pregnant
with profitable thought and instinct with convincing
logic, as were also the utterances of innumerable cam-
paign orators. Behind and beneath all the "tumult and
the shouting" the administration of Van Buren was on
trial before the tribunal of the national electorate, not so
much for its own acts as for those of its predecessor.
It was probably well for Governor Seward in his
campaign for reelection that this great enthusiasm for
Harrison prevailed in New York. Otherwise he might
not have secured his second term. There had developed
against him in a year and a half serious disaffection and
opposition. Many conservative citizens had become
alarmed at the magnitude of his expenditures for
canals and other public works. Beyond doubt, he was
spending far more than had been expected or than he
242 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
himself had estimated, though later years amply vindi-
cated the wisdom of his course. Many others, particu-
larly in New York City, were alienated because in his
message in January, 1840, he had recommended the
establishment of special schools for the children of im-
migrants to be conducted by teachers of their own race,
language, and religious faith. This was, beyond ques-
tion, an unfortunate and ill-advised recommendation,
which we must wonder at Seward's ever making; and
it subjected him to much criticism, even from his
friends. It was even charged that he was influenced by
the suggestion or request of Archbishop Hughes, of the
Catholic church in New York City, and that his object
was to cater to the Catholic vote. For such accusations
there was no ground. The Governor had never so
much as met or in any way communicated with the arch-
bishop. On the contrary, he had consulted Dr. Elipha-
let Nott, the famous president of Union College, and at
least one other eminent Protestant divine — a Methodist,
—and had received their cordial approval. Neverthe-
less, the recommendation lost him many votes, and in
the election he ran several thousand behind the national
ticket.
Early indications in other States were favorable to
the Whigs. Maine, in September, went "hell-bent for
Governor Kent," a performance that instantly added
another stanza to the song of "Tippecanoe, and Tyler
too." In October the Whigs handsomely carried Ohio
and Indiana, both of which States were intimately
associated with their candidate; and in November the
majority of the whole nation followed their example to
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 243
such an extent that the vote of New York was not
needed to elect Harrison, though it was given to him.
Some disappointment was expressed at the smallness of
Harrison's majority in New York, though without
reason. It was Van Buren's own State, and his utmost
efforts and those of the still potent Regency were
exerted to the full to win it. In the circumstances Har-
rison's majority of 13,290 was highly creditable. The
Abolitionist candidate, J. G. Birney, polled only 2,808
votes, not enough to affect the result.
Seward, as already stated, ran behind Harrison. He
polled 222,011 votes, to 216,808 for Bouck, thus win-
ning by a margin of 5,203. On the Abolitionist ticket
Gerrit Smith got 2,662 votes.
Meantime the government of the State maintained
the even tenor of its way. The Sixty-third Legislature
assembled at Albany on January 7, 1840. In the Senate
the veteran Clerk, John F. Bacon, was replaced by
Samuel G. Andrews. In the Assembly the former
Speaker, George W. Patterson, was reflected, and Phi-
lander B. Prindle was made Clerk. The Governor's
message, like that of the previous year, was a thought-
ful and detailed presentation of the interests of the
State. Extended reference was made to the progress of
the University of the City of New York (now New
York University), and it was recommended that the
State should release that institution from its indebted-
ness for the building-stone for its famous Washington
Square building, which had come from the State prison
quarries at Sing Sing. Other recommendations were for
special schools for immigrants' children, already men-
244 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
tioned; for more complete abolition of imprisonment
for debt, which was effected; and for added safeguards
for the purity of elections, which led to the enactment
of the first Registration law. Report was made of the
Governor's action in the matter of the Anti-Rent war
and in the controversy with Virginia, of both of which
subjects mention has hitherto been made.
Governor Seward gave much space to an elaborate
discussion of banking and the currency, and empha-
sized the imperative need of a more stable and trust-
worthy paper currency which would not be subject to
ruinous discount in other States. He suggested the de-
sirability of a general revision of the banking laws.
Then, turning to more distinctly political matters, he
dwelt upon the increasing arrogation of power by the
Federal government during the last few years and the
serious infringement upon the rights of the States, and
suggested that the time had arrived when such tenden-
cies ought to be checked and the power of the Presi-
dent strictly circumscribed. To that end he advised
that the President's tenure of office be limited to a
single term, and that Congress have the power of ap-
pointing the chief financial officers of the nation.
Public works occupied a major place in the message.
The Governor reported much progress in the building
of railroads and questioned the propriety of prohibit-
ing the transportation of freight on them in competi-
tion with the canals ! At any rate, he argued, such pro-
hibition should certainly be suspended during the
winter season, when the canals were closed with ice.
He discussed the cost of the canals, which many re-
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 245
garded as excessive and as likely to plunge the State
into bankruptcy. He admitted that these costs had
exceeded all estimates. The Legislature had com-
mitted the State to the expenditure of thirty millions
for enterprises the cost of which had been estimated
at not more than fifteen millions. The original esti-
mates, he confessed, showed great miscalculation.
Nevertheless he was strongly opposed to any abandon-
ment of the works that had been undertaken. He
advised continuance with increased prudence and cir-
cumspection under the supervision of a competent
board of engineers, and with all issues of bonds kept
within such limits as would permit the payment of all
interest on them out of the surplus revenues of the State.
He was still in favor of enlargement of the Erie canal,
and, if necessary, of State aid to the Erie and other rail-
roads. He made a singularly eloquent appeal and
argument, of great length, for the construction of
public works at State expense — the course thus advo-
cated being pursuant to one of the cardinal principles
of the Whig party, which from its earliest organization
had strongly advocated internal improvements.
The Governor on March 14 sent to the Senate a
long report on the anti-rent troubles. Three days later
he transmitted to the Assembly a detailed report of a
great citizens' meeting in New York in favor of the
enactment of a national Bankruptcy law. He argued
strongly in favor of the proposed measure, and recom-
mended that the Legislature advise the New York
Representatives in Congress and instruct the Senators
to give it their support. The Legislature adopted a
246 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
concurrent resolution to the desired effect.
A noteworthy veto message referred to a bill which
would deprive an alien father in this country of the
natural right of guardianship over minor children in
case he wished to take them to a foreign land, the chil-
dren and their mother being of American birth. In
the message he entered into an elaborate discussion of
conjugal rights and authority over children. The bill
was, however, repassed over his veto.
Early in the session the Legislature performed two
notable acts of a purely partisan character, which, how-
ever, were so much in accord with the spirit and prac-
tice of those times as to seem by no means out of the
ordinary routine. One was the enactment of a bill re-
moving Edwin Croswell from the office of State Printer
and appointing Thurlow Weed in his place. Mr.
Croswell had performed the official duties of his place
with fidelity and high ability, and in addition had been
the very efficient editor of the Democratic organ. Mr.
Weed, in his turn, also served in the most satisfactory
manner possible, besides being the brilliant and power-
ful editor of the chief newspaper of the Whigs.
Following this five new Canal Commissioners were
chosen. The five sitting Commissioners were all Dem-
ocrats, who had been active in party politics and doubt-
less had used their official influence to promote the
interests of their party, though there was no hint of
any improper action or any neglect of their public
duties. All of them were removed, and their places
were filled with five Whigs. Among the Commis-
sioners thus ousted was William C. Bouck, whom the
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 247
Democrats a few months later made their candidate
for Governor. It was at first proposed to retain him
in office because of his long service and consequent
familiarity with all the details of the canal administra-
tion, but in the end he was removed with his colleagues.
The Legislature adjourned on May 14 without day.
We shall do well to regard this year 1840 as mark-
ing an epoch in the history of New York and indeed
of the nation, and to take a brief survey of the material
condition of the State at that time. It was indeed an
epochal year, for it saw the overwhelming defeat in
national politics of that great party which had enjoyed
unbroken control of the government since the first year
of the century, and it saw, too, the rise of a great new
party that was destined to lead the way to a still greater
one that would thereafter for most of the time domi-
nate the State and nation. It saw in New York the
confirmation of the victory of the Whig party, achieved
two years before, the breaking of the power of the
Albany Regency, and the beginning of an era in which
for fourscore years political control of the State alter-
nated, with frequent dramatic changes, between the two
great parties.
The population of the United States in 1840 was
17,100,572, of which New York had 2,428,921, or
almost exactly 14 per cent. No other State approxi-
mated two millions, and only three others exceeded one
million. Virginia, originally the largest of all, had
fallen to the fourth place, Pennsylvania and Ohio be-
ing respectively second and third. New York thus had
then a much larger proportion of the whole population
248 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1840
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of the United States than it has at the present time.
On the other hand, New York City had a far smaller
proportion of the population of the State. Its popula-
tion was only 312,710, or less than thirteen per cent,
of the State's, whereas at present the percentage is
above fifty. Still, it was by far the largest city of
America. Brooklyn was the second city of the State,
with 36,233. Albany had 33,721, Rochester 20,191,
Troy 19,334, Buffalo 18,213, Utica 12,782, Salina
(Syracuse) 11,014, Fishkill 10,437, Poughkeepsie 10,-
006, Lockport 9,125, Newburgh 9,833, Mount Pleas-
ant (Sing Sing or Ossining) 7,307, Seneca (Geneva)
7,073, Schenectady 6,784, Warwick 6,626, Plattsburg
6,146, Kingston 5,824, Williamsburg 5,680, Rome 5,680,
Hudson 5,672, Catskill 5,339. No other place in the
State had so many as 5,000 inhabitants. Albany was
the second county of the State, Onondaga third, Mon-
roe fourth, Erie fifth, Jefferson sixth, and Rensselaer
seventh, no other having so many as 60,000 inhabitants.
New York was at this time the foremost agricultural
State of the Union. It surpassed all others in the num-
ber of horses, mules, cattle, sheep, and poultry which
it possessed, and in the quantities which it produced
of barley, oats, buckwheat, wool, hops, hay, potatoes,
dairy products, fruits, and lumber. It stood second
to Tennessee in number of swine, to Pennsylvania in
rye, to Alabama in wax, to Louisiana in sugar, and
third to Ohio and Pennsylvania in wheat. It surpassed
all other States in the length of its mail routes, 14,598
miles, on which during the year the mails were trans-
ported 3,203,060 miles by stagecoach, 1,102.106 by
1840] "TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO" 249
horse and sulky, and only 619,160 by railroad.
The canals of the State, which had figured so largely
in politics and concerning which there had been and
still was so much controversy, had cost down to Febru-
ary 23, 1837, $11,963,712, and measured 631 miles in
length. To this cost there had been added, in Gov-
ernor Seward's administration, expenditures or con-
tracts amounting to $30,444,000 more. The tolls re-
ceived from traffic on the canals began with $5,437 in
1820; in 1823 they were $152,958; in 1825, $566>279;
in 1830, $1,056,922; in 1835, $1,548,986; in 1840, $1,-
775,747 ; and in 1841 they surpassed two millions. The
merchandise arriving at tidewater on the canals in 1840
was 669,012 tons, and that going in from tidewater was
129,580 tons.
The total debt of the State in 1840 was $20,165,254,
which was larger than that of any other State except
Pennsylvania. The debt of New York City was $9,-
663,269, which was more than twice as large as that
of any other city in America. Salaries of officials were
small. The Governor received $4,000, the Lieutenant-
Governor six dollars a day during the session of the
Legislature, and Senators and Assemblymen three dol-
lars a day for the same time. The Comptroller and
Secretary of State received $2,500 each, the Treasurer
$1,500, the Attorney-General $1,000, the Chancellor
$3,000, the Justices of the Supreme Court $3,000 each,
and the Judges of the Circuit Courts $1,600 each.
In the Twenty-seventh Congress of the United States,
of which the House of Representatives was elected in
1840, New York still had the forty Representatives
250 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
apportioned to her under the census of 1830. In that
year (1840) the Democrats elected all the members
from New York City, and among them was the omi-
nous figure of Fernando Wood. Elsewhere in the State
the Whigs reflected Francis Granger and Millard Fill-
more. The entire delegation consisted of 21 Democrats
and 19 Whigs.
CHAPTER XVI
WHIG DISASTER
THE Whigs of New York began the year 1841
flushed with the overwhelming triumph of the
preceding autumn, which gave them their first
President and placed them in full control of all depart-
ments of the State government. The Sixty-fourth
Legislature met on January 5 with a strong Whig
majority in each house. No change was made in the
organization of the Senate. In the Assembly a new
Speaker was chosen in the person of Peter B. Porter,
Jr., of Niagara county.
Governor Seward's message was, as usual, long and
scholarly. Much of it was devoted to a routine re-
view of the various interests of the State, but several
special topics were dwelt upon in his characteristic
fashion. Reference was made to the considerable
measure of success already resulting from the act of
1840 for the regulation of elections in New York City.
Under that law the election was required to be held
and completed in a single day, instead of extending
over three days as thitherto; the wards were divided
into election districts; and registration of voters in
advance of election was directed. All were admirable
provisions, now regarded as matters of course. They
were then, however, opposed and bitterly denounced
251
252 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
by the Tammany Hall Democrats, on the ostensible
ground that they constituted an odious discrimination
against the city since they were applied to no other
part of the State. Seward accordingly recommended
that the same provisions be extended to the entire State,
which was in time done.
In addition he recommended a Corrupt Practices
act that would make it a felony for anyone to vote
who was not legally qualified to do so, and would pun-
ish with life-long disfranchisement anyone guilty of
either giving or taking a bribe for voting. This recom-
mendation was doubtless occasioned by an incident of
the fall election of 1840. One J. B. Glentworth, a
New York tobacco inspector and an active Whig poli-
tician, proposed to another Whig leader that a lot of
men be brought over from Philadelphia to vote in
New York, Pennsylvania being supposedly far more
certain to go Whig than New York. He boasted that
he had thus "colonized" voters in 1838 with great
success, at a cost of about thirty dollars each. His
plan was to pretend that they were legitimately em-
ployed at laying water-pipes. Hence originated the
term "laying pipes," as an expression in political
vocabulary.
The chief Whig leader to whom Glentworth made
his nefarious proposal pretended to be interested in
it and inclined toward putting it into practice, until
he had secured from him documentary evidence of his
knavery. Then he denounced him to the Governor,
putting the incriminating documents for safe keeping
in the hands of a trustworthy citizen. Seward removed
1841] WHIG DISASTER 253
Glentworth from his tobacco inspectorship and had a
proceeding against him begun before the Recorder of
New York, Robert H. Morris. Thereupon Morris
went, late at night, with a police officer, to the citizen
who had the documents in the case and compelled him,
under threats of force, to surrender them. For this
arbitrary act it was purposed to seek Morris's indict-
ment, but Morris himself delivered the charge to the
grand jury at the beginning of its inquest and of course
influenced it as strongly as possible in his own favor.
On account of such extraordinary conduct the Gover-
nor recommended to the State Senate that Morris be
removed from the Recordership and that Frederick A.
Tallmadge, formerly State Senator, be appointed in his
place. A long discussion of the matter followed in
secret sessions of the Senate, which ended in the action
that Seward had recommended. That was in February,
1841. In May following Morris was elected Mayor of
New York by a large majority.
Despite the unfavorable reception of his suggestion
of the year before concerning the education of the chil-
dren of immigrants, Seward returned to the subject
in his message of 1841, calling attention to the vast in-
flow of immigrants, to the illiteracy which prevailed
among them, and to the urgent need of making ampler
provision for the education of their children. But he
emphasized the point that all such education should be
in the English language. Much of his message was
given to the subject of the canals and to a defense of
his policy of lavish expenditures for them and for other
public works. He called attention to the enormous
254 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
area of unimproved land in the possession of the
national government and strongly urged that proceeds
from the sale of such lands, together with the surplus
Federal revenues, be divided among the States to enable
their construction of much needed public works.
The controversy with Virginia over the extradition
of men charged by that State with anigger stealing,"
meaning assistance of fugitive slaves to escape; formed
the subject of a special message to the Senate on March
26. Seward reported that he had asked for the ex-
tradition from Virginia of a New York man guilty of
forgery, and that the Governor of Virginia, while ad-
mitting that he had the fugitive in custody, refused to
surrender him unless New York would give up the
men demanded by Virginia and would also repeal the
law granting jury trials in the cases of fugitive slaves.
He added that he purposed to stand firm in his refusal
to surrender the men and strongly urged the Legisla-
ture not to repeal the law in question, which of course
it did not do. A little later the Governor of Virginia
resigned his place, and the Lieutenant-Governor, who
succeeded him, promptly surrendered the forger for
whom New York had asked, at the same time bitterly
reproaching the government of New York for not do-
ing likewise by surrendering the men for whom Vir-
ginia had made requisition. Seward replied with a
long and forceful letter strongly pointing out the radi-
cal difference between the two cases and maintaining
his own ground.
Another special message in May called attention to
vigorous remonstrances which mechanics were making
1841] WHIG DISASTER 255
against the competition of State prison labor with their
industries. The Governor recognized the legitimacy
of the protests and the gravity of the grievance com-
plained of, but at the same time strongly deprecated
dooming the prisoners to idleness. He recommended
that there be introduced into the prison workshops
other industries, which would not come into competi-
tion with the free labor of the State.
As usual, much attention was given in the message
to the public school system. John C. Spencer, who
was Secretary of State and therefore also Superintend-
ent of Schools, presented a most interesting report, in
which it was urged that there be constituted for each
county in the State a Deputy Superintendent. Favor-
able action was taken by the Legislature, the law pro-
viding that the Deputy Superintendents should be ap-
pointed by the Boards of Supervisors of the respective
counties. The system proved to be of immense benefit
to the schools by bringing them more immediately
under local directors.
Another question discussed by the Governor in his
message was that of capital punishment, for the aboli-
tion of which there had been some agitation. The Leg-
islature appointed a select committee to investigate and
consider the matter, and the result was the drafting of
a measure providing for the abolition of capital pun-
ishment and the substitution of imprisonment for life,
with abolition also, in such cases, of the pardoning
power of the Governor. Although this measure was
supposed to be favored by a majority of the Legisla-
ture, as also of the people of the State, it was finally
256 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
rejected by a narrow margin. The Legislature ad-
journed without day on May 26.
An important episode of this year was an aftermath
of the rebellion in Canada and the Canadian seizure
of the American steamer "Caroline" in the Niagara
River, as hitherto recounted. Alexander McLeod, a
British subject, visited New York and boasted that he
had been one of the party that seized the "Caroline"
and had himself fired the shot which killed a man in
the encounter. He was arrested and put on trial for mur-
der. The British government through its Minister at
Washington intervened with a protest, on the ground
that if McLeod had really done as he boasted he had,
he had been a member of the organized and armed
forces of the British crown and had acted under the
direction of superior officers. The British Foreign
Minister, Lord Palmerston, intimated that McLeod's
conviction and execution might prove to be a cause of
war between Great Britain and the United States, and
Daniel Webster, Secretary of State at Washington,
argued that if McLeod was to be tried at all he should
be brought before a Federal and not a State court, and
urged Seward to stop the proceedings.
Seward replied that he had no power to interfere
with the work of the courts, though he promised to
pardon McLeod if he should be convicted. When an
attempt was made to secure McLeod's release on a writ
of habeas corpus the courts held that as there was no
state of war between Great Britain and the United
States at the time of the "Caroline" affair, and as Mc-
Leod held no commission in the British military serv-
DEAN RICHMOND
Dean Richmond, business man; born, Barnard, Va., March
31, 1804; settled at Salina and sold salt at the age of 15; was
a bank director at 20; went into the shipping business at
Buffalo, 1842; chairman of the democratic state committee for
many years but never an aspirant for office of any kind; died,
New York City, August 27, 1866.
1841] WHIG DISASTER 257
ice, British assumption of responsibility for his acts
could not be recognized as taking him out of the juris-
diction of the New York courts.
But just as the case was thus beginning to look most
ominous and tragic, it was turned into a farce by Mc-
Leod's confession that he had been lying and that in fact
he had not been anywhere near the "Caroline" at the
time of her seizure and destruction, and he produced
witnesses who satisfactorily proved an alibi for him.
Of course the matter was at once dropped. The refusal
of Seward to intervene led, however, to a complete rup-
ture of relations between him and Webster, and that
in turn had an unfavorable effect upon the fortunes
)f the Whig party in New York.
Those fortunes steadily ebbed all through the year
1841, for a number of causes. President Harrison died
a few weeks after his inauguration, and John Tyler,
becoming President in his place, went over to the Dem-
ocrats, and thus the Whigs of New York were deprived
of whatever advantage they might have derived from
Federal patronage. John C. Spencer, Secretary of
State of New York, followed the fortunes of Tyler,
carrying with him a number of Albany Whigs, and thus
severed his political relations with Weed and Seward.
Many other Whigs, while they would not go with
Tyler into the Democratic camp, regarded Seward as
too radical and grew lukewarm in their support of
him and of the party under his leadership. His
course toward Virginia made many whose political
principles were subordinated to their pecuniary inter-
ests fearful lest business should suffer from suspension
258 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H842
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of trade with the slave States. Above all, there was
widespread disapproval of his reckless expenditures
for canals. As the State debt rose by millions the Whig
vote decreased by thousands.
In the legislative elections of the fall of 1841 the
Whigs were badly beaten, the Democrats securing a
majority not only in the Assembly but in the Senate
as well. Among those for the first time called to
public service in the Legislature were Erastus Corn-
ing, Senator from the Third district; and in the As-
sembly John A. Dix of Albany county, Horatio Sey-
mour of Oneida, Lemuel Stetson of Clinton, Theron
R. Strong of Wayne, and Sanford E. Church of
Orleans. Mr. Church was the first Democrat elected
from the so-called "infected region" (dominated by
the Anti-Masonic movement) since the abduction of
Morgan.
The Sixty-fifth Legislature, thus chosen, met on
January 4, 1842. In the Senate the Democrats elected
Isaac R. Elwood, of Rochester, Clerk; and in the As-
sembly they elected Levi S. Chatfield, of Otsego county,
Speaker, and John O. Cole, of Albany, Clerk. Gov-
ernor Seward's message, perhaps because it was ad-
dressed to a politically hostile body, was even more
scholarly, statesmanlike, and elevated in tone than any
of his former state papers, and was throughout instinct
with indomitable courage. He reported the enact-
ment of a law by the State of Virginia calculated to
embarrass the commerce of New York, but which was
not to go into effect until the next May (1842) and
which might be indefinitely postponed or suspended at
1842] WHIG DISASTER 259
any time by the Governor of Virginia if New York
would surrender the three men charged with stealing
slaves and would repeal the law giving fugitive slaves
the benefit of trial by jury. He reaffirmed his reso-
lution not to surrender the men, and left it to the Leg-
islature to decide whether it should repeal a law of
justice and equality at the dictation of another State.
He also submitted to the Legislature correspondence
that had passed between himself and the Governor of
Georgia relative to the latter's request for the extradi-
tion of a man charged with stealing a slave. The case
was closely similar to that of Virginia, and was treated
by Seward accordingly. On January 8 he reported in
a special message that the Legislature of Delaware
had adopted resolutions disapproving his course in the
Virginia controversy, and on February 11 he reported
that South Carolina had enacted a measure calculated
to embarrass and injure New York commerce, similar
to that adopted by Virginia.
The question of dealing with fugitive slaves was
promptly taken up in the Legislature. On general
political grounds the Democratic majority was of
course hostile to the Governor, and was also strongly
inclined to maintain cordial relations with the slave
States for both political and commercial reasons. Ac-
cordingly the Senate, after much debate, passed a bill
repealing the law granting jury trials in fugitive slave
cases. This was the action that the southern States
had desired, and it was of course a very direct and
severe slap at Seward. The Assembly, however, failed
to pass the bill. Both houses then joined in adopting
260 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1842
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
a concurrent resolution, referring to the demand of
Virginia for the surrender of three men charged with
slave-stealing and to Seward's refusal to give them up
on the ground that the act with which they were
charged did not constitute a crime within the meaning
of the Constitution of the United States, and declar-
ing it to be the sense of the Legislature that the act
referred to did constitute a crime within the mean-
ing of the Constitution. This resolution, flatly declaring
that it did not agree with him in his controversy,
the Legislature requested Seward to transmit to the
Governor of Virginia. In a courteous but forceful
message on April 12 he declined to do so. He did not
dispute the right of the Legislature thus to express its
opinion, but he did deny his obligation to be the agent
of transmission to another State of anything but an
act to which he was a party; and he expressed his strong
dissent from the views of the Legislature.
In his message of January 4 Seward resolutely main-
tained his former policies, even those which had
brought upon him most unfavorable criticism and
which had alienated many of his supporters. He re-
newed his recommendation concerning the education
of children of immigrants, and declared that he could
bear with him in his retirement from public service no
recollection more worthy of being cherished through
life than that of having effected such an arrangement.
Much attention was necessarily given to the canals and
other public works and to the State debt. The aggre-
gate debt, including temporary loans, was $17,395,530.
But it wras not, he said, a dead weight, as though it
1842] WHIG DISASTER 261
had been contracted in war or for improvident expendi-
tures. It had been created in constructing a vast
system of public works, which not only was to yield a
return when finished but which was so productive at
every stage that its profits furnished all the means neces-
sary for its completion. "The debt," he said, "is large
because the enterprise is great." Against a debt of less
than seventeen and a half millions he reminded the Leg-
islature of an aggregate of taxable property in the State
of seven hundred millions.
He therefore urged continuance in the construction
of canals and railroads and other public works, adher-
ing to the rule long before laid down that the debt
should not be increased beyond an amount the interest
on which could be paid out of the current surplus
revenues of the canals, and pledging as a sinking fund
for the ultimate amortization of the debt all receipts
from the national domain. Even if it were necessary
to incur twice the then existing indebtedness, he reck-
oned that the system which he suggested would in fif-
teen years discharge the entire obligation and leave
the State free of debt and with a large unencumbered
yearly income. The Legislature did not accept his
optimistic views, and in March enacted a bill provid-
ing for the suspension of all canal work except that
already actually contracted for; and in order to meet
the expenses of such work, instead of further increas-
ing the debt it revived the direct State tax, which had
not been levied since 1827, the legislation in this con-
nection providing for the imposition of a tax, for gen-
eral public purposes, of one mill on each dollar of prop-
262 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1842
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
erty. Beginning with the next year, 1843, one-half of
this tax was to be devoted to canal purposes.
An unpleasant controversy arose between the Gover-
nor and the Senate over his comments on a bill that
had been passed. In 1841 a measure had been adopted
transferring from the Chancellor to the Bank Com-
missioners the appointment of receivers of insolvent
corporations. Early in the session of 1842 a bill re-
pealing this law was rushed through the Legislature.
The Governor signed it, but appended a memorandum
saying that the law in question contained a salutary
and useful provision, that it had been in force too short
a time to permit the public to realize its benefits, and
that in his judgment it should not have been repealed.
Nevertheless, he signed the repeal measure, leaving
the responsibility with the Legislature and confiding
in its superior wisdom.
When his memorandum reached the Senate a storm
arose. It was at once moved to strike the Governor's
message from the minutes, on the ground that he had
no business to offer it. It was, Senators insisted, his
duty to state his objections to a bill if he refused to sign
it, but if he signed it he had no right to have his rea-
sons for doing so entered in the Senate's journal. This
motion was adopted by a strict party vote of fourteen
to thirteen. A little later Seward addressed another
message to the Senate vigorously defending his right
to file such a memorandum, condemning the action of
that body in suppressing it, and declaring that he re-
garded such action as "a dangerous invasion of the
rights of the executive department, unwarranted by
1842] WHIG DISASTER 263
any precedent in the history of the government and
without any justification in the circumstances of the
transaction." This message caused a still more violent
storm, and after an acrimonious debate the Senate, by
a partisan vote of fifteen to eleven, ordered it to be
returned to the Governor as unacceptable.
One of the first acts of this Legislature was to repeal
the law requiring registry of voters in New York City.
In its place a law was enacted providing for the for-
mation of election districts generally throughout the
State. The repeal was a purely partisan act, dictated
by the Tammany Democrats of the metropolis ; but the
Electoral District law was undoubtedly of great utility
both in facilitating the conduct of elections and in pro-
tecting them from fraud.
John C. Spencer, who had been Secretary of State
of New York, was made Secretary of War in Tyler's
cabinet as a reward for his abandonment of the Whig
party, and the Legislature elected Samuel Young to
succeed him at Albany. For Comptroller, Azariah
C. Flagg was chosen, a selection particularly unwel-
come to the Governor since he and Mr. Flagg differed
radically in fiscal policy. George P. Barkci, of Buf-
falo, was elected Attorney-General; Thomas Farring-
ton, of Owego, State Treasurer; Nathaniel Jones> of
Orange county, Surveyor-General; and Henry Storms,
of New York, Adjutant-General. These were all, of
course, Democrats. There were thus left to the Whigs
only the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor; and in
order to reduce the latter to the status of chairman of
the Senate and nothing more, the Democratic majority
264 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U842
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of that body forced through a resolution depriving him
of the power of appointing the standing committees
and making them instead elective. An attempt was
made to remove Thurlow Weed from his place as
State Printer, and by a strict party vote a bill was
passed by both houses to that end. The Governor
vetoed it on the ground that the Secretary of State and
Comptroller had, under the law, made a four years'
contract with Mr. Weed, which could not constitution-
ally be abrogated without the consent of Mr. Weed as
well as of the State. The Assembly voted to repass the
bill over the veto, but the Senate declined to follow
its example, and the veto was accordingly sustained.
The election of Azariah C. Flagg as Comptroller
was highly acceptable to the banking and other finan-
cial interests of the State, and, coupled with the legis-
lation checking all further increase of the debt for
canal construction and providing for a State tax, had
a favorable effect upon the value of State securities
and upon the money market, which in turn strengthened
the forces of the Democracy and added to the depres-
sion of the Whigs ; so that long before the adjournment
of the Legislature it was pretty generally expected that
the Democrats would carry the State at the fall elec-
tion and thus regain the Governorship. On April 12
the Legislature adjourned to August 16, when it met
to redistrict the State under the new Congressional
apportionment, which gave New York only thirty-four
Representatives. The Governor submitted a general
message, in which he expressed strong dissent from the
policy of the Legislature in abandoning so large
1842] WHIG DISASTER 265
a share of the proposed public works. He also de-
livered, in impressive terms, the valedictory of his ad-
ministration. "It may be," he said, "that in seeking to
perfect the diffusion of knowledge, or in desiring to
raise from degradation or wretchedness less favored
classes, unjustly oppressed by the operation of unequal
laws -or adventitious circumstances, or in aiming to
carry into remote and sequestered regions the physical
and commercial advantages already afforded to more
fortunate and prosperous districts, I have urged too
earnestly what seemed to me the claims of humanity,
justice, and equity; yet, remembering the generous ap-
preciation which those efforts have met, I shall carry
with me into retirement a profound sense of obligation
and a spirit of enduring gratitude."
Meantime political activity increased in anticipa-
tion of the November election, which was to give the
State a new Governor. During the winter and spring
a distinct line of cleavage appeared in both the parties
between their conservative and radical elements. In
the Whig party the conservatives were cold toward
Seward and disinclined to accept him as a candidate for
a third term, while the radicals were loyal and en-
thusiastic m his support and more and more inclined
to sympathize with the anti-slavery party. The con-
servative Democrats, afterward called Hunkers (be-
cause they hankered after the annexation of Texas and
all the other territory that could be taken from Mexico)
aimed to renominate for Governor William C. Bouck,
who had made so fine a run two years before; while
the radical wing of the party, afterward called Barn-
266 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
burners (because in favoring the Wilmot Proviso they
were likened to a farmer who would burn his barn
to get rid of the rats) inclined toward Silas Wright,
Samuel Young, or Michael Hoffman.
The conventions of the two political parties met on
the same day, September 7, at Syracuse. The Whigs
gathered under a cloud of depression and gloom.
Seward had definitely and irrevocably declined re-
nomination. Millard Fillmore was regarded as a can-
didate and had many supporters; and John A. Collier,
of Binghamton, lately Comptroller, was also in the
field. But with little hestitation the convention selected
Luther Bradish, the Lieutenant-Governor, a man of
spotless character, fine ability, and much personal popu-
larity. For Lieutenant-Governor, Gabriel Furman,
of Brooklyn, was chosen — an able lawyer and accom-
plished historian, who had been Judge of a Munici-
pal Court and was just closing a term in the State Sen-
ate. The only real enthusiasm was over a resolution
calling for the nomination of Henry Clay for Presi-
dent in 1844. A resolution was also adopted approv-
ing Seward's administration as Governor.
A far different spirit prevailed at the Democratic
convention, which met flushed with confident expecta-
tion of victory. All differences of opinion had been
composed in advance. Silas Wright, who was wor-
shipped by his followers as few political leaders in
New York have been, had written a letter positively
declining to be a candidate. The radicals were re-
minded that all the State officers elected by the Leg-
islature had been chosen from their faction, and were
1842] WHIG DISASTER 267
thus persuaded to accept conservative candidates for
Governor and Lieutenant-Governor. Accordingly,
with absolute unanimity on the first and only ballot,
and without so much as the mention of any other name,
William C. Bouck was nominated for Governor, and
Daniel S. Dickinson, of Binghamton, for Lieutenant-
Governor. They were probably the strongest possible
candidates — both men of high character and ability,
the one much identified with the canal system and
the other with the railroad system of the State. Reso-
lutions strongly commending President Tyler's admin-
istration and the doctrines of the national Democratic
party were adopted.
The Abolition party nominated Alvan Stewart for
Governor.
The campaign was largely apathetic, its result be-
ing regarded on both sides as a foregone conclusion.
The Whigs busied themselves chiefly with promoting
the cause of Henry Clay for the Presidency two years
later. Bouck received 208,072 votes ; Bradish, 186,091 ;
and Stewart 7,263. But that was not the full measure
of the Democracy's victory. They elected seven of
the eight Senators and ninety-three members of the
Assembly. It was a political revolution as complete
as that of 1840 had been, in the opposite direction.
CHAPTER XVII
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
THE controversy between New York and Virginia,
in which Governor Seward took so resolute a
part, was one of the early incidents in the "irre-
pressible conflict," to use Seward's own later phrase,
over the subject of slavery, and it will be fitting at this
point to make a brief interlude in our narrative, with
some anticipation of later events, to tell of the "Under-
ground Railroad." That famous organization, in
which a multitude of New Yorkers were actively con-
cerned, was one of the most strenuous and aggressive
factors in that irregular warfare against slavery which
extended through a score of years preceding the Civil
War, and was one of the influences which made that
final arbitrament of arms inevitable. Other free States
— Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois — were
more directly in touch with the institution of slavery;
but none surpassed New York for interest in the "rail-
road." The name was faithfully expressive of its
great system of secret service maintained for the
major purpose of conducting fugitive slaves to Canada
and to freedom and, incidentally, to encourage slaves
in general to follow their example. Professor Albert
Bushnell Hart, of Harvard University, in his preface
to Professor Wilbur H. Siebert's work on the subject,
describes the Underground Railroad, in retrospect, as
268
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 269
"simply a form of combined defiance of national laws,
on the ground that those laws were unjust and oppres-
sive." The men who operated it flatly refused to
recognize property rights in human beings, and they
repudiated any and every legal dictum to the contrary.
Believing slavery to be an evil they did their best to
destroy it, little by little, by liberating its victims. In
pursuance of that passionate purpose they developed an
elaborate organization which antedated Lincoln's
Emancipation proclamation by many years.
Of the great network of hidden agencies thus created,
New York State was an important territorial and
strategic sector. It was behind the middle west, and
especially behind Ohio (which bordered on both
Kentucky and Virginia), in the number of its Under-
ground routes ; but what it lacked in that respect it more
than made up in the eminence of the men who directed
the system, from time to time, within its borders.
Among them were Frederick Douglass, of Rochester;
Gerrit Smith, of Peterboro, Madison county; and John
Brown, who was ardent and resourceful as an Under-
ground operator during the periods of his residence on
his Adirondack farm at North Elba. The middle west
was a shorter cut from the southern plantations to
Canada; but many of the fugitives who passed north-
ward by the way of Maryland found in New York a
choice of several routes to freedom, each of them
manned to the Canadian border by vigilant and hos-
pitable zealots for liberty.
The origin of the Underground Railroad is only
imperfectly traced by tradition. It is known to have
270 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
operated spasmodically, and on a small scale, long be-
fore the advent of the steam railway from which it
derived its later name. Congress passed the first Fugi-
tive Slave law in 1793, providing for the reclamation of
persons escaping from servile labor. This statutory
expedient for enforcing the constitutional mandate was
made necessary by the difficulties experienced by slave-
holders in recovering possession of their escaped slaves
in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. As early as 1791,
public attention was directed to a case in Washington,
Pennsylvania, where a slaveholder was compelled to
kidnap a colored fugitive to whom he laid claim. But
although the law of 1791 imposed a fine of $500 upon
any person who should rescue or harbor a fugitive
from labor, or resist his capture, it was frequently
violated. In the early years of the Nineteenth century
escapes from servitude became more common, because
the invention of the cotton gin had stimulated the de-
mand for slaves in the distinctive cotton States, and the
horror of being sold "down the river" drove many pre-
viously contented slaves in Virginia and Kentucky into
making a desperate dash northward. As early as 1804
secret or "underground" methods of aiding escaped
slaves were known in and about Philadelphia. Accord-
ing to the best authorities, the northern outlets for
slaves were called "the Underground road" as early as
1831; and later the system borrowed its more preten-
tious title from the newly introducd railway.
At the close of the first half of the century the activi-
ties of the Underground Railroad, stimulated by the
Abolitionist propaganda directed by William Lloyd
1850] THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 271
Garrison and Wendell Phillips, had provoked a strong
southern demand for repressive legislation which
should be effective. The response of Congress was the
enactment of the Fugitive Slave law of 1850, a part of
the famous Clay Compromises. This measure was in
itself a formal recognition by Congress of the gravity
of the southern grievance. The dismay and anger of the
slaveholders at the growing boldness of the Under-
ground traffic had been aggravated by the passage in
northern Legislatures of the so-called Personal Liberty
acts, which were intended to soften the rigor of the
Fugitive Slave law of 1793 or to make its successful
enforcement next to impossible. Most of them went no
farther than to insure fugitive slaves a jury trial and
the protection of counsel ; but even this safeguard baf-
fled in many cases the attempts at recapture. The
second Fugitive Slave law was perhaps the most tempt-
ing bait held out to southern Congressmen to secure
their acquiescence in the Compromises of 1850. It
armed United States Commissioners and Federal
Judges and agents with more summary powers over the
persons of escaped bondmen. It subjected every person
aiding a slave to resist or elude capture to a fine of
$1,000 and six months' imprisonment. It provided that
ownership of the fugitive should be determined by the
simple affidavit of the claimant, and it outlawed every
statute of the States that had previously been invoked to
hinder or delay the powers of recovery.
If the provocation of this sweeping Federal legisla-
tion was the Underground Railroad and the Personal
Liberty laws that gave a certain pretext of legality, or at
272 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1850
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
least a moral encouragement, to its conductors, the
effect of it was just the reverse of what the promoters of
the Compromises expected. From 1850 onward the
Underground Railroad extended its branches and
moved, figuratively, under a more powerful head of
steam. The eastern and northern States answered the
challenge of Congress with more drastic Personal Lib-
erty laws, by the terms of which State aid of any kind,
even to the use of State jails, was denied to the agents of
the Federal government. The Abolitionists now had a
new and deadly weapon of attack upon the institution
of slavery and its defenders. Their fiery denunciation
of the Federal government for endeavoring to trans-
form the citizenship of the north into slave-catching
allies of the southern planters, awoke responsive echoes
in many northern hearts that previously had been either
cold or indifferent. In New York State, in particular,
whose people had been far less responsive to Abolition
radicalism than the middle west, the volume of adverse
sentiment aroused by the second Fugitive Slave law
swelled rapidly.
The date of the new law was September 18, 1850. The
first New York city to be heard form in condemnation
was Syracuse. On September 26 the Syracuse press
carried a call for a meeting of protest, and on October
4 it was held in the City Hall and largely attended. By
resolution it ordered the appointment of a vigilance
committee of thirteen members, "whose duty it shall be
to see that no person is deprived of his liberty without
due process of law." Viewed in the retrospect this was,
in effect, a public endorsement of the Underground
WILLIAM C. BOUCK
William C. Bouck, 15th governor (1843-44); born at Ful-
tonham, Schoharie county, January 7, 1786; farmer; town clerk
of town of Fulton, 1807; supervisor, 1808-9; sheriff, 1812;
member of assembly, 1814-16, 1818; appointed canal commis-
sioner in 1821 and held the office for 19 years; defeated candi-
date for governor, 1840; elected 1842; assistant treasurer of
U. S. at New York City, 1846-49; died at Fultonham, April
19, 1859.
.
HENRY CRUSE MURPHY
Henry Cruse Murphy; born in Brooklyn, N. Y., July 5,
1810; graduated from Columbia college in 1830; lawyer; prose-
cuting attorney for Kings county, 1833; mayor of Brooklyn,
1842-1843 ; delegate to the state constitutional convention of
1846; in Congress, 1843-1845; defeated for reelection in 1845
but reflected and served 1847-1849; minister to the Netherlands,
1857-1861; member New York state senate, 1862-1873; delegate
to the state constitutional convention of 1867-1868; died in
Brooklyn, N. Y., December 1, 1882.
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 273
Railroad. Syracuse thus became one of the main
centers of the whole underground system. This was not
wholly due to the bold defiance of its October meeting,
nor yet to its location at the geographical heart of the
State. Another influence operated to make the city a
focus of attention at that time. It was the home of two
clergymen who loom large in the history of the Under-
ground Railroad. One was the Rev. Samuel J. May, a
Unitarian minister and a fearless Abolitionist; the
other was Elder J. W. Loguen (afterward Bishop) of
the African Methodist Church, who was born to slavery
and escaped by the underground route in the 1830's.
These two men were moving spirits of the Syracuse
meeting, and they made good their pledges by untiring
energy as station-masters of the Underground Railroad.
A year later their home community again advanced into
the limelight as the scene of the "Jerry rescue."
In following the history of New York's subsequent
share in the activities of the Underground Railroad, the
narrator has to rely upon the evidence of a few men
recorded long after its daring and romantic service had
ceased. Judged by the standard set at Washington it
was a lawless enterprise, and its New York routes were
outlined only in the memory of its zealous conductors.
Very few contemporaneous documents have come down
to us descriptive of its operations. The men connected
with it had a double reason for secrecy. They knew
that, while they were heeding the voice of conscience
and obeying the moral law as they interpreted it, they
were violating the written law of the nation. Another
consideration constrained them to pursue a policy of
274 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
concealment. Though it is true, as we have observed,
that, beginning in 1850, the tide of public opinion in
this State began to rise steadily against slavery, its ad-
vance was slow; and in the early '50's there was little
popular tolerance for Abolitionism and still less for
that extreme phase of it which was chiefly concerned
with the deliverance of fugitive slaves. Thus the inde-
fatigable managers of the Underground Railroad had
to reckon not only with the risk of prosecution and
punishment by the Federal courts, but with a bitter
home prejudice, amounting in many cases to contempt
and disgust. In self-defense, therefore, they pushed
their plans with unceasing caution. They had no in-
scribed records, and they kept their signal codes under
their hats. There was no pretense of running the rail-
road on schedule time ; but, barring a few exceptional
cases, it reached its Canadian destination just the same.
From data collected by many writers and investiga-
tion after the Civil War, an enlightening idea can be
gained of the underground routes that traversed New
York State. One of them followed the Hudson River
from New York City up to Albany, westward through
Schenectady and Utica, and thence to Lake Ontario,
via Oswego, Mexico, or Port Ontario. Another
crossed the Pennsylvania border north of Wilkes-Barre,
proceeding directly north to Peterboro, the home of
Gerrit Smith, and thence to Oswego. Still another
crossed the Pennsylvania border just south of Elmira
and proceeded northward paralleling Seneca Lake, and
then switched westward to Niagara Falls. In addition
a very important route was that which entered the State
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 275
from western Pennsylvania and threw off several
branches on New York soil westward toward Lake Erie.
These were the four main lines operating within the
State from various southward points, particularly Phil-
adelphia and Washington. They had many lateral
branches, however, which were constantly varied to
meet unexpected emergencies. The principal interior
stations for the entire New York system were Albany,
Troy, Syracuse, Rochester, Oswego, and Elmira. New
York City was a general receiving point not only for the
land routes to Canada but for fugitives for whom trans-
portation by water could be obtained to Boston and
from that city to Canada.
Of more interest and importance than the geographi-
cal outlines of the Underground Railway through this
State were the human factors in its silent and secret
operations and the methods employed to insure uninter-
rupted transit to the fugitives. The conductors and
agents displayed an almost preternatural cunning in
devising schemes for concealing their colored charges
or for baffling pursuers. It is needless to say that night
travel was almost the exclusive fashion on this partic-
ular railroad. After entering the State the fugitive
found refuge with some Underground agent near the
border, to whose home he had been directed. There
he was lodged, sometimes in an attic bedroom, or per-
haps in a barn or a nearby cave. When darkness fell
on the following evening the refugee was either driven
in a covered wagon to the next station, the home of
another agent who had been duly notified in advance
of the arrival, or, in case the agent was unable to trans-
276 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
port or accompany the fugitive, the latter was given
minute instructions for continuing his journey alone to
the next refuge. Where there was special need of
vigilance the reports of the coming of fugitives were
transmitted along the route by code messages or myste-
rious passwords and signals. This freemasonry of com-
munication was known as the "grapevine telegraph."
Instances where the fugitive was encouraged to prose-
cute his northward journey afoot and unattended
became more and more rare as the vigilance of the
Federal officials and the hubbub raised over the organ-
ized violation of law increased. Vehicles of all kinds
suitable for the purposes of concealment were mustered
into service by well-to-do conductors and engineers
of the system. They included covered carriages, deep-
bedded farm wagons, and peddlers' rigs. Cases were
recorded where fugitives were helped on their north-
ward journey in farmers' wagons, in which they lay
covered by straw, vegetables, or sacks of grain. To
avert suspicion a woman of the agent's family some-
times drove the wagons thus laden toward the mar-
ket town. Well-known agents of the Underground, as
suspicion deepened about them, were compelled to rely
upon desperate shifts. There were instances where, as
a last resort, fugitives were nailed in boxes and shipped
northward as freight. In other cases the white res-
cuers and their assistants employed stratagems of dif-
ferent kinds. More than one freedman was piloted to
safety by dressing him in woman's clothing and taking
him northward by train in the capacity of a family
nurse.
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 277
In considering the New Yorkers of greater or less
repute who were active in or accessory to this work of
deliverance, it is proper to begin with Frederick
Douglass. He himself had escaped from slavery by a
personally conducted underground route. At the age
of twenty-one he ran away from his Maryland master,
borrowed a sailor's certificate, and took a negro car for
New York City, where he arrived on a September day
in 1838 without having undergone either molestation or
suspicion on the way. It was in 1847 that he settled in
Rochester, New York, and from that time until the out-
break of the Civil War he was deeply interested not
only in the development of the Underground route but
also in every organized effort for the protection of
former slaves in New York who were subject at any
time to recapture. The ease with which Douglass
himself had won his liberation intensified his faith in
the expediency and feasibility of the Underground
system. After the passage of the Fugitive Slave act of
1850 he redoubled his exertions on behalf of escaping
bondmen, and he had many willing assistants among
men of his own color. Many of these fugitives, observ-
ing the immunity of Douglass and others, decided to
settle in the northern States. The total number of these
colored residents in the north in 1850 has since been
estimated at from 20,000 to 40,000; and New York had
its share. In the work of assisting runaway slaves
Douglass had congenial employment. At his home in
Rochester he kept a room ready for colored fugitives,
and frequently sheltered several at a time. His income
as a publisher and Abolition lecturer was modest, but
278 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
from his own purse or the contributions of sympathiz-
ing friends he was always able to furnish his colored
guests with the means to continue their journey to
Canada. It may be doubted whether any personal
influence in this State was more effective than that of
Douglass in encouraging the resolute directors of the
Underground conductors and in strengthening their
hands, and we may well believe that the plantation
rumors of the safety and prosperity of Douglass, a self-
delivered bondman, inspired many a slave to make a
break for liberty. To the end of the Underground
chapter he served as a personal link for several routes
converging at Rochester, where he was admirably sit-
uated for such a purpose; and in his "Reminiscences"
he sheds light upon the internal organism of the whole
system.
Of the native sons of New York, Gerrit Smith, of
Peterboro, was by far the foremost promoter of the
Underground Railroad. Born in Utica at the close
of the Eighteenth century, he inherited an estate
that made him the most extensive landed proprietor in
New York. As early as the late 1820's his philanthrop-
ic instincts were revealed in his active sympathy with
the anti-slavery movement, then assuming an organized
form ; and a little later he took an enthusiastic interest
in a scheme of negro colonization in northern New
York, which afterward was partly realized. He was
attending a meeting of the American Colonization
Society in Syracuse in 1831 when he was assailed by a
mob of pro-southern sympathizers, and this experience,
aggravated by a similar one in Utica four years later,
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 279
hardened his attachment to the Abolition cause. Unlike
his fellow-agitators of the Garrison-Phillips type, he
staked much of his hope for the ultimate success of the
Abolition cause upon the agencies and mutations of
politics. He was one of the organizers of the Liberty
party in western New York in 1840; in 1848 and again
in 1852 he was its candidate for the Presidency; and
twice, in 1840 and in 1858, he conducted a hopeless
campaign for the Governorship of New York on an
anti-slavery platform. But it was in his close associa-
tion with the dauntless spirits that were warring against
slavery by means of the Underground Railroad that his
sworn enmity to human bondage was most effectively,
if not most conspicuously, displayed. It carried him
to hazardous extremes, particularly in the financial aid
he gave to John Brown ; and he narrowly escaped arrest
and prosecution for complicity in Brown's historic raid
at Harper's Ferry. His connection with the Under-
ground route took divers forms. Not only did he per-
sonally aid in the escapes of colored refugees, but he
helped the enterprise even more serviceably by his
readiness to finance the movement wherever money
was needed and to pay the legal expenses of persons
charged with violation of the Fugitive Slave law. In
the troubled decade from 1850 to 1860 his connivance
in the operations of the railroad knew little relaxation,
and as late as 1860 he answered a call to Toronto,
where he successfully defended the negro William
Anderson, who seven years before had endeavored to
escape from servitude in Missouri and had killed the
man who tried to recapture him. It was known all
280 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
along the lines of the Underground that Smith's spa-
cious home at Peterboro, Madison county, was a per-
ennial refuge for runaway slaves. There they were
always sure of a hospitable welcome. From thence
they were sent to Oswego or Cape Vincent or Mexico
Point, where the water passage to Canada was easily
effected. Richard Henry Dana told of visiting John
Brown's farm at North Elba on a summer day in the
'50's, where he was informed by his Adirondack guide
that all the country in that section belonged to Gerrit
Smith, that it was settled for the most part by fugitive
slaves who were engaged in farming, and that Brown
held the position of a sort of ruler among them.
John Brown's connection with the Underground
Railroad was developed most sensationally, and with
the most substantial results, in other States than New
York. We need consider here only that phase of his
tempestuous and tragic career that began in this State
in the late '40's and identified him at times with the
New York promoters of the Underground It was in
1847 that Brown came into close communication with
Frederick Douglass. In the following year he made
his first call on Gerrit Smith at Peterboro, with whom
he was soon on confidential terms and to whom he
unfolded his ambitious, though quixotic, schemes for
a wholesale negro manumission. Two years before,
Smith had offered to give 125,000 acres of his patri-
monial estate in Essex county for homes for colored
people. Negro colonies, with a quota of fugitives,
were soon established there. Early in 1848 John
Brown decided to settle his family in the midst of the
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 281
negro colonists. With this idea in mind he made his
Peterboro visit on April 8, and he promptly arranged
with Smith for the purchase on easy terms of three
farms at North Elba, or Timbuctoo, as it was also
called. Thither Brown transported his family in the
spring of 1849. There he remained, with intervals of
absence, until 1851, when he temporarily removed with
his dependents to Ohio, only to return to North Elba
with them in June, 1855. Two months later he parted
with his family to pursue in Kansas the more violent
career that ultimately led him to a Virginia scaffold.
In the closing years of his life he made only intermit-
tent visits to his North Elba home. But in these sub-
sequent journeys to this State he found in Douglass,
Smith, and the Rev. J. W. Loguen, of Syracuse, ever-
ready helpers in the work of securing funds, outfits,
and volunteers for his Kansas campaign. It was after
one of Brown's earlier sorties from North Elba that
he formed in Springfield, Massachusetts, his colored
League of Gileadites — his first effort to organize the
former bondmen to defend themselves and to advance
their interests. That was in January, 1851, and it was
his personal response to the new Fugitive Slave law.
On the first of his epochal trips to Kansas, John
Brown stopped at Peterboro to enlist Gerrit Smith in
his western enterprise, and received from Smith >a
modest contribution, soon followed by several others.
It would appear that Smith was informed as to
Brown's plan only to the extent that his Kansas crusade
would be directed to rescuing the Territory from
slavery — a declaration of purpose that was sufficient,
282 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
in itself, to arouse the Peterboro magnate's sympathy.
In 18.55 we find Brown attending an anti-slavery
meeting at Syracuse to plead the cause of the Kansas
emigrants. At this meeting there was a responsive
echo to Brown's appeal, but the Rev. Samuel J. May,
Lewis Tappan, and Gerrit Smith himself, while
favoring generous financial aid for the anti-slavery
pioneers in Kansas, deprecated the use of any part of
the money for the purchase of arms. Gerrit Smith
then believed that the Underground Railway and all
auxiliary movements like that of Brown could attain
their objects without bloodshed; but it is known that
the later experiences of "Bleeding Kansas" changed
Smith's viewpoint in that regard.
For reasons that have been sufficiently explained the
operations of the Underground Railway were hidden
and noiseless, and therefore attracted only a modicum
of public notice. But now and then its bolder and
more dramatic enterprises provoked a sensational
interest throughout the country. To the events of this
class belong the arrest of the fugitive slave Anthony
Burns, in Boston in May, 1854, and its exciting sequel.
When the Burns recapture was made known, Boston
was soon ablaze with indignation. The movement to
protect Burns from reenslavement was led by such men
as Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A. Bronson Alcott,
and Richard H. Dana, Jr., and a packed Faneuil Hall
meeting called to protest against the arrest was
addressed by Wendell Phillips and Theodore Parker.
Later the Court House, in which Burns was confined,
was assailed by a crowd of would-be rescuers, but they
1851] THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 283
were driven back by Deputy Marshals and United
States marines. Finally, after a Federal Judge had
remanded Burns to his southern owner, the unfortunate
captive was escorted by a considerable military force
through Boston streets that were lined by scores of
thousands of howling and hissing citizens, and a
United States revenue cutter carried him back to
slavery.
Nearly three years earlier Syracuse was the scene
of an Underground drama which had a radically
different ending. The rescue of Jerry McHenry in the
autumn of 1851 is still among the salient and cherished
traditions of the central New York city. We have
already seen that soon after the enactment of the
Fugitive Slave law, Syracuse not only registered its
protest but created a vigilance committee for giving
aid to fugitive bondmen. A little more than a year
later the citizens had a striking opportunity to prove
their sincerity and determination, and they did it in a
way that aroused nation-wide interest.
In the winter of 1849-50, while the old Fugitive
Slave law was still in effect, a colored passenger
arrived at Syracuse on the Underground Railroad. His
name was Jerry McHenry, and he had escaped from
a Mississippi plantation. He was bound for Canada
via the St. Lawrence River, but he found so much
sympathy and apparent security in Syracuse that he
decided to remain there and take his chances. Being
an intelligent man, he soon secured employment with
a local cabinet-maker; and later he opened a little shop
of his own. In time, however, Jerry's former owner
284 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
learned of his whereabouts, probably through some
treacherous informant in Syracuse. On October 1,
1851, Jerry was taken into custody by a southern officer
and confined in a building located near the bank of
the Erie canal at the junction of West Genesee and
Clinton streets. The captive's improvised cell was the
office of the Syracuse Police Justice. After a brief
interval Jerry was arraigned before the United States
Commissioner, who had his office nearby. The news
of the seizure had quickly spread, and a wave of
indignation swept over the city. The Commissioner's
office was filled with angry citizens whose looks por-
tended serious trouble.
The initial climax came quickly. While a Federal
attorney was presenting the case the prisoner made a
sudden break for liberty through a little throng of
spectators, who were glad enough to facilitate his
flight. He gained the street, dashing eastward. But
athletic pursuers were at his heels ; and he was retaken
within a few blocks, brought back in a cart, and locked
up in the Police Justice's office.
As it happened, Syracuse had a goodly number of
transient guests on that October day, who had
assembled to attend a convention of Gerrit Smith's
Liberty party and the annual Fair of the Onondaga
County Agricultural Society. Among the visitors,
therefore, was a strong contingent of militant Aboli-
tionists, who were not at all backward in the heroic
counter-offensive that followed Jerry's recapture.
Gerrit Smith was there, and he and the Rev. Samuel
J. May and the members of the Syracuse vigilance
1851] THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 285
committee, including Elder Loguen, took quick
counsel and decided on a violent line of action. Word
was passed around that Jerry should, and would, be
released by force. Scarcely had night fallen when
a crowd, armed with rude implements as if for the
storming of a fortress, assembled before the building
in which the manacled and trembling fugitive was
imprisoned. Showers of stones crashed against the
brick walls and windows, and a battering ram was soon
in vigorous play at the main door. Inside the building
the prisoner's guards at first thought of resisting, but
as the mob of besiegers swelled and the uproar
increased, they decided upon a more prudent course
and made such desperate exits as were left to them.
One of them broke his arm in jumping from the
building. Even Jerry's southern captor perceived that
discretion was the better part of valor, and when the
crowd had forced an entrance and was mounting the
stairs he thrust the negro into the arms of his rescuers,
exclaiming, as was reported: "Get out of here, you
nigger, if you are making all this muss!" The rest of
the story is soon told. Willing hands struck off
Jerry's fetters, and he was hurried to a hiding-place,
where he was secretly guarded for several days. He
was then furnished with money and sped upon a
northward journey in a wagon owned by one Jason C.
Woodruff, who was soon to be elected Mayor of
Syracuse. In Canada Jerry found permanent safety.
It is to be added that, although the rescuers of Jerry
McHenry, unlike their Boston imitators, accomplished
their purpose with an audacity equal to their success,
286 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
not a single one of them was ever punished by the law.
Eighteen indictments were found, but the prosecution
went no farther. Such was the record, despite the
fact that there were no signs of repentance in Syracuse.
Indeed, the Liberty convention, in its session of
October 2, adopted a resolution in which, referring
to a speech of Webster's delivered in Syracuse in the
preceding spring in defense of the Clay Compromises
and the Fugitive Slave law, congratulated "the
glorious city of Syracuse" upon still remaining
"undisgraced by the satanic prediction of the satanic
Daniel Webster." The anniversary of the Jerry rescue
was celebrated in Syracuse for several years after the
event.
Oft-told tales like that of the Jerry rescue related to
Underground accidents, happy or the reverse, which
were but the rare exceptions to the railroad's rule of
quiet, methodical service. Its secrets were so well
kept that ambitious New York politicians who hated
slavery did not hesitate to give it their confidential
encouragement and aid. Perhaps the best-known New
Yorker of this political class was Thurlow Weed. In
the standard biography of Weed by Thurlow Weed
Barnes it is related that on one occasion, when promi-
nent political callers were waiting patiently at the
famous journalist's home, to be admitted in their turn
to his presence, they were both surprised and vexed to
see a negro arrival promptly ushered into the great
man's council room. The negro soon returned and
hastily left the house; and it was then that they learned
that he was a runaway slave who had come to solicit
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 287
and to receive from Thurlow Weed financial aid in his
flight to Canada.
The historic name of Jay was also associated with
this work. John Jay, author of New York's first
Constitution and second Governor of the State, was
one of the first outspoken enemies of human slavery
and advocates of emancipation, though he died before
the conflict became intense. His son, William Jay,
inherited his sentiments and convictions, and during
his distinguished career as a Judge of the Court of
Common Pleas in New York City was a tower of
strength to the cause of equal justice for men of all
races. In 1843, after twenty-five years' service, he was
dropped from the bench because of his pronounced
anti-slavery attitude. His son, John Jay the second,
who later was American Minister to Austria and one
of the foremost publicists of his time, was a leading
member of the bar of New York, and might justly
have been regarded as the general counsel to the
Underground Railroad. For years he was always ready
to serve, without charge, as counsel for fugitive slaves,
for those who were aiding them in their flight, and
for all who came into conflict with the Fugitive Slave
law. He became in 1834 the active manager of the
Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society of New York.
A single incident in which John Jay was concerned,
which was only one of many of the kind, may be related
as a reminder that New York City more than once or
twice paralleled the "Jerry rescue" of Syracuse,
already narrated. It is here related in the words of
one of the chief participants, namely, the father of the
288 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
writer of this history — William Johnson, then a busi-
ness man of New York and an active operator of the
Underground Railroad. The present writer recalls
it fom his father's memoirs, not as a matter of mere
filial pride but as a vivid picture of some characteristic
scenes in the "irrepressible conflict."
"One morning," wrote Mr. Johnson, "on my way to
my office, near the City Hall, I saw a negro running
as for his life across the Park, with a crowd in pursuit.
I recognized him as the man who had been claimed by
an alleged owner from the south and arrested a few
days before. That very morning Judge Edmonds in
his court in the City Hall had discharged him from
custody. But as was the custom in those days, his
alleged owner at once trumped up some new charge
against him — theft, I think it was — and sought to have
him arrested as soon as he left the courtroom. Hence
the flight and pursuit. I joined in the chase, with a
Mr. Smith, of the Tribune staff, hoping to be of aid to
the man if he was overtaken. He ran across the City
Hall Park, through Beekman Street to Nassau Street,
and then turned into Ann Street. By this time the
pursuers were at his heels, and he bolted into a base-
ment pie bakery and disappeared. We all rushed in
after him, Smith and myself at the van, but he was
nowhere to be seen. But there was a door at the farther
end of the room, which we knew opened into the
engine-room of the Anti-Slavery Standard printing
house. When the crowd made a rush for it. Smith and
I led the way in. There was nobody visible but a
brawny giant of an engineer, with a two-foot iron
GERRIT SMITH
Gerrit Smith, abolitionist; born in Utica, March 6, 1797;
graduated from Hamilton college, 1818; studied law and was
admitted to the bar in 1853; elected as an ultra-abolitionist to
the 33d congress and served from March 4, 1853, until his
resignation in 1854; opened a tract of 1,000 acres near Peter-
boro, N. Y., to be given to those who would shield and protect
fugitive slaves; used his home as principal station of the
famous ''underground railroad" through which fugitive slaves
were transported into Canada; died in New York City, Decem-
ber 28, 1874.
JOHN BROWN
John Brown, abolitionist; born, Torrington, Conn., May 9,
1800; farmer but studied surveying and engineering; took an
active part in the contest for Kansas between the friends of
freedom and of slavery in 1855-1856; obtained a farm from
Gerritt Smith to be used as a refuge for fugitive slaves, 1848-
1849; attempted the establishment of a defensible establishment
for fugitive slaves on the soil of Virginia, 1859; attacked
Harper's Ferry, Va., and took a number of persons prisoner;
could have escaped when the soldiers came down on the
invaders but made no effort to do so; was tried and condemned
to death and executed at Charlestown, Va., December 2, 1859.
His body is buried at North Elba, Essex county, N. Y., where
the monument raised to his memory may be seen when driving
between Westport and Lake Placid.
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD 289
wrench in his hand. 'Where's that nigger?' roared the
crowd. 'Nigger? I don't know anything about any
nigger!' replied the engineer, 'and if you haven't any
business with me, you'd better get out. This engine
room's private!' He was not the kind of man that even
a New York crowd cared to trifle with, and they got
out. But Smith exchanged glances with him, and when
we were outside whispered to me, 'He's up-stairs, under
a floor.'
"The fugitive was kept hidden between floor and
ceiling for a few days, and then an attempt was made
to remove him to the big sugar refinery of Dennis
Harris, on Duane Street, which was a sort of Grand
Central Station of the Underground Railroad. He
was nailed up in a packing-box which, with two or
three other boxes of papers and books, was carried out
of the Anti-Slavery Standard office and placed upon a
dray, which Harris had sent for the purpose. I per-
sonally directed the loading of the boxes, and then, as
the ostensible owner, told the driver to take them to
the sugar house, and myself started thither afoot. Two
policemen had been watching the building, day and
night, to catch the negro if he came out, and one of
them eyed the boxes suspiciously, followed the truck,
and as soon as it reached Broadway halted it and
demanded to know what was in the boxes. The driver
replied that he did not know. Then the policeman said,
'I smell a nigger!' summoned a crowd, and broke the
box open ; and the negro was dragged to the Tombs
prison.
"Next day he was brought into court. John Jay was
290 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
his counsel, and John McKeon, afterward Corporation
Counsel of the city, was for the prosecution. Many
prominent Abolitionists were in the courtroom, among
them Lydia Maria Child and other ladies. The
charge of theft could not be sustained, and the prisoner
was promptly discharged. Then the Underground
Railroad got to work. We knew that another attempt
would be made to arrest the man as soon as he left the
building. So we got a closed carriage, with a swift
team of horses, and two brawny and resolute men on
the driver's seat. I had it quietly brought to the pri-
vate entrance to the Tombs, on the north side. A great
crowd gathered at the main entrance, on the east front,
to intercept the negro as he came out. He started from
the courtroom for that exit, accompanied by John Jay,
Lydia Maria Child, and other friends. These friends
clustered about him so closely that he was able, unseen
by his foes, to drop upon hands and knees and crawl
back and reach the private door, where I waited with
the carriage. I thrust him into it, closed the door, and
in a moment the horses were on a gallop, headed for
Kingsbridge. They were a mile away before the crowd
at the main door learned what had happened. There
were no telephones in those days, and it was impossible
to send word ahead for the stopping of the fugitive;
and in a few days more he was safe in Canada."
CHAPTER XVIII
GOVERNOR BOUCK
NEW YORK'S first "Farmer Governor" pre-
sented in intellectual equipment and expression
a marked contrast to his predecessors. Wil-
liam C. Bouck was the great-grandson of a German
Lutheran who had fled from persecution in the Palat-
inate with many of his fellow-religionists, and had
settled before the Revolution in the Schoharie valley.
The son of a hard-working farmer, he himself grew
up a tiller of the soil. "Until I was twenty-two years
of age," he wrote to a friend, "no common laborer on
my father's farm did more work than myself. Often
have I gone to the plough before daylight, and from
it after dark." His father was a man of ample means,
and intended the son to have a liberal education. But
thrift and industry kept the boy on the farm, so that his
educational training never extended beyond that af-
forded by the district school. Fine native intelligence
and keen observation made, however, a good substitute
for pedagogical instruction, and he grew to manhood
fully competent for the public duties to which he was
called. From an early age his inclinations led him to
take an active interest in public affairs, and he soon
found opportunities for political preferment.
A Democrat of the school of Jefferson and Madison,
291
292 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H843
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
he became a follower of Governor Tompkins, in whose
administration he was made Sheriff of Schoharie
county; in 1813 he was sent to the Assembly; in 1820 he
was elected a State Senator; and in 1821 he entered
upon the duties of Canal Commissioner, an office which
he filled for nineteen years with notable efficiency and
always the highest integrity. After his early attach-
ment to the fortunes of Tompkins he supported Van
Buren, and was the chief organizer of the Bucktails in
Schoharie county. He was removed from the Canal
Commissionership in 1840 by the Whigs, on purely
partisan grounds.
The Sixty-sixth Legislature met on January 3, 1843.
Isaac R. Elwood, of Rochester, was elected Clerk of
the Senate, and George R. Davis, of Troy, was elected
Speaker of the Assembly, a place that he had filled in
the Fifty-fourth Legislature. Henry N. Wales was
chosen Clerk of the Assembly after a vigorous contest
between the two factions of the Democratic party.
Governor Bouck's message, for reasons already sug-
gested, was very different from the productions of
most of his predecessors. It was much shorter, made
no pretension to literary style, and indulged in fewer
"glittering generalities" on the philosophy of govern-
ment, but was notably direct and lucid in expression
and instinct with shrewd sense. Strong partisanship
was apparent also, particularly in his treatment of some
of the issues of the previous administration.
The first important topic of the message was that
of interstate and State and Federal relations. He
strongly condemned what he regarded as the unwar-
1843] GOVERNOR BOUCK 293
ranted assumption of power by the Federal govern-
ment, beyond the prescriptions of the Constitution and
to the detriment of the rights of the States and of the
people. Conspicuous among the resulting abuses, he
said, was the collection of money from the people, in
any form, for purposes of redistribution among the
States. Such collection he condemned whether the
money was derived from the sale of public lands, from
imposts, or from direct taxation. Another abuse he
perceived in a law of Congress which was ostensibly
for the purpose of regulating the election of Repre-
sentatives but which in fact practically dictated special
enactments to the Legislatures of the States. A third
was in the national Bankruptcy law which, he held,
was not a bankruptcy law in the sense of the Consti-
tution but a law providing for the discharge of insol-
vents from their debts without the consent of their
creditors. He urged resistance to all such measures,
and also a scrupulous care that the State should not
in any way infringe upon the province of the national
government
The Governor added that he had been led to make
his remarks by observation of certain laws dealing
with human slavery. He found on the statute-books
of New York laws which conflicted with the consti-
tutional obligations of this State to other States. The
principles of such laws had been declared unconstitu-
tional by the Supreme Court of the United States, and
he therefore questioned the propriety of retaining them.
Especially he referred to the controversy with the State
of Virginia over the extradition of men charged with
294 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1843
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
aiding fugitive slaves to escape, and he declared him-
self strongly in accord with the resolutions on that sub-
ject which the Legislature had adopted and which Gov-
ernor Seward had declined to transmit to the Gover-
nor of Virginia. In brief, he took exactly the oppo-
site view from that entertained by Seward.
The subject of the canals, the railroads, and the
finances of the State received much expert attention.
No radical recommendations were made, but he urged
strict economy in all directions. Although he called
attention to the fact that he was the first farmer ever
elected Governor, he had little to say about the agri-
cultural interests. He suggested that it would be well
to have all laws of general interest published in full
in at least one newspaper in each county, so as to
acquaint the people generally with their purport.
Early in the session there occurred a great fight in
the Legislature over the State Printer. The Demo-
crats were resolved to get rid of Thurlow Weed and
put one of their own men in the profitable and influ-
ential office. But they so strongly disagreed as to ways
and means and candidates that the net result was to
widen the breach in their own ranks. The conserva-
tives, or Hunkers, wanted a State Printer to be ap-
pointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate,
a process which would result, they felt sure, in the
selection of Edwin Croswell, the forceful and formid-
able editor of the Albany Argus and former State
Printer. The radicals, or Barnburners, led by the
Comptroller, Azariah C. Flagg, desired that the State
Printer should be elected by the votes of the two houses,
1843] GOVERNOR BOUCK 295
expecting thus to secure the choice of Mr. Croswell's
partner, H. H. Van Dyck. The Senate voted for the
former plan, and the Assembly for the latter. In con-
ference the Senate ultimately acquiesced in the will
of the Assembly. Then Van Dyck withdrew from the
contest for the sake of harmony, and on January 21
the Democratic caucus nominated Croswell by 66
votes to 40 cast for William Cullen Bryant, editor of
the New York Evening Post. Croswell was accord-
ingly elected State Printer.
The term of Silas Wright as United States Senator
was drawing to a close, and on February 7 he was
reflected, having received the unanimous vote of the
Democratic caucus. The Whigs chiefly voted for Mil-
lard Fillmore.
There followed another curious controversy which
still further exacerbated the animosity between the
Hunkers and Barnburners, though it should have in-
volved no partisan or factional issue. Some years be-
fore an elaborate geological survey of the State had
been authorized, and the results had been printed by the
State in six large, sumptuous, and expensive volumes.
The Legislature of 1842, by a simple majority vote, had
placed this work under the custody of the Secretary of
State and had directed him to deliver one set of the
volumes to each of its own members. Late in that year,
however, the Secretary, Samuel Young, declined to as-
sume the responsibility of making such a disposal of
State property. He expressed the opinion that under
the State Constitution the act could have been author-
ized only by a two-thirds vote of the entire membership
296 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1843
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of both houses, and that as it was not passed by such a
vote., but by a mere majority of those present, the resolu-
tion authorizing the distribution was null and void.
That in itself would have excited controversy. But
there was more, and worse. The Secretary proceeded
to point out that some of the acts of the Legislature issu-
ing millions of dollars of State bonds had similarly been
passed by nothing but majority votes. Therefore, he
argued, they were invalid, and the State was not com-
pelled to pay the bonds thus issued. A tremendous
storm was raised, and after violent discussion two reso-
lutions were offered in the Senate, both of them affirm-
ing in the strongest possible manner that, regardless of
the manner of their issue, all the bonds of the State
should be and must be honored in full. One of the
resolutions, presented by Erastus Root, in addition de-
clared that the State government had no right whatever
to express any opinion that the bonds were invalid. This
resolution, with its unpleasant reflection upon the Sec-
retary of State and the Governor himself, was supported
by the Barnburners and most of the Whigs, while the
other resolution was favored by the Hunkers.. The
vote was a tie, whereupon the Lieutenant-Governor de-
cided it in favor of the Hunkers.
The factional fight was continued in the matter of
Bank Commissioners. There were three of these offi-
cers, well paid, of whom one was appointed by the Gov-
ernor and two by the banks. In the interest of economy
it was proposed by the Hunkers to reduce the commis-
sion to a single member, appointed by the Governor.
The Barnburners countered with a proposal to abolish
1843] GOVERNOR BOUCK 297
the commission altogether and turn its power and duties
over to the Comptroller, and this plan was approved by
the Assembly, 56 to 23. The measure did not come up
in the Senate until the last day of the session, when it
was forced through under suspension of the rules by a
vote of 12 to 11, the yeas being cast by Barnburners and
five Whigs, the nays by Hunkers and two Whigs. Dur-
ing the session several nominations to office by the
Governor were rejected in the Senate as the result of
the alliance of the Barnburners and Whigs.
The Legislature at last adjourned without day on
April 18, the Democrats of both factions uniting in an
apparently harmonious caucus, at which Governor
Bouck's administration was approved and the candidacy
of Van Buren for the Presidency in 1844 was heartily
supported. The Democrats carried the spring charter
elections in Albany and New York by overwhelming
majorities.
A Democratic State convention was held on Septem-
ber 5, to select delegates to the forthcoming Democratic
national convention at Baltimore; William L. Marcy
was chairman of the body, the delegates were instructed
to vote for Van Buren, and a resolution was adopted
heartily commending Governor Bouck's administration.
The November election resulted in another over-
whelming Democratic victory, the Hunkers and Barn-
burners generally holding their differences in abeyance
and working together for party success. The Demo-
crats secured seven of the eight Senators and nearly
three-fourths of the Assemblymen. Erastus Root was
replaced in the Senate by Stephen C. Johnson. In the
298 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1843
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Assembly Thomas G. Alvord and Elisha Litchfield
were among those elected — both being from Onondaga
county.
Many of the Whigs regarded the outcome of the elec-
tion as little less than an irreparable disaster. Millard
Fillmore was in despair, seeing np hope of saving any-
thing from the wreck. He feared that the party, lack-
ing either masterful leadership or cohesive principles,
would be dissolved into the factional elements from
which it had been formed. But there were those whom
defeat made all the more resolute and aggressive. Con-
spicuous among these was William H. Seward, who
discerned from afar the "irrepressible conflict" and
never for a moment lost faith in the Whig party or its
mission. Thurlow Weed was calm, quiet, self-con-
trolled, and resourceful. Horace Greeley was busily
and prosperously engaged in journalism. He had
founded the New York Tribune in 1841, publishing the
first number on the day of President Harrison's funeral,
and was developing it into a powerful political organ
that was destined to exert vast influence in both State
and national affairs.
The election was, in fact, worse on the whole for the
victors than the vanquished. It emphasized the cleavage
in the Democratic party between conservatives or
Hunkers, and radicals or Barnburners. The enmity al-
ready existing between the factions was increased by
quarrels over the spoils of victory — for there were many
offices which the Whigs had been holding and which
now were to be filled with Democrats. There were also
increasingly bitter differences as to the policy to be
1843] GOVERNOR BOUCK 299
pursued by the State government in respect to public
works and other issues.
A masterful Governor might have saved the situation.
But William C. Bouck was very different from William
L. Marcy. Although shrewd, honest, and sincerely
and diligently devoted to the public service according
to his lights, he was somewhat narrow in his views, had
little force of character, and was void of the essential
capacity of leadership. The result was that instead of
healing the breach in the party he made it worse.
The embarrassment was forced upon him at the be-
ginning of his administration, even before he was in-
ducted into office. He was himself a conservative or
Hunker, and it was to be supposed that he would find
his official associates in the ranks of his faction. But
immediately after his election the radical press of the
State began discussing, suggesting, and all but dictating
who should be his appointees to office and who should
be his advisers. Obviously, such assumptions were im-
pertinent. They were probably intended to embarrass
him, and at any rate had that effect. The Governor
committed the great mistake of recognizing the schism
in the party and seeking to heal it, while at the same
time making loyal support of his own administration
the test of party regularity. As for the appointments,
he made them so far as possible from his own family
and circle of friends. In any case it would have been
difficult to harmonize the party; Governor Bouck's
policy, though well meant, made it quite impossible.
The split was deepened, and both factions were alien-
ated from him. Thus the unity which seemed to prevail
300 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
in the campaign of 1843 was entirely superficial, and
the resolution of the convention approving his admin-
istration was merely a campaign device.
With the party thus rent asunder in State though not
in national affairs, the Sixty-seventh Legislature met on
January 2, 1844. The organization of the Senate re-
mained unchanged. In the Assembly there was an ani-
mated contest between the conservatives and radicals,
in which the former easily won, electing Elisha Litch-
field, of Onondaga county, Speaker, over Michael Hoff-
man, of Herkimer, the candidate of the radicals. In-
deed, the chief fight was among the conservatives them-
selves to determine whether they should vote for Elisha
Litchfield or for Horatio Seymour. Litchfield was suc-
cessful mainly because he had a powerful ally in Edwin
Croswell, the State Printer. James R. Rose was chosen
Clerk.
With his conservative friends thus in full control of
the Legislature, the Governor was more outspoken in
his message than he had been a year before. His first
message was said to have been prepared by himself,
without any aid or advice, but his second was carefully
considered in advance by the leaders of the conserva-
tives in both houses of the Legislature. Its most strik-
ing feature was its recommendation concerning the
canals. He had himself for many years been intimately
associated with canal work and was a believer in the
system. Moreover, his own political strength lay chiefly
in the canal counties. He was therefore naturally and
strongly committed to the conservative policy of main-
taining the canals and of making the improvements
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 301
that were needed in them so far as the surplus reve-
nues of the State would permit. Accordingly he recom-
mended that the Schoharie aqueduct should be com-
pleted, that the Black River and Genesee Valley canal
should be finished, and, most important of all, that the
locks of the Erie canal should be enlarged and other im-
provements be made, to meet the demands of constantly
increasing commerce.
The message also recommended several amendments
to the State Constitution. There was a strong move-
ment afoot for the holding of another Constitutional
convention. This the Governor did not regard as neces-
sary or desirable, but he suggested the adoption of sev-
eral amendments. One was to create two Associate-
Chancellors, with full power, for the Court of Chan-
cery; the Legislature responded with an amendment to
create three such officers. A second proposed amend-
ment which the Legislature approved, was for two
additional Justices of the Supreme Court. A third was
for some effective system of checking expenditures so
as to prevent the contracting of a State debt or the ex-
penditure of public funds for other than the ordinary
purposes of the State, except by vote of the people. In
response to the Governor's suggestion on this last subject
the Legislature approved an amendment limiting the
State debt to a million dollars, unless by special vote of
the people, and excepting indebtedness incurred for
suppressing insurrection or repelling invasion.
The great battle of the session occurred over his canal
proposals. The radicals rose against the Governor.
They wanted the surplus revenues of the State, inclusive
302 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of the profits from the canals, to be used entirely for
paying the State debt, leaving the canals unfinished and
unimproved. Realizing that if the Governor's recom-
mendation should be favorably acted on the Democratic
party would be committed to his policy, they set zeal-
ously to work to prevent such action.
Robert Dennison, of Salisbury Mills, was the chair-
man of the Senate committee on canals, and he was a
radical. In conference with his faction friends it was
recognized that the hope of defeating the Governor's
policy lay in the report to be made by that committee.
Accordingly Mr. Dennison prepared and presented a
report utterly and scathingly condemning the whole
canal system. In its extreme language it was reminis-
cent of the old-time Tammany diatribes against DeWitt
Clinton and his "ditch from the Lakes to the sea." It
went so far as to declare and try to prove with figures
that instead of making canals the State would have
done better to build a system of macadamized roads and
pay for the operation of trucks upon them to carry all
the freight which had been borne on the canals.
This was absurd. It was so extravagant that it reacted
against its author and his faction. Its challenge was
quickly accepted in the form of a bill for carrying out
the Governor's recommendations, which was intro-
duced and urged by Horatio Seymour, who was chair-
man of the Assembly and the real leader of the con-
servatives in the Legislature. Mr. Seymour was only
thirty-four years of age. He was independently rich,
of singular personal charm and courtesy, of brilliant
ability, of unquestioned integrity, and with the priceless
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 303
gift of statesmanlike vision. As a seer and an advocate
of the canal system he seemed to have inherited the
mantle of DeWitt Clinton. His report, favoring con-
tinuation of canal work, was a masterpiece of suave,
persuasive logic, and his speeches in support of it were
irresistible. He was opposed by Michael Hoffman, the
radical leader and one of the ablest legislators of that
time ; but the reply made by Seymour was so convincing
that at the end Hoffman refrained from voting — he
could not vote for the canals, but also he could not vote
against a bill so ably advocated as Mr. Seymour's. The
bill passed the Assembly by a vote of 67 to 38.
In the Senate the lines were more closely drawn and
the fight was still more bitter. The Democrats were
evenly divided on the final vote, but a number of Whigs
came to the aid of the conservatives and the bill was
passed by 17 to 13. It provided for the completion of
the proposed improvements of the Erie canal, for the
issuing of a loan of $900,000 for canal work, and for
the election of Canal Commissioners by the people.
This notable victory made Horatio Seymour the fore-
most figure in the Democratic party in the Legislature,
if not in the entire State. The remaining work of the
session was of comparatively subordinate interest
A resolution was introduced by Benjamin Franklin
Hall, of Cayuga county, a Whig, providing for submis-
sion to the people of the question of holding a Constitu-
tional convention. It was referred to a committee com-
posed of four Democrats and one Whig, which pigeon-
holed it and refused to report it to the Assembly. This
resolution was modelled after the corresponding one
304 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
that led to the Constitutional convention of 1821, and
was almost identical in purport with the resolution
which was introduced and adopted in the Legislature of
the following year, 1845. We may thus credit the
Whigs with having taken the first definite step toward
the Constitutional convention. On the refusal of the
committee to report the bill a caucus of the Whig mem-
bers of both houses was held, and as a result, on the
next day, March 15, a resolution was offered instruct-
ing the committee to report it whether with or without
amendment. The Democrats generally opposed this
resolution, and it was by their votes laid on the table,
where it remained until April 2. Then it was taken up,
acrimoniously debated, and again tabled. Later, Leon-
ard Lee, a radical Democrat of Orange county, intro-
duced a resolution directing the committee to report a
bill in favor of a Constitutional convention, which was
passed by radical and Whig votes; but the bill for a
convention was not acted on before the adjournment of
the Legislature.
In the closing days of the session a bill was forced
through reducing the number of Canal Commissioners
to four and making them elective by the people. A
strong report in favor of normal schools was presented
by Calvin T. Hulburd, of St. Lawrence county, who
had carefully studied the results of Horace Mann's
great work in Massachusetts, and in consequence the
Legislature provided for the establishment of such a
school at Albany. The Legislature adjourned without
day on May 7.
The death of Smith Thompson, of New York, in
PRESTON KING
Preston King; born in Ogdensburg, N. Y., October 14, 1806;
was graduated from Union college, 1827; lawyer; established
the St. Lawrence Republican, 1830; postmaster of Ogdensburg.
1831-1834; member of the state legislature, 1835-1838; in
congress, 1843-1853; elected to the United States senate and
served 1857-1863; delegate to the national convention and
presidential elector on the republican ticket in 1864; appointed
by President Johnson as collector of the port of New York,
August 15, 1865; drowned from a ferryboat in New York
harbor, November 12, 1865.
JOHN VAN BUREN
John Van Buren, lawyer; son of Martin Van Buren, presi-
dent of the United States; born, Hudson, N. Y., February 18,
1810; graduated from Yale, 1828; admitted to the bar at
Albany, 1830; was attache of legation at London, February,
1831; in February, 1845 was elected attorney general of the
state of New York and served until December, 1846; took an
active part in the political canvass for the exclusion of slavery
in 1848, but did not stay by the free soil party; ranked high
as an attorney and won the sobriquet "Prince John" by his
good looks and popularity; died at sea, October 13, 1866.
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 305
1843. left a vacancy on the bench of the United States
Supreme Court which it was generally conceded should
be filled with another New Yorker. In December of
that year President Tyler sent to the Senate the name
of John C. Spencer, of New York, who was at that time
Secretary of War. Confirmation was refused, the Whig
Senators voting against him on the purely political
ground that, while formerly a Whig, he had accepted
office under President Tyler, a Democrat. In January,
1844, the President sent to the Senate the name of
Reuben H. Walworth, Chancellor of the State of New
York, but it was pigeonholed and no action was taken
upon it by the Senate for more than a year. Finally in
February, 1845, the President withdrew the name of
Mr. Walworth and substituted that of Samuel Nelson.
Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of New York, who
was confirmed.
Just before the adjournment of the Legislature the
Democratic members, both conservative and radical,
held a caucus at which was adopted an address to their
constituents. A bitter fight arose over a passage in the
address commending the administration of Governor
Bouck. This passage was finally adopted, but many of
the radicals refused to concur in it or to sign the ad-
dress containing it, and published a statement to that
effect.
The Whigs held a caucus after adjournment, and is-
sued an address scathingly arraigning the Democratic
party. It especially condemned the Democrats for re-
fusing to accept from the Federal government this
State's share of the proceeds of the sales of public lands,
306 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
amounting to $90,000. That sum had been apportioned
to New York by act of Congress, and the only pretext
for refusing to accept it was that New York Democrats
did not believe in such distribution of funds. The ad-
dress declared for a Constitutional convention, for uni-
versal suffrage, and for the division of the State into
approximately equal Senate and Assembly districts. It
opposed the annexation of Texas and upheld the tariff
of 1842; and it recommended Millard Fillmore for the
Vice-Presidential nomination, with Henry Clay for
President
The national convention of the Democratic party at
Baltimore in 1844 was of supreme interest to New York
because Martin Van Buren was the leading candidate
for the Presidential nomination. It was marked with
an extraordinary contest over the two-thirds rule gov-
erning nominations, the outcome of which was a
reaffirmation of that rule and its establishment as a
precedent which no subsequent convention has ever
been willing to abandon. That rule was first made in
the Democratic convention of 1832, and was then ap-
plied to the nomination of the Vice-President only, the
unanimous renomination of Jackson for the Presidency
being a foregone and undisputed conclusion. In 1835
the matter was much discussed, and a motion declaring
a majority sufficient was adopted and then reconsidered
and rejected; after which the two-thirds rule was
readopted, by a vote of 231 to 210, as applicable to nom-
inations for both President and Vice-President.
The contest over the rule in 1844 was particularly
earnest, for this reason : Van Buren was a candidate, and
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 307
he was certain to have a majority of votes on the first
ballot and therefore to be nominated if a mere ma-
jority should be sufficient. The south was, however,
against him because of his opposition to the annexa-
tion of Texas. He held that annexation would be
offensive to Mexico and would probably be a cause
of war with that country, and insisted that there was
no principle in the laws of nations which would justify
it. So the southern delegates, supported by a few from
the north, called for readoption of the two-thirds rule,
under which it would be impossible for Van Buren to
get the nomination.
The New York delegates, led by Samuel Young and
Benjamin F. Butler, radicals, and Daniel S. Dickinson
and Erastus Corning, conservatives, were a unit in
opposing the two-thirds rule, which they knew would
be fatal to Van Buren; and Mr. Butler made a notably
powerful speech against it. But in the end it was
adopted, by a vote of 148 to 116. On the first ballot
Van Buren had a small majority, but his vote then
dwindled. After several ineffectual ballots the name of
Silas Wright was brought forward, and he might have
been nominated had not John Fine produced a letter
from him positively declining to accept a nomination.
No vote was cast for Wright on any ballot. Then Mr.
Butler, with Van Buren's consent, withdrew the latter's
name and declared for James K. Polk, for whom the
votes of New York were thereupon cast and who was
nominated. The convention unanimously, save for the
eight votes of Georgia, nominated Silas Wright for
Vice-President, but he declined by telegraph, after-
308 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ward saying that he did not want to "ride behind the
black pony," thus probably originating the "dark
horse" phrase in American politics. The Vice-Presi-
dential nomination then went to George M. Dallas.
It had been a foregone conclusion that the Whigs
would nominate Henry Clay. The only contest was
over the Vice-Presidency. For that office New York
recommended Millard Fillmore, but Theodore Fre-
linghuysen, of New Jersey, was chosen. The Aboli-
tionists, under the name of the Liberty party, nomi-
nated James G. Birney, of New York, and Thomas
Morris, of Ohio.
While the Democrats of New York were sufficiently
united on national candidates, on State candidates and
issues they were rent asunder. Governor Bouck was
a candidate for reelection and had many supporters
among the conservatives. But the radicals would have
nothing to do with him and clamored for Silas Wright.
Several radical members of the Legislature asked Mr.
Wright early in 1844 to be a candidate, but he declined.
They persisted in their importunities, however, with
the result that on August 1 he wrote a letter for pub-
lication in the St. Lawrence Republican declaring that
in his own estimation he had no right to become a com-
petitor for the nomination. But before its publication
he was persuaded to permit the insertion of a phrase
making it read that he had no right to become a com-
petitor "against any other candidate," intimating that
he would accept a unanimous nomination. The con-
vention met at Syracuse on September 4. On the first
ballot Mr. Wright received 95 votes to 30 for Cover-
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 309
nor Bouck, and on the next ballot his nomination was
made unanimous. Daniel S. Dickinson peremptorily
refused to accept renomination for Lieutenant-Gover-
nor, and Addison Gardiner, of Monroe county, for-
merly a Circuit Judge, was chosen. Mr. Gardiner was
a life-long friend of Thurlow Weed, to whom he after-
ward owed elevation to the bench of the Supreme Court
of New York.
The Whig convention met at Syracuse a week later,
with the veteran Francis Granger as its chairman.
There was no contest over candidates. Millard Fill-
more had been the State's choice for the Vice-Presi-
dential nomination at the national convention in May,
but had been defeated. Horace Greeley had strongly
supported him in the New York Tribune, largely be-
cause Mr. Fillmore was almost as much opposed to
slavery as the Abolitionists themselves; but for that
same reason he was rejected by the convention. That
defeat in the national convention, however, made him
the leading candidate in the New York State conven-
tion, and he was nominated for Governor by acclama-
tion without any formal ballot and without the mention
of any other candidate. In like fashion Samuel J.
Wilkin, of Orange county, was named for Lieutenant-
Governor.
The Liberty party named Alvan Stewart for Gov-
ernor, a brilliant but erratic man. A "Native Ameri-
can" party made nominations for the Legislature only,
as also did an "Anti-Rent" party, existing chiefly in
the counties where the Anti-Rent war against the pa-
troons had raged. Each of these parties elected some
310 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1844
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
members, among the Anti-Renters being Ira Harris
and William H. Van Schoonhoven, of Troy.
The campaign, State as well as national, really
turned upon the question of slavery as defined by the
proposed annexation of Texas as a slave State. Van
Buren had lost the Democratic nomination for Presi-
dent by opposing annexation. Clay lost the election
by assuming an equivocal attitude. He wrote on July
1 to a correspondent in the south that he wished to see
Texas enter the Union "on fair and just terms," and
added that "the subject of slavery ought not to affect
the question one way or the other." That was absurd,
because it was notorious that Texas was to be annexed
purely for the sake of slavery. It was also fatal to
Clay's candidacy. Thousands of anti-slavery Whigs
at once abandoned him and went over to Birney and
the Liberty party, and these were sufficient to mean
the desertion of Fillmore by many in New York.
In the national election Clay was beaten by the defec-
tion of the Liberty party, and in New York Fillmore
was beaten by the same cause. Wright received 241,-
090 votes, Fillmore 231,057, and Stewart 15,136. Had
Fillmore received two-thirds of Stewart's votes he
would have been elected.
Soon after the election Silas Wright resigned his
seat in the United States Senate. His colleague, Mr.
Tallmadge, also resigned because he had been ap-
pointed Governor of the Territory of Wisconsin.
After some delay and controversy Governor Bouck ap-
pointed to fill their places Daniel S. Dickinson, who
was about to retire from the Lieutenant-Governorship,
1844] GOVERNOR BOUCK 311
and Henry A. Foster, who was just completing his
term as a State Senator.
Governor Bouck's administration closed with an-
other violent eruption of the anti-rent troubles. In
December, 1844, bands of rent-protesting tenants in
Columbia county disguised themselves as Indians and
attacked the Sheriff in his office, taking from him and
burning a number of dispossess warrants and other legal
papers. At one of their mass-meetings firearms were
used and a man was shot dead. Governor Bouck con-
sulted with his successor and as a result ordered a
militia force to serve as police in Columbia county and
wherever there was need. As a result the trouble was
abated.
CHAPTER XIX
SILAS WRIGHT
SILAS WRIGHT'S administration of the Gover-
norship of New York was in its effects upon his
political fortunes a tragedy. Few men in the
history of New York were ever more loved, trusted,
almost worshipped, than he. As a Senator of the United
States he ranked among the foremost at a time when
the Senate was thronged with notable men. The
Presidency of the United States should have been
within his reach. The Governorship of the Empire
State seemed to be an entirely fitting place for him and
to afford him vantage ground for his further ambitions.
But it proved to be his political ruin. William H.
Seward, his political opponent, discerned this fact
with that almost uncanny vision which he at times
possessed. On hearing of Wright's nomination for the
Governorship he declared it to be his fatality. "Elec-
tion or defeat," he added, "exhausts him."
The administration began in a storm. The animosi-
ties between the two Democratic factions, held in par-
tial abeyance during the campaign of 1844, were re-
newed with a more deadly fury than ever before.
This appeared the moment the Sixty-eighth Legisla-
ture met on January 7, 1845. Apart from the change
in the Lieutenant-Governorship the Senate retained its
312
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 313
organization unchanged. But in the Assembly — in
which Ira Harris, of Albany, and Freeborn Garret-
son, of Dutchess county, appeared as new members-
there was open war.
Horatio Seymour was a candidate for Speaker — by
far the best-fitted man in the house for the place, sup-
ported by the conservatives and also by Edwin Cros-
well, with his Albany Argus. But to him the State
officers, led by the Comptroller, Azariah C. Flagg,
were opposed, and they put forward as his rival Wil-
liam C. Grain, of Herkimer county, an extreme radi-
cal of considerable ability. The contest was conducted
with greater bitterness than was usual between Demo-
crats and Whigs, and at last was decided by a narrow
margin, and probably through a "deal," which led to
a further access of animosity. Of the seventy Demo-
cratic members of the Assembly, sixty-five went into
the caucus, and of these thirty-five voted for Mr. Sey-
mour, who was accordingly elected Speaker. Then
when it came time to elect the State officers, Azariah
C. Flagg was reelected Comptroller. If this was a
part of a bargain between the supporters of Mr. Sey-
mour and the radicals, Mr. Seymour himself was not
privy to it or cognizant of it.
The bitterness that had been manifested in the
Speakership caucus reappeared more intensely in the
caucus over the United States Senatorships. As al-
ready related, Governor Bouck had appointed Daniel
S. Dickinson and Henry A. Foster to fill the places
of Silas Wright and Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, resigned.
In a special message Governor Wright called atten-
314 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
tion to this fact, and to the fact that as appointments
were good only until the Legislature could act it was
incumbent upon the Legislature to elect two Senators.
The Democratic caucus was a scene of scandalous vio-
lence, both vocal and muscular. The conservatives
wanted Dickinson and Foster elected; the radicals
wanted John A. Dix and Michael Hoffman. When
the ballots were taken Dix was nominated for Wright's
place, with four years to serve, and Dickinson for Tall-
madge's., with only a few weeks more to serve. Then
the conservatives succeeded in nominating Dickinson
also to succeed himself, for a full term of six years.
This left the conservatives with a decided advantage.
Meantime the Governor had sent to the Legislature
at its opening a message of portentous length, devoted
chiefly to analysis and discussion of the fiscal condi-
tion of the State. He also had much to say about the
school system and charitable and penal institutions.
He deplored the evil of betting on elections, and rec-
ommended that the Legislature declare the practice to
be a crime punishable with a heavy fine. He sug-
gested, likewise, legislation for preventing corrupt
practices at the polls and in campaigns, particularly for
limiting the amounts of money that might be used in
campaigns. The Anti-Rent agitation commanded a
large share of his attention. He discussed the de-
mand, made chiefly by the Whigs, for a Constitutional
convention, and urged that, largely in order to avoid
the need of such a convention, the Legislature should
adopt various pending amendments. In consequence
the Legislature of 1845 again passed two amendments
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 315
which had been passed by the preceding Legislature,
and these were approved by the people at the Novem-
ber election of 1845 and thus added to the Constitu-
tion. Finally the Legislature passed an act providing
that at the November election of 1845 the people
should vote on the question of a Constitutional conven-
tion, which, if they favored it, should be constituted
of delegates to be chosen by the people in April, 1846.
The people voted for a convention, which was held in
1846.
There came next a master-stroke of strategy against
the radicals, delivered by that past-master of politics,
Edwin Croswell. As the beginning of President
Folk's administration drew near, interest centered upon
the cabinet appointment which he would make from
New York. He naturally turned to Van Buren for
advice, that "Sage of Lindenwald" being regarded as
the leader of the New York Democracy, and Van
Buren consulted, in turn, Governor Wright. In con-
sequence there were recommended to the President
the names of Benjamin F. Butler for Secretary of
State and Azariah C. Flagg for Secretary of the Treas-
ury, it being thought that New York was entitled to
one of those places, the two most important in the
cabinet. Either selection would have filled the posi-
tion with a man of preeminent ability and fitness.
But Polk hestitated. He felt under great obliga-
tions of courtesy and gratitude to both Van Buren and
Governor Wright. Yet he was not pleased with either
of the men whom they had named. He wanted as
Secretary of State one who would support his Texan
316 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1845
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
annexation policy, and he knew that Butler was
strongly opposed to it. As for Flagg, the President
knew that he was at enmity with a large and probably
the majority faction of the Democratic party in New
York; wherefore he was disinclined to appoint him.
In this quandary he gave a listening ear to Edwin Cros-
well and yielded to his advice. Accordingly he offered
the appointment of Secretary of the Treasury to Gov-
ernor Wright, who would have filled the place admi-
rably but who unhesitatingly declined it, as Croswell
had known beforehand that he would do. Mr. Wright
had specifically promised during his campaign for elec-
tion that if he were chosen Governor he would serve
his term through and not resign it for any other place
that might be offered to him ; and Croswell knew that
he would keep his word. Then, also on Croswell's
advice, the President invited Mr. Butler to become Sec-
retary of War. Now, Mr. Butler had already served
in two cabinets, and had retired from them in order
to resume the practice of his profession, to which he
was passionately attached. He would have accepted
the State or the Treasury portfolio in Folk's cabinet,
though with some reluctance. But the inferior office
of Secretary of War, with duties foreign to his pro-
fessional experience, did not appeal to him. Indeed,
he was not far from regarding the offer as an impro-
priety, and he promptly and positively declined it—
as Croswell had known in advance that he would do.
Having thus tendered cabinet places to two eminent
New Yorkers and having had them declined, Polk
felt himself free to make his next selection from that
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 317
State entirely according to his own taste, though as a
matter of fact he again was influenced by Croswell,
He offered the War portfolio to William L. Marcy,
who accepted it. Of course Mr. Marcy's eminence
and unquestioned "regularity" in the Democratic party
made this appointment above criticism. Nevertheless
it was a demoralizing body-blow to the radicals be-
cause it assured the giving of all Federal patronage
in the State to the conservatives, or Hunkers, as they
were by this time generally called. It was also a blow
to Governor Wright, partly because it accentuated and
intensified the quarrel in the Democratic party under
and in spite of his administration, and partly because
it made a man with whom he was not at all in accord
the New York representative of the national adminis-
tration.
To complete the discomfiture of Governor Wright
and to aggravate the Democratic dissensions with the
result of temporary ruin, there now came upon the
field a new and little known figure, destined to domi-
nate the scene above Seward and Weed and the other
veterans of many campaigns. This was John Young,
a comparatively obscure member of the Assembly from
Livingston county. He was a native of Vermont, who
had come to New York in boyhood and become a
country lawyer. In 1831 he served for a single term
in the Assembly, without distinction, and then retired
to private life and the practice of his profession. At
first a Jacksonian Democrat, he became an Anti-Mason,
then a National Republican, and finally a Whig,
ardently supporting Henry Clay. In 1840 he was
518 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1845
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
elected to the national House of Representatives, but
he was little heard of at Washington and his Congres-
sional life was limited to a single term. In the fall
of 1843 he was returned to the Assembly, but still failed
to attain any prominence; and in 1844 he was reflected
to the Legislature of 1845, of which we are now speak-
ing.
In that body he was at first "seen but not heard."
Then suddenly, on his own initiative, he put himself
forward as the practical leader of the Whig party and
as the protagonist of that party against the mighty
Silas Wright. He quietly studied parliamentary law
and the rules of the Assembly until he was probably
the most expert parliamentarian at Albany, and then,
taking no counsel but his own, he became marvellously
constant in attendance at the meetings of the Assembly,
watching with unwearying intentness an opportunity to
catch the enemy napping.
He sought his opportunity in the discussion over the
proposed Constitutional convention. It was by this
time certain that such a convention would be held, and
the only real dispute was over the way in which it
should be called and the way in which its work should
be confirmed and put into effect. On these matters the
two Democratic factions were at swords' points. The
conservatives or Hunkers had harked back to DeWitt
Clinton's policy of 1821. They wanted the convention
to be called by a majority vote of the people and the
amendments which it should prepare to be similarly
acted upon by the people, not as a whole but separately.
This system was also favored by Governor Wright.
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 319
The Whigs, on the other hand, wanted the Legislature
to call the convention and to have its work submitted
as an integral whole to the people for their approval,
as had been done, in spite of Clinton, in 1821. In this
the Whigs were joined by the Native Americans and
Anti-Renters. As for the radical Democrats or Barn-
burners, they favored the procedure of 1821, desiring
to have the convention possess unlimited power to re-
write the whole Constitution if it were so inclined, and
to have its work submitted as a whole to the people
for ratification.
Michael Hoffman was the leader of the Barnburners,
and William C. Grain was his active lieutenant on the
floor of the Assembly. The latter introduced a bill
modelled after the Convention act of 1821. This was
in open opposition to the known wishes of the Hunker
majority, and was declared by many to be mere spite
work on the part of Grain in resentment over his de-
feat by Horatio Seymour in the Speakership contest.
At any rate the bill was at once referred by the As-
sembly to a committee, which shoved it into a pigeon-
hole with no intention of ever letting it emerge there-
from.
But they counted without John Young. That watch-
ful and indefatigable schemer watched the pigeonhole
as a cat watches a mousehole, and watched, too, the
Hunker majority, waiting for a moment when so many
of its members were absent that he would be able to
rally a majority against it. He had behind him 54 of
the 128 members, beside Mr. Grain and some other
Barnburners. The Hunkers, unmindful of his design,
320 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H845
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
one day permitted their attendance on the floor of
the Assembly to fall below the number of safety. In-
stantly Young pounced upon his opportunity with a
motion commanding the committee forthwith to report
Mr. Grain's bill without amendment, and making that
measure the special order of business for each day until
it should be disposed of. Grain and his friends voted
for the motion, and it was carried.
This struck the Hunkers with consternation. They
hurried to the Governor, who sympathized with them
and strove to persuade Grain to withdraw his mis-
chievous bill. Grain refused. Then the Governor
turned to Michael Hoffman and pleaded with him to
use his influence with Grain. But Hoffman also re-
fused. So there was nothing to be done but have the
Grain resolution openly debated and voted upon. It
was a memorable debate, one of the ablest in the his-
tory of the New York Legislature. Many members
participated in it, but the supreme individualities were
Horatio Seymour for the Hunkers and John Young
for the Whig-Barnburner coalition. The contrast be-
tween the two was great. Seymour was dignified,
polished, eloquent; Young was cautious yet daring,
direct and logical, with a tactical skill fully rivalling
that of Seymour. Both were unfailingly courteous.
At the beginning Young could count upon only Grain
and three other Barnburners to support him, giving him
a total of 58 against 70. But Young's speeches had the
effect of bringing converts to his support, and by the
time the bill was put upon its final passage he had
won over all of the Barnburners, giving him a clear
SILAS WRIGHT
Silas Wright, 16th governor (1845-46) ; born in Amherst,
Mass., May 24, 1795 ; moved to Sandy Hill, Washington
county, New York, 1816; lawyer; surrogate St. Lawrence county,
1821-24; state senator, 1824-27; member of congress, 1827-29;
state comptroller, 1829-33; elected to United States senate to
fill vacancy caused by resignation of William L. Marcy; after-
ward reflected and served from January 4, 1833, to December
1, 1844, when he resigned to become governor of New York
(1845-46); defeated for reelection; died at Canton, N. Y.,
August 27, 1847.
ADDISON GARDINER
Addison Gardiner, jurist; born, Rindge, N. Y., March 19,
1797; spent his boyhood at Manlius, N. Y. ; removed to
Rochester, 1822; 1st justice of the peace of Monroe county;
assistant district attorney Monroe county, 1825 ; appointed
judge of the 8th circuit, 1829; was elected lieutenant governor
in 1844, but resigned to accept appointment on the bench; judge
of the court of appeals, 1847; died at Rochester, N. Y., June
5, 1883.
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 321
majority over the Hunkers, and the bill was passed.
Thus in an overwhelmingly Democratic Assembly a
Whig leader succeeded in getting a measure adopted
contrary to the policy of the Democratic majority, and
won for the Whigs the credit and prestige of having
secured the holding of the much-needed Constitutional
convention. It was one of the most remarkable per-
sonal triumphs in the history of the Legislature, which
was crowned a little later when the Senate also adopted
the measure and the Governor, though most reluctantly,
gave it his Executive approval. Thereafter John
Young was the practical Whig leader of the State,
One more stroke of Young's completed the breach
between Hunkers and Barnburners. This was effected
over a bill making a moderate appropriation for canal
work, to-wit: reconstruction of locks on the Crooked
Lake canal so as to make them safe ; enlarging portions
of the Erie canal; completion and protection of work
on the Genesee Valley canal, and similar work on the
Black River canal. The total sum to be appropriated
was only $197,000, and the work contemplated was all
approved by the Canal Commissioners and was obvi-
ously in the interest of economy. Nevertheless the
proposal was, technically contrary to the agreement
upon which the Hunkers and Barnburners had estab-
lished their modus vivendi in 1842, and contrary to
the spirit and intent of the act of Legislature passed in
that year.
This measure was put forward by the Hunkers and
was opposed by the Barnburners, who denounced it as
a breach of faith. Upon that issue the Democrats in
322 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H845
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the Assembly were pretty equally divided, and it is a
matter of doubt whether the bill would have passed or
been rejected had its fate been left to them. But John
Young and his followers proved the decisive factor.
They had the balance of power; indeed, they were the
plurality party in the Legislature. In such a conflict
Young cared not with which faction of the Democracy
he was allied so long as Whig policies were to be pro-
moted and the Democratic dissensions fomented. In
the Constitutional convention fight he had allied him-
self with the Barnburners and beaten the Hunkers. In
the canal matter he did the opposite. He swung his
entire strength to the Hunker side and secured the
passage of the Appropriation bill through the Assem-
bly. Forty Whigs and twenty-eight Hunkers voted for
it, and one Whig and twenty-five Barnburners against
it.
The bill was sent to the Senate, with every expecta-
tion that it would there be rejected. Had all the Barn-
burners remained in their places and voted against it,
such would doubtless have been its fate. But six of
them, all professedly opposed to the bill, did not vote —
five of them absenting . themselves from the Senate
chamber just as the roll was about to be called. The
result was that the bill was passed by fourteen to nine.
Immediately it was sent to the Governor, and an hour
or two later he returned it to the Assembly with a veto.
It was obvious that his veto message had been written
in advance, in anticipation of the passage of the bill,
since it was as long and elaborate as an annual message
and must have required much time for its preparation.
1845] SILAS WRIGHT 323
In concluding the message Governor Wright very tem-
perately referred to his opponents, saying:
"Should . . . the bill fail for a want of the constitutional
vote, a majority of both houses continuing to be in its favor, I shall
cheerfully submit to the people of the State the decision of the issue
which will be formed between myself and the majority of the Legis-
lature, rejoicing in the conviction that the difference of opinion on
my part is unaccompanied by one personal feeling unfriendly to a
single individual of that majority, and determined that the decision
of our common constituents shall be submitted to by me in the same
spirit in which I have joined the issue."
In these amiable and eloquent words Governor
Wright anticipated his own fall in politics. The refer-
endum which he thus invoked proved, the next year, to
be adverse to him. The bill was not passed over his
veto, but the breach between the two Democratic fac-
tions became complete, and one of them included the
Governor in its animosity and by its action caused his
defeat for reelection.
The Legislature of 1845 adjourned without day on
May 14. It also adjourned without the usual caucus of
the majority party and its address to the people. Not
for many years had the caucus and address been omitted.
But on this occasion it was quite impossible to bring the
two factions together for the purpose, and it was felt
that a caucus of just one faction would do more harm
than good by advertising the breach which some re-
garded as marking the final and hopeless dissolution of
the party. Each faction accused the other of preventing
the holding of the caucus, and a bitter war of wordy
recriminations was waged. The Barnburners, though
without holding a caucus, issued through a committee
324 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1845
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
an address to the public, signed by thirteen Senators and
thirty Assemblymen, which was chiefly devoted to sup-
port of the attitude of the radicals toward the Constitu-
tional convention. The Whigs also issued an address,
signed by forty-nine members, elaborately defending
their canal and general financial policy, vindicating
their course concerning the Constitutional convention,
favoring the national Tariff law of 1842, and vigorously
condemning the annexation of Texas and denouncing
the Democrats of the New York Legislature for refus-
ing to put themselves upon record against it. This was
one of the ablest addresses of its kind ever issued in
the State, and it had a marked effect upon public
opinion.
During the summer of that year there was little polit-
ical agitation, but an industrious "still hunt" was con-
ducted by the Whigs and by each of the Democratic
factions, with the result that a very full vote was polled
at the legislative elections in the fall. The Democrats
carried the State by a diminished majority, and the
Barnburners carried the Democratic party, electing
about twice as many members as the Hunkers. In the
Senate as reconstituted for the ensuing year there were
twenty-five Democrats, six Whigs, and one Native
American. In the Assembly-elect there were seventy-
four Democrats, fifty-two Whigs, and two Anti-
Renters. The Abolitionists ran numerous candidates
but elected none, their total vote in the State being less
than 16,000. On the question of the Constitutional con-
vention the verdict was overwhelming. The votes in
favor of it were 214,700, and against it only 33,032 — an
1846] SILAS WRIGHT 325
affirmative majority of 181,668, or more than five times
the entire negative vote.
When the Sixty-ninth Legislature met at Albany on
January 6, 1846, several important personal changes in
its composition were to be observed. The masterful
and admirable figure of Horatio Seymour was missing
from the Assembly, while that of Samuel J. Tilden, of
New York City, made a first appearance in public life.
Ira Harris and John Young were returned to their
places, respectively from Albany and Livingston coun-
ties. The organization of the Senate remained un-
changed, but in the Assembly there was an animated
contest over the Speakership. It was from the first ob-
vious that a Barnburner would be chosen, and the chief
contest was between rival candidates of that faction.
William C. Grain, the candidate of the year before
against Horatio Seymour, was again put forward, while
opposed to him was Benjamin Bailey, of Putnam
county. The choice finally fell upon Mr. Grain by a
vote of 48 to 22, and he was elected Speaker over John
Young, the Whig candidate, by 73 to 44; while seven
Anti-Rent votes were cast for Ira Harris. William
W. Dean was elected Clerk.
The Governor's message was, as before, voluminous,
elaborate, and scholarly. Its first topic was the Anti-
Rent war, which had raged so violently that he had
been compelled to proclaim Delaware county in a state
of insurrection. Various recommendations were made,
which led to legislation abolishing distress for rent,
equalizing taxation in proportion to rent, and limiting
leases to ten years. The population of the State, accord-
326 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ing to the census taken in July, 1845, was reported to be
2,604,495. This was an increase of a little more than
seven and one-half per cent, in five years, a much slower
rate than formerly had prevailed; from which the Gov-
ernor deduced that emigration from the State — to the
west — was much greater than immigration into it. He
also noted that emigration from the State was chiefly
from the rural districts, and that the increase of popula-
tion was mainly in the cities and large towns. Thus,
while the increase for the whole State in five years had
been 183,574, the increase for the four cities of New
York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Buffalo had been 147,767.
The employment of the militia in the Anti-Rent war
moved the Governor to make some recommendations
concerning that department of the public service, which
led to the enactment of a new general Militia act and to
the adoption of a concurrent resolution urging Congress
to enact a national Militia law.
Apart from the matters already mentioned, this ses-
sion of the Legislature was singularly barren of im-
portant enactments, though it was marked with much
political discussion. On the first day a joint resolution
was introduced into the Senate dealing almost entirely
with national politics. It approved the annexation of
Texas, demanded the whole of Oregon up to "Fifty-
four forty," favored an Independent Treasury, and con-
demned a protective tariff. A substitute was also offered,
which said nothing about Texas and looked to a com-
promise in Oregon. Neither of the resolutions ever
reached a vote, though debates over them extended
through many weeks. They were obviously intended as
1846] SILAS WRIGHT 327
mere propaganda for effect at Washington, where there
was intense rivalry between the two factions for Fed-
eral recognition and patronage. The President fully
approved, of course, the annexation of Texas, which,
indeed, had been an accomplished fact for nearly a year.
In that attitude the Hunkers supported him, and they
expected William L. Marcy, Secretary of War, and
Daniel S. Dickinson, United States Senator, to control
in their behalf the Federal patronage of the State. On
the other hand, Governor Wright and ex-President
Van Buren had strongly opposed annexation, and
so had John A. Dix, the junior Senator, and it was not
easy for the administration altogether to ignore them.
The plan of the Hunkers was, therefore, to fortify their
position at Washington by making at Albany a great
show of zeal for the President's policies.
The chief fight over State politics had to do with the
office of Public Printer, then held by Edwin Croswell,
the editor of the Albany Argus. Now, the Argus was
the organ of the Hunkers, and Mr. Croswell was very
much persona non grata with the Barnburners, who had
an organ of their own in the Albany Atlas, which had
been founded in 1840 and was ably edited by William
Cassidy. When, therefore, Mr. Croswell's term of
office expired in January, 1846, the Barnburners, being
in the majority in the Democratic caucus, nominated
Mr. Cassidy to succeed him. Mr. Croswell was a
stickler for party "regularity" and the sanctity of the
caucus, and could not countenance a bolt against Mr.
Cassidy. But neither could he endure the thought of
being deposed and of having a factional opponent ac-
328 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H846
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
quire the great power of his place. He accordingly
determined to secure the abolition of the office which he
could himself no longer hold. In this movement he
counted upon the aid of John Young and the Whigs,
who of course had no wish to see any Democrat in so
influential an office.
A bill was introduced providing that each house of
the Legislature should elect its own printer, choosing
the lowest bidder. Substitutes and amendments were
offered and a protracted debate ensued, the net outcome
of which was the passage by the Senate, by a vote of 20
to 1 1, of a bill abolishing the office of State Printer and
providing for the doing of public printing by contract
with the lowest bidder. The Whigs and Hunkers voted
for this bill and the Barnburners against it. In the
Assembly it raised a tremendous storm, the Barnburners
opposing it tooth and nail. The wordy conflict was al-
together between them and the Hunkers, the Whigs
taking no part in it. But when at last a vote was taken
the Whigs aligned themselves solidly with the Hunk-
ers and the bill was passed, 66 to 53. The Governor
promptly signed it and it became law, and thus the
office of Public Printer passed into history. As a char-
acteristic epilogue to the drama, Mr. Croswell immedi-
ately put in a bid for the printing of all public news-
paper notices, offering to print them in the Argus abso-
lutely free of charge — an offer which of course had to
be accepted.
The Legislature adjourned without day on May 13,
just after the beginning of the war with Mexico. Al-
most its last act was to adopt, without a division, a reso-
1846] SILAS WRIGHT 329
lution authorizing the Governor to enroll 50,000 volun-
teers for the defense of the State or for the aid of the
national army at the seat of war. This was supported,
as a matter of loyalty, by those who had most strongly
deprecated the policy which led to the war.
A Democratic caucus — attended by only two Hunk-
ers— was held just before adjournment, which did
nothing but exhort the party to unity. Later five Sena-
tors and nine Assemblymen, Hunkers, issued an address
on behalf of "a portion of the Democratic members"
bitterly attacking the Barnburners and the State officers^
and treating Governor Wright with marked coldness.
The Democratic State convention met in Syracuse on
October 1, with almost a two-thirds majority of Barn-
burners. There were several contesting delegations.
From Oneida county came four Hunkers led by Hora-
tio Seymour, and four Barnburners led by Ward Hunt.
From Albany came Rufus W. Peckham and three other
Hunkers, and John Van Buren (son of the ex-Presi-
dent) and three other Barnburners. A brief considera-
tion was sufficient to give the Oneida seats to Mr. Sey-
mour and his colleagues; and a long and at times
acrimonious discussion ended in the seating of Mr. Van
Buren and his fellow-radicals.
There was no great enthusiasm for the renomination
of Governor Wright, but it was generally recognized
as the logical thing, and indeed the only thing, if the
party was not hopelessly to stultify itself. On the first
ballot 112 votes were cast for him; 7 for Amasa J.
Parker, despite that gentleman's refusal to be consid-
ered a candidate and his advocacy of Governor
330 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Wright's renomination ; and 6 for Heman J. Redfield.
The renomination of Wright was, on motion of Horatio
Seymour, made unanimous; and Addison Gardiner was
unanimously nominated for Lieutenant-Governor. The
convention adopted a platform approving the Oregon
settlement with Great Britain, the Independent Treas-
ury system, and the new Constitution of the State which
the convention had just framed, and expressing a desire
for a speedy and honorable peace" with Mexico. Gov-
ernor Wright was of course highly — and deservedly-
eulogized.
The Whig State convention met at Utica on Septem-
ber 23, and although that party was not so badly rent
asunder as the Democratic, it did not so easily and
promptly agree upon a ticket. In fact, the Whigs were
divided into two factions and had been ever since the
election of Seward as Governor under the dictatorship
of Thurlow Weed. The conservative wing of the party
was led by Millard Fillmore, John A. Collier, Hamil-
ton Fish, and James Watson Webb with his Courier
and Enquirer] while the radical wing followed the
"firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley" with the Albany
Evening Journal and the New York Tribune, though
by this time Greeley was becoming dissatisfied with his
partners, particularly because of their disapproval of
his office-seeking proclivities.
At the Utica convention Philip Hone, the diarist and
formerMayor of New York, was chairman. On the first
ballot fifty-five votes were cast for Fillmore, although
he had requested not to be considered a candidate.
These were, of course, conservative votes. Twenty-one
1846] SILAS WRIGHT 331
were cast by radicals for Ira Harris, who had been
elected to the Assembly by the Whigs and Anti-Renters
and who was already giving earnest of his subsequent
distinguished career. Thirty-six were cast for John
Young, by men who strove to pursue a middle course
between conservatism and radicalism. Young had great
prestige because of his masterful tactics in the Legis-
lature, although he was regarded with disfavor by the
leaders of both wings. Thurlow Weed especially dis-
liked him, perhaps because of Young's practical as-
sumption of that leadership of the party which Weed
had long considered his own private prerogative, and
deliberately walked out of the convention when it be-
came evident that Young was to be nominated. He was
nominated on the third ballot, the votes which at first
had been cast for Harris being turned to him. For
Lieutenant-Governor the wise choice of Hamilton Fish
was made without contest. He was a leader of the con-
servatives, and was manifestly destined for an eminent
career.
The Abolitionists, or Liberty party, nominated
Henry Bradley for Governor and William L. Chaplin
for Lieutenant-Governor. The Native Americans put
forward for Governor the eminent jurist, Ogden Ed-
wards. The Anti-Renters held a little convention at
Albany after they had sounded both the Democratic
and Whig candidates as to their willingness to pardon
the men who had been convicted of murder in the Anti-
Rent war. Governor Wright had responded with a
direct and positive refusal, while Mr. Young was said
to have indicated a readiness to grant the desired par-
332 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1846
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
dons, though positive proof of his having done so was
not forthcoming. In consequence the convention de-
cided to support a mixed ticket composed of Mr.
Young, Whig, for Governor, and Mr. Gardiner, Demo-
crat, for Lieutenant-Governor.
This action of the Anti-Renters had a decisive effect
upon the outcome of the campaign, for Young, whom
they supported, was elected by a majority of 11,572,
while his Whig colleague, Fish, whom they opposed,
was beaten by 13,357 by the Democratic candidate,
Gardiner. The vote for Governor was : John Young,
Whig, 198,878; Silas Wright, Democrat, 187,306;
Henry Bradley, Liberty, 12,844; Ogden Edwards,
Native American, 6,306. In the Legislature the Whigs
elected five of the eight Senators, and 68 Assemblymen
to 50 Democrats and 10 Anti-Renters. Of Representa-
tives in Congress the Whigs secured 23 and the Demo-
crats 11. The new Constitution was adopted by a ma-
jority of about 130,000.
This defeat ended the public career of Silas Wright.
Never did the intrinsic nobility of the man display
itself more admirably, though unostentatiously, than at
this trying time. No word of resentment or disappoint-
ment escaped his lips. He was as serene and self-
possessed in defeat as ever he had been in victory. "I
have neither time nor disposition to speak of the causes
of our overthrow," he wrote. So he served out the
remaining weeks of his term with the same fidelity
that marked his entire administration, and then retired
that had marked his entire administration, and then
retired to his home on his loved farm at Canton, to re-
1846] SILAS WRIGHT 333
sume what were to him the genuine pleasures of rustic
life and labor. His home became forthwith a Mecca
for political pilgrims, including many who had in
mind the next Presidential election and his preemi-
nent qualifications for candidacy. But such further
preferment was not to come to him. He died at Canton
on August 27, 1847, scarcely eight months after the
close of his administration ; to be mourned by the people
as not more than two or three other men had been in
the history of the State.
It must be said that great as was his statesmanship,
spotless his integrity, and lovable his character, he was
not successful as Governor of New York. That was
because he had not practiced or would not assume the
arts of a "practical politician," because he could not or
would not take tactical advantage of opportunities, and
because he would never sacrifice or compromise prin-
ciple for expediency. Few men in the history of New
York were more loved and trusted, few were so much
mourned in their death, and perhaps no other of com-
parable worth, ability, and rank left so slight a mark of
tangible achievement.
CHAPTER XX
THE THIRD CONSTITUTION
PROPOSED by the Whigs but organized and
dominated by the Democrats, the third Constitu-
tional convention of the State of New York was
ordered by the people at the November election of
1845, was created at the election of April, 1846, and
was in session from June 1 to October 9, 1846. Party
politics had been conspicuous in the incidents and pro-
cesses leading to its creation, and the election of dele-
gates to it was in most of the counties made a paritsan
matter. The result was that the Democrats secured a
narrow majority of the one hundred and twenty-eight
delegates. John Tracy, formerly Lieutenant-Governor,
was the presiding officer. The sixty-nine votes cast for
him indicated the strength of the Democrats in the con-
vention. Counting the convention of 1801 it was the
fourth body to deal with the fundamental law of the
State, but its work is known as the Third Constitution.
If it was perhaps not quite the peer of the convention
of 1821, it was still a notable body of men, though some
of the foremost characters of the State were conspicuous
by their absence. Most notable of the absentees were
William H. Seward and Horace Greeley, both of
whom earnestly desired to be members. But Seward
had pride of residence and would accept election from
334
1846] THE THIRD CONSTITUTION 335
no constituency save his own Auburn, and at that time
Auburn was Democratic. Greeley could not be elected
from Democratic New York and sought to be chosen
from some other county, but was too late in his efforts.
Among them all there were only two who had been
members of the convention in 1821, the eloquent James
Tallmadge, of Dutchess county, and Samuel Nelson, a
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.
Conspicuous names on the roll were those of the former
Governor, William C. Bouck; Michael Hoffman, the
leader of the radicals; Samuel J. Tilden, afterward
Governor of the State; and Charles O'Conor, who
became one of the foremost jurists of the world.
Dr. Jabez D. Hammond in his unique personal nar-
rative of those times gives us an interesting and sug-
gestive analysis of the personnel of the Convention.
Among the 128 there were 45 lawyers, 43 farmers, 12
merchants, 8 physicians, 6 mechanics, 2 surveyors, and 1
each of a number of businesses, trades, and professions.
There were 75 natives of this State, 13 of Connecticut,
12 of Massachusetts, 6 each of New Hampshire and
Vermont, 3 each of Rhode Island and New Jersey, 2 of
Pennsylvania, 1 each of Maryland, Virginia, and North
Carolina, 3 of Ireland, and 1 of Scotland. Of such
composition was the convention which framed what has
not inaptly been called the "People's Constitution" be-
cause of the great recognition of popular authority
which it displays.
The work of the convention was distributed among
eighteen standing committees, and of these the fifth,
dealing with the election, powers, and duties of the
336 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H846
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, precipitated the
first great debate in the body. The existing Constitu-
tion required the Governor to be a native citizen of the
United States and a freeholder, at least thirty years old
and for five years a resident of the State. After a long
and powerful discussion this was modified by striking
out the nativity and freehold requirements. Next came
the questions of the veto power — whether it should con-
tinue to be vested in the Governor, and whether a two-
thirds vote should be required for passing a rneasure
over his veto. Both these questions were finally de-
cided in the affirmative, and the passage of the two-
thirds rule suggested another, which was adopted, that
the vote of a majority of all the members of the Legisla-
ture elected should be necessary for the enactment of
any measure.
The organization of the State Senate was a much dis-
cussed matter. It was finally voted to retain the num-
ber of Senators at thirty-two and to elect them for two-
year terms, each from a single-member district. It was
also voted that Assemblymen should be elected from
single-member districts. There was much debate over
the provision that no member of the Legislature should
during his term of office receive any civil appointment
within the State or to the Senate of the United States.
A strong attempt was made to strike out the prohibition
against appointment or election to the Senate of the
United States, but it was retained.
The greatest fight of all in the convention was over
the reorganization of the judiciary. The committee
that had been appointed to consider that subject was
JOHN YOUNG
John Young, 17th governor (1847-8); born at Chelsea, Vt.,
June 12, 1802; lawyer; member of assembly from Livingston
county, 1832, 1845 and 1846; member of congress, 1836-7;
declined re-nomination but was again elected for term, 1841-3 ;
governor, 1847-8; assistant treasurer of the United States at
New York City, where he died April 23, 1852.
FREEBORN G. JEWETT
Freeborn G. Jewett, jurist; born at Skaneateles, Onondaga
county, N. Y., in 1791; admitted to the bar in 1814 and in 1817
as counsellor; appointed master in chancery by Governor
Tompkins and held the office until 1823; justice of the peace
in the town of Marcellus, 1822; appointed examiner in chancery
by Governor George Clinton and reappointed by Governors
Yates and Throop ; appointed by Dewitt Clinton surrogate of
Onondaga county in February, 1824 and held office until 1831;
member of assembly, 1825; presidential elector in 1828 and cast
his ballot for Andrew Jackson; was elected to congress in
1831, declined a renomination ; appointed by Governor Marcy
as supreme court commissioner for Onondaga county in 1836,
which position he held until 1839; district attorney of Onon-
daga county; in 1845 was appointed by Governor Wright as
justice of the supreme court; upon the organization of the court
of appeals was one of the first four men named and held office
from 1847 to 1853, when he resigned on account of ill health;
died at Skaneateles, N. Y., June 15, 1858.
1846] THE THIRD CONSTITUTION 337
notably able, and it presented a strong report. But it
was merely a majority report. Several dissenting re-
ports were presented, especially by Charles O'Conor, of
New York, who was already recognized as one of the
ablest lawyers in the State. After much debate the con-
vention decided to accept most of the majority report.
It made Judges elective instead of appointive ; abolished
the Court of Chancery or merged it with the courts of
law; created the Court of Appeals, of eight members;
provided for a Supreme Court of thirty-two members —
four to be elected from each of eight Judicial districts;
and created inferior courts of both civil and criminal
jurisdiction for the cities. It would have abolished
County Courts had it not been for the strenuous opposi-
tion of Charles O'Conor.
The Anti-Rent war had been so recent an incident
that its lessons and its influence were strong in the con-
vention, and the old feudal system of land ownership
and landlordism was swept away. The elective fran-
chise was made universal and not at all dependent upon
the owning of property, excepting in the case of negroes.
The banking monopoly was abolished by taking from
the Legislature the power of granting special charters
and of suspending specie payments. The Legislature
was restrained from running the State into debt without
permission of the people expressed at the polls. Pro-
vision was made for the enlargement of the Erie canal
and the completion of the other canals which had been
begun, and also for the prompt extinction of the State
debt.
It was preeminently a people's convention. Although
338 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H846
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
its members were chiefly elected on strict party lines,
never was there such a convention in which so little
political partisanship was displayed. The whole body
seemed to be animated by a spirit of sincere devotion
to the welfare of the whole people, and to be aiming at
the enlargement and vindication of popular rights. It
was a people's convention and it framed a people's Con-
stitution, which, as we have already seen, the people of
the State accepted by an overwhelming majority, and
which, with few changes, they have ever since retained
as the basic law of the Empire State. Adopted by the
people at the general election of November, 1846, the
Constitution went into effect chiefly on January 1,
1847. The new Judges, of the Court of Appeals, of the
Supreme Court, and of the County Courts, were to be
elected in the spring of 1847 and to begin their .terms
of office on July 1 of that year. The Chancellor and the
existing Justices of the Supreme Court were to go out
of office on July 1, 1848. The first Legislature under
the new Constitution was to be elected in November,
1847, and the first Governor in November, 1848.
It will be fitting at this point to observe what manner
of State it was that thus revised its Constitution. We
have already noted its population, which made it easily
the foremost State of the Union. Its growth in com-
ponent parts and in complexity of organization had
been comparable with that in the number of its in-
habitants. Originally it had consisted of twelve coun-
ties: Albany, Charlotte, Dutchess, Kings, New York,
Orange, Queens, Richmond, Suffolk, Tryon, Ulster,
and Westchester. Charlotte was changed to Washing-
1846] THE THIRD CONSTITUTION 339
ton and Tryon to Montgomery in 1784. Subsequent
additions were made by these creations of new counties :
-1786, Columbia from Albany; 1788, Clinton from
Washington, and Ontario from Montgomery; 1791,
Herkimer, Otsego, and Tioga from Montgomery, and
Rensselaer and Saratoga from Albany; 17945 Onondaga
from Herkimer; 1795, Schoharie from Albany and Ot-
sego; 1796, Steuben from Ontario; 1797, Delaware
from Otsego and Ulster; 1798, Rockland from Orange,
Oneida from Herkimer, and Chenango from Herkimer
and Tioga; 1799, Cayuga from Onondaga, and Essex
from Clinton; 1800, Greene from Albany and Ulster;
1802, Genesee from Ontario, and St. Lawrence from
Clinton; 1804, Seneca from Cayuga; 1805, Jefferson
and Lewis from Oneida; 1806, Madison from Che-
nango, Allegany from Genesee, and Broome from
Tioga; 1808, Cortland from Onondaga, Cattaraugus,
Chautauque (changed to Chautauqua in 1859), and Ni-
agara from Genesee, and Franklin from Clinton; 1809,
Schenectady from Albany, and Sullivan from Ulster;
1812, Putnam from Dutchess; 1813, Warren from
Washington; 1816, Hamilton from Montgomery, and
Oswego from Oneida and Onondaga; 1817, Tompkins
from Cayuga and Seneca; 1821, Erie from Niagara,
and Livingston and Monroe from Genesee and Ontario;
1823, Yates from Ontario, and Wayne from Ontario
and Seneca; 1824, Orleans from Genesee; 1836, Che-
mung from Tioga; 1838, Fulton from Montgomery;
1841, Wyoming from Genesee. Thus at the Constitu-
tional convention of 1846 the roll of counties was al-
most complete as it is to-day. The only creations since
340 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U846
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
that time have been those of Schuyler from Chemung,
Steuben, and Tompkins; Bronx from Westchester; and
Nassau from Queens.
New York county (and city) had not yet attained its
present size in proportion to the entire State. To-day
that county — not the entire city, which comprises five
counties — contains about twenty per cent, of the popu-
lation of the whole State. In 1845 it had 371,102 inhab-
itants, or less than fifteen per cent, of the whole. But
its growth was so rapid, largely under the stimulus of
the commerce of the Erie canal, as clearly to fore-
shadow its rise to dominance of the State. In 1830 its
population was 202,589; in 1835, 270,089; in 1840,
312,710. No other county was at that time comparable
with it. Oneida had 84,776 ; Kings, Erie, and Albany
came next, with between 77,000 and 79,000 each ; Mon-
roe and Onondaga had just under 71,000 each ; Jefferson
had 64,999; St. Lawrence, 62,354; Rensselaer, 62,338;
Dutchess, 55,124; Orange, 52,227; Steuben, 51,679;
Otsego, 50,509; and no other as many as fifty thousand.
CHAPTER XXI
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT
A /THOUGH the Nineteenth amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, giving the
electoral franchise to women as well as to men,
was not adopted until the end of the second decade of
the Twentieth century, the movement which cul-
minated in that achievement began in the first half of
the Nineteenth century, and had its origin in the State
of New York. That measure has often been called the
"Susan B. Anthony amendment," and with much pro-
priety. It is true that nearly thirty-four years before
its ratification in 1920, a resolution for the submission
of the same amendment was introduced in the United
States Senate by Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire.
But the Senate was then far from ready for a declara-
tion that "the right of citizens of the United States to
vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United
States or by a State on account of sex." The Blair
resolution was rejected by a vote of 34 to 16. While
the original sponsor of the resolution was the New
Hampshire Senator, the main driving power behind it
was the New York State woman whose name is linked
writh the amendment. Subsequent measures were zeal-
ously and diligently promoted by others, but all of
them, like the Blair resolution, derived their original
341
342 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
inspiration from Miss Anthony. She did not live to
witness the triumph of the cause to which her eloquence
and energy were devoted for more than half a century,
but she has gone into history as the foremost champion
of Woman Suffrage in the days of its slow progress.
Miss Anthony was of Quaker stock and adhered to
that faith. Born in Massachusetts in 1820, she came
to Washington county, New York, with her parents in
1826; and in 1846 the family removed to Rochester,
which remained her city home until her death. In the
years of her early womanhood she taught school.
Before she had reached her thirtieth year three current
crusades aroused her deep interest. One was against
slavery, the second was for temperance, and the third,
and to her the most appealing, was for Woman's
Rights. Miss Anthony was not, strictly speaking, the
first pioneer in the Woman's Rights movement. But
that distinction fairly belonged to another New York
woman, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a native as well as a
resident of the State. Elizabeth Cady was the
daughter of Judge Daniel Cady. She was thirty-five
years old when she married Henry Brewster Stanton, a
leading journalist and Abolitionist, in 1840. While the
couple were on their wedding tour in Europe, Mrs.
Stanton attended the World's Anti-Slavery convention
in London, and there she met for the first time Lucretia
Mott, who afterward was her distinguished associate
at the van of both the Abolition and Woman's Rights
movements.
In Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony New York State
supplied to the Woman's Rights crusade a pair of
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT 343
leaders who, taken together, could not be matched in
zeal, eloquence, and influence while their partnership
was unbroken by death. As between the two, however,
the primacy belonged to Miss Anthony, who remained
a spinster and who had no domestic cares to divert her
from the mission to which she was passionately devoted.
In a spirit of unselfish comradeship each of the two
women proclaimed the other's superior service to the
cause. In an article on "Woman's Half-Century of
Revolution" contributed to the North American
Review a few years before her death, Miss Anthony
spoke of Mrs. Stanton as "a leader of women," and
"the central figure through two generations" in the
Equal Rights campaign. But Mrs. Stanton herself told
another story. At a critical stage of their common
undertaking, when Mrs. Stanton was particularly en-
grossed in her domestic burdens, she said: "Through
all these years Miss Anthony was the connecting link
between me and the outer world — the reform scout,
who went to see what was going on in the enemy's
camp, returning with maps and observations to plan
the mode of attack." This candid tribute explains the
chief reason why impartial historians have rated Miss
Anthony as the overtopping figure in the earlier battles
for Woman Suffrage, namely, her exemption ifrom
home obligations that could hamper the free play of
her extraordinary talents for leadership.
But Mrs. Stanton enjoyed one honor that was denied
to her sister worker. She was present at the first
Woman's Rights convention ever held. The scene of
that event was Seneca Falls, and the dates were July
344 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1848
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
1 9 and 20, 1 848. The village was at that time the home
of Mr. and Mrs. Stanton. Lucretia Mott was a visitor
at the nearby village of Waterloo, where she was joined
in conference by Mrs. Stanton and a few other sympa-
thizers, mostly Quakers. The party then and there
decided to summon a convention, and the call for it was
accordingly inserted in the Seneca County Courier.
The manager and directors of the gathering were Mrs.
Mott, Mrs. Stanton, and three kindred spirits of their
sex. The place selected for the meeting was the
Wesleyan Methodist Church in Seneca Falls — a modest
little structure which long ago disappeared as a house
of worship. In her memoirs Mrs. Stanton tells us the
church was crowded at every session, and that "a
religious earnestness dignified all the proceedings." For-
ward-looking as the uncredentialed women delegates
were, they deemed it wise to bow to current prejudices
by selecting a man to preside over the convention-
James Mott, the husband of Lucretia. Only one sen-
tence from the resolutions adopted at Seneca Falls need
be quoted here. "It is the duty of the women of the
country," it read, "to secure to themselves their sacred
right to the elective franchise."
The Seneca Falls church was thus the cradle of the
Woman's Rights movement. The cry of the new-
fledged infant did not penetrate very far, and in most
quarters where it was heard it evoked only sarcasm and
banter. When Judge Cady heard of his daughter's
part in the event, he reproached her by writing: "I
wish you had waited until I was under the sod before
you had done this foolish thing." Whereon she re-
1S52] THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT 345
torted by citing from the lawbooks he had loaned her
proofs of the injustice of American laws toward
women.
While Miss Anthony was not present at the Seneca
Falls convention, her family were well represented
there by her father and mother and by her sister Mary,
a faithful colaborer in her life-work. Her serious con-
nection with the movement did not begin until 1852.
It was in that year that she first met Mrs. Stanton, and
another of her fellow-reformers at the time was Mrs.
Amelia Bloomer, who gave her name to the "bloomer"
costume. Miss Anth'ony's activities had been along the
lines of anti-slavery and prohibition. Her real debut
as a Woman's Rights champion was at a national con-
vention which the suffragists held in Syracuse in
September, 1852. At the very beginning of this mem-
orable session an incident occurred, as related by Ida
Husted Harper in her biography of Miss Anthony,
that was strikingly illustrative of her frankness and
boldness. Among the candidates for the presidency of
the convention was Eliza Oakes Smith, a fashionable
literary woman of Boston, who had a strong backing
for the honor. Mrs. Smith came to the convention
appareled in a short-sleeved, low-necked white dress,
rather gaudily ornamented. Miss Anthony was a
member of the nominating committee, and when the
name of Mrs. Smith was formally presented for the
presidency the Rochester Quakeress promptly took the
floor and declared that nobody who dressed as Mrs.
Smith did could represent the earnest, solid, hard-
working women of the country, for whom they were
346 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
making the demand for equal rights. James Mott
mildly replied that all women could not be expected to
dress as plainly as the Friends. But Susan was
obdurate, and she carried the committee with her in a
revolt that ended with the selection of Lucretia Mott
to preside. Other famous suffragists at the convention
were Lucy Stone; the Rev. Antoinette Brown, the first
woman ever ordained to preach; and Ernestine L.
Rose, a beautiful Jewess and refugee from Poland;
while in the male contingent Gerrit Smith was con-
spicuous.
The Syracuse convention was simply an incident in
a propaganda that was resolute enough, but as yet quite
the reverse of formidable in the range of its influence.
Like its Seneca Falls forerunner, it invited more satire
and humor than words of approval. Two years later
a State Suffrage convention assembled at Albany, at
which Miss Anthony was the center of interest. By
this time the State organization was bringing strong
pressure to bear to induce the Legislature at Albany to
broaden the personal and property rights of women by
statute, and to submit a constitutional amendment giv-
ing them the ballot. In the early months of 1855 Miss
Anthony "stumped" the State in her devoted effort to
kindle a public sentiment powerful enough to influence
the Legislature. Her biographer, Mrs. Harper, de-
scribes that campaign as a prodigy of physical endur-
ance as well as of fervid and continuous appeal. From
Christmas, 1854, to the following May 1 she canvassed
fifty-four New York counties, addressing local con-
ventions and conferences almost daily, facing in her
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT 347
circuit the rigors of winter together with prejudices
and rebuffs that were even more chilling. But she
continued her mission dauntlessly, and she gathered
a harvest of 10,000 names to a petition praying for
favorable legislative action. All her exertions were
in vain; for the Legislature remained strongly and
inflexibly hostile.
By this time all other political questions and minor
reforms were passing into temporary eclipse as public
interest in the anti-slavery issue intensified. After the
outbreak of the Civil War the zeal of Miss Anthony,
Mrs. Stanton, and their Suffrage sisters was largely
diverted to the greater struggle, though Woman's
Rights conventions, State and national, were still held
intermittently. In the last two years of the civil con-
flict the energies of the famous group of Suffrage
leaders were enlisted in the Woman's National League,
founded in February, 1863, largely through the efforts
of the two women agitators', to urge upon Congress
and the States the necessity of giving immediate and
lasting force to Lincoln's Emancipation proclamation.
After the war was over the Woman's Rights crusade
was quickened into new life by the steadily increasing
public demand for the political and civil security of
the southern freedmen. The Suffrage leaders, and
particularly Miss Anthony, were convinced that Con-
gress, in drafting and submitting the Fourteenth
amendment, admitting colored men to citizenship,
could not possibly resist an appeal for the inclusion of
white women in the same proposed act of Federal
grace. Such was their confident calculation; but they
348 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
soon learned with amazement and disgust that the
proposed Fourteenth amendment, far from conforming
to their wishes, would actually place a fresh obstacle
in their path by introducing the word "male" into the
Constitution for the first time in connection with the
requirements for citizenship. In other words, the very
amendment that was intended to confer upon the eman-
cipated slave the privilege of a citizen raised a fresh
political discrimination against their sex. Their griev-
ance was now more bitter than ever; for both branches
of Congress deliberately voted down motions to strike
the word "male" from the text of the amendment. In
1869, three years after the Fourteenth amendment was
submitted, the agitation for the Fifteenth amendment
gave the Suffragists a chance to retrieve their fortunes.
They failed again ; but very soon after the last of the
war amendments was proposed by Congress, the inde-
fatigable advocates of Suffrage, again led by Mrs.
Stanton and Miss Anthony, produced another formid-
able weapon of attack by organizing the National
Woman Suffrage Association, with Mrs. Stanton as
president.
The last and successful stage of the nearly eighty-
year-old struggle for equal political rights for women
in the national sphere was only incidentally related to
che political history of New York State; and it there-
fore need not be reviewed in this volume. But to
complete the story of New York's share in the earlier
campaigns for the cause, it is desirable to recall an
event in that relation in which Miss Anthony con-
spicuously figured.
THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT 349
It was her defiant participation in a Presidential
election by casting a full set of ballots in her home city
of Rochester. On November 1, 1872, she went to the
polling-place in her ward and registered as a voter,
and four days later she succeeded in voting without
interference. The registration officers mildly raised a
question as to her right to qualify; but she promptly
read to them the first section of the Fourteenth amend-
ment, which ordains that "all persons born or
naturalized in the United States and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
and of the State wherein they reside"; and, further,
"that no State shall make or enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States." That settled the question, so
far as the election officers were concerned; and Miss
Anthony's three sisters, and ten other women of her
ward, followed her example by registering and voting.
But the Federal courts were not so chivalric as her
neighbors, the custodians of the registry book and
ballot-box. She was taken before a United States Com-
missioner, and admitted to bail. In June, 1873, she
was tried in Canandaigua, with Ward Hunt, Sr.,
Associate-Justice of the Supreme Court, on the bench.
Henry R. Sheldon, a famous Rochester attorney, whose
advice she had taken before voting, was her counsel.
As there was no question about the facts, Justice Hunt,
after listening to the legal arguments on both sides,
directed the jury to bring in a verdict of guilty; and
the following day he fined the spinster defendant $100
plus the cost of the prosecution. Justice Hunt's right
350 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
to instruct and discharge the jury and his general pro-
cedure in the case were afterward challenged before
the Supreme Court, but his interpretation of the law
was upheld by his associates.
The case aroused national interest and enhanced
Miss Anthony's celebrity. She was thereafter, and up
to the time of her death, recognized as the head-center
of the whole crusade. She continued her labors with
but little relaxation, addressing audiences on her
favorite theme in practically every large city of the
United States, east and west. At Washington in 1886
she led the attack for the passage of the Blair resolu-
tion for the submission of the constitutional amend-
ment which afterward bore her name. Its defeat left
her still hopeful and resolute.
The first American commonwealth to establish equal
rights for women was Wyoming, which as a Territory
gave them the franchise in 1869, and upon its admis-
sion to the Union in 1890 had the distinction of being
the original Woman Suffragist State.
CHAPTER XXII
THE FREE SOIL REVOLT
JOHN YOUNG was a man of an entirely different
type from Silas Wright, William H. Seward,
William L. Marcy, DeWitt Clinton, and others
who had preceded him. Dr. Jabez D. Hammond, who
knew him well and who wrote of him while he was
Governor, declared that he had talents of a high order,
industry, patient perseverance, and a profound knowl-
edge of men, and was one of the ablest party leaders
and most skillful managers of a popular body that ever
entered the New York Assembly chamber. To this
entirely just estimate we may add that Governor Young
had the gifts of unfailing courtesy, of imperturbable
coolness and calmness, and of convincing directness and
clarity of speech. It is obvious, however, that a man
might possess all these qualities and characteristics and
yet fail to be either a great constructive statesman or a
political leader capable of maintaining and advancing
a personal position and influence once secured and of
bending others to his interest.
His first message, sent on January 5, 1847, to the Sev-
entieth Legislature (the last Legislature under the Con-
stitution of 1821), was indicative of the man. It was
scarcely one-third as long as any of Governor Wright's
messages, or indeed as numerous others that had gone
351
352 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U847
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
before, and contained no rhetorical passages, no essays
upon the philosophy of government, no comments upon
the national and international policies of the Federal
government such as had filled many pages of former
messages ; but was devoted to a concise consideration of
the changes in State government that were imposed by
the new Constitution and the measures necessary to ef-
fect them. Of the Constitution itself the Governor did
not altogether approve. It contained, he frankly said,
some things to which he could not have assented if they
had been presented separately to the people for ratifica-
tion. But it had been submitted as a whole, to be
accepted or rejected in its entirety, and its good features
so far outweighed its bad that acceptance of it was right.
"Most of its great leading features," he said, "breathe
the spirit of the age and command not only the assent
but the admiration of a vast majority of the electors of
the State." He especially dwelt upon the felicitous
transfer of the office-filling power from a few officials
to the people themselves. Formerly, he said, elections
were embittered and not unf requently perverted by the
consideration that upon the election of one officer de-
pended the political advancement of thousands. This
evil had been almost entirely eliminated by the new
Constitution. The apprehension which many had felt
and expressed concerning the election of Judges by
popular vote he did not share, believing that the experi-
ence of a few years would dispel it. He added these
golden words :
"Any appointing power other than the people may be either cor-
rupted or subjected, unconsciously, to interested and pernicious influ-
SUSAN B. ANTHONY
Susan B. Anthony, reformer; born, North Adams, Mass.,
February 15, 1820; Quaker; school teacher in New York state,
1835-50; first spoke at a temperance conference in Rochester,
1848; called a temperance convention at Albany, 1851 after
having been refused the right to speak on account of her sex:
organized the women's New York state temperance society in
1852; through her influence women were admitted to educa-
tional and other conventions with the right to vote and hold
places on committees; from 1857 was prominent in the anti-
slavery agitation; in 1854-1855 organized meetings for equal
suffrage for women in every county in New York state; in
1861 worked with and through the women's loyal legion to have
the word ''male" struck out of the 14th amendment; between
1870 and 1880 spoke more than 100 times a year in nearly every
state in the Union urging equal suffrage; died in New York
city, March 13, 1906.
ELIZABETH CADY STANTON
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, reformer; born, Johnstown. N. Y.,
November 12, 1815; married Henry Brewster Stanton, anti-
slavery orator and politician; advocated national women's party
in 1840; called the first woman's rights convention at Seneca
Falls, N. Y., July, 1848; for 25 years addressed congress
annually on the need for passing a suffrage amendment to the
constitution of the United States ; president national woman
suffrage association, 1865-1893 ; died at New York City, October
26, 1902.
ANNA HOWARD SHAW
Anna Howard Shaw, clergyman and reformer; born at
Newcastle-on-Tyne, England, February 14, 1847; came " to
America when 4 years old; graduated in theology and medicine
from Boston university, 1885; licensed to preach in the methodist
protestant church; was pastor of three different churches in
Boston; prominent in the national woman suffrage association
and was its president from 1886 to 1904; traveled through the
country with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton
working and speaking for suffrage; died Moylan, Pa., July
2, 1919.
HARRIET MAY MILLS
Harriet May Mills, lecturer and reformer; born at Syracuse,
N. Y., August 9, 1857; her father, Dr. Charles DeVerard Mills
and her mother were deeply interested in the cause of abolition
and of suffrage and their home was one of the stations of Gerrit
Smith's "underground railroad"; graduated from Cornell uni-
versity, 1879; organized the first Browning club in New York
state and was widely known as a lecturer on Browning; began
lecturing on suffrage in 1892 and accompanied Susan B. Anthony
on her campaign in 1894; was the nominee of the democratic
party for secretary of state and a delegate at large to the demo-
cratic national convention at San Francisco in 1920.
MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt; born, Ripon, Wis. ; studied law
as a girl and taught school for several years, attaining the
position of superintendent of schools; was state director and
organizer of the Iowa woman suffrage association; has been
president of the national woman suffrage association since 1916;
has delivered lectures on suffrage in every state in the Union
and every country in Europe.
1847] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 353
ences. Not so with the people. If they err to-day they will correct
the error to-morrow."
Various suggestions and recommendations were made
by the Governor for enactments concerning the new
judiciary system, most of which were favorably acted
on by the Legislature. The Court of Appeals was
vested with power to review decisions of the Supreme
Court and Court of Chancery which might be made in
the six months interim between the going out of the old
Court for the Correction of Errors and the establish-
ment of the new courts ; the State was divided into eight
Judicial districts, and a general Judiciary act was
passed. A commission of three was appointed to "re-
vise, reform, simplify, and abridge the rules and prac-
tice, pleadings, forms, and proceedings" of the courts of
record, and to report thereon to the Legislature for its
approval. Arphaxad Loomis, Nicholas Hill, Jr., and
David Graham were appointed, and on Mr. Hill's res-
ignation soon afterward David Dudley Field was
appointed in his place.
The Governor suggested that, since the Court of
Chancery had been merged with the Supreme Court,
the Justices in each district should be empowered to
designate one of their number to hold special terms in
equity, leaving to the other three the administration of
cases under the common law. This suggestion the Leg-
islature did not accept, but in the general Judiciary act
it provided that the same Judge at the same term might
exercise both legal and equitable jurisdiction. The
curious recommendation made by the Governor, that a
tax of one dollar be levied on each suit brought in the
354 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Supreme Court, to be applied to the salaries of the Jus-
tices, was not approved by the Legislature, which fixed
the salaries of the Justices at $2,500.
The new Constitution provided for further work on
the canals, and the Governor urged prompt legislation
to that end as a matter the propriety of which could no
longer be disputed. Accordingly provision was made
for the resumption of work on the Genesee Valley canal,
the Black River canal, the Erie canal feeder, and the
enlargement of the Erie canal itself. The Governor
expressed deep regret that the new Constitution seri-
ously hampered the prosecution of public works by im-
posing novel restraints upon the Legislature and even
denying the right of the people themselves to vote a
single dollar unless by the same act a tax was imposed
to pay principal and interest of the debt thus incurred.
This, he thought, indicated "distrust of representative
government," and he demanded to know what there was
in the history of the State to warrant "this want of re-
liance on the wisdom and stability of the people." Be-
yond doubt, that passage in the Constitution was an in-
congruous anomaly in a document generally devoted to
the enlargement and vindication of popular rights and
powers.
The Legislature provided for the organization of the
First division of militia, and enacted a new general
Militia law; provided for the organization of plank-
road and turnpike companies, and for the incorporation
of villages ; and ceded to the United States jurisdiction
over land at Sackett's Harbor recently purchased by it
for military purposes and authorized it to acquire any
1847] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 355
islands in the St. Lawrence River which it might need
for beacon lights or other necessary purposes.
The Governor transmitted to the Legislature reso-
lutions which had been adopted by the General Assem-
bly of Virginia protesting against the famous Wilmot
Proviso. That measure had been passed by the national
House of Representatives in August, 1846, but was not
acted upon by the Senate. It was again introduced
into the House in February, 1847, and again passed by
that body, only to meet with the same fate as before at
the hands of the Senate. Now the New York Legis-
lature, several weeks in advance of this second passage
of the Proviso by the House, adopted resolutions most
clearly and emphatically affirming the principle of that
historic measure. Those resolutions, while urging that
every citizen should loyally support the government in
the Mexican War, declared that when the war was
ended any act by which as a result of it territory should
be acquired or annexed to the United States "should
contain an unalterable fundamental article or provision
whereby slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime, should be forever excluded from
the territory acquired or annexed." The resolutions
were adopted in January, and in March following the
national House of Representatives repassed the Wilmot
Proviso couched in almost precisely the same words.
Naturally, the Virginia resolutions protesting against
the Proviso were not sympathetically received at Al-
bany. But the concurrent resolutions of the Legislature
of January, 1847, were repeated and reaffirmed by the
next Legislature, just a year later.
356 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
This Seventieth Legislature retained unchanged the
former organization of the Senate, of which body Ira
Harris became a member from the Third district In
the Assembly William C. Hasbrouck, of Orange
county, was elected Speaker, and Philander B. Prindle
was chosen Clerk. Samuel J. Tilden disappeared from
the New York delegation, and Daniel E. Sickles came
in his place. Henry W. Sage was a member from
Tompkins county. The session adjourned on May 13
to reassemble September 8. On the latter date the Gov-
ernor transmitted a brief message announcing the death
of Silas Wright, which had occurred August 27 pre-
ceding, and paying a fitting tribute to his memory. The
session adjourned without day on December IS.
Political interest in 1847 was chiefly, however, con-
cerned with events outside the Legislature, which cul-
minated in an open breach between the two factions of
the Democratic party. This had long been expected,
but in connections having to do with State policies; it
finally came over a national issue which for the time
caused all State issues to drop out of sight. The Demo-
cratic State convention met at Syracuse on September
7. The Hunkers had been the more active, or at any
rate the more efficient, in the preliminary campaign,
and had secured a strong majority of the delegates. But
the Barnburners, under the lead of James S. Wads-
worth, came to the convention with their hearts filled
with grief over the death of Silas Wright and with in-
exorable enmity toward those who, they felt, had be-
trayed him to his defeat and untimely end.
As soon as the convention was organized a resolution
1847] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 357
was introduced embodying the principles of the Wil-
mot Proviso and of the concurrent resolutions of the
New York Legislature. This was supported by the
Barnburners and opposed by the Hunkers. One of the
former, arguing for the resolution, pleaded for its adop-
tion as a tribute of justice to Silas Wright. "It is too
late for that," replied a Hunker, sneeringly; "he is
dead." At that, James S. Wadsworth sprang upon a
table and defiantly thundered at the Hunker majority:
"It may be too late to do justice to Silas Wright, but it
is not too late to do justice to his assassins !" With those
words he strode out of the hall, followed by every 'Barn-
burner delegate. The Hunkers, remaining, laid on the
table the Wilmot Proviso resolution, nominated candi-
dates for State offices under the new Constitution, and
adjourned.
The seceding Barnburners issued an address denounc-
ing the Hunkers for defeating the anti-slavery resolu-
tion through a fraudulent organization, and calling for
a convention on October 26 to determine their future
course. That convention, really a mass-meeting, was
attended not only by the seceding delegates but by a
host of anti-slavery Democrats from all over the State.
These were chiefly the friends and followers of Martin
Van Buren, and were supremely led by his gifted son,
"Prince" John Van Buren. For the ex-President, hav-
ing formerly played into the hands of the pro-slavery
Democrats of the south, had now reversed his attitude
and become a resolute Free Soiler. He had opposed
the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War, and was
now bitterly opposed to letting the southern leaders
358 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U847
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
profit from those transactions by the extension of slave
territory and especially by the introduction of slavery
into what had thitherto been free country.
John Van Buren had acquired the nickname of
"Prince" because, when he accompanied his father on
the latter's brief mission to England, he had the honor
of dancing with Princess (later Queen) Victoria. Like
his father, he was a man of almost irresistible personal
charm and high intellectual and social culture. He was
a captivating orator, and as a lawyer ranked among the
foremost at the bar of New York. In 1845 he became
the last appointed Attorney-General of the State, and
showed himself a not unworthy successor of the most
distinguished men who had filled that office. It was
almost a question whether he should be spoken of as the
son of Martin Van Buren or the latter, for distinction,
should be spoken of as the father of "Prince John."
This was the man who, side by side with Wadsworth,
marched out of the Hunker-ruled Democratic conven-
tion at Syracuse and led the revolting Barnburners in
their mass-convention and throughout that year's cam-
paign. Under his counsel the convention refrained from
nominating any candidates for office. But it issued an
address denouncing the Hunkers and declaring for the
Wilmot Proviso and for Free Soil. In this we cannot
credit him with any deep convictions of anti-slavery
principle. His motives doubtless were first personal
and then political. He wanted to vindicate his father in
his opposition to the annexation of Texas and the Mexi-
can War, and, if possible, restore him to the national
leadership of the Democratic party and win for him a
1847] THE FREE .SOIL REVOLT 359
second term in the Presidency. He was shrewd enough
to perceive the signs of the times and to know that the
party opposed to the extension of the slave power was
the party of the future. He had not the supreme vir-
tue of endurance. A few years later he accepted the
Compromises of 1850, became a Hunker for the sake
of party regularity, and then became a supporter of the
pro-slavery administrations of Pierce and Buchanan.
But for a time, in the Barnburner revolt, he seemed to
be the "rising hope" of the anti-slavery cause. He was,
said Henry Wilson, the bright particular star of the
revolt; and "Such was the brilliant record he then made
that, had he remained true to the principles he advo-
cated, he would unquestionably have become one of the
foremost men in the Republican party, if not its ac-
cepted leader."
Sufficient, however, unto the day was the revolt
thereof. The Barnburner secession at Syracuse doomed
the Democratic party to overwhelming defeat in the
fall election of 1847, at which State officers and a Leg-
islature were chosen. As Addison Gardiner, the Demo-
cratic Lieutenant-Governor who had been elected along
with the Whig Governor, John Young, had in the
spring been elected to the new Court of Appeals, there
was a vacancy in the Lieutenant-Governorship. This
was appropriately filled by the election of Hamilton
Fish, who had been the Whig candidate the year be-
fore. He was elected by a majority of 30,449. Chris-
topher Morgan was elected Secretary of State by
25,337; Millard Fillmore Comptroller by 38,729; Al-
vah Hunt State Treasurer by 23,516; Ambrose L. Jor-
360 POLITICAL AND G.OVERNMENTAL [1847-8
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
dan Attorney-General by 35,282; and Charles B. Stew-
art State Engineer by 38,059. Thus the entire first State
administration under the new Constitution passed into
the hands of the Whigs.
In the Legislature the result was comparably em-
phatic. The new Senate contained 24 Whigs to 8
Democrats, a three-fourths majority. In the Assembly
there were 93 Whigs and 35 Democrats. On joint bal-
lot, therefore, there are 117 Whigs to only 43 Demo-
crats, a Whig majority of 74.
By way of contrast to these figures, and as indicative
of the strength of the Barnburner schism, it may be re-
called that at the June election of the same year for
Judges of the Court of Appeals the Democrats, then
not yet divided, elected all four candidates by strong
majorities, Addison Gardiner receiving 145,282 votes
to only 127,519 for Ambrose L. Jordan. Five months
later Mr. Jordan received 174,763 votes for Attorney-
General.
The Seventy-first Legislature, and the first under the
Third Constitution, met on January 4, 1848. The Sen-
ate, consisting of thirty-two Senators elected for two
years from an equal number of districts, had the newly-
elected Lieutenant-Governor, Hamilton Fish, for its
presiding officer, and chose Andrew H. Calhoun as its
Clerk. The Assembly elected Amos K. Hadley. of
Troy, to be its Speaker, and reflected Philander B.
Prindle to be Clerk. Among its members were Robert
H. Pruyn, of Albany, and James Brooks, the Demo-
cratic journalist, of New York.
The message of Governor Young was much longer
1848] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 361
than that of the preceding year, though it still was far
shorter than many of the formidable messages of
former Governors. As before, the Governor was emi-
nently practical, avoiding discussion of Federal affairs
and animadversion on abstract themes, and devoting
himself chiefly to explicit reports on the condition
of the State and brief recommendations concern-
ing its needs. There was a full review of the canal
enterprises, and in connection therewith the Governor
referred to the President's veto of a bill appropriating
money for the improvement of rivers and harbors, and
also a bill for certain public works in the Territory
of Wisconsin, on the ground that it was unconstitu-
tional to appropriate money for such purposes. Gov-
ernor Young made it clear that he did not approve
the President's policy, but declined to enter into any
discussion of it, as inappropriate to a State message;
explaining that he mentioned it only because of its inti-
mate connection with the prospective legislation in
New York for the Erie canal. If Congressional ap-
propriations for public improvements were unconstitu-
tional, it might be that State appropriations for such
purposes were liable to the same objection. Of course,
the President's policy was soon completely reversed
and discarded, and is now remembered only as a curi-
ous aberration. Educational and industrial interests
commanded much attention in the message, and some
earnest recommendations were made for prison reform,
particularly for legislation prescribing the procedure
in pardon cases and for more discrimination between
first offenders and habitual criminals. After an un-
362 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
eventful session the Legislature adjourned without day
on April 12.
Then politics broke loose. A Governor of New
York and a President of the United States were to be
elected, and in the Presidential contest New York
was assumed to be the pivotal State. As New York
went so would go the Union. To the Democratic
national convention at Baltimore on May 22 the State
sent two rival sets of delegates, each claiming regular-
ity and each demanding the exclusion of the other.
After painful consideration the convention compro-
mised the matter by admitting both and dividing the
vote of the State between them, with the natural re-
sult of pleasing neither side. New York thus took
no decisive part in the nomination of General Lewis
Cass for the Presidency. On their return home the
Hunkers claimed to have won a victory. The Barn-
burners issued an address, prepared by Samuel J. Til-
den, which practically repudiated the Baltimore con-
vention and called upon their associates to come to-
gether in a State convention at Utica on June 22.
This convention comprised among its members many
of the ablest and best leaders of the Democratic party.
Among them were Samuel Young, who presided;
Samuel J. Tilden, John Van Buren, C. C. Cambreling,
David Dudley Field, Preston King, Benjamin F. But-
ler, Dean Richmond, and John A. Dix. Some of
these were mere partisans of Martin Van Buren, who
were intent upon vindicating him against his enemies.
Some were sincerely opposed on principle to the ex-
tension of slavery and a few years later left the Demo-
1848] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 363
cratic party altogether and joined the Republican
party. The outcome of the convention was the nom-
ination of Martin Van Buren for the Presidency.
This was followed by the memorable Free Soil
national convention and mass-meeting at Buffalo on
August 9-10, under the leadership of Joshua R. Gid-
dings, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Francis Adams.
Its purpose was to "secure Free Soil for a Free People,"
and its platform was "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free
Labor, and Free Men." It was composed of a strange
mixture of men of various parties. Van Buren's
friends were there, seeking vengeance against his foes.
Free Soil Democrats were there, to avenge the "assas-
sination" of Silas Wright. Southern Whigs were
there, to avenge the rejection of Henry Clay by the
Whig convention. Northern Whigs were there, to
punish the Whig party for nominating Zachary Taylor,
a southern slaveholder, for President. Thus animosity
against others was the common bond of union. The
result of the convention was the ratification of the
Barnburners' nomination of Martin Van Buren for the
Presidency; Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts,
was nominated for Vice-President.
The Barnburners at Utica had placed John A. Dix,
then United States Senator, in nomination for Gover-
nor of New York, with Seth M. Gates, of Wyoming
county, for Lieutenaat-Governor. The Hunkers met
at Syracuse and nominated for Governor Reuben H.
Walworth, who had been the last of the Chancellors
of the State and had been legislated out of office by
the new Constitution, and for Lieutenant-Governor the
364 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1848
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
brilliant jurist Charles O'Conor, of New York. These
were admirable men, but neither of them was popular
as a candidate.
The Whig national convention of that year had been
chiefly under the influence of Thurlow Weed, who
worked for and secured the nomination of General Tay-
lor on the strength of his brilliant record in the Mexi-
can War. Weed had tried to persuade Daniel Web-
ster to accept the nomination for Vice-President but
failed, and in the convention, after Taylor had been
chosen, the second place on the ticket seemed for awhile
to go a-begging. Some of Seward's friends had urged
him to be a candidate, but he declined. John Young
desired the place, but his candidacy met with little
favor. His administration as Governor had been re-
spectable but not brilliant. Abbott Lawrence, of
Massachusetts, had been suggested, but had little sup
port. Finally John A. Collier, of Binghamton, who
had served in Congress and as Comptroller of the State,
in a marvellously tactful and persuasive speech nomi-
nated Millard Fillmore and asked for a unanimous vote
in his favor. This was not granted, the opposition to
Fillmore uniting on Abbott Lawrence, but on the sec-
ond ballot Fillmore won by a substantial majority.
Following this national convention at Philadelphia
came the Whig State convention, at Utica. John
Young sought renomination, but had little support.
Thurlow Weed was opposed to him because of his atti-
tude toward the Mexican War and some appointments
that he had made; and his pardoning of a number
of men guilty of murder in the Anti-Rent troubles in-
1848] THE FREE SOIL REVOLT 365
curred for him the opposition of the conservative ele-
ments of the party. The overwhelming sentiment of
the convention was for the then Lieutenant-Governor,
Hamilton Fish. He, already marked by destiny for
a distinguished career in State, national, and inter-
national affairs, was truly described by Horace Greeley
in the Tribune as "Wealthy without pride, generous
without ostentation, simple in manners, blameless in
life, accepting office with no other aspiration than that
of making power subserve the common good of his fel-
low-citizens." Wisely the convention named him as its
choice for Governor. Another man of like type was
found for Lieutenant-Governor in George W. Pat-
terson, of Chautauqua, a former An ti- Mason and a close
friend of both Weed and Seward.
In addition to the three major candidates for the
Governorship, the ultra-Abolitionists put forward Wil-
liam Goodell. The campaign was waged with much
spirit, but the result was a foregone conclusion.
United, the Democrats would have won. Divided,
they were doomed to defeat, the Barnburners or Free
Soilers having the satisfaction of polling more votes
than the Hunkers. For President, Van Buren got
more votes than Cass, but Taylor handsomely carried
the State and by virtue of that fact became President
of the United States. For the Governorship Hamil-
ton Fish received 218,776 votes, John A. Dix 122,811,
Reuben H. Walworth 116,811, and William Goodell
1,593. The Whigs also elected a majority of the New
York Representatives in Congress, among them being
Horace Greeley and Washington Hunt. In the Legis-
366 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1848
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
lature the Whigs secured a majority of 104 on joint
ballot — the Assembly containing 108 Whigs, 14 Free
Soilers, and only 6 Hunkers. Martin Van Buren and
the friends of Silas Wright were thus abundantly
avenged upon their enemies. John Young had been
denied reelection, but in closing his administration he
had the satisfaction of witnessing such an annihilation
of the Democratic party as went far beyond even what
he had most ardently hoped for when he initiated his
shrewd tactics. The next year President Taylor ap-
pointed him to succeed William C. Bouck as Assistant-
United States Treasurer in New York City, and in that
office he spent the brief remainder of his life, dying in
April, 1852.
CHAPTER XXIII
THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS
POLITICAL activity and interest during the ad-
ministration of Hamilton Fish chiefly obtained
outside of the Gubernatorial office. That was for
three reasons. One was that the great national issues
and measures, culminating in the Compromise acts of
1850, fairly engrossed public attention. Another was
that the new Constitution greatly diminished the
patronage and therefore the political power of the
Executive. Formerly he had been besieged during his
term of office, particularly at the beginning of it, by
office-seekers and their friends, and through the with-
holding or bestowal of appointments he was able to
reward friends, punish enemies, and exert much influ-
ence upon legislation as well as the administration of
affairs. Sometimes this circumstance had reacted
greatly to the Governor's disadvantage. John Young
alienated a large portion of the Whig party by his use
of patronage, and so did William H. Seward before
him. William C. Bouck suffered similar displeasure
from many Democrats. But the Constitution of 1846
deprived the Governor of much of that power or
relieved him of much of that embarrassment. It made
his office a place of service rather than patronage.
The third reason was in the man himself. Hamil-
367
368 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1849
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ton Fish was not a politician. He was a scholar and
a statesman, with the loftiest of ideals, the purest and
most unselfish of motives; more nearly approximating
the quality of John Jay than any other Governor the
State had thus far known. Had he served under the
old Constitution, instead of being the first Governor
under the new, the dispensing of patronage would have
been. distasteful to him, while the use of it for the
furtherance of personal or partisan ends would have
been utterly revolting.
Naturally, therefore, he pursued in the Governor's
office a course as nearly non-partisan as possible. He
was loyal to the principles of his party, and applied
them to the exercise of his duties. But he recognized
the fact that he was Governor of the whole State, of
its Democratic as well as its Whig citizens, and with
rare sincerity and devotion he strove to do his duty
impartially to all. In the party and factional conflicts
of the time, which were intense and important, he took
no part.
Toward the one dominant issue in American politics
he never hesitated to make his attitude clear. He was
committed to the principle of the Wilmot Proviso,
and in both his annual messages that fact was made
unmistakably manifest. It would indeed be difficult
to find in the literature of the anti-slavery struggle
finer expressions of opposition to the extension of slav-
ery than were contained in his two messages to the
New York Legislature. "If there be," he said, "any
one subject upon which the people of the State of New
York approach near to unanimity of sentiment, it is
HAMILTON FISH
Hamilton Fish, 18th governor (1849-50) ; born in New York
City, August 3, 1808; lawyer; member of congress, 1843-5;
unsuccessful candidate for reelection ; lieutenant governor,
1847-9; governor, 1849-50; U. S. senator, 1851-7; appointed by
President Grant secretary of state and served from March 11,
1869 to March 12, 1877; member of the joint high commiss,ion
which settled the differences between the United States and
Great Britain in 1871 and negotiated the treaty of Washington
in 1873; died at Garrison, N. Y., September 7, 1893.
1849] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 369
in their fixed determination to resist the extension of
slavery over territory now free. . . . It is no new
declaration in behalf of the State of New York that she
regards slavery as a moral, a social, and a political evil.
. . . New York loves the Union of States. She
will not contemplate the possibility of its dissolution,
and sees no reason to calculate the enormity of such
a calamity. She also loves the cause of Human Free-
dom, and sees no reason to abstain from an avowal of
her attachment. While, therefore, she holds fast to
the one, she will not forsake the other."
Instinct as they were with humanity and noble ideal-
ism, and framed in an eloquent and polished literary
style of which he was a master, Governor Fish's mes-
sages were also direct and practical in their treatment
of the current interests of the State and were replete
with profitable suggestions for progressive legislation.
He urged the endowment of a State Agricultural Col-
lege and a State Institute of the Mechanical Arts ; the
restoration of the office of County Superintendent of
Common Schools, which had been abolished ; a
thorough revision, with radical amendments, of the law
for assessments and taxation for local improvements;
the more general and more equitable taxation of per-
sonal property; the establishment of tribunals of arbi-
tration and conciliation, as provided for in the new
Constitution; and the reform of the Criminal Code.
In his first annual message he had the pleasure of
announcing to the Legislature the bequest by John
Jacob Astor of "the large, and in this country unpre-
cedented, amount of four hundred thousand dollars"
370 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1849
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
for the foundation and maintenance of a Public Library
in the city of New York. The Legislature appropri-
ately made haste to show its appreciation of this munifi-
cence by devoting its very first enactment of the session
to the incorporation of the Astor Library.
The Legislature was more than ordinarily responsive
to the Governor's suggestions and recommendations.
It provided for the appointment of a board of eight
Commissioners "to mature a plan for the establishment
of an agricultural college and experimental farm." It
adopted a constitutional amendment making the
Speaker of the Assembly next after the Lieutenant-
Governor in the line of succession to the Governorship.
This amendment failed of the needed second passage
by the next Assembly, in 1850; its principle was finally
embodied in the Constitution in 1894. A law was
enacted to enforce the responsibility of stockholders in
certain banking corporations and associations and to
assure the prompt payment of claims against such
bodies. The Code of Procedure was amended in
many important particulars.
At the very opening of the session the Legislature
took positive ground concerning the issues raised by
the Mexican War. In concurrent resolutions it in-
structed the Senators from New York and requested the
Representatives in Congress to use their best efforts
for the establishment of Territorial governments in
California and New Mexico which would protect the
free soil of those regions from the extension of human
slavery, and also for the abolition of the slave trade
and slave pens or prisons in the District of Columbia.
1849] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 371
The Seventy-second Legislature met on January 2,
1849, and adjourned without day on April 11 follow-
ing. Its Senate, having been elected for two years, re-
mained unchanged in composition and organization,
save for the Lieutenant-Governor. The Assembly
reflected Amos K. Hadley as Speaker and Philander
B. Prindle as Clerk. There were many changes in its
membership from the preceding house, and among the
new men who later played conspicuous parts in State
affairs were Joseph B. Varnum, Jr., of New York, and
William H. Robertson, of Westchester county.
The outstanding event of 1849, destined to involve
momentous and far-reaching consequences, was the
struggle over the election of a United States Senator
to succeed John A. Dix, whose term was to expire on
March 4. Immediately after the November election
it was certain that the Whigs would be able to elect
anybody whom they might choose, and at once sharp
rivalry arose in the party among the advocates
of various candidates. Hamilton Fish, although he
had just been elected Governor; Washington Hunt,
and others were suggested by interested friends. But
the leading candidates were William H. Seward and
John A. Collier. The latter had been Seward's chief
competitor for the Governorship nomination eleven
years before, and had been defeated by the masterful
strategy of Thurlow Weed. Three years later he had
been somewhat consoled by election to the State Comp-
trollership, and had reestablished friendly relations
with Weed. But he still cherished resentment against
Seward, and thus naturally became the candidate of
372 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1849
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
all the Whigs who were hostile to that leader. And
their name was legion. Seward had made more ene-
mies than friends by his use of official patronage while
Governor. His proposals for the education of immi-
grants' children had arrayed many against him, and
his radical anti-slavery policy had given offense,
especially to those whose business relations with the
south had been injured. Then there were the numer-
ous friends of Millard Fillmore, all of whom sup-
ported Collier, not because of enmity toward Seward
but because of gratitude to Collier for having made the
convention speech that led to Fillmore's nomination
and election to the Vice-Presidency.
Seward was spending most of his time at Washing-
ton and Baltimore in connection with his very impor-
tant legal practice, leaving Thurlow Weed to look
after his interests at Albany, which that adroit poli-
tician did in masterful manner. A scandalous epi-
sode of the campaign was the publication, at the be-
ginning of December, 1848, of a letter which purported
to have been written by Seward, declaring that "Col-
lier must be defeated, or our influence with the admin-
istration will be curtailed." This was a barefaced
forgery, concocted by some enemy of Seward or friend
of Collier. There is no reason to suppose that Collier
was in any way connected with it, but it moved him to
issue a bitter manifesto against Seward, which in fact
reacted upon himself. Horace Greeley expressed the
general sentiment of the best members of the party
when he said in the Tribune: "We care not who may
be the nominee. We shall gladly coincide in the fair
1849] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 373
expression of the will of the majority of the party.
But we kindly caution those who disturb and divide
us that their conduct will result only in the merited
retribution which an indignant people will visit upon
those who prostitute their temporary power to personal
pique or selfish purposes."
After the meeting of the Legislature the contest was
confined to Seward and Collier, though a number of
members urged that some other candidate be chosen
who had not been involved in the acrimonious conflict
that had raged for the preceding two months. The
Whig Senators held a caucus to decide whether they
should go into joint meeting with the Assembly, and
declared in favor of doing so by the vote of twelve
to eleven. The eleven who voted nay were all op-
posed to Seward, on the ground that he was so offensive
to the south that his election would disrupt both the
Whig party and the Union of States. They declared
that they would not vote for him either in the Whig
caucus or in the joint meeting of the Legislature, and
thereupon they withdrew from all further participa-
tion in the proceedings. Then came the caucus of
Whig Senators and Assemblymen, in which, despite
the protest of fourteen members against the nomina-
tion of either of the candidates, Seward got 88 votes
and Collier 12. When the joint ballot was taken, a
few days later, Seward was elected by 121 Whig votes.
That was not the ending but the enlargement of dis-
sension in the Whig party. As soon as Seward took
his seat in the Senate the question arose of the control
of Federal patronage in New York. Was it to be dis-
374 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1849
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
pensed by Seward, as the Whig Senator, or by Fill-
more, the Whig Vice-President? Weed, desirous of
preventing friction, sought a modus vivendi under
which the two would confer together upon all impor-
tant appointments. The arrangement, however, did
not prove effective, for some highly important appoint-
ments were unknown to Seward until they came before
the Senate for confirmation. This led to a breach of
friendly relations between Fillmore and Weed, which
lasted for many years. Weed, done with Fillmore,
went straight to President Taylor and succeeded in
obtaining from him a transfer of all patronage to
Seward.
While thus the Whig party was rent and weakened
by intestine rivalries and feuds, the Democratic factions
sought reunion. Their leaders were encouraged by
the fact that while the party had been badly beaten
at the election of 1848, the combined vote of the two
wings considerably exceeded that of the Whigs-
showing that if they were reunited they could control
the State. The task of effecting such reunion was
undertaken by Horatio Seymour, than whom there
could have been no one more fit. He addressed him-
self to John Van Buren as the leader of the Barn-
burners, and urged a reconciliation, pointing out that if
this should be ecected the Democrats could control the
State offices and gain the advantages of victory.
Van Buren eventually gave his assent to the proposal.
The two factions got together and nominated candidates
for the seven States offices that fell vacant. Some
Abolitionists were placed on the ticket with the result
1849-50] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 375
that most of that party joined with the Free Soilers
and Barnburners in supporting several of the Demo-
cratic candidates. The Democrats and their allies
elected four of the seven State officers, while the Whigs
elected the most important three, namely, the Secretary
of State, the Comptroller, and the Treasurer. The
Democrats carried the Assembly by two majority, but
the Whigs had so large a preponderance in the Senate
that they easily controlled the Legislature on joint
ballot. Washington Hunt received the highest ma-
jority of all the Whig candidates, being elected Comp-
troller by nearly 6,000 and thus being placed in the
forefront of candidates for promotion at the next
election.
At the beginning of 1850 Henry Clay opened his
memorable Compromise fight, which was not finished
until September. Webster delivered his famous — and
fatal — seventh-of-March speech. President Taylor
died and Millard Fillmore succeeded him and made
Nathan F. Hall, of New York, his Postmaster-General.
President Fillmore favored the Compromise policy,
and on September 18 signed the Fugitive Slave bill.
During all these proceedings Senator Seward was the
object of peculiarly venomous animosity on the part of
his southern colleagues, who had not forgotten nor for-
given his stand against Virginia's demand for the sur-
render of men "guilty" of aiding fugitive slaves to
escape. Personal attacks and insults almost innumer-
able were directed against him, all of which he ignored
with marvellous imperturability. When he spoke
they deserted the Senate chamber, though competent
376 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1850
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
critics declared some of his speeches to be superior in
thought and logic to those of Webster and Clay.
It was during that memorable session that he re-
ferred to the "higher law" in words that attracted
nation-wide attention and were much misrepresented.
He was speaking of the national domain, the territory
owned by, but not yet an organized part of, the United
States. "We hold/' he said, "no arbitrary power over
it. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the
Constitution devotes the domain to Union, to justice, to
defense, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a
higher law than the Constitution, wrhich regulates our
authority over the domain and devotes it to the same
noble purposes." The essence of his thought was, obvi-
ously, that the "higher law" — to-wit, divine law — was
not contrary to but in exact accord with the Constitu-
tion, and that the "higher law" conduced to respect for
and maintenance of the Constitution. Yet the charge
was widely made, and the impression widely prevailed,
that he had advocated a "higher law" at variance with
and in violation of the Constitution. Seward's senior
colleague, Daniel S. Dickinson, favored the Compro-
mise measures.
The death of President Taylor made a great differ-
ence in Seward's status. Close relations had subsisted
between the two, and indeed Seward was recognized
as little less than Taylor's official spokesman in the
Senate. But toward Fillmore Seward was antago-
nistic, especially after the latter as President committed
himself in favor of the Compromise policy, and this
fact quickly led to a schism in the Whig party in New
1850] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 377
York comparable with that produced by the Free Soil
Barnburners in the Democratic party. Fillmore util-
ized all the influence of the Federal administration to
control the Whig State convention of 1850, at any rate
to such an extent as to prevent it from adopting any
resolution approving Seward's course in the Senate.
That convention met at Utica on September 26.
Thurlow Weed was present as the protagonist of
Seward and the radicals. John Young, the former
Governor and then United States Sub-Treasurer at
New York, and Hugh Maxwell, Collector of the Port,
were there as leaders of the Federal administration
forces and the conservative Whigs. The radicals were
in the majority, having 68 delegates to 41 of the con-
servatives. In the interest of harmony the former as-
sented to the unanimous choice of the veteran Francis
Granger as chairman. Mr. Granger was a man of
high character and conscientious spirit, but conserva-
tive and a strong partisan of Fillmore's, and he ap-
pointed a committee on resolutions that would not per-
mit any commendation of Seward to be reported. The
radicals thereupon decided to take the matter out of
the hands of the committee. They waited until Wash-
ington Hunt had been nominated for Governor and
George J. Cornwall for Lieutenant-Governor, and
then began the fight.
The crux was a proposed resolution declaring that
the thanks of the Whig party were especially due to
Senator Seward "for the signal ability and fidelity
with which he sustained those beloved principles of
public policy so long cherished by the Whigs of the
378 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1850
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Empire State." This was bitterly opposed by the con-
servatives, who demanded a roll-call so that each dele-
gate would have to put himself on record; and on the
division the resolution was adopted by a vote of 75 to
40. When the result was announced the conservative
members, obediently to instructions from Fillmore to
bolt any approval of Seward, rose in a body and
marched out of the hall. The last of them to pass out
was the chairman, Francis Granger, whose ample shock
of silvery gray hair made him conspicious to the eye
and caused the leave-takers to be popularly styled the
Silver Grays.
The seceders held a convention of their own at Utica
on October 17, which ignored Seward, strongly sup-
ported and commended Fillmore for signing the Fugi-
tive Slave bill, and accepted Washington Hunt as its
candidate for Governor.
The Democrats met at Syracuse on September 11, in
a spirit of marked conciliation and compromise. Al-
though the Hunkers were in control the Barnburners
were welcomed to seats and received their share of the
offices, and John Van Buren was permitted practically
to dictate the whole policy and proceedings of the
gathering. Horatio Seymour was nominated for Gov-
ernor and Sanford E. Church for Lieutenant-Gover-
nor— two of the ablest men in the party and the State.
The outright Abolitionists, who a year before had
been chiefly merged with the Barnburners, nominated
William L. Chaplin and Joseph Plumb.
Seward took no active part in the campaign. In
most of the counties the friends of Fillmore joined
1850] THE DECLINE OF THE WHIGS 379
with those Seward in supporting Hunt. But in New
York City there was an open bolt of the Silver Grays.
A large mass-meeting was held at which an attempt
was made to swing all the followers of Fillmore over
to Seymour. The cry was raised that Seward and his
radical supporters preferred civil war to the Fugitive
Slave law. Against this Weed inveighed in the Albany
Evening Journal with extreme bitterness, while
Greeley in the Tribune raged at the miserable blunder-
ing of the Fillmore administration.
The result of the election was so close that several
weeks elapsed before it was positively known who had
won. At last the official figures were reported, giving
Washington Hunt, for Governor, 214,614 to 214,352
for Horatio Seymour. The Democrats elected, how-
ever, the other candidates on the State ticket. It was
only Hunt's great personal popularity that saved him.
The Whigs secured a safe majority in the Legislature
and a majority of the Representatives in Congress.
To recur to the Seventy-third Legislature, which sat
from January 1 to April 10, 1850. Its Senate, of
which William H. Bogart was made Clerk, contained
only two men who had served in the preceding Senate;
among the new members were Clarkson Crolius, James
W. Beekman, Edwin D. Morgan, and Henry B. Stan-
ton. The Assembly also was filled with new men.
Noble S. Elderkin, of St. Lawrence county, was chosen
Speaker, to be replaced in that office during the ses-
sion by Robert H. Pruyn, of Albany, and the latter
in turn by Ferral C. Dinniny, of Steuben county.
James R. Rose was restored to his old position of Clerk.
380 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U850
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
A new member from New York City, then barely
thirty, destined to figure conspicuously in the politics
and public life of the State and nation, was the journal-
ist, Henry Jarvis Raymond, at first a protege and
employe, and afterward a rival, of Horace Greeley.
Governor Fish's second annual message was a notably
detailed review of the varied interests of the State, con-
taining many recommendations which unfortunately,
because of the changed political complexion of the Leg-
islature, were not as generally acted on as they deserved
to be. One of those adopted — though not until the very
last day of the session — was that the State should secure
and forever preserve the "Washington's Headquarters"
house and grounds at Newburgh. An act of the Legis-
lature gave to the State permanent possession and con-
trol of that venerable relic of the heroic past.
CHAPTER XXIV
THE FALL OF THE WHIGS
WASHINGTON HUNT became Governor in
the shadow of the impending ruin and end of
the party that had elected him. It was not his
fault. Indeed, he did his best to maintain party integ-
rity and steer a course that would be approved by the
people. But it was beyond human power to preserve a
party that contained within itself the elements of dis-
solution ; yet Governor Hunt, like many other eminent
Whig leaders, clung to the old traditions of his party
and believed in its high destiny.
He perceived the signs of the times, and if he had not
the heroic courage to do other than temporize he stood
in the same category with Daniel Webster and Henry
Clay. It is problematic whether just at that time New
York was quite ready to sustain him in any other atti-
tude than that which he assumed in arguing that since
the Fugitive Slave law was in fact law, it must be en-
forced even though it was repugnant to every moral
sense and was obviously peculiarly liable to gross abuse.
He expressed detestation of the measure, and sounded a
warning against the use of it for dragooning free
negroes into slavery. But it was the law, and so must be
enforced. In his message he also reviewed the whole
course and attitude of New York toward the extension
381
382 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of slavery, vigorously upheld the policy of Seward and
Fish, and referred to the threatened disruption of the
Union with earnest protest against so mad a course.
The Seventy-fourth Legislature met on January 7,
1851, with the Senate holding over unchanged from
1850, and with Henry J. Raymond, of New York,
elected Speaker of the Assembly — a place which later
in the session was filled by Joseph B. Varnum, Jr., also
of New York. Richard U. Sherman was Clerk of the
Assembly. Among the new Assembly members was
William A. Wheeler, of Franklin county, who many
years afterward became Vice-President of the United
States. The Governor in his message, in addition to the
expressions already cited, referred to the serious appre-
hensions felt by some that trade on the Erie canal would
soon be much affected by the rivalry of the railroads.
(It will be recalled that a few years before it was
thought necessary to protect the railroads which were
being built against the rivalry of the canals.) While he
did not share the apprehension, he recommended that
improvements be made on the canals that would enable
them to meet such competition by reducing their tolls,
and urged prompt completion of the works ordered in
1835, declaring that the delay in achieving them had
cost the State already between ten and fifteen millions.
Various ways and means were discussed by the Gover-
nor for providing the money needed for that purpose,
and as a result of his suggestions the Legislature pres-
ently enacted a measure authorizing the Comptroller to
borrow nine million dollars on canal certificates which
were to depend for payment exclusively upon the re-
1851] THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 383
ceipts from the canals and were not to be otherwise a
lien on the State. Work was begun under the legisla-
tion, but after a little the act was declared by the Court
of Appeals to be unconstitutional, and the net outcome,
as we shall see later, was the adoption of the Canal
amendment to the Constitution in 1854.
Another highly important recommendation of the
Governor's was for better supervision and control of the
banking interests of the State, to which the Legislature
responded by creating the State Department of Bank-
ing. He made some reference to national affairs as they
affected the interests of New York, especially deploring
the abandonment of the protective tariff system and the
refusal of Congress to make appropriations for river
and harbor improvements.
Two extraordinary political conflicts marked this
stormy session of the Legislature. One was over the
election of a United States Senator to succeed Daniel S.
Dickinson. The candidate of the majority of the Whigs
was Hamilton Fish, doubtless the fittest man of his
party for the place. But General James Watson Webb,
the editor of the New York Courier and Enquirer, put
himself forward as an aspirant. Webb was then one of
the most picturesque and redoubtable figures in Amer-
ican journalism. Though endowed with intellectual
abilities, he had the serious failing of a belligerent and
rancorous disposition. Physically he was remarkable —
gigantic in stature and of almost herculean strength. He
figured in many libel suits and several duels, one of the
latter being with the celebrated Tom Marshall, of Ken-
tucky. In that "affair" Webb was wounded in the leg;
384 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H851
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
and for infraction of the New York law against duelling
he incurred the penalty of a prison term, from which
he was saved by the clemency of Governor Seward. He
challenged Jonathan Cilley, a Representative in Con-
gress from Maine, who, however, declined on the
ground that Webb was "not a gentleman." Thereupon
Webb's friend, William J. Graves, took up the quarrel
and fought a duel with Cilley at Bladensburg, Mary-
land, rifles being used at a distance of eighty yards, with
the result that Cilley was killed at the third round of
shots. Some years later, in one of his many newspaper
controversies with Horace Greeley, Webb offered some
sarcastic and contemptuous observations about
Greeley's rather careless and eccentric dress ; to which
Greeley made the stinging retort that however odd the
clothes complained of might be, they were not to be
compared to those which Webb would have been wear-
ing had it not been for Governor Seward's intervention
in his behalf.
Henry J. Raymond was at this time Webb's chief aid
on his newspaper. He had begun work under Greeley
at first on the New-Yorker and then, in 1841, on the
Tribune. Going over to Webb on the Courier and En-
quirer in 1843, he might have remained with that news-
paper indefinitely had he been willing to do its propri-
etor's bidding. The breach came in 1851, when Webb
demanded that Raymond, as Speaker of the Assembly,
should use the influence of that office in behalf of his
(Webb's) campaign for the Senatorship. Raymond
refused, left Webb's employ, and became the editor of
his own paper, the New York Times, which soon far
WASHINGTON HUNT
Washington Hunt, 19th governor (1851-52); born at Wind-
ham, Greene county, August 5, 1811; lawyer; judge of the
court of common pleas of Niagara county, 1836-41; member of
congress, 1843-49; state comptroller, 1849-50; governor, 1851-52;
defeated for reelection; died in New York City, February 2,
1867.
1851] THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 385
overshadowed the Courier and Enquirer and ultimately
obliged it to go out of existence by merging with the
World when the latter paper was started a few years
subsequently.
The fight over the Senatorship was complicated by
the circumstance that the Whigs had but a narrow mar-
gin over the Democrats in the State Senate, 17 to 15,
while the Lieutenant-Governor, who presided, was a
Democrat. When the time came for electing a Senator
sixteen Whigs voted for Hamilton Fish, while one,
James W. Beekman, of New York, objecting to Fish as
too much under Thurlow Weed's influence, voted for
the venerable Francis Granger, leader of the Silver
Grays, and the fifteen Democrats voted for fifteen dif-
ferent men. There was no choice, and a motion was
made to adjourn. Sixteen Whigs opposed it, but Beek-
man voted with the Democrats, making a tie, and the
Lieutenant-Governor gave the deciding vote in the
affirmative. No election could be had for several
weeks. Then, taking advantage of the absence of two
Democrats, in New York City, the Whigs forced
through a resolution to proceed with the election, and
after a continuous struggle of fourteen hours they suc-
ceeded in electing Fish.
The other great fight arose over the canal legislation
already mentioned. The Democrats steadfastly re-
sisted the bill providing for the nine millions loan,
holding that it was unconstitutional. In this they turned
out to be right, though the Whigs had the opinion of
some of the greatest lawyers in America, including
Daniel Webster and Rufus Choate, that the bill was
386 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1851
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
constitutional. As a last means to defeat the bill, twelve
Democratic Senators resigned their seats. That act,
unique in the history of the State, compelled the Leg-
islature abruptly to adjourn, on April 17, because it was
impossible to get the necessary two-thirds and three-
fifths votes which some essential measures required for
enactment. Special elections were held to fill the
vacancies, in which six of the resigning Democrats
failed of reelection, their places being filled with
Whigs; and the latter party was consequently so
strengthened when the Legislature reassembled at the
call of the Governor on June 10, that the disputed
measure was speedily enacted. The Legislature finally
adjourned without day on July 11.
In the electoral campaign of 1851 the issue which
was supreme in the popular mind was almost entirely
ignored by the party leaders. That was the Fugitive
Slave law. There was no mistaking public sentiment.
President Fillmore had signed the act, and his follow-
ers in the Whig party upheld it. Seward, Weed, and
Greeley openly raged against it before the State con-
vention was held. The conventions of both the Demo-
crats and Whigs met in Syracuse in September, and
both of them ignored the obnoxious law so far as pos-
sible. Whig extravagance in canal expenditures was
the chief issue raised by the Democrats, who nominated
a ticket composed of both Barnburners and Hunkers,
The Whigs pledged themselves to complete the enlarge-
ment of the Erie canal, and nominated followers of Fill-
more together with Seward men holding Fillmore
principles. During the campaign Seward devoted his
1851-2] THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 387
attention to law practice, Weed wrote about the canals,
and Greeley pushed his protective tariff propaganda.
The result was the beginning of the end for the
Whigs. In one of the closest elections on record they
were beaten for all the important State offices. George
W. Patterson, for Comptroller, got 200,532 votes to
200,790 for Mr. Wright, his Democratic opponent. The
Democrats elected six of the eight State officers and got
control of the Canal board. The Senate was a tie — the
total Democratic vote for Senators having been 199,885,
and the Whig vote 199,540. A majority of two was se-
cured by the Whigs in the Assembly. Hamilton Fish
correctly summed up the situation in declaring that the
Whig party had been destroyed by its own leaders. "I
pity Fillmore," he said. "Timid, vacillating, credulous,
unjustly suspicious, he has allowed the sacrifice of that
confiding party which had no honors too high to confer
upon him. It cannot be long before he will realize the
tremendous mistake he has made." These words well
expressed the views of the majority of the New York
Whigs — views which soon after were put into effect by
repudiation of what was left of the Whig party.
The census of 1850, published in 1851, showed the
population of the State to be 3,097,394. Of the counties,
New York had 515,547, Kings 138,882, Erie 100,993,
Oneida 99,566, Albany 93,279, and no other as many as
90,000.
The Seventy-fifth Legislature assembled on January
6, 1852. In the Senate Ira P. Barnes was chosen Clerk,
and among the members was Myron H. Clark, after-
ward Governor of the State. In the Assembly Jonas C.
388 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1852
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Heartt, of Rensselaer county, was Speaker, and R. U.
Sherman was Clerk. Governor Hunt's message had
much to say about national affairs — arguing in favor of
a protective tariff, condemning the extension of slavery,
and commending the work of the American Coloniza-
tion Society in sending negroes to Liberia. He con-
gratulated the Legislature upon the fine start that had
been made in work on the canals under its enactment of
the year before. But on April 8 he was obliged to an-
nounce in a special message that canal work had unfor-
tunately been stopped by litigation concerning the con-
stitutionality of the statute authorizing a loan. The
Governor expressed confidence of winning the case, an
expectation that was not realized.
The political campaign of 1852 was of peculiar inter-
est to the State. There was a Governor to be elected,
and there was the ambition of a New York Presidential
candidate to engage attention. Fillmore sought a re-
nomination, and he used the Federal patronage in the
State unsparingly for the promotion of his object, prac-
tically proscribing all Whigs but the Silver Grays. He
consequently overreached himself and compassed his
own defeat. When the New York delegates to the na-
tional nominating convention were chosen only seven
were for Fillmore, two were for Daniel Webster, and
twenty-four were for General Winfield Scott. The body
met in Baltimore on June 16, with Fillmore in the lead
and Scott a close second. The crucial question was,
however, not so much who should be the candidate as
what the platform should say about the Fugitive Slave
law and the other Compromise measures. Upon that
1852] THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 389
depended, indeed, whether Fillmore could be a candi-
date. For he had signed and vigorously striven to en-
force the law, and it would be stultifying to be the nom-
inee on a platform that did not sustain his course. The
southern delegates were unanimously in favor of ap-
proving the law, and so were some from the north, in-
cluding Rufus Choate, of Massachusetts, who employed
his persuasive eloquence in its favor. After a spirited
debate a resolution was adopted declaring that the
Fugitive Slave law and the other Compromise acts were
"received and acquiesced in by the Whig party" as a
settlement in principle and substance of the slavery
questions. This declaration proved to be the death-
warrant of the Whig party. It was adopted by 227
ayes to only 66 nays. Of the 66 votes in the negative it is
interesting to recall that just one-third were cast by the
New York delegation.
The platform with its endorsement of the Fugitive
Slave law was favorable to Fillmore. On the first bal-
lot he had 133 votes to 131 for Scott and 29 for Webster
-147 being necessary to a choice. A strong effort was
made to get the Webster men to vote for Fillmore, but
in vain, and endeavors to throw the Fillmore votes to
Webster were also unsuccessful. The southern dele-
gates would not accept the Massachusetts man. In the
end a number of Fillmore's supporters from the south
went over to Scott, and he was nominated on the fifty-
third ballot with 159 votes to 112 for Fillmore and 21
for Webster. Fillmore accepted the result philosophic-
ally and served out the remainder of his term with
cheerful optimism, convinced that by the enactment of
390 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H852
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the Fugitive Slave law the Union had been saved from
dissolution.
The Democratic national convention had met in Bal-
timore a fortnight earlier, with two New York men,
William L. Marcy and Daniel S. Dickinson, among
the candidates ; the others supported for the nomination
were Lewis Cass, James Buchanan, and Stephen A.
Douglas. Of the New York delegation 23 were for
Marcy and 13 for Cass — Dickinson having none, but
hoping to be chosen with southern votes when it should
become obvious that no leading candidate could win.
Horatio Seymour was the leader of Marcy's forces, and
kept them well in hand through many ballots. On the
thirty-fourth ballot some of them deserted to Dickinson,
who also received the votes of Virginia. At that Dick-
inson, who was himself a delegate, made a diplomatic
speech protesting that he could not be considered a can-
didate so long as Cass, to whom he was pledged, was
before the convention. Of course had Cass's name been
withdrawn Dickinson would have been released from
his allegiance. The struggle continued without pros-
pect of a decision. Marcy received his highest vote, 97,
on the forty-fifth ballot. Seymour then led the New
York delegation out for a conference, and proposed that
all vote solidly for Marcy, but the protests were so
many and so strong that he withdrew his motion, and
thus Marcy's chance was gone. On the forty-ninth bal-
lot there was a sudden and overwhelming turning to
Franklin Pierce, who was nominated. The platform
unequivocally pledged the party to support of the Fugi-
tive Slave law.
1852J THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 391
The Free Soil Democrats held their convention at
Pittsburgh and nominated John P. Hale for President
on an aggressive anti-slavery platform.
Seymour's championship of Marcy at the Baltimore
convention, and the consequent elimination of Dickin-
son, provoked an attempt at reprisals in the Democratic
State convention, which was held at Syracuse on Sep-
tember 1. Seymour was a candidate for Governor, and
Dickinson marshalled all the available forces against
him, putting forward John P. Beekman, of New York
City. In this course Dickinson had the powerful aid of
John Van Buren. But the two, and all their allies, were
no match for Horatio Seymour, who whether in diplo-
macy or in outright war was at that time the most for-
midable leader in the New York Democracy. On the
first ballot Seymour had 59 votes to Beekman's 7, with
many others scattering, and on the second ballot he was
nominated. Sanford E. Church was nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, and the national platform of the
Baltimore convention was ratified.
The Whigs held their State convention at Syracuse
three weeks later, and renominated Governor Hunt
with practically no contest. His administration had
been generally satisfactory and there was no cause for
dropping him, though his later inclination to follow
Fillmore's policy on the slavery question had alienated
some of the anti-slavery Whigs. William Kent, a
worthy son of the illustrious Chancellor, was nominated
for Lieutenant-Governor. The platform sought to evade
direct declaration on the great issue of the day by
merely saying that "an honest acquiescence in the ac-
392 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1852
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
tion of the late national convention upon all subjects
legitimately before it" was the duty of every Whig.
Naturally, if any anti-slavery Whig was taxed with thus
approving the Fugitive Slave law he could say that that
matter was not legitimately before the convention and
therefore he did not have to acquiesce in it!
Minthorne Tompkins was put in nomination by the
Free Soil party.
The Whigs were from the outset doomed to defeat in
State and nation. The platform damned the party.
Seward and Greeley openly and violently denounced it,
while supporting the candidates who stood upon it. The
result of the election was overwhelming. Pierce car-
ried twenty-seven States and Scott only four. In New
York the figures were : Pierce, 262,083 ; Scott, 234,882 ;
Hale, 25,329. On the Governorship the vote was little
less unfavorable for the Whigs ; Seymour was elected
by 264,121 to 241,525 for Hunt and 19,661 for Tomp-
kins. The Senate was tied, each party having 16, but in
the Assembly the Democrats had more than two mem-
bers to one — 86 to 42. The Democrats elected twenty-
one Representatives in Congress, the Whigs ten. and
the Free Soilers and Land Reformers one each. Among
the Representatives were William M. Tweed, after-
ward the "boss" of Tammany Hall; Russell Sage, the
financier; Reuben E. Fen ton, afterward Governor; and
Gerrit Smith, the flaming apostle of the Abolitionist
cause, who was returned from a district that gave Pierce
and Seymour a strong majority — a noteworthy tribute
to his personality.
It has been said that General Scott was the onlv man
1852] THE FALL OF THE WHIGS 393
in the United States who was surprised at the result of
the election. Certainly the Whig leaders of New York
were not surprised. Greeley kept up a bold front in the
Tribune but privately confessed impending defeat,
while Weed openly admitted that the case was hopeless.
Indeed, the result was logical. A large part of the
country was tired of the slavery issue and welcomed a
chance to lay it, as they vainly thought, to rest. An-
other large part was disgusted with the pro-slavery atti-
tude of the Whigs and would not support their ticket.
Moreover, there was dissension among the Whigs,
while the Democrats were united. In such fashion New
York and the United States came to the end of an epoch.
CHAPTER XXV
THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS
HORATIO SEYMOUR entered upon his first
administration in 1853 with abundant reason,
apparently, for satisfaction with the political
situation. His party had recovered national power by
an overwhelming majority, and the signs of the times
gave promise of its continued ascendancy. Himself the
leader of the Hunkers, he had been the champion of
Marcy, whom the Barnburners had taken for their own,
and he had thus effected a reunion of the Democratic
party. True, that reunion was destined soon rudely to
be ended. But for the time it seemed firmly established,
and there was a pardonable note of confidence in Sey-
mour's message. The Seventy-sixth Legislature met on
January 4, 1853, with the Senate organization remain-
ing unchanged and with a Democratic organization of
the Assembly. The Speaker was William H. Ludlow,
of Suffolk county, and the Clerk was John S. Nafew.
Among the members were Walter L. Sessions, of Chau-
tauqua, and DeWitt C. Littlejohn, of Oswego, both
afterward prominent in State affairs.
The message was typical of the man — eloquent, schol-
arly, statesmanlike. Congratulatory reference was
made to the World's Fair in New York, the Crystal
Palace for which was then being built. The evils of
394
1853] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 395
the canal debt and the crisis caused by the decision of
the unconstitutionality of the act authorizing the nine
millions loan were discussed at length. The Governor
urged that the honor of the State required it to refund
the money that had been paid for the canal certificates
thus declared invalid, and to pay for the work done
under the contracts that had been let. Being himself
an advocate of the canal system, he urged that steps be
taken, by other means, to complete the Genesee Valley
and Black River canals and the enlargement of the Erie
canal. He expressed dissent from the then current fear
that the competition of the railroads, at that time made
free, would impair the business of the canals. But if
such should prove the case he believed the canals would
still be of immense value in controlling the rates of
transportation. In response to his recommendation the
Legislature adopted a constitutional amendment pro-
viding for the payment of the canal debt and for the
prosecution of the works named by the Governor. This
amendment was again passed by the next Legislature
and was approved by the people and became part of the
Constitution in 1854.
A special message was sent in on April 5, urging the
need of immediate action for the improvement of the
Erie and Oswego canals. On April 13 the Legislature
adjourned without day, but an hour later a proclama-
tion was issued calling it back in special session the next
day. A message was then delivered to it chiding it for
adjourning with its necessary business not done. No
provision had been made for many of the necessary ex-
penses of the government, for the support of the char-
396 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1853
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
itable institutions, or for the annual tax bill in New
York City. Public faith required that these and other
things be done. Grave charges had been made, just
before adjournment, against one of the Canal Commis-
sioners, which Seymour thought should be immediately
investigated and disposed of. The Legislature then
took a recess until May 24, when it met and continued
its session until July 21.
Meantime trouble was brewing. President Pierce
wanted a New York man in his cabinet, and before he
was inaugurated selected John A. Dix for the Secre-
taryship of State. He sent for Dix and offered him the
appointment, which was accepted. Whereupon a howl
arose from the Hunkers, who regarded Dix as little
better than an Abolitionist, so that Pierce was com-
pelled to send for him again and ask him to give up the
place and accept instead that of Minister to France,
which Dix accommodatingly did. Next Pierce turned
to Marcy, but for the sake of prudence let nothing be
known publicly about the new selection until after his
own inauguration. Then his appointment of Marcy to
be head of his cabinet and Dix to be Minister to France,
while Dickinson got only the Collectorship of the Port
of New York, opened the floodgates of Hunker wrath.
So when the Democratic State convention met at
Syracuse in mid-September the party was again rent
asunder. Contesting delegations presented themselves
for thirty-six seats, or enough to hold the balance of
power between the two wings of the party and control
the convention. The whole gathering degenerated into
a mob. Two chairmen were declared elected, both took
1853] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 397
their places on the same platform, and two conventions
were conducted in the same hall, each trying to suppress
the other with sheer force of lung-power. When the
stage of exhaustion was reached a recess was taken, with
the understanding that upon reassembling the contests
would be decided by vote of all the uncontested dele-
gates. But after the recess the Hunkers did not return.
Realizing that the Barnburners had the majority, they
went to another hall and held a bolting convention.
They denounced the Barnburners, endorsed the Balti-
more platform, approved the Canal amendment to the
State Constitution, complimented Daniel S. Dickinson,
ignored Governor Seymour, and nominated a set of
State officers. Among the latter were George W. Clin-
ton, of Buffalo, son of DeWitt Clinton, for Secretary of
State, and James T. Brady, of New York, one of the
foremost lawyers of the day, for Attorney-General.
When the Barnburners reassembled at the close of
the recess they sent word to the Hunkers that they were
ready to proceed with the convention according to
agreement. The Hunkers refused to return on the
ground that their lives would not be safe among such
ruffians. The Barnburners, at the suggestion of John
Van Buren, then adjourned until the next day in order
to give passions time to cool. Meantime Governor Sey-
mour took a hand in the fight. He was doubly inter-
ested, first in preserving the unity of the party and sec-
ond in securing the support of both factions for his
canal policy. So he spent that entire night in confer-
ence with Barnburner leaders, and by morning had
attained his end. The convention met, approved Sey-
398 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1853
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
mour's administration and the Canal amendment, and
nominated State officers in opposition to those named
by the Hunkers, with the exception of Charles H. Rug-
gles, of Poughkeepsie, and Hiram Denio, of Utica, can-
didates for the Court of Appeals, of which tribunal
both were already Judges. Their high attainments and
character well entitled them to reelection, and the
Barnburners set an admirable example in thus except-
ing judicial officers from partisan contention and
endorsing the Hunker nominees.
Between the two factions there was little difference
in principles. They were in exact agreement on the
chief question of the day, that of slavery. But the
Hunkers wanted to wreak revenge on the Barnburners
and to embarrass and discredit, so far as possible, the ad-
ministrations of President Pierce and Governor Sey-
mour, against both of whom they bore a grudge solely
because of the appointments of Barnburners to office. A
new nomenclature for the factions was adopted. The
Hunkers were called "Hardshells," commonly abbre-
viated into "Hards," because they claimed never to have
altered their principles; while the Barnburners were
called "Softshells" or "Softs" because they were accused
of being trimmers for the sake of popular favor. Dick-
inson was the chieftain of the Hards, and Seymour of
the Softs. The latter faction was undoubtedly the "reg-
ular" one. It had held the regular convention, while
the Hards had bolted. It had the recognition of the
national and State administrations. It also included
Tammany Hall, the dominant power in the Democratic
party in New York City. Yet the Hunkers persisted in
1853] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS i 399
regarding themselves as the regulars and the Softs as
bolters and traitors.
The national administration presently took a hand in
the conflict. Charles O'Conor was the United States
District Attorney in New York and Greene C. Bronson
was Collector of the Port, both holding their commis-
sions from President Pierce. When the Softs organized
a great ratification meeting at Tammany Hall and in-
vited those two officials to attend and speak, they indig-
nantly refused, writing latters scathingly denouncing
the Softs. The sequel was that Bronson was dismissed
from the Collectorship and O'Conor was compelled to
resign his office. This use of the Federal whip in State
affairs caused bitter resentment and intensified the en-
mity between the factions.
The Whigs held a late convention that year, on Oc-
tober 5. Ex-Governor Hunt was its chairman, and de-
spite the defeat of the year before a spirit of hopeful-
ness prevailed because of the division in the Democratic
ranks. They nominated Elias W. Leavenworth for
Secretary of State; the brilliant Ogden Hoffman for
Attorney-General (young Roscoe Conkling, afterward
United States Senator, making his first political appear-
ance as an aspirant to that place) ; James M. Cook for
Comptroller; and Elbridge G. Spaulding for Treas-
urer.
The success of the Whigs was assured from the begin-
ning, but solely because of the Democratic spirit. On
the Court of Appeals ticket, owing to the cooperation
of the two factions, the Democrats carried the State by
a majority of nearly 14,000. But on all other offices the
400 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1853-4
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Whigs won. For Secretary of State, Leavenworth,
Whig, had 160,553 votes; Verplanck, Soft, 96,137;
Clinton, Hard, 90,835; and Sedgwick, Free Democrat,
14,985. For Attorney-General, Hoffman, Whig, had
166,165; Grover, Soft, 97,156; Brady, Hard, 92,512;
and Jay, Free Democrat, 16,221. With some of their
other candidates the Hards did better. The average
vote on all (except the Court of Appeals Judges) was:
Whigs, 161,933; Softs, 96,698; Hards, 95,529. In the
Legislature the result was : Senate — 23 Whigs, 7 Hards,
2 Softs; Assembly— 78 Whigs, 24 Hards, 24 Softs, 2
Free Democrats. The surprising and significant fea-
ture of the contest was the closeness of the vote between
the Hards and Softs. Never were contending factions
more evenly balanced.. Never did a bolting faction,
with national and State administrations actively arrayed
against it, make so formidable a showing as did the
Hards.
So the Whigs, though moribund, returned to power
in the Seventy-seventh Legislature, which met on Janu-
ary 3, 1854. Hugh J. Hastings was made Clerk of the
Senate, and among the members of that body were Eras-
tus Brooks, of New York; William H. Robertson, of
Westchester county; Zenas Clark, and Myron H.
Clark, the last-named being reflected. In the Assembly
Robert H. Pruyn, of Albany, was elected Speaker, and
Richard U. Sherman Clerk. Among the members from
New York were George DeWitt Clinton and Frederick
A. Conkling.
Governor Seymour's message began with an elaborate
review of the political history of the State as a stimu-
HIRAM DENIO
Hiram Denio. judge court of appeals; born, Rome, N. Y.,
May 21, 1799; lawyer; district attorney of Oneida county,
1825-1834; circuit judge fifth district, 1834-1838; judge of the
court of appeals, 1853-66; died in Utica, N. Y., November 5,
1871.
1854] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 401
lus to zeal and devotion in the public service. He made
a number of non-partisan recommendations, which
were acted upon. One, highly commendable, was that
the supervision of the public schools be taken from the
Secretary of State and vested in an independent officer,
and the Legislature accordingly provided for the crea-
tion of the office of Superintendent of Public Instruc-
tion. Another recommendation was that the Canal
amendment to the Constitution be repassed, which was
done.
A third recommendation was that some action be
taken to abate the evils of intemperance and the abuses
of the liquor trade. The law already forbade the sale
of intoxicating liquors in quantities of less than five gal-
lons, excepting in licensed inns with real hotel accom-
modations for guests and in grocery stores where the
liquor was not to be drunk on the premises. The Legis-
lature, in response to the Governor's suggestion, passed
a most stringent bill providing for arbitrary search and
seizure on omnibus warrants, for the confiscation and
destruction of the liquor seized, and for practically
compelling persons arrested to testify against them-
selves under penalty of contempt of court. Seymour
promptly vetoed this drastic measure in an elaborate
paper condemning it as inquisitorial, oppressive, confis-
catory, and in gross violation of the Bill of Rights. It
was not passed over his veto.
The Legislature adjourned without day on April 17.
Meantime at Washington the great battle over the
Kansas-Nebraska bill was in progress, with Senator
Seward leading the anti-slavery forces. Stephen A.
402 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1854
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Douglas had introduced the measure affirming that the
Compromise legislation of 1850 had repealed the Mis-
souri Compromise. Thereupon party lines were ig-
nored for a new division into "Nebraskans" and "Anti-
Nebraskans," Free Soil Democrats affiliating cordially
with anti-slavery Whigs under the leadership of
Seward, whose closing speech in the great debate was
one of the most impressive ever delivered in the Senate
of the United States. Echoes from Washington rever-
berated through New York and roused the State as it
had seldom been roused on any occasion. Individuals,
churches, and civic bodies all over the State deluged
Washington with protests and petitions against the bill.
Henry Ward Beecher, then rising to fame as the fore-
most pulpit and platform orator in America, electrified
vast mass-meetings with his passionate appeals for
human freedom. Seward scanned the prospect aright.
"The storm that is rising," he said, "is one such as this
country has never yet seen. The struggle will go on, but
it will be a struggle for the whole American people."
Out in the woods at Jackson, Michigan, on July 6. a
State convention of Free Soil Democrats, anti-slavery
Whigs, and others began the organization of what pres-
ently became the Republican party.
Of the New York Representatives in Congress, all
the Whigs opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill. So did
twelve of the Democrats, among them Reuben E. Fen-
ton, Russell Sage, and Rufus W. Peckham; while nine,
led by William M. Tweed, supported it. John Van
Buren was furious against it, and Marcy was so strong
in opposition that he wished to resign from the cabinet;
1854] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 403
he was persuaded by his friends to remain. Generally
the Hards were in favor of the bill and the Softs against
it.
The Hards made no attempt at reunion with the
Softs, but summoned their own State convention, which
met on July 12. It approved the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
the Canal amendment, and the Excise bill which Gov-
ernor Seymour had vetoed; denounced the President's
meddling in New York politics, and, to emphasize the
latter point, nominated for Governor Greene C. Bron-
son, whom Pierce had removed from the Collectorship.
Mr. Bronson had served with distinction in the Legis-
lature, as Attorney-General, as Chief-Justice of the
Supreme Court, and as a Judge of the Court of Appeals,
and was universally respected — though in approving
the Kansas-Nebraska bill he was inconsistent with his
record.
The Softs held their convention early in September
and found themselves much divided over the Kansas-
Nebraska bill. John Cochrane wrote the platform, ap-
proving Seymour's administration. The plank on the
slavery question made mischief. At the dictation of
Federal officials it was drafted so as to be against the
bill in theory but in favor of it in practice. This was
received by the convention with cold silence. Then
Preston King proposed a substitute squarely condemn-
ing the bill as a breach of faith and a violation of the
spirit of Christian civilization. His eloquent speech
aroused a large minority of the convention to enthusi-
asm, while the majority sat silent and sullen. On a
vote, under the compulsion of the Federal lash the sub-
404 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1854
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
stitute was laid on the table. At that Preston King
arose and left the hall, followed by a hundred others
who could not stomach the offensive bill. Little more
than half of the original convention was left when Sey-
mour was renominated for Governor, with William H.
Ludlow for Lieutenant-Governor.
A fortnight later the Whigs held their convention.
Horace Greeley was an eager candidate on a platform
of opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska bill and advocacy
of a liquor prohibition law resembling that of Maine.
When he went to Thurlow Weed for aid in his canvass,
however, that astute leader told him frankly that he did
not believe his nomination would be possible; that he-
Weed — had lost control of the party machine ; and that
Myron H. Clark was almost certain to be nominated.
That forecast was fulfilled, Clark winning on the third
ballot. He was a man of comparatively little culture
but of much native shrewdness and ability, intense in
his advocacy of prohibition of the liquor trade, and also
wedded to the Native American movement. On the
slavery question he was a follower of Seward. He was
the author of the drastic Excise bill which Governor
Seymour had vetoed, and it was expected that upon that
issue he would rally the temperance reformers of the
State to his support.
There was some hesitation over the choice of a can-
didate for Lieutenant-Governor until the name of
Henry J. Raymond was proposed, when he was at once
nominated with enthusiasm. This gave mortal offense
to Greeley and had far-reaching effects. Greeley was
sore at being himself beaten for the Governorship, and
1854] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 405
to have his personal, journalistic, and political rival
named for the second place on the ticket was adding in-
sult to injury. He blamed Weed for it, though unjustly,
for Weed had not thought of Raymond until someone
else suggested him and the convention was stampeded
for him. But Greeley nursed his grievance, which con-
tributed in no small degree to his opposition to Seward's
nomination for the Presidency in 1860.
Meantime there had been held at Saratoga in mid-
August an Anti-Nebraska convention, led by Greeley,
Raymond, John Alsop King, and Moses H. Grinnell.
It made no nominations, but adjourned to meet again
after the conventions of the various parties. Reassem-
bling at Auburn on September 26, it ratified the Whig
nominations and platform. The State Temperance con-
vention did the same, and the Free Democrats agreed to
support Clark. All this support was attracted by the
Whig platform, which was as bravely outspoken against
the extension of slavery as former utterances had been
cowardly and temporizing, and which also spoke
strongly for temperance. Horace Greeley, despite his
pique against Weed, declared it to be a noble platform.
Roscoe Conkling, who was one of the vice-presidents
of the Whig convention, referred to the Republican
organization in Michigan and declared that this New
York body was a part of that same Republican party.
There was indeed some thought of formally making
such a declaration, but it was finally deemed expedient
to retain the old name for the campaign.
The Native Americans also held a State convention,
early in October. They were a secret oath-bound or-
406 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1854
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ganization, who, because of their professed inability to
tell anything about their party, became known as Know-
Nothings. Comprising members of all the other par-
ties, their first thought was to make no separate nomina-
tions. But other counsels prevailed, and their conven-
tion nominated for Governor Daniel Ullman, a respect-
able but by no means brilliant lawyer of New York,
who had long sought office from the Whigs, In their
platform they took no ground concerning the Kansas-
Nebraska bill.
So the issues of the contest were joined. The Whigs
and their allies were against the Kansas-Nebraska bill
and in favor of radical temperance reform. Both the
Hards and Softs were for the bill and against prohibi-
tion. The Know-Nothings dodged each issue and con-
tented themselves with demanding that none but native
Americans hold office while they were supporting a
candidate who was widely declared — probably with
truth — to have been foreign born. The outcome was
in doubt to the last moment, and the result proved very
close. The Whigs and their allies won by the narrowest
of margins. Clark received 156,804 votes, Seymour
156,495, and Bronson 33,850; while Ullman secured
no fewer than 122,282, or more than twice as many as
had been anticipated. For Lieutenant-Governor Ray-
mond ran ahead of Clark, having 157,166 votes, while
Ludlowhad 128,833, Ford (Hard) 52,074, and Scroggs
(Know-Nothing) 121,037. The Whigs swept the Leg-
islature. The Senate stood : 22 Whigs, 7 Hards, and 3
Softs; the Assembly: 82 Whigs, 16 Hards, 26 Softs,
and 3 Maine Law men. It was not, however, so much a
1854] THE WAR OF HARDS AND SOFTS 407
Whig victory as it was a victory of the opponents of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill and a demonstration of the disso-
lution of old party ties and the formation of new ones
on the vital issues of the day.
In that respect the result in New York was per-
fectly symptomatic of political conditions and tenden-
cies throughout the nation, and especially throughout
the non-slave States. The old issues of Federalist and
Anti-Federalist, of Democrat and National Republi-
can or Whig, and what not, were either obsolete or
were placed in abeyance before the one tremendous
question which had irresistibly come to the fore and
which the Missouri Compromise and all similar
measures had merely delayed or masked for a time.
In the transition period almost anything might hap-
pen. But just ahead was clearly seen a new era in
which the chosen leaders would be men who had taken
aggressive ground on the question of human slavery
and of its relation to the government of the United
States.
CHAPTER XXVI
THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT
THE outstanding personality in New York politics
at the beginning of 1855 was William H. Seward.
He was now in the full maturity of his intellectual
powers, with a reputation and prestige that made his
party leadership unquestioned. More than any other
man he had been vindicated and advanced in influence
by the election of the preceding fall. His fight against
the Kansas-Nebraska bill had made him a great
national leader. There was much expectation that he
would not only be reflected to the United States Senate
but would be elected to the Presidency the next year.
Both these eventualities were confidently predicted in
the Times by Raymond, who failed, however to take
into account two things — the influence of Horace
Greeley with his Tribune and the power of the Know-
Nothings. Greeley was implacable against Seward on
Weed's account, and the wide circulation and vast
influence of his Weekly Tribune throughout all the free
States formed a most important factor in the politics of
the time. As for the Know-Nothings with their extra-
ordinary development of voting strength in 1854, they
were bitterly opposed to Seward because of his pro-
posals when Governor for special school provision for
Roman Catholic immigrants and because he was sup-
408
1855] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 409
posed to be a warm friend of Archbishop Hughes, who
was endeavoring to have the reading of the Bible in
public schools abolished. So when the Legislature met
Seward faced a hard fight for reelection to the Senate.
The Legislature — the Seventy-eighth — met on Janu-
ary 2, 1855. DeWitt C. Littlejohn, of Oswego, was
chosen Speaker of the Assembly, and R. U. Sherman
was continued as Clerk. Among the members were
William B. Woodin, of Cayuga, and Joel T. Headley,
the historian, from Orange county. Governor Clark's
message dealt chiefly with routine matters. He gave
much attention to the public schools and to excise. In
response to his urgings on the latter topic the Legisla-
ture passed another radical temperance bill, which the
courts declared unconstitutional. But a moderate re-
vision of the Excise laws was effected the next year,
which stood unchanged until 1892.
Much space was given in the message to the famous
Lemmon slave case. Jonathan Lemmon, of Virginia,
had visited New York in November, 1852.; with eight
negro slaves, on his way with them to Texas. Anti-
slavery leaders procured a writ of habeas corpus in be-
half of the slaves, under which they were permitted to
leave their master and escape to Canada. Pro-slavery
citizens of New York voluntarily contributed to a fund
of $5,000 which was given to Lemmon as a solatium for
his loss. But the State of Virginia was jealous of the
rights of its citizens, and it brought suit in the Supreme
Court of New York against this State. This was the
status of the case when Governor Clark presented his
message, and he recommended that the Legislature
410 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1855
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
make special provision for the conduct of the legal pro-
ceedings by the Attorney-General, which was done, and
the Attorney-General, Ogden Hoffman, made a bril-
liant and successful defense. The case was carried to the
Court of Appeals, which in 1860 finally disposed of it,
affirming the principle that New York, as a sovereign
State, had authority to determine the condition of all
persons within its jurisdiction and therefore possessed
full right and power to declare the eight negroes in
question to be free men.
The Governor discussed at length the question of the
extension of slavery, condemned the repeal of the Mis-
souri Compromise, and maintained that the peace, per-
manent welfare, and political rights of the State re-
quired the reestablishment of the principles of that
Compromise. Thereupon the Legislature adopted vig-
orously-worded resolutions confirming the opinions thus
expressed.
Then came the Senatorship fight. The Know-
Nothings had no hope of defeating Seward in a square
fight and on joint ballot. But they hoped to prevent the
Senate from making a choice, and thus to prevent any
election by that Legislature and have the Senatorship
left vacant for a year. The result sought had been
achieved before in the history of the State, and they ex-
pected to repeat the performance. But that was not to
be. Several of the Democratic Senators let it be known
that since there was no possibility of electing a candi-
date of their own they would, if necessary, vote for
Seward rather than let him be beaten by the Know-
Nothings, toward whom they were intensely hostile.
N
1855] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 411
The Whig caucus met on February 1, with five Senators
and twenty Assemblymen absent; of the eighty present,
seventy-four voted for Seward. When the election oc-
curred in the Senate Seward received 18 of the 31 votes
—there was one vacancy, — and in the Assembly he re-
ceived 69 out of 126. The dissenting Whigs voted for
Fillmore, Ullman, Ogden Hoffman, Preston King, and
George R. Babcock. Seward was thus reeelected for a
second term. The Legislature adjourned without day
on April 14.
The Hards in their State convention, at Syracuse on
August 23, showed themselves true Bourbons incapable
of either learning or forgetting. They offered no olive-
branch of peace to the Softs, unfavorably criticised the
national administration, raged against the Know-
Nothings, approved the repeal of the Missouri Com-
promise, and ignored the wrongs of Kansas. If there
was any change in their policy it was on the temperance
question. At the beginning they had favored prohibi-
tion ; now they declared themselves against it. A con-
spicuous figure in this convention was Daniel E.
Sickles, who strove vainly though earnestly to persuade
his colleagues to assume a more liberal and enlightened
attitude. Fate seemed to have decreed that the Demo-
crats should continue divided.
A week later the Softs met in a stormy convention that
lasted several days. Their platform condemned the out-
rages against Kansas which the President had condoned
and approved, and opposed the extension of slavery into
free Territories. Samuel J. Tilden was nominated for
Attorney-General, and the Hard nomination of Samuel
412 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1855
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
L. Selden for Judge of the Court of Appeals was en-
dorsed.
The Anti-Nebraska State convention of 1854 had ap-
pointed an executive committee to which, in emulation
of what had been done in Michigan, it gave the name of
"Republican State Committee." This body in 1855 en-
tered into negotiations with the Whig State committee,
with the result that the two agreed to summon their
State conventions to meet at the same place and time-
Syracuse, September 26. More than two hundred dele-
gates attended the Republican convention, drawn from
both Whig and Democratic ranks. The presiding of-
ficer was Reuben E. Fenton, who had formerly been a
Barnburner. He was at the time serving his first term
in the national House of Representatives, and though a
young man had already made his mark in public affairs.
The Whigs had a somewhat larger convention, presided
over by the venerable John Alsop King. After both
conventions were organized each appointed committees
on resolutions and nominations. These committees con-
ferred together and agreed on identical work. Then
the Whigs all proceeded to the hall where the Repub-
licans were meeting and were received with much en-
thusiasm. The two chairmen jointly presided, and the
combined conventions ratified the platforms and nomi-
nations that had been made separately. Horace
Greeley reported the platforms, and on the stage were
Thurlow Weed, John A. King, Edwin D. Morgan,
and Reuben E. Fenton. It was on the motion of John
A. King that the list of candidates, headed with the
name of Preston King for Secretary of State, was
1855] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 413
formally and officially called the "Republican Ticket"
The Know-Nothings, now styling themselves the
American party and abandoning all their former se-
crecy and mystery, held a State convention at Auburn at
the same time that the Republicans were assembled at
Syracuse and nominated the accomplished and popular
historian, Joel T. Headley, for Secretary of State. The
Liberty party met at Utica and nominated Frederick
Douglass, the negro leader, for Secretary of State, and
Lewis Tappan, of New York, for Comptroller. A con-
vention was held by the Free Democrats which nomi-
nated candidates.
The campaign did not develop as favorably for the
Republican organization as had been expected at the
Syracuse convention, while the American party showed
greater strength than had been thought possible. Ap-
parently the change of name from Whig to Republican
had been at least temporarily detrimental, while the
imposing American name helped the Know-Nothings.
Seward threw himself into the contest, and in a notable
speech at Albany vindicated the formation of the new
Republican party. But it was too late. The tide had
already set toward Know-Nothing victory. When the
votes were counted it was found that the American
party had elected its entire State ticket and had secured
the balance of power in the Legislature. For Secretary
of State Headley, American, had 148,557 votes ; Preston
King, Republican, 136,698; Hatch, Soft, 91,336; Ward,
Hard, 59,353. Similar votes were cast for the other
State officers. To the State Senate the Republicans
elected 16 members, the Americans 11, the Democrats
414 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1856
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
4, and Temperance party 1. In the Assembly the Demo-
crats, Hard and Soft, had SO, the Americans 44, the Re-
publicans 33, and one still clung to the name of Whig.
When the Seventy-ninth Legislature met on January
1, 1856, there appeared in the Senate Daniel E. Sickles,
Erastus Brooks, Zenas Clark, and James S. Wads-
worth; Samuel P. Allen was elected Clerk. Note-
worthy members of the Assembly were Francis B.
Spinola, of Brooklyn, and A. J. H. Duganne, of New
York; Orville Robinson, of Oswego, was elected
Speaker, and R. U. Sherman was retained as Clerk.
The contest over the Speakership lasted until Janu-
ary 16, and at that time Governor Clark sent in his
message, which was chiefly a colorless presentation of
routine matters. A recommendation of reform in the
public school system moved the Legislature to pass a
general act abolishing town Superintendents of Schools
and creating a School Commissioner for each Assembly
district. The Legislature adjourned without day on
April 9.
Chief interest that year centered in the Presidential
campaign. The new national organization of the Re-
publican party would put its first candidate into the
field, and the issue would be that of slavery with par-
ticular reference to the civil war in Kansas. To the
latter subject especial attention was paid in New York.
Horace Greeley in the Tribune urged the equipping
of all free settlers in Kansas with Sharps rifles —
peculiarly effective breech-loaders then recently in-
vented,— and Henry Ward Beecher took up collections
in his church to provide every colonist on his way to
1855] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 415
Kansas with a rifle and a Bible — the rifle first. In the
debate in the Senate over the bill for the admission of
Kansas into the Union, Seward was probably the ablest
champion of the Free State cause, and that fact made
him appear to many as the logical candidate of the Re-
publicans. But he was held back byThurlow Weed, who
shrewdly perceived the impossibility of his election at
that time and feared that defeat in 1856 would militate
against his chances in 1860. His success in 1856 was
impossible, Weed argued, because no Free State man
could hope to win without the vote, of Pennsylvania,
and that was not to be secured since the Democrats had
selected their candidate from that State.
The Democrats were first in the field with their
national convention, which met in Cincinnati June 2.
President Pierce was a candidate for renomination.
Stephen A. Douglas was a candidate on the strength
of his leadership in the Senate. James Buchanan was
a candidate on the ground that he was a Pennsylvanian
and could carry that State, the vote of which, added
to the votes of the sure Democratic States, would
suffice. The New York delegates were divided, the
Hards being bitterly opposed to Pierce and supporting
Buchanan, while the Softs, under the lead of Marcy,
voted for Pierce though having little expectation of
his success and hoping for a union of his supporters
with those of Douglas. The Softs continued to vote
for Pierce until after the fourteenth ballot, when he was
withdrawn; then they turned to Douglas only to see
him also withdrawn and Buchanan chosen. They had
"put their money on the wrong horse," but the tact
416 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1856
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
of Horatio Seymour saved them from an awkward
situation. ,
The Republicans assembled in national convention
in Philadelphia on June 17 with high hopes of
victory. They had elected Nathaniel P. Banks Speaker
of the House of Representatives, and felt confident of
carrying every northern State. With Seward with-
drawn from the competition their leading candidates
were John Charles Fremont and John McLean — the
latter for many years a Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States. After a brief and entirely
friendly preliminary contest Fremont was chosen.
Had Seward been a candidate he would have been
nominated probably by acclamation.
The American or Know-Nothing party nominated
Millard Fillmore for President, but a considerable
number of the delegates bolted, and ultimately the anti-
slavery Know-Nothings endorsed Fremont. What was
left of the Whig party held a convention, which rati-
fied the regular Know-Nothing nomination of Fill-
more.
Next came the New York State conventions, with the
Democrats first in the field. The two factions held
separate conventions, but on the same day and in the
same city, Syracuse. As soon as the two bodies were
organized they emulated the example of the Whigs
and Republicans the year before, and came together
as one assemblage. It was agreed to stand united on
the Cincinnati platform, which approved the policy of
the Pierce administration on the slavery issue.
Horatio Seymour was the unchallenged leader of this
MYRON HOLLEY CLARK
Myron Holley Clark, 21st governor (1855-56) ; born at
Naples, Ontario county, October 23, 1806; sheriff of Ontario
county; state senator, 1852-4; governor, 1855-1856; died at
Canandaigua, N. Y., August 22, 1892.
GEORGE FRANKLIN COMSTOCK
George Franklin Comstock, jurist; born, Williamstown,
Oswego county, August 24, 1811; graduated from Union college
in 1834; lawyer; appointed by Governor Young as reporter to
the court of appeals then newly organized, 1847; appointed by
President Fillmore solicitor to the Treasury of the United
States, 1852; judge of the court of appeals, 1855-1861; defeated
for reelection; elected delegate at large to the constitutional
convention of 1867 and with Charles J. Folger practically
framed the article on the judiciary; was active in the move-
ment to secure Syracuse university; died February 11, 1892,
Syracuse, N. Y.
1856] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 417
joint body, and was indeed the most competent and
masterful figure in the party.
Four ballots were needed for the choice of a can-
didate for Governor, the leading candidates being
Amasa J. Parker, Fernando Wood, Addison Gardiner,
and David L. Seymour. Parker was a cultivated New
Englander, an eminent lawyer who had served with
distinction in the Legislature and in Congress; later
he had a long and honorable career on the bench
of the Supreme Court. Wood was a Philadelphia
Quaker who had been a cigar-maker and grocer and
had begun his political career at the Pennsylvania capi-
tal. He had been elected to Congress from New York
at the age of twenty-eight, and afterward was Mayor
of New York City, in which office his record was far
from creditable. Personally he was a man of much
charm, but politically he was quite unscrupulous.
Gardiner was a leading Soft, who had been Lieutenant-
Governor with Silas Wright and afterward Judge of
the Court of Appeals. David L. Seymour was one
of the hardest of the Hards.
At first Parker was a poor third in the balloting
(Wood standing fourth) ; but Horatio Seymour re-
garded him as the best man to unite the party, and so
prevailed upon Gardiner to withdraw and let his sup-
porters go to Parker, who thereupon was nominated.
The Republicans met at Syracuse also, on September
17, a multiplicity of candidates being before the con-
vention. Governor Clark would have liked to be re-
elected, but his extreme temperance views made him
unavailable in the new era that had come upon the
418 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1856
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
State. Moses H. Grinnell, a wealthy, philanthropic,
public-spirited, and immensely popular merchant of
New York, was the favorite of many, but he declined
to be considered. John Alsop King, Ira Harris,
Simeon Draper, and James S. Wadsworth (once leader
of the Barnburners in their famous bolt), were active
candidates. Through the influence of Thurlow Weed
the choice fell upon King, probably the best man who
could have been named. He was a son of Rufus King,
and had been educated in England when his father
was Minister to that country, having for schoolmates
Lord Byron and Sir Robert Peel. Formerly an Anti-
Mason, a Henry Clay National Republican, and a
Whig, he had fought against Clay's Compromises
in 1850 and the Fugitive Slave law and had become a
pillar of strength to the Free State cause. The nomi-
nee for Lieutenant-Governor was Henry R. Selden,
of Monroe county, a younger brother of Samuel L.
Selden, and like him an eminent lawyer.
The Americans or Know-Nothings nominated for
Governor Erastus Brooks, who was a native of Maine
and a younger brother of James Brooks, the founder
and editor of the New York Express. He was a young
man of ability and high character.
The campaign was waged with much spirit and en-
gaged the activities of many notable men. Seward
did not enter it until late in the season, but Horace
Greeley, Henry J. Raymond, Henry Ward Beecher,
and others stumped the State for the Republican ticket.
George William Curtis made his first appearances upon
the platform, which jfor many years he so greatly
1856] THE REPUBLICAN ADVENT 419
graced; William Cullen Bryant also become a politi-
cal speaker for the first time; and Washington Irving
made known his interest in the Republican cause.
The result of the election justified the prophecy of
Weed. Fremont lost Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indi-
ana, Illinois, and California, and was defeated. In New
York his victory was overwhelming. He received
276,007 votes to 195,878 for Buchanan and 124,604 for
Fillmore. The Governorship contest showed a like
result. John Alsop King was elected the first Repub-
lican Governor of the State by 264,400 votes, against
198,616 for Parker and 130,870 for Brooks. For the
other State officers the results were similar. In the
State Senate the Republicans had 16, the Americans
11, the Democrats 4, and the Temperance party 1 —
that body holding over unchanged. In the Assembly the
Republicans had 81, the Americans 8, the Democrats
31, and a combination of Americans and Democrats 8.
Moses H. Grinnell and James S. Wadsworth were the
Presidential Electors-at-large. Among the Represen-
tatives elected to the Thirty-fifth Congress were Daniel
E. Sickles, John Kelly, John Cochrane, John B. Has-
kin, Erastus Corning, Francis E. Spinner, and Reuben
E. Fenton.
CHAPTER XXVII
THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR
THE first Republican Governor of New York
addressed his first annual message to the Eightieth
Legislature of the State on January 6, 1857. The
Senate, having held over from the preceding year, was
unchanged in membership and organization save for
the new Lieutenant-Governor. In the Assembly, which
had a large Republican majority, De Witt C. Little-
John, of Oswego, was returned to his former place as
Speaker, and William Richardson was made Clerk in
place of Richard U. Sherman, who had been elected a
member from Oneida county.
The message was comparatively brief and intensely
practical. It reported that according to the census
of 1855 the population of the State was 3,466,212, of
whom 920,530 were of alien birth — figures which re-
mind us how vast had already become the influx of
European immigrants in the years following the great
Irish famine and the revolutionary era on the Euro-
pean continent and the subsequent proscription. Much
attention was given to the educational system of the
State, and announcement was made of the opening of
the Dudley Astronomical Observatory at Albany, an
institution which the Governor proudly estimated to
be comparable with any other of the kind in the world.
420
I
1857] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 421
New York City's interests were discussed in detail,
particularly the needs of greater safeguards against
corrupt practices at elections and of a more efficient
police organization. In response the Legislature en-
acted a law creating the Metropolitan Police district
and providing for its administration — the district com-
prising the counties of New York, Kings, Richmond,
and Westchester.
On the subject of slavery the document was one of
the most outspoken in the history of the State. The
Governor declared it to be "the deliberate and irrever-
sible decree" of New York that so far as this State
was concerned there should be no further extension
of slavery in the Territories of the United States.
"This conclusion," he said, "I most unreservedly adopt,
and am prepared to abide by it at all times, under all
circumstances, and in any emergency." He emphatic-
ally took issue with President Pierce for the latter's im-
putations against the people of New York on account
of their conduct in the late election, and he suggested
the propriety of making a generous appropriation from
the State treasury for the relief of the citizens of Kansas
who were suffering from the ravages committed upon
them through the failure of the national government
to do its duty toward them. This suggestion was not
approved by the Legislature, but, echoing the Gover-
nor's forceful words, resolutions were adopted declar-
ing that New York would "not allow slavery within
her borders in any form, or under any pretense, or for
any time, however short," and that by its decision in
the Dred Scott case the Supreme Court of the United
422 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1857
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
States had "impaired the confidence and respect of the
people of this State."
One of the most important duties of the Legislature
of 1857 was to elect a United States Senator to suc-
ceed Hamilton Fish, whose term was to expire on the
fourth of March, 1857. There was no thought of re-
electing Fish, who personally did not desire another
term. He had been an excellent Senator, with unfail-
ing sanity of judgment, perfect integrity, inflexible
courage, and a broader scope of statesmanship than
many of his colleagues could boast; but he was more
a statesman than a politician and was a lover of peace,
and therefore he was considered to be too little aggres-
sive for the strenuous times upon which the nation was
then obviously entering. He was glad to retire, des-
tined at a later day to serve the nation nobly in one of
its very highest places; and in failing to offer him
reelection there was no reflection upon his splendid
worth.
There was in the newly-formed Republican party a
certain jealousy between those who had been Demo-
crats and those who had been Whigs. The not un-
natural notion that Thurlow Weed would instinctively
favor former Whigs above former Democrats led some
of the latter to regard him with a certain degree of
distrust. It was in order to allay that feeling that in
the convention of 1856, when he "turned down" the
former fighting Democrat, James S. Wadsworth, in
favor of the old-line Whig, John A. King, Weed
promised that the next United States Senator should
be a former Democrat.
1857] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 423
He had his choice among at least four such candi-
dates. One was James S. Wadsworth. A second was
Ward Hunt, who afterward served in the Court of
Appeals and in the Supreme Court of the United
States. A third was David Dudley Field, the eminent
lawyer who had prepared the Code of Civil Procedure
for the Legislature of 1848. The fourth was Preston
King, the distinguished St. Lawrence county lawyer
who in former years had been one of the most unspar-
ing antagonists of the Whigs, but who had been in
1855 the first Republican candidate for Secretary of
State. Wadsworth and Field withdrew in favor of
Hunt, but Weed insisted that King ought to be chosen,
and in order to avoid suspicion of any ulterior motives
he suggested that the choice between King and Hunt
be left to those Republican members of the Legisla-
ture who were formerly Democrats. That was a diplo-
matic move, but it was logical and just, and it resulted
in the choice of Preston King for Senator. The Leg-
islature adjourned without day on April 18.
The summer of 1857 was not a good time for the
Republican party in New York. In August there sud-
denly came upon the State and nation one of the most
disastrous financial and business panics in history, the
failures representing a much larger amount of capital
than even the panic of 1837. It did not appear that
the Republican party was in any measure responsible
for this state of affairs. But it is the inclination of
voters always to hold the party in power responsible
for any harm that happens. In addition, dissolution
of the American party set in and tens of thousands of
424 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1857-8
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
its members who had formerly been Democrats re-
turned to their old allegiance, while those of Whig
antecedents continued in the third party. The result
was that in the fall elections of 1857 the Democrats
were generally successful. They elected Gideon J.
Tucker to be Secretary of State by 195,482 votes to
177,425 for Clapp, Republican, and 66,882 for Put-
nam, American. By similar votes they elected San-
ford E. Church to be Comptroller, Isaac V. Vander-
poel to be Treasurer, Lyman Tremain to be Attorney-
General, and Van Rensselaer Richmond to be State
Engineer. In the Legislature the Republicans held
their control by a narrow margin, though with the
Americans holding the balance of power. In the new
Senate there were 15 Republicans, 14 Democrats, 2
Americans, and 1 Independent-Democrat. In the As-
sembly there were 61 Republicans, 58 Democrats, and
9 Americans. To the Senate were elected Samuel
Sloan, Francis B. Spinola, Smith Ely, Jr., and Wil-
liam A. Wheeler, while in the Assembly Moses S.
Beach, of Kings county, made his appearance.
This Eighty-first Legislature met on January 5, 1858.
The Senate chose Samuel P. Allen to be its Clerk. In
the Assembly, owing to the close division of parties,
a prolonged contest occurred over the Speakership,
which lasted until January 26, when on the fifty-third
ballot Thomas G. Alvord, of Onondaga county, was
chosen — a Democrat.
Governor King's message of 1858, like his previous
one, was shorter than the average of such documents.
It discussed the causes and character of the panic of
1858] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 425
1857> and recommended as a safeguard against such oc-
currences that banks be required to keep on hand in coin
an amount equal to at least 25 per cent, of their liabili-
ties, exclusive of banknotes. Such a system had pre-
vailed in New Orleans, and the banks of that city were
the only ones that successfully weathered the storm.
The increasing abuse of the practice of injunctions
issued by the courts commanded the Governor's atten-
tion. He pointed out that injunctions were unknown
to the common law and were particularly susceptible
to abuse, and suggested various rules and regulations
for the abatement of the evil. Concerning affairs in
Kansas he had vigorous words, and he made some
scathing reflections on President Buchanan. The Leg-
islature adjourned without day on April 19.
During the spring and summer of the momentous
year 1858 all the events seemed to shape themselves
for the Republican party. Stephen A. Douglas openly
opposed the Lecompton policy of President Buchanan
in respect to Kansas, and thus caused an irreparable
breach in the Democratic party. Douglas's "popular
sovereignty" doctrine seemed certain, if maintained, to
settle the controversy in the Territories in favor of free
soil, and accordingly many of the New York Repub-
licans began to consider the practicability of a union
between themselves and the Democrats who followed
Douglas. Both Greeley and Raymond in their papers
advocated letting Douglas be reflected to the Senate
from Illinois without Republican opposition, and were
displeased when Abraham Lincoln entered the contest
against him and challenged him to the famous de-
426 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1858
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
bates. It was even hinted that Greeley would be
pleased to see Douglas taken up as the Republican
candidate for the Presidency in 1860, since that would
mean the elimination of Seward, for whom Greeley's
antagonism was steadily increasing. But all such
ideas were dissipated by the time the Lincoln-Douglas
debates were ended, through Lincoln's convincing ex-
posure of the radical difference between Douglas's
policy and the principles of the Republican party.
The Republicans were the first to meet that year,
their State convention being held at Syracuse on Sep-
tember 8. There were still marks of the division be-
tween previous Democrats and previous Whigs. The
former were opposed to Thurlow Weed's domination
and wanted to nominate, against his wishes, Timothy
Jenkins, of Oneida county, for Governor. Mr. Jen-
kins was an adroit politician, who had been for three
terms in the House of Representatives. Weed had
selected as his first choice Simeon Draper, of New
York, who had been a candidate two years before.
But Draper fell into serious business difficulties, and
for that cause seemed unavailable. Weed then turned
to James H. Cook, of Saratoga, but was unable to make
headway for him against Jenkins, and so was com-
pelled to change again. This time he selected Edwin
D. Morgan, of New York, the most felicitous choice,
as the event proved, that could have been made.
Mr. Morgan was of Connecticut stock and birth.
For many years he had been one of the most influential
and most universally respected citizens of the metropo-
lis. He had served as Alderman, and as State Senator
1858] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 427
in 1850-53. A merchant and railroad president, he
was of spotless character both public and private, of
commanding intellectual power, and of entire disin-
terestedness in his service to the city and State. He
was now approaching middle age, stalwart handsome,
urbane, and possessed exceptional charm of speech and
manner. So ideal a candidate should apparently have
been nominated without a contest.
But there was a contest, and so strong did it prove
that Weed, who personally took charge of Morgan's
candidacy on the floor of the convention, was put to
his utmost efforts to win. Other candidates than Jen-
kins appeared. Horace Greeley was pursuing his
hopeless quest. George W. Patterson had some sup-
porters. Alexander S. Diven, of Elmira, then a State
Senator and afterward a Representative in the Thirty-
seventh Congress, was in the field. John A. King may
not have cared for renomination, but some of his friends
urged that he should have it. Moreover, the Know-
Nothings were generally hostile to Morgan because of
his willingness to recognize the equality of naturalized
citizens. Weed fought one of the great fights of his
life, and won. On the first ballot Morgan had 116
votes of the 128 needed, Jenkins receiving 51 and
the remainder being scattered among various candi-
dates; only three were for Greeley. On the next bal-
lot Morgan had 165 and was nominated. Robert
Campbell, Jr., of Steuben county, was nominated
without opposition for Lieutenant-Governor. He had
been a delegate to the Constitutional convention of
1846, but had not otherwise held office. The platform
428 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1858
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
strongly approved SewarcTs course in the United States
Senate.
The Americans or Know-Nothings, who on most
issues were in accord with the Republicans, held their
convention at the same time as the latter, and in an
adjacent hall, — their intention being to go into fusion
with the Republicans as the Whigs had done the year
before. But Weed knew that such a fusion would be
impossible with Morgan as the candidate for Gover-
nor, and he wisely reckoned it more important to have
Morgan than the dwindling remnant of the Know-
Nothing party. So the Republican convention made
its nominations without regard to the Americans, and
the "deal" was "off." The Americans then nominated
for Governor Lorenzo Burrows, of Albion. Like
Morgan he was of Connecticut birth — a man of ability
and character, who had been for two terms a Whig
Representative in Congress and in 1855 had been
elected State Comptroller by the Know-Nothings.
The Democratic convention met a week later, open-
ing with a vigorous contest between two rival delega-
tions from New York City. The Softs, from Tam-
many Hall, were led by Daniel E. Sickles, and the
Hards, comprising the Federal office-holders and their
friends, were led by Fernando Wood. The former
faction demanded to have its entire delegation seated
and the Hards excluded, and this was done. Wood
and his followers then withdrew from the convention.
The Softs made Horatio Seymour temporary chair-
man and would have nominated him for Governor,
but he refused to stand. The convention then turned
1858] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 429
again to Amasa J. Parker, who had been defeated two
years before, and chose him to lead another hopeless
battle. For Lieutenant-Governor it named John J.
Taylor, of Oswego, who had served a single term in
Congress and had then been retired because of the
resentment of his constituents at his vote for the Kansas-
Nebraska bill. The platform was non-committal,
expressing merely a willingness to let Buchanan's
administration be judged by the people and satisfaction
at the apparent settlement of the Kansas question.
The campaign was marked with the powerful activi-
ties of three of the most commanding New York
figures of the time. One of these was John Van Buren,
the protagonist of the Democratic side, who in a strong
series of speeches extolled Douglas for the part he had
played in the Kansas settlement and won the Demo-
crats of the State to support him for the Presidency in
1860.
The second was Roscoe Conkling, who this year was
for the first time a candidate for Congress, and who
displayed already a large measure of the eloquence,
learning, wit, resolution, and authoritative personality
that for many years made him one of the most formid-
able members of the United States Senate and one of
the most masterful political leaders of his time.
The third and greatest was Seward, with his fa-
mous speech at Rochester in the closing days of the
campaign. Strangely enough there had existed some
doubt as to his course. In that speech he dispelled the
last traces of uncertainty. Taking his keynote from
Lincoln's memorable declaration of a few months be-
430 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1858
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
fore, that a house divided against itself could not stand
and that he did not believe this government could per-
manently endure half slave and half free, Seward con-
demned as erroneous the pretense that the conflict over
slavery was the accidental work of interested or fanati-
cal agitators. "It is," he said, aan irrepressible conflict
between opposing and enduring forces, and it means
that the United States must and will, sooner or later,
become either entirely a slaveholding nation or en-
tirely a free labor nation." He had expressed the same
idea before, but never so tersely nor on an occasion
when it commanded so much attention. His phrase
"irrepressible conflict" was in a twinkling taken up as
one of the watchwords of the Republican party.
"Few speeches from the stump," says the historian
James F. Rhodes, "have attracted so great attention or
exerted so great an influence. The eminence of the
man combined with the startling character of the doc-
trine to make it engross the public mind." The Dem-
ocratic press condemned Seward for the speech in most
aggressive and denunciatory terms. He was railed
against as a vile, wicked, malicious arch-agitator, more
dangerous than William Lloyd Garrison or Theodore
Parker. Even some of the Republican papers deplored
his speech as injudicious and impolitic, and as likely
to do his own party harm. But Greeley in the Tri-
bune and Webb in the Courier and Enquirer for once
in their lives agreed, commending it in the strongest
possible words.
The result of the election was variously interpreted.
It is probable that some votes were lost through
1858] THE FIRST REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR 431
Seward's utterance; so Greeley believed, though he de-
nounced the clamor against the speech as "knavish."
About half of the Know-Nothings voted for the Demo-
cratic ticket, while the remainder supported their own
candidate, all of them being lost to the Republicans.
Still Morgan was handsomely elected, by more than
17,000 plurality. He had 247,953 votes; Parker had
230,513; Burrows had 60,880; and Gerrit Smith, who
had been nominated by the Abolitionists, had 5,470.
All the other State officers were elected by the Re-
publicans with similar pluralities. The State Senate
was holding over for another year, but a new Assem-
bly was elected, in which the Republicans secured 99
members to the Democrats' 29. The Republicans also
elected an overwhelming majority of the Representa-
tives in Congress. The net result was a great victory
for Seward, who thus was made one of the two out-
standing leaders of the Republican party in the nation
and one of its chief candidates for the Presidency in
1860.
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE EVE OF WAR
SEWARD was right. The conflict was irrepressi-
ble, as was recognized even by those who most
severely censured him for stating the obvious fact.
It was, moreover, morally certain that it would be pre-
cipitated at the beginning of the next Presidential term.
Bold and plain the sign of the times was written in
1858 that the storm would break in 1861, as the great
question that convulsed the country imperatively
demanded a settlement at the forthcoming national
election. Very much depended, then, upon the choice
of the next President; and during the ensuing two years
that matter absorbed attention to the exclusion of almost
everything else. State issues were held in abeyance and
State interests subordinated to those of the nation.
The administration of Governor Morgan began in
a calm, business-like manner. The Eighty-second Leg-
islature assembled on January 4, 1859, with the same
Senate as at the previous session. In the Assembly
DeWitt C. Littlejohn was made Speaker and William
Richardson Clerk; and among the new members were
George Opdyke, of New York, and Henry W. Slo-
cum, of Onondaga. The Governor's message was of
moderate length and was the practical business docu-
ment that was to be expected from such a man. He
432
JOHN ALSOP KING
John Alsop King, 22nd governor (1857-58) ; born in New
York City, January 3, 1788; lawyer; member of assembly from
Queens county, 1819-1821; state senator, 1823; resigned to
accept appointment as secretary of legation to the court of St.
James; charge d' affairs, June 15 to August 2, 1826; again
elected a state legislator in 1832, 1838 and 1840; member of
congress, 1849-51; governor, 1857-1858; delegate from New
York to the peace conference in 1861 ; died at Jamaica, L. L,
July 7, 1867.
SAMUEL LEE SELDEN
Samuel Lee Selden; born, Lyme, Conn., October 12, 1800;
lawyer; chancery clerk and first judge of the court of common
pleas, Monroe county; court of appeals, 1856-1862; died in
Rochester, N. Y., September 20, 1876.
1859] THE EVE OF WAR 433
recommended better supervision of the insurance busi-
ness, and the Legislature responded by creating a State
Insurance department, under a Superintendent. An-
other recommendation was for the creation of a Super-
intendent of Prisons, but this was not fully carried
out until 1876, when such an officer was provided for
in the Constitution. He referred in vigorous terms to
the war in Kansas and to the slavery question. Reso-
lutions were adopted by the Legislature expressing
"surprise, mortification, and detestation" at the virtual
reopening of the slave trade within the boundaries of
the United States. During the session the Governor
vetoed an unusually large number of bills, all of which
failed of repassage.
The Republicans were first in the field with their
State convention of 1859, which was held on Septem-
ber 7 and was controlled by Weed to the particular
end of advancing Seward's Presidential aspirations.
Mindful of the still lingering jealousy between the
Whig and Democratic elements of the party, Weed
was careful to have candidates selected in equal num-
bers from each. Elias W. Leavenworth was named
for Secretary of State, the place to which he had been
elected in 1853; Robert Denniston for Comptroller,
Philip Dorsheimer for Treasurer, and Charles G.
Myers for Attorney-General.
The Democratic convention met a week later, with
Daniel S. Dickinson endeavoring to direct it in the in-
terest of his own candidacy for the Presidency. Al-
though he was a leader of the Hards he entered into
negotiations with the Softs of Tammany Hall, who
434 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C18S9
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
had carried the primaries in New York City against
Fernando Wood and his followers, and secured assur-
ance of their support — it being his expectation that
this would result in a practically unanimous endorse-
ment of him by the Democracy of the State for the
Presidential nomination the next year.
There were, in fact, two conventions. Fernando
Wood and his supporters went to the meeting-place in
Syracuse an hour before the time set for the opening of
the convention, took possession of the hall, and organ-
ized a body of their own. When Dickinson and his
followers arrived they were not permitted to organize,
but were driven from the hall. In the melee some men
were knocked down and pistols were drawn ; and Wood
incurred much popular odium from the presence
among his following of John C. Heenan, the champion
prizefighter, and other professional "bruisers" from
New York. It was commonly charged that he had
brought these men to Syracuse with the intent of raising
violence, if necessary, to attain his ends. After Dick-
inson's party had been driven from the hall Wood's
convention renominated the Democratic State officers
who had been elected in 1857 and then adjourned.
As soon as they were out of the hall the regulars re-
turned and harmoniously organized their convention.
Dickinson made a tactful speech, which united both
Hards and Softs in his support; the State officials were
renominated, as they already had been by Wood; dele-
gates to the national convention were chosen and in-
structed to vote as a unit; the administration of Bu-
chanan was approved; Seward's "Irrepressible con-
1859] THE EVE OF WAR 435
flict" speech was denounced as revolutionary; and the
proposal to deepen the Erie canal to seven feet was
opposed.
A week later the remainder of the American party
met, apparently for the object of making what trouble
they could, particularly for Seward. They adopted as
their own five of the Republican candidates and four of
the Democratic. On what principle such selections were
made did not appear, but it seemed probable that the
aim was to show that Seward could not carry New
York without their aid.
During the campaign occurred the memorable raid
of John Brown at Harper's Ferry, the effect of which
was not of any apparent advantage or disadvantage to
either side. Owing to the action of the Know-Nothings
there was a mixed result at the polls. The Democrats,
with their aid, elected David R. Floyd Jones Secretary
of State over E. W. Leavenworth, by a vote of 252,589
to 251,139; and also elected the State Engineer and
Canal Commissioner. The Republicans elected the
Comptroller, Robert Denniston, over Sanford E.
Church, by 275,952 to 227,304; and their candidates for
Treasurer, Attorney-General, Judge of Appeals, and
Clerk of Appeals also won. In the State Senate the
Republicans secured 23 to the Democrats' 9, and in the
Assembly 91 to the Democrats' 37. It was thus a net
Republican victory of marked proportions. Likewise
it registered the end of the American or Know-Nothing
party, which had been able to muster but little more
than 20,000 votes, and which never appeared in a cam-
paign again.
436 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [i860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The Senate thus chosen contained among its members
Richard B. Connolly, afterward conspicuous in the no-
torious Tweed ring; Francis B. Spinola, Benjamin F.
Manierre, John H. Ketcham, and Andrew J. Colvin.
In the Assembly were Lucius Robinson, of Chemung
county; David R. Jaques, of New York; and E. A.
Merritt, of St. Lawrence.
The Eighty-third Legislature met on January 3,
1860. James Terwilliger was chosen Clerk of the
Senate. Mr. Littlejohn was reflected Speaker of the
Assembly, and William Richardson Clerk. Governor
Morgan submitted another business-like message.
Much space was devoted to discussion of the election
frauds for which New York City had become notorious,
and the recommendation was made, as one means of
guarding against them, that election day be declared a
legal holiday so that all good citizens would be free to
watch the polls. This was not done, however, until 1872.
In the regular message and in a long special message
the Governor discussed the relations of railroads and
canals and the system of restricting the carrying of
freight on railroads, or the imposition of tolls thereon,
with a view to the protection of the canals. In early
times, it will be recalled, railroads paralleling canals
were forbidden to carry freight excepting when the
canals were closed. Later they were permitted to do so
at cost of paying tolls. The last of these railroad tolls
were abolished in 1851, and it was complained that
since that time the competition of the railroads was
ruining the canals. The Governor suggested reimposi-
tion of moderate tolls on railroad traffic during the
1860] THE EVE OF WAR 437
canal navigation season, or else payment of a gross sum
annually by the railroads ; but the Legislature failed to
take any action on the matter. As before, his veto mes-
sages in 1860 were numerous, and were generally
effective. The Legislature adjourned without day on
April 17.
Seward had spent most of 1859 in Europe, and on re-
turning home at the end of the year he received one of
the greatest public welcomes that had ever been given
any man. Proceeding to Washington he found the
southern fire-eaters openly declaring that if he or any
other Republican were elected President the south
would refuse to accept the result and would secede from
the Union. After resuming his duties in the Senate he
introduced a bill for the admission of Kansas as a free
State and announced that he would speak on that meas-
ure on February 29.
Meantime Seward's great rival for the Presidency,
Abraham Lincoln, was preparing to make his first visit
to New York. The Young Men's Central Republican
Union was desirous of seeing and hearing this anti-
slavery champion of the west, and invited him to lecture
in the great hall of Cooper Union, in New York City,
on February 27. Lincoln realized that he would be on
inspection and trial to determine his fitness for the Pres-
idency, and he carefully prepared himself to create the
best possible impression. It was a noteworthy audience,
crowding the largest hall in New York with what the
Tribune described as "the intellect and mental culture"
of the city. Years afterward Greeley declared Lin-
coln's lecture to have been the very best political address
438 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [i860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
he had ever listened to, and he had heard some of Web-
ster's greatest. Indeed, few addresses have ever made a
deeper or more favorable impression on the people of
New York.
Two days later Seward spoke in the Senate on the ad-
mission of Kansas. For that occasion he made the most
scrupulous preparation. He was generally expected to
be the Republican nominee for the Presidency, and he
was the object of the most violent hatred of the south-
erners. Of course he did not mean to curry favor with
them. But he felt that he was misunderstood at the
south and he aimed to make himself, if possible, rightly
understood. Every Senator was in his seat, and the hall
was crowded with Representatives and other important
spectators. The result was a marvellous personal tri-
umph for Seward. His tone was so temperate and
reasonable and his logic so irrefragable that many who
had been prejudiced against him by the radicalism of
his Rochester speech became forthwith his warm sup-
porters. On every hand it was felt that his chances of
winning the Presidential nomination, and probably the
election, had been so improved as to place him easily in
the lead of all competitors. Yet there were those who
lamented his decline from the standard of his "Higher
law" and "Irrepressible conflict" utterances. The Abo-
litionist leaders, Garrison and Wendell Phillips, com-
pared his address with Webster's fatal seventh-of-
March speech; and Greeley, while not condemning
him, did not attempt to defend him from criticism and
admitted that the stand he had taken would be puzzling
and astonishing to many.
1860] THE EVE OF WAR 439
A few weeks later the Democratic national conven-
tion met at Charleston, South Carolina, on April 23,
1860. The contest was between the Douglas and anti-
Douglas forces, and New York was regarded as holding
the balance of power. There were, of course, contest-
ing delegations from the State. Fernando Wood was
there, definitely promising the foes of Douglas that
his delegation would vote solidly with them if ad-
mitted to the convention. The regulars or Softs, led by
Dean Richmond, made their appeal to the Douglas
men and intimated that they would support the "Little
Giant," though they also kept on friendly terms with
other candidates. Richmond had come to be more
nearly than any other man the leader of the New York
Democracy, Horatio Seymour for the time withholding
himself. He was one of the chief railroad and steam-
boat owners and managers of the State, and chairman
of the Democratic State committee — a man of intellec-
tual power and moral integrity, sound in judgment and
resolute in purpose. With him at Charleston were
August Belmont, Augustus Schell, Erastus Corning,
Sanford E. Church, and other eminent business men of
New York — a delegation of exceptionally high char-
acter. In the end this delegation was seated and Fer-
nando Wood's was excluded.
This gave Douglas a majority of the convention. But
his opponents had a majority of the States and thus con-
trolled the committee on resolutions, with the result
that after five days of debate and delay a platform
counter to Douglas's principles was reported. A sub-
stitute was at once offered and a long and bitter debate
440 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [I860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ensued, in which Edward Driggs, of Brooklyn, and
John Cochrane, of New York, vainly strove for peace
and harmony. Finally some fifty delegates from the
cotton States seceded from the convention, leaving only
252 of the original 303 delegates. The question then
arose whether the two-thirds rule required a candidate
to receive, in order to be nominated, two-thirds of the
original total of 303, or only two-thirds of the actual
membership of 252 — that is to say, 202, or 168. On this
question New York was in a position to hold the bal-
ance, and Dean Richmond was to say how that power
of the State should be used. After careful deliberation
he decided that the rule required two-thirds of the en-
tire original membership. The doom of Douglas was
thereby sealed so far as the Charleston convention was
concerned. Nobody was nominated. Douglas's high-
est vote was 152^2. Dickinson's highest was 13. After
eleven futile days the convention adjourned to reassem-
ble at Baltimore on June 18.
At Baltimore the New York delegation again domi-
nated the situation, and Dean Richmond promised the
Douglas men that it would stand with them to the end.
When the question of admitting delegates from the
seceding States arose, Sanford E. Church moved that it
be referred to the committee on credentials — a proposal
that mightily pleased the Douglas men, — but then New
York voted against putting the resolution through with-
out debate. At last Church permitted his motion to be
modified so as to refer all contests about seats to the
committee on credentials. Two days later that commit-
tee made two reports, the majority being for seating the
1860] THE EVE OF WAR 441
pro-Douglas contestants from Louisiana and Alabama
as well as from districts in some other States, and the
minority report favoring the anti-Douglas claimants.
This put the New York men in an embarrassing pre-
dicament, and they asked and obtained time for deliber-
ation. Richmond wanted to admit the anti-Douglasites
so as to unify the party, and then when the nomination
of Douglas should become manifestly impossible to
swing the Douglas vote to Horatio Seymour and nomi-
nate him. But the Douglas men were opposed to such
admissions, and if Richmond cast the vote of New York
for them there would be no hope of securing the
Douglas vote for Seymour.
In the end Richmond decided that New York's vote
should be cast in favor of the majority report, excluding
the seceders and admitting the Douglas delegates who
claimed their seats. On the first ballot, in consequence,
Douglas received 173^2, while Dickinson had a half-
vote and Horatio Seymour one vote — which latter was
recorded notwithstanding a letter from Seymour posi-
tively declining to be a candidate for either place
on the ticket under any circumstances. The next ballot
gave Douglas all the votes excepting about a dozen,
though his total was only 181 J^, or 20^ less than was
required for nomination under the rule adopted at
Charleston. But Douglas was thereupon declared
nominated by a special resolution which was adopted
by viva voce vote. The seceding anti-Douglas dele-
gates held a convention of their own and nominated
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for President.
The further details of the great split of 1860 in the
442 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [i860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Democratic party belong to the history of the nation
rather than to that of New York. But we must recall
here the course pursued by the New York Democrats
after the Baltimore proceedings. Dickinson and his
minority of the New York delegation, who had been
practically gagged and bound in the convention by
Dean Richmond, returned home breathing threatenings
and slaughter. Dickinson went over to the support of
Breckinridge against Douglas, and in a speech at a
Breckinridge ratification meeting in New York de-
nounced Richmond and his faction in some of the most
violent language ever heard on such an occasion.
The Republican national convention met at Chicago
on May 16, with 466 delegates from twenty-four States.
Greeley declared it to be the most wise, able, and un-
selfish body of delegates ever assembled. New York
State was much in evidence through the activity of
Seward's friends, who rented an entire hotel for their
occupancy and organized imposing street parades. Gov-
ernor Morgan, of New York, chairman of the Repub-
lican national committee, called the convention to
order; and among the delegates and managers were
Thurlow Weed, Horace Greeley, George William Cur-
tis— whose thrilling eloquence secured the adoption of
a platform plank reaffirming the declaration that "all
men are created equal,"-— William M. Evarts, Henry J.
Raymond, D. D. S. Brown, of Rochester — one of the
foremost journalists of that part of the State, — and many
other men of "light and leading."
Seward was at his home in Auburn. But his agents
were so dominant at Chicago that his nomination
1860] THE EVE OF WAR 443
seemed certain. Greeley telegraphed to the Tribune
that it was practically assured. The great New York
editor, by the way, failing to be chosen from his own
State, was a delegate from Oregon. He for the first
time made known his resolute opposition to Seward,
and joined the forces of Edward Bates, of Missouri,
with Lincoln for his second choice. Six years before,
disappointed and exasperated at Seward's unwillingness
to help him get the appointment of postmaster of New
York, Greeley had written his famous letter declaring
the "firm of Seward, Weed & Greeley" to be dissolved.
But that personal quarrel between the two — or among
the three — great men was not yet publicly known, and
at Chicago in 1860 Greeley was supposed to be against
Seward purely on grounds of the highest public policy,
for which reason his opposition was the more for-
midable.
When nominations were called for Seward's name
was presented by William M. Evarts and was greeted
with much enthusiasm ; and on the first ballot Seward
led with 173% of the 233 votes needed for nomination,
Lincoln being second with 102. On the second ballot
Seward had 184% and Lincoln 181. On the third
Seward retained nearly his full strength, having 180
votes; but there were large accessions to Lincoln, who
at the end of the roll-call lacked only 1% of the neces-
sary number and was thereupon nominated as the result
of changes. William M. Evarts, on behalf of Seward's
supporters, moved in a tactful speech to make the choice
unanimous. But the New Yorkers were so disappointed
and demoralized that they declined the offer of being
444 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [i860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
permitted to name the Vice-Presidential candidate.
They had not given that question consideration, their
ambition having been "aut Caesar, aut nullus" Greeley
was exultant and was widely credited with the defeat of
Seward. John D. Defrees, of Indiana, declared that
"Greeley slaughtered Seward and saved the party."
Weed shed actual tears of grief, if not of rage. Seward
himself was momentarily stunned on the receipt of the
news at Auburn. Then, summoning up his heroic spirit,
he walked across to the office of the chief local paper
and personally penned an editorial paragraph heartily
commending and praising the convention and its work.
He felt defeat deeply, however, and expressed a long-
ing for the return to private life which he anticipated —
but was not to have — on the next fourth of March.
After these stormy national conventions, in each of
which New York played so conspicuous a part, came
the State contests for the Governorship and other offices.
Between the Democratic factions there was an irreme-
diable breach, which no attempts were made to heal.
Dickinson and the Hards, comprising such eminent and
respected men as Charles O'Conor, John A. Dix, and
Greene C. Bronson, committed themselves to the sup-
port of Breckinridge for President and nominated for
Governor James T. Brady, one of the foremost lawyers
of the metropolis. The Softs rallied around Horatio
Seymour as their leader, approved the candidacy of
Douglas, recognized Fernando Wood's faction on equal
terms with Tammany Hall, and named for Governor
William Kelly, of Hudson — a farmer of fine ability and
high character, who had served in the State Senate and
1860] THE EVE OF WAR 445
had been a follower of Van Buren in the Free Soil
movement. The Softs also formed a fusion with the
Constitutional Union party, which had nominated Bell
and Everett for President and Vice-President and of
which in New York the chief leaders were Washington
Hunt, formerly Governor; William Kent, son of the
great Chancellor; William Duer, and James Brooks.
These two parties named a joint Electoral ticket con-
sisting of both Softs and Unionists.
The State convention of the Republicans was held a
week later than that of the Softs, and was marked with
exultation over the Democratic schism as well as the
hearty union of the Republican forces. Seward's
friends exhibited no soreness, but worked cordially with
those who had opposed them. Governor Morgan was
renominated by acclamation, and Robert Campbell was
named for Lieutenant-Governor. The Chicago plat-
form and candidates were heartily approved, and a
notable company of Presidential Electors was selected
without controversy. The Electors-at-large were Wil-
liam Cullen Bryant, formerly a radical Democrat, and
James O. Putnam, who had been a Clay and Webster
Whig and a Millard Fillmore Know-Nothing.
The campaign throughout the State was vigorously
conducted, especially by the Republicans. Marching
clubs of "Wide-awakes" for torchlight demonstrations
were innumerable and ubiquitous, and the voice of the
spellbinder was heard in the land. Seward was the
speaker whom men most desired to hear, but his most
notable addresses were made in the western States. The
foremost local orator was Henry Ward Beecher, who
446 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [i860
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
used the pulpit of Plymouth Church for the delivery of
powerful political sermons surpassing stump speeches
in vote-getting power. It was, said Greeley, "a struggle
as intense, as vehement, and as energetic as had ever
been known." The result was decisive. Lincoln car-
ried the State by 362,646 votes to 312,510 for the Demo-
cratic Electors who were supported by all three factions
— Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell. For Governor,
Edwin D. Morgan had 358,272; William Kelly, Soft
Democrat, 294,812; James T. Brady, Hard Democrat,
19,841. A proposed constitutional amendment grant-
ing the suffrage to negroes on equal terms with whites
was defeated by 197,503 for and 337,984 against. In
the Assembly the Republicans secured 93 and the
Democrats 35. Thus it was that the State made ready
for the "irrepressible conflict."
CHAPTER XXIX
THE WAR GOVERNOR
THERE was no exaggeration in Governor Mor-
gan's remark at the beginning of his annual mes-
sage on January 2, 1861, that the Legislature — the
Eighty-fourth — was meeting in circumstances of more
than usual interest; or in his reference to the State of
New York as an empire of nearly four millions of peo-
ple, imperial in all its proportions and with interests
the most varied and hopes the most exalted. The ma-
terial greatness of the State was impressive. The cen-
sus of 1860 credited it with 3,880,727 inhabitants. Of
these New York county had 813,662; Kings, 279,122;
Erie, 141,971; Albany, 113,916; Oneida, 105,200? and
Monroe 100,648. No other county had as many as
100,000. But the one county of New York had more
than twenty per cent, and the six counties named had
approximately forty per cent, of the whole population.
Comparably great was the political importance of the
State because of its numerous representation in Con-
gress and in the Electoral College, so that it was as-
sumed to be the certain rule that as New York went in
a national election so went the Union. Such indeed had
long been the rule at all close national elections, and
such very frequently has been the rule since.
In the Legislature of 1861 the Senate remained un-
447
448 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL U861
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
changed from the preceding year. The assembly again
made DeWitt C. Littlejohn its Speaker, and Hanson C.
Risley was chosen to be its Clerk. The Governor's mes-
sage, in addition to a practical review of the various
departmental interests of the State, dwelt at length upon
the evils of too great multiplicity of laws and of heed-
less and needless legislation, and urged the Legislature
to avoid such evils and also the evils of local and special
legislation. It also gave much attention, in a grave,
brave, and resolute spirit, to the question of the secession
of the slave States, which was already actually occur-
ring. In this Mr. Morgan unmistakably foreshadowed
the notable services he was about to render as the great
"War Governor" of New York.
The words of the message were at once conciliatory
and resolute. He urged that New York should set to
the nation an example of moderation, interposing no
barrier against any just and honorable settlement of
the quarrel between south and north, offering hostility
to none but friendship to all, and cordially uniting
with the other States "in proclaiming and enforcing a
determination that the Constitution shall be honored
and the Union of the States be preserved."
Fernando Wood, a rabid southern sympathizer, tried
to respond to this paper a few days later by sending
a message to the Common Council of New York, of
which city he was than Mayor, advocating that the
metropolis follow the example of the southern States
and secede both from the State of New York and from
the United States. The Common Council applauded
this astounding lucubration and had it printed in tract
EDWIN D. MORGAN
Edwin D. Morgan, 23rd governor (1859-62) ; born at Wash-
ington, Mass., February 8, 1811; business man; alderman of
New York City, 1849; member state senate, 1850-53; state com-
missioner of immigration, 1855-58; governor, 1859-62; major
general of volunteers in Union army from September 28, 1861,
to January 1, 1863 ; elected to U. S. senate and served from
March 4, 1863, to March 3, 1869; unsuccessful candidate for
reelection to senate in 1875; defeated for governor in 1S76;
died in New York City, February 14, 1883.
FERNANDO WOOD
Fernando Wood; born in Philadelphia, Pa., June 14, 1812;
moved with his father to New York in 1820; engaged in busi-
ness as a shipping merchant and retired in 1850; three times
elected mayor of New York. 1855-1856, 1857-1858 and 1861-
1862; elected to the 27th congress (1841-1843) and served also
in the 38th (1863-1865); reelected to the 40th and the six suc-
ceeding congresses, serving from March 4, 1867, to March 3,
1881. He was reelected to the 47th congress but died at Hot
Springs, Ark., February 14, 1881, before the new congress
convened.
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 449
form for the widest possible distribution among the
people, apparently in the crazy hope of thus inciting
insurrection in New York in sympathy with that in
South Carolina — for the very day after Wood de-
livered the message the South Carolina forces fired
upon the vessel — the "Star of the West" — that was con-
veying supplies to Fort Sumter.
The retort of the Legislature was prompt and ex-
plicit. It adopted on January 11 concurrent resolu-
tions pledging New York to the loyal support of the
national government and offering the President what-
ever aid in men and money might be needed to enable
him to enforce the laws and uphold the authority of
the government. The resolutions added: "In the de-
fense of the Union, which has conferred prosperity and
happiness upon the American people, renewing the
pledge given and redeemed by our fathers, we are ready
to devote our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honor."
The commercial spirit of New York, while loyal,
was strongly inclined toward compromise with the
south to avert war. A huge petition signed by thou-
sands of business men of all parts of the State was sent
to Congress, praying for the enactment of some meas-
ure which would restore harmony and maintain peace.
A great meeting of merchants of New York City on
January 18 adopted a memorial to Congress urging
compromise. Millard Fillmore and three thousand
others in Buffalo signed a similar memorial. Reso-
lutions were received by the Governor from the Leg-
islature of Virginia inviting New York to send Com-
missioners to a Peace conference at Washington on Feb-
450 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1861
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ruary 4. Though voting to accept the invitation the
Legislature made it quite clear that in doing so it did
not recede in the least from the position already taken
on January 11. The Commissioners appointed by the
Legislature were David Dudley Field, William C.
Noyes, James S. Wadsworth, A. B. James, Francis
Granger, Erastus Corning, Greene C. Bronson, Wil-
liam E. Dodge, John A. King, and John E. Wool.
The conference was, of course, entirely futile.
Still another attempt was made at compromise. A
mass-meeting was held in New York on January 28,
which was addressed by leading men of both parties
and which appointed three Commissioners to confer
unofficially with representatives of the seceding States
in regard to "measures best calculated to restore the
peace and integrity of this Union." But in the next
morning's papers was an item of news that made all
the oratory of the big meeting seem flat and vapid.
John A. Dix, veteran Democratic politician and friend
of compromise and of the maintenance of the rights
of the south to the fullest constitutional extent, had
been made Secretary of the Treasury in Buchanan's
cabinet. One of the officials of his department, in New
Orleans, reported that an insurgent movement was in
progress and that there was danger of an attack upon
the Federal offices in that city, and asked for instruc-
tions. Dix telegraphed in reply: "If anyone attempts
to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot!"
In a twinkling that patriotic order of the brave and
loyal New Yorker became one of the watchwords of
the whole north.
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 451
Next, on the following day, was the famous Tweddle
Hall convention at Albany, with four delegates from
each Assembly district representing all factions of the
Democratic party. Sanford E. Church called it to
order; Amasa J. Parker was permanent chairman;
Horatio Seymour, William Kelly, Reuben H. Wai-
worth (formerly Chancellor), and George W. Clinton
(son of DeWitt Clinton) were among the speakers.
Some justified the secession of the southern States, and
applauded it. Some denied and scouted the power of
the national government to prevent secession. Some
advocated peaceful dissolution of the Union. Ex-
Chancellor Walworth expressed the view that civil war
could not restore the Union, but would forever prevent
its restoration. Seymour declared that the sole ques-
tion was whether there should be compromise first and
no war, or war first and then compromise.
George W. Clinton took a different tone. He was
a Hard, who had trained with Daniel S. Dickinson
and John A. Dix, had been a Hard candidate (de-
feated) for Lieu tenant-Governor, and had supported
the Breckinridge ticket in 1860. But the boom of the
guns from Charleston harbor affected him as it had
affected Dix. "There is," he declared, "no such thing
as legal secession — it is rebellion! ... I hate trea-
son. . . . While I abhor coercion, in one sense,
as war, I wish to preserve the dignity of the govern-
ment of these United States." But in spite of Clinton's
patriotic words the convention demanded that the ques-
tion of compromise with the south be submitted to a
popular vote.
452 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
The two houses of the Legislature on February 18
held a joint session in order to receive the President-
elect, Lincoln, who then visited Albany. The Presi-
dent pro tempore of the Senate, Andrew J. Colvin, pre-
sided, and Lincoln made a brief address void of politi-
cal significance.
During this session occurred a notable conflict over
the election of a United States Senator to succeed
Seward, who had been selected to be Secretary of State
in Lincoln's cabinet. There were three leading can-
didates. One was Horace Greeley, who sought the
place as the candidate opposed to the "bossism" of
Weed, and who had a strong following on that issue.
Another, put forward by Weed, was William M.
Evarts, who had risen to the foremost rank at the bar
and had been a conspicuous delegate to the Republican
national convention of 1860, but who had never held
political office. The third was Ira Harris, who had
had a long career in the Legislature and on the bench
of the Supreme Court, and was highly esteemed for
both ability and character. At the outset Evarts and
Greeley were about equal in strength. On the first
ballot in the caucus they received 42 and 40 votes re-
spectively, Harris 20, and 13 were scattering. For
several more ballots Greeley led with from 42 to 47,
while Evarts fell to 39. There was every prospect that
on the eighth ballot enough of the Harris men would
come over to Greeley to give him the victory. Thus
confronted with defeat Weed quickly gave orders for
Evarts's votes to be swung en masse to Harris, which
was done, and with 60 votes to Greeley's 49 Harris
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 453
was chosen. Thus Weed had his revenge upon Gree-
ley for the latter's part in the defeat of Seward at
Chicago. It was one of the bitterest disappointments
of Greeley's political life.
The Legislature adjourned, after these and the usual
array of routine doings, on April 16.
As early as December 13, 1860, Lincoln offered to
Seward the position of Secretary of State, and from
that time forward there was a steady development of
Seward's resolve to resist secession at any cost. In a
notable speech in the Senate on January 12 he declared
that he would stand for inflexible maintenance of the
Union in every event, "whether of peace or war, with
every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or
death. . . . The hour has not yet come for this
great nation to fall." When a little later he had to
present the mammoth petition of the business men of
New York to the Senate for some "adjustment" of
affairs which would avert the peril of war, he made
no pretense of agreeing with the signers. "I have
asked them," he told the Senate, "that at home they
manifest their devotion to the Union, above all other
interests, by speaking for the Union, by voting for the
Union, by lending and giving their money for the
Union, and, in the last resort, by fighting for the
Union."
At the beginning of Lincoln's administration there
was naturally a tremendous rush of office-seekers to
the national capital. In addition to the numerous
changes that were in any event to be expected at such
a time, the secession of the southern States was bound
454 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
to remove from the Federal departments a host of place-
holders from that section. New York being the larg-
est of the States in population probably furnished the
greatest number of office-seekers, and Seward in the
cabinet, Harris in the Senate, and Roscoe Conkling in
the House of Representatives were almost overwhelmed
by innumerable importunities.
Lincoln took for himself the initiative in selecting
the appointee for the most important New York office,
that of Collector of the Port, his choice being Hiram
Barney. Why the selection was made did not appear
and never has been explained. Barney was not pleas-
ing to Weed and still less to Seward. They attributed
his appointment to Salmon P. Chase, who to their great
disgust had been made Secretary of the Treasury; but
it seems certain that while Chase approved the choice
he did not suggest it. Barney was a man of high
ability and character, well fitted for the place. But
his appointment was a serious blow to Weed and the
party machine, while it gratified Greeley, with whom
Barney had cooperated at Chicago in working against
Seward's nomination.
Greeley, however, was not pleased with the admin-
istration as a whole, and he made the Tribune very
often its unfavorable critic. There was hopeless in-
compatibility between his way of looking at things and
Lincoln's way, and his views in general contributed
little to the solution of the problems of the time. More-
over, he was greatly discontented with the selection of
Seward to be Secretary of State. By his criticisms he
more than once caused the administration embarrass-
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 455
ment and came dangerously near to fomenting a schism
in the Republican party.
Amid all these things Governor Morgan pursued his
wise and patriotic course unmoved, and splendidly con-
tributed to the preparation of the State to perform its
duty in the struggle. The crisis came with the firing
on Fort Sumter. When the gallant defender of the
fort, Major Anderson, came to New York, he was re-
ceived with intense enthusiasm. On April 20 there
was held in Union Square, New York City, perhaps
the greatest demonstration of the kind ever seen in
America. Tens of thousands of men of all parties,
creeds, and callings crowded around six platforms,
from which were made speeches in behalf of the
Union by the representative men of the State, Demo-
crats and Republicans alike. Daniel S. Dickinson was
among the most outspoken. "I know," he said, "but one
section, one Union, one flag, one government." John
Cochrane, who had dallied with secession and compro-
mise, spoke for "Our country, our whole country — in
any event, a united country." Even Fernando Wood,
who had urged New York City to join the secession
movement, said, "I am with you in this contest. We
know no party now."
When Lincoln called for troops Governor Morgan
reported to the Legislature that New York's quota
would be seventeen regiments. In a few hours the en-
listment of 30,000 volunteers was authorized, and four
days later the New York Seventh, fully equipped for
war, marched down Broadway on its way to the front.
By July 1 46,700 men had been sent, and by the end of
456 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
the year the number was increased to more than 120,000.
Loans of money were offered to the government at the
rate of ten to twelve millions a month. A commission
consisting of Governor Morgan, William M. Evarts,
and Moses H. Grinnell was appointed by the Presi-
dent, with extraordinary powers, to purchase and arm
steamships and to forward troops and supplies; and
another, composed of John A. Dix, George Opdyke,
and Richard M. Blatchford, was authorized to act
for the Treasury department in the disbursement of
public funds. A Union Defense committee had been
appointed by the Union Square meeting, which for a
time was the chief agency of the national government
in New York. John A. Dix, James S. Wadsworth,
Daniel E. Sickles, John Cochrane, and others who had
been active in politics became officers of the army at
the front.
One injudicious thing was done in New York early
in the war, which resulted in disaster. Greeley in the
Tribune, impatient to see the southern armies crushed
at once, permitted — he did not himself write it — the
publication daily of the editorial demand: "Forward
to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be per-
mitted to meet there on the 20th of July! By that date
the place must be held by the National Army!" The
government yielded to the popular clamor that was
thus fomented, and the result was the disaster of Bull
Run. One-third of the losses in that battle were New
York men.
As both parties had joined in rallying to the support
of the government at the outbreak of the war, the Re-
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 457
publican State committee proposed to the Democrats
that in the November election of 1861 there be but one
ticket, made up of men of both parties. Dean Rich-
mond conferred with Horatio Seymour, Sanford E.
Church, and other leaders who had not participated
in the Union Square meeting, and as the result replied
to this proposal that the Democrats were ready to
unite with all citizens opposed to war and in favor of
compromise. That was of course an unacceptable
reply.
The Democratic State convention was held at Syra-
cuse on September 4. Francis Kernan made a power-
ful address declaring it to be the duty of the party to
"oppose equally abolitionism at the north and secession
at the south, to protect and to preserve the govern-
ment, but not to let it be a war for the emancipation
of slaves." The platform agreed with Kernan) deny-
ing the right of secession and declaring it to be the
duty of the government to put down rebellion and the
duty of the people to rally to its support, but insisting
that to pervert the war into one for the abolition of slav-
ery would be fatal to all hope of restoring the Union.
A full ticket of State officers was nominated, headed
with the name of David R. Floyd Jones for Secretary
of State.
The Republican convention met in Syracuse on
September 11, and simultaneously there met there also
a People's convention, with Thomas G. Alvord as its
president The latter body, fired with patriotic en-
thusiasm, nominated a ticket composed of both Dem-
ocrats and Republicans on a strong war platform.
458 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1861
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Horatio Ballard was named for Secretary of State,
Daniel S. Dickinson for Attorney-General, Lucius
Robinson for Comptroller, William B. Lewis for
Treasurer, and William B. Wright for Judge of the
Court of Appeals. The Republican convention co-
operated with the People's and united with it in the
nominations, excepting for Canal Commissioners.
Lyman Tremain and Francis C. Brouck withdrew
from the Democratic ticket, on which they had been
nominated for Attorney-General and Treasurer, and
supported the People's Union ticket. Albert P. Lan-
ing, Greene C. Bronson, and James T. Brady joined
them. Daniel S. Dickinson was the most effective of
all the campaigners on that side. Horatio Seymour
made only one speech for the Democratic party, in
which he expressed a willingness to prosecute the war
as a means of restoring the Union but not for the aboli-
tion of slavery nor for infringement upon the rights
of States.
The result of the election was an overwhelming vic-
tory for the People's Union ticket. Its candidate for
Secretary of State received 297,428 votes to 189,716
for his Democratic opponent; and similar votes were
cast for the other candidates. But for Canal Commis-
sioners, on whom there was no union, the Democrats
cast 198,385 votes, the Republicans 179,691, and the
People's party 105,721. To the State Senate there
were chosen 22 Unionists and 10 Democrats, and to
the Assembly 70 Unionists and 58 Democrats. George
Opdyke defeated Fernando Wood for Mayor of New
York City. Among the Senators chosen were Henry
1861] THE WAR GOVERNOR 459
C. Murphy, Richard B. Connolly, John V. L. Pruyn,
Lyman Truman, and Charles J. Folger. Among the
Assemblymen were Henry J. Raymond, Thomas G.
Alvord, A. Bleecker Banks, John B. Dutcher, Peter
A. Porter, Smith Ely, Ezra Cornell, Benjamin F.
Tracy, and Chauncey M. Depew.
CHAPTER XXX
REACTION AND REVERSAL
THE early disasters of the Civil War, and the
mrdens that began to fall upon the people,
Caused in 1862 widespread reaction against the
Republican administrations both national and State.
Following the initial enthusiasm for the great cause,
questions of principle and policy as to the war's objects
and conduct came under discussion. Nowhere were the
pains and losses of war more keenly felt than in New
York, where commerce and industry were badly
affected and a serious financial panic occurred. In his
message to the Eighty-fifth Legislature, on January 7,
1862, Governor Morgan addressed himself, apart from
routin'e matters, almost exclusively to the issues and the
conduct of the war; and in that document and by his
attitude and course during the session and throughout
the remaining year of his term he showed himself a
great Executive. In that Legislature James Terwil-
liger was Clerk of the Senate, and Henry J. Raymond
and Joseph B. Cushman, respectively, were Speaker and
Clerk of the Assembly. The session, which lasted until
April 23, was marked by active efforts to sustain the
Governor and the national administration.
It was impossible, however, to stem the tide of re-
action, and the endeavors to do so were counteracted
460
1862] REACTION AND REVERSAL 461
by the dissensions that arose in the Republican party
over the question of emancipation of the slaves. Gree-
ley and the old anti-slavery element were impatient
for immediate emancipation, in demand for which the
Tribune editor addressed to the President his famous
"Prayer of Twenty Millions," wherein Lincoln was
charged with being remiss in duty and being under the
influence of the pro-slavery politicians of the border
States. Years afterward Greeley publicly confessed
he had been wrong at that time and Lincoln had been
right. But in 1862 his criticisms of the President had
a mischievous effect.
Early in the year thoughtful men of both parties,
realizing the critical state of affairs in the nation and
the immense importance of keeping New York solidly
in line for the Union, deprecated a State campaign on
party lines, and sought to bring about such an achieve-
ment as the Republicans had proposed in the preced-
ing year, with a single Loyal ticket representing and
supported by both parties. There was a widespread
feeling in favor of General John A. Dix as a candidate
for Governor who would command universal support,
and some of the foremost Republican leaders joined
with the War Democrats in counselling his nomina-
tion. The plan was to have him nominated by the
Constitutional Union party, which would hold a State
convention in Troy on September 9. But this did not
suit the purposes of Dean Richmond and Horatio
Seymour, who were confident that in a straight party
contest they could easily carry the State. Accord-
ingly James Brooks, of New York, was commissioned
462 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL C1862
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
to capture the Troy convention for a Democratic
candidate.
Seymour desired the selection of Sanford E. Church.
But Richmond doubted the ability of that gentleman
to be elected and decided that Seymour himself must
run. He instructed Brooks to that effect, and the re-
sult was that the Constitutional Union convention gave
32 votes for Seymour, 20 for Dix, and 6 for Millard
Fillmore. The next day the Democratic convention
met in Albany and unanimously ratified Seymour's
nomination. David R. Floyd Jones was named for
Lieutenant-Governor.
Probably Seymour was sincere in his reluctance to
be the candidate. But he accepted the nomination and
addressed the Democratic convention in a carefully
prepared speech in which he strongly criticised the
national administration for its conduct of the war and
denounced all proposals for emancipation of the slaves
as making "for the butchery of women and children,
for scenes of lust and rapine and of arson and murder,
which would invoke the interference of civilized
Europe." The platform, prepared by A. B. Laning,
pledged the party to continue united in support of
the government and "to use all legitimate means to sup-
press rebellion, restore the Union as it was, and main-
tain the Constitution as it is."
This action of the Democrats made a partisan con-
test inevitable and strengthened the movement for the
nomination of Dix by the Republicans despite his
Democratic antecedents. Thurlow Weed was com-
mitted to that policy, as also were Seward and Henry
1862] REACTION AND REVERSAL 463
J. Raymond. On the other hand, Governor Morgan
earnestly advised the choice of James S. Wadsworth,
who had a brilliant war record and was the chief mili-
tary adviser of the Secretary of War. His champion-
ship of Silas Wright was well remembered, he had
been one of the organizers of the Republican party5
and he was personally beloved for his many acts of
charity and his public benefactions. His hatred of
slavery and his approval of the Emancipation procla-
mation, which Lincoln issued on September 23, made
him the favorite of the radical element of the Republi-
can party.
The Republican convention met in Syracuse on Sep-
tember 25, calling itself the Republican Union conven-
tion. Henry J. Raymond was its chairman, and he
made a vigorous speech in reply to and condemnation
of Seymour's at the Democratic convention. A letter
from Governor Morgan was read, declining to be a
candidate for a third term. The platform, presented
by Parke Godwin, urged vigorous prosecution of the
war and expressed the profoundest satisfaction at the
issuance of the Emancipation proclamation.
Both Wadsworth and Dix were presented as candi-
dates for the nomination, and both names aroused much
enthusiasm; but on the first ballot an overwhelming
majority was cast for Wadsworth. Lyman Tremain,
who had withdrawn from and repudiated the Demo-
cratic ticket the year before, was named for Lieutenant-
Governor.
There followed a campaign of almost unexampled
bitterness, in which personal vilification largely sup-
464 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1862
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
planted argument. Compared to some of the utter-
ances, Raymond's declaration that every vote for Wads-
worth would be a vote for loyalty and every vote for
Seymour a vote for treason may be esteemed moderate.
The Democratic press belittled Wadsworth's distin-
guished military services and denounced him as "a
malignant Abolition disorganizer," while the Tribune
called Seymour "a consummate demagogue, radically
dishonest." Seymour himself, Dean Richmond, and
John Van Buren were the foremost speakers on the
Democratic side, the last-named emerging from years
of retirement for the occasion; while Daniel S. Dickin-
con was the chief Republican advocate. An effort was
made just before election day to get both candidates to
retire in favor of Dix, but it came to an end when Dix
sent word from the war front that he was too busy there
to be drawn into politics.
The October elections presaged disaster for the Re-
publicans, but the radicals continued confident of vic-
tory until the votes were counted. Then it was found
that the Democrats had carried the State by a small
but sufficient majority. Seymour had 306,649 votes to
Wadsworth's 295,897. The Assembly was tied, each
party having 64 members. Of the thirty-one Con-
gressional districts the Democrats carried seventeen.
Even Roscoe Conkling was beaten, by Francis Ker-
nan. Among the Representatives elected were Benja-
min Wood, Fernando Wood, James Brooks, Erastus
Corning, John V. L. Pruyn, John A. Griswold, DeWitt
C. Littlejohn, Theodore M. Pomeroy, and Reuben E.
Fenton, the last-named for his fifth and last term.
IRA HARRIS
Ira Harris, senator; born in Charlestown, Montgomery
county, N. Y., May 31, 1802; was graduated from Union college
in 1824; studied law in Albany and in 1828 was admitted to
the bar; member of the state legislature in 184-5 and 1846;
state senator in 1847; delegate to the state constitutional
convention, 1846; justice of the supreme court, 1847-1859; elected
to the United States senate from New York and served from
March 4, 1861 to March 3, 1867; delegate at large to the
state constitutional convention in 1867; died in Albany, N. Y.,
December 2, 1875.
HENRY J. RAYMOND
Henry J. Raymond; born in Lima, N. Y., January 24, 1820:
was graduated from the University of Vermont in 1840; moved
to New York City and studied law; member of the state
assembly in 1850-51, 1862; established the New York Times in
1851; delegate to the whig national convention of 1852; lieu-
tenant governor of New York, 1854-6; delegate to the republi-
can national convention in 1860; in congress, 1865-1867; died
in New York City, June 18, 1869.
1863] REACTION AND REVERSAL 465
When the Eighty-sixth Legislature met, on January
6, 1863, there was a prolonged contest over the Speaker-
ship of the Assembly. The majority of the Republi-
cans wanted to nominate Chauncey M. Depew. But
because of the necessity of having a candidate for whom
every man would vote, and because at least one de-
clared that he would not vote for Depew, Henry Sher-
wood, of Steuben county, was named. The Demo-
crats put forward Gilbert Dean. As the two parties
were exactly tied there was no election for many bal-
lots, and it was evident that there could be none until
some member deserted his party. After seventy-seven
ballots the Republicans withdrew Sherwood and voted
for Depew. Then T. C. Callicot, of Kings county,
a Democrat, refused longer to vote for Dean. A re-
cess was taken, during which there was much in-
triguing. Democratic leaders offered Depew votes if
all the Republicans would support him. Callicot also
approached him with a promise that if the Republi-
cans would all vote for him (Callicot), he would in
turn vote with them for John A. Dix for United States
Senator and thus assure his election.
The question presented to Depew was, therefore,
whether he should accept Democratic votes and win
the prize of the Speakership, leaving the United States
Senatorship in doubt and likely to remain vacant, or
should help elect a Democrat, Callicot, Speaker, and
assure the choice of a Republican United States Sena-
tor. He chose the latter course. There followed dis-
graceful scenes of violence and rioting, the Democrats
desperately striving to prevent the election of a man
466 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1863
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
whom they denounced as a renegade and traitor, until
at last Governor Seymour had to threaten to use mili-
tary force to preserve the peace of the State. Then on
the ninety-third ballot Callicot was elected Speaker.
Joseph B. Cushman was appointed Clerk.
It was consequently the 26th of January before Gov-
ernor Seymour was able to present his message to the
Legislature. The document began with an elaborate
consideration of the causes and conduct of the war.
He held that the war was not due to the question of
slavery but to widespread disregard of the obligations
imposed by the laws and the Constitution, to disrespect
for constituted authorities, and above all to local and
sectional prejudices and animosities. The declara-
tions of Lincoln and Seward that the nation could not
permanently endure half slave and half free he de-
nounced as indicating a spirit of disloyalty. He
strongly criticised the Federal government for what
he regarded as its usurpation of power, its arbitrary
arrests, and its application of martial law. The mes-
sage was throughout distinctly unfriendly to the Lin-
coln administration. Yet Seymour insisted that the
Union must be restored in spite of rebellion at the south
and fanaticism at the north.
The chief work before the Legislature was to choose
a United States Senator to succeed Preston King.
Had Wadsworth been elected Governor with a sub-
stantial Republican majority in the Assembly, Horace
Greeley would again have been a candidate. As it
was, he urged the reelection of Preston King or the
election of Daniel S. Dickinson. On the other hand,
1863] REACTION AND REVERSAL 467
Weed and Seward wanted ex-Governor Morgan ; while
Henry J. Raymond, David Dudley Field, Charles B.
Sedgwick, Henry R. Selden, and Ward Hunt were
among those "also mentioned." Morgan led on the
informal ballot, and on the second formal ballot was
nominated by the Republican caucus. The Democrats
nominated Erastus Corning, an Albany merchant of
wealth and public spirit, and of high ability and spot-
less character. In the Senate Morgan received 23
votes and Corning 7, with 2 absentees. There was at
first no choice in the Assembly, Morgan having the
64 Republican votes and Corning 62, while Callicot
cast his vote for Dix and one vote was cast for Fernando
Wood. Then on the second ballot, as Callicot would
not vote for Morgan the 64 Morgan votes were trans-
ferred to Dix, giving him 65 to Coming's 63. That
made it possible to go into joint session, where the Re-
publicans were not dependent on Callicot's vote. On
the first ballot, therefore, Morgan was elected Sena-
tor with 86 votes, to 70 for Corning, 1 for Dix, and
1 for Dickinson. The Legislature continued its ses-
sion without further sensations, and adjourned without
day on April 25.
It was at about the time of Morgan's election to the
Senate that Thurlow Weed, as if contented with that
crowning victory, retired from the editorship of the
Albany Evening Journal and from the active manage-
ment of the Republican party. With the majority of
that party he was no longer in sympathy, and he real-
ized the futility of further attempts to impress his con-
servative views upon the radicals who had come into
468 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H863
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
control. It was at the same time, too, that Union
League clubs were formed, which generally became
centers of Republican activity and influence.
That spring President Lincoln wrote to Governor
Seymour a letter expressing a desire to become ac-
quainted with him and a confidence that fuller under-
standing of each other would demonstrate to both their
practical agreement on national interests. Seymour
disregarded the letter for some weeks and then wrote
a formal reply promising to write more fully after
the Legislature had adjourned, but declaring plainly
that neither political resentments nor personal objects
would turn him aside from the course he had chosen.
The promised letter was never written. In fact, it
would have been futile, for Lincoln and Seymour were
radically so far apart that agreement between them
would have been impossible.
There followed the arrest of Clement L. Vallandig-
ham, whose banishment to the south evoked from Sey-
mour a letter, addressed to a public meeting of protest,
denouncing that act as revolutionary and an exercise
of despotism. "If it is upheld," he added, "our liber-
ties are overthrown." A few weeks later he promptly
and energetically responded to the call for troops to
check Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania. Yet at the very
moment when Lee was retreating in defeat from
Gettysburg, in a Fourth of July address in New York
City the Governor dwelt chiefly upon the f ruitlessness
of the war and the fatal subversion of the liberties of
the people.
The draft riots in New York City came a week later,
1863] REACTION AND REVERSAL 4-69
with looting, arson, and murder. Seymour hastened
thither from his vacation at Long Branch and addressed
from the steps of the City Hall a mob of thugs, incendi-
aries, and murderers, calling them his "friends," plead-
ing with them to desist from further violence, and
promising to use his influence toward having the draft
stopped. He did enter into a protracted controversy
with the President on the subject, asking for the sus-
pension of the draft until the State officials could cor-
rect the enrollment and the courts could pass upon the
constitutionality of the Conscription law. The fatal
weakness of his position was in the fact that there had
been ample time for correction of the rolls but he had
deliberately neglected to have the work done.
When the Republican State convention met at Syra-
cuse on September 2 there seemed to be victory in the
air. The successes of the National armies had con-
vinced everybody that the crisis of the war was past and
that the triumph of the Union was only a matter of a
short time. Weed did not attend the convention, but his
friends Raymond and Morgan were there, and Ward
Hunt was the temporary and Abraham Wakeman the
permanent chairman. Some difficulty was found in
getting a War Democrat to take a place on the ticket.
Dickinson declined renomination as Attorney-General,
and James T. Brady would not accept the nomination.
Finally John Cochrane was made the candidate.
Lucius Robinson was renominated for Comptroller
after a futile effort to replace him with Thomas W. Ol-
cott, who declined. Chauncey M. Depew was nomi-
nated for Secretary of State after Colonel Peter A.
470 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL [1863
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Porter had received and declined the honor. The plat-
form heartily supported the national administration,
but said nothing concerning the draft. As first pre-
sented it was silent also about the Emancipation procla-
mation, but after a spirited controversy Charles J. Fol-
ger secured the adoption of a plank declaring that as a
war measure the proclamation was thoroughly legal
and justifiable. The convention received a long letter
from President Lincoln, which was instinct with an op-
timistic spirit.
The Democratic convention met at Albany on Sep-
tember 9, with Amasa J. Parker as chairman. Gov-
ernor Seymour made a speech in explanation of his
course toward the draft riots, and the platform was
an appeal for conciliation and against "subjugation."
The convention refused to cooperate with the Consti-
tutional Union party, and nominated a straight Demo-
cratic ticket with David B. St. John for Secretary of
State, Sanford E. Church for Comptroller, and Mar-
shall B. Champlain for Attorney-General.
The campaign was fought very largely on the ques-
tion of approving or condemning Seymour's attitude
toward the draft and the draft riots. The Governor
made several speeches, and he was unsparingly excori-
ated by Republican orators, notably by Martin I. Town-
send, of Troy. The result of the election was a decided
Republican victory. For Secretary of State Depew
had 314,347 votes to 284,942 for St. John. In the
Senate there were 21 Republicans and 11 Democrats,
and in the Assembly 82 Republicans and 46 Demo-
crats.
1864] REACTION AND REVERSAL 471
When the Eighty-seventh Legislature met on Janu-
ary 5, 1864, Thomas G. Alvord was chosen Speaker
and Joseph B. Cushman Clerk of the Assembly. The
Governor's message was largely devoted to a report
and explanation of his course in connection with the
draft and the riots, and to condemnation of the Con-
scription act. He also denounced vigorously the
establishment of the National bank system, the issu-
ance of paper money as legal tender, and the suspen-
sion of the habeas corpus act as measures that went
far toward destroying the rights of States and toward
centralizing all power at the national capital; and he
declared that the acts of the Executive, the military
officers, and Congress had wrought a revolution which
if permanently accepted would be the overthrow of
established and cherished principles of government.
The Emancipation proclamation was condemned as
a measure designed to convert a war against armed
rebellion into a war against private property and per-
sonal rights; and there were expressed forebodings
of national bankruptcy and the establishment of
oligarchical despotism. The legislative session ended
on April 23.
The great political issue of that year was, of course,
the Presidency. In other States the renomination of
Lincoln was taken for granted, and Legislatures and
conventions committed themselves to it. New York,
however, hesitated. Weed, though nominally in re-
tirement, was still potent and would do nothing for
the President until Hiram Barney was removed from
the Collectorship of the Port, where he had not
472 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL N864
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
made a creditable record. Various Union League
clubs and Republican committees spoke in favor of
Lincoln, but resolutions introduced into the Legisla-
ture lay long on the table, neglected and ignored.
Greeley in the Tribune declared that Chase, Fremont,
Butler, or Grant would make as good a President as
Lincoln. A memorial was addressed to the Republi-
can national committee, signed by* many of the fore-
most Republicans of the State, requesting postpone-
ment of the national convention, which had been called
to meet at Baltimore on June 7. The request was
not granted, and on May 26 a State convention met
to appoint delegates. The two factions, led respect-
ively by Weed and Greeley, both professed to be in
favor of Lincoln's renomination, but they wrangled
and fought for a long time before at last the radicals
won. But the delegates were fairly chosen from both
sides.
At the Baltimore convention Henry J. Raymond re-
ported the platform, and the New York delegation
voted solidly with all the others for the renomination
of Lincoln. Then the New York radicals wanted
Daniel S. Dickinson nominated for Vice-President, but
the conservatives, led by Raymond, supported Andrew
Johnson and contributed to his nomination on the first
ballot.
A convention of anti-Lincoln Republicans and others
was held in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 31, John Coch-
rane being chairman. Lucius Robinson sent a letter
advocating the nomination of General Grant. The
candidates named were General Fremont for Presi-
1864] REACTION AND REVERSAL 473
dent and John Cochrane for Vice-President; they ulti-
mately declined to run.
Governor Seymour doubtless had intended his mes-
sage to the Legislature to be a message to the Demo-
cratic party of the State and nation, and it was con-
strued by many as designed to promote his Presidential
ambition. The Democratic convention to select dele-
gates to the national convention in Chicago was held
on February 24, and Seymour was made the head of
the delegation, with Dean Richmond, August Belmont,
and Isaac Butts, of Rochester, as his colleagues. The
Chicago convention had been called for the Fourth of
July, but was postponed until August 29. Seymour in
his journey thither was the object of enthusiastic
demonstrations by party supporters, and was greeted at
every station. In the convention the New York dele-
gation played a waiting game. If Seymour could be
nominated it would support him; but he was unwill-
ing to run the risk of defeat in a struggle for the nomi-
nation. When at last a careful canvass showed that Mc-
Clellan was sure to be named, every thought of Sey-
mour's candidacy ceased. On the ballot all but half
a dozen of the New Yorkers supported McClellan,
Seymour himself voting for Samuel Nelson, a Justice
of the Supreme Court of the United States. One of
the foremost members of the New York delegation was
Samuel J. Tilden, who served on the committee on
resolutions.
Later came the State conventions. The Republicans
met at Syracuse on September 7, jubilant over the vic-
tories that had been won in the war. The radicals
474 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
under Greeley were in full control, and would not
even confer with the conservatives concerning candi-
dates. So arbitrary were they that Weed was almost
at the point of bolting the convention. It had been
determined in advance that the candidate for Gover-
or should be Reuben E. Fenton, of Chautauqua, who
had had a distinguished career of many years in Con-
gress and was one of the most popular and also adroit
politicians in the State. General Dix was proposed,
but Fenton was nominated on the first informal ballot
and then, at the instance of Elbridge G. Lapham, was
unanimously declared the choice of the convention.
Thomas G. Alvord was nominated for Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor. Finally, as if to emphasize their triumph, the
radicals put Horace Greeley at the head of the ticket
of Presidential Electors.
The Democrats met at Albany on September 14.
What seemed an authoritative announcement had been
made that Governor Seymour would not accept re-
nomination, wherefore the convention began consider-
ing other candidates, especially General Dix, Amasa J.
Parker, William F. Allen, and William Kelly. Then
it was whispered that Seymour would accept if the
renomination should be offered unanimously. A reso-
lution nominating him by acclamation was adopted in
a whirlwind of enthusiasm, and on being informed of
the fact he accepted. David R. Floyd Jones was named
for Lieutenant-Governor.
Following upon this convention came the news of
brilliant Union victories in the war; the Fremont and
Cochrane ticket was withdrawn in favor of Lincoln
1864] REACTION AND REVERSAL 475
and Johnson, and every disaffected Republican came
back to the party ranks. The reelection of Lincoln
was seen to be a foregone conclusion as soon as the
October elections in various States were held, and
national attention was then centered upon New York.
Probably nothing, after the reelection of Lincoln, was
more widely and earnestly desired by Republicans
throughout the nation than the defeat of Seymour for
the Governorship. On the other hand, the Democrats
of the nation, knowing that McClellan's case was hope-
less, fixed their chief desire upon Seymour's success.
The result proved close. For President, Lincoln re-
ceived in New York 368,735 votes and McClellan 361,-
986; for Governor, Fenton had 369,557, and Seymour
361,264. Thus the winning candidate for Governor
polled more votes than his party's candidate for the
Presidency. In the Assembly the Republicans secured
76 and the Democrats 52. The Republicans elected
twenty of the thirty-one Representatives in Congress.
Roscoe Conkling was returned to his seat, as was John
A. Griswold. Henry J. Raymond was elected from
a district formerly strongly Democratic, and William
E. Dodge defeated James Brooks in a closely contested
election.
The Republican victory was not overwhelming, but
it was substantial and it was sufficient to mark an
emphatic reversal after the reaction of two years
before. This was the last State campaign during the
Civil War, and it marked the close of the long and
doubtful struggle on the question of slavery. The ex-
tension of slavery, emancipation, and all the old issues
476 POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL H864
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
which for a generation had been dominant in the poli-
tics of New York, as well as of the nation, were now
to become things of the past. New issues were arising,
and an opportunity was opening for the State to think
more of its own interests and be less concerned with
the affairs of the nation. New men were coming to
the fore, new tasks were to be accomplished, and a
new volume of the history of the Empire State was to
be written.
INDEX
ABOLITION of Slavery: See "Slav-
ery."
Abolition or Liberty Party, The: Or-
ganization and National and State
nominations in 1840, II, 239; Vote,
243 ; State nomination and vote in
1842, 267; National and State nomi-
nations in 1844, 308, 309; Whig de-
feat due to Abolitionist defection,
310; The party in 1845, 324; State
nominations and vote in 1846, 331,
332; Action of ultra Abolitionists
in 1848, 365; Abolitionist support of
Democrats in 1849, 374-375; 1850,
378; Election of Gerrit Smith to
Congress in 1852, 392.
Acting-Governors: John Tayler, 1,
393.— Nathaniel Pitcher, II, 97; Enos
T. Throop, 115.
Adams, Charles Francis: at Free Soil
National convention, nomination for
Vice-President, II, 363.
Adams, Henry: on spoils system, I,
220; on Clinton-Burr controversy,
223.
Adams, John: Presidential candidate,
I, 161 ; President, prevents war with
France, 172; Alienates Hamilton but
retains Jay's support, 173; Sup-
ported by N. Y. Legislature, 181;
Attacked by Hamilton, 193.
Adams, John Quincy: Presidential
candidate, II, 33; Favored by N. Y.
Democrats, 33; Policy in Florida
treaty thwarted by Crawford, 36;
Denounced by DeWitt Clinton, 58;
Elected President, 62; Success due
to vote of "Great Patroon," 63-65;
Campaign for reelection, 108; Ori-
gin of Jackson's enmity, 131-132.
Adams, Levi: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 431.
Adams, Peter C.: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 285.
Agriculture: Creation of State de-
partment recommended, I, 409;
State Agricultural Society, Fund,
and Fairs, founded, 409; DeWitt
Clinton's recommendations for im-
proving markets, 459. — Encourage-
ment of flax, hemp, and tobacco
growing, II, 96; Marcy's recommen-
dations for State Board and Col-
lege, 155, 164; State convention of
farmers and State Agricultural So-
ciety, 164; Provision for fairs and
demand for schools, 165; Tillage,
husbandry, horticulture, and house-
hold arts, 165; Silk culture and
wines, 165 ; Establishment of the Cul-
tivator, 165; First aid from Legis-
lature, 166; First State Fair at Syra-
cuse with oration by Eliphalet Nott,
167-168; Second Fair at Albany
with oration by Seward, 168-169;
Third Fair at Rochester with ora-
tion by Daniel Webster, 169-170;
Other noted orators and guests at
Fairs, 171; Fairs at Utica, Elmira,
Buffalo, Saratoga, Watertown,
Poughkeepsie, Auburn, and New
York, 172; Contract with Elmira for
Fairs, 173 ; Syracuse made perma-
nent site, 174; Control transferred
from State Agricultural Society to
State government, 174; Action of
Theodore Roosevelt and Timothy L.
Woodruff, 174-175; Later develop-
ments of State Fair, 176; Seward's
recommendation of State Board of
Agriculture, 228 ; Fish recommends
endowment of State Agricultural
College and Institute of Mechanical
Arts, 369.
Alabama: Demands surrender of
Anti-slavery agitators, II, 191.
Albany: First made seat of State
government, I, 73 ; Permanent capi-
477
478
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
tal, 188; First Capitol built, 409.—
Site of State Fairs, II, 168, 172;
Abolitionist National convention of
1840, 239; Democratic State conven-
tion of 1864, 474.
Albany Argus, The: Founded as
Democratic organ, I, 350. — Death of
Cantine, editor, II, 32; Edited by
Edwin Croswell, 32; Supports Jack-
son for Presidency, 95; Great poli-
tical power, 118; Controversy with
Albany Evening Journal, 119; At-
tacks Anti-Masonic and National
Republican coalition, 141 ; Becomes
Hunker organ, 327; Prints official
notices free, 328.
Albany Atlas, The: Barnburner or-
gan edited by William Cassidy, II,
327.
Albany Evening Journal, The:
Founded by Weed, II, 119; Contro-
versy with Argus, 119; Weed retires
from editorship, 467.
Albany Regency, The: Formed, II,
15; Circumstances of origin, 16;
Contrast to later "rings," 17 ; Thur-
low Weed's characterization, 17;
The original triumvirs — Talcott,
Marcy, and Butler, 17; Their pur-
poses and aims, 20; Other members,
21; First political achievements, 22;
Hostility to DeWitt Clinton, 22;
Favors Crawford for President, 34;
Strives to maintain Congressional
nomination of President and legisla-
tive choice of Electors, 36; Censured
for failure of Presidential Electors
bill, 42; Arbitrarily removes DeWitt
Clinton from Canal board, 44-47;
Censures Yates for calling special
session of Legislature, 52; Badly
beaten in election of 1824, 57, 67;
Regains control of Legislature, 76;
Cultivates friendly relations with
DeWitt Clinton, 77; Fills offices
with adherents, 78 ; Opposes Clinton
for Governor, 81; Loses Governor-
ship but wins Legislature, 82; Sup-
ports Jackson for Presidency, 95 ;
Close relations with Jackson's ad-
ministration, 151; Campaign against
Abolitionism, 185; Defeated in 1837,
210; Overthrown by "Seward,
Weed & Greeley," 221.
Albany Register, The: Leading Demo-
cratic paper, I, 235; Attacks Lewis,
261; Defends DeWitt Clinton, 293;
Against Tompkins, 350, 386.
Alexander, DeAlva Stanwood, histo-
rian: Epigram on DeWitt Clinton,
II, 97.
Alien and Sedition Laws: Virginia
and Kentucky resolutions discussed
by N. Y. Legislature, I, 177; Perse-
cution of Judge Peck and others,
183; Hamilton's attitude, 187.
Allen, Peter: in contested election for
Assembly, I, 379; Defeated, 380;
Unseated, 381.
Allen, Samuel P.: Clerk of State
Senate, II, 414, 424.
Allen, Stephen: Mayor of New York,
I, 449.
Allen, William F.: Suggested for
Governor, II, 474.
Alsop, John: in Continental Congress,
I, 33.
Alvord, Thomas G.: Assemblyman,
II, 298 ; Speaker, 424, 471 ; Presides
over People's convention, 457; As-
semblyman, 459 ; Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor, 474.
Amendments: See "Constitution."
American Citizen and W atchtower ,
The: DeWitt Clinton's paper, I,
223 ; Attacks Governor Lewis, 261-
263; Denounces embargo, 284; Re-
pudiated by Democrats, 297.
American Institute, of New York,
The: Officially recognized and
aided, II, 166.
American Party, The: See "Know-
Nothings."
American System of Henry Clay: N.
Y.'s interest in, II, 93 ; Its destruc-
tion sought, 204.
Anderson, Major Robert: Reception
in New York City, II, 455.
Andrews, Samuel G.: Clerk of State
Senate, II, 243.
Annin, Joseph: State Senator, I, 239.
Anthony, Susan B.: Pioneer of Wo-
man's Rights, II, 341 ; Her antece-
dents, 342; Tribute to Mrs. Stan-
ton, 343 ; Begins work for Woman
Suffrage, 345; Rebukes fashionable
dress, 345; Leader of State conven-
tion, 346; Stumping the State, 346;
INDEX
479
Work in Civil War and after, 347;
Organizes National Woman Suf-
frage Association, 348; Arrested
and fined for voting, 349; Recog-
nized leader of movement, 350.
Anthony, Susan B., Amendment, The:
II, 341, 350.
Anti-Federalists, The: Led by George
Clinton, opposed by Alexander
Hamilton, I, 111; Hamilton's tactical
move in nominating Robert Yates
for Governor against Clinton in
1789, 112-113; Clinton defeats
Yates, 113; Burr's support con-
trived by Clinton, 117; Begin to
take name of Republicans, 119; Im-
portant offices awarded to sup-
porters, 121 ; Burr elected U. S.
Senator, 125; Nomination of Clin-
ton for Governor in 1792, 129 ; Anti-
Federalists as "Gallicans," 137-
138; Genet, 142; Nomination and
defeat of Robert Yates for Gov-
ernor in 1795, 150, 152; Merged in
Democratic-Republican or Republi-
can party, 155.
Anti-Lincoln Convention, 1864: II,
472; Candidates withdraw, 475.
Anti-Masonic Party, The: Organized,
II, 89; National convention of 1831,
90; Opposes Jackson, 90; Nomi-
nates National candidates, 91 ; Com-
pact with supporters of Clay, 92;
Relations with National Republi-
cans and Whigs, 92; Daniel Web-
ster's interest in, 93 ; Declines to
fuse with National Republicans,
102; Nominates Granger for Gov-
ernor. 102; Nominates Southwick
on Granger's declination, 103; Sup-
port sought by Van Buren, 105 ; Re-
sult of campaign, 109; Decline of
party, 116; Practical merger with
National Republicans, 121; Again
nominates Granger for Governor,
141 ; Many rejoin Democrats, 149 ;
Merged in Whig party, 159.
Anti-Nebraska Convention, II, 405.
Anti-Rent Party, and Anti-Rent War:
II, 15; After death of "Last of the
Patroons," 230; Unsuccessful at-
tempts at arbitration, 230; Seward's
reports on, 245 ; Candidates for
Legislature, 309 ; Violent eruption
suppressed by militia, 311.
Anti-Slavery Agitation, Anti-Slavery
Society: See "Slavery.'*
Anti-Slavery Standard, The, II, 288-
289.
Anti-Slavery Whigs in Republican
Party, II, 402.
Appointment, Council of: See "Coun-
cil of Appointment."
Appointments to Office: under Con-
stitution of 1821, I, 457.— Policy of
Albany Regency, II, 20. — See "Coun-
cil of Appointment."
Apportionment: of 1791, I, 125; of
Senators in 1796, 159; Congress-
men under Census of 1810, 317; As-
semblymen under Constitution of
1821, 462. — Changes in various
counties, II, 110; State redistricted
for 40 Congressional Representa-
tives, 140; Legislative apportion-
ment in 1836, 193 ; Assemblymen,
by counties, 200 ; Representatives in
Congress reduced from 40 to 34,
264.
Argus, The Albany: See "Albany
Argus."
"Aristides" : See "Van Ness, William
P."
Armstrong, John: Against Alien and
Sedition laws, I, 183; U. S. Sena-
tor, 200; Resigns, 222; Reflected,
237; Resigns to become Minister
to France, 255; His discreditable
career, 351; "Newburgh Letters,"
351; Presidential ambition, 351;
Out of public life, 363 ; Hammond's
high estimate, 363; Suggested for
U. S. Senator, 371.
Arsenals: Raided by filibusters, II,
214.
Assembly, The: Provisions of Third
Constitution concerning, II; 336.
Astor, John Jacob: Claims for lands
confiscated by State, II, 89; Founds
Astor Library, 369.
Asylums: See "Charities."
Atlas, The Albany: See <( Albany
Atlas."
Auburn: Site of State Fair, II, 172;
Anti-Nebraska convention, 405 ;
Know-Nothing convention, 413;
Seward's home, 162, 335, 442, 444.
Aurora, The: Duane's paper, I, 228.
480
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
BABCOCK, GEORGE R.: Candidate
for U. C. Senator, II, 411.
Bacon, Ezekiel : in Constitutional con-
vention, I, 454.
Bacon, John F.: Clerk of State Senate
25 years, II, 68, 138, 243.
Bailey, Benjamin: Candidate for
Speaker of Assembly, II, 325.
Bailey, Theodorus: U. S. Senator, I,
234.
Baker, William: Speaker of Assem-
bly, II, 154.
Balance, The: Federalist paper, I,
240, 297.
Ballard, Horatio: Secretary of State
of N. Y., II, 458.
Baltimore: Whig national conven-
tion of 1852, II, 388; Democratic
national conventions of 1852 and
1860, 390, 440.
Bancker, Evert: Member of Coun-
cil of Safety, I, 65.
Bancker, Girard: State Treasurer,
criticised for land sales, I, 130.
Bancroft, George: Guest at State
Fair, II, 171.
Bank Commissioners: Factional fight
over, II, 296; Abolished, 297.
Bank of the United States, The:
Jackson's opposition to, II, 126 ; De-
bate on renewal of charter, 126;
New York bankers generally op-
posed to, 127; Legislature adopts
resolutions against renewal of char-
ter, 127, 140; Issue in N. Y. cam-
paign, 144; Government deposits
withdrawn, 152; Change of policy,
157; Marcy's reference in message,
177; Its aid sought by New Yorkers
in panic of 1837, 205.
Bankruptcy: Seward's advocacy of
National law, II, 245.
Banks, Banking, and Currency: Bank
of North America chartered and
all others prohibited, I, 78; Man-
hattan Banking Company chartered,
181; Popular indignation, 182; Bank
of Albany made State depository,
235; New York State Bank char-
tered, 235; Bank of Columbia, 236;
Farmers' Bank, 236; Controversy
over, 256; Merchants' Bank, 256;
Mercantile Company, 257; Partisan
legislation, 257; Bribery of legisla-
tors charged, 258; Scandal over re-
newal of Merchants' Bank charter,
260; Many new banks proposed, and
opposed by Tompkins, 329; Bank
of America proposed, 330; Attempt
at wholesale bribery of State. 331;
Attempted bribery of legislators,
332; Bill halted by prorogation of
Legislature, 334; Tompkins' mes-
sage, 334; Bank of America char-
tered, 337; Modifications of char-
ter sought, 345 ; Many "wild-cat"
charters refused, 359. — Chemical
and other banks chartered, II, 62;
DeWitt Clinton recommends strict
limitation of issue of banknotes, 88 ;
Van Buren's recommendation of
Safety Fund enacted, 111; Board of
Bank Commissioners created, 112;
Marcy on bank chartering and con-
trol, 154; on State aid to banks,
156; on Bank of U. S., 177; Bank-
notes of less than $5 forbidden,
181; Conservative policy urged by
Marcy, 190; Inflation of circula-
tion to facilitate land speculation,
203 ; Embarrassment caused by re-
distribution of U. S. Treasury sur-
plus, 204; Wholesale failures and
closing in panic of 1837, 205; Sus-
pension of specie payments, 206;
Lack of small bills, 209; Shinplas-
ters, 209; Marcy's messages, 213;
Seward's recommendations, 244;
Banking monopoly abolished by
Third Constitution, 337; Responsi-
bility of stockholders enforced, 370;
State Department of Banking cre-
ated, 383; King's recommendation
of reserve funds, 425.— See "Bank
Commissioners" and "Bank of
United States."
Banks, A. Bleecker: Assemblyman,
II, 459.
Banks, Nathaniel P.: First Republi-
can Speaker of National House of
Representatives, II, 416.
Barker, George P.: Attorney-General
of N. Y., II, 263.
Barnburners, The: 265. See "Demo-
cratic Party."
Barnes, Ira P.: Clerk of State Sen-
ate, II, 387.
INDEX
481
Barney, Hiram: Collector of Port of
New York, II, 454; Removed, 471.
Barry, William T. : Postmaster-Gen-
eral, II, 130.
Barstow, Gamaliel H.: State Treas-
urer, II, 78; Nominated for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, 198; Defeated,
200.
Batavia: Home of William Morgan,
II, 83.
Bates, Edward: Candidate for Presi-
dential nomination, II, 443.
Bayard, William: Against taxation
without representation, I, 24.
Bayard, William A.: Declines to
serve on committee on Tompkins'
accounts, I, 427.
Beach, Moses.: Assemblyman, II,
424.
Beardsley, Samuel: Congressman and
Chief-Justice of Supreme Court of
N. Y., II, 184.
Beck, Nicholas F. : Adjutant-General,
death, II, 123.
Bedlow's Island: Acquired by State
for quarantine purposes, I, 160.
Beecher, Henry Ward: Anti-slavery
leader, II, 202; in Kansas-Ne-
braska contest, 402; Church collec-
tions for rifles, 414 ; Stumps State
for Republican Governor, 418; in
campaign of 1860, 445.
Beekman, James W. : State Senator,
II, 379; Opposes Fish for U. S.
Senator, 385.
Beekman, John P.: Candidate for
Governor, II, 391.
Belmont, August: at Democratic Na-
tional conventions, II, 439, 473.
Benson, Egbert: Member of Council
of Safety, I, 65 ; of Massachusetts
Boundary commission, 84; of Com-
mission on Trade and Commerce,
88; Delegate to Federal Tax con-
vention, 100; to Commercial con-
vention, 102; Moves for convention
to consider U. S. Constitution, 107;
Representative in Congress, 114;
Candidate for Justice of Supreme
Court of N. Y., 121 ; Appointed
Justice, 145; U. S. Circuit Judge,
228.
Benson, Robert: Clerk of Assembly,
dismissed, I, 219.
Benton, Thomas H. : Opposes re-
newal of charter of Bank, II, 126;
Epigram on Van Buren, 137.
Berrien, John M. : Attorney-General
of U. S., II, 130.
Betts, Samuel R. : Appointed Justice
of Supreme Court but rejected by
Legislature, II, 27, 28; Judge of
Circuit Court, 31.
Biddle, Nicholas: Aid sought by
New Yorkers in panic of 1837, II,
205.
Bigelow, John: on DeWitt Clinton,
II, 58.
Bingham, John: Opponent of DeWitt
Clinton, I, 313.
Birdsall, John: State Senator, leads
Anti-Masons back to Democratic
party, II, 149.
Birney, James G. : Abolitionist can-
didate for President, II, 239, 308.
Bishop, Isaac W.: State Senator, re-
signs under charges, II, 192.
Blair, Francis P.; in Globe supports
Jackson and Van Buren, II, 133.
Blair, Henry W.: U. S. Senator,
champions Woman Suffrage, II,
341, 350.
Blake, John: Sheriff of Orange
county, I, 217.
Blatchford, Richard M.: Member of
Civil War commission, II, 456.
Bloodgood, Francis A.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 330.
Bloom, Henry: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 394.
Bloomer, Mrs. Amelia: Reformer, II,
345.
Boerum, Simon: in Continental Con-
gress, I, 33.
Bogardus, Robert: Member of Com-
mittee on Tompkins's accounts, I,
427.
Bogart, William H.: Clerk of Senate,
II, 379.
Bolts: Barnburners from Democratic
convention of 1847, II, 357; Silver
Grays from Whig convention of
1850, 378; Preston King and others
from Soft Democratic convention of
1854, 403.
Bonds, State: Validity questioned, II,
296.
482
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Bouck, William C.: State Senator
and Canal Commissioner, I, 488. —
At Rochester State Fair, II, 170;
Candidate for Governor, his char-
acter and career, 238; 291; Re-
moved from Canal commission, 246;
Candidate of Hunkers for Gover-
nor, 265; Nominated and elected,
267; "Farmer Governor," 291;
Political record, 292; Message on
State, interstate, and Federal inter-
ests, 292; Opposes Seward's policy
toward fugitive slaves, 293 ; Aggra-
vates dissensions in Democratic
party, 299; Message on canals and
constitutional amendments, 300;
Canal policy opposed but adopted,
301-303 ; Candidate for renomina-
tion, 308; Stormy close of adminis-
tration, 311; in Constitutional con-
vention of 1846, 335.
Bowman, John: State Senator, moves
for removal of DeWitt Clinton
from Canal commission, II, 45.
Bowne, Walter: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 394.
Bradish, Luther: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 211; Candidate for
Governor, 216; Lieutenant-Gover-
nor, 218, 227; Renominated, 238;
Nominated for Governor, 266; De-
feated, 277.
Bradley, Henry: Abolitionist candi-
date for Governor, II, 331.
Brady, James T.: Candidate for At-
torney-General, II, 397; for Gov-
ernor, 444; Withdraws from Demo-
cratic ticket, 458 ; Declines nomi-
nation for Attorney-General, 469.
Branch, John: Secretary of Navy,
II, 129.
Breckinridge, John C.: Nominated
for President, II, 441.
Bribery: of legislators in favor of
banks, I, 258, 260, 331, 332.— Jasper
Ward resigns from Senate under
charges, II, 79.
Bronson, Greene C.: Attorney-General
of N. Y., II, 114; Justice and Chief-
Justice of Supreme Court, 114, 192;
Collector of Port of New York, dis-
missed, 399; Nominated for Gover-
nor, 403 ; delegate to Peace confer-
ence, 450; Withdraws from Demo-
cratic ticket, 458.
Brooks, Erastus: State Senator, II,
400, 414; Nominated for Governor,
418.
Brooks, James: Journalist, Assembly-
man, II, 360; in Constitutional Un-
ion party, 445; Captures Constitu-
tional Union convention for Demo-
crats, 462; Representative in Con-
gress, 464; Defeated by William E.
Dodge, 475.
Broome, John: Member of Committee
for State Constitution, I, 44; Burr's
candidate for Legislature, 186;
Candidate for Lieutenant-Governor,
239; Resigns from Senate, 260; Re-
nominated for Lieutenant-Governor,
277, 298; Death, 309.
Broome, John L. : County Clerk, re-
moved, I, 405.
Brouck, Frank C.: Withdraws from
Democratic ticket, II, 458.
Brown, Antoinette: Reformer, II,
346.
Brown, D. D. S.: Journalist, at Re-
publican National convention, II,
442.
Brown, John: in Underground Rail-
road, II, 269, 280; Relations with
Gerrit Smith, 280; at North Elba,
281; First trip to Kansas, 281;
Harper's Ferry raid, 435.
Bruvn, Johannes: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 330, 443.
Bryant, William Cullen: Editor of
Evening Post, in recounter with
William L. Stone, II, 120; Candi-
date for State Printer, 295 ; Political
speaker, 419; Presidential Elector,
445.
Buchanan, James: Candidate for
President in 1852, II, 390; Nomi-
nated and elected in 1856, 415, 419.
Bucktails, The: Organized against
DeWitt Clinton, I, 410! Reverse
attitude toward canals, 421 ; Control
Canal commission, 422; Renominate
Tompkins for Governor, 431; Urge
revision of Constitution, 441 ; Elect
Van Buren State Senator, 446;
Overwhelming victory in 1822, 469.
— Foundation of Albany Regency,
II, 17; Opposed to Governor Yates,
27. — See "Albany Regency," "Demo-
cratic Party," and "Tammany."
INDEX
483
Buel, Jesse: Editor of Plebeian and
Albany Argus, I, 261, 350. — Editor
of Cultivator, II, 165; Candidate
for Governor, 198, 200.
Buffalo: State Fair, II, 172; Free
Soil National convention, 363.
Bull Run, Battle of, II, 456.
Burns, Anthony: Fugitive slave in
Boston, II, 282.
Burr, Aaron: with Hamilton against
George Clinton, I, 112; Attorney-
General of N. Y., 117; Jealousy of
Hamilton, 117; U. S. Senator, 124;
Candidate for Governor, 129; Crit-
icised for land sales, 130; Opinion
in disputed election for Governor,
135; Corrupt course, 137; Declines
Supreme Court appointment, 139;
Seeks Presidency, 161; End of Sena-
torial term, 162; State Senator, 163;
Influence in Legislature, 177; Se-
cures charter for Manhattan Bank-
ing Company, 181; Incurs popular
odium, 182; Slate-making in 1800,
185; Presidential ambitions, 186;
Treachery to Jefferson, 194; Nomi-
nated for Vice-President, 195; In-
trigues for Presidency, 196; De-
feated through influence of Hamil-
ton, 197; in Constitutional conven-
tion, 210; Worst of the spoilsmen,
220; Receives political deathblow,
221; Open hostility to Jefferson,
222; Opposed by Democrats, 233;
Seeks Governorship, 238; Nomi-
nated, 239; Federalist scheme to
make him President of seceding
States, 242; Defeated by Morgan
Lewis, 245; Plans to kill Hamilton,
245; Kills him, 247; His character,
248; Political end, 249.
Burrows, Lorenzo: Know-Nothing
candidate for Governor, II, 428.
Burt, James: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 274.
Business Depression: in New York
City in 1834, foMowing withdrawal
of deposits from Bank of U. S., II,
152; Aggravated by speculation,
152; Comments by Philip Hone,
153; Comments in Marcy's mes-
sages, 154, 156; Effect on election,
157; High cost of living, 188;
Great panic of 1837, 205; Suspen-
sion of specie payments, 206 ; Atti-
tude of Legislature, 206; Refusal of
Governor to call special session,
206; Van Buren calls special ses-
sion of Congress, 207; Prosperity
restored, 215; Effects of panic still
felt in 1840, 236; Panic of 1857,
423; Early troubles in Civil War,
460.
Butler, Benjamin F. : Original mem-
ber of Albany Regency, II, 17 ;
Character and career, 19, 22; in
campaign of 1828, 169; Attorney-
General of U. S., 151; Opposes two-
thirds rule at Democratic National
convention of 1844, 307; Recom-
mended to Polk for Secretary of
State of U. S., 315; at Barnburner
convention, 362.
Butterfield, Daniel: at State Fair, II,
172.
Butts, Isaac: at Democratic National
convention of 1864, II, 473.
CADY, DANIEL: Federalist leader,
I, 295; Condemns Hartford conven-
tion, 365. — Disapproves daughter's
advocacy of Woman Suffrage, II,
342, 344.
Calhoun, Andrew H.: Clerk of State
Senate, II, 360.
Calhoun, John C.: Candidate for
President, II, 33; Supported by
some N. Y. Democrats, 34; De-
nounced by DeWitt Clinton, 59;
Second term as Vice-President, 128;
Seeks Presidency, 129; Opposed by
Van Buren, 129; Object of Jack-
son's emnity, 131; Toast to Liberty,
132; Thinks Van Buren politically
dead, 137.
Callicot, T. C.: Bolts Democratic
candidate for Speaker and makes
deal with Republicans, II, 465 ;
Elected Speaker, 466.
Cambreling, C. C.: Representative in
Congress, moves for reduction of
tariff, II, 204; at Barnburner con-
vention, 362.
Campbell, Robert: Lieutenant-Gover-
nors, II, 427, 445.
Campbell, William: Surveyor-Gen-
eral, II, 181.
484
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Canada: N. Y. sympathizers with in-
surrection, II, 213; "Caroline" af-
fair, 213, 214.
Canals: Early acts of Legislature, I,
118; Hudson and Ontario, and Hud-
son and Champlain incorporated,
126; Tompkins calls attention to re-
port, 310; DeWitt Clinton first
mover for Erie canal, 311; Na-
tional aid for Erie refused, 317;
Loan of $5,000,000 authorized, 317;
Beginning of work, 326; First
Board of Canal Commissioners,
327; Clinton the leader, 328; Na-
tional aid refused, 328; Hostility
of Tammany Hall, 328; Tompkins's
recommendations, 382; State com-
mitted to Clinton's plan, 394; Clin-
ton assumes leadership, 396; Re-
ports on Erie and Champlain canals,
397; Erie formally begun, 406; Op-
posed by Tammany Hall, 410;
Bucktails reverse their attitude,
421; Construction authorized, 422;
Bucktails gain control of board, 422;
W. C. Bouck added to Board of
Commissioners, 448; Canal depart-
ment established by Constitution of
1821, 459; Clinton's message of
1822, 460.— Loan for extension of
Erie, II, 25; Champlain and Hud-
son opened, 38; Progress on Erie,
38; Arbitrary removal of Clinton
from Board of Commissioners, 44;
Clinton's message of 1825, 68, 69;
Opening of Erie canal, 74; Jealousy
of State road system, 79; Clinton's
last recommendations, 96; Van
Buren and the Chenango canal,
111; Throop's hostility to Chenango,
125; Rejection of bill for construc-
tion of Chenango, 140; Chenango
issue in campaign, 143; Marcy's
recommendations, 155, 178; Appro-
priation of $4,000,000 for work on
Erie, 214; Protection from railroad
competition, 244; Seward on cost
of canals, 245; Democrats removed
from board and Whigs appointed,
246; Cost, extent, and commerce of
canals in 1840, 249; Seward urges
continuation of work, 260, but
Legislature calls halt, 261; Bouck
recommends important works, 300;
Contest over his proposals, 301 ;
Success of Bouck's plans, 303 ;
Canal Commissioners elected by the
people, 303, 304; Conflict over ap-
propriations in Wright's adminis-
tration, 321 ; Canal provisions in
Third Constitution, 337; Work re-
sumed, 354; Railroad competition
feared, 382; Prompt completion of
canals urged by Hunt, 382; Canal
Appropriation act declared unconsti-
tutional, 383; Canal amendments to
Constitution, 383 ; Contest over $9,-
000,000 loan, 385; Bill defeated by
wholesale resignation of Senators,
386; Passed at special session, 386;
Work stopped by litigation, 388;
Seymour's message on canal im-
provements, debt, and railroad
competition, 398; Special message,
395; Deepening of Erie opposed by
Democratic convention, 435; Mor-
gan's discussion of competition be-
tween canals and railroads, 436.
Canandaigua: Scene of Morgan's ab-
duction, II, 84; Susan B. Anthony's
trial for voting, 349.
Cantine, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 119; Suggestion
concerning Schuyler's seat in Coun-
cil, 120.
Cantine and Leake: State Printers, II,
32.
Capital Punishment: Restriction rec-
ommended by Throop, II, 117; Agi-
tation for abolition, 255.
Capitol at Albany, I, 409.
Carl, Israel: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 299.
"Caroline" Affair, The, II, 213, 256.
Cass, Lewis: Candidate for Presi-
dent, II, 390.
Cassidy, William: Editor of Atlas
and candidate for State Printer, II,
327.
Caucus, Congressional: Nominates
Jefferson, I, 194; Divided between
Monroe and Crawford, 388. — Ob-
jections to the system, II, 34; Call-
ing of caucus in 1824 desired by
Crawford, 36; Disapproved by
most Democrats, 37; Condemned by
Tennesee Legislature, 39; Result of
Crawford's caucus, 41.
INDEX
485
Caucus, Legislative: Federalists
nominate Robert Yates for Gover-
nor, I, 112; Nominations of Jay and
George Clinton, 129; Nomination of
U. S. Senator, bolted, 234; Burr
nominated for Governor, 239; John
Lansing nominated, 239; Morgan
Lewis nominated, 240; Nominations
for Governor generally thus made,
275 ; Tompkins nominated, Lewis
renominated, 277; Tompkins re-
nominated, 298; DeWitt Clinton
nominated for Lietutenant-Gover-
nor, 313, and for President, 319;
Tompkins renominated, 347; Cau-
cus and popular convention com-
bined, 348; Sanford nominated for
U. S. Senators, 371; N. Y. Rep-
resentatives in Congress instructed
by caucus to support Tompkins for
President, 383 ; Tompkins renomi-
.nated for Governor, 383 ; Caucus
manipulated by Van Buren, 386;
Revolt against caucus in DeWitt
Clinton's interest, 398; Clinton tries
to dictate nomination of German
for U. S. Senator, 415, 416; Clin-
ton's followers bolt caucus nomi-
nation, 417; Last joint caucus of
Clintonians and Bucktails, 419; Re-
nomination of Tompkins, 431, 436;
System repudiated by Clintonians,
436; J. C. Yates nominated for
Governor, 463, 466. — State officers
nominated, II, 29; Asked to re-
nominate Yates, 42; Rejects Yates
and nominates Samuel Young, 43 ;
Last caucus nomination for Gov-
ernor, 44; for choice of Presidential
Electors, 59; Jackson favored for
President, 99 ; Action of Adams's
followers, 100; Violent addresses is-
sued to people, 305; Clay and Fill-
more recommended by Whigs, 306;
Democrats omit caucus address,
323; noteworthy Whig address, 324;
Hunker caucus of 1846, 329; Whigs
on Senatorship, 411.
Census: First taken in 1782, I, 78;
1790, 118; 1795, 159.— Population in
1800, 1810, 1820, II, 16; DeWitt
Clinton's recommendation for elab-
oration of system acted on by Legis-
lature, 70; Population of State and
chief cities in 1840, 248; Population
in 1845, 326, 340; 1850, 387; 1855,
420; 1860, 447.
Champlain, Marshall B.: Nominated
for Attorney-General, II, 470.
Chancellor: Robert R. Livingston, I,
68 ; John Lansing, Jr., 228 ; James
Kent, 353; Proposal to abolish office,
456.— Nathan Sanford, II, 70; Sam-
uel Jones, 77; Reuben H. Walworth,
99; Office abolished, 337.
Chaplin, William L.: Abolitionist
candidate for Lieutenant-Governor,
II, 331; for Governor, 378.
Charities: DeWitt Clinton's recom-
mendations, II, 70; Throop's rec-
ommendations, 118, 124; Marcy's
recommendations, 155; House of
Refuge and Hospitals for Insane
founded, 155.
Charleston, (S. C.) : Democratic Na-
tional convention, II, 439.
Chase, Salmon P.: at Free Soil Na-
tional convention, II, 363; Secretary
of Treasury, 454.
Chatfield, Levi S.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 258.
Cheetham, James: Editor of Clin-
ton's paper, in controversy with
Burr, I, 223 ; Lampooned by Burr's
spokesman, 226; Denounces em-
bargo, 284; Breaks with Clinton,
285.
"Chesapeake," The, tragedy of, effect
in New York, I, 283.
Chicago: Republican National con-
vention of 1860, II, 442.
Child, Lydia Maria: Interested in
fugitive slaves, II, 290.
Childs, Perry G. : Member of last
Council of Appointment, I, 462.
Chipman, Lemuel C.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 231.
Choate, Rufus: Champion of Fugi-
tive Slave law at Whig convention
of 1852, II, 389.
Christian Visitant, The, I, 468.
Chronicle, The: Burr's paper, merged
with Poughkeepsie Journal, I, 261;
Edited by Peter Irving, 262.
Church, Sanford E.: Assemblyman,
II, 258; Lieutenant-Governor, 378,
379, 391; Comptroller, 424; at
Democratic National convention of
486
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
1860, 439, 440; at Tweddle Hall
convention, 451 ; Nominated for
Comptroller, 470.
Cilley, Jonathan: Declines duel with
Webb, II, 384; Killed in duel with
Graves, 384.
Cincinnati, Order of, the, I, 308.
Civil War, The: Foreshadowed, II,
432; Fort Sumter fired on, 449;
Prompt action of N. Y., 449; Peti-
tion and memorial of business men,
449; Virginia invites N. Y. to Peace
conference, 449 ; Mass-meeting for
peace, 450 ; John A. Dix's American
Flag order, 450; Tweddle Hall con-
vention, 451 ; Patriotic uprising in
New York City, 455; Troops fur-
nished, 455; Bull Run, 456; Reac-
tion caused by disasters and bur-
dens, 460; Seymour's comments, 468;
Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania, 468 ;
Draft riots in New York City, 469;
Crisis of war passed, 469; Great
Union victories, 475.
Clark, Aaron: Clerk of Assembly, I,
379 —Mayor of New York, II, 207;
Reelected, 215.
Clark, Archibald S.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 381.
Clark, Jesse: State Senator, II, 55.
Clark, John C. : Representative in
Congress, II, 208.
Clark, Myron H.: State Senator, II,
387, 400; Opponent of slavery and
advocate of prohibition, 404; Nomi-
nated for Governor, 404; Elected,
406 ; Message, 409 ; on Lemmon
slave case, 409; Second message,
and recommendations concerning
schools, 414; Denied renomination,
417.
Clark, Zenas: State Senator, II, 400,
414.
Clay, Henry: Candidate for Presi-
dent in 1824, II, 33; Supported by
some N. Y. Democrats, 34; Alliance
with Wirt, 91 ; "American System"
of much interest to N. Y., 93 ; Nomi-
nated for President in 1832, 141;
Unsuccessfully seeks Whig nomina-
tion 1840, 234; Nominated in 1844,
308; Causes of defeat, 310; Com-
promise of 1850, 375.
Clinton, DeWitt: State Senator, I,
163 ; Member of Council of Appoint-
ment, 200; Attack on Jay, 208; in
Constitutional convention of 1801,
210; Secures interpretation of Con-
stitution in favor of Council of Ap-
pointment and against Governor,
211; Practices spoils system, 215;
Party boss, 215; Lowers standard
of politics, 220 ; Controversy with
Burr through Cheetham, 223 ; Lam-
pooned by Burr's spokesmen, 225;
Duel with Swartwout, 229; U. S.
Senator, 232; Resigns to become
Mayor of New York, 236; Opposes
Burr for Governor, 244; State Sena-
tor, 260; Attacks Governor Lewis,
261 ; Overtures to Burr's friends,
262; Errs in tactics through impa-
tience, 265; Leads movement for
military preparedness, 266; Member
of Council of Appointment, 267 ; Re-
moved from Mayoralty, 275 ; Errs
in trying to boss Tompkins, 282;
Attack on embargo, 285; Mayor of
New York, 286; Seeks to dictate
nomination of uncle for President,
287; Wrath at Madison's nomina-
tion, 288; Efforts at rehabilitation,
293; Removed from Mayoralty, 300;
Aims at party dictatorship and
Presidency of U. S., 307; Seeks to
be Lieutenant-Governor, 309; Re-
appointed Mayor, 311; Wins favor
of Irish, 312; Elected Lieutenant-
Governor, 315: Nominated for
President by Legislative caucus, 319;
Confers with Federalists, 320; De-
feated by Madison, 324; Canal Com-
missioner, 327; Intrigues to retain
Mayoralty, 352; Deal with Federal-
ists, 353; Loses Riker's friendship,
355; Patriotism in War of 1812,
361; Conflict with Verplanck, 374;
Removed from Mayoralty by vi-
cious deal, 375; Temporarily dis-
appears from public life, 376; Head
of new Canal commission, 392; Sup-
ported for Governor in 1817, 3*93 ;
Leads canal movement, 396; Report
to Legislature, 397; Candidate for
Governor, 398; Nominated, 401;
Supported by Federalists, 401 ;
Elected, 402; Climax of career, 403;
INDEX
487
Refuses to make clean sweep of of-
fices, 405; Establishes Thanksgiving
day, 406; First address to Legisla-
ture, 408 ; Bitterly antagonized by
Tammany, 410; Prevents revision
of Constitution for abolishing Coun-
cil of Appointment, 414; Fatuous
course concerning Speakership, 415;
Read out of Democratic party, 420;
Advises abolition of Council of Ap-
pointment, 430; Renominated for
Governor, 437; Elected, 438; Rec-
ommendations concerning Presiden-
tial Electors and Constitutional con-
vention, 441 ; Denounces Council of
Appointment, 442; Controversy with
.State Senate over Federal officials,
444; "Green Bag" message, 445;
Calls Van Buren "scoundrel," 447;
Term shortened by Constitution,
459; Attacked in Legislature, 460;
Denied renomination, 466; Better
statesman than politician, 467; Pre-
dicts political changes, 467. — Exults
in supposed downfall of Van Buren
and Albany Regency, II, 42; Arbi-
trarily removed from Canal board,
44; Popular wrath at his removal,
48; Resolutions adopted by citizens'
meeting at Albany, 49; Indignation
meetings throughout the State, 49;
Movement to again make him Gov-
ernor (1824), 50; Nominated by
People's party, 53; Campaign, 55;
Elected, 56; Attitude toward Presi-
dency, 57; Impassioned champion of
Jackson, 58 ; Great personal triumph
in election to third term, 67; Impor-
tant recommendations in address to
Legislature, 68, 69, 70; Appeals for
subordination of personalities and
partisanship for general good, 70;
Declines appointment as Minister to
England, 72; Recommends road
building, 73; Tour through west,
74; Opens Erie canal, 74; Address
to Legislature, 76; Renominated for
fourth term, 80 ; Opposed by Albany
Regency, 81; Elected, 82; Scandal-
ously charged witjh responsibility
for murder of Morgan, 85; Last ad-
dress to Legislature, deploring par-
tisan and factional passions and
recommending single term for Presi-
dent, 95 ; on public works, coal, agri-
culture, public instruction, and duel-
ing, 96; Special message on judi-
cial reform, 96; Death, 96; State
funeral and mourning decreed, 97;
His character and achievements, 97;
"He died poor and pure," 97; Tri-
bute paid by Seward, 228.
Clinton, George: Assemblyman, I,
28; Delegate to Continental Con-
gress, 36; Constructs defenses of
Hudson, 45; Candidate for Gover-
nor, 58; Character and career, 59;
Elected Governor, 60; Installed, 61;
Flight from Fort Montgomery, 64;
Last to leave Kingston, 65; at
Pleasant Valley and New Windsor,
66; Elected for second term, 75;
Third term, 83; Fourth term, 89;
Hatred of Tories, 92; Champion of
State rights, 96; Breach with Ham-
ilton, 102; Rebukes Hamilton for
signing Constitution of U. S., 105 ;
Defeat in Poughkeepsie convention,
108; Anti-Federalist leader, 111;
Fifth term, 112; Plays Burr against
Hamilton, 117; Seeks sixth term,
128; Renominated, 129; Criticised
for sales of public land, 130; De-
clared elected by partisan decision
of canvassers, 136; Conflict over
right to nominate officials, 145 ; Pro-
test against action of Council of Ap-
pointment, 147; Announces himself
not a candidate for seventh term,
149; Candidate for Vice-President
in 1796, 162; Elected to Assembly,
185; Consulted as to Vice-Presi-
dency in 1800, 194; Nominated for
seventh term as Governor, 201;
Elected, 210; Summons Council of
Appointment, 213; Lampooned by
Burr's spokesmen, 225; Statesman-
like address, 231; Successful candi-
date for Vice-President in 1804, 238;
Candidate for President in 1808,
287; Reelection as Vice-President,
288; Death, 318.
Clinton, George DeWitt: Assembly-
man, II, 400.
Clinton, George W.: Candidate for
Secretary of State of N. Y., II,
397; at Tweddle Hall convention,
451.
488
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Clinton, James^: Defeated by British
at Fort Clinton, I, 64; Opposes
Hamilton, 113.
Clinton Family in Politics: I, 122. —
End of its power, II, 15.
Clinton Hall: Anti-slavery meeting
mobbed, II, 183.
Coal, Anthracite: Discovery and use,
II, 96.
Cochrane, John: Writes Soft Demo-
cratic platform, II, 403; Represen-
tative in Congress, 419; at Demo-
cratic National convention of 1860,
440; Patriotism at outbreak of Civil
War, 455; Army officer, 456; Attor-
ney-General of N. Y., 469; Chair-
man of Anti-Lincoln convention of
1864, 472; Declines to run for Vice-
President, 473.
Codine, John: Justice of Supreme
Court of N. Y., I, 166.
Coe, Benjamin: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 285, 311.
Coffin, Alexander: Head of People's
party convention, II, 54.
Colden, Cadwallader D.: District
Attorney, dismussed, I, 219; Reap-
pointed, 300 ; Advocates abolition of
slavery, 391; Mayor of New York,
412; Member of committee on
Tompkins's accounts, 427; Removed
from Mayoralty, 449. — Advocates
Jackson for President, II, 44; State
Senator, 68.
Cole, John O.: Clerk of Assembly,
II, 258.
Coleman, Wlliam: Dismissed from
Clerkship and made editor of New
York Evening Post, I, 219; Epi-
gram on Duane and Cheetham, 228 ;
Duel with Thompson, 228.
Colleges: College of Physicians and
Surgeons founded, I, 122; State aid
to Columbia, 126, 359; State aid to
Union, 189, 359; State aid to Ham-
ilton, 359.— DeWitt Clinton's recom-
mendations, II, 70; New York Uni-
versity founded as University of
City of New York, 189 ; Progress
of, 243; Fish's recommendation of
endowed Agricultural College, 369.
Collier, John A.: Candidate for Gov-
ernor, II, 266; Conservative Whig
leader, 330; Secures nomination of
Fillmore for Vice-President, 364;
Candidate for U. S. Senator, 371.
Columbian, The: Clintonian organ, I,
298.
Colvin, Andrew J.: State Senator, II,
436; Presides at reception of Lin-
coln at Albany, 452.
Committee of Correspondence: I, 26;
Activities, 30.
Committee of Fifty-one, I, 31 et seq.
Committee of Observation, I, 36.
Committee of Public Safety, I, 36, 43.
Committee of Sixty: Enforces non-
importation rule, I, 35.
Comptroller: Office created, I, 160;
Salary reduced, 189; Prey of spoils
system, 218; Controversy with Gov-
ernor Tompkins, 428-432; Removal
of Mclntyre, 448. — Marcy elected by
Legislature, II, 30; Invested with
powers and duties of Bank Com-
missioners, 297.
Comstock, Adam: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 267.
Confederation, Articles of: Ratified
by N. Y., I, 67.
Congress, The Continental: First pro-
posed, I, 26; N. Y. Delegates to,
33; N. Y. participation in, 34; Ac-
tion against Tories, 37; Articles of
Confederation, 67.
Congressional Districts created, I,
127.
Conkling, Alfred: Resolutions con-
demning removal of DeWitt Clin-
ton from Canal board, II, 48.
Conkling, Frederick A.: Assemblyman,
II, 400.
Conkling, Roscoe: First appearance in
politics, II, 399; Names N. Y. Re-
publican party, 405; Candidate for
Representative in Congress, 429;
Importuned by office-seekers, 454;
Defeated by Francis Kernan, 464;
Returns to Congress, 475.
Connolly, Richard B. : State Senator,
II, 436, 458.
Conscription: Act of 1814, I, 367 —
Draft riots in New York City, II,
469.
Constitution of the State of New
York: Committee appointed to
draft it, I, 44; John Jay its chief
author, 44; Draft presented, 47;
INDEX
489
Chief provisions, 48; Legislature,
48 ; Franchise, 49 ! Executive, 49 ;
Appointments to office, 50 ; Council
of Appointment, 51 ; Council of Re-
vision, 51; Governor, 52; Judiciary,
52; Religious liberty, 54; Slavery,
54; Adopted, 55; First steps toward
amendment, 156; Jay recommends
revision, 198, 204; Legislature rec-
ommends holding convention for re-
vision, 208; Constitutional conven-
tion of 1801, 210; Second movement
for revision, 413 ; Deferred by Clin-
ton's friends, 414; Clinton recom-
mends convention for general re-
vision, 441 ; Revision demanded by
Bucktail convention, 441; Ill-ad-
vised bill for convention vetoed,
442; New bill drafted, 447; Ques-
tion submitted to the people, 448 ;
Overwhelming vote for convention
for general revision, 451 ; Dele-
gates chosen, 453; Meeting of con-
vention of 1821, 453; Council of Re-
vision abolished, 454; Governor's
term fixed at two years, 455; Suf-
frage for white citizens without prop-
erty requirement, 456; Reform of
Judiciary, 456; Council of Appoint-
ment abolished, 457; New system of
appointments, 457 ; Constitution of
1821 adopted, 458; Canal system
made part of State government, 459.
— New era opened by Constitution
of 1821, II, 15; Amendment of 1826
for practically universal suffrage,
69; Amendment for popular elec-
tion of Justices of the Peace, 70;
Bouck's recommendations for
amendments adopted by Legislature,
301 ; Constitutional convention pro-
posed but temporarily defeated, 303 ;
Amendments adopted, 315; State
votes for convention, 315, 324;
Democratic dissension over, 318;
Composition of convention of 1846,
334; A "people's convention," 335;
Qualifications of Governor and
exercise of veto power, 336; Legis-
lature, 336; Judiciary, 336; Land
tenure, franchise, banking, State
debt, canals, 337; Adoption of Third
Constitution by people, 338; First
election under it, 338; Amendment
relating to succession to Governor-
ship, 370; Canal debt amendment,
395 ; Defeat of amendment extend-
ing suffrage to negroes, 446.
Constitution of the United States:
First step toward, I, 79; Report to
N. Y. Legislature, 90; N. Y. Dele-
gates to Constitutional convention of
1787, 103 ; Draft unfavorably re-
ceived in N. Y., 105 ; State conven-
tion at Poughkeepsie called to con-
sider it, 106; Ratified, 107; Amend-
ments submitted to N. Y. Legisla-
ture, 118; Legislature disapproves
amendments proposed by Virginia,
158, and by Massachusetts, 177;
Twelfth amendment ratified by N.
Y., 237; Proposed amendments dis-
approved by N. Y., 378.
Constitutional Union Party, The, II,
445, 461.
Continental Currency: Origin in N.
Y., I, 36, 378.
Convention of the Representatives of
the State of New York: White
Plains, I, 40; Harlem, 42; Fishkill,
42; Final meeting at Kingston, 43.
Conventions, National : Federalist of
1812, nominates DeWitt Clinton for
President, I, 321; Anti-Masonic of
1831, 90, 93; National Republican of
1831, 141; Democratic of 1832, 306;
Democratic of 1835, 182, 306; Whig
of 1839, 234, 237; Democratic of
1840, 237-238; Abolitionist or Lib-
erty of 1839-40, 239; Democratic of
1844, 306-308; Whig and Abolition-
ist of 1844, 308; Democratic of
1848, 362; Free Soil of 1848, 363;
Whig of 1848, 364; Whig of 1852,
388-390; Democratic of 1852, 390;
Free Soil of 1852, 391; Democratic
of 1856, 415; Republican of 1856,
416; Know-Nothing or American of
1856, 416; Democratic of 1860, 439-
440; Republican of 1860, 442; Con-
stitutional Union of 1860, 445; Re-
publican of 1864, 472; Anti-Lincoln
Republican of 1864, 472; Demo-
cratic of 1864, 473.
Conventions, State: First convention
called by Lewis's friends, I, 276;
Convention system adopted by
Democrats, 316; Combined with
490
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Legislative caucus, 348; Final adop-
tion of nominating convention sys-
tem by Democrats, 398; First Demo-
cratic convention, 399. — Substituted
for Legislative caucus for Governor-
ship nominations, II, 44; DeWitt
Clinton nominated at Utica, 53 ;
Bolting convention of People's party,
54; State Road convention, 73; Clin-
ton renominated at Utica, 80; Demo-
crats at Herkimer under Albany
Regency control, nominate Roches-
ter against Clinton, 81; Anti-
Masons at Rochester, 89, and at
Utica, 91 ; National Republicans at
Utica, 92; and at Albany in favor
of protective tariff, 93-94; Demo-
crats at Tammany Hall in favor of
Jackson for President, 94; Na-
tional Republican at Utica, 102;
Anti-Mason, 102; Jackson Demo-
crats at Herkimer nominate Van
Buren and Throop, 103-107; Work-
ingmen at Albany nominate Erastus
Root for Governor, 121 ; Anti-
Masons and National Republicans in
practical fusion in 1830, 121;
Regency Democrats, 121; Second
Workingmen's convention, 122;
Anti-Masonic, 141 ; National Repub-
licans, 141 ; Democrats at Herkimer
nominate Marcy for Governor, 141-
143 ; First Whig State convention at
Syracuse, 160; Democratic, 1834,
162; Democratic, 1835, 182; Native
American, 187; Democratic, 1836,
197; Whig, 198; Loco Foco or Equal
Rights, 199; Democratic, 1838, 215;
Dissenting Democrats, 216; Whigs,
216; Democratic, 1840, 238.; Aboli-
tion or Liberty party, 239; Whig,
attended by 25,000, 241; Democratic
and Whig on same day, 266 ; Demo-
cratic, 1843, 297; Democratic, 1844,
308; Whig, 309; Democratic, 1846,
329; Whig, 330; Abolition or
Liberty party, Native Americans,
and Anti-Renters, 331; Democratic,
1847, 356; Seceding Barnburners,
357; Barnburners at Utica repudi-
ating Democratic National conven-
tion, 362; Whig, 1848, 364; Whig,
1850, and Silver Gray schism, 377;
Silver Grays, 378; Democrats re-
united, 378; Democratic and Whig,
1851, 386; Democratic and Whig,
1852, 391; Democratic, 1853, split
by Hunkers and Barnburners, 396;
Whig, 399; Hards and Softs, Demo-
cratic, 1854, 403; Whig, 404; Anti-
Nebraska, Temperance, and Native
American, 405; Hards and Softs,
1855, 411; Whigs and Anti-
Nebraskans unite as Republicans,
412; Know-Nothings, Liberty party,
and Free Democrats, 413; Hards
and Softs reunited in 1856, 416; Re-
publican, 417; Know-Nothing, 418;
Republican, 1858, with contest over
Governorship, 426 ; Know-Nothing,
428; Democratic, 428; Republican,
1859, 433; Democratic, with split,
433-434; Republican, 1860, 445;
Democratic, Republican, and Peo-
ple's, 1861, 457; Republican and
People's cooperate, 458; Constitu-
tional Union and Democratic, 1862,
462; Republican, called Republican
Union, 463; Republican, 1863, 469;
Democratic, 470; Republican, to ap-
point National delegates, 472; Re-
publican and Democratic, 1864, 474.
Cook, James H.: Candidate for Gov-
ernor, II, 426.
Cook, James M.: Comptroller, II,
399-400.
Cooke, Bates: Comptroller, II, 229.
Cooper, Charles B. : Secretary of
State of N. Y., I, 395; Removed,
413.
Cooper, Dr.: Hamilton-Bu.rr corres-
pondence, I, 246.
Cooper, William: Judge, Otsego
County, attempt to impeach, I, 140 ;
Prosecutor of Jedebiah Peck, 183-
184.
Cornell, Ezra: Assemblyman, II, 459.
Corning, Erastus: State Senator, II,
258; at Democratic National con-
vention of 1844, 307; Representative
in Congress, 419; at Democatic
National convention of 1860, 439;
Delegate to Peace conference, 450;
Representative in Congress, 464;
Candidate for U. S. Senator, 467.
Cornwall, George J.: Nominated for
Lietutenant-Governor, II, 377.
INDEX
491
Council of Appointment, The: I, 51;
First members, 63 ; Supports George
Clinton against Hamilton, 117;
Political complexion changed, 119;
Controversy over tenure of place,
120; over election of new Council,
143 ; over prerogative of Governor,
145; Jay's recommendations, 156;
Contradictory courses of parties
toward Council, 200; Establish-
ment of spoils system, 203 ; Appeal
to Assembly against Governor, 207;
Constitution interpreted in favor of
Council against Governor, 211;
Members chqsen by Democratic
caucus, 267; Anti-Clintonians
elected, 274; Council regarded with
increasing disfavor, 413; Move-
ment for abolition, 413; DeWitt
Clinton recommends abolition, 430;
His denunciation of Council, 442;
"Skinner's Council," 448; Popular
revolt against it, 450; Abolished by
new Constitution, 457; Last mem-
bers, 462.
Council of Revision, The: I, 51;
Vetoes Tax bill, 71; Vetoes Trades-
mens and Mechanics' Incorporation
bill, 85; Vetoes bill abolishing slav-
ery without enfranchising negroes,
87; Vetoes bill for promoting immi-
gration from Germany, 87; Vetoes
ill-framed bill for Constitutional
convention, 442 ; Abolished by new
Constitution, 454.
Council of Safety, The: I, 65; at
Marbletown and Hurley, 66; at
Poughkeepsie, 67.
Counties: Clinton formed, I, 89; Her-
kimer, Ontario, Otsego, Rensselaer,
Saratoga, Tioga, 126. — Dates *of
creations down to Constitution of
1846, II, 338; Subsequent creations,
340; Population of chief counties in
1845, 340; in 1850, 387; in 1860,
447.
Courier and Enquirer, The: See
"New York Courier and Enquirer."
Court of Appeals: Created, II, 337.
Court of Chancery: Abolished by
Constitution of 1846, II, 337.
Court, Circuit: Created, II, 25;
Judges appointed, 31.
Court, Common Pleas: Legislation
concerning, II, 24.
Court, County: Retained under Con-
stitution of 1846, II, 337.
Court, District: Established by Con-
stitution of 1821, I, 457.
Court of General Sessions: Legisla-
tion concerning, II, 24.
Court, Marine: in New York county,
created, II, 25.
Court, Oyer and Terminer: Estab-
lished, II, 25.
Court, Probate: Abolished, II, 25.
Court, Superior, of Common Pleas:
Established in New York county,
II, 99.
Court, Supreme, The: under First
Constitution, I, 12; Enlarged, 139,
145; Jay's recommendations, 156;
General reorganization considered,
456; Reorganized under Second
Constitution, 457. — New legislation
concerning, II, 24; Reporter pro-
vided, 25; Circuits created, 25;
Chancery jurisdiction of Justices,
25 ; Yates's appointments of Justices
rejected by Legislature, 27; Other
appointments made and confirmed,
27-29 ; Reorganization under Third
Constitution, 337.
Cowen, Ezek: Justice of Supreme
Court, II, 192.
Craig, Hector: Supporter of DeWitt
Clinton, I, 315.
Grain, William C.: Candidate for
Speaker, II, 313; Barnburner leader,
319; Allied with Whigs, 320;
Elected Speaker of Assembly, 325:
Cramer, John: One of three Senators
voting against removal of DeWitt
Clinton from Canal board, II, 46.
Crary, "Honest John": Nominated
for Lieutenant-Governor, II, 102;
Former career, 102; Promise-
breaker, 103 ; Result of his treach-
ery, 109.
Crawford, William H.: Aspires to the
Presidency, I, 385. — Seeks to succeed
Monroe, II, 33; Favored by Albany
Regency, 34; Intrigues against
Adams, 36; Seeks nomination by
Congressional caucus, 36; Weakness
shown in caucus, 41 ; Denounced by
DeWitt Clinton, 59.
492
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Crolius, Clarkson: Bucktail leader,
I, 411.— Bitter foe of DeWitt Clin-
ton, elected Speaker of Assembly,
II, 68; State Senator, 379.
Crosby, Darius: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 381.
Croswell, Edwin: Member of Albany
Regency, II, 21; State Printer, 32;
in campaign of 1828, 109; Influence
as editor of Albany Argus, 118;
Controversy with Weed and Even-
ing Journal, 119; Attacks coalition
of Anti-Masons and National Re-
publicans, 141 ; Removed as State
Printer, 246; Reappointed, 294;
Supports Seymour for Speaker, 313;
Persuades Polk to offer Wright
Secretaryship of Treasury, 315-316;
Opposed by Barnburners, 327; Office
of State Printer abolished, 328;
Prints public notices free of charge,
328.
Croswell, Henry: Editor of Balance,
tried for libel, I, 241; Removes to
Albany, 297.
Cruger, Daniel: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 379.
Cruger, John: Writes Declaration of
Rights, I, 26; Mayor of New York
City, 27.
Crystal Palace (World's Fair), II,
394.
Cultivator, The: Agricultural jour-
nal, II, 165.
Cunningham, Henry: Assemblyman,
defense and eulogy of DeWitt Clin-
ton as canal-builder, II, 46.
Curtenius, Peter T.: Auditor, criti-
cised for land sales, I, 130.
Curtis, George William: First ap-
pearance on platform, II, 418; at
Republican National convention of
1860 secures insertion of "All men
are created equal" in platform, 442.
Cushman, Joseph B.: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 460, 466, 471.
Customs: See "Tariff."
DALLAS, GEORGE M.: Vice-Presi-
dent, II, 308.
"Dark Horse": Probable origin of
phrase, II, 308.
Davis, George R.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 124, 292.
Davis, Matthew L.: Open letter to
DeWitt Clinton, I, 262.
Dayton, Jonathan: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 369.
Dean, Gilbert: Candidate for
Speaker, II, 465.
Dean, William W.: Clerk of Assem-
bly, II, 325.
Debt, State: Constitutional provision
concerning, II, 337.
De Chaumont, James LeRoy: Presi-.
dent of State Agricultural Society,
II, 165.
Defrees, John D.: on Greeley's de-
fense of Seward, II, 444.
Delaware: State government disap-
proves N. Y.'s attitude toward fugi-
tive slaves, II, 259.
Democracy, The: Consolidation into
national party — at first Anti-Fed-
eralist, then Republican or Demo-
cratic-Republican, and finally Demo-
cratic party, I, 155, 209.
Democratic Party, The: Antecedents
and origin, I, 155; Organized and
named under Jefferson, 209; War
party in 1812, 340; Reorganized
under modern name, 469. — Directed
by Albany Regency, II, 17; Re-
gains many Anti-Masons, 149; Loco
Foco schims in New York City,
185, 199; First formal national plat-
form, 237; Hunkers and Barnburn-
ers, 265; Contest over State Printer,
294; over Geological Survey, State
bonds, and Bank Commissioner,
295; Reunited in election of 1843,
297; Divided over spoils of victory,
298 ; Breach made worse by Bouck,
299; Division over canaf policy,
301 ; Two-thirds rule in national
convention, 306; Hunker and Barn-
burner dissensions in Wright's ad-
ministration, 312-323; Strife re-
newed, 356-359; Seymour leads for
reunion, 374; Harmony in 1850,
378; National convention of 1852,
390; Split reopened, 396-399; Hards
and Softs, 398; Delegates to na-
tional convention of 1856 divided,
415; Success in election of 1857,
424; Breach caused by Stephen A.
Douglas, 425; Conflict at conven-
tion of 1858, 428 ; Split in conven-
INDEX
493
tion of 1859, 433; National conven-
tion of 1860 at Charleston, 439;
Adjourns to reassemble at Balti-
more, 440; Anti-Douglas men se-
cede, 441 ; Great party schism, 442 ;
Split in N. Y., 444; Tweddle Hall
convention on Civil War, 451 ;
Coalition ticket with Republicans
declined, 457; State convention of
1861, 457; War Democrats seek
coalition ticket, 461 ; State conven-
tion of 1862, 462; Victory at polls,
464; State convention of 1863, 470;
Straight party ticket insisted upon,
470; National convention of 1864,
473.
Denio, Hiram: Judge of Court of
Appeals, II, 398.
Dennison, Robert: State Senator, re-
ports against canals, II, 302; Comp-
troller, 433-435.
Depew, Chauncey M.: Assemblyman,
II, 459 ; Renounces Speakership to
assure Republican U. S. Senator,
465; Secretary of State of N. Y.,
470.
DeWitt, Charles: Member of Com-
mittee for State Constitution, I, 44.
DeWitt, Simeon: Member of Massa-
chusetts Boundary commission, I,
84; of Canal commission, 327. —
Surveyor-General, II, 30; Re-
elected, 78; Death, 181.
Dickinson, Daniel S.: State Senator,
II, 211; Nominated for Lieutenant-
Governor, 239, 267; at Democratic
National convention of 1944, 307;
Declines renomination, 309; U. S.
Senator, 310, 314; Votes for Com-
promise measures, 376; Candidate
for Presidential nomination in 1852,
390; Vainly opposes Seymour at
convention, 391 ; Collector of Port
of New York, 396; Leader of Hards,
398 ; Seeks to control Democratic
State convention of 1859, 433; Can-
didate for Presidency at convention
of 1860, 440; Wrath against Dean
Richmond and regulars, 442; Patri-
otic speech at outbreak of Civil
War,, 455; Attorney-General of N.
Y., 458; Republican compaign ora-
tor, 464; Declines renomination for
Attorney-General, 469 ; Nrged for
Vice-Presidency, 472.
Dinniny, Ferral C.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 379.
Ditmas, John D.: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 431.
Diven, Alexander S. : Seeks Gover-
norship, II, 427.
Dix, John Adams: Adjutant-General,
II, 123 ; Secretary of State of N. Y.,
149; Guest at State Fair, 171; As-
semblyman, 258; U. S. Senator, 314;
at Barnburner convention, 362;
Nominated for Governor, 363; Sec-
retaryship of State of U. S. offered
him, but offer is withdrawn, 296;
Minister to France, 396; Secretary
of Treasury, 450; "If anyone at-
tempts to haul down the American
flag, shoot him on the spot," 450 ;
on Civil War commission, 456; Of-
ficer of army, 456; Urged as candi-
date for Governor, 461 ; Candidate
for U. S. Senator, 467; Suggested
for Governor, 474.
Dodge, William E.: Delegate to
Peace conference, II, 450; Repre-
sentative in Congress, 475.
Dorsheimer, Philip: State Treasurer,
II, 433-435.
Douglas, Stephen A.: Guest at State
Fair, II, 171; Candidate for Demo-
cratic Presidential nomination in
1852, 390; Kansas-Nebraska bill,
402; Opposes Buchanan's Kansas
policy and splits Democratic party,
425; Debates with Lincoln, 425;
Presidential candidate in 1860, 439;
Nominated at Baltimore, 441.
Douglass, Frederick: Connection with
Underground Railroad, II, 269;
Career and achievements, 277;
Nominated for Secretary of State,
413.
Draft Riots, II, 469.
Draper, Simeon: Proposed for Gov-
ernor, II, 418, 426.
Dred Scott Case, The: N. Y. Legis-
lature's resolutions concerning, II,
421.
Driggs, Edward: at Democratic Na-
tional convention, II, 440.
Duane, James: Member of Committee
of Fifty-one, I, 31; Delegate to Con-
tinental Congress, 33, 68; Member
of Massachusetts Boundary com-
494
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
mission, 84; of Commission on
Trade and Commerce, 88; Mayor of
New York, 106; Supports Constitu-
tion of U. S., 106; Partisan of Ham-
ilton, 112; U. S. District Judge, 114;
Unseated in State Senate, 119.
Duane, William: Editor of Aurora,
I, 228.
Duane, William J.: Secretary of
Treasury, removed, II, 151.
Dudley, Charles E.: Member of last
Council of Appointment, I, 462. —
Member of Albany Regency, II, 21 ;
U. S. Senator, 113.
Dudley Observatory founded, II, 420.
Duels: DeWitt Clinton and Swart-
wout, I, 227; Riker and Swart-
wout, 228 ; Cheetham and Coleman,
228; Thompson and Coleman, 2?8 ;
Hamilton and Burr, 247.— DeWitt
Clinton urges suppression, II, 96;
Webb and Marshall, 383; Graves
and Cilley, 384.
Duer, John: Member of Constitu-
tional convention, I, 454.
(l)Duer, William: Moves for State
Constitution, I, 44; Reports Jay's
draft, 53; Partisan of Hamilton, 112.
(2) Duer, William: in Constitutional
Union party, II, 445.
Duer, William A.: Assemblyman, I,
380; Candidate for Speaker, 417.
Duer, William R.: Judge of Circuit
Court, II, 31.
Duganne, A. J. H.: Assemblyman, II,
414.
Dunscomb, Daniel : Member of Coun-
cil of Safety, I, 65.
Dutcher, John B. : Assemblyman, II,
459.
Dyde's Hotel : Clinton-Burr confer-
ence, I, 264.
EARLE, THOMAS: Abolitionist can-
didate for Vice-President, II, 239.
Eaton, John H.: Secretary of War, II,
129.
Eddy, Thomas: Canal Commissioner,
I, "327.
Education: Four years' medical
course established, I, 409. — See
"Colleges" and "Public Instruction."
Edwards, Ogden* Surrogate of New
York, removed, 1, 286; Becomes
Bucktail, 411; Moves for revision
of Constitution to abolish Council
of Appointment, 413. — Judge of Cir-
cuit Court, II, 31; Native American
candidate for Governor, 331.
Elderkin, Noble S.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 379.
Election Day: Last Tuesday of April,
I, 68; under law of 1811, 317;
April date abolished by Constitution
of 1821, 463. — Governor Morgan
proposes to make day a legal holi-
day, II, 436.
Elections: First law, I, 68; First con-
tested State election, 112; Dispute
over Clinton-Jay election, 133; Re-
ferred to U. S. Senators, 135; Un-
just decision, 136; Investigated, 140 ;
Law of canvassing of votes, 147;
Dispute over Allen and Fellows for
Assembly, 379. — Van Buren's radical
recommendations, II, 112; Election
riots in New York City in 1834,
158; Marcy urges measures for
purity, 181 ; First Registration law
enacted on Seward's recommenda-
tion, 244; Registry resented in New
York City as discriminatory, 251;
Extended to whole State, 252; Cor-
rupt Practices act urged to suppress
bribery, colonization, and repeating,
252; Flagrant case of corruption,
252; "Laying pipes," 252; Registry
law repealed and whole State dis-
tricted, 263 ; Wright's recommenda-
tions for suppressing betting and
corrupt use of money, 314; Provi-
sions of Third Constitution, 338;
King's recommendations, 421 ; Mor-
gan recommends making election day
a legal holiday, 436.
Electors, Presidential : Controversy
over method of choice, I, 110; Fail-
ure to choose any for first election,
111; Appointed by Legislature, 127;
For Adams in 1796, 161 ; Proposal
to elect by districts, 176, 190; Hamil-
ton's unworthy scheme, 191; Re-
jected by Jay, 192; DeWitt Clinton's
attempt to dictate choice, 290; Divi-
sion of N. Y. vote in 1808, 291;
Clinton's recommendation for popu-
lar election, 441. — Renewed contro-
versy over method of choice, 11,34;
Demand for popular choice, 35; At-
INDEX
495
titude of Albany Regency, 36;
Yates's recommendation, 38; Great
debate in Legislature, 39; Self-
defeating measure adopted by As-
sembly, 40; Blocked by Senate, 41;
Special session called to enact law,
but fails to act, 51-52; Samuel
Young's proposals, 54; Intrigues
and scandals over choice in 1824,
59-63; Division of N. Y. in 1824,
62; Question of manner of choice
submitted to people, 65; Popular
election by districts ordered, 65 ;
Changed to election on general
State ticket, 65; DeWitt Clinton's
recommendation finally adopted, 69;
Vote divided in 1828, 109; Van
Buren's recommendations, 112.
Ellicott, Joseph: Resigns as Canal
Commissioner, I, 422.
Elmendorf, Lucas: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 369; oVtes to
remove DeWitt Clinton from May-
oralty, 375.
Elmira: Site of State Fair, II, 172-
173.
Elwood, Isaac R.: Clerk of State
Senate, II, 258, 292.
Ely, Smith, Jr.: State Senator, II,
424; Assemblyman, 459.
Embargo, The: Effect in N. Y., I,
283 ; Denounced by Clintonians,
284.
Emmet, Thomas Addis: Political
refugee in New York City, I, 312;
Attorney-General of N. Y., 343;
Removed, 344. — Leads committee ex-
pressing popular indignation at
Clinton's removal from Canal com-
mission, II, 49.
Emott, James: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 357; Circuit Judge, resigns,
II, 126.
"Empire State," The: N. Y.'s title
to distinction, I, 17.
Erie Canal, The: See "Canals."
Esleeck, Welcome: Made Superin-
tendent of Schools, and then legis-
lated out of office, I, 450.
Evans, David E.: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 443.
Evarts, William M.: at Republican
National convention of 1860, II, 442 ;
Places Seward in nomination, 443;
Moves to make Lincoln's nomina-
tion unanimous, 443 ; Candidate for
U. S. Senator, 452; on Civil War
commission, 456.
Evening Journal, The Albany: See
"Albany Evening Journal."
Evening Post, The New York: See
"New York Evening Post."
Excise: Legislation against Sunday
liquor-selling, I, 167. See "Tem-
perance."
Executive Sessions of State Senate:
DeWitt Clinton recommends publi-
cation of records, II, 69.
Extradition: of forgers, refused, then
granted, by Virginia, II, 254; of
fugitive slaves, see "Slavery."
FAIR, State: See "Agriculture."
Families, Domination of Politics by:
I, 122; End of their control, II, 15.
— See "Clinton," "Livingston,"
"Schuyler."
"Farmer Governor": See "Bouck,
William C."
Farrington, Thomas: State Treas-
urer, II, 263.
Federal Officials: in N. Y. politics,
under Washington, I, 114, 119;
under Madison, 383; DeWitt Clin-
ton's protest against their activities,
441 ; Violent controversy over
"Green Bag" message, 445.— Fed-
eral patronage sought under Polk,
II, 327.
Federalist Party, The: Led in N. Y.
by Alexander Hamilton, I, 111;
Nomination of Robert Yates for
Governor in 1789, 112; His defeat,
113; Federal offices awarded to
party supporters, 114; Schuyler and
King chosen first U. S. Senators,
115-116; Burr's desertion, 117-118;
State appointive offices, 119-121;
Schuyler's defeat for reelection, 124-
125 ; Clinton-Jay electoral contest of
1792, 128-130; Party success in 1793,
141 ; Council of Appointment recon-
stituted, 144; Jay's election as Gov-
ernor, 151-152; Success continues in
1796, 160, 161; Reelection of Jay in
1798, 171; Effects of Alien and Sedi-
tion laws in N. Y., 177-192; Defeats
of 1800-1, 209-210; New England
intrigues, 242 ; The famous Lewis-
496
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Burr contest of 1804, 243-245; No
nominations made in 1807, 278; The
embargo — Federalists carry the As-
sembly, 295-296; Control Council of
Appointment, 299-300; Defeated
again in 1810, 306; Support of De-
Witt Clinton for President in 1812,
320-322; Once more win the Assem-
bly, 325 ; Anti-war party in War of
1812, 339-340; Defeated in 1813, but
retain the Assembly, 349-350, 357;
Crushing defeat at election of 1814,
359; Rufus King's noble course in
supporting Tompkins's financial
measures, 362; Attitude of N. Y.
Federalists toward Hartford con-
vention, 365-367; Successes in legis-
lative elections of 1815, 378-379;
Again badly beaten in 1816, 384,
389; Failure to nominate against
Clinton in 1817, 402; End of the
party, 469-470.
Fellows, Henry: in contested election
for Assembly, I, 379-381.
Fenton, Reuben E. : at State Fair, II,
172; Representative in Congress,
392; Opposes Konsas-Nebraska bill,
402; Presides at Anti-Nebraska con-
vention, 412; Representative in Con-
gress, 419; Fifth term, 464; Nomi-
nated for Governor, 474; Elected,
475.
Ferguson, John: Mayor of New
York, I, 375; Surveyor of Port, 376.
Ferris, Benjamin: County Clerk, New
York, I, 405.
Ferris, Charles G.: Loco Foco can-
didate for Congress, II, 186.
Field, David Dudley: Commissioner
to codify rules of practice, II, 353;
at Barnburner convention, 362;
Candidate for U. S. Senator, 423;
Delegate to Peace conference, 450.
Fields, The: Famous patriotic meet-
ing in, I, 32.
Fillmore, Millard: Assemblyman, II,
110; Among organizers of Whig
party, 150; Guest at State Fair, 171;
"Sick of Whig party," 222; Repre-
sentative in Congress, 250; Candi-
date for Governor, 266; Candidate
for U. S. Senator, 295; in despair at
defeat of Whigs, 298 ; Recommended
for Vice-Presidency, 308 ; Nominated
for Governor, 309; Defeat and its
causes, 310; Conservative Whig
leader, 330; Candidate for Gover-
nor, 330; Comptroller, 359; Nomi-
nated for Vice-President, 364; Con-
flict as Vice-President with Seward
over patronagCj 374; Becomes Presi-
dent, 375; Signs Fugitive Slave bill,
375 ; Uses Federal influence against
Seward, 377; Commended by Silver
Grays, 378 ; Uses patronage to se-
cure renomination for President,
388; Contest at convention of 1852,
389; Supported for U. S. Senator,
411; Know-Nothing candidate for
President in 1856, supported by rem-
nant of Whigs, 416.
Fine, John: Letter from Silas Wright
declining to be Presidential candi-
date, II, 307.
Fire, The Great, in New York, II,
188.
Fish, Hamilton: Whig leader, II,
330; Nominated for Lieutenant-
Governor, 331; Defeated, 332;
Elected, 359; Greeley's tribute, 365;
Nominated and elected Governor,
365; Policy as Governor, 368; Op-
position to slavery, 368; His first
message, 369; Recommendations
adopted, 370; Second message, 380;
Candidate for U. S. Senator, 383;
Elected, 385; Comments on Fillmore
and Whig party, 387; Retires from
Senate, 422.
Fish, Nicholas: Nominated for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, I, 298; Distin-
guished career, 303.
Fishkill: Seat of State government,
I, 42.
Fisk, Jonathan: Supports Burr for
Governor, I, 239.
Flagg, Azariah C.: Member of Al-
bany Regency, II, 21 ; Assemblyman,
23 ; Opposes popular choice of
Presidential Electors, 40; Demands
renomination of Yates, 42; De-
nounces call of special session, 52;
Secretary of State, 78; Comptroller,
149, 263; Barnburner leader, 294;
Opposes Seymour for Speaker, 313;
Reflected Comptroller, 313; Recom-
mended to Polk for Secretary of
Treasury, 215.
INDEX
497
Floyd, William: Delegate to Con-
tinental Congress, I, 33; on Council
of Safety, 65; Candidate for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, 150.
Folger, Charles J.: State Senator, II,
459; Secures platform plank ap-
proving Emancipation proclamation,
470.
Foote, Ebenezer: County Clerk, re-
moved, I, 222.
Fort Niagara: Place of Morgan's
last imprisonment, II, 84.
Foster, Henry A.: Appointed U. S.
Senator, II, 311.
"Fox of Kinderhook": See "Van
Buren, Martin."
Franchise, The: Provisions of First
Constitution, I, 49, 53 ; Origin of
secret ballot, 53 ; Franchise denied
to former Tories, 94; in new Con-
stitution, 455 ; Colored citizens ex-
cluded, 456; Property qualifications,
456. — Given to taxpaying tenants
as well as freeholders, II, 25; De-
Witt Clinton recommends practically
universal suffrage, adopted, 69;
Universal suffrage for whites only
under Third Constitution, 337;
Amendment extending franchise to
negroes rejected by the people, 446.
Free Democrats, II, 405.
Free Soil Movement, The: Cham-
pioned by Van Buren and Barn-
burners, II, 357-358; National con-
ventions, 363, 391; State convention
of 1852, 392; Free Soil Democrats
in organization of Republican party,
402.
Frelinghuysen, Theodore: Nominated
for Vice-President, II, 308.
Fremont, John Charles: First Repub-
lican candidate for President, II,
416; Supported by Anti-slavery
Know-Nothings, 416; Defeated, 419;
Nominated for President by Anti-
Lincoln convention in 1864, but de-
clines to run, 472-473.
Frey, John: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 144.
Fugitive Slaves, and Fugitive Slave
Law: See "Slavery."
Fuller, William K.: Adjutant-Gen-
eral, II, 30.
Fulton, Robert: Sends "Clermont" to
Albany, I, 327; Canal Commis-
sioner, 327.
Furman, Gabriel : Nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, II, 266.
GALLATIN, ALBERT: Delegated
to choose Vice-Presidential candi-
date in N. Y., I, 194; Member of
committee on financial relief, II,
153.
Gansevoort, Leonard: Member of
Commission on Trade and Com-
merce, I, 88.
Gansevoort, Peter: Candidate for U.
S. Senator, I, 190.
Gardiner, Addison: Nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, II, 309, 330;
Elected, 332; Judge of Court of
Appeals, 359; Seeks Governorship,
417.
Gardner, George: Supports Burr for
Governor, I, 239.
Garretson, Freeborn: Assemblyman,
II, 313.
Garrison, William Lloyd: Anti-slav-
ery leader, arrested, fined, starts
Liberator, II, 182; Connected with
Underground Railroad, 270.
Gates, Horatio: Burr's candidate for
Legislature, I, 185.
Gates, Seth M.: Nominated for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, II, 363.
Gelston, Durand: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 144.
Genet, Edmond C.: French Minister,
acclaimed by Clintonians, I, 141.
Geological Survey: Marcy's message
on, II, 202; Subject of controversy
between Hunkers and Barnburners,
295.
Georgia: Governor demands N. Y.'s
surrender of Arthur Tappan, II,
183; Controversy over fugitive
slaves, 259.
German, Obadiah: I, 295; Supporter
of DeWitt Clinton, 348; Speaker of
Assembly, 415; Controversy with P.
B. Livingston, 420.
Giddings, Joshua R.: at Free Soil Na-
tional convention, II, 363.
Gilbert, Benjamin: Sheriff and dis-
puted election, 1, 133.
498
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Gilbert, William W.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 330.
Golden Hill, Battle of, I, 29.
Goodell, Richard: Speaker of Assem-
bly, II, 38.
Governor, The: Constitutional pro-
vision concerning, I, 52 ; Invested
with veto power, 454; Term made
two years, 455. — Qualifications in
Third Constitution, II, 336; Veto
power, 336; Deprived of patronage,
367; Speaker of Assembly made
next in succession after Lieutenant-
Governor, 370.
Governors of the State: First candi-
dates, I, 57; George Clinton, 60, 75,
83, 89, 112, 136, 210; John Jay, 152,
171 ; Morgan Lewis, 245 ; Daniel D.
Tompkins, 279, 305, 349, 384; Tomp-
kins resigns, 391 ; John Tayler, Act-
ing Governor, 393 ; DeWitt Clinton,
402, 438; Joseph C. Yates, 469.—
DeWitt Clinton again, II, 56, 82;
Nathaniel Pitcher, Acting-Gover-
nor, 97; Martin Van Buren, II, 109;
Van Buren resigns, 113; Enos T.
Throop, Acting-Governor, 115,
elected, 123; William L. Marcy,
146, 163, 200; William H. Seward,
223, 243; William C. Bouck, 267;
Silas Wright, 310; John Young,
332; Hamilton Fish, 365; Washing-
ton Hunt, 379; Horatio Seymour,
392, 464; Myron H. Clark, 406;
John Alsop King, 418; Edwin D.
Morgan, 426, 445; Reuben E. Fen-
ton, 474.
Governors' Addresses and Messages:
George Clinton's first, I, 62; on
tariff laws, 74; After treaty of
peace, 84; First written massage at
opening of Legislature, 148; Jay's
first address, 155; on defense of N.
Y. in French trouble, 174; in 1800,
188; George Clinton's best mes-
sage, 231; Lewis's, 255; on need of
drummers, 266; Reply to Assembly's
address, 274; Tompkins's first, 284;
Legislative controversy over it, 301 ;
Tompkins on banks and bank scan-
dals, 334; His last, on slavery, 390;
DeWitt Clinton's first, 408; Second,
418; "Green Bag" message, 445;
Clinton to 45th Legislature, 459 ; At-
tempt to censure Clinton for spoken
instead of written message, 461. —
Yates, on judiciary, II, 24; in 1824,
38 ; to special session on Presiden-
tial Electors law, 52; DeWitt Clin-
ton in 1825, 68; on canals, secret
sessions of Senate, Presidential
Electors, extension of franchise, 69;
on schools, colleges, charitable in-
stitutions, census, 70; Common
roads, 73; Clinton's last, on Presi-
dential term, public works, coal,
agriculture, public instruction, duel-
ling, 95-96; Special message on
judiciary reform, 96; Van Buren's
able message, 111; on Chenango
canal, safety fund in banking,
choice of Presidential Electors, and
reform in elections, 111-114; Blem-
ishes in his message, 113-114;
Throop's, on finances, railroads,
canals, schools, penal and charitable
institutions, 124; on railroads, 138;
Marcy's, against Nullification and
upholding protective tariff, 147; on
banks, State institutions, agriculture,
schools, canal and river navigation,
154-156; on banks and currency,
canals and railroads, Hudson River
improvements, common schools,
prison reform, judiciary, elections,
177-181; on Jackson's administra-
tion, judiciary, schools, banking and
currency, Geological survey, 202 ;
Special message on Geological sur-
vey, 202; Marcy's valedictory, 212;
Special message on banking and
currency and foreign relations, 213-
214; Seward's first, on public works,
schools, agriculture, judiciary, 227;
Seward's of 1840, on schools, New
York University, elections, impris-
onment for debt, Anti-Rent war,
banking and currency, State rights,
public works, 243-244; on Anti-
Rent war, 245; on National Bank-
ruptcy law, 245; Seward's, 1841, on
election reforms, special schools for
immigrants' children, public works,
251-254; Special, on controversy
with Virginia over fugitive slaves,
254; Special., on protest against
prison labor, 254; on school admin-
istration, capital punishment, 255;
Bouck's, on State and Federal re-
INDEX
499
lations, 292; Resents exercise of Fed-
eral authority, 293 ; Opposes Sew-
ard's policy toward fugitive slaves,
293 ; Bouck's second, on canal con-
struction and constitutional amend-
ment, 300; Wright's special, on
election of U. S. Senator, 313; First
regular message, on State institu-
tions, betting on elections, corrupt
use of money, Anti-Rent troubles,
constitutional amendment, 314;
Young's brief message, 351; on
constitutional changes in State gov-
ernment, 352; on judiciary, 352-353;
on canal construction, 354; Second
and longer, on general interests of
State, 360; Fish's message, 368;
First annual, 369; Second, 380;
Hunt's, 388 ; Special, on stoppage of
canal work, 388; Seymour's first, on
canals and Canal Debt amendment
to Constitution, 394-395; Special, on
canals, 395 ; Second, on schools and
temperance, 400-401; Clark's, 409;
on Lemmon slave case, 409; Clark's
second, 414; King's first, on census,
Dudley Observatory, New York
City interests, slavery, and Dred
Scott decision, 420-422; Second, on
panic of 1857, banking, abuse of in-
junctions, Kansas, 424-425; Mor-
gan's first, on insurance, prisons,
slavery, 432-433 ; Second, on New
York City election frauds, 436;
Special, on relations between rail-
roads and canals, 436; on secession,
448; War message of 1862, 460;
Seymour, on war, 466 ; on draft
riots, conscription, National banks,
legal tender, habeas corpus, Eman-
cipation proclamation, 471.
Graham, David: Commissioner to
codify rules of practice, II, 353.
Graham, James G. : Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 293.
Graham, Theodore V. W. : Recorder
of Albany, I, 301.
Granger, Francis: Candidate for
Speaker, II, 87; for Governor, 102;
for Lieutenant-Governor, 102;
Nominated for Governor by Anti-
Masons but declines, 102; Nomi-
nated for Governor by Anti-Masons
and National Republicans, 121 ; De-
feated, 123 ; Renominated by same
coalition, 141 ; Among organizers of
Whig party, 150; Unavailable for
Governor, 161 ; Whig candidate for
Vice-President, 197; Candidate for
Governor in 1838, 216; Passed over
for Seward, 217; Fears Seward's
defeat, 222; Representative in Con-
gress, 250; Chairman of Whig con-
ventions, 309, 377; in bolt gives
name to "Silver Grays," 378; 385;
Delegate to Peace conference, 450.
Grant, Ulysses S.: Suggested for
President by Horace Greeley in
1864, II, 472; Urged by Lucius
Robinson, 472.
Grapevine Telegraph: See "Slavery."
Greeley, Horace: Editor of New
Yorker, Whig leader, II, 159; Giver
of premium at State Fair, 171;
Starts New-Yorker, 219; Sought by
Weed, 219; Publishes Jeffersonian,
220; Confident of Seward's success,
222; Editor of Log Cabin, 240;
Founds Tribune, 298 ; Supports Fill-
more for Governor, 309; Dissatis-
fied with Seward and Weed, 330;
Office-seeking proclivities, 330; Ab-
sent from Constitutional convention,
334; Tribute to Hamilton Fish, 365;
Representative in Congress, 365;
Comments on Seward-Collier con-
test for Senatorship, 372; De-
nounces Fillmore's administration,
379; Retort to Webb, 384; Advo-
cate of protective tariff, 387; De-
nounces Whig platform, 292; Com-
ments on campaign of 1852, 393;
Seeks Governorship, 404; Advo-
cate of prohibition, 404; Offended by
act of convention, 404; Leader in
Anti-Nebraska campaign, 405 ;
Praises Whig platform, 405 ; Hostile
to Seward, 408; Reports platform
at Republican convention, 412;
Urges equipment of Kansas settlers
with rifles, 414; in campaign of
1856, 418; Disapproves Lincoln's
campaign against Douglas, 425;
Seeks Governorship again, 427; Ap-
proves Seward's "Irrepressible con-
flict" speech, 430; Estimate of Lin-
coln's address in New York, 437; at
Republican National convention of
500
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
1860, 442, as delegate from Oregon,
443; Opposes Seward, but expects
his nomination, 443 ; Letter announc-
ing dissolution of "firm of Seward,
Weed & Greeley," 443; Credited
with defeat of Seward, 444;
Comments on campaign of 1860,
446; Candidate for U. S. Senator,
452; Bitter disappointment, 453;
Dissatisfied with Lincoln's adminis-
tration, 454; The "Forward to Rich-
mond!" articles, 456; "Prayer of
Twenty Millians," 461; Mischiev-
ous criticism of Lincoln, afterward
retracted, 461 ; Urges King or Dick-
inson for Senator, 466; on Lincoln's
renomination, 472; Controls State
convention of 1864, 474; Presiden-
tial Elector, 474.
Green, Duff: Champion of Calhoun
against Jackson, II, 133.
"Green Bag" Message, I, 445.
Greene, Byram: Defeated for reelec-
tion to State Senate, II, 57.
Grinnell, Moses H.: at Anti-Ne-
braska convention, II, 405 ; Declines
nomination for Governor, 418 ;
Presidential Elector, 419; on Civil
War commission, 456.
Griswold, John A.: Representative in
Congress, II, 464, 475.
Griswold, Roger: Plans to dissolve
Union, I, 242.
HADLEY, AMOS K.: Speaker of
Assembly, II, 360, 371.
Haight, Jacob: State Treasurer, II,
229.
Haines, Charles G.: DeWitt Clin-
ton's secretary, II, 53.
Hale, Daniel: Secretary of State of
N. Y., I, 167; Removed, 218; Re-
appointed, 301.
Hale, John P.: Free Soil candidate
for President, II, 391.
Hall, Amos: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 299.
Hall, Benjamin Franklin: Assembly-
man, moves for Constitutional con-
vention, II, 303.
Hall, Nathan F. : Postmaster-General,
II, 375.
Hall, Willis: Attorney-General of N.
Y., II, 229.
Hamilton, Alexander: First speech in
The Fields, I, 33; First moves for
Constitution of U. S., 79; Delegate
to Continental Congress, 79 ; Mem-
ber of Commission on Trade and
Commerce, 88; Champion of Na-
tional Sovereignty, 98 ; Legal ac-
tivities, 99 ; Breaks with George
Clinton, 102; Delegate to Commer-
cial convention, 102; Delegate to
Constitutional convention, 103 ; Only
N. Y. Delegate to sign Constitution
of U. S., 105; Rebuked and de-
nounced for so doing, 105 ; Wins
Melancthon Smith to support of
Constitution^ defies Clinton, and
wins in Poughkeepsie convention,
107-108; Federalist leader, 111;
Secretary of Treasury and dispenser
of Federal patronage, 114; Incurs
Burr's enmity, 117; Leader of
Schuyler family faction, 122; Breach
with Livingston, 123; Declines
nomination for Governor in favor
of Jay, 151; Mobbed, 153; Disap-
proves Alien and Sedition laws,
187; Seeks creation of Electoral dis-
tricts, 191; His advice rejected by
Jay, 192; Attack on Adams, 193;
Decisive influence for Jefferson
against Burr, 197; Great public
service in Croswell libel suit, 241 ;
Opposes Burr for Governor, 242;
Supports Lewis, 244; Killed by
Burr, 247; Character and services,
248.
Hammond, Jabez D.: on three great
factions in N. Y. politics, I, 281 ;
High estimate of John Armstrong,
363 ; Representative in Congress,
388; on Monroe-Crawford rivalry,
388; Member of Council of Ap-
pointment, 412. — State Senator,
Road Commissioner, and Regent of
University, II, 74; Analysis of Con-
stitutional convention of 1846, 335;
Estimate of Governor Young, 351.
Hards, or Hardshells: See "Demo-
cratic Party."
Harding, John: Delegate to Conti-
nental Congress, I, 33.
Harlem: Temporary seat of State
government, I, 42.
INDEX
501
Harper, Ida Husted: Biographer of
Susan B. Anthony, II, 345.
Harper, Robert: Member of Council
of Safety, I, 65.
Harris, Ira: Anti-Rent Assembly-
man, II, 310, 313; Reflected, 325;
Candidate for Speaker, 325; Candi-
date for Governor, 331; State Sena-
tor, 356; Proposed for Governor,
418; U. S. Senator, 452; Importuned
by office-seekers, 454.
Harrison, Richard: Supports Consti-
tution of U. S., I, 106; Partner of
Hamilton, 112; U. S. District At-
torney, 114; Action against Jedediah
Peck, 184; Dismissed from office,
219.
Harrison, William Henry: Whig can-
didate for President, II, 187, 197;
Defeated, 199; Renominated, 234;
Elected, 243.
Hart, Ephraim: Canal Commissioner,
I, 422; Member of Council of Ap-
pointment, 431.
Hartford Convention, The: Brought
to notice of N. Y. Federalists, I,
365; Call for N. Y. convention to
cooperate, 366.
Hasbrouck, Abraham: State Senator,
I, 451.
Hasbrouck, Joseph: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 144, 149.
Hasbrouck, William C.: Speaker of
Assembly, II, 356.
Haskin, John B.: Representative in
Congress, II, 419.
Hastings, Hugh J.: Clerk of State
Senate, II, 400.
Hatfield, Richard: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 149.
Hathorn, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 117; Representa-
tive in Congress, unseated from
State Senate, 119.
Hawley, Gideon: First State Super-
intendent of Schools, I, 342; Re-
moved by spoilsmen, 450.
Headley, Joel T.: Assemblyman, II,
409; Secretary of State of N. Y.,
413.
Health, Public: Jay's recommenda-
tions, I, 157; Quarantine established,
160. — Yellow fever hospital in New
York City, II, 25 ; Quarantine regu-
lations and Boards of Health pro-
vided for, 140.
Heartt, Jonas C.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 387.
Heenan, John C.: at Democratic con-
vention, Ht 434.
Henry, John V.: Comptroller, I, 190;
Opposes creation of electoral dis-
tricts, 190; in Constitutional conven-
tion, 210; Supports Governor's
power of appointment, 211; Re-
moved from office, 218. — Death, II,
116.
Henry, Patrick: Unready for Inde-
pendence, I, 38.
Herkimer: Democratic State conven-
tion of 1826, II, 81; of 1828, 108;
of 1834, 162; of 1836, 197; of 1838,
215.
"Higher Law": Seward's utterance,
II, 372.
Hildreth, Matthias B.: Attorney-
General of N. Y., I, 286; Reap-
pointed, 311; Death, 343.
Hill, Nicholas, Jr.: Commissioner to
codify rules of practice, II, 353.
Historical Society: See "New York
Historical Society."
Hitchcock, Zina: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 144.
Hobart, Benson: U. S. District Judge,
I, 256.
Hobart, John Sloss: Member of Com-
mittee on State Constitution, I, 44;
Delegate to Tax convention at
Hartford, 100; Supports Constitu-
tion of U. S., 106; U. S. Senator,
164; Appeals for relief and resigns,
165.
Hoffman, Josiah Ogden: Leads de-
mand for election investigation, I,
140; Moves for election of new
Council of Appointment, 143; At-
torney-General of N. Y., sole Fed-
eralist left in office, 221; Removed,
231; Recorder of New York, 300,
344; Denied reappointment, 412. —
Judge of Superior Court, II, 99.
Hoffman, Michael: Barnburner can-
didate for Governor, II, 266; Can-
didate for Speaker, 300; Opposes
Bouck's canal policy, 303; Leader
of Barnburners, 319; Member of
Constitutional convention, 355.
502
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Hoffman, Ogden: Attorney-General
of N. Y., II, 399-400; Brilliant de-
fense of State in Lemmon slave
case, 410; Candidate for U. S. Sena-
tor, 411.
Holt, Charles: Editor of Columbian,
I, 298.
Hone, Philip: Alderman, afterward
Mayor, of New York, at opening of
Erie canal, II, 74; Describes street
fight between Bryant and Stone,
120; First railroad ride described,
124; Comments on stock gambling,
153; on Loco Foco split at Tammany
Hall, 187; on great panic of 1837,
205; Denounces Van Buren's mes-
sage as untruthful, 207; on election
of 1837, 210; Chairman of Whig
State convention, 330.
Hooker, Joseph: at State Fair, II,
172.
Hopkins, Reuben: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 144.
Hosack, Dr.: at Hamilton-Burr duel,
I, 247.
Hospitals: See "Charities."
House of Refuge: See "Charities."
Hoyt, Jesse: Assemblyman, II, 23.
Hubbard, Ruggles: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 369; Votes
for removal of Clinton, and is made
Sheriff, 375, 376.
Hubbell, Levi: Adjutant-General, II,
149.
Hudson, Edward: Assemblyman, II,
54.
Hudson River: Improvement of navi-
gation urged by Yates, II, 38;
Marcy on, 156, 179; Work under-
taken by U. S. government, 179.
Hughes, Archbishop: False story of
influence over Seward, II, 242.
Hughes, Charles Evans: Policy to-
ward State Fair, II, 176.
Hulburd, Calvin T.: Assemblyman,
reports in favor of Normal School,
II, 304.
Humphrey, Charles: Speoker of As-
sembly, II, 177.
Hunkers, The: See "Democratic
Party," and "Parties."
Hunt, Alvah: State Treasurer, II,
359.
Hunt, Ward: Leads Barnburners at
State convention of 1846, II, 329;
Presides over trial of Susan B. An-
thony for voting, 349 ; Candidate
for U. S. Senator, 423.
Hunt, Washington: Representative in
Congress, II, 365; Comptroller, 375;
Nominated for Governor, 377; Sup-
ported by Silver Grays, 378;
Elected, 379; Attitude toward Fugi-
tive Slave law, 381; Follows policy
of Seward and Fish, 382; First mes-
sage— canals and railroads, river
improvements, banking, 382-383 ;
Second message, on tariff, slavery,
Liberia, canals, 388; Renominated,
391; Defeated, 392; Chairman of
State convention, 399; Leader of
Constitutional Union party, 445; at
Republican State convention of 1863,
469.
Hunting, Benjamin: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 231.
Huntington, George: Candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor, I, 348.
Huntington, Henry: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 267; Nomi-
nated for Lieutenant-Governor, II,
80.
Hurley: Meeting of Council of
Safety at, I, 66.
IMMIGRATION: Bill for encourag-
ing German immigration vetoed, I,
87; Irish immigration, 312, 340. —
Alien fathers deprived of rights
over children of American mothers,
II, 246.
Imprisonment for Debt: Chiefly
abolished on Throop's recommenda-
tion, II, 125; More fully on Sew-
ard's, 244.
Independence of United States: At-
titude of N. Y., I, 26 et seq.; Dec-
laration adopted by Congress and
ratified by N. Y., 39.
Indian Tribes and Five Nations: I,
18; Treaties, 89; Legislation con-
cerning, 111.
Ingham, S. D.: Secretary of Treasury,
II, 129.
Injunctions, Abuse of, II, 425.
Insane, Hospitals for: See "Chari-
ties."
INDEX
503
Insurance: Creation of State depart-
ment, and Superintendent, II, 433.
Irish Immigrants in New York Poli-
tics, I, 312, 340.— II, 158.
"Irrepressible Conflict": Seward's
speech at Rochester, II, 430.
Irving, John T. : in debate on Tomp-
kins's accounts, I, 433.
Irving, Peter: DeWitt Clinton's over-
tures to, I, 262.
Irving, Washington: Interested in
Republican party, II, 419.
JACKSON, ANDREW: Candidate
for Presidency, supported by DeWitt
Clinton, II, 33, 58; Favored by
Democratic convention at Tammany
Hall, 94; Opposition to Bank of U.
S., 126; Elected under pledge of
single term, 128; Social scandal in
cabinet, 129-131; Hostility to Cal-
houn, 131; Breach between them,
132; Toast, "Our Federal Union,"
132; Decjdes to seek second term,
133; Renominated, 137, and re-
elected, 146; Activity in Van
Buren's interest, 195.
Jacques, David R.: Loco Foco can-
didate for Mayor, II, 207; Assem-
blyman, 436.
James, A. B. : Delegate to Peace con-
ference, II, 450.
(!)Jay> John: Member of Committee
of Fifty-one, I, 31 : Writes to Boston
leaders proposing Continental Con-
gress, 31; Writes protest against
Boston Port bill, 33; in Continental
Congress, 33; Drafts Declaration of
Rights, and Address to People of
Great Britain, 34; in N. Y. Provin-
cial Congress, 37; His leadership,
38; Moves ratification of Declara-
tion of Independence, 39; Chief
author of Constitution of State, 44;
Seeks abolition of slavery, 54; Can-
didate for Governor, 57; Chief-
Justice of N. Y. Supreme Court, 68;
Minister to Spain, 72; Massachu-
setts Boundary Commissioner, 84;
Supports Hamilton on Constitution
of U. S., 106; Moves ratification by
State convention, 107; with Hamil-
ton against Clinton, 113; Chief-
Justice of Supreme Court of U. S.,
114; Nominated for Governor, 129;
Counted out, 136; Manly attitude in
defeat, 136-138; Again nominated
for Governor, 151; Treaty with
Great Britain, 151 ; Elected Gover-
nor while abroad, welcomed home,
and then made object of obloquy,
152, 153; First address to Legisla-
ture, 155; Important constructive
statesmanship, 160; Controversy
over appointment of Secretary of
State of N. Y., 167; Estimate of
first administration, 167; Renomi-
nated, 168; Reelected, 171; Sup-
ports Adams's policy, 173; Note-
worthy address to Legislature, 188;
Rejects Hamilton's scheme for Presi-
dential Electors, 192; Recommends
revision of Constitution, 198; De-
clines nomination for third term,
202; Close of administration marred
by controversies, 203 ; Conflict with
Council of Appointment, 205 ; Char-
acter and public service, 250; Con-
ference with DeWitt Clinton, 320;
Advocates abolition of slavery, 391.
— Death, II, 116; Remembered as
early Abolitionist, 287.
(2) Jay, John: "General counsel to
Underground Railroad," II, 287;
Aids fugitive slave, 289-290.
Jay, Peter Augustus: Advocates
abolition of slavery, I, 391 ; Recorder
of New York,^24; Removed, 449; in
Constitutional convention, 453 ; Op-
poses Constitution because of dis-
crimination against colored men,
458.
Jay, William: Dropped from bench
because of anti-slavery sentiments,
II, 287.
Jefferson, Thomas: Presidential can-
didate, I, 161 ; Author of Kentucky
resolutions, 178 ; Attitude toward
Burr, 186; Presidential candidates,
194; Tied with Burr in Electorial
College, 196; Elected through in-
fluence of Hamilton, 197; Denounces
spoils system, 214; Incurs Burr's
open enmity, 222; Declines N. Y.
Legislature's urging to seek third
term, 287.
Jeffersonian, The: Greeley's cam-
paign paper, II, 220.
Jenkins, Elisha: Comptroller, I, 218;
504
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Secretary of State of N. Y., 268 ; Re-
moved, 275; Reappointed, 286, 311;
Removed, 355.
Jenkins, Thomas: Contestant for
State Senate, I, 139.
Jenkins, Timothy: Candidate for
Governor, II, 426.
Johnson, Andrew: Nominated for
Vice-President and elected, II, 472,
475.
Johnson, Richard M. : Nominated for
Vice-President, II, 196; Elected by
U. S. Senate, 200.
Johnson, Robert: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 267.
Johnson, Stephen C.: Replaces Eras-
tus Root in State Senate, II, 297.
Johnson, William: Narrative of res-
cue of fugitive slave, II, 288-290.
Jones, David R. Floyd: Secretary of
State of N. Y., II, 435; Renominated,
457; Nominated for Lieutenant-
Governor, 462, 464, 474.
Jones, Elbert H.: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 353.
Jones, Nathaniel: Surveyor-General,
II, 263.
Jones, Samuel: Opposed to Constitu-
tion of U. S., I, 106; Author of act
improving jurisprudence, 111; First
Comptroller, 113; Recorder of New
York City, 117; Supports Clinton in
disputed election, 135; Comptroller,
163 ; Declines reappointment, 189. —
Chancellor, II, 77; Chief -Justice of
Superior Court of New York, 99.
Jones, Samuel, Jr.: Federalist leader
in Assembly, I, 358; Candidate for
Justice of Supreme Court, 423.
Jordan, Ambrose L.: Attorney-Gen-
eral, II, 360.
Journalism: See "Newspapers"; also
Bryant, Cheetham, Coleman, Cros-
well, Greeley, Raymond, Webb,
Weed.
Judiciary, The: Constitutional pro-
vision for, I, 52; Supreme Court en-
larged, 139, 145; Jay's recommenda-
tions, 156; Judicial reforms dis-
cussed in Constitutional convention
of 1821, 456; New Supreme Court
and District Courts established, 457.
— Yates's recommendations, II, 24;
General legislation, 24; Political in-
fluences in judicial appointments, 27-
29 ; Increased pay for Judges secured
by Marcy, 177; Reorganization un-
der Third Constitution, 336; Elec-
tion of Judges, 352; Young's rec-
ommendations, 353; Non-partisan
candidacies, 398.— See "Chancellor,"
and various Courts.
Jurisprudence: Act for improvement
of system, I, 111; Clinton urges re-
vision of Criminal Code, 142; Jay's
reforms, 157. — Throop's recom-
mendations, II, 117; Seward's rec-
ommendations, leading to Civil
Code, 228 ; Agitation against capital
punishment, 255; Codification of
rules of practice, 353; Fish recom-
mends tribunals of arbitration and
revision of Criminal Code, 369;
Code of Procedure amended, 370;
Abuses of injunction, 425.
Justices of the Peace: Popular elec-
tion, under Constitutional amend-
ment, II, 70.
KANSAS-NEBRASKA bill, The, II,
401.
Kellogg, Isaac: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 293.
Kelly, John: Representative in Con-
gress, II, 417.
Kelly, William: Nominated for Gov-
ernor, II, 444; at Tweddle Hall con-
vention, 451; Candidate for Gover-
nor, 474.
Kemble, John C.: Resigns from State
Senate under charges, II, 192.
Kent, James: Aids investigation of
election outrage, I, 140; Justice of
Supreme Court, 166; Tribute to
Hamilton, 248; Chief-Justice, 253;
Chancellor, 353; Opposes privateer-
ing, 365; Writes veto of bill for
Constitutional convention, 442; in
Constitutional convention, 453 ; on
property qualification for voters,
456. — Retires from Chancellorship,
II, 70; Nominated for Presidential
Elector, 141.
Kent, William: Nominated for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, II, 391; in Consti-
tutional Union part}-, 445.
Kentucky Resolutions: See "Alien
and Sedition Laws."
INDEX
SOS
Kernan, Francis: at Democratic State
convention, II, 457; Defeats Roscoe
Conkling for Congress, 464.
Keyes, Parley: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 381.
Keyser, Abraham: State Treasurer,
II, 78.
Kibbe, Isaac: Harbor-master, I, 275.
King, Charles: Federal leader in As-
sembly, I, 358.
King, James G. : Promoter of Erie
Railroad, II, 179.
King, John Alsop: Assemblyman, I,
418; at State Fair, II, 172; "at Anti-
Nebraska convention, 405 ; Presides
over last Whig convention, 412;
Moves nomination of first Republi-
can ticket, 412; Nominated for Gov-
ernor, 418; Elected first Republican
Governor, 419; First message, on
census, Dudley Observatory, New
York City, slavery, Dred Scott case,
420-423 ; Second message, on panic
of 1857, banking, abuse of injunc-
tions, Kansas, 424-425; Urged for
renomination, 427; Delegate to Peace
conference, 450.
King, Preston: at Barnburner con-
vention, II, 362; in Soft convention,
condemns Nebraska bill, 403; Bolt*
convention, 404; Candidate for U. S.
Senator, 411; as candidate for Sec-
retary of State leads first Republi-
can ticket, 412 ; U. S. Senator, 423.
King, Rufus: U. S. Senator, I, 114,
116; Opinion on disputed election
for Governor, 135; Reelected, 148;
Minister to Great Britain, 161;
Thwarts secessionist plot, 243;
Nominated for Vice-President, 289;
Confers with DeWitt Clinton, 320;
Urges nomination of Federalist for
President, 321; U. S. Senator, 341;
Backs Tompkins in securing N. Y.'s
credit, 362; Nominated for Gover-
nor, 384; Reelected to Senate, 418-
421 ; in Constitutional convention,
453. — End of term in Senate, II, 70-
71 ; Minister to Great Britain, 73.
Kingston: Colonial archives removed
to, I, 39, 42; Seat of State govern-
ment, 43 ; First Governor and Legis-
lature, 62; Captured by British, 65;
Reoccupied by Legislature, 73.
Know-Nothings, The: II, 406; Ac-
tivity and strength, 408 ; Oppose
Seward, 408; Take part in Seria-
torship contest, 410; Denounced by
Hard Democrats, 411; State conven-
tion, 1855, 413; Carry State elec-
tion, 413 ; Nominate Fillmore for
President, 416; Many bolt and sup-
port Fremont, 416; Nominate Eras-
tus Brooks for Governor, 418; Be-
ginning of dissolution, 423 ; Conven-
tion of 1858, 428; Division of vote,
431; Action of remnant, 435; Last
appearance, 435.
Knower, Benjamin: Member of Al-
bany Regency, II, 21 ; State Treas-
urer, 78; in campaign of 1828, 109.
LAKE, JARIVS N.: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 211.
Lamb, Anthony: Commissary-General,
removed, I, 450.
Lamb, John: Leader of Sons of
Liberty, I, 27.
Land Reformers in Legislature, II,
392.
Land Tenure under Third Constitu-
tion, II, 337.
Landon, Jonathan: Member of Coun-
cil of Safety, I, 65.
Laning, Albert P.: Withdraws from
Democratic ticket, II, 458; Drafts
Democratic platform, 462.
Lansing, Abraham G. : State Treas-
urer^J, 235; Removed, 286.
Lansing, Garret Y.: Clerk of Assem-
bly, I, 273.
Lansing, John: Delegate to Tax con-
vention at Hartford, I, 82.
Lansing, John, Jr.: Delegate to U. S.
Constitutional convention, I, 103;
Refuses to sign Constitution, 104;
Supports Clinton against Hamilton,
113; Mayor of Albany, 117; Justice
of Supreme Court, 121 ; Chief-Jus-
tice, 166; Chancellor, 228; Nomi-
nated for Governor, 239; With-
draws, 240; Political activity, 278;
Controversy with Clinton and Spen-
cer, 278.
Lapham, Elbridge G.: at Republican
State convention, II, 474.
Lawrence, Abbott: Candidate for
Vice-President, II, 364.
506
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Lawrence, Cornelius W.: Represen-
tative in Congress, elected Mayor
of New York, II, 157.
Lawrence, John: Representative in
Congress, unseated from State Sen-
ate, I, 119; U. S. Senator, 161; Re-
signs, 200.
Lawrence, Nathaniel: Attorney-Gen-
eral, I, 139.
"Laying Pipes," II, 252.
Leake, Isaac Q.: State Printer, II, 32.
Leavenworth, Elias W. : Secretary of
State of N. Y., II, 399, 400, 433.
Lee, Gideon: Representative in Con-
gress, II, 185.
Lee, Leonard: Assemblyman, moves
for Constitutional convention, II,
304.
Legislative Procedure: DeWitt Clin-
ton recommends confining each bill
to one topic, II, 70 ; Question of ma-
jority or two-thirds vote in certain
cases, 295-296.
Legislature, The: Constitutional pro-
visions, I, 48; 1st session, 62; Aban-
dons Kingston, 65; at Poughkeepsie,
67; Enacts first law, 67; 2d session,
69; 3d session, 72, 73; 4th, 73, 74;
5th, at Poughkeepsie, 76, special
meeting, 77; Votes for Federal Con-
stitution, 80; 6th, at Kingston, 81;
7th, at New York, 83; 8th, at New
York, 84; 9th, at New York, 87; 1st
Tuesday of January meeting date,
88; 10th, at New York, 89; llth, at
Poughkeepsie, 90; Approves Federal
tax plan, 101 ; Instructs Delegates to
Congress to vote for U. S. Consti-
tutional convention, 103; 12th, at
Albany, special session to consider
Constitution of U. S., 109; 13th, at
Albany to choose Senators, 115; at
New York, takes action for canals
and roads, 118; 14th, at New York,
122; 15th, at New York, 126; 16th,
special session, 127, 139; 17th, at
Albany, 142; 18th, at Poughkeepsie,
147; 19th, at New York, 155; 20th,
at New York, 160; 21st, at Albany,
163; 22d, special session, 174; Regu-
lar session, 176; 23d, at Albany,
187; Albany made permanent meet-
ing-place, on last Tuesday of Janu-
ary, 188; 24th, special session, 198;
25th, 230; 26th, 233; 27th, 237; 28th,
special session, 254; Regular session,
255; 29th, 264, 266; 30th, 272; 31st,
284; 32nd, 290; 33d, 298; 34th, 310;
35th, 316; Prorogued by Governor,
317; Reassembles, 337; 36th, 323,
341; 37th, 357; 38th, special session,
363; Regular session, 369; 39th,
contest over organization, 379; 40th,
special and regular sessions, 390;
41st, 408; 42d, 414; Meeting date
fixed on first Tuesday of January,
414; Contest over Speakership, 415-
417; DeWitt Clinton's address, 418;
43d, 430; Action on Tompkins's ac-
counts, 432; "Playing politics," 440;
44th, special session, 440; Regular
session, 445; Qualifications of mem-
bers under new Constitution, 455 ;
45th, 459.— Historic acts of 46th, II,
18, 26; Rejection of appointments of
Supreme Court Justices, 27; Legis-
lature elects State officers under
Constitution, 29; 47th, 37; Disap-
proves Tennessee resolutions against
Presidential nominations by Con-
gressional caucus, 39; Debate over
method of choosing Presidential Elec-
tors, 39-40; Special session to act on
Presidential Electors, 51; Adjourns
without action, 52; Third session,
with scandalous intrigues, 59-63;
Finally submits question of choice of
Electors to people, 65; 48th, 67; Ac-
tion on Governor's recommenda-
tions, 68-70; Contest over U. S.
Senator, 71-72; Creates Road com-
mission, 73; 49th, 76; Elects State
officers, 77-78; Bribery scandal, 78-
79; 50th, 87; Root's extravagant
speech as Speaker of Assembly, 87;
Action on Morgan abduction case,
88; Second session, 89; 51st, 95;
Special session, 100; 52d, controlled
by Albany Regency, 110; Changes
in apportionment, 110; Action on
Van Buren's recommendations, 111-
113; Election of State officers, 114;
Longest session thus far on record,
116; 53d, 117; 54th, 123; 55th, 138;
Incorporation of railroads, 139;
Special session, 140; 56th, 146; 57th,
152; 58th, 177; 59th, 188; 60th, 201;
Action on panic of 1837, 206; 61st,
INDEX
507
211; Report on public improvements,
214; 62d, 227; 63d, 243; 64th, 251;
65th, 258; Special session, 264; 66th,
292; 67th, 300; 68th, 312; 69th, 325;
Prescriptions of Third Constitution,
336; 70th, 351; Enactments on judi-
ciary, militia, canals, 353-354; Af-
firms principle of Wilmot Proviso,
355; 71st, first under new Constitu-
tion, 360; 72d, 371; 73d, 379; 74th,
382; Conflict over Senatorial elec-
tion, 383; Canal legislation, 385;
Adjournment forced by resignation
of twelve Senators, 386; Special
session, 386; 75th, 387; 76th, 394;
Special session, 395; 77th, 400; 78th,
409; 79th, 414; 80th, 420; 81st, 424;
82d, 432; 83d, 436; 84th, 447;
Prompt action on Civil War, 449;
Virginia's invitation to Peace con-
ference accepted, 450 ; President-
elect Lincoln received at Albany,
452; 85th, 460; 86th, 465; Long fight
over Speakership, 465 ; Contest over
U. S. Senator, 467; 87th, 471.
Lemmori Case, The: See "Slavery."
Le Moyne, Francis J. : Declines Aboli-
tion nomination for Vice-President,
II, 239.
Lewis, Francis: Delegate to Conti-
nental Congress, I, 36, 68.
Lewis, Morgan: Attorney-General, I,
124-125; Justice of Supreme Court,,
139; Chief -Justice, 229; Candidate
for Mayor, 237; Nominated for
Governor, 240; Ruling in Croswell
libel case, 241; Elected Governor,
245; Characterization of Burr, 249;
Career and character, 252; Elabor-
ate address to Legislature, 255; At-
tacked by DeWitt Clinton, 261; Re-
plies to address of Assembly, 274;
Renominated by convention, 276 ;
Defeated, 279; State Senator, 306;
Advocates Bank of America, 337;
Member of Council of Appointment,
353; Schemes against Clinton, 354. —
Presides at meeting for nominating
Jackson for President, II, 44.
Lewis, William B.: State Treasurer,
II, 458.
L'Hommedieu, Ezra: Delegate to
Tax convention, I, 82; State Sena-
tor, 260.
Libel: Croswell case, I, 241.
Liberator, The: Started by Garrison,
II, 183.
Liberty Party, The: See "Abolition
Party."
Lieutenant-Governors: Pierre Van
Cortlandt, I, 60; Reelected, 75, 89,
129; Stephen Van Rensselaer, 151,
168; Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, 201;
John Broome, 239; DeWitt Clinton,
315; John Tayler, 347, 383; Dispute
over succession to Governorship,
393 ; Tayler becomes Acting-Gover-
nor, 394; Reelected Lieutenant-
Governor, 402, 438; Erastus Root,
466, 469.— James Tallmadge, II, 54,
56; Nathaniel Pitcher, 82; Enos T.
Throop, 108, 110; John Tracy, 145,
163; Luther Bradish, 218; Daniel S.
Dickinson, 267; Addison Gardiner,
309, 332; Hamilton Fish, 359; G. W.
Patterson, 365; Sanford E. Church,
378, 391; Henry J. Raymond, 406;
Henry R. Selden, 418; Robert Camp-
bell, 427-431, 445; David R. Floyd
Jones, 462 ; Thomas G. Alvord, 474-
475.
Lincoln, Abraham: Debates with
Douglas, II, 425; Visits New York
and speaks at Cooper Union, 437;
Greeley's estimate of his address,
437; Nominated for President, 443;
Elected, 446; Received by Legisla-
ture at Albany, 452; Unjustly criti-
cised by Greeley, 461; Writes to
Seymour, 468 ; Letter to N. Y. Re-
publican convention, 470; Renomi-
nated, 472; Reelected, 475.
Liquor Laws : See "Excise."
Litchfield, Elisha: Assemblyman, II,
298, 300.
Littlejohn, DeWitt C.: Assemblyman,
II, 394; Speaker, 409, 420, 436, 448;
Representative in Congress, 464.
Livingston, Brockholst: in riot against
Hamilton and Jay, I, 168; Assem-
blyman, 185; Justice of Supreme
Court of N. Y., 216; Declines to be
U. S. District Judge, 256; Justice of
Supreme Court of U. S., 279, 345.
Livingston, Charles L. : Speaker of
Assembly, II, 138, 147; State Sena-
tor, 153; Declines Tammany nomi-
nation for Mayor, 157.
508
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
(l)Livingston, Edward: Burr's at-
tempt to win his vote, I, 196; U. S.
District Attorney, and Mayor of
New York, 216; Resigns Mayoralty,
237; Removes to Louisiana, 345.
(2) Livingston, Edward: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 76, 87; Replaced, 95;
Speaker of Assembly, 201.
Livingston, Edward P.: Nominated
for Lieutenant-Governor, II, 122;
Denied renomination, 144.
Livingston, Gilbert: Supports Clin-
ton against Hamilton, I, 113.
Livingston, John: Seated as State
Senator after controversy, I, 139.
Livingston, Maturin: Recorder of
New York, I, 254; Changes side in
bank controversy, 258; Removed
from office, 267; Reinstated, 275;
Candidate for Supreme Court, 279;
Removed from Recordership, 286.
Livingston, Peter R.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 411;
Controversy with German, 420; in
Constitutional convention, 454. — As-
semblyman, II, 23 ; Speaker, 26 ; Foe
of Clinton, 26; President pro tern.
of Senate, 95.
Livingston, Philip: Against "taxation
without representation," I, 24;
Writes Petition to Crown, 26; Dele-
gate to Continental Congress, 33;
68; Candidate for Governor, 60;
Supports Robert Yates for Governor,
113; Member of Council of Ap-
pointment, 119; on Schuyler's right
to seat, 120; Stands with Hamilton,
125.
Livingston, Robert C.: Member of
Commission on Trade and Com-
merce, I, 88.
Livingston, Robert R.: Opposes
Stamp act, I, 27; Delegate to Conti-
nental Congress, 36, 72; Member of
Committee for State Constitution, 44;
Candidate for Governor, 60; Chan-
cellor, 68; Member of Massachu-
setts Boundary commission, 84; of
Commission on Trade and Com-
merce, 88; Supports Constitution of
U. S., 106; with Hamilton against
Clinton, 113; Breach with Hamilton,
123 ; Declines mission to France,
124; Declines nomination for Gover-
nor, 129; Candidate for Governor
against Jay, 168 ; Animosity toward
Jay, 169; Defeated and embittered,
171 ; Barred by deafness from Vice-
Presidency, 194; Minister to France,
216; Lampooned by Burr's spokes-
man, 224; Resigns Chancellorship,
228; Canal Commissioner, 327;
Death, 345.
Livingston, Walter: Member of
Massachusetts Boundary commission,
I, 84.
Livingston, William: Candidate for
Speaker of Assembly, I, 298.
Livingston Family in Politics: I, 122;
Breach with Schuylers, 124; Mem-
bers fill many offices, 216, 229; Prac-
tical retirement of all, 265, 345.—
End of influence, II, 14.
Loco Focos, The: Origin, II, 185;
Called Equal Rights party, 199;
Coalition with Whigs, 199.
Log Cabin, The: Greeley's paper, II,
240.
Log Cabin Campaign, The, II, 240.
Loguen, J. W.: Bishop, interested in
Underground Railroad, II, 273, 281,
284.
Long Island, Battle of, I, 42.
Loomis, Arphaxad: Commissioner to
Codify Rules of Practice, II, 353.
Lotteries: Established by Legislature
for benefit of colleges and other
institutions, I, 256, 359; State mana-
gers appointed, 463.
Lounsbury, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 431.
Low, Isaac: Member of Committee
of Fifty-one, I, 31; Delegate to Con-
tinental Congress, 33.
Loyalists: See "Tories."
Ludlow, William H.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 394; Nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, 404.
Lundy, Benjamin: Anti-slavery
leader, II, 182.
MACOMB, ALEXANDER: Land
speculator, I, 130.
Madison, James: Opposed by De-
Witt Clinton for Presidency, I,
288 ; Cooperation with Tammany,
314; Renominated by Congressional
caucus, 319; Defeats Clinton, 324;
INDEX
509
Desires Tompkins to be his suc-
cessor, then shifts to Monroe, '386.
Mangum, Willie P.: Candidate for
President, II, 197.
Manhattan Banking Company: Se-
cures charter by trickery, I, 181 ;
Popular indignation, 182.
Manierre, Benjamin F. : State Sena-
tor, II, 436.
Marbletown: Meeting-place of Coun-
cil of Safety, I, 66.
Marcy, William L.: Recorder of
Troy, I, 412; Removed, 413; Leads
Bucktails to vote for Rufus King
for Senator, 421; Adjutant-General,
450. — Original member of Albany
Regency, II, 17; Character and
career, 19-22; "To the victors be-
long the spoils," 21, 136; Comp-
troller, 30, 78; Justice of Supreme
Court, 108; in campaign of 1828,
109 ; Retires from Comptrollership,
114; U. S. Senator, 125; Feeble de-
fense of Jackson and Van Buren,
136; Nominated for Governor, 143;
Elected, 146 ; First message, on
canals, Nullification, protective
tariff, 147; Message on banks, State
institutions, agriculture, schools,
canals, and river navigation, 154-
156; Renominated, 162; Reelected,
163; Gives first impulse to official
interest in agriculture, 164; Mes-
sage, on Bank of U. S., judiciary,
common schools, State finance,
canals, railroads, Hudson River im-
provement, prison reform, banking
and currency, elections, 177-181;
Chairman of Anti-Abolition meet-
ing, 185; Message, on Abolition,
schools and colleges, public works,
real estate speculation, banking, 188-
191 ; Refuses to surrender Anti-
slavery agitator to Alabama, 191 ;
Renominated, 197; Reelected, 200;
Premature exultation over supposed
subsidence of Abolitionism, 201 ;
Message, on Jackson's administra-
tion, judiciary, public instruction,
banking and currency, Geological
survey, 202; Auspicious opening of
third term, 202; Disastrous sequel,
203; Refuses to reconvene Legisla-
ture in panic of 1837, 206; Message,
on State finances, 212; Special mes-
sage on banking and currency, 212;
Special message on "Caroline" af-
fair, 213; on raiding of State ar-
senals, 214; Renominated for fourth
term, 215; Hostility to him, 216; De-
feated, 223 ; Reflections on defeat of
Regency, 223; Chairman of State
convention, 297; Secretary of War,
317; Candidate for Presidency, 390;
Secretary of State of U. S., 396; Op-
poses Kansas-Nebraska bill, 402.
Martling Men: See "Tammany."
Martling's Long Room: Tammany
headquarters, I, 264.
Masons: See "Anti-Masonic Party,"
and "Morgan, William."
Massachusetts Boundary Controversy,
I, 84.
Maxwell, Hugh: Collector of Port,
at Whig convention, II, 377.
May, S. J.: Connected with Under-
ground Railroad, II, 273, 282, 284.
McClellan, George B.: Nominated
for President, II, 473.
McClellan, Robert: State Treasurer,
defauter, I, 167, 235.
McComb, Robert: Clerk of Circuit
Court, removed, I, 405.
McCord, Andrew: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 272.
McDougall, Alexander: Leader of
Sons of Liberty, I, 27; Writes to
Boston patriots, 31; Resigns from
Committee of Fifty-one, 31; Presides
at meeting in The Fields, 32.
Mclntyre, Archibald: Comptroller, I,
268; Controversy with Tompkins
over accounts, 428, 432 ; Removed by
"Skinner's Council, 448 ; State Sena-
tor, 451; Manager of lotteries for
benefit of colleges, 463. — One of
three Senators voting against re-
moval of DeWitt Clinton from
Canal board, II, 46.
McKean, Levi: Tells of DeWitt
Clinton's negotiations with Burrites,
I, 162.
McKeon, John: Corporation Counsel,
New York City, II, 290.
McKisson, John: Clerk of Court, I,
219; Lampooned by Burr's spokes-
man, 225.
510
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
McKown, James: Assemblyman, de-
fends DeWitt Clinton, I, 461.— Re-
corder of Albany, II, 77.
McLane, Louis: Minister to Great
Britain, Van Buren's letter to, II,
135.
(1) McLean, John: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 311.
(2) McLean, John: Candidate for
Presidential nomination, II, 197, 416.
McLeod, Alexander: Boasts of par-
ticipation in "Caroline" affair, II,
256; Trial and international issue,
256; Confesses being impostor, 257.
Meigs, Henry: Representative in
Congress, urged to seek changes in
postmasterships, I, 446.
Merchant, Horatio: Clerk of Assem-
bly, II, 68.
Merchants' Bank, The: Scandal over
charter, I, 258-260.
Merritt, E. A.: Assemblyman, II, 436.
Metcalf, E. H.: Rejected for State
Senator, I, 336.
Mexican War, The: Governor au-
thorized to enroll 50,000 troops, II,
329; Concurrent resolutions on, 370.
Militia: First general law, I, 69;
Lewis's recommendations, 273 ; Im-
provements reported by Tompkins,
285, 364; Negro troops, 364; Sea
Fencibles, 364; Subjected to spoils
system by Skinner's Council, 449. —
New law of 1823, II, 25; Employ-
ment in Anti-Rent war leads to new
law, 326; First division organized
and new law enacted, 354.
Miller, David C.: Publisher of Mor-
gan's Anti-Masonic book, II, 83.
Miller, Jedediah: Investigates Tomp-
kins's accounts, I, 433.
Miller, Sylvanus: Surrogate of New
York county, I, 218, 286.
Minthorne, Mangle: Hostile to
DeWitt Clinton, I, 292, 313.
Missouri Compromise, The: Action
on by Legislature, I, 430. — Repeal,
II, 410; Clark's comments, 410.
Mitchell, Isaac: Editor of Poughkeep-
si'e Journal, I, 261.
Mitchell, Samuel L.: U. S. Senator, I,
255.
Mohawks: Patriotic organization, I,
29.
Monell, Robert: Circuit Judge, II,
126.
Monroe, James: Presidential a_mbi-
tion, I, 289 ; Candidate, 385 ; Owes
nomination to Van Buren, 387; Re-
elected, 444. — Close of second term,
II, 32; Native American candidate
for Congress, 187.
Mooers, Benjamin: Candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor, I, 436; mem-
ber of last Council of Appointment,
462.
Moore, John T.: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 443.
Morell, George: State Road Com-
missioner, II, 74.
Morgan, Christopher: Secretary of
State, II, 359.
Morgan, Edwin D.: State Senator, II,
379; at first Republican convention,
412; Selected by Weed for Gover-
379; at first Republican State con-
vention, 412; Selected by Weed
for Governor, 426; Nominated,
427; Elected, 431; Message to
Legislature a business document,
432; on insurance, prisons, slav-
ery, 433; Second message, 436;
on election frauds, 436; Special
message on railroads and canals,
436; at Republican National con-
vention of 1860, 442; Renomi-
nated, 445; Reflected, 446; Message,
447; Special message on secession,
448; War Governor, 448; Receives
N. Y.'s invitation to Peace con-
ference, 449; Wise and patriotic
course in National crisis, 445 ; Heads
Civil War commission, 456; War
message of 1863, 460; Declines re-
nomination for third term and ad-
vises nomination of Wadsworth,
463; U. S. Senator, 467; at State
convention of 1863, 469.
Morgan, Jedediah: One of three
State Senators voting against re-
moval of DeWitt Clinton from
Canal board, II, 46.
Morgan, J. J. : Candidate for Mayor,
II, 207.
Morgan, William: Withdraws from
Masonic order and writes book, II,
83; Antecedents, 83; Arrest, abduc-
tion, and disappearance, 84; Alleged
INDEX
511
confession of murderers, 84; His
dissapearance made leading politi-
cal issue, 85-87; "A good enough
Morgan till after election," 86; Ac-
tion of Governor and Legislature,
88; Organization of Anti-Masonic
party, 89.
Morris, Gouverneur: Delegate to
Provincial Congress, I, 36; Moves
for State Constitution, 44; Opposes
voting by ballot, 53; Seeks aboli-
tion of slavery, 54; Delegate to
Continental Congress, 68 ; U. S.
Senator, 166; End of term, 234;
Conference with DeWitt Clinton,
320; Canal Commissioner, 327.
Morris, Lewis: Delegate to Conti-
nental Congress, I, 36.
Morris, Richard: Chief-Justice of
Supreme Court of N. Y., I, 105;
Supports Constitution of U. S., 106 ;
Candidate for Governor, 112; Re-
signs from bench, 121 ; Opposes
Hartford convention, 366.
Morris, Robert H.: Recorder of New
York, removed, II, 253; Elected
Mayor, 253.
(1) Morris, Thomas: City Clerk of
New York, I, 275.
(2) Morris, Thomas: Abolitionist can-
didate for Vice-President, II, 308.
Moseley, Daniel: Appointed Justice
of Supreme Court but not confirmed,
II, 108 ; Appointed and confirmed,
115.
Mott, James: Presides over Woman's
Rights convention, II, 344; at Na-
tional convention, 346.
Mott, Lucretia: Pioneer for Aboli-
tion and Woman's Rights, II, 342;
at first Woman's Rights convention,
344; Presides at National conven-
tion, 346.
Muir, Alexander M: Commissary-
General, I, 450.— II, 30, 78.
Mulligan, John W. : Surrogate of
New York county, I, 300.
Murphy, Henry C.: State Senator, II,
458.
Myers, Charles G. : Attorney-General,
II, 433-435.
NAFEW, JOHN F.: Clerk of Assem-
bly, II, 394.
National Advocate, The: Edited by
Henry Wheaton, II, 35.
National Republican Party, The: II,
92 ; State convention at Utica, nomi-
nates Smith Thompson for Gover-
nor, 102; Fails to win Anti-Masonic
support, 102; Later fusion with
Anti-Masons, 121 ; in N. Y. cam-
paign of 1834, 157; Merged in Whig
party, 159.
Native American Association: Organ-
ized in New York City, II, 187.
Native American Party: Makes
nominations for Legislature, II, 309;
Convention of 1854, 405. — See
"Know-Nothings."
Nelson, Samuel: in Constitutional
convention of 1821, I, 454.— Judge
of Circuit Court, II, 31; Justice of
Supreme Court of N. Y., 126; Chief-
Justice, 192; Justice of Supreme
Court of U. S., 305; Constitutional
convention of 1846, 335.
New Jersey Boundary Disoute, II, 88.
New Windsor: George Clinton at, I,
66.
New York City: Early attitude to-
ward Independence, I, 22; First
Colonial Congress, 26 ; Opposition to
Stamp act, 26; Sons of Liberty, 27;
Mohawks, 29; Battle of Golden
Hill, 29; Tea thrown overboard, 30;
Menaced by British, 38; Seat of
government, 83, 84, 87; Seat of Con-
tinental Congress in proclaiming
Constitution of U. S., 109; DeWitt
Clinton's friends turned out of of-
fice, 271; Great canal meeting, 396;
Relations to Erie canal, 410. — Public
School Society, II, 76; Interest in
Bank of U. S., 145 ; Protests against
removal of deposits, 153; Opposi-
tion to Jackson's anti-Bank policy,
157; Site of State Fair, 172; Great
fire of 1835, 188; Panic of 1837, 205-
207 ; Whigs elect Mayor, 207 ; Popu-
lation in 1845, 340; in 1850, 387;
Elections and police discussed in
Governor King's message, 421 ;
Metropolitan Police act, 421 ; Mor-
gan recommends making election day
a legal holiday to check frauds, 436 ;
Secession proposed by Fernando
Wood, 448 ; Mass-meeting for peace,
512
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
450; Gigantic war meeting in Union
Square, 455; First troops off for
war, 455; Draft riots, 469.
New York Courier and Enquirer, The :
Edited by James Watson Webb, op-
poses Jackson, II, 142, 145 ; Merged
in World, 385.
New York Evening Post, The:
Founded, I, 219; Prints call for
Hartford convention, 366. — Edited
by William Cullen Bryant, II, 120,
295.
New York Harbor: Improvement of
terminal facilities urged by Gover-
nor Yates, II, 38.
New York Historical Society: Aided
by Legislature, I, 359.
New York Province: Situation and
characteristics, I, 17; Colonial sta-
tus, 18; Indian tribes, 18; Elements
of early population, 19; Colonial
organization, 21 ; Attitude toward
Independence, 22; First protest
against British misgovernment, 24;
First action toward Independence,
25; Conflict over British soldiers,
28; Strife in Colonial Assembly, 35;
End of Colonial Assembly, 35;
Meeting of Provincial Congress, 36;
Temporary capital at White Plains,
39; Committed to Declaration of In-
dependence, 39 ; Transformed into
State of New York, 40.
New York State: Name adopted, I,
40-41; Member of Confederation,
67; Key to National position in War
of 1812, 368. — Rises to first rank in
population, II, 16; Sources of
growth, 16; Political interests subor-
dinated to National politics, 32; Dis-
credited in National politics, 37; In-
terest in Clay's "American System"
and protective tariff, 93-94; Pivotal
State in campaign of 1828, 107;
Fails to present candidate for Vice-
President, 235; Spectacular cam-
paign of 1840, 239; Material condi-
tion of State in 1840, 247; Popula-
tion, 247; Population of cities, 248;
Rank in agriculture, 248; Cost, ex-
tent, and commerce of canals, 249;
State finances, 249; Representatives
in Congress, 249; Share in nomina-
tion of Polk, 307; Population in
1845, 326; Interest in national
politics in Folk's term, 326; Crea-
tions of counties, 338-340; Popula-
tion of State and chief counties in
1845, 340; Greatness in 1860, 447;
Troops furnished in Civil War, 456;
Loans offered to Federal govern-
ment, 456; Civil War commission,
456; Efforts for Union ticket in
1862, 461; Violet campaign of 1862,
463-464. See also "Census," "Con-
stitution," "Governors," "Legisla-
ture."
New York Times, The: Founded by
Reymond, II, 384.
New York Tribune, The: Founded by
Greeley, II, 298; Influence against
Seward, 408; Criticism of Lincoln,
454; "Forward to Richmond!" arti-
cles, 456; Greeley's "Prayer of
Twenty Millions," 461 ; Denuncia-
tion of Seymour, 464.
New York World, The: Founded, II,
385.
New York University: Founded, II,
189; Progress, 243.
New-Yorker, The: Greeley's paper.
II, 219.
Newburgh: Washington's Headquar-
ters secured for State, II, 380.
"Newburgh Letters," I, 351.
Newspapers: See Albany Argus, At-
las, Evening Journal, and Register;
American Citizen and Watchto*wer,
Anti-Slavery Standard, Aurora,
Balance, Christian Visitant, Chroni-
cle, Columbian, Cultivator, Jeffer-
sonian, Liberator, Log Cabin, Na-
tional Advocate ; New York Courier
and Enquirer, Evening Post, Times,
Tribune, and World; Nevj Yorker,
Ploughboy, Poughkeepsie Journal,
Public Advertiser, Richmond En-
quirer, Seneca County Courier, Ul-
ster County Plebeian, and Washing-
ton Telegraph.
Nicholas, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 274.
Nicholson, Commodore: Gallatin's
political agent, I, 194; Recommends
nomination of Burr for Vice-Presi-
dent, 195.
Normal Schools: See "Public Instruc-
tion."
INDEX
513
North, Samuel: Clark of Assembly,
I, 310, 316.
North, William: Speaker of Assem-
• bly, I, 148, 298; U. S. Senator, 166;
Canal Commissioner, 327.
North Elba: John Brown's home, II,
281.
Nott, Eliphalet: Secures lottery for
Union College, I, 359; Orator at
first State Fair, II, 168; Consulted
by Seward about schools, 242.
Noyes, John: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 394.
Noyes, William C.: Delegate to
Peace conference, II, 450.
Nullification: Denounced by Marcy
in message, II, 147.
OAKLEY, THOMAS J.: Surrogate
of Columbia county, I, 300; Attor-
ney-General, 424; in controversy
over Tompkins's accounts, 433; Re-
moved from office, 449. — Representa-
tive in Congress, Judge of Superior
Court of New York, II, 99.
O'Conor, Charles: in Constitutional
convention of 1846, II, 335; Impor-
tant work for judiciary, 337; Nomi-
nated for Lieutenant-Governor, 364;
U. S. District-Attorney, compelled to
resign, 399.
Ogden, David B. : Assemblyman, Fed-
eralist leader, I, 358.
Olcott, Thomas W. : Declines nomina-
tion for Comptroller, II, 469.
Oliver, William M. : President pro
tern, of State Senate, II, 117.
Opdyke, George: Assemblyman, II,
432; Member of Civil War com-
mission, 456; Mayor of New York
City, 458.
Osgood, Samuel: Postmaster-General,
"Gallican" leader, I, 138; Burr's
candidate for Legislature, 185;
Speaker of Assembly, 200; Lam-
pooned by Burr's spokesman, 225.
Otis, Harrison Gray: Advocates
DeWitt Clinton for President, I,
322.
PAINE, EPHRAIM: Delegate to
Tax convention, I, 82; Expelled
from State Senate, 120.
Panics: See "Business Depression."
Pardon: First granted by Governor,
I, 72.
Parker, Amasa J.: Declines nomina-
tion for Governor, II, 329; Nomi-
nated for Governor, 417, 429; Pre-
sides at Tweddle Hall convention,
451; Chairman of State convention,
470; Suggested for Governor, 474.
Parks, Arthur: State Senator, Mem-
ber of Council of Appointment, I,
120.
Parrish, Daniel: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 299 ; Controversy
with Tayler, 304.
Parties and Factions: Rise of parties,
I, 91 ; Division over treatment of
Tories, 94; over State rights, 95;
Federalists and Anti-Federalists,
111; Anti-Federalists called Repub-
licans, 119; Anglican and Gallican,
137; Democratic-Republican, 155;
Democratic, or Democracy, 209;
Martling Men, Tammany Society
and Hall, 264, 308; Federalists sup-
port Lewis against Clinton, 270;
Quids, 272; Partisanship in war
time, 339; Attitude of parties toward
War of 1812, 340, 360; Goodies,
374; Bucktails, 402, 410; Democratic
party in present form, 469. — Albany
Regency, II, 20; People's party, 37;
Anti-Masons, 89; National Republi-
cans, 92, 102; Whigs, 92, 150;
Workingmen's party, 121; Clear-cut
division between two great State
and National parties for first time,
160; Loco Focos, 185; Native Ameri-
can, 187, 309; Equal Rights, 199;
Abolition, Liberty, Free Soil, 239;
Hunkers and Barnburners, 265;
Free Soil, 363; Silver Grays, 377;
Hards and Softs, 398; Republican,
402, 405 ; Know-Nothings, 406 ; Con-
stitutional Union, 445.
Patronage, State: under DeWitt Clin-
ton, I, 215, 231, 267; Causes split in
Democratic party, 425. — Dissatisfac-
tion over use of, II, 367; Governor
deprived of much power, 367; Great
rush of office-seekers in 1860, 454.
Patterson, George W. : Speaker of
Assembly, II, 227, 243 ; Nominated
for Lieutenant-Governor, 365; Seeks
Governorship, 427.
514
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Pawling, Levi: Member of Council
of Safety, I, 65; Militia commander,
65.
Peace with Great Britain: 1783, terms
reported to N. Y. Legislature, I, 82.
—Treaty of Ghent, II, 368.
Peck, Jedediah: Judge of Otsego
county, prosecuted under Sedition
law, I, 183 ; Martyr to free speech,
185; Proposes division of State into
districts for Presidential Electors,
190.
Peckham, Rufus W.: Leads contesting
Hunker delegation at State conven-
tion, II, 329; Opposes Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 402.
Pennsylvania: Boundary controversy,
I, 85; Legislature proposes amend-
ment to U. S. Constitution disap-
proved by N. Y. Legislature, II, 26.
People's Convention, in Civil War, II,
457.
People's Party: For reform of method
of choosing Presidential Electors, II,
37; Condemns Legislative caucus
and calls for popular convention,
43.
Peterborough: Home of Gerrit
Smith, II, 184; Refuge for fugitive
slaves, 280.
Phelps, Oliver: Candidate for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, I, 239.
Philipse, Frederick: Against "taxa-
tion without representation," I, 24.
Phillips, Wendell: Interested in Un-
derground Railroad, II, 270.
Pickering, Timothy: Scheme to dis-
solve Union, I, 242.
Pierce, Franklin: Nominated for
President, II, 390; Elected, 392; Dis-
penses N. Y. patronage, 396.
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth: Presi-
dential candidate, I, 289.
Pinckney, Thomas: Presidential can-
didate, I, 161.
Pitcher, Nathaniel: State Road Com-
missioner, II, 73 ; Lieutenant-Gover-
nor, 82; Presides over Senate, 87,
95; Temporarily replaced because
of illness, 95; Acting-Governor, 97;
Character and talents, 98 ; Expects
renomination, 107; Resents being
passed over, 108.
Pittsburgh: Free Soil convention, II,
391.
Platforms: Whigs in 1839 decline to
adopt one, II, 237; Democrats in
1840 adopt one for State rights and
Sub-Treasury system, and against
Abolition, public works, and U. S.
Bank, 237-238; Whig platform of
1850 the party's death warrant, 389;
Democratic of 1852 approves Fugi-
tive Slave law, 390; Whig State
platform of 1852 evades Slavery
issue, 391; Soft of 1854 written by
John Cochrane, 403; Whig of 1854
much commended, 405; "All men
created equal" in Republican plat-
form of 1860, 442; Democratic of
1861 against secession, 457; Demo-
cratic of 1862 against emancipation
of slaves, 462; Republican war and
emancipation platform of 1862, 463 ;
Republican of 1863 approves Eman-
cipation proclamation, 470.
Platt, Charles B.: State Treasurer, I,
345.
Platt, Jonas: Candidate for Justice of
Supreme Court, I, 279; Nominated
for Governor, 298; Voices legisla-
tive attack on Tompkins, 303 ; Con-
troversy with Tayler, 303 ; Member
of Council of Appointment, 341;
Supports DeWitt Clinton for Mayor,
343; Justice of Supreme Court
through deal with Clinton, 353; Sup-
ports Clinton, 401 ; in Constitutional
convention of 1821, 453. — Appointed
Justice of new Supreme Court but
not confirmed, II, 27.
Plattsburg: Army camp, I, 378.
Pleasant Valley: George Clinton's
refuge, I, 66.
Ploughboy, The, I, 468.
Plumb, Joseph: Candidate for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, II, 378.
Police: Metropolitan district created,
II, 421.
Polk, James K.: Nominated for Presi-
dent, II, 307; Negotiations over ap-
pointments to cabinet from N. Y.,
315, 317.
Pomeroy, Theodore M.: Representa-
tive in Congress, II, 464.
Population: Early elements, I, 19.
—See "Census."
INDEX
515
Porter, Peter A.: Assemblyman, II,
459; Declines nomination for Secre-
tary of State, 470.
Porter, Peter B.: County Clerk, re-
moved, I, 253 ; Secretary of War,
253; Canal Commissioner, 327; Sec-
retary of State of N. Y., 370; His
brilliant record, 371; Resigns, 381;
Candidate for Governor, 400; on
Tammany ticket against his will,
402; Candidate for Governor, 467.
— Favors Clay for President, II, 34.
Porter, Peter B., Jr.: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 251.
Post, Henry: DeWitt Clinton's letters
to, II, 58.
Poughkeepsie: Seat of State govern-
ment, I, 66, 73 ; State convention to
ratify U. S. Constitution, 106.—
State Fair, II, 172.
Powers, William C.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 149.
Prendergast, John I.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 394.
Presidential Electors: See "Electors,
Presidential."
Presidents of United States: George
Washington, I, 114; John Adams,
161; Thomas Jefferson, 194-197, de-
clines third term, 287; James Madi-
son, 289, 291, 324; James Monroe,
385. — Rivalry for succession to Mon-
roe, II, 33; Controversy over method
of nomination, 34; Objections to
Congressional caucus, 34; Course of
Albany Regency in 1824, 57-65 ; John
Quincy Adams elected by vote of
"Great Patroon," 62-65; Andrew
Jackson elected on single term
pledge, 128; Reflected, 146; Martin
Van Buren, 181, 199; William
Henry Harrison, 243; Death of
Harrison and accession of Tyler,
257; James K. Polk, 307, 310;
Zachary Taylor, 365; Death of Tay-
lor and accession of Millard Fill-
more, 375; Franklin Pierce, 392;
Tames Buchanan, 415, 419; Abraham
Lincoln, 443, 446, 472, 475.
Prevost, John B. : Recorder of New
York, I, 219.
Prices, Regulation of by law, I, 69.
Prindle, Philander B.: Clark of As-
sembly, II, 243, 356, 360, 371.
Printer, State: List of holders of
place from early Colonial times to
Constitution of 'l821, II, 31; Office
becomes a poliitcal power, 32; Can-
tine and Leake, Isaac Q. Leake,
Edwin Croswell, Thurlow Weed,
32; Croswell's removal and Weed's
appointment, 246; Weed's removal
and Croswell's appointment, 294;
William Cassidy's candidacy, 327;
Abolition of office, 328.
Prisons: Reforms effected by Jay, I,
157; Recommendations by DeWitt
Clinton, 418; Flogging, stocks, and
solitary confinement authorized, 418.
— Solitary confinement and tread-
mill, II, 25; Reforms recommended
by Throop, 117; Marcy's recom-
mendations, 154, 180; Prison labor
in competition with free labor, 180;
Separate prisons for women, 180;
Seward's recommendations concern-
ing prison labor, 255; Discrimina-
tion between first offenders and
habitual criminals, 361; State Su-
perintendent of Prisons recom-
mended, 433.
Privateering: Promoted by State law,
I, 365.
Prohibition: See "Excise" and "Tem-
perance."
Property Qualifications for Voters:
See "Franchise."
Protection: See "Tariff."
Provincial Congress: I, 36; at White
Plains, 39; Ratifies Declaration of
Independence, 39; Becomes Conven-
tion of Representatives of State of
N. Y., 40.
Pruyn, John V. L.: State Senator, II,
458 ; Representative in Congress,
464.
Pruyn, Robert H.: Assemblyman, II,
360; Speaker, 379, 400.
Public Advertiser, The: Hostile to
DeWitt Clinton, I, 292.
Public Instruction: First action taken,
I, 79, 84; Grant for primary schools,
148; Lapse of School law, 189;
Lewis's recommendations, 255; Land
Grant School Fund, 255; Free
School Society in New York, 255;
Steps toward permanent and gen-
eral State system, 311; System
516
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
adopted, 317; Report of Commis-
sion on Common Schools, 337; Gid-
eon Hawley first State Superintend-
ent, 342; School law revised, 359;
Important new jaw, 423; Hawley
removed by spoilsmen, 450 ; Secre-
tary of State made ex officio Super-
intendent of Schools, 450. — New
legislation, II, 25; DeWitt Clinton's
recommendations, 70; Normal
schools recommended, 76; Public
School Society of New York, 76;
Recommendations in Clinton's last
message, 96; Marcy's recommenda-
tions, 178; School libraries created,
178; Seward's interest in schools,
228 ; Special schools advocated for
immigrants, 242, 253 ; Deputy Su-
perintendents in counties, 255; Nor-
mal school established, 304; Fish
recommends restoration of County
Superintendents and endowment of
State Agricultural College, and In-
stitute of Mechanical Arts, 369;
Supervision of schools taken from
Secretary of State and vested in Su-
perintendent of Public Instruction,
401 ; Township Superintendents
abolished and School Commissioner
created for each Assembly district,
414.
Public Lands: Criticism of sales by
George Clinton, I, 130; Grant to
schools, 255. — Further sales for
benefit of schools, II, 25.
Public Works: State board recom-
mended by DeWitt Clinton, II, 69,
96; Assembly report on, 214; Sew-
ard's recommendations for Board of
Internal Improvements, 228; Heavy
expenditures, 241 ; Further recom-
mendations, 244; Legislature votes
to suspend operations, 261 ; Sew-
ard's message of dissent, 264.
Purdy, Ebenezer: State Senator,
charged with bribery, resigns, I,
259, 269.
Putnam, Israel: Fails to hold Hud-
son River forts, I, 64.
Putnam, James O.: Presidential Elec-
tor, II, 445.
QUACKENBOSS, H.: Candidate for
State Senator, I, 261.
Quarantine: Bedlow's Island ac-
quired for station, I, 160.
Quids: See "Parties and Factions."
Quincy, Josiah: Guest at State Fair,
II, 171.
RADCLIFF, JACOB: Justice of Su-
preme Court, I, 166; Mayor of New
York, 300; Coody Mayor, 375; in
Constitutional convention of 1821,
453.
Radcliff, Peter W.: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 341; Opposes
DeWitt Clinton for Mayor, 343.
Radical Republicans in 1864; See
"Anti-Lincoln Convention."
Railroads: Reference in Throop's
message of 1831, II, 124; Albany-
Schenectady road, 124; in Throop's
second message, 138; Assembly re-
port on, 139; Many companies in-
corporated, 139; State ownership
contemplated, 139; Marcy's recom-
mendations, 179; State credit re-
used to Erie Railroad, 179; Roads
forbidden to compete with canals,
244; Rivalry feared by canals, 382;
Competition discussed by Morgan,
436; Imposition and abolition of
railroad tolls, 436.
Raymond, Henry J.: Assemblyman,
II, 380; Speaker, 382; Career as
journalist, 384; Breach with Webb,
384; Nominated for Lieutenant-
Governor, 404; Greeley's enmity,
405; at Anti-Nebraska convention,
405 ; Elected Lieutenant-Governor,
406; Prediction concerning Seward,
408; Stumps State for Republican
ticket, 418; Disapproves Lincoln's
campaign against Douglas, 425; at
Republican National convention of
1860, 442; Assemblyman, 459;
Speaker, 460; Chairman State con-
vention, 463 ; at State convention of
1863, 469; National convention of
1864, 472; Representative in Con-
gress, 475.
Redfield, Heman J.: Candidate for
Governor, II, 330.
Register, The Albany: See "Albany
"Register.'
Registration: See "Elections."
Reid, Samuel Chester: Complimented
by Legislature, I, 382.
INDEX
517
Religious Liberty, in Constitution, I,
53.
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute:
Founded, II, 63.
Reporter of Supreme Court appointed,
II, 25.
Republican Party, The: First attempt
at organization, II, 402; in New
York State, 405 ; Name of "Republi-
can State Committee" adopted, 412;
First State convention, 412; First
"Republican ticket," 413; First na-
tional convention, 416; First vic-
torious campaign, 419; First Gov-
ernor, 420; Jealousies within party,
422; State convention of 1858, 426;
Victory in election, 431; State con-
vention of 1859, 433; National con-
vention of 1860, 445; Proposes
Union ticket in 1861, 457; State
convention of 1861, 457; Party suf-
fers from reaction, 460; Coalition
Union ticket sought in 1862, 461;
State convention called Republican
Union, 463 ; Weed retires from
management, 467; Union League
Clubs formed, 468; State conven-
tion of 1863, 469; Victory in 1864,
475.
Republican Party, The Early: See
"Democratic Party."
Reynolds, Philip, Jr.: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 154..
Rhea, Alexander: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 293.
Rhodes, James Ford: on Seward's
"Irrepressible conflict" speech, II,
430.
Richardson, William: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 420, 432, 436.
Richmond, Dean: Member of Albany
Regency, II, 21 ; at Barnburner con-
vention of 1848, 362; Leader of
Softs at Democratic National con-
vention of 1860, 439; Dominates N.
Y. delegation, 440; Plan to nomi-
nate Seymour, 441; Seeks straight
party ticket in 1862, 461 ; Dictates
nomination of Seymour for Gov-
ernor, 462 ; at National convention
of 1864, 473.
Richmond, Van Rensselaer: State En-
gineer, II, 424.
Richmond Enquirer, The: Comments
on DeWitt Clinton's increasing
power in politics, I, 288.
Riker, Richard: District Attorney, I,
219; Lampooned by Burr's spokes-
man, 224; Duel with Swartwout,
228 ; Moves for punishment of
legislative bribery, 268; Nominated
for Justice of Supreme Court, 354;
Becomes DeWitt Clinton's enemy,
355; Removed from Recordership
of New York, 424; Reappointed,
449.
Riots: in New York City election of
1834, II, 158; Against Anti-slavery
meeting, 183; at Utica, 184; Draft
riots, 469.
Risley, Hanson C.: Clerk of Assem-
bly, II, 448.
Roads: Early action of Legislature,
I, 118; General Highway law, 160.
— State construction recommended
by DeWitt Clinton, II, 73; State
Road commission created, 73 ; Road
building opposed by canal interests,
r9-80; Plank roads and turnpikes,
Robertson, William H.: Assembly-
man, II, 371; State Senator, 400.
Robins, Ezekiel : Confers with DeWitt
Clinton, I, 263.
Robinson, Beverley: Opposes Stamp
act, I, 27.
Robinson, Lucius: Assemblyman, II,
436; Comptroller, 458, 469; Urges
Anti-Lincoln convention of 1864 to
nominate Grant, 472.
Robinson, Orville: Speaker of As-
sembly, II, 414.
Robinson, Peter: Speaker of Assem-
bly, II, 110.
Rochester (City) : Morgan abduction
case, II, 83-84; Anti-Masonic con-
vention, 89; State Fairs, 169, 172;
Susan B. Anthony's arrest for vot-
ing, 349; Seward's Irrepressible
conflict" speech, 429.
Rochester (Ulster county): Hiding
place for State archives, I, 65.
Rochester, William B.: Judge of Cir-
cuit Court, II, 31; Nominated for
Governor, 81; Defeated, 82.
Rodman, Danled: Clerk of Assem-
bly, I, 284.
518
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Romaine, Samuel B.: Speaker of As-
sembly, I, 459.
Roosevelt, Isaac: Supporter of John
Jay in Assembly, I, 134.
Roosevelt, Theodore: As Governor
promotes transfer of State Fair
from State Agricultural Society to
State government, II, 174-175;
Guest at Fair, 176.
Root, Erastus: in debate on Virginia
and Kentucky resolutions, protege
of Burr, I, 178; Supports Burr for
Governor, 239; Opposes DeWitt
Clinton, 319; Against Bank of
America, 332-333; Becomes Buck-
tail, 411; Causes investigation of
Justice Van Ness's conduct, 431; in
debate over Tompkins's accounts,
433 ; Resolutions against slavery,
444; Moves for making Secretary
of State also Superintendent of
Schools, 450; in Constitutional con-
vention of 1821, 453; Candidate for
Governor, 464; Nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, 466. — Favors
Crawford for President, II, 34; De-
fends old caucus system of nomina-
tions, 37; Defeated for reelection as
Lieutenant-Governor, 57; Chair-
man of caucus for choice of Presi-
dential Electors, 59; Presides at
joint session, 61; Extraordinary
speech as Speaker of Assembly, 87;
Reelected Speaker, 95; Retires from
Legislature, 110; Nominated for
Governor by Wbrkingmen's party,
121 ; Declines in favor of nomina-
tion for Congress, 122; Turns
against Jackson, 142; State Senator,
233; Resolution concerning validity
of State bonds, 296.
Rose, Ernestine L.: Reformer, II,
346.
Rose, James R.: Clerk of Assembly,
II, 300, 379.
Rose, William: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 381.
Roseboom, Robert: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 200, 217.
Rouse, Casper M.: State Senator,
makes bribery charges, I, 332.
Ruggles, Charles: Circuit Judge, II,
126; Judge of Court of Appeals,
398.
Ruggles, Samuel B.: Assemblyman,
report on Public works, II, 214;
Canal Commissioner, 229.
Rutgers, Henry: Burr's candidate for
Legislature, I, 186.
SAGE, HENRY W.: Assemblyman,
II, 356.
Sage, Russell : Representative in Con-
gress, II, 392; Opposes Kansas-Ne-
braska bill, 402.
Sanders, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 200.
Sanford, Nathan: I, 295; Speaker,
310; U. S. District Attorney, nomi-
nated for State Senator, 314;
Elected State Senator, 315; Candi-
date for U. S. Senator, 371; Elected,
372; Succeeded by Van Buren, 446;
in Constitutional convention of 1821,
453 ; Candidate for Governor, 464.
—Chancellor, II, 70; U. S. Senator,
70, 77, 125.
Saratoga: State Fair, II, 172; Anti-
Nebraska convention, 405.
Savage, Edward: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 119, 231, 274.
Savage, John: Comptroller, I, 499. —
Justice of Supreme Court, II, 27-28;
Declines Chancellorship, 99; Re-
tires, 192.
Schell, Augustus: at Democratic Na-
tional convention of 1860, II, 439.
Schools: See "Public Instruction."
Schuyler, Philip: Assemblyman,
drafts memorial to Parliament, I,
28; Delegate to Continental Con-
gress, 36, 72; Candidate for Gover-
nor, 57; His character, 57; Resents
defeat, 60 ; Delegate to Tax conven-
tion, 100; Supports Robert Yates
for Governor, 113; U. S. Senator,
114; Member of Council of Ap-
pointment, 119; Unseated in State
Senate, 119; Controversy over seat
in Council of Appointment, 120;
Defeated for reelection to Senate,
122; Member of Council of Appoint-
ment, 144; Controversy with Clin-
ton over nominations, 145 ; U. S.
Senator, 162; Resigns, 164.
Schuyler Family in Politics: I, 122;
Breach with Livingstons, 124. — End
of its power, II, 15.
INDEX
519
Scott, J. A.: Secretary of State,
criticised for land sales, I, 130;
Death, 167.
Scott, John Morin: Member of Com-
mittee on State Constitution, I, 44;
Candidate for Governor, 58; State
Senator and member of Council of
Appointment, 63 ; Member of Coun-
cil of Safety, 65.
Scott, Winfield: Whig candidate for
President, II, 234, 388, 389, 392.
Sears, Isaac: Leader of Sons of
Liberty, I, 27; Writes to Boston
patriots, 31.
Secession: Morgan's message on, II,
448; Secession of New York City
proposed, 448.
Sedgwick, Theodore: Hamilton's last
letter to, I, 247.
Seger, Francis: Clerk of Assembly,
II, 95, 110, 138; State Senator, 153.
Selden, Henry R.: Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor, II, 418-419.
Selden, Samuel L.: Nominated for
Court of Appeals, II, 411.
Senate, State: Members unseated for
holding Federal offices, I, 119; In-
crease of membership under census
of 1795, 159; Proposal to elect by
districts, 176; Senators nominated af
county conventions, 316; Controversy
with Clinton over Federal officials,
444; Senate districts established By
Consitution, 455. — Clinton recom-
mends publishing records of secret
sessions, II, 69; President pro
tern in illness of Lieutenant Gov-
ernor, 95, 117; Charges of cor-
ruption and resignation of members,
192; Controversy with Seward over
memorandum to signed bill, 262;
Provisions of Third Constitution,
336, 360; Twelve members resign
to break quorum, 386.
Senators of United States: New York
fails to choose any for first session
of First Congress, I, 111; Philip
Schuyler and Rufus King, 114; Con-
troversy over method of choosing,
115; Aaron Burr chosen over Schuy-
ler, 122-125; King reelected, 148;
John Lawrence, 161; Schuyler suc-
ceeds Burr, 162; Schuyler resigns,
succeeded by John Sloss Hobart,
164; Hobart resigns, 165; William
North appointed, 166; James Wat-
son, 166, 176; Gouverneur Morris,
166, 190; Lawrence resigns, suc-
ceeded by John Armstrong, 200 ;
Armstrong resigns, succeeded by
DeWitt Clinton, 232; Theodorus
Bailey, 234; Clinton resigns, 236;
Bailey resigns, 237; John Armstrong
and John Smith, 237; Armstrong
resigns, 255; Samuel L. Mitchell,
255; Rufus King, 342; Nathan San-
ford, 372; Failure to elect leaves
State with only one, 421 ; Rufus
King reelected, 421; Martin Van
Buren, 446. — Failure to elect leaves
Van Buren sole Senator, II, 70; Na-
than Sanford, 70, 77; Van Buren re-
elected, 88; Van Buren resigns, suc-
ceeded by Charles E. Dudley, 113;
William L. Marcy, 125 ; Silas Wright,
148; Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, 149,
228; Wright reelected, 295; Tall-
madge and Wright resign, suc-
ceeded by Daniel S. Dickinson and
Henry A. Foster, 310-311; John A*
Dix and Daniel S. Dickinson, 314;
William H. Seward, 373; Hamilton
Fish, 383-385; Seward reelected,
411; Preston King, 423; Ira Harris,
452; Edwin D. Morgan, 467.
Seneca County Courier, The: Pub-
lishes call for first Woman's Rights
convention, II, 344.
Seneca Falls: First Woman's Rights
convention, II, 343-345.
Sessions, Walter L.: Assemblvman,
II, 394.
Seward, William Henry: State Sena-
tor, II, 123; Speaks in favor of
Bank of U. S., 127, 140; Rejects
Democratic overtures, 149; Among
organizers of Whig party, 150;
Last term in State Senate, 153;
Whig leader, 159; First Whig can-
didate for Governor, 161 ; Record
and character, 161 ; "Red-headed
young man," 162; Defeated but not
dismayed, 163; at State Fairs, 169-
170; Candidate for Governor, 216-
217; Declines to make pledges
to Abolitionists and forfeits their
support, 221; Elected, 223; Difficult
circumstances of his accession, 224;
520
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Weed his chief adviser, 225; Mes-
sage on public works, schools, agri-
culture, judiciary, 227; Tribute to
DeWitt Clinton, 228; Refuses Vir-
ginia's demand for extradition of
fugitive slaves, 231; Renominated,
238; Much disaffection and opposi-
tion, 241 ; Great expenditures on
pubic works, advocacy of special
schools for immigrants, 241-242; Re-
elected, 243 ; Message on schools,
New York University, abolition of
imprisonment for debt, elections,
Anti-Rent war, banking and cur-
rency, State rights, public works,
243-244; Report on Anti-Rent war,
245; in favor of National Bank-
ruptcy law, 245; Message on elec-
tion reform, special schools for im-
migrants, public works, controversy
with Virginia over fugitive slaves,
prison labor, capital punishment,
251-256; Breach with Daniel Web-
ster, 257; Regarded by many Whigs
as too radical, 258 ; Message reaf-
firming his former policies, 258 ;
Controversy with Senate over
memorandum to signed bill, 262;
Refuses to transmit to Virginia reso-
lutions of Legislature disapproving
his policy, 260; Urges continuance
of public works, 260 ; Message dis-
approving abandonment of works,
264; "Irrepressible conflict," 268,
298; Undaunted by defeat, 298;
Comment on Silas Wright's nomina-
tion for Governor, 312; Not elected
to Constitutional convention of
1846, 334; Declines nomination for
Vice-President, 364; Candidate for
U. S. Senator, 371; Forged letter,
372; Elected Senator, 373; Secures
Federal patronage, 374; Fiercely
attacked by southern colleagues,
375; "Higher law," 376; Antago-
nism toward Fillmore, 376 ; Thanked
by Whig State convention, 377;
Openly condemns Whig platform of
1852, 392; on Kansas-Nebraska bill,
401; Great speech in closing de-
bate, 402; State and National leader
and Presidential candidate, 408;
Opposed by Greeley in Tribune and
by Know-Nothings, 408; Reflected
to Senate, 413; Candidacy for Presi-
dency withheld in 1856~ 415, 418;
"Irrepressible conflict" speech at
Rochester, 429-430; Denounced by
Democratic convention, 434; Great
welcome on return from Europe,
437; Introduces bill for admission
of Kansas as free State, 437; Speech
in Senate on Kansas, 438; Candi-
dacy for Presidency at convention
of 1860, 443 ; Defeated by GreeleyY
influence, manly acceptance of re-
sult, 444; Secretary of State, 452-
453; Notable speech in Senate, 453;
Importuned by office-seekers, 454;
Speech in favor of war for Union
but not for abolition of slavery, 458.
"Seward, Weed, & Greeley": II,
211; So-called firm formed, 221;
Defeats Albany Regency, 221 ; Dis-
solved, 443.
Seymour, David L. : Seeks Gover-
norship, II, 417.
Seymour, Henry: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 412 ; Canal Com-
missioner, 422; Candidate for Gov-
ernor, 464.
Seymour, Horatio: at State Fair, II,
172; Assemblyman, 258; Candidate
for Speaker, 300; Leader of conser-
vative Democrats, 302; Character
and personality, 302; Brilliant vic-
tory for Bouck's canal policy, 302-
303; Speaker, 313; Leader of
Hunkers, 320; Retires from Assem-
bly, 325 ; at State convention of
1846, 329; Leader in reuniting
Democratic party, 374; Nominated
for Governor in 1850, 378; Leader
of Marcy's forces at National con-
vention, 390; Nominated for Gov-
ernor in 1852, 391; Elected, 392;
Message on canals, canal debt,
amendments to Constitution, 395 ;
Special canal message, 395; Ignored
by Hunkers but approved by Barn-
burner convention, 397; Leader of
Softs, 398 ; Message on schools and
temperance, 401 ; Vetoes Excise bill,
401; Renominated for Governor,
404; Defeated, 406; Leader in re-
united Democratic convention, 416;
Declines nomination for Governor,
428 ; Dean Richmond's attempt to
INDEX
521
nominate him for President in 1860,
441 ; at Tweddle Hall convention,
451; Opposes coalition for union
in 1862, 461; Nominated for Gov-
ernor by Democrats and Constitu-
tional Unionists, 462; Elected, 464;
Threatens Legislature with military
force to preserve order, 466 ; Mes-
sage on Civil War, 466; Corre-
spondence with Lincoln, 468; Letter
on banishment of Vallandigham,
speech on failure of war, 468 ;
Address to draft rioters, 469;
Controversy with Lincoln over
Conscription act, 469; Letter ex-
plaining his course toward rioters,
470 ; Message on riots, conscription,
National banks, legal tender notes,
habeas corpus, Emancipation proc-
lamation, 471; at National conven-
tion of 1864, 473 ; Renominated for
Governor, 473; Defeated, 474.
Sharpe, Peter: Candidate for Speaker
of Assembly, I, 430; in debate on
Tompkins's accounts, 435; Speaker,
440; in Constitutional convention,
453.
Sheldon, Alexander: Speaker of As-
sembly, I, 237, 254, 266, 284, 316;
Charges Southwick with attempt at
bribery, 332.
Sheldon, Henry R.: Counsel for
Susan B. Anthony, II, 349.
Sheriffs: Controversy over appoint-
ment of, I, 205.
Sherman, Richard U.: Clerk of As-
sembly, II, 382, 388, 400, 409, 414;
Assemblyman, 420.
Sherwood, Henry: Candidate for
Speaker of Assembly, II, 456.
Shinplasters, II, 209.
Sibley, Mark H.: Candidate for
Speaker of Assembly, II, 177.
Sickles, Daniel E.: Assemblyman, II,
356; State Senator, 414; Represen-
tative in Congress, 419; leader at
convention of 1858, 428; Army, 456.
Silliman, Benjamin D.: Assembly-
man, II, 211.
Silver Grays: II, 378; Effort to bring
their support to Democratic candi-
dates, 379.
Skinner, Roger: I, 295; Member of
Council of Appointment, scandal
over holding three offices at once,
443; "Skinner's Council," 448;
Member of Albany Regency, II, 21.
"Skinner's Council": I, 448-451.—
Puts Albany Regency into power, II,
17.
Slavery: Abolition sought in first
State Constitution, I, 54; Bill for
abolition without franchise vetoed,
87; Jay's attitude, 158; Tompkins's
recommendations, 316; Last mes-
sage entirely given to subject, 390;
Law enacted for abolition, 390;
Legislature acts on Missouri Com-
promise, 430; Erastus Root's resolu-
tion, 444. — Rise of Anti-slavery agi-
tation, II, 182; Garrison's Liberator,
183 ; Georgia demands arrest of
agitators, but Marcy refuses it, 183;
Pro-slavery riots in New York,
183 ; Abolitionists organize Anti-
Slavery Society, 183; Colonization
Society, 184; Abolitionists de-
nounced by Van Buren and Albany
Regency, 185; Marcy deprecates
agitation, 190 ; but refuses to sur-
render agitators to Alabama, 191;
Anti-Abolition resolutions of Legis-
lature, 191; Marcy's premature re-
joicing at subsidence of agitation,
201 ; Henry Ward Beecher enters
movement for abolition, 202 ; Aboli-
tionists refuse to support Seward,
221; Seward denies Virginia de-
mand for surrender of fugitive
slaves, 231, 254, 258; Action of
Georgia, Delaware, South Carolina,
259; N. Y. Senate votes to repeal
law giving fugitive slaves right of
jury trial, but Assembly fails to con-
cur, 259; Seward refuses to transmit
to Virginia resolutions of Legislature
repudiating his policy, 260; Under-
ground Railroad, 268-290; Origin,
organization, and aim, 269; N. Y.
leaders in the work, 269; Early es-
capes of slaves, 270; Fugitive Slave
and Personal Liberty acts, 271;
Fugitive Slave law of 1850 de-
nounced at Syracuse, 272 ; Routes
of Underground Railroad in N. Y.,
274; Methods of operation, 275;
Grapevine telegraph, 276; Anthony
Burns case in Boston, 282; "Jerrv
522
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
case," of Jerry McHenry, at
Syracuse, 283 ; Action of vigilance
committee of Abolitionists, 284; Ac-
tivities of Thurlow Weed, John and
William Jay, and others, 286; Wil-
liam Johnson's narrative of slave
rescue in New York, 288; Anti-
Slavery Standard, 288-289; Action
of Legislature on Wilmot Proviso,
355; Fish's attitude, 368; Concur-
rent resolutions of Legislature
against extension of slavery and
for abolition of slave trade in Dis-
trict of Columbia, 370; Fillmore
signs Fugitive Slave bill, 375 ; At-
titude of Governor Hunt, 381 ; Fugi-
tive Slave law chief issue in cam-
paign of 1851, 386; Acquiesced in
by Whig National convention, 389;
Approved by Democrats, 390; Kan-
sas-Nebraska bill, 401 ; Contest in
Soft convention, 403 ; Lemmon case,
409; Governor King's vigorous
message, 421 ; Resolution by Legisla-
ture on Dred Scott case, 421 ; Sew-
ard's ''Irrepressible conflict" speech,
430; Morgan's reference to it, 433;
John Brown's raid at Harper's
Ferry, 435; Question of emancipa-
tion raised at beginning of Civil
War, 460; Greeley's "Prayer of
Twenty Millions," 461; Emancipa-
tion proclamation, 463.
Sloan, Samuel : State Senator, II,
424.
Slocum, Henry W.: Assemblyman, II,
432.
Smith, Arthur: Supporter of DeWitt
Clinton, I, 315.
Smith, Eliza Oakes: Woman's Rights
leader, rebuked for fashionable
dress, II, 345.
Smith, Gerrit: Writes National Re-
publican address to people of State,
II, 102; Anti-slavery leader, 182;
Gives shelter to Anti-Slavery So-
ciety, 184; Refuses to support
Whigs, 221-222; Abolitionist candi-
date for Governor, 239, 243; Con-
nected with Underground Railroad,
269, 278; Political activity, 279; In-
terest in John Brown's raid, 279-
280; Activity in Jerry case, 284;
at first National Woman's rights
convention, 346; Representative in
Congress, 392.
Smith, Isaac S. : Loco Foco or Equal
Rights candidate for Governor, II,
199.
Smith, John: U. S. Senator, I, 237.
Smith, Melancthon: Opposes Consti-
tution of U. S., I, 106; Converted
by Hamilton to Constitution, 107;
Supports Clinton against Hamilton,
113; Secures vindication of Land
Commissioners, 131; Supports Clin-
ton in contested election, 135.
Smith, Nathan: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 385.
Smith, Richard R.: Sheriff of Otsego
county, I, 133.
Smith, William: Member of Com-
mittee for State Constitution, I, 44.
Smith, William S.: U. S. Marshal, I,
114.
Snyder, Johannes: Member of Coun-
cil of Safety, I, 65; Militia com-
mander, 65.
Softshells or Softs, II, 398. See
"Democratic Party."
Sons of Liberty: I, 27; Activities of,
29.
South Carolina: Legislative resolu-
tions against Abolitionists, II, 191 ;
Retaliation against N. Y. commerce,
259.
Southwick, Solomon: Clerk of As-
sembly, I, 233; Defeated for re-
election, 272; Promotes Bank of
America, 330; Charged with bri-
bery, 332; Regent of State Uni-
versity, 333; Opposes Tompkins,
350; Bankrupt, and defeated in
election, 359; Postmaster at Al-
bany, defamer of Tompkins, 386;
Self-nominated candidate for Gov-
ernor, 468; His erratic career, 468;
Overwhelming defeat, 469. — Anti-
Masonic candidate for Governor,
II, 103; Defeated, 109.
Spaulding, Elbridge G. : State Treas-
urer, II, 399-400.
Speaker of Assembly made next to
Lieutenant-Governor in succession
to Governorship, II, 3.70.
Specie Payments: Suspended in panic
of 1837, II, 206; Marcy's message
on resumption, 213.
INDEX
523
Speculation: See "Business Depres-
sion" and "Real Estate."
Spencer, Ambrose: State Senator,
leaves Federalists for Democracy,
I, 179; Member of Council of Ap-
pointment, 200, 217; Spoilsman,
220; Controveresy with Foote, 222;
Lampooned by Burr's spokesman,
224; Attorney-General, 231; Op-
poses Burr for Governor, 245; in
Bank controversy, 258; Electoral
College, 291; Acquiesces under
protest in DeWitt Clinton's Presi-
dential candidacy, 319; Opposes
Bank of America, 331; Leader of
anti-Clinton faction, 350; Opposes
Van Buren, 369; Breach with Tomp-
kins, 370; Suffers political reverses,
371 ; Seeks reconciliation with Clin-
ton, 372; Seeks discomfiture of
Tompkins, 377; Supports Crawford
for President, 387; Leads campaign
for Clinton for Governor, 398; Se-
cures establishment of convention
system for nominations, 398 ; Chief-
Justice of Supreme Court of N. Y.,
423; in Constitutional convention of
1821, 453.— Nominated for Justice
of new Supreme Court but rejected
by Legislature, II, 27; Mayor of
Albany and Representative in Con-
gress, 29 ; Candidate for U. S. Sena-
tor, 71.
Spencer, John C.: Candidate for U.
S. Senator, I, 419; Speaker of As-
sembly, 430; in debate over Tomp-
kins's accounts, 433; Candidate for
Speaker, 440; Drafts bill for Con-
stitutional convention, 447. — State
Senator, II, 57; Special counsel in
Morgan abduction case, 115; Among
organizers of Whig party, 150; Un-
available for Governorship, 161 ;
Secretary of State of N. Y., 229; Be-
comes Democrat, 257; Secretary of
War, 263; Nominated for Justice
of Supreme Court of U. S., but con-
firmation refused, 305.
Spinner, Francis E. : Representative
in Congress, II, 419.
Spinola, Francis B. : Assemblyman,
II, 414; State Senator, 424, 436.
Spoils System, The: Begun in Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 147, 203;
Condemned by Jefferson, 214; Prac-
ticed by DeWitt Clinton, 215; in
George Clinton's seventh term, 231;
by DeWitt Clinton in Lewis's ad-
ministration, 267; in New York
City against DeWitt Clinton, 271;
in State against Clinton, 275;
Vainly deprecated by Tompkins,
2^6; Federalists remove all Demo-
crats, 300; Democrats remove all
Federalists, 311; Clean sweep re-
fused by Clinton, 405 ; Spoils cause
split in Democratic party, 425 ;
"Skinner's Council," 448; Extended
to militia, 449; and schools, 450;
Popular revolt against, 451. — Al-
bany Regency opposes it, II, 20;
Marcy's epigram, 21 ; Rivalry of
Democratic factions, 298.
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady: I, 295. —
Pioneer of Woman's Rights move-
ment, II, 342; at World's Anti-
slavery convention, 342; Susan B.
Anthony's tribute, 343 ; at first Wo-
man's Rights convention, 343 ; Reply
to her father's rebuke, 344; Work
in Civil War, 347; President of
National Woman Suffrage Associa-
tion, 348.
Stanton, Henry B. : Description of
aVn Buren, II, 105; Marries Eliza-
beth Cady, 342; State Senator, 379.
Stearns, John C.: Member of Council
of Apnointment, I, 341.
Stetson, Lemuel: Assemblyman, II,
258.
Stevens, John: Opposes Stamp act,
I, 27.
Stevens, Samuel: Nominated for
Lieutenant-Governor, II, 121, 141.
Stewart, Alvan: Abolitionist candi-
date for Governor, II, 267, 309.
Stewart, Charles B.: State Engineer,
II, 360.
Stewart, Samuel: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 353.
Stewart, William: District Attorney,
I, 232.
Stilwell, Silas M.: Whig candidate
for Lieutenant-Governor, II, 162.
Stone, Lucy: at first Woman's Rights
convention, II, 346.
524
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Stone, William L.: Editor of Com-
mercial Advertiser, in rencounter
with William Cullen Bryant, II,
120.
Storm, Thomas: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 231, 233; Oluid candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor, 278.
Storms, Henry: Adjutant-General, II,
263.
Stranahan, Farrand: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 369.
Stranahan, J. S. T.: Assemblyman, II,
211.
Strong, Selah: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 144.
Strong, Theron R.: Assemblyman, II,
258.
Suffrage: See "Franchise" and "Wo-
man's Rights."
Sumter, Fort: Fired on, II, 449.
Sunday Laws against sale of liquor,
I, 167.
Sunderland, Jacob: Justice of Su-
preme Court, II, 27-28; Resigns,
192.
Surrogate: Invested with powers of
Probate Court, II, 25.
Sutherland, Jacob: in Constitutional
convention of 1821, I, 454.
Suydam, John: State Senator, II, 22.
Swartwout, John: Assemblyman, I,
185; Driven from Manhattan Bank
directorate and made U. S. Marshal,
222; Duel with Clinton, 227; Clin-
ton's overtures, 262.
Swartwout, Robert: Duel with Riker,
I, 228.
Swift, Philetus: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 311.
Syracuse: First Whig State conven-
tion, II, 160; First State Fair, 167;
Permanent site of Fair, 173; Demo-
cratic convention of 1840, 238;
Meeting of protest against Fugitive
Slave law, 272; "Jerry" case, 283 ;
Vigilance committee of Abolition-
ists, 284; Liberty convention, 286;
Democratic and Whig conventions
of 1844, 309; Democratic conven-
tion of 1846, 329; National Wo-
man's Rights convention, 345-346 ;
Democratic convention of 1847 with
Barnburner secession, 356-359;
Democratic convention of 1850, re-
united, 378; Democratic and Whig
conventions of 1851, 386; of 1852,
391; Democratic convention of 1853
with Hunker-Barnburner contest,
396; Hard and Soft conventions,
411; Whig and Anti-Nebraska con-
ventions join to form first Republi-
can, 412; Republican State conven-
tion of 1858, 426; Democratic con-
vention of 1859", 434; Republican and
People's conventions of 1861, 457;
Republican of 1863, 469; Republi-
can of 1864, 474.
TABOR, WILLIAM: Assemblyman,
I, 239.
Taft, William H.: Guest at State
Fair, II, 176.
Talbot, Silas: Assemblyman, I, 131.
Talcott, Samuel A.: Attorney-Gen-
eral, I, 449.— Member of Albany
Regency, II, 17; Character and
career, 18-19, 22; Reflected Attor-
ney-General, 78; in campaign of
1828, 109; Retires from office, 114.
Tallmadge, Frederick A.: Recorder
of New York, II, 253.
Tallmadge, James: in Constitutional
convention of 1821, I, 454.— Candi-
date for Comptroller, II, 30; Favors
J. Q. Adams for Presidency, 33;
Organizer of People's party, 37; As-
semblyman, candidate for Speaker,
37; Votes for Clinton's removal
from Canal board, 46; Narrowly
escapes popular violence, 49; De-
nounced by Clinton, 50; Works
against Clinton, 53; Lieutenant-
Governor, 54, 56; Aspires to U. S.
Senate, 71 ; in Constitutional con-
vention of 1846, 235.
Tallmadge, Matthias B. : Bolts Sen-
ate caucus, I, 234; U. S. District
Judge, 256.
Tallmadge, Nathaniel P.: U. S. Sena-
tor, II, 149; Opposes Marcy's re-
election, 216; Reflected Senator,
228; Resigns to become Governor of
Wisconsin Territory, 310.
Taney, Roger B.: Transferred from
office of Attorney-General to that of
Secretary of Treasury, II, 151.
Tammany Hall, and Society: at
Martling's Long Room, I, 264; Ori-
gin and objects, 308; Hostility to
INDEX
525
DeWitt Clinton, 292; Relations with
Burr, 308 ; Dominant power in New
York City, 308 ; Supports Madison,
314; Opposes Clinton, 319; Charges
Clinton with deal over Senatorship,
342; Secures Clinton's removal from
Mayoralty, 372-373 ; Opposes Clin-
ton's election as Governor, 399, 402;
Tammany men called Bucktails,
402; Persistent hostility to Clinton
and to Erie canal, 410; Aided by
anti-Clinton Democrats throughout
the State, 410. — Handicap to Sam-
uel Young in campaign for Gover-
nor, II, 56; Favors Jackson for
President, 94; in violent campaign
for Mayor, 157; Loco Focp schism,
185; Includes Softs, 398.
Tappan, Arthur: Anti-slavery leader,
II, 182; Arrest demanded by gov-
ernment of Georgia, refused by
Marcy, 183.
Tappan, Christopher: State Senate
meets at house of, I, 64.
Tappan, Lewis: Anti-slavery leader,
II, 182; Residence looted by mob,
183; Interested in Underground
Railroad, 282; Nominated for
Comptroller, 413.
Tariff, The: Laws recommended by
Congress to States, I, 74; Conflict
between N. Y. and Congress over
collection of duties, 96. — N. Y.
Legislature urges revision, II, 38;
N. Y.'s interest in Clay's protection-
ist system, 93 ; Tariff convention at
Albany, 94; Legislature adopts reso-
lutions favoring protective system,
96 ; Marcy upholds protection, 147 ;
Cambreling moves for sweeping re-
duction, 204.
Taxation: First State act, I, 68;
Vetoed, 71; Convention at Hartford,
82, 100; General law enacted on
Jay's recommendation, 175. — Di-
rect tax proposal rejected, II, 140;
Direct State tax levied, 261 ; Fish
recommends revision of system, 369.
Tayler, John: Candidate for U. S.
Senator, I, 176; Controversy with
Jonas Platt and Daniel Parrish,
303-304; Acquiesces under protest in
DeWitt Clinton's candidacy for
President, 319; Opposes Bank of
America, 332; Lieutenant-Governor,
347, 383; Acting-Governor, 393;
Reflected Lieutenant-Governor, 402,
438. — Presides at indignation meet-
ing over removal of Clinton from
Canal board, II, 48 ; Chairman of
convention that nominates Clinton
for Governor, 53.
Taylor, John J.: Candidate for Lieu-
tenant-Governor, II, 429.
Taylor, John W.: Declines nomina-
tion for Governor, II, 13; Rejected
as candidate for U. S. Senator, 72.
Taylor, Zachary: President, II, 365;
Gives patronage to Seward, 374;
Death, 375.
"Tea Party" in New York, I, 30.
Temperance: Seymour's recommen-
dations for abating evil of liquor
trade, II, 401; Too drastic bill
vetoed, 401 ; Greeley advocates pro-
hibition, as does Myron H. Clark,
404; State Temperance convention,
405 ; Legislation at Clark's sugges-
tion, 409.
Ten Eyck, Derrick: Speaker of As-
sembly, I, 163.
Tennessee: Resolutions concerning
Congressional caucus, II, 39.
Terwilliger, James: Clerk of Senate,
II, 436, 460.
Thanksgiving Day: Proposed by Jay,
established by DeWitt Clinton, I,
406.
Thomas, David: State Treasurer, I,
216; Promotes Bank of America,
230; Reflected, 331; Charged with
bribery, 332; Removed from office,
345.
Thomas, Thomas : Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 274.
Thompson, Smith: in Constitutional
convention of 1801, I, 210; Justice
of Supreme Court of N. Y., 229;
Declines to be candidate for Mayor,
275; Chief-Justice, 353; Secretary
of Navy, 423. — Nominated for Gov-
ernor, II, '102; Defeated, 111;
Death, 304.
Thompson, William: Bucktail candi-
date for Speaker of Assembly, I,
416.
Throop, Enos T.: Judge of Circuit
Court, II, 31; Early public career,
526
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
106; Attitude toward Morgan ab-
duction case, 106; Selected by Van
Buren for Lieutenant-Governor and
potential Acting-Governor, 107;
Nominated by acclamation, 108 ;
Elected, 110; Acting-Governor, 115;
Message with recommendations con-
cerning Criminal Code and State
charities, 117; Governor, 122-123;
Messages, 124, 138 ; Recommenda-
tions concerning railroads, 138-139;
Naval Officer of Port of New York,
142.
Tibbits, George: State Senator, I,
360; Nominated for Lieutenant-
Governor, 384.
Tiffany, Sylvester: County Clerk,
Ontario, I, 253.
Tilden, Samuel J.: Assemblyman, II,
325; in Constitutional convention of
1846, 335; Retires from Legislature,
356; Writes Barnburner address re-
pudiating Democratic National con-
vention of 1848, 362; Candidate for
Attorney-General, 411 ; at Demo-
cratic National convention of 1864,
473.
Tillotson, Robert: Secretary of State,
I, 381; Removed, 395.
Tillotson, Thomas: Secretary of
State, I, 216, 218; Lampooned by
Burr's spokesman, 224; Removed
from office by Clinton, 268 ; Rein-
stated, 275; Removed, 286.
Timberlake, Mrs.: Object of attacks
in Jackson's official circle, II, 130.
Times, The New York: See New
York Times.
"Tippecanoe, and Tyler Too": II,
241.
Tompkins, Daniel D. : in Constitu-
tional convention of 1801, I, 210;
Justice of Supreme Court, 253 ; Clin-
tonian candidate for Governoj, 277;
Elected, 279; Independent of Clin-
ton, 282 ; Personality and character-
istics, 283 ; Declaration of war
against Clinton, 284; Second term,
298, 305; Ignores Legislature's at-
tacks, 302; Prorogues Legislature,
317-318; Aspires to Presidency, 319;
Opposes new banks, 329 ; Against
Bank of America, 331; Motives for
proroguing Legislature, 334; Third
term, 346-349; Supreme in party,
350; Great national figure, bulwark
of Madison's administration, 356;
Gives personal security for N. Y.'s
credit in fiscal crisis of War of
1812, 361; Historic interview with
Rufus King, 362; Civil hero of the
war, 365; Invited to become U. S.
Secretary of State, 367; Makes Van
Buren Attorney-General, 370;
Breach with Ambrose Spencer, 370;
Compels appointment of Porter as
Secretary of State of N. Y., 370;
Finally discomfited by Spencer, 377;
Candidate for both Governor a$d
President, 383; Reelected Gover-
nor, 384; Denied the Presidency,
385; Betrayed by party managers,
389; Secures abolition of slavery in
N. Y., 390; Resigns Governorship
to become Vice-President, 391 ; Liq-
uidation of accounts, 426 ; Claims
and counter-claims between him and
the State, 427; Controversy with
Comptroller, 428; Nominated for
Governor by Bucktails, 431; Ac-
counts referred to Legislature and
finally adjusted, 432-436; His com-
plete though belated vindication,
436; Reelected Vice-President, 436;
President of Constitutional conven-
tion of 1821, 453; Death, 438; Last
political appearance recalled, 463.
Tompkins, Minthorne: Free Soil can-
didate for Governor, II, 392.
Tories: Action against in N. Y. and
by Congress, I, 37; George Clinton's
hatred, 92; Legislation against, 92;
Denied franchise, 94; Attempt to
confiscate their property, 95.
Townsend, Henry A.: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 353.
Townsend, John: Member of last
Council of Appointment, I, 462.
Townsend, Martin I.: Campaign
orator, II, 470.
Townsend, Peter: Supports Burr for
Governor, I, 239.
Townsend, Samuel: Member of Com-
mittee for State Constitution, I, 44;
of Council of Appointment, 117.
Tracy, Albert H.: Rejected as candi-
date for U. S. Senate, II, 72; Leads
INDEX
527
many Anti-Masons back to Demo-
cratic party, 149; State Senator, 151.
Tracy, Benjamin F.: Assemblyman,
II,~459.
Tracy, John: Appointed Circuit
Judge, II, 126; Declines, 126; Nomi-
nated for Lieutenant-Governor, 144;
Elected, 145; Renominated, re-
elected, 162-163, 197, 215; Presides
over Constitutional convention of
1846, 334.
Trade and Commerce: Commissioners
appointed to Virginia conference, I,
88.
Tradesmen and Mechanics Incorpora-
tion: Vetoed, I, 65; Organization
of Society, 86.
Treasurer, State: Office created, I,
69 ; Stricter requirements for office,
235.
Treaties: Legislature renounces con-
trol of, I, 89-90.
Tremain, Lyman : Acting- Attorney-
General, II, 424; Withdraws from
Democratic ticket, 458; Nominated
by Republicans for Lieutenant-
Governor, 463.
Tribune, The New York: See "New
York Tribune'
Troup, Robert: Partisan of Hamil-
ton, I, 112.
Truman, Lyman: State Senator, II,
459.
Tryon, Governor: Driven to flight,
I, 37.
Tucker, Gideon J.: Secretary of
State, II, 424.
Tweddle Hall Convention, II, 451.
Tweed, William M. : Representative
in Congress, II, 392; in Democratic
convention of 1860, 440.
Two-Thirds Rule in Democratic con-
ventions: II, 306; in convention of
1860, 440.
Tyler, John: Guest at State Fair, II,
171; Vice-President, 197, 234; Presi-
dent, deserts Whigs for Democrats,
257.
ULLMAN, DANIEL: Candidate for
Governor, II, 406; Gets votes for
U. S. Senator, 411.
Ulshoeffer, Michael: Assemblyman,
leads attack on Clinton, I, 460;
Censures Governor for spoken in-
stead of written message, 461.
Underground Railroad: See "Slav-
ery."
Union College: Assisted by State, I,
189, 359; Lotteries authorized for
its benefit, 256, 462.
Union League Clubs formed, II, 468.
Union Square War Meeting, II, 455.
United States: N. Y. ratifies Articles
of Confederation, I, 67; Ratifies
Constitution, 107.
United States Bank, The: See "Bank
of United States."
University of City of New York: See
"New York University."
University of State of New York:
Organized, I, 84; Promotes founda-
tion of College of Physicians and
Surgeons, 122; Funds for "deserv-
ing academies," 126.
Utica: State convention of 1824,
nominating Clinton for Governor,
II, 53 ; Anti-Masonic convention, 91 ;
National Republican State conven-
tion, 92, 102; State Fair, 172; Anti-
slavery meeting mobbed, 184; Whig
conventions, 216, 241, 330, 364, 377;
Barnburner convention, 362; Silver
Gray split from Whigs, 377-378.
VALLANDIGHAM, CLEMENT L.:
Arrested and banished, II, 468 ;
Seymour's letter, 468.
Van Antwerp, D. L.: I, 295.
Van Buren, John: Leads Barnburner
contesting delegation at State con-
vention, II, 329; Nicknamed
"Prince," 357-358; Attorney-Gen-
eral, 358; High abilities, 358; Di-
rects Barnburner convention, 358;
Becomes a Hunker, 359; Henry Wil-
son's estimate of him, 359; at Barn-
burner contention of 1848, 362;
Joins Seymour in reuniting party,
374; with Dickinson against Sey-
mour, 391 ; in Barnburner conven-
tion of 1853, 397; Opposes Kansas-
Nebraska bill, 402; Supports Doug-
las, 429; in campaign of 1862, 464.
Van Buren, Martin: Surrogate of
Columbia county, I, 286; Enters
State politics, 323 ; Supports DeWitt
Clinton for President, 324; Attitude
528
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
toward Clinton's renomination for
Lieutenant-Governor, 347; Writes
State Senate's reply to Governor's
address, 357; State leadership, 358;
Spokesman of National administra-
tion, 365; Attorney-General, 369-
370; Double dealing toward Tomp-
kins, 383, 386; Intrignes over
Tompkins's resignation, 391-393 ;
Seeks to defeat Clinton, 399; Ac-
cepts Clinton's nomination, 401 ;
Leads Bucktails, 411; "Fox of Kin-
derhook," 411; Reads Clinton out
of party, 419; Candidate for Jus-
tice of Supreme Court, 423 ; Re-
moved from Attorney-Generalship,
424; Action concerning Tompkins's
accounts, 434; Solicits removals of
postmasters, 446 ; U. & Senator,
446; Called "scoundrel" by Clin-
ton, 447; in Constitutional conven-
tion of 1821, 453 ; Moves for aboli-
tion of Council of Appointment, 457.
— Favors Crawford for President,
II, 34; Censured for failure of
Presidential Electors bill, 42; De-
feated in election of 1824, 57; For
a time sole Senator, 70; Recovers
from blow of Clinton's victory, 75 ;
Still hunt campaign, 75; Neutral in
National politics, 76; Secures con-
trol of 49th Legislature, 76; Re-
elected U. S. Senator, 88; Supports
Jackson for President, 95; Ambi-
tions, 101 ; Nominated by Jocksonian
Democrats for Governor, 103 ; Boss
of N. Y. Democrats, 104; Described
by H. B. Stanton, 105; Selects
Throop for Lieutenant-Governor,
107; Campaign methods, 108;
Elected, 109; Message, on Safety
Fund banking law, Presidential
Electors, and election reform, 110-
112; Resigns from Senate, 113; Re-
signs Governorship to become Sec-
retary of State of U. S., 113; Two
noteworthy appointments, 115; Sug-
gests Marcy for Senator, 125 ; In-
trigues for Presidency, 128 ; Inter-
ested in having Jackson seek second
term, 129; Social scandal in cabi-
net, 130; Toast, 133; Seeks to suc-
ceed Jackson, 133; Resigns from
cabinet, 134; Minister to England,
134; Indiscreet letter to McLane,
135; Denounced by Webster, 135;
Senate refuses confirmation as Min-
ister, 136; Returns, 136; Vice-Presi-
dent, 137; "as red-haired as Sew-
ard," 163; at State Fair, 170-171;
Begins campaign for Presidency,
181 ; Confronted with Anti-slavery
agitation, 182; Attitude toward it,
184; Denounces Abolitionists, 185;
Sends Anti-Abolitionist resolutions
to southern States, 185; Heteroge-
neous opposition to his candidacy,
195; Formally nominated for Presi-
dent, 196; Elected, 199; Declines to
intervene in panic of 1837, 205;
Calls special session of Congress,
207; Sub-Treasury and Bank policy
defeated in Congress, 208; Worried
over success of Whigs, 232 ; Tour
through N. Y. State, 232; Defeated
in elections, 234; Prudent states-
manship unappreciated, 236; Merits
of Sub-Treasury system, 236; on
trial for Jackson's administration as
well as his own, 241; Candidate
for renomination, 306; Advises Polk
as to cabinet appointments from N.
Y., 315; Becomes Free Soiler, 357;
Nominated for President by Barn-
burners and by Free Soil National
convention, 363.
Van Cortlandt, Philip: Supporter of
Clinton, I, 348.
Van Cortlandt, Pierre: Lieutenant-
Governor, I, 60, 75, 89, 129; Candi-
date for Governor, 112; Retire-
ment, 149.
Vanderpoel, Isaac V.: State Treas-
urer, II, 424.
Van Dyck, H. H.: Barnburner candi-
date for State Printer, II, 295.
Van Home, David: Adjutant-Gen-
eral, resigns, I, 200.
Van Ingen, James: Clerk of Assem-
bly, I, 233, 325.
Van Ness, Peter: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 117.
Van Ness, William P.: Burr's agent,
I, 196; in Constitutional convention
of 1801, 210; Author of "Aristides"
letters in Burr-Clinton fight, 224;
Champion of Burr for Governor,
239; U. S. District Judge, 256.
INDEX
529
Van Ness, William W.: Federalist
leader, I, 271; Justice of Supreme
Court, 279-280; Supports Clinton,
401; Relations with Bank of
America investigated, 431; Vindi-
cated but stricken in health, 431; in
Constitutional convention of 1821,
453 —Death, II, 29.
Van Rensselaer, Jacob R.: Candidate
for Speaker of Assembly, I, 290,
295; Elected, 325; Secretary of
State of N. Y., 355; Supports Clin-
ton, 401.
Van Rensselaer, Jeremiah: Nomi-
nated for Lieutenant-Governor, I,
201.
Van Rensselaer, Solomon: Adjutant-
General, I, 200; Removed, 450.
Van Rensselaer, Stephen, the "Great
Patron": Declines nomination for
Governor, I, 129; Candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor, 129 ; Lieuten-
ant-Governor, 151; Nominated for
Governor, 202; Canal Commis-
sioner, 327; Nominated for Gover-
nor, 348 ; in Constitutional conven-
tion of 1821, 453. — His power econo-
mic and social rather than politi-
cal, II, 15; Makes John Quincy
Adams President, 63-65; Founder
of Polytechnic Institute, 63 ; Ap-
proves Butler's appointment as At-
torney-General of U. S., 151; Death,
229 ; Anti-Rent war on his estates,
230.
Van Schaick, Myndert: State Senator,
resigns, II, 193.
Van Schoonoven, Jacobus: Member
of Council of Appointment, I, 149.
Van Schoonoven, William H.: Anti-
Rent Assemblyman, II, 310.
Van Vechten, Abraham: Federalist
leader, I, 235; Opposes DeWitt
Clinton, 294; Present at meeting to
nominate Governor, 298 ; Attorney-
General, 301, 344; Condemns Hart-
ford convention, 365 ; in Constitu-
tional convention of 1821, 453 ; Op-
poses constitutional discrimination
against colored men, 458. — Approves
Butler's appointment as Attorney-
General of U. S., II, 151.
Van Wyck, Pierre (Peter) C.: Re-
corder of New York, I, 267; Re-
moved, 275; Reappointed, 286;
Removed, 344 ; Reappointed, 412.
Van Zandt, Peter P.: Member of
Council of Safety, I, 65.
Varick, Richard: Attorney-General,
I, 116.
Varnum, Joseph B., Jr.: Assembly-
man, II, 371; Speaker, 382.
Veeder, John: Member of Council of
Appointment, I, 285.
Vermont: Insurgency of, I, 70, 76, 78;
Statehood recognized, 116.
Verplanck, Gulian C.: Speaker of
Assembly, I, 160; Attacks DeWitt
Clinton, 374; "Abimelech Goody,"
374; With Tammany against Clin-
ton, 375. — Assemblyman, II, 23;
Narrowly defeated for Mayor of
New York, 157-158; State Senator,
211.
Veto Power, The: Vested in Council
of Revision, I, 51 ; Vested in Gover-
nor by Second Constitution, 454.
Villages: Incorporation of, II, 354.
Virginia: Protest against Wilmot
Proviso, II, 355; Suit against N. Y.
in Lemmon slave case, 409 ; Invites
N. Y. to Peace conference, 449.
—See also under "Slavery."
Virginia Dynasty, The: Opposed by
Clinton, I, 288, 319.— Ended, II, 33.
Virginia Resolutions: See "Alien and
Sedition Laws."
Vrooman, Peter: Sheriff of Schoharie
county, I, 217.
WADSWORTH, JAMES S.: Presi-
dent of State Agricultural Society,
II, 171 ; Leader of Barnburners,
356; Leads secession from Demo-
cratic convention to "do justice to
murderers of Silas Wright," 357;
State Senator, 414; Proposed for
Governor, 418; Presidential Elector,
419; Candidate for U. S. Senator,
423 ; Delegate to Peace conference,
450; Patriotic record, 463; Defeated
for Governor, 463-464.
Wages: Regulated by law, I, 69.
Wakeman, Abraham: Chairman of
Republican State convention, II, 469.
Wales, Henry N.: Clerk of Assem-
bly, II, 292.
530
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Walworth, Reuben H.: Circuit Court
Judge, II, 31; Chancellor, 99; Ap-
pointed Justice of Supreme Court of
U. S. but not confirmed, 305; Nomi-
nated for Governor, 363 ; at Twed-
dle Hall convention, 451.
Ward, Jasper: State Senator, re-
signs under charges, II, 79.
Ward, Jonathan: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 293.
Warsaw: Abolitionist State conven-
tion, II, 239.
Washington, George: Farewell Ad-
dress communicated to Legislature,
I, 160; Death, 186; Birthday cele-
brated by Legislature, 190.— New-
burgh headquarters secured by
State, II, 380.
Water Supply of New York City:
Manhattan Banking Company's
scheme, I, 181-182.
Watertown: State Fair, II, 172.
Watson, James: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 142; U. S. Senator, 166, 176;
Resigns, 190; Nominated for Lieu-
ten ant- Go vernoj, 202.
Webb, James Watson: Editor of
Courier and Enquirer, turns against
Jackson, II, 142, 145; Conservative
Whig leader, 330; Candidate for
U. S. Senator, 383; Characteristics,
etc., 383-384; Defeated by Fish, 385;
Approves Seward's "Irrepressible
conflict" speech, 430.
Webster, Alexander: State Senator,
Member of Council of Appoint-
ment, I, 64; of Council of Safety, 65.
Webster, Daniel: Interested in Anti-
Masonic movement, II, 93 ; on re-
newal of Bank charter, 126; Op-
poses confirmation of Van Buren as
Minister to England, 135; Addresses
N. Y. Whigs, 159; at State Fair,
170; Candidate for President, 197;
Withdraws, 234; Attack on Sub-
Treasury system, 237; Breach with
Seward, 257 ; Denounced by Liberty
convention, 286; Declines nomina-
tion for Vice-President, 364; Sev-
enth-of-March speech, 375 ; Contest
with Fillmore at convention of 1852,
389.
Weed, Thurlow: First appearance in
politics, I, 468. — Comments on Al-
bany Regency, II, 17; State Printer,
32; Favors John Quincy Adams for
President, 33; Warns Tallmadge
against trap, 46; Directs Adams
forces, 60; Prints and distributes
fusion tickets for Electors, 61; As-
semblyman, 68, 117; Relates alleged
confession of murder of Morgan,
84; Leadership in campaign of 1828,
109; Editor of Albany Evening
Journal, 119; Controversy with
Croswell, 119; Party leader, 120;
Forsees result of non-confirmation
of Van Buren's nomination as Min-
ister to England, 137; Starts
"Marcy's pantaloons" campaign,
144; Rejects Democratic overtures,
150; Whig leader, 159;. Secures
Seward's nomination for Governor,
217; Masterful strategy, 218; En-
lists aid of Greeley and starts
Jeffersonian, 219-220; Seward's
chief adviser, 225 ; Tells why Tyler
was nominated for Vice-President,
235; Made State Printer, 246; At-
tempt to remove him, 264; Interest
in Underground Railroad, 286; Re-
moved from State Printer's office,
294; Calm in defeat, 298; Works
for nomination of Taylor, 364; Op-
poses Young's renomination, 364;
Relations with J. A. Collier, 371 ;
Manages Seward's Senatorial com-
paign, 372; Attitude toward Federal
patronage, 374; Directs Seward's
forces at convention of 1850, 377;
Denounces Silver Grays, 379; An-
ticipates Whig defeat, 393 ; Declines
to support Greeley for Governor,
404; at first Republican State con-
vention, 412; Holds back Seward's
candidacy in 1856, 415; Selects
Preston King for U. S. Senator, 422-
423 ; at Republican National con-
vention of 1860, 442; Puts Evarts
forward for U. S. Senator, 452; Re-
venge on Greeley for defeat of
Seward, 453 ; Secures Morgan's
election to Senate, 467; Retires from
editorship of Evening Journal and
from active party management, 467;
Demands Barney's removal from
Collectorship, 471 ; State convention
of 1864, 474.
INDEX
531
Westcott, David M.: Supports Burr
for Governor, I, 239.
Wheaton, Henry A.: Favors John
Quincy Adams for President, II, 33;
Leads demand for popular choice
of Presidential Electors, 35; His
distinguished career, 35; Organizes
People's party, 37; Assemblyman,
37; Bill for popular choice of Elec-
tors, 40; Votes for removal of
Clinton from Canal board, 47; De-
nounced by Clinton, 50; Works
against Clinton, 53.
Wheeler, William A.: Assemblyman,
II, 382; State Senator, 424.
Whig Party, The: II, 92; Composi-
tion, 150; Its rise, 152; Name used
in N. Y. campaign, 158-159; Ante-
cedents and leaders, 159; First State
convention, 160; Badly beaten at
polls, 163; Hesitant policy in 1835,
187; Victory in N. Y. in 1837, 207,
210; National convention of 1840
nominates Harrison and Tyler, 234;
No platform, 237; Ebbing of for-
tunes, 257; Notable address to pub*
lie, 324; Party divided, 330; Gains
full control of State government,
360; Dissensions over patronage,
367, 373; Silver Gray schism, 377;
Impending ruin, 381; Defeat in
1851, 367; National convention of
1852, 388; "Damned by its own
platform," 392; State convention of
1853, 399; 1854, 404; Last State
convention, 412.
White, Hugh L.: Candidate for
President, II, 196.
White, Joseph: Member of Council
of Appointment, controversy with
Jay, I, 167.
White Plains: Seat of Provincial
Congress, I, 39; Birthplace of State,
40-41.
Whiting, William B.: Member of
Council of Safety, I, 65.
Whitney, John: Alleged confession of
murder of Morgan, II, 84.
Wilkin, James W.: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 231, 311, 341;
Speaker of Assembly, 290; Candi-
date for U. S. Senator, 341.
Wilkin, Samuel J.: Candidate for
Lieuten ant-Governor, II, 309.
Willett, Marinus: Leader of Sons of
Liberty, I, 27; Supports Burr for
Governor, 239; Mayor of New
York, 275; Removed, 286; Candi-
date for Lieutenant-Governor, 314.
Williams, Elisha: in debate over
Tompkins's accounts, I, 433; in Con-
stitutional convention of 1821, 454.
Williams, Ezekiel : Workingmen's
candidate for Governor, II, 122.
Williams, John: Member of Council
of Appointment, I, 117.
Williams, Nathan: in Constitutional
convention of 1821, I, 454; Judge of
Circuit Court, II, 31.
Williams, Robert: Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 299; Deserts
Democrats for Federalists, 300;
Spurned by both parties, 301.
Wilmot Proviso, The: Virginia's pro-
test against, II, 355; N. Y. Legisla-
ture affirms its principles, 355; Ap-
proved by Barnburners, 357-358;
Supported by Hamilton Fish, 368.
Wilson, Woodrow: Guest at State
Fair, II, 176.
Wirt, William: Anti-Masonic candi-
date for President, II, 91, 141.
Wisner, Henry: Member of Com-
mittee for State Constitution, I, 44.
Woman's Rights: Origin of move-
ment in N. Y., II, 341; Susan B.
Anthony amendment, 341 ; Miss An-
thony's work, 342 et seq.; Other
early leaders, 342; First convention,
343; Resolutions adopted, 344; Na-
tional convention at Syracuse, 345 ;
State convention at Albany, 346 ;
Petition rejected by Legislature,
347; Woman's National League,
347; Work during and after Civil
War, 347; National Woman Suf-
frage Association, 348 ; Congress re-
jects appeal, 348; Final achieve-
ment, 348 ; Miss Anthony arrested
and fined for voting, 349; Suffrage
first granted in Wyoming, 350.
Wood, Benjamin: Representative in
Congress. II, 464.
Wood, Fernando: Representative in
Congress, II, 250; Seeks Governor-
ship, 417; Leads Hards in conven-
tion contest and bolt, 428; Splits
Democratic convention of 1859, 434;
532
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Leaeder of contesting and excluded
delegation at National convention
of 1860, 439; as Mayor urges seces-
sion of New York City, 448 ; De-
feated by Opdyke, 458; Representa-
tive in Congress, 464.
Woodhull, Jesse: State Senator,
Member of Council of Appoint-
ment, I, 64.
Woodin, William B.: Assemblyman,
II, 409.
Woodruff, Jason C. : Mayor of Syra-
cuse, in "Jerry" case, II, 285.
Woodruff, Timothy L.: Lieutenant-
Governor, promotes transfer of
State Fair from Society to State, II,
174-175.
Woods, David: Speaker of Assembly,
I, 390.
Woodworth, John: Candidate for U.
S. Senator, I, 234; for Justice of Su-
preme Court, 279; Attorney-Gen-
eral, removed, 286; Seeks reappoint-
ment, 369; Justice of Supreme
Court, 423. — Appointed Justice of
new Supreme Court, rejected, re-
appointed, confirmed, II, 27-28; Re-
tired for age, 108.
Woodworth, Robert: Member of
Council of Appointment, I, 144.
Wool, John E.: Delegate to Peace
conference, II, 450.
Workingmen's Party, The: Nominates
Erastus Root for Governor, II, 121.
World's Fair in New York City, II,
394.
Wortman, Teunis: Clerk of New
York county, I, 219; Removed, 275;
Leader against DeWitt Clinton, 313.
Wright, John C.: Comptroller, II,
387.
Wright, Silas: Member of Albany
Regency, II, 21; State Senator, ac-
tion on Presidential Electors bill,
41, 68; Comptroller, 114; Moves
for unanimous nomination of
Throop, 122; U. S. Senator, 148;
Declines to be Barnburner candi-
date for Governor, 266; Reflected
Senator, 295; Declines to be Presi-
dential candidate and refuses nomi-
nation for Vice-Presidency, 307;
Letter to St. Lawrence Democrat,
308; Governor, 308-312; Long mes-
sage, recommending Constitutional
amendments which are adopted by
Legislature, 314; Consulted by Van
Buren as to appointments to Polk's
cabinet, 315; Declines appoint-
ment as Secretary of Treasury, 316;
Opposed and discomfited by John
Young, 317 et seg.; Vetoes Canal
appropriation bill, 322-323; Second
annual message, 325; Opposes an-
nexation of Texas, 327; Approves
abolition of office of Public Printer,
328; Treated coldly in Democratic
address, 329; Renominated, 329;
Defeated, 332; End of public career,
332; Death, 333; Official tribute to
his memory, 356.
Wright, William B.: Judge of Court
of Appeals, II, 458.
Wyman, John W.: Clerk of Circuit
Court, I, 405.
YATES, ABRAHAM: Member of
Committee for State Constitution, I,
44; State Senator, Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, 64; of Council
of Safety, 65.
Yates, Henry C. : Member of Coun-
cil of Appointment, I, 330, 411.
Yates, John B.: State manager of
lotteries for benefit of colleges, I,
463.
Yates, John Van Ness: Supporter of
Burr, 1, 239; Recorder of Albany,
311; Secretary of State, 413; Can-
didate for Speaker, 415. — Secretary
of State, II, 29; Advises popular
choice of Presidential Electors, 39;
Retires from office, 78.
Yates, Joseph C.: State Senator, I,
261 ; Justice of Supreme Court, 286 ;
Declines nomination for Governor,
399-400; Nominated and elected
Governor, 464-469. — Beginning of
administration, II, 24; Message, 24;
Appointments to Supreme Court re-
jected by Legislature, 27-28; Pres-
tige impaired, 29; Called tool of
Albany Regency, 42; Renomination
demanded and then repudiated by
Regency, 42-43 ; Special session of
Legislature ends in failure, 50-52.
Yates, Robert: Member of Committee
for State Constitution, I, 44; Dele-
INDEX
533
gate to U. S. Constitutional conven-
tion, 103 ; Refuses to sign Constitu-
tion, 104; Defeated candidate for
Governor, 112-113; Chief-Justice of
Supreme Court, 121 ; Declines to run
for Governor, 128 ; Defeated can-
didate for Governor, 150-152; Re-
tires from bench, 166.
Yellow Fever Epidemic in New York
City, I, 157.
Young, John: Assemblyman, II, 317;
Political record, 317-318; Whig
leader against Silas Wright, 318;
Catches Hunkers napping and se-
cures passage of Whig-Barnburner
bill, 319-321; Debate with Seymour,
320; Whig leader of State, 321;
Causes Democratic breach over
Canal bill, 321-323; Candidate for
Speaker, 325; Nominated and
elected Governor despite Thurlow
Weed's disapproval, 331-332; Char-
acter and traits, 351; Message, on
constitutional changes in govern-
ment, judiciary, and canals, 351-
353; Urges work on canals, 354;
Transmits Virginia's protest against
Wilmot Proviso, 355; Second an-
nual message, 360-361; Denied re-
nomination, 364; Seeks Vice-Presi-
dency, 364; Assistant U. S. Treas-
urer, 366; Leader of Fillmore forces
at Whig convention, 397.
Young, Samuel: Speaker of Assem-
bly, I, 363; Candidate for U. S.
Senator, 419; Candidate for Gover-
nor, 464; Resents defeat, 466. —
Favors Clay for President, II, 34;
Regarded as People's party choice
for Governor, 42 ; Nominated by Al-
bany Regency, 43 ; Last candidate
for Governor ever nominated by
Legislative caucus, 44; Candidacy
injured by Yates, 52; Desperate bid
for votes, 54; Power as an orator,
55; Handicapped by Regency and
Tammany, 56; Rejected as candi-
date for U. S. Senator, 72; Speaker,
76; Attacked by Erastus Root, 87;
Chairman of Democratic State con-
vention, 142 ; State Senator, seeks
to have U. S. Senate expunge cen-
sure of Jackson, 181; Resigns, 193;
Secretary of State, 263 ; Barnburner
candidate for Governor, 266; Con-
troversy over Geological survey,
295; Declares State bonds invalid,
296 ; at Democratic National conven-
,tion, 307; Presides over Barnburner
State convention, 1848, 362.
F
119
S65
v.2
Smith, Ray Burdick (ed.)
History of the state of
New York
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